ABSTRACT <3ONELICT AND COMPROMISE: THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF A CHINESE COMMUNITY IN AMERICA By Melford Stephen Weiss The social organization of a Chinese community in America is a product of historical precedent and the internal (xynamics of community life, but its direction has been sig- nificantly influenced by Chinese interaction with the Caucasian majority. The resulting attitudes and their behav— ioral eXpressions are largely a function of continuing Chinese adaptation to life in America and can be understood as part of the assimilation process; Differential rates of acculturation and structural assimilation have aided in producing a tripartite organiza- tional structure for the Chinese community of Sacramento, California. The three components are characterized as tradi- tionist associations, which attempt to perpetuate a Chinese cultural and structural orientation; modernist organizations, which wish to blend their Chinese heritage with their Ameri- can experience; and activist groups, which subsume their Chinese exclusivity in favor of an Asian identity and whose programs call for a reorganization of community and society. CONFLICT AND COMPROMISE: THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF A CHINESE COMMUNITY IN AMERICA By Melford Stephen Weiss A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University :in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Anthropology 1971 © Copyright by MELFORD STEPHEN WEISS 1971 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to eXpress my appreciation to the following pexwyans who have both directly and indirectly contributed to 'this dissertation. I am most grateful to Drs. Bernard Gallin and.Iwao Ishino for their guidance and advice, and to Drs. Ralph Nicholas and Charles C. Hughes and the faculty of the Department of Anthropology at Michigan State University. Additional appreciation is acknowledged to Drs. Robert and Ai-li Chin, Stanford Lyman, Francis L. K. Hsu, William E. Willmott, G. William Skinner, D. Y. Yuan, Isao Fujimoto, Lawrence Crissman, and to authoress Betty Lee Sung. I also wish to thank my colleagues in the Department of Anthropology at Sacramento State College for their assist— ance. A note of special consideration goes to Mrs. Brigitte Jordan, my friend and editor, and to Mrs. Carol Larsen, my editor-typist. I am also grateful to my many Chinese friends and acquaintances and to my Asian students, whose patience and understanding made my fieldwork a pleasurable and rewarding experience. I would like to express my deepest appreciation to my wife, Paula Helene Weiss, who not only helped frame the ii theoretical considerations of this dissertation but who also participated in the fieldwork and encouraged me throughout the writing. iii - .-. ‘ .._‘ ~~ . "’-.. n ' ‘\ . . ~c._.* K! O ' o 0 v,“ “... .- .- u y -- ‘ 0-, .-_ . V. v-“ - 0. _. “‘ - ‘ < w. -l .‘ ‘- “ \ k. ,' ‘¢ .\ ‘1 - ‘ u," V‘, V v .. ~— 3.- , ‘ '1 \ '| 'Q . ‘ .1 - . ‘0 .r r... I.‘ ' § - ~ . K i“ J - “« L- ‘\ lc-‘I. . . - .n- w. . ,I ._ .- ‘> v ‘i. a \ x. ‘ .— "fi ‘. ‘ ~ ’ s -. 'c.‘ ‘ \ - v“ ‘. ‘ ‘~ u ‘5 '3 I Q d. ‘ - s n. l ‘h- “ \_' ., U a- Q ‘ r ~\ . s ‘\ \ TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . X LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xii PREFACE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xiv Chapter INTRODUCTION 1. INTRODUCTION TO THE RESEARCH . . . . . . . . . 1 Framework for Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Social Organization and Community . . . . . 4 Historical Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Problem Orientation . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 v"'2. THE ASSIMILATION PROCESS . . . . . . . . . . . 1O Acculturation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Structural Assimilation . . . . . . . . . . 15 Marital Assimilation and Other Types . . . . 16 Consequences of Assimilation . . . . . . . . 17 Sequential Development of Majority- Minority Relations . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 3. TRADITION AND STRUCTURE IN SOUTHEASTERN CHINA O O C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 21 L/ Chinese Familism . . . . . . .'. . . . . . . 21 Ascribed Identities and Voluntary Associ- ations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 iv Chapter Page Supernatural and Philosophical Overview . . 28 v‘ 4. OVERSEAS MIGRATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 THE ERA OF THE TRADITIONAL CHINATOWN (1850-1900) 5. THE CHINESE EXPERIENCE IN AMERICA . . . . . . 42 Early Chinese Family Life . . . . . . . . . 42 Chinatown . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 Sojourners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 Chinese Social Organization . . . . . . . . 49 Conflict and Control . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 Chinese Religious Extensions . . . . . . . . 59 Acculturation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6O 6. EARLY CHINESE SETTLEMENT IN SACRAMENTO . . . . 64 History and Supposition . . . . . . . . . . 64 Sacramento's Chinese Population . . . . . . 65 Chinatown . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70 Economic Enterprises . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 Conflict and Control . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 Multiplex Relationships and Common Values . 77 Social Organization . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 Chinese Inter-community Relationships . . . 82 Prejudice and Discrimination . . . . . . . . 84 Chinese-American Religious Institutions . . 86 Acculturation? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 Chapter Page A TIME OF TRANSITION (1900-1940) 7. THE CHANGING CHINESE COMMUNITY . . . . . . . . 98 Population Trends . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 Demographic Characteristics and Social Organization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 Conflict and Change . . . . . . . . . . . . 107 Acculturation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 Language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 Discrimination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 A Shifting Chinese—American Identity . . . 120 Social Organization . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 Family Associations . . . . . . . . . . . 127 Chinese Tongs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132 The Chinese Benevolent Association . . . . 153 The Chinese-American Church . . . . . . . 135 The Chinese Language School . . . . . . . 137 Worlds in Transition . . . . . . . . . . . . 141 The Old World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142 A New World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143 Unity and Diversity: Prologue to the Contemporary Community . . . . . . . . . . 145 THE CONTEMPORARY COMMUNITY (1940-1970) 8. SETTLEMENT PATTERNS . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 Chinatown . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 Contemporary Chinese Settlement in sacramento o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 1 58 Population Distribution and Ethnicity . . . 166 vi Chapter Page Demographic Characteristics of Residen- tial Areas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174 The Central City . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174 The South Area . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189 w Ethnicity and Social Relationships . . . . . 183 Residence and Social Class: Inner City and Suburb . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190 v” 9. CONTEMPORARY POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS . . . 198 Demographic Profile . . . . . . . . . . . . 198 Sex Ratio . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200 Age Distribution . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201 Nativity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204 Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204 Family Income . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209 Employment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 210 Demography, Social Organization, and Acculturation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211 Population and Community Structure . . . . 213 Nativity and Culture . . . . . . . . . . . 214 Males and Females . . . . . . . . . . . . 215 Occupation and Organization . . . . . . . 216 Selective Migration . . . . . . . . . . . 220 10. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224 Patterns of Social Organization in Overseas Chinese Communities . . . . . . . 224 The Segmentary System . . . . . . . . . . 224 Crissman's Model and Structure in Sacramento . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228 vii -‘-.-- . .. .‘ ... .. w. .. Nv ‘ug ‘ U. Chapter Page The Tripartite Model . . . . . . . . . . . . 233 Cultural Categories and Sociological Variables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239 11. TRADITIONISTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 246 Patterns and Processes of Traditionist Organizational Life . . . . . . . . . . . 248 Membership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249 Association Officialdom . . . . . . . . . 252 Decision—making "Chinese-style" . . . . . 256 Profiles of Officials . . . . . . . . . . 261 Overlap and Continuity . . . . . . . . . . 268 Functions of Traditionist Associations . . . 274 Chinese Historical—Cultural Continuity . . 275 Provision of Physical Comforts and Social Support . . . . . . . . . . . . . 282 The Regulation of Disputes . . . . . . . . 290 Other Traditionist Organizations . . . . . . 293 The Chinese Language School . . . . . . . 294 The Chinese Drum and Bugle Corps . . . . . 302 Traditionist Youth Organizations . . . . . 310 The Tong . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 314 The Kuomintang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315 The Chinese Anti—Communist League . . . . 317 The Chinese Women's New Life Movement . . 317 Extension of the Traditionist Network . . . 318 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 322 viii ‘ w‘ Chapter 12. MODERNIST ASSOCIATIONS . . . . . . . The Capitol Civic Club . . . . . . Recreational Groups . . . . . . . . . The Community Service Club . . . . . Organization and Identity . . . . . . The Chinese-Christian Church . . . . . Modernist Youth Groups . . . . . . . . 13. ACTIVISTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conflict Without Compromise 14. UNDERSTANDING THE CHINESE COMMUNITY . The Assimilation Process as a Methodo— logical Construct . . . . . . . . . The Present Status of Chinese Acculturation O O O O O O O O O O O The Chinese-American Community and the PeOple's Republic of China . . . . . The Chinese: A Distinct Minority Division and Unity . . . . . . . . . LIST OF REFERENCES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix Page 328 330 347 351 356 358 365 368 375 382 382 385 392 393 395 404 Q . a ‘ ' Q... L - ‘ '--—...: '- I . - . r~ _ J.~-7."' h -. v .‘ ”-7- V.- v. . .. ‘7. - . .- .. 9-,‘ ‘i . . J. ’- .‘o. ‘ ,. in “ s.‘ 5.. .. rm. 0“ ‘ .v- ‘. - w< ‘~.,"' I— 'V ' ‘ t I..‘ n - ‘ '1 . r- U‘ - ‘§."‘ ._ . n_ ‘ ..’ ‘0 :-r,; .. ‘r ~‘.4 4 ’ ‘ V ~§ H (—‘v _‘ L. ‘ - -. U ‘I .. - .._ u ‘c‘ 5-. .v‘ ‘v r‘. d‘ -' 4 ~‘ ." . a. .‘ 'I c '- . r. ‘ s v. y- I n fl“ I ~1 ~. ua -‘ v &, ~. ‘ 'l r \ IAVV' \‘ .2. . "A ~ . ‘ 5‘ V‘ r. 0‘ . ‘HJ . p‘\ ' V‘ v.- _ ~ \ . n ,— .- .a‘; v- I .‘ J“- ,‘ .~ .. ~l. 'u' . ,_.- n ' ‘- . . JLK._ v_”. . 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. LIST OF TABLES The Assimilation Variables . . . . . . . . . Chinese Labor in Sacramento County 1850— 1 880 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O C O O 0 Chinese Population, City and County of sacramento 1852-1900 0 o o o o o o o o 0 Population Figures for Chinese and non- Chinese, City of Sacramento, 1852-1900 . Chinese Population for Sacramento and San Francisco Counties 1860-1900 . . . . . . Chinese POpulation for Sacramento and the United States 1880 and 1930 . . . . . Chinese Male/Female Ratio for United States 1880, 1930; and for Sacramento, 1930 . . . Marital Status of the Chinese in the United States 1890’ 1930 O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Age Distribution of the Chinese in the United States by Sex, 1920 . . Nativity for Chinese in the United States for 1880 and 1930 . . . . . . . . . Nativity for Chinese in Sacramento, 1930 (approximate) O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Distribution of Individuals over 21 Years of Age, Sacramento 1930 . . . . . . . . . Ethnic and Racial Distribution for Selected Census Tracts, City of Sacramento 1964- 1965 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 0 Demographic Characteristics for Selected Census Tracts, City of Sacramento 1964—1965 X Page 12 66 67 68 82 100 101 102 103 104 104 104 164 165 Table 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. Racial-Ethnic Distribution of Pupils in Elementary Schools with Largest Numbers and Percentages of Oriental Students . . . Number and Percentage of Oriental Students in Elementary Schools with High Concen- trations of Negro and Mexican-American Students . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Racial and Ethnic Student Movement in Sacra- mento City Elementary Schools . . . . . . Ethnic Minorities in the Sacramento Metropolitan Area . . . . . . . . . . . . Chinese Age Distribution by Sex--California 1960 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 0 Chinese Age Distribution by Sex——U.S.A. 1960 O O C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Educational Attainment for Chinese, 14 Years and Over, in California 1960 . . . . . . . Income for Chinese in America, 1959 . . . . Occupations of Chinese in Sacramento, San Francisco, and Nationally by Sex, 1960 . . Industrial Distribution for Chinese in Sacramento and San Francisco, 1960 . . . . Profile of Officials for One Family Association . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Internal Overlap in Decision—making committee 0 O O O O O I O O O I O O O O O The Continuity in Titled and Advisory Offices . O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O Overlap of Officials in One Family Association . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Social—demographic Characteristics of Civic Club Members . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi Page 168 169 172 199 202 203 206 209 218 219 263 270 271 272 333 Figure 10. 11. LIST OF FIGURES Districts of Heaviest Chinese Emigration to America . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chinese Population Distribution in Sacramento about 1930 . . . . . . . . Number of Orientals in Elementary Schools by School District, Sacramento City Unified School District, 1968 . . . . . . . . Residential Concentration of Chinese in Sacramento, 1968 . . . . . . . . . . . Oriental Population Distribution, City of Sacramento, by percent, 1964 . . . . . Oriental Population Distribution, City of Sacramento, 1964 . . . . . . . . . . . Percentage Distribution of Negroes, Mexican- Americans, and Orientals by School District Sacramento City Unified School District, 1968 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o a o 0 Population Shifts for Oriental Students by School District, Sacramento City Unified School District, 1963-1968 . . . . . . Chinese Population Concentration, Chinese Community Center, and Chinese-American Churches, City of Sacramento, 1968 . . "Central City" and "South Area," City of Sacramento, 1968 . . . . . . . . . . . Number of Oriental Students in Junior High School, Sacramento City Unified School District, 1968 . . . . . . . . . . . . xii Page 36 144 159 161 162 163 167 171 173 175 207 F igure Page 12. Number and Percent of Oriental High School Students, Sacramento City Unified School District, 1968 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 208 13. Hypothetical Model I: Social Structure in Sacramento . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 230 14. Hypothetical Model II: Social Structure in Sacramento . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231 15. Model for Social Structure in Sacramento . . . 232 xiii PREFACE I first arrived in Sacramento, California, in Septem— ber, 1967, having accepted a position as assistant professor in the Department of Anthropology at Sacramento State Col— lege. IMy previous knowledge of Chinese life in America was largeLy.limited to written materials although my graduate Efimcialization had been Chinese culture and society. My first:meetings within the Chinese community were, not sur- gnisingly, with local Chinese students attending the college. {Hwy invited me to meet their friends, parents, and other relatives and I gradually eXpanded my contacts. My strategy vws to ask each new person I met who they thought were the five most important people in the Chinese community. When a Imme was mentioned several times, I made it a point to meet that person. I took advantage of my academic position and, when questioned about my research, told my informants that I was a college professor who wanted to write a book about the Chi- rmse people in Sacramento. I explained that, while there were many books written about the Chinese in San Francisco and New York, there was no material about Sacramento's Chi- nese although they constituted a sizable and significant xiv cxammunity. While a few persons worried that I might be a ggovernment Spy sent to ferret out those Chinese who had ildegally entered the country or that I was just another bothersome white man, most of the people I met accepted by book-writing objective at face value and were, for the most part, eager to help me with my research. Before long, I was attending major community events such as the Moon Festival, Double Ten Celebration, China Night, Confucius' Birthday, and the Lunar New Year. I also started to appear at Chinese weddings and funerals and began to Spend Sunday afternoons and evenings at the Chinese- language movies. I often walked about the streets of China- town, occasionally chatting with people while drinking tea at a Chinese restaurant. On Tuesday or Thursday evenings, I Would sit in on classes at the Chinese language school or Watch the Chinese community drum and bugle corps practice. Sunday mornings were spent attending services at one of the city's five Chinese-Christian churches. At first I was very much noticed, being one of the few or the only non—Chinese, and was sometimes questioned about my intentions. Yet, and to my surprise, I was often greeted warmly and on occasion invited to a wedding or funeral banquet or to someone's home for lunch. By the end of my first year I was even ignored amiregarded as a sort of permanent fixture at many Chinese events. XV During my second year I was invited to speak at the Cajfitol Civic Club, where I presented a lecture on Chinese contributions to America. I soon found myself speaking to church groups, student clubs, and even to the ethnic studies class at a local high school. After speaking to the Chinese community service club, I was invited to become a member and thereafter attended their meetings, parties, and dances. It was not difficult to establish personal relationships with my new Chinese friends. I was not only invited to their offi- cial functions but into their homes. My wife and I would reciprocate and we frequently had Chinese guests. During the Spring semester of my second year, I was actively engaged in the fledgling Asian-American studies program at Sacramento State College and many of the Chinese student leaders were enrolled in my Chinese community fieldwork seminar. My involvement with the immigrant and often poor Chinese families began when I was invited to a wedding. I aSked if I could take slides, and became the official photog- rapher for the event. After the slides were developed, I brought a slide projector to the bride's parents' home, where friends and relatives had gathered. After this, I found Ewself being invited to family dinners. It was necessary actively to seek out the elderly aflhese leaders. They were often more suspicious about my achmities and reluctant to be interviewed. Although I had Hmflaged to appear at some family association functions, I xvi --- fkelt I was regarded with some hostility, often ignored, and ‘that it was out of either fear or courtesy that I was not zasked to leave. The situation changed when I was invited to the New Year's banquet of the largest and best known family association. During the banquet I was even introduced along with visiting Chinese dignitaries. Members of other associ- ations, perhaps jealous of my presumed relationship with this association, began to court my favor and subsequently I had little trouble being invited to their functions. I suppose I Was even regarded as a status symbol and my presence at an event accorded them some prestige. I do not speak Cantonese, yet this language defi- Ciency was not a serious obstacle. Most of my informants understood English and, while some had difficulty conversing fluently, I was usually able to understand them. When I SPOke to non—English speakers, I would often use as an inter- Preter a relative or a mutual friend, often their son or daughter. I also utilized the interpretive services of one Of my students, a native Cantonese Speaker who was majoring 1n Asian—American studies. A prominent member of the Chinese Benevolent Association acted as my unofficial translator and Would often eXplain the implied innuendos and colloquialisms 0f Cantonese speech. As a college professor, I was respected as a scholar aminmny people were pleased that I sought their advice. {Hwy Would often volunteer information and take the time to xvii eaxplain what they really meant. They seemed delighted to luave me as a guest and were proud to introduce me to their friends. I suspect that, had I been a journalist or a stu- dent without some professional credentials, I would have been less readily accepted. Although not Chinese, both my wife and I are short of stature and have dark complexions. Perhaps we do not look as out of place at Chinese gatherings as we would if we were tall and blond. I suspect that our physical appearance alone helped to put peOple more at ease. We are also of Jewish ancestry and, after I once mentioned this fact, I found my informants were now most eager to tell me about their feel— ings as Chinese. They felt I could understand how minority peOple really felt about things and would know what it was like to experience prejudice and discrimination. Because I am a Caucasian I no doubt was excluded from information that might be made available to a person of Chi— nese ancestry. But my informants also indicated that they Would tell me certain things about their neighbors and fami— lies which they would not divulge to other Chinese because they did not want these stories spread within the Chinese Community. This dissertation is an outsider's conception of mnmmse social organization and community life and, as such, itlacks some of the feelings associated with a Chinese identity. Yet, if my perceptions have less depth and ethnic XViii insight, they are also less subjective. Perhaps my objec— tivity helped me to question institutions and practices that a Chinese anthropologist might inadvertently overlook. As an anthropologist, my major ethnographic technique was participant observation, emphasizing maximum interaction with the people of this Chinese community in both formal and informal settings. My research techniques also included the collection of data through questionnaires, life and case his- tories, and the utilization of contemporary and past docu— mentary and statistical information. This study, which began in 1967 and ended in 1970, represents a four-year research period. xix Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION TO THE RESEARCH1 Opportunities for field research on mainland China are presently not available. Therefore the study of overseas Chinese as representatives of Chinese society and culture and, perhaps more important, as transplanted emigrants and minority groups in a foreign land, has assumed a new importance for anthropologists and sinologists alike. Scholarly research has produced studies of villages in Taiwan, the New Terri— tories of Hong Kong, and of Chinese enclaves across Southeast Asia. However, recent critical eXplorations of Chinese com- munities in the New World are less extensive and abundant, thus emphasizing the need for more sociological investiga- tions of Chinese communities in contemporary North America. Such studies will provide additional comparative data on the organization of overseas Chinese social life. They can contribute to present investigations of racial and ethnic groups, particularly the acculturation and assimilation of minority peoples.2 At the same time, by focusing upon the processes of cultural change, they can add to the understand- ing of the patterns of Chinese adjustment to American society. It is the intent of this researcher to eXplore the Whimse-American experience. The objective of this study is to examine critically the present community organization of the Chinese in Sacramento, California, and how it emerged from experiences of the past. Framework for Analysis The changing structure of the social institutions of a racially and culturally different people in a foreign land is eXpressed in patterns of cultural adaptation which are based upon historical precedent and conditioned by local community practices. Historical precedents focus upon the structure of the home community as it existed, or was thought to exist in the minds of the emigrants, prior to emigration. The diachronic approach is a necessary element of this study because tradi- tional Chinese social structure in Kwangtung province became the institutional foundation for Chinese social life in the New World. Moreover, current organization is based upon past experiences, so that more recent develOpments are systematic- ally related to previous ones. Secondly, the process of cultural change is of para— mount importance because the organization of the Chinese com- munity today is related to the patterns of behavioral and structural assimilation of the Chinese minority in American society. The hierarchy and segmentation of organizations, the conflicting interests of modern and traditional associ- ations, the extent to which these associations integrate and divide the community, and the nature of ethnic and racial 3 relationships with other American minorities and society at large are determined by these processes of cultural change. Finally, Chinese life in American cities is also a consequence of local community practices. These include both the specific social history of community growth and the strength of inter-community relationships among the Chinese. The dynamics of a Chinese—American community must be approached within the context of the American community itself. Previous studies of minorities have primarily been concerned with the process by which the indigenous institu— tions of the minority group have been modified and changed when transplanted in a foreign setting. While this culture— change approach is a legitimate one, it has also been recog— nized that the specific nature of the community to which the minority group has immigrated plays a significant role in the structuring of the minority group itself. Chinese-American communities parallel each other in many respects, yet sig- nificant local differences exist. These ecological, demo- graphic, and social forces are often responsible for specific institutional arrangements within a particular Chinese community. Sacramento's Chinese community is divided into a sig— nificant number of segments, often with conflicting goals. Yet, under certain circumstances, this community can function as an integrated and holistic entity. At the same time, it is tied to a network of economic, political, religious, and somhfl.relationships which extend beyond its physical o - .,_- g _.....A ..,.. . § . _ .. .5- ... .. ... 3H 8“ ... .. E .1. .. .. ,.. : . e . s . n.- .N g, 4 boundaries to other Chinese centers in America and overseas. These ties to other areas are important to the community study, because these linkages not only influence the social organization of the Chinese community but also indicate the direction of change within the community. Social Organization and Community Social organization reflects the major social and cultural commitments of the community's members, and diagrams the process by which these stated and unstated commitments are translated into behavior. For the purpose of this study, the Chinese community will be treated as a social system com- posed of organizational and familial social relationships, and this investigation will focus upon the structure and function of those relationships. Community represents the images and identities that peOple hold. This dissertation analyzes the changing institutional social relationships between groups, groups that are systematically arranged, interdependent and interrelated. The Chinese community of Sacramento, California's state capital, was selected for this study because, although not a port of entry, it is nevertheless representative of the tradition of Chinese settlement and the changing character of Chinese life in America. As an urban center, Sacramento reflects both the historic and present pattern of Chinese immigration. The city has enjoyed a continuous and growing Chinese population from the gold rush days of the 1850's to the 1970's and promises to continue as a Chinese—American center. The Chinese community includes recently arrived immigrants as well as fourth generation Americans of Chinese descent, whose interests range widely in occupational, educa- tional, and social objectives. The Chinese community is com— posed of a number of organizations of varying orientations. I have grouped these organizations into three major categor— ies-~modernist, traditionist, and activist. I am defining a modernist organization as one whose primary concern is with establishing and maintaining an American as well as a Chinese identity; a traditionist organization as one whose objective is the preservation and continuation of the Chinese heritage; and an activist organization as one that is oriented toward social action and concerned with developing a pan-Asian identity. Sacramento has never been an initial receiving sta- tion for Chinese newcomers. Consequently, its Chinese commu- nity has never reached, either in pOpulation, complexity, or stability, the dimensions of the Chinatowns of San Francisco and New York. MoreOver, Sacramento's urban renewal projects have displaced the Chinese from their Chinatown ghettos and the resulting increased eXposure to, and fuller participation in, American life have precipitated significant changes in family and organizational structure. Thus, Sacramento's Chinese community has become an ideal testing ground for studies of social change and provides the Opportunity to directly study institutional conflict. «C Historical Perspective This treatment of Chinese settlement in America is centered upon organizational and institutional adjustment to social and cultural change. The author is therefore more concerned with the processes of such adjustments and the dynamics of family and community life of the Chinese minority in America than with a detailed account of legislative actions or specific historical events. This concern is reflected in the decision to document the Chinese eXperience in America in three major stages: The Era of the Traditional Chinatown, A Time of Transition, and The Contemporary Commu- nity. During each stage, certain features of Chinese adjust- ment to American life are highlighted and become a focal point for the organization of community structure. The Era of the Traditional Chinatown begins with early Chinese emigration to America in the 1850's and con— cludes around the turn of the nineteenth century. Chinese social organization followed lineage-village principles. Male elders and successful merchants respectively dominated family and community affairs. A network of interrelated associations provided an atmosphere of institutional inter- dependency, assuring protection and security for Chinese in isolated ethnic enclaves called Chinatowns. The accultura- tion of the Chinese was limited to occupational and techno- logical innovations and, for some, to a Christian religious life. 7 The Time of Transition ended with the repeal of Chi- nese exclusion in 1943. It was marked by gradual "liber- ating" changes. Women increasingly participated in economic affairs as wage earners and openly challenged their husbands' domination of family life. A new generation of American-born children expressed their American identity by demanding new freedoms in marital, economic, and social affairs and achieved minor successes in penetrating the outside commu- nity. Multiple revisions in both Chinese and American soci- ety created organizational strife as new problems demanded modern solutions, yet in both places elders continued their domination of community life. The Contemporary Community of the 1940 to 1970 era witnessed large-scale Chinese participation in the dominant society surrounding its Chinese enclaves-~ghettos which were rapidly losing their Chinese residents because of population movement into formerly restricted areas. This increased involvement in American occupational and educational life, confusing yet exhilarating, demanded a new Chinese identity. As the ability of the traditional institutions to control community life waned, second generation Chinese adults created their own organizational structure. Moreover, intergenerational conflicts accelerated the breakdown of tra- ditional family controls and re-structured familial role relationships. . ‘ _ .. . '_— . ~ . . . I .\ . . .. . . . .. I .. .1 p. x. .. ._ . .2 . . .. I .. . . V _. .N . 4 2.. r\ .. . _. ‘ L. .. My. 3. .4 MN w ..x. \ s r. . _ . I 4 . I A. . T .Z ._ . ‘ .. . . .. a u. a ,4. . ‘. \‘ -v As .‘ .v‘ . \x a .L .. ;. I 2‘ . A . I. r; . s ._ .. i as _- P . . . . . ~. N .¢ . \. .1. . m .— .. ‘. s n .. a s . 1 .h. \~.. I ‘ .—.~ _. . . « . .4. x \ . .. . . V. 1. ‘ s I ;. .. . . .3. . sL. O std H . T. . . .. n . «‘ V . . _.. L. . .. .. .‘ .,._ ...A .. Problem Orientation Because this study deals with the continuing rela- tionship of social structure to culture and community, it will incorporate both synchronic and diachronic perspectives. This study is primarily concerned with the Chinese involve— ment in the assimilation process, as mirrored in the formal and informal social organization of the community. It will be guided by the following generalized findings: 1. In spite of the release of the Chinese from their China— town ghetto and their increased eXposure to American life, Chinese are, nevertheless, able to maintain their cultural and communal identity. 2. The structure of the Chinese community is predicated upon the sub—cultural categories, designated by the terms traditionist, modernist, and activist. 3. This organizational structure is directly related to the degree of behavioral and structural assimilation of the members of the Chinese community. a. As assimilation processes increase, the forms and functions of Chinese organizations will approach an American pattern. Where assimilation processes are retarded or restricted, the Chinese community will adOpt.isolationist and protective institutional measures. b. The acculturation of the Chinese in America does not necessarily lead to consequent structural and marital assimilation. 9 FOOTNOTES--Chapter 1 1For each chapter, the chapter number and title are centered at the tOp of the first page. Chapter sub-headings appear at the left margin and are underlined. Chapter sub- sub-headings are centered and are not underlined. Long quo- tations are indented and single-spaced. Lengthy ethnographic descriptions, unless otherwise Specified, are the author's descriptions and are indented and double-spaced. All other typing is double—spaced. All foreign words are underlined. When appropriate, the Chinese characters will also be sup— plied in parentheses. Footnotes will appear at the end of each chapter. Chapter references are cited in the style of the American Anthropologist, as are the references cited at the conclusion of the dissertation. 2The terms acculturation and assimilation are defined in Chapter 2. ~- - ~ -. ‘ ‘ . '~__.>"- h ..- ‘ ,_ ‘ v- _ . _ "~ 4_ . _ -.. ' ‘u . ‘I‘ ”v.“ A: -.. "v ‘ ~ I“.A-\— "- - vk‘ . . “ ¢ "‘ A: 3 ..‘~ ., .‘-“1_ ._ . ._ ~ ‘ r ~§ - A .Q N. _ <‘ ‘_ v-~ . ‘. — " u g . v .' ' s. s. H _, 1 ._ .~‘ . . « . - ‘\ r- ‘N‘ o- . . .. A xi ' . l.“ ' o » \ A - -i‘ (\ . u- - ‘ ‘\, . I g ,‘ ._ N - a. ‘.‘_ - ‘c ‘. .‘u \ C ‘- I- s. .. v._ \ .- V» .... ‘ ‘7‘— ._ ' - we. a s \_- v ;_: ‘ ‘\‘~" ‘- -§ VI . 3‘ . .‘ ~ I 5" s ’ \ r.\ < r- . d _ -‘ ‘7’.- _" .‘ . < 7" ‘fl . \ '\. \ ., Q. . . ."T; ‘ h - . x x u v- \I V ¢\ ' ‘ .— \ \ _ ‘\ s- , ‘ - \. v “ N f. .. .- ~.‘ .‘ Chapter 2 THE ASSIMILATION PROCESS We have elected to study the changing social patterns of a Chinese community in America. Our major objective is to focus upon community social organization, particularly the synchronic structure and function of institutions within the Chinese social system. This study is also based upon dia- chronic dimensions--an historical evaluation of Chinese social organization. Both approaches (synchronic and dia- chronic) are concerned with social and cultural change and demand a somewhat specialized vocabulary to discuss satis- factorily the dynamics of group social life. The Chinese, as an American minority, are a subordi— nate segment of a complex society, are few in number, and are self-consciously aware of collective discrimination. Most important for this dissertation, however, is the consid- eration of the Chinese as an ethnic group, a people more or less bound together by ties of cultural homogeneity with a "consciousness of kind." [Gordon defines ethnicity as the locus of a sense of intimate peOplehood (1964:38).] Ethnic groups exhibit distinctive folkways, mores, and customs and, more important, Show a high degree of loyalty to certain basic social institutions (family, religion, language). Ethnic groups do not, either willingly or unwillingly, 10 . O o . "‘ ---~ ._ . ~... - .. , ‘. ... - .' o l “a -.. u. . . "‘-- .I u. -. . -.., \ .~ . I... 'O x... A . ‘ "- . Vl“ r . . ‘ - -».~ ‘ . ---. '. AI. N1, '- ., . _ ‘ r I.‘\ ‘ . 9 «A. .- 9. -Vw "‘s ‘ . - “. -..‘ V ,w-. ~ _r -‘ .. , ~«, u.‘ « s ‘ . .. '5 ‘i- n I. ‘~ ‘- A I‘- .‘- r... . . ,. ‘v. _ ,. " v. J: - " . ' r ‘. .. 4A ‘ ‘»\_ ..-\ n 1 '- § \~ 'r . I" ' : ~ ‘ .. ‘_‘_ \ ‘. 1 .. x v '\ “‘ . ‘ ‘Q \.‘i 5 " . '.. ~. . ~ ‘0 . I ", u "_ —“ f 1". . \\ N ". ‘§‘~ “ \- ~ ‘ ‘— o - l v I. \.~ \ A‘ ~ '« .3 \ I \ ." ‘~ I v ,1 . u ‘ ‘v n A 4 \ . 1 ~ . J .a » ,- 11 embrace the totality of the host culture's cultural impera- tives. The procedures by which they adapt to the dominant culture by changing their attitudes and behavior are there— fore of particular interest to sociologists and anthropolo— gists alike. Social science literature abounds with definitions, labels, and typologies of these procedures. Many of these terms refer to specific sub—processes but are often used indiscriminately, resulting in confusion rather than clarifi- cation. We have chosen to use Milton Gordon's assimilation variables in this study for two reasons. First, they stress the different "degrees" of assimilation (all sub-processes are not equal, nor can we use the same criteria), which are presented in an ordered if not sequential pattern. Secondly, these "variables" appear in the more recent literature about minority groups in America and offer us the opportunity for cross-ethnic comparison. (Prentice-Hall is presently pub- lishing monographs on American racial-ethnic groups. M. Gordon is general editor of the series.) The full list of assimilation types appears in Table 1. Acculturation Acculturation (cultural or behavioral assimilation), defined by Gordon as a change of cultural patterns to those of the host society, may be the first type of assimilation to occur and may take place when no other type occurs either l l1| .1L . . y I. _. “I. . .. .. ., . .—. .u W A ._. u _ . . . u. v ’x u 19 . .u. . a A .H .6. s - ~.« .4 n 1‘ a. r . . . .n. a u K‘s ‘» .o .. i “ ... L. n _. a. .m. c .r. 2‘ . .. .. a. V. . . . a L‘. . O .- \ua uh» - v ~_ ‘yh v ‘- » A ‘. I I ' . a . . ~ \ an. . u C . a . a a . .s. 9 ; . 0 ‘0" v ‘ O u— U» .u a . «hv .~_ 4. ‘ . . . .i. . . x a . .~. A. a :« J. .\ L c \\s v .0. .s Q . .uu . .. . . x.» . ‘ x; . . .. a . a: - fl. ... 3» .. ._. ... . s r s u s o u... . a Q . ... . . I» . . s . .. 4 ~.\ . .a. . . a. 4 A. ... . I r .. a v w u \ .nn \ . simultaneously or later (Gordon 1964:77). 12 Acculturation varies inversely with discrimination and Spatial-social segregation but may nevertheless occur in Spite of these delaying phenomena. Table 1 The Assimilation Variables Subprocess or condition Type or stage of assimilation Special terms Change of cultural patterns to those of host society Large—scale entrance into cliques, clubs, and institutions of host society, on primary group level Large-scale inter- marriage DevelOpment of sense of peOplehood based exclusively on host society Absence of prejudice Absence of discrimi— nation Absence of value and power conflict Cultural or behavioral assimilation Structural assimi— lation Marital assimilation Identificational assimilation Attitude receptional assimilation Behavior receptional assimilation Civic assimilation Acculturation None Amalgamation None None None None Source: Gordon (1964:71). Gordon claims there are basically two distinctive types of acculturation. Intrinsic changes are those 13 affecting the vital ingredients of the ethnic group which are essential to their historical—cultural heritage; they include religious beliefs, religious practices (ritual), ethical values, musical tastes, literature, language, "sense of a common past," and folk recreation. Extrinsic changes are external to the core of the group's ethnic heritage. They include changes in dress, manner, patterns of emotional eXpression, and language pronunciation oddities. These changes do not usually directly threaten ethnic heritage and are most useful for social mobility within the dominant society (Gordon 1964:79). Prejudice and discrimination tend to be based upon differences in extrinsic rather than intrin- sic cultural traits (Gordon 1964:81). Changing styles of dress, establishing new residence patterns, learning new skills, and acquiring a new language are conscious processes. However, changes in pronunciation, gestures, mannerisms, tastes, and sentiments are likely to take place gradually and in degrees so slight they may not be Open to measurement or observation. These are changes that occur at the unconscious level (Park 1925:281-83). Changes, extrinsic and intrinsic, then, are likely to occur at both the conscious and unconscious levels. Tangible items (extrinsic) such as clothing and eco— nomic enterprise are more likely to be readily adopted while non-tangible (intrinsic) items (religion, family organization) are not readily adopted at first. But tangible items (the length of women's skirts) may have a direct relationship to 14 non-tangible institutions (the proper role of women in the family). It is often difficult to separate these cultural items (Berry 1965:257). Acculturation as a phenomenon involves the integra- tion of new elements, and thus it is not merely the addition of the new and the subtraction of the old. These items may be intimately related to each other, but when a new item is incorporated (the Christian religion) it may not necessarily lead to the rejection of previously held supernatural beliefs (Fairchild 1947:109-12). Although acculturation is most likely to occur in areas in which the cultures are similar, it is important to distinguish between behavioral and attitudinal similarity. These patterns may be quite different from those of the host culture although eXpressing the same attitudes (Marden & Meyers 1968:437). For example, the American educational sys- tem differs from the Chinese scholarly tradition in both methodology and purpose, yet the attitudes are the same. Both stress the importance of formal education. Contact between groups generally means that some degree of acculturation will occur, even when there is no expressed interest in adOpting the other group's customs and when one's own culture is considered satisfactory. Accultu— ration then can be quite minimal (Berry 1965:250). Finally, acculturation is most likely to occur first among extrinsic traits, but the degree of acculturation will largely depend a a . . A ‘ O . .h. .. "A 1 . .I— o . .. . .. I a ‘ Q . .. . ... .. . Z. .. ..A A. c .I. ... .. Q n. _. . L. J‘ .H .I ‘1 ... .. ..4 .tv . .1» .. a.» _. 2. a . ,. . T~ .. « ... .. x. .. I» ... ‘1 ... . . a: .. .. s . Q \Q l . 0 s .. s- ... s n I I . I .. .; .. .. 3 .. . . . . t. , a . . . . c . . \i , .. . . .. ... . . L. . . . .. . . ‘ a x . . . 4 . . . . ‘ . 4 .. A. _ p... r . I. H. . . n. . . , n . K on ,. .t . I .1 A. . .i a ., 3~ . .. a . ._ 2w . i. 9 ‘ I \ I . . . v .. _ a ...n. l. 1 ’ . 3.. Z. .... N r: r .. \ v 4. . A. n V r—‘ ... . . .,\ .. L~ r s .. K . . y \ . . . . . .. , ‘ '. \ 4 \ 15 upon the kinds of contact and the frequency with which they occur. Structural Assimilation Structural assimilation is the entrance of the minority group into the primary institutions of the core (host) society at the primary group level. This process Spans the life cycle of the individual, from children's play groups, through the college fraternity and the country club, to the grave. It involves the entrance of immigrants and their descendants into the social cliques, organizations, institutional activities, and civic life of the receiving (host) society (Gordon 1967:411). Once structural assimilation occurs, either simul- taneously with or subsequent to acculturation, all the other "types" of assimilation will naturally follow. Thus struc— tural assimilation is a keystone in the assimilation process (Gordon 1964:81). At this level it is critical to distinguish between two kinds of relationships, the primary and the secondary. Primary relationships are created by personal friendship patterns, frequent inter—family visiting, communal worship, and communal recreation. Primary relationships are warm, intimate, and personal. Secondary relationships are found in the general activities of civic life, involving earning a living, carrying out political responsibility, and engaging in the instrumental (rather than the eXpressive) affairs of I- . . O . . _ . . . _. ... .. . .. __ . .. _ A; . . .. .L A ‘g ... w. . . . ._ ‘5‘ L. x... ._. I; v g ..y .. x . u ... ... .3 . . r. u .. ... . .. .a L 4.. . . .. . . _. ... . In. x — ... - ., ... ._~ . . .n a u‘ 0 O . . .. .. _: .. I . . ._. .c‘ n. I .w .2 ... xi ,. ‘. CA .A }. . ,1 vi .. ... .1. . ‘ . ...» p: .. . . . . ..o 7. \~\ —§‘ .\ ... ...\ . ‘ \ . . Ia .i . ... ... .~. .p. ‘ . - s l . .7 .. ..n .. ... s . 16 the larger society. Secondary relationships are relatively impersonal and segmental (Gordon 1967:411). It becomes necessary to distinguish clearly between the effects of acculturation and structural assimilation for they occur at different levels of a group's social life. To paraphrase a social anthropological model (Beattie 1964:34- 40; Parsons 1951a, 1951b), acculturation takes place at the level of meaning and its primary focus is the cultural sys— tem. Structural assimilation takes place at the level of action and centers upon the social system. Theoretically, we can isolate the processes and treat them separately. In this study our primary concern, however, is that of institutional- ized social relationships (those relationships which are stable and relatively enduring at the action level). Here the two processes must interact, for structural assimilation is dependent upon acculturation and intimately affects it. Marital Assimilation and Other Types Marital assimilation refers to large—scale inter— marriage of the ethnic minority with the dominant (host) pop— ulace, and there is an indissoluble connection in the time order between structural assimilation and marital assimi- lation, and all other types. Marital assimilation is an inevitable by-product of full-scale structural assimilation. Increasing inter-marriage leads to a loss of ethnic identity for the minority group and identificational assimilation takes place. Descendants of the minority group soon become "\".. .~ ‘ i .- - ~.. .—\.\--~...s ~. -9. .. ~~‘..... --. ~- -_- n. ‘,_V‘ >.....,, . a. _ O... _ '. ~,‘ _ .\ ~ .- a - r . Q-‘ .U--_‘--‘~ ..., ‘ ~ .. '0- .- r - _‘ - 7"” 3' -.‘ - 3‘, . . ‘ -~.‘.--.-$ ..‘h‘: v ‘ I . ‘ o ' '.".' .. ‘ ‘. “'.‘ .- - ‘ ; .7. . - . 'Q .. “-....‘ .., , . . v- ', _' ...~..‘ ‘~‘ k ‘N . ...» ...: ‘ 3‘. - -,. _ ' 1.7 ‘I . ‘I‘v‘l‘ .- \ ‘ fl I.’ ‘ .' :- . ....“ .‘ I .§‘ ‘0 r. _" ~ V'.-’ rut w J‘ .. I “ ‘ » '3‘ I: .. . “ \< ‘~ " - ‘k ' a. ‘ “s ‘ ‘0'. _‘ ~ . ‘ .‘ I‘nr ". ‘ _ ' ‘A‘ I A 4 . ‘ ‘ 7‘ Yd ‘ \~1“ T. ‘ l .‘ . , ' \ r .1 W s“ .N‘ \u‘ Pp “ u ... , VH‘ ~ '4'“ “ erA v~“l..n. “ "'¢ - v» ._ "x. ..4- ‘ - Au‘ .' r \.’- _‘ . A k.) ‘1 “up . N. P . \a «,- . " ¢ ,. “\C P... u- \. \ | FA - ‘~_‘ \’ ' V 7" \‘\ .‘ru \’- _I, U‘ i .. , ‘3 V. ‘*;~ t, ' ‘:'~ ‘ v y r ' - \.. _ : ‘V. )3.“ \~ p: 0- ’ ‘4 ‘\ 17 indistinguishable from the dominant group, and prejudice and discrimination are no longer a problem. Primary-group rela- tionships are extended to all and civic assimilation follows.1 Consequences of Assimilation The assimilation process varies among ethnic, racial, and religious groups. There are, however, some regularities which we feel apply to all ethnic groups in America, including the Chinese: 1. A lack of intimate primary—group relationships between the minority and the dominant groups tends to promote ethnically hostile attitudes. Structural separation pre- vents the develOpment of personal and intimate bonds and encourages the formation of disruptive stereotypes (Gordon 1964:236). Structural separation aids in the retention of beliefs and historical symbols for the minority group. Thus structural pluralism is accompanied by a modest degree of cultural pluralism as well (Gordon 1964:237). In most cases the structural assimilation of immigrants who enter the country in numbers substantial enough to establish a communal life is impossible. The newcomer needs the comfortable social and psychological milieu which his communal group provides (Gordon 1964:242). The immigrant may adOpt extrinsic cultural traits and engage in secondary social relationships but he will retain his primary-group communal life. The immigrant 18 "sub-society" will mediate between his native culture and the "American" culture (Gordon 1964:243—44). 5.. American-born children of immigrants are on their way to virtually complete acculturation (although not neces— sarily structural assimilation) at selected class levels. There will be a tendency for native—born children to become alienated from their parents and the culture they represent (Gordon 1964:244—45). 6. Ibsegregation (the process of eliminating racial discrim- ination) will not lead immediately or necessarily to integration or the dissolution of ethnic communality. It will lead to many secondary contacts but not necessarily to primary relationships within the dominant society. However, secondary relationships, over a sufficiently extended period of time, will lead to an increase in per— sonal, intimate contacts across ethnic lines (Gordon 1964:246—47). §§gpential Development of Egjority—Minority Relations Robert E. Park reached the conclusion that there is a cYcle of events in race (ethnic) relations which tends every— Where to repeat itself. Underlying this assumption is the Conviction that structural assimilation and amalgamation (marital assimilation) are the inevitable results of the meetings of peoples (Park 19493150)- 19 At the other end of the assimilation spectrum, Lieberson (1961:902—10) insists that neither assimilation nor conflict is the inevitable outcome of race (ethnic) rela- tions, and that there are wide variations between societies in the nature and processes of race and ethnic relations. We do not know enough about the development of ethnic relationships to predict a causal and final sequence for the Chinese. It is true that the late Rose Hum Lee (1960) has exhorted the Chinese to assimilate as rapidly as possible, and this desire for "complete" assimilation is further pleaded by Sung (1967). In this study, however, I have placed primary emphasis on sociological variables in prefer- ence to the desires of some Chinese authors. 20 FOOTNOTES--Chapter 2 1This sequence is a theoretical prOposal. It is not a social fact, even for Caucasian Catholics (excluding Mexican-Americans) in American society. See paradigm for assimilation (Gordon 1964:76). -,. u ‘ ~- \' \ Chapter 3 TRADITION AND STRUCTURE IN SOUTHEASTERN CHINA The Chinese eXperience in America is a syncretic and sometimes internally inconsistent blend of traditional pre— rogatives and American innovation. Although filled with con- flict and compromise as well as institutional variation in both form and function, Chinese—American society still reflects a heritage where ancestral structural statements prevail. The purpose of this chapter is to discuss the institutional principles of traditional society in South— eastern China which have played an important role in struc- turing Chinese life in overseas communities and which con- tinue to influence Chinese social organization in American cities today. Chinese Familism The patrilineal, patrilocal, patriarchal, and patri- monial family was the social system of the Chinese Empire. "The major characteristics of the Chinese family sys- tem are well known: subordination of the individual to the group, the young to the aged, the living to the ancestors, the wife to the husband, the daughter-in—law to the mother-in—law, emphasis on progeny, not romantic love, as the prime reason for marriage, with the result- ing concomitants of arranged marriage and (for the wealthy, not the poor) concubinage; intense family soli— darity, giving to the individual the psychological and economic security that came through membership in a tightly knit group. . . ." (Bodde 1957:44) 21 ..-..r , -....4--. '7- ~ - SUN -v. . . -. ..-“..- ‘ .... _ ‘A-x. ... ‘ n. «a.-. T;; ~ - - ». M. “-w... 3“ i-\ ‘I. ."~ .. .. x u "Vn - _ ... _‘. . -.. .- Q ‘ O -.. v _ I w . - J. . ‘ ... ..L: 'r. . u. ‘M . a -. ~—.- “ I’r‘ - q“- 5. .,~ : .‘ . . ... ..t:“ a. ‘ "i .‘g A .‘ 4" . ‘HI :. .‘I-V .. k S‘ - ‘.- g .. -.‘: ‘C. .- ~ ‘~.. 1 J. u“. m - -I Q P‘ ‘ .N - .. ..- fi ‘ 4. ’;«- ‘*.~|~ ".- . a .7 d ‘.' 7" A. I‘ A~ 1‘ ‘ , . V‘ . ‘n _. '1 .I “4‘ '1» ’n u“ - Inf ' 1. Y’ is ‘ s... —‘ ~ ‘4 n. ‘J ~ . .‘ .- A a'._ '.,'- r v. -3 .. AV »‘ V- .. s . \- '0 ' e \ ‘x: r. ‘. fl, '4;..... .‘ 'A . 4“ C 7.; ~‘ 4. \ '4 r_ . .~‘r\-‘ v s p . § \- AH», H. .‘ r 4 1‘ h I“. \, ‘ I‘- . '..*‘ '1, v . A J” ‘ . x: ‘ .. ». l " u ,- -‘-4 a 3‘ a \ '- v i- .' ... r‘ ‘ P nib-r. ‘ v “. . “ fl; .4_ ‘( .‘ $ Ax ‘u 22 The average peasant family, rather than being an eco— nomically self—sufficient unit in regard to production and consumption, found itself tied to at least a local market which was "essential both as a source of necessary goods and services unavailable in the village community and as an out- let for local production"1 (Skinner 1964:6). The family, however, remained the basic unit for the allocation of power and responsibility. Decisions were made primarily with reference to family interests-—the overriding focus for individual loyalties. Although friendship groups of various kinds tempered family relationships, in case of clear contradictions between the interests of one's family and one's friends, the family interests ideally always took precedence (Levy 1967:69-71). The family is pictured as a cohesive and stable unit of Chinese society, but the imbalance of intrafamilial rela- tionships often made for internal conflicts. There was a tendency for households to split in each generation, for as sons matured and married they began to assert their independ- ence as potential heads of domestic units. Married women in the household, by virtue of agnatic exogamy and patrilocality, remained "strangers" and often precipitated rivalry between brothers and between mother and son. The activities of women within the domestic unit were often as essential as those of men to the functioning of the family unit. They often han— dled the internal finances of the household and played an important role in the socialization of the children. .‘ ‘*. _.A.....-- «. n vu. o _. -‘ .. , l - ‘ ..-. - ‘7‘. ‘r.« o - \ ....__-~. .. :‘2 v. -. .. v...¢- \_.‘. . \ .. . —- . ""~~ . -\, Y;‘: ~ _ '> "~"" Q.. 3‘. ‘ Q-.‘ . ~..; - ~....,‘_.’ "‘A¢ ' -,\’—. _. n.‘ . ‘~. J_>- . .7 v o ...." - I .,_ ,. ~....‘,r-'—‘ .-.‘ ‘ ‘ IY.-.- . v.‘. ...-..., V.‘v‘ A... ' . VA. ‘4, ...; i, 1.-.“;- ‘- ".- _ U_ ~V-‘s~ . ‘w ‘ r .‘v.. \- \_ ‘_ - “"v. v. "‘~‘ A '- ..'_ ’r‘.‘ . "'o.'~ _‘.,_A ‘ "m: s" ‘ . v‘ .F.,"‘ ~| .- .. ‘4 7‘“' 1 ’ s ’- v‘ v . “¢-, l ‘\ . S',‘ s I _‘ "<.~—'\‘~" «... - ‘ ‘~ 1-, ‘ ‘ . ' I l\ .- 23 Household division was seen by the Chinese themselves as a result of conflict initiated by women (Freedman 1958:21, 32). While Confucian ethics may have stressed the solidarity of brothers, the social options available exerted at least an equal pressure to force them apart (Freedman 1958:22). The effects of the conflicts within the family created unequal pressures in the gentry as opposed to peasant families. Fragmentation occurred earlier in the lower socioeconomic peasant units than in gentry families, whose economic posi- tion enabled them to resist this trend for a longer period of time (Freedman 1958:26-31). Many households did separate, but because they were at least potentially members of a single ancestor worship unit, some forms of economic cooperation might be initiated. Indeed, the creation of new household units did not preclude the possibility of such cooperative ventures (Freedman 1958:25). The importance of the family as a basic unit is further validated by the exten— sion of kinship terms to non-kin friends, thus bringing "strangers" within the context of family relations (Levy 1967:71). Family relationships were firmly ordered in a system of superordination and subordination, focusing upon the domi- nation by male elders. This family system functioned best in a rural agricultural setting where the family could act as a self—perpetuating economic unit and where sons, daughters, and wives had little Opportunity for outside employment. Women worked alongside their husbands and were usually - , ,_,. o-...-n-... I , ‘ I fi—n .. r ‘w ‘ -' -’ _. "-‘ v.---,_ v. .-v... ‘ ‘ .. ~.- . ‘I.....-- . < ' ., A.. “ .4,‘ , ‘ - v... I ‘—-- ,9 9 '- .. . - l‘ ' ‘ O. . . - . .. ‘ -..: ..__~ « 'v...~ A .. ._ N--. ._‘.’ t o _ .N ‘4 . 2‘ - -. ‘Q ~-"" Q i i C v‘ I h. “¢ - . r , \. 1 '. F a ‘v. ~ ’l‘r‘ \- .. . . . '~‘* "4 - f, ..‘ - ... Q ‘ I “v . " “ "‘ \ r» ‘ h: A ‘Q.‘ . V. r IV .."o . a p” ~"~‘ n , "‘- " . 4.~‘ ‘ , . ‘5 . c Q.‘ ‘A v "r V k,” . V‘ " v. . . y - ,- 'a‘~ ‘ .. v f- . _ ~ 4.‘ ,I ‘_ >._ - ‘1 x ‘. r N \.~ v._. ‘ 4‘. \‘~f P VA. fir -~ ‘. ~4. l s . r; I ‘A K‘s-1P ‘u_- "V I ‘K . -1. r . “if. y‘. T‘»‘. ‘ .. . “A ,. u r, ‘u 3 ._" \ r. -_‘ 4“' ~ . - , ,. ‘u ' l ‘d ., . ‘. ‘~ 1 ,. nr‘ I - v ~;‘\ \I P‘ ‘n — . i, \ \, \ . ,— ‘4 't‘ ' ‘\ V - r 24 cielperflent upon their husbands' positions for community status 811d. economic well-being. Furthermore, the arrangement for eudd. choice of marital mates reinforced the legitimacy of paJcermal.control over sons and daughters-in—law. To be sure, faniily conflicts occurred, but they were often resolved in telnns of culturally prescribed alternatives. Traditional family relationships continued in over- seeus families as long as social conditions were congruent Witfln Chinese familism and where economic opportunities out- Sid£3 of the family were limited. Familial pressure was reinforced by community structure and, because the channels for‘ social mobility were geared to family rather than indi- Vidllal accomplishments and merit, the fortunes of sons and datgghters fell and rose with the family as a unit. Mbed Identities and Volun— Ifiiry Associations The Chinese lineage (EEE) is an aggregation of male agrlates and their children sharing a common ancestor and bOUUJd to each other by demonstrated descent. Such large- SCBLLe unilineal kinship organizations dominated Chinese life in If‘ukien and Kwangtung, the home "ports" for most overseas Chinese. Although lineages are essentially local political oréfitnizations (Freedman 1958:2) with each unit usually occu- pyiryg a distinct section or neighborhood (Hu 1948:173), they alSC> perform economic, militaristic, religious, and govern- mentalfunctions. Powerful lineages controlling the Ili‘v'~:.h _ V .- , CI“'.‘VH -- . . . ~-~ . . n ~ ‘ ... .u.-A-.-.— — a . . “ ‘0.-. _ . - - , --~.‘. ' D- -...-..__ ‘ _l" ‘u o g . " -.. .' N‘ -....,_‘ _ ‘ ‘ a " Q “‘..‘ ‘ - ! ~ ....M ' "I I’ ‘ - 4._‘ A.‘- . ' kufl' .4 - "l|_“ x. -- __ . “-9 ...." ~.. ~~... .,‘ ‘-.., -7 h— ' . n ‘~~.\" ‘ ‘~. . u r.-\."‘ .“ ~-- ~ ‘ -4 - ., V.“ ... . .. “‘1‘: . ..‘ ._. 'v._ '- \ 0). “ --. "r 0._‘ —, I . ‘.. " a - _.. Pea 4‘ y. 7'- I» ; J ‘I J “. _v . ‘_'N n._ vv‘. . . . . .. ‘\~ -1 '0 '1 _ .. 0 ~ .._ a- ‘- 1“. , -. s‘ F“ \“_r ’q i Q ‘ . -‘. 'J A '~! - ‘ .”‘" V A v r \d.‘ f v “-4 . 1‘ ‘ n F ‘U V» d;"—-";c m .5 H‘.‘ \‘O.’ r ' “r/ K . A-.,‘. - '4" l v J )- fi. 45 f‘ ~~ “A. \‘-."— s.” “ or, . L r- -‘ ‘< ‘O \ ‘ I I ,‘ 4‘ I .“-.n., u ‘7'... ‘4 ... ‘ '9 .- .r, “- ~v 1 \~. ~Jh,r ‘_.—'-, ”A n— - ‘ I." -1. ‘. ~ \ ' r u — t “ 5,, ‘ A? x. ' “ r.. , . ,- "~‘. 25 corporate property of their members not only exerted a strong influence upon the community but, by acting as tax collectors, became fiscal intermediaries between state and landowner (Freedman 1958:74-76). The lineage, socially and ritually differentiated, was organized so as to place considerable power in the hands of a controlling elite (Freedman 1958:69), and indeed one of the keys to the viability of Southeastern China's lineages was the interlocking of lineage elites with the national bureaucracy. Certainly many of the benefits of lineage membership accrued directly to the elites; yet even lOle members of powerful lineages, poor peasants, neverthe- less profited from membership through agnatic association With influential gentry (Freedman 1958:130). Another basic societal unit was the nucleated village (Freedman 1958:1,6) but, because so many villages consisted Virtually of single lineages, lineage and village identities were often coincident--that is, many local communities con- Slisted of male and unmarried female agnates and the wives and children of the men (Freedman 19583). Even the possession of a common surname might in certain circumstances lead to fOJI‘Inal cooperation such as local lineages being grouped into Wider agnatic units (clans). Lineages might be grouped not only upon similarity of surname, but also on the basis of certain traditional alliances of surnames (Freedman 1958z5). Furthermore, the prescriptions for marriage demanded lineage and surname exogamy, and usually marriage outside the village, so that marriage partners, by crossing lineage and village 26 txauuadaries, created inter—lineage and inter-village ties (Freedman 1958:104). Where several lineages were found within a single ‘wilflage, the different lineages might cooperate, yet turbu- lerice was also common among such groups, most specifically brcnight about by the subjugation of a poor by a rich lineage. Recnourse to physical violence as a means of settling diSputes was; as common as the use of legal machinery (Freedman 1958: 105,1H). Other lineage functions were the compilation and retnision of genealogical records; ancestor worship and the eStablishment of ancestral halls, ritual land, and grave- yarwis; material assistance to members in times of need; the edtuzation of the young; punishment of misconduct; and self- defkense (Chuan 1967:36). The lineage was unmistakably a well established and fundamental institution of rural, agrarian China. Agnatic groupings were flexible, but the localized lirfieage limited the range and nature of relations (Freedman 1958:92), so there was also room for ad hoc groupings which miéfllt undertake tasks not provided for, or poorly provided fOI‘. within the lineage structure. Naturally, where the lirueage was strong, other groupings could not assume as iflfixbrtant a structural position, yet their influence could Stilél be considerable (Freedman 1958:92). Thus, for example, the money lending clubs enabled poor villagers to borrow money when their rich relatives 27 refused loans (Kulp 1925:189-91). Moreover, non—kin volun- tary associations also gave individuals Opportunities to exercise leadership and to gain prestige (Freedman 1958:93). Secret societies, also voluntary groups, were originally organized in Opposition to the State (Ching Dynasty). They ranged from purely religious and contemplative sects to gTOWpS which.practiced political violence (Freedman 1958: 117)zand some, particularly the Triad Societies, became key foroes in.community affairs. Most voluntary associations cubSSCNAt class and kin lines, truly integrating the diverse elemerrts of the villages (Freedman 1959:121-23); while some, Spearfically the secret societies, develOped ties of ritual brotherimmfl, thus assuming some of the Obligations and Prescrigmions Of agnatic kin groups. Skinner (1964:33) further reports that even the Standard.marketing area involving several villages and lineages was a culturally, economically, and socially defined area; marital, voluntary, and kin ties tended to become inclusive within this territory. While this treatment Of village-lineage organization is admittedly cursory, the traditional social organizations 0f SOutheastern China stressed certain structural features WhiCh functioned to order and preserve the continuity of -' ’3‘ > o . ‘-.-. ’:_ ' ‘s-.. g ‘ -.—- ‘- -s i. .“ ~ _ '-~. . \'V‘ 9 ‘5 .. c ' " r -w .. ."‘VA .. v- '|-,-‘ ‘ WM,“ .. . ' u "u -. . ‘..‘ —.‘ v.~. ‘5. \~ ,_ M ‘5. ‘.‘v' .. - a ., “. 2-.v.. _ ‘V ‘ v ‘ . ‘ "‘r - . . .z‘ . rm ‘M‘ AI ,,r‘~ ‘ “‘ ‘- A“ .‘s. V‘ ~ r ‘ .L». 9 '—,d .. . c, 's "v1-4 ‘_._ V . ~ ‘ ..V . ._. m. _ ‘v M‘~ ~". ..- _. u .‘v “ .... . . ‘ Q . ~. r n , s“ ,- J‘o‘. -~ .‘, . \, Hr. ‘Ia ‘h‘ ".r V;- .. "£ .. t b :\ “ ~‘t ' r '1 ”'1‘ . '4‘ a... VI ‘_ l , _ ‘ v .' fl , i .. ~ ‘ fl ‘ 30 divergent religious beliefs, such as Christianity and Islam, by way of incorporating even Opposing elements in a pan— religious panorama. Religions emphasizing traditional cere— monialism.and colorful festivals with a pantheon of gods and saints proved particularly attractive. Men were the major, if not the only, participants in institutionalized ancestor worship cults. They controlled overseas religious activities, which were invariably linked to other'social and economic enterprises, while women con— thnuui their domination Of home and family centered practices. Since supernatural referents were infused in the dadj-I)”activities Of both men and women, adherence to super- rmtural.;uinciples continued to play an important part in the Political, economic, and social life of the early emigrants although the traditional occupations and pastimes have changed. "Religion," whatever the form, played an integrating role in Chinese social and, in particular, familial life as 10ng as it was functionally related to other institutions éwVerning Chinese life. The continuance of ancestor worship and the desire to send the bones of the deceased back to (Hana for proper burial still serve as an indication Of the emrength of Chinese-centered, home-village ties. "Religion" and*magiczfl experiences in traditional China were not iso- lated activities. Quite the contrary, they were inextricably lnterwOVen with lineage, clan, family, and community patterns "__p ‘-.' -. -_»- -- I t 31 and prima rily fun ction ed to strength en th ese i nstit ution s thr ough su pernatural sanct' lons 52 FOOTNOTES-—Chapter 3 1The dependency of local villages upon a market net- work is documented by Skinner (1964z3-43) and also noted by Kulp (1925:343), Hsiao (1960:11), and Wolf (1966:43-44). ---. g e. ._ —‘ A‘.‘ 5-- ~ " .,\ .- . s V ..I‘ . ...I- . -‘ xi .\ '- ‘A - ... . . ‘ ‘4-“ ’ r- _, Qt .. . . «... , -_ P l . . . l ‘ ‘ 5 ‘., ...; .s A '.‘._ . _ A.. s r. v _‘- \. ‘ . . ~ , t v).- ‘4. ‘ e .- ~I 5 . ...A ... .. . ~ ’ /'_ ..\. ~ 1’. m, ‘ .A ’,‘ V _" x ‘ A -‘ P“ \v ‘ ‘a..‘~ "r. .0.4 u ‘ A n V‘- - .‘, :~ - ". V ‘E ‘. _ .:v if , . \ ~i ‘.‘ v. ‘4 o N'- ‘1, \n ‘M \~\‘. \' , ._ ~. ‘. §f$ \ - .. . s. H. 1‘ t. ‘ g . _ ‘v. 'A \ 's:: ‘ \- r 9*— r.__ ' ~ ,, _\ K ~. ‘. P\ . ‘ $ \ f- \. L. . . . . 4‘ - \‘l 4 .. - o.- " s. 1‘ r \ A‘ y.” l\-¢‘~ as o~ ‘u>,~... ‘. ‘ l ‘4 \ f. u \ ‘~~ r ' I ‘4‘-4 .- i ‘ I“ Chapter 4 OVERSEAS MIGRATIONS Historically, Chinese emigration had followed the routes of overseas Chinese trade and appears to be an exten- sion of that early trading process. Vessels were sailing frmn scmthern China to Indonesia and the Malay peninsula as earLy as two thousand years ago. During the Tang Dynasty (6H34906 A.D.), the Chinese traders carried their wares into Smflflueast Asia and, by Sung Dynasty times (560-1279 A.D.), the Sculth Seas trade was so profitable that Chinese rulers tnhxi to make it a government monopoly (Heyer 1953310; Kung 1962:5). Trade continued into the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644), bUt during the fifteenth century the Ming Emperors, troubled by internal difficulties, abandoned plans for consolidating their position in the South Seas and Chinese shipping declined. By this time, the Chinese had already established settlements through Southeast Asia (Heyer 1953312)- Although there was migration during earlier dynas— ties, large~scale emigration to these regions did not begin until the middle Of the nineteenth century. Moreover, the provinces of Kwangtung and Fukien, through which the overseas trade flowed from its earliest establishment, have always been the place Of origin for most emigration (Kung 196237)- fmub Was particularly true after the Emperor restricted all 33 ..,. . .. - _' ' .- ....--.. -.-~ .. ‘I‘ ' . a . , 9 ~|¢- ...- . o '-y ..-... . ._“ . _' 70. "‘--._ , - - v \ ._.~ ~-\ .1 . ... ‘ Q ‘ i 7.. . _ 5‘ . N v 7“ 0... ' I ‘ A .‘ .. .. " "" .As ‘9 ‘ -... --. \ . -. a , L ‘\ P . . A ‘nnf ‘ - .— .§ .1. hf..-“ _ - “‘. h l r " Q ,‘l A _ - . m.‘ r. ‘ ~s.- : ~ . a” ‘ "§ V .“.‘ ‘. .15 'n‘ \ v. , - ‘._": ‘I‘v ‘ ‘Q ‘ -b"“‘~. n‘n'd‘i 5.‘\ A- L b "- ,,‘_ ’- Po.‘ 4‘ r a 3‘ ~5-‘ o _» .‘ r.’ -“~‘ . r '4 ...I ‘ ’ A. .4 ‘ ‘. r,v ,_. a""~ :1- . ‘—v,~" ‘ ‘- “‘“I 0. O r. .“u “;~" -‘ ‘,. J .' F- V4 ‘. 4“ o M- "'4“‘.. .‘e r ‘1 \ ‘o. .. H ‘. ‘ . .‘x. .‘ u‘h.‘ r , I '4 -“ , " .Fclu "‘ x: ‘ S ‘. 1" ‘ <\' ' l . ~ - ‘ - i J J JCI . ‘- 7 . ." . r M at. n ' , ‘.‘ . 1.. 4‘ , 34 foreign trade to the city of Canton in 1757 (Heyer 1955:14— 15). Not only was emigration localized in Kwangtung and Fukien provinces, but it was also localized in certain dis- tricts and villages. Indeed, certain areas have been charac- terized by Chen (1940:59) as emigrant communities—-communi— ties in which the majority of the inhabitants depended for their living, in part, on remittances that came from members of the family who were abroad. In such communities, the sons Ofifiamiiies ordinarily went overseas in each generation, usu- alLy tc>the same city in which the father, relatives, or other"villagers worked. A parallel to overseas migration may be found in interiual Chinese rural-urban migration patterns. Chinese Cities kmd.long attracted a large number of people from the rural areas and from other cities, who came out of both necessity and choice to seek their livelihood in urban cen- teTS. Their living arrangements were similar to those in overSeas communities. Their social ties remained to their community of origin, where their wives and children Often remained, and they regularly sent home remittances to support their family. Migrants' social organization in the cities was based upon commonalities of place of origin, language, or occuPation. Even the internal organization of firms was Hmdeled after the Chinese family, where the proprietor or manager filled the role of paterfamilias (Burgess 19283 Gamble 1921; Morse 1932), Thus it is apparent that locali- zation and direction Of emigration bind together a group 0f — .,_. . . _. _ -"-" ‘--.- . ».. _._' _ "' nndl-_ -‘ ’n~,- ._ ... . ‘* '>" . .‘~ \ '1 c. J. t... g. . v. . y . "‘r‘- .‘ 7' “ -..: ..'-- \ u . ‘ .... ... ~‘ ‘ _ i '..\_. o- -v ‘ , ., 3 5"‘. ; (... A A L - _ N _\ A -.'_.;. . . ..i- . K ’ ng JA‘ - b .‘ —- , ,_ . “a - \‘ '- .' -‘ "‘ u “'~4 “ . _ . ~, . ...l 1.7 . “‘ ... . n-w -._ § ‘ ‘ c .l . ‘- ~ N. \‘ ~‘ _ V. I.. , ...: fl. .2 ~ . . a ., i r J“.- \ .‘ 75". '- _‘.w~ ~ ‘1 ‘ w n . “\' 7 L -_ ’I ‘1‘ ’0 i h .. 'G l..'.,. ._ ‘h 7 I ' a \ ,— “‘ ,._ .V \ ".. i. ‘ . r 'K -. - $.41. hf C‘— v Ii‘~'.1, -. 1.. “0 n a‘ l N a g‘ —. \1 '1 L. . A ..r‘ ‘ 1‘ ‘ ‘ ._. f a“ _ | ‘O ‘ '1 . ,‘ t i . §‘, ‘ _ ' . - ~ - 55 people with similar backgrounds. They provide a basis for cooperation and social organization in the new city as well as the new country that is based upon kinship, language, and territory. (The social organization of the overseas Chinese is more fully discussed in Chapter 10.) Although emigration did, to some extent, weaken fam— ily ties, the typical life of the emigrant was arranged in Such a way as to allow him to fulfill his familial Obliga- tions. The family would make the decision as to when a young man, usually between the ages of fifteen and thirty, was to 80. He would join an overseas community where members of his localized lineage (tag) were already established. Ideally, he would return to China several times—-to be married; to beget children; and finally, when he was old or wealthy enough, to retire in China and be buried with his ancestors. During his sojourn abroad, he would continually send home remittan— ces upon which his family depended for their subsistence. Gel’lerally speaking, emigrants came from an impoverished back— ground, whether rural or urban, and the vast majority of them Were illiterate and unskilled. Thus most remittances were from laborer's wages or the income from small shops or stores (Chenn94o). ‘ The Chinese in America come almost entirely from the WEB (afi) and Sam—Yap (1%) speaking districts south Of Canton1 (see Figure 1) (Heyer 1955:16). This region is typed by Cressey (1965:154—55) as the Canton hinterland. Canton is “IR‘ ' u 3?. 36 POKEN NAMESt Home F ‘ ? VI" . 0 we 2 \bMACAO 4: ° SOUTH cam 3 . sew DISTRICTS FROM WHICH KWANGSt C? THE MAJORITY OF THE , CHINESE IN AMERICA ORIGINATED . Namhoi . Punyu SAM-YAP . Shuntak . Sunwui . Toishan . Hoiping . Yanping \ GOLF o F” SZE-YAP TONm H. Source: k Chinn (19693) . HNNAN ICD \IChUHe cam—t . Chungshan _ _ ... ...-....-.___. .-.... -..-.. .— L (Figure 1. Districts of Heaviest Chinese Emigration to America "As ... . ‘ U ....u.,,‘ ... \u. u... -‘.. . is. -...L‘ r- .o ’ '-\.1 * x.- ' . "v. . ,. . .. 1' : ."v~.‘_<_~ ; . .-._ l" o I- .. h-. V -.1- . . _ u u‘,"~.. -.ul.‘ .— .,_ c - I' “v I ‘-~..‘ ; . -... 1.”; .. ‘. p. ‘I O ‘t I" "H" 1“ h‘ n f“ ‘u. _‘ ' v...‘ a- ‘ I - .- .. A. ‘~. ‘ “ha, _ ‘.-4 '- 37 sixtuated in the Pearl River delta, yet the people living in the; hinterland were easily able to reach this historical ovwerseas port and had access to both Chinese and foreign melcchants and traders. The majority Of early Chinese emigrants to America caune from Toishan.(X“L), one of the ninety—eight districts in true Province of Kwangtung. This area is semi—trOpical and ‘the heat and humidity would be good for agricultural purposes ‘were it not for the excessively rocky, mountainous, and barren.terrain. Toishan means "elevated mountain" and topo— graphically it rises to a height of 800 to 1,000 feet while the surrounding regions drop like a cliff to sea level. The agricultural output is so poor that it can feed the densely Packed populace only four months Of the year. This made non- agricultural pursuits necessary; thus many Toishanese became traders and merchants, Often traveling to cities and ports where their contact with foreign traders made them receptive t0 news of the discovery of gold in California in 1848 (Sung 1967:14). Without doubt, the California gold rush was an impor- tant stimulus for emigration to America, yet there were other factors that acted as impediments. Under the Manchus, there Was a repressive policy toward emigration, condemning emi- grants living abroad. Section 225 of the Imperial legal code aSserted that emigration was illegal and that Chinese emi— grantS'were punishable as traitors. (Kline 1962:7). The penalty was death Secondly, there were strong cultural 38 prw>scriptions against leaving. The Chinese are a people whxase attachments to family, home, and ancestral place are prvaerbial, and Chinese thought and phiIOSOphy focus upon the fainily, the ancestral shrine, and the farm lands from which the; family has earned its living for centuries.2 Sung (1967: 11 ) reminds us that "for a son to leave his ancestral home arni aged parents for any protracted length of time was turfilial behavior, a cardinal sin." And Hu (1960:58) remarks: "Chinese have attachments to their ancestral home- land and family traditions that make them almost immobile." Finally, there were also monetary considerations. The price for passage to the United States was high, often necessi— tating borrowing against wages to be earned in the gold fields of California. Sung concludes: "It took rare courage, grim determination, and a venturesome spirit for these men to circumvent the law, to buck society and to leave home and loved ones for unknown destinations in the hopes of bettering their fortunes" (Sung 1967:11). Yet, if the reasons for remaining were strong, the incentives for leaving were even stronger. The motive for the Chinese emigrant was primarily, if not exclusively, eco- nOmic for in Southeastern China's coastal regions the land cannot provide enough food or work for the dense pOpulation. In Chen's survey of 905 families in Kwangtung and Fukien Provinces, which had sent members overseas, almost 70 per Cent claimed they left either because they were unemployed, saw little future Opportunity for employment, or because the family income was insufficient even though all members were -- ‘9 a ‘ , - r~ .-. ._.. _ «.._' ._ -, ~ ‘-‘ “r‘ ~0_‘ x.‘ M‘. ‘é - a“ I‘ a. x ‘, ’ ‘ ..Q v‘ '2 ... . s (,_.‘ .“ ,‘- s ' u- I _ I. A-' . ‘A n." «.... . " ‘ _ ' In— ‘ . . s IL. “‘ ~‘ “ « .I \. s .‘ \ ‘V \ '- . , .“' O \ '« . - _\ 7‘" n, . ' r _. - n‘IA 7‘ v,l .\\ \ . ~l ..a \ . \ a‘ .V .’ 7"- \ \‘f .r' 9 \~'_\ A \- v ‘x ’ \ ~. \ \ 39 enrployed. About 20 per cent left because of previous connec- tion with an overseas area (Chen 1940:260). During the time of the California gold rush, there vmxre additional pressures in China that increased unemploy— merrt to a crisis level. One factor was the phenomenal irucrease in pOpulation. While toward the end of the seven- tenenth century the Chinese population had been over 100 Imillion, it had reached over BOO million by the beginning of the nineteenth century, and by the 1850's had passed the 400 million mark (Hu 1960:24). "With this rise the average per capita landholding dwindled from two acres to less than half an acre. The situation, aggravated by maldistribution and maladminis— tration, was unrelieved by commerce and industry which the government disapproved of and made no effort to develop. Unemployment created discontent among the peOple and banditry was rife" (Hu 1960:24). In addition, China demonstrated her increasing inability to defend her borders against western powers, and With the Treaty of Nanking in 1842 ceded Hong Kong to England. British influence in South China grew and added to the problems of a country already torn by civil strife and economic depression (Hu 1960:25). But the reason deemed most directly responsible for massive emigration from the southern portions of China was the poverty resulting from the aftermath of the Taiping I‘ebellion. This rebellion had its roots in widespread dis— content. In the 1800's, scholars seeking to free the Chinese mind from the shackles of neO—Confucianism stirred the Ila.tionalistic spirit of the peOple and provided an 4o ideological basis for the movement against the Manchus. Rebellion began early in the nineteenth century and by mid— century had swept the country. The most formidable of all rebel forces were the Taipings in the south. Led by a Christianized Chinese, Hung HsiO—ch'iian (1815—1864), the Taipings initiated drastic reforms and almost overthrew the Manchus, but their reforming zeal degenerated and soon turned to terror. Eventually their movement was crushed (Hu 1960: 24-25) . The horrors of war, with its consequent devastation, plundering, and famine, had driven many of the peOple to seek a livelihood elsewhere--in Hong Kong and Macao, and particu— larly in the overseas Chinese communities. 41 FOOTNOTES——Chapter 4 The Sam-Yap speaking districts in Kwangtung Province axne Namhoi, Punyu, and Shuntak. The Sze—Yap speaking dis— tzricts are Sunwei, Toishan, Hoiping, and Yanping. 2For a discussion of the Chinese farmer's traditional senitiment for land and, to a lesser degree, his ancestral home, see Gallin (1967:567-75). Gallin suggests that this serrtiment is frequently cast aside when there is an alterna— 'trve way to earn a livelihood and accumulate status and wealth. Chapter 5 THE CHINESE EXPERIENCE IN AMERICA The first Chinese immigrants to California, two men arui a woman, sailed into San Francisco Bay aboard the Ameri- cail brig Eagle in 1848 (Bancroft 1890:556; Chu & Chu 1967: 18). lHowever, the first large-scale Chinese immigration Of 13,1CX3 to America occurred in 1852 (Kung 1962:65). By 1890, ‘Umrs population had increased to 107,488 (Sung 1967:111). The Chinese, welcomed at first as cheap and hard— workinig laborers, were later excluded as "foreign devils." In 15V71, the largest and most spontaneous anti—Chinese riot occurumed in Los Angeles when a feud between two rival Chinese companzies resulted in the wounding Of two police officers and the denath of one civilian (Kung 1962:68). After 1870, with the:rism of Kearneyism, the organization of the Workingman's party imt1877, and the California constitutional convention Of 18783 anti—Chinese fever reached a high point and, in 1882, an exclusion bill was voted, restricting Chinese immi- gration.to America.1 The bill became "permanent" with the EXClusionAct of 1904 and was not repealed until December 17, 1943 (Kung 1962:78-84) . E3£glighlnese Family Life "Whether or not an immigrant group established fami— l' - les in America has had a profound effect upon its subsequent 42 43 community organization and acculturation" (Lyman 1968:321). There is little doubt that the majority of the early Chinese innnigrants did not lead normal family lives. More than half of the arriving men were single and, Of those who were not, many were separated from their wives and continued to live a good portion of their lives in this condition (Wu 1928:255). The absence of a wife in America left, in many men, a desire for an early return to their homeland, making their voyage to America a sojourner's visit rather than a permanent commitment. Remittances to families in China, periodic return trips to get married, produce children, and finally to retire and die, produced a continuing flow Of letters, monies, and Personnel crossing the Pacific Ocean. In this manner a con- stant "cultural exchange" was maintained so that even poor and unlucky sojourners, unable to afford a trip home, could Still comfort themselves with news and gossip Of family and Village affairs as well as retain their "Chinese-centered identity." Those who were later able to bring their brides and children to America, or to send for "picture brides," increasingly tended to establish American roots. By 1890, there were only 5,868 Chinese women regis- tered in America for some 102,620 men (Lyman 1968:322). This early sexual imbalance meant that the birth and growth to maturity Of a substantial American—born population would be delayed (Lyman 1968:328). It was not until after 1950 that m . ost Chinese men in America could afford both the blessing8 44 andjprololems Of living in conjugal family units. Moreover, ‘WE Opgxortunities for intermarriage with Americans were extremealy limited. The mutual peculiarities of dress, habit, languagge, and custom, as well as racial distinctiveness, seg- Iegatixon, and-—for some states-—anti—miscegenation laws, discortraged such unions (Lyman 1968:526). For those fortunate enough to have resident wives and Chilfitren, the Old patriarchal Chinese family system which was Still. dominant in the villages and cities of Kwangtung con- tinmued, The father eXpected to be, and was, obeyed for Obeclience to the patriarch was a prime virtue and often exhibited by children long after maturity. Thus, filial pi£ety functioned to minimize intergenerational conflicts and tkKe family remained a cohesive social unit. The wife, often with bound feet, would rarely leave llele home (Hayner and Reynolds 1937:633). She was kept in Seelusion by her husband and seldom ventured out alone even 'wi5thin the Chinese community. Indeed, it was not uncommon fcxp a woman to make a trip Of a single block to a female rel- altlve in a closed carriage (Lyman 1968:525). Marriages were allNays arranged, either by relatives living in China or, in l£hes favorable circumstances, between or within Chinatown SE3ttlements in America. In any case, China—born women were allNays preferred choices (Lee 1960:190). Success in marriage :EOI? a Chinese woman depended upon the number of sons she prO— Clueed(a common belief being that large families led to less huSband—wife strain); thriftiness and the accumulation of . ,‘ O ‘0 - ~21. ‘ ‘ h ‘V at. n . u‘ ,2, 7K“ .. \ u. »\ \T '3 " '\. . —N.‘ 7\ ‘r‘ \‘ __ ‘~« 'L \ l. '. ~ .. , V‘N .. v ‘. \ "- “g ‘ . - _ ‘w‘ is... ,._ s. ‘ ‘v ' '4' - 7" ~---v. -.l u. .r ‘ "v»¢ ._. ‘ .. . ‘. '0 e v ' :.(. o. . ’73 ., , ..., - _‘ "<- s‘-_~ . h -"n ‘~ .. ‘ .. _ ‘o-.,‘ - ‘ ‘.§ . 'h».~ .,~ . -.._ - L‘ l."‘ I -sg \ .- “. .. ““ ‘ - . ”7-. _‘ ‘ ' C, ' c - - ‘ N- - "ufl. .-. fl;- . ‘ 4 ‘Q ..‘. l1 ‘ ~_ _ -‘ ‘ u" I ... A '1 "gr .".. -.. 4 ~.,. 5 ‘ n. _ . \_r ‘r - ~ ,- ._.. 45 jewelry geared to an eventual return to China; tolerance of, and courtesy to, her husband's kinsmen (almost a necessity since few Chinese women had relatives as neighbors to depend upon for support); and, Of course, faithfulness (Lee 1960: 198—99) . Nevertheless, according to Lee (1960:193), re— marriages and other familial violations occurred but usually remained well hidden. Thus, patriarchal dominance and the consequent submission of women and children to the father's will established and continued by both economic and social circumstances characterized the early Chinese family life in America. But the adaptation of the Chinese family to America was not the same for all members. Often the father's occu- patierl and participation in community life brought him into more Open COntacts directly with American persons and, indi— reCtlY, with American institutions while the mother remained iSOlated at home. American-born children began to establish a new identity as they participated in Chinese—American life and Game to regard themselves as at least more "acculturated" or less "old fashioned" than their parents. While these youngsters were usually kept in line by familial and community pressures, they were already planting the Seeds of discontent for familial revolt which would con- tinue to increase in intensity as they matured and became mOr - . . . . e involved With their American eXperience. 7.. g - \ a _.N- . .u.___~ .. . ... a -._ - -“‘I-- ' _ .-- -- _ . ._ 1- _-_. ...._ ..._‘ ..- "“~. . - -« '\. - ’-~....; ' . -.“‘ 4;,”- “ ‘Y. c .- . _ - x-“ . ’ o .V *‘< ;v.' .- '.~ v ’. ' ‘Q _ -‘ __ . ‘v ‘4» -.‘ ' .\ . -.g .. .. ‘ ' 1 ti... ‘9 r- 1‘ u A . .. 4. 9‘ -1 . s, « s . a, v‘ ’ “ ._ Y. e. 1. . \ . ‘ . . ‘ ,- ‘-""“ ‘n r “H .- A, g N‘: t ~‘ , .— L‘. ‘7. . u ~. 1 ' 0‘ r. _- \ Q ‘.. . .,_ . \ —»‘ :v. a ‘\ 'H 9‘ \r .M‘ ‘v 1 , s I- ~.. ‘\ ~ 1 - a ‘. \’~ \- an"- ,. 'A ~ ‘ r t. ‘ 46 Chinat own The overseas Chinese have long maintained a distinct social_, economic, and political system within segregated quartelcs of cities, known as Chinatowns (Lyman 1961:1a). These (Jhinese enclaves are organized primarily upon an extendred kinship structure but one which extends agnatic resporusibilities and privileges to non-kin as well and is similaic to that of the home counties from which the sojourn- ers enrigrated (Lee 1960:429). Chinatowns, functioning as a defensxive mechanism, protected the Chinese from American hos- tilitixes and discrimination (Yuan 1965:260). Thus the struc- ture cxf a Chinatown enabled its residents to meet the prob- lems cxf life crisis events-—birth, marriage, old age, and deathsum—and to find fellowship, social familiarity, and SOlacewithin its confines. It acted as a buffer against the Prejudice and depredations of hostile whites (Lyman 1969:20) by formingan"invisible empire" containing a host of associ- ations reflecting the traditional life Of Kwangtung Province and fulfilling functions intimately associated with the per- Sonai View Of Chinese relationships (Barth 1964:77)- The lack Of marriageable women and the inability to establish domestic ties in America increased the Chinese male's depend- ence upon these associations for assistance, protection, and companionship (Lyman 1968:521-22). Yuan (1965:260) portrays Chinatowns as an example of voluntary segregation involving involuntary factors. When ant'l . . . . . . . . 1 Chinese dlscrlmlnatlon became lntenSlve during the 47 1870's:, the Chinese response included withdrawal from eco- nomic (zompetition with the American world and the establish- ment cxf a segregated community. Thus, Chinatown provided a networii of clan associations, secret societies, district com- paniess, and occupational groups which flourished in an atmos— Phere (of American hostility. The develOpment of a ghetto has been a common ethnic and raxzial minority response to American discriminatory prac— tice, 'but its ability to maintain itself depends upon a host 0f corucurrent cultural factors. The Chinese have always mani— festedl a powerful sense Of group feeling (Lyman 1959320), a persuzisive element of group solidarity and identity, strong enougil that, even in a nation stressing "individualism," familgr and group cohesiveness survived. Moreover, the “Edorfi:ty of immigrants were illiterate laborers burdened with linguiiatic and social difficulties which easily contributed to the maintenance of a voluntarily segregated community tbfihl 1963:261). Voluntary segregation made it easier for both Chinese and American derogatory stereotypes to develop, images which invariably made any assimilation Of the Chinese intoAmerican society more difficult. But, by confining themselves in isolated colonies, the Chinese managed to lessen cOnsbant and, at times, competitive interaction with the major'ityand to minimize inter-group conflicts (Yuan 1963:262). Lee (1949:422-25) claims that many Chinatowns were 00 Small and too specialized to perform all the usual func- ti (”K3 of a community such as population reproduction and vv....__.. _‘ u u " ‘ .$ --... -.1’ - -.. -. ..‘ - .’ -. -. .. . -..-‘J_- .— . ‘ - . -_l~ -... . -‘v-. III- . r~. . - '~...- - | .. _ -._ . . - ‘Q.- \ ,. ' so - ~ "‘ . w. ‘ — ‘ 7.. .- \ _\ . -.. a c 0. ‘§ -. .‘_ _ n;,. "§ '- \‘ '- .~ ‘ . ‘ -\ \r' V.._‘ ' '- 2‘ ' ~ ‘,. .. \__“‘ ~ ‘. . . .- 7“ - ‘u "-. ..‘._ I . ‘v \ “‘ \ ... . . v. o r ' " - d “. ".. I a- ,. o' ... ‘~. ~\ u“. \; a \ s N ‘ '\ ‘c A .~.: , “ \ \ I a \_ ~ .. \‘n v 7'. a ‘a v s - n." rt” .. a a - ,- ‘. a. 1! a \ u h 17”. ‘x‘ ... ‘ '- V 1‘: .. . ‘ ‘1 p, . . ul“ 1 ..- ‘2 _._ W. U 1‘ 'J x “ . u . ‘ . ._:‘y: -. 1». ‘- r . ‘ ‘r ‘ . ‘ P '. , ’u "x "I x _ » rm - ‘4 \ . - \ ‘ v '. 1 f- > n 48 econonric independence. This necessitated their forming sym- biotic: attachments tO the larger American economic and social base. Nevertheless, Chinatowns produced and nourished a politixzal-social system in which peOple governed themselves, made tflneir own laws, punished Offenders, and led lives accortLing to long—standing tradition, ruled by their own “elitess” (Lyman 1961:72a). Americans helped to perpetuate and stxrengthen this internal control system by rarely inter— fering; in Chinese disputes as long as they were limited to the sixreets and alleyways of Chinatown (Lee 1960:164). Barth furthexr characterizes early Chinatown structure in California as art indigenous system Of association control and Oppres- sion. However, even though Chinatown living fostered this SyStenl, it also functioned, through gambling, prostitution, feastiiig, and periodic celebrations, to admit indentured immigrendts temporarily to a life of affluence and a brief Tespiime from a world of work (Barth 19643109)- W The world of Chinatown nurtured a Special kind of SOCial.personality, the sojourner. The sojourner is a Strangerina foreign land who clings to the culture of his own ethnic group and, although he spends much time in a foreiencountry, remains unassimilated (Siu 1952:24)- The Chinese sojourner was motivated to cross the ocean to America for primarily economic reasons--to make his 30b a success and t O rettmn.home a rich man. He did not participate in the 49 greater American community, preferring to associate with his own countrymen in racial—cultural colonies. He maintained his cultural heritage while abroad, clung to his native lan- guage and sentiments, and constantly criticized life in America (Siu 1952:55-37). The sojourner mentality, charac— teristic of the early Chinese immigrant, is the life-blood of Chinatown. His outlook continuously supported Chinatown's institutions. The sojourner is both a product and a causa- tive agent of the early social organization of the Chinese in Ame rica. 9bl£§§fig$ocial Organization The large-scale Chinese emigration to America in the lattelc half of the nineteenth century was related to the dis— covers, of gold at Sutter's mill in California but was sub— Stantially assisted, and in part governed, by the cultural and eIlvironmental conditions of the immigrant's homeland. The 1&340's witnessed catastrophic flooding of Southeastern chihfil, accompanied by political and social unrest (Lyman 1961334). The Pearl River delta was also a quarrelsome regicni with much fighting among government Officials, vil— lageES, and lineages. Chinese social organization in the New World bore the unmifytakable stamp of these nineteenth century Chinese lineegge and community conflicts (Lyman 1961:161). The social instistutions of a society are usually formal systems whose f . unct31Lons reflect basic societal needs for control over its 50 members. Associations usually concentrate upon only a few functions and generally supplement institutional controls. In Chinese immigration history, however, the develOpment of associations preceded that of family and religious organiza— tions (Lee 1960:143). Moreover, the nature of Chinese asso— ciations has converted them into at least pseudo-institutions with controls more extensive than those of family or church. These early associations soon became viable Chinese—American institutions (Lee 1960:142). The clan associations have their structural and his- torical origins in the lineage and clan organizations of Southeast China. Clan associations extended the benefits and priVileges of agnatic lineage membership over a wider social and geographical base to include all members bearing the same Surname. Their functions were originally political and eco— nomic. They settled internal disputes, protected their "brothers" from the harmful action of other Chinese, and attempted to ensure justice for members in disputes with non- member Chinese (Willmott 1964:36)- By PTOViding employment, housing, welfare, aid, and advice, enforcing the rules Of propriety and incest, and in some instances obtaining a monopoly over some trades and professions--thus preventing Other Chinese associations from encroachment in specific domail’ls--they formed the basis for extensive social control (Le‘e 1960:174). Clan associations could segment into smaller social un' lte, often through fictive means, but could also combine ,. , --.. -,._ \. , ""u . . , . \~ . ‘ .__ v... - . .._.g . _ ~ ..‘_v‘ . ._.r , ' - _ . " -4“ i _ . -... ‘ 4 ‘r -‘ “ .. s. . 7"‘ , ~ - h“. v . ..H ‘ .._ . '.“. s ‘- ., , _.‘ “...- - >, -. .. .. 'I “-‘ N.‘ o A a '\ - "a - I v ‘p‘ r. ‘w . J‘ .- ., -\: 'u‘ “. '- ‘ ~ . l i. I . _ ‘ ' ..‘ ..‘s ‘ . A ... o 7' “—7 ._ , -“ . ‘_ s -7 ' \ ‘V‘ , ‘ ~ - ‘0‘ ~‘ A. Md s' I. v. V \, nr.‘ ‘ x” ‘v ~ x.“ '3, ~. N v v . ‘n ' .‘r._. .‘J A, ‘.~'\ . - a v\ ‘ J. u -4‘ ., ~\_ N; 7’\ "~ ‘.~ I' ‘- — . _ a. J n -.I I .0 '\‘ . .‘ ~‘ - . ‘1 v 5 . ,~ U ‘. ”r \. _ . . A". u '— \~’_ '. .\ x .‘ ~ 51 into larger trans—family groupings, extending membership to other Chinese immigrants based upon blood brotherhood, tradi- tional friendships, surname similarity (common Chinese lan— guage radicals), geographic proximity, and marriage ties (Lyman 1961 :173). Primarily to counteract the powerful domi- nation Of large clan associations, smaller clan associations used these ties Of historical, geographic, and social pro- Pinquity to band together and compete for some control over Chinatown activities (Lee 1960:174). While clan association competition was characteristic Of the larger Chinese centers in America, smaller Chinatowns were usually dominated by one clan association (Lee 1960: 173) . Although these associations were theoretically Obedi- ent to their national headquarters, usually located in San Fra‘1’1cisco, it appears that local autonomy was the rule rather than the exception (Willmott 1964:54). Clan associations functioned with other types of aLSSOciations to form the "warp and woof of early overseas Chinese societies" (Willmott 1964:56) and further served in the absence of original lineal authorities tO remind the SOjourner of his ties to village and family in China by ELSSliming a role in loco parentis (Lyman 1969321)- Paralleling clan association in function, but struc- t , 1Wally different, the hui kuan united all those who spoke a c OIIlInon sub-dialect or hailed from the same district Of origin 1 n China. These dialect and district associations primarily I‘e presented the Chinese from eight counties of heaviest 52 Chinese emigration to America——the Sze—Yap and Sam—Yap speak- ing peOples of Kwangtung (see Figure 1, page 36)- They played an important role in early Chinese history in America as innnigrant receiving stations (Lee 1960:144—46) where new- comers were welcomed by association representatives, fed, housed, outfitted, and—-after thanking their village deities in a temple connected to the association building——were sent to their respective employers (Wu 1928:164—65). By control— ling Specific enterprises, settling disputes, and protecting the social and economic interests Of their members, they com— Peted with the clan associations for control of Chinatown life . Although both the clan associations and the dialect- district associations were theoretically based upon voluntary membership (membership in a lineage and village is involun— tary), all new arriving immigrants meeting the minimum quali- fleations were summarily enrolled and counted as members. Independent life in America was almost impossible for peOple belOnging to racial, linguistic, and cultural minorities. THUS the newcomers accepted the extension Of the bonds of I‘egional loyalty and familism and the dialect—district asso— ciations were able to control their lives with little aid or interference from American institutions (Barth 1964:86). Another facet Of organizational life in American Ohirlatowns was the existence Of secret societies, or "tongs" as they were often called. They began as American forms of Old Chinese semi-political and semi-religious organizations tv . lrileh for centuries had served as the principal association 1|» 0" \g . \v~ ~ . ‘5 ~ r ‘g .- 9 a} ~ .‘\. ~- ’. o . t“. 1 's - ~r'1 - r v. A? ‘\." ”I 'v ’a ,n‘ _ o . .,~~.«- v" "a .., .4 ‘\ . ‘l.\ . . -. uI-.r,, v‘ ‘ ~c ... u x. a . ' - \ L. x,‘ F. '. ‘- ‘a . .. s, .. ,- 1 I. ,.. _. x, r. . ‘\ v lg r \‘ - UNI-u \‘x‘t‘ ~ . ",\ .“l .. r V“ 4 ‘r , \\ F: .v > ‘4 , J."- y r ..srr. ~‘_, ._~. \ a v n" u , ~‘ _.. *4 r . 1" - ' b 53 for protest, banditry, and rebellion (Lyman 1969:23). They Often exhibited hostility toward the state and united persons who were otherwise divided by blood, local, and language ties (Lyman 1961:222). They also functioned as a haven for those who, running afoul of the law, had been eXpunged from lineage and village identities (Lyman 1969:23). Secret societies were established both in American Cities and in the outlying areas, particularly mining commu— nities. They probably were formed in response to the needs Of a primarily male society whose desire for rapid social adVal’lcement was blocked, and in which wealth, status, and the acquisition of women could not be achieved through legitimate activities (Lee 1960:162). In the mining regions they ran hostels, adjudicated disputes, and regulated claim boundaries (Lyman 1969:24). However, in the cities, they challenged other associations for control of gambling, prostitution, lDI‘Qtection, and other activities on the borderline of social ldeepectability (Barth 1964:102). They competed for the right to govern territories and control occupations with warfare and violence, a common way Of establishing dominance (Lee 1960:163). They became best known in American folklore for 1:heir elaborate street skirmishes and assassinations by "highbinders" and "hatchet men." The "clash" of 2,500 at chirlese Camp, California, in 1856 was perhaps the most famous and included white drill instructors, a magnificent weapons a'I‘Serlal stocked with items from bamboo shields to rifles, III lice: advance publicity, and some tzo,ooo-t4o,ooo. However, _ — ..._‘.‘ ‘0‘. . r.. . s .‘n . . . ~ , . - Q . . . . . _ L. L. . . . .1 . t. . . a a a . \ I ... ... A.» , .. . A . ... u s . . . LN fly a a .44 .qo. . a . ..§ . Q .l ._v — u . . . fi it . ‘ N\¥ ?& . a . a .. ..4 rna s . | .\\. .1” $ . pg. .u“ a . n ... l g ..C ... s ‘ r“ 2.; . . .. x r a .. is h ... . x~ n o .. — v.. .... ...N s . ’ \ . p—<‘ ,7“ J ..\ :~ . . to ... a u u . I 4 r.‘ s . L. .3. ... \ .... . c . v 4 r x .% ) Vx~ . ., .. x . .s \ «~\ \ \ \ ox. . .. ,. . . . . .-.~ ‘1 J . .. .\ r‘ n.v ... .... a \ . c k . a 4 ..v n . I c on 4 a. ~ . . s p c y. \ y-a p u o . . ~‘ r .. o y o. 4 . . 5 u \as s.. x . . ...». 54 street skirmishes seldom involved more than one hundred men and resulted in few deaths (Barth 1964:94-95). Americans tended to group all "tongs" together and to attribute their violent activities to rivalries within and between "tong" organizations. However, not all "tongs" were "fighting tongs" (Reynolds 1935:620) and violent fallings-out often iHVOlved clan associations and dialect-district groups (Lyman 1969:24). The secret societies provided mutual aid for their Inembers in a host of social and economic activities. Their political aspirations were limited to occasional interests in China, and they never interfered in the national politics of the United States of America (Lyman, Willmott, and Ho 1964: 533) . Although we know little about the secret memberships of such "societies," their activities indicate that member- Ship was large and strong enough to rival other groups for Chinatown power (Lyman 1961:2465). In summary, these major points should be remembered. First, the organizational patterns upon which the secret SC)Qieties were built had traditional Chinese antecedents. Se(Bond, there were similarities in form and function among clan associations, dialect—district associations, and secret Societies (Reynolds 1935:615) because of overlapping activi— ties and competition for members as well as their historical basis in traditional society. Third, because of this strug— gle for position and power, relationships between secret SOCieties and other groups were complex and fraught with \\- . . i ' ., A. ... h. . . ‘ .. .. \o. o. e .. L. .... J ., . . 3. _ . s. ... . I. .4 . .« ...\ . an» _ . . . s . . o . . c 7.. ... fl. s .. . .. Q _— .. Q . ~ . p—y . u ... a.- . . .. «L ii a ‘ ... . ..v .. .n. ... «a ... . . . s ... - ... a-l. .~v h; s s.» . . .. . V. i s ... . .c . s v e . s , .. . . . ~ L» t. o .- «ii a 7‘ ~\i 9 \n «. \ 55 violxence (Lyman 1961:251). It was common practice for the dialect—district groulps, clan associations, and secret societies to form a suprfi—community organization called the Chinese Benevolent Asscxziation (also known as Chung_wah hui kuan, Chinese Public Asscnoiation, and, in San Francisco, the Six Companies). It Prinulrily functioned to provide Chinatown with a governmental SUIKarstructure. Furthermore, it served to represent the ChiJlese community vis—a-vis the larger society (Lyman 1969: 22).. In theory, the Chinese Benevolent Association ruled SUIIPeme over all activities because its membership was com- POEHEd of representatives from all local Chinese organizations CLeEB 1960:147). The association served as a self-appointed representative of all the Chinese in America and acquired quadsi-judicial powers, particularly in matters of immigration and-.legal affairs (Lee 1960:148). In the absence of Chinese Corusular and diplomatic officials, it acted as a mediator Ixybween Chinese and American interests (Barth 1964:100). Its control over Chinatown was established by the 1860's where, through tight regimentation, it protected immi- grarms from the schemes of their own countrymen as well as the wide range of American reactions. Its "rule," guaranteed .VY emotional ties to home, operated through an elaborate set Of official rules and quasi-official pressures. It provided 00ffins for the poor; made provisions for invalids; arbi- trated disputes among members; undertook community projects Such as school financing, cemetery maintenance, and fund “A... ‘. -4-_-..r. .... ..-A --. -.‘ . , ‘ ‘v‘..l ’_ _ - ,_ ‘ . . ..,_._ .. g —‘ --.,_ - --. “.§ ’--...: ... "-~ 4 ~..‘ ._‘~_ ‘ " ._ -‘ ~» .4 .- _ 'y., p. 4.,_-‘ . d- .-A J ." N -,_ ‘ ‘. ""~. fi- ‘. ~\ g _ «'\ .. . -.4 , 7.. .. ‘4 1‘ .‘ e .. .\. .'_.- ‘ t I-\ _ . " V \. ~. ‘. .- “‘_ " ~l ~_ “ ‘u, 4 4. s 1‘ :. .... »_. ‘v 4 -“ «,_ ~5- ~. 1'- . ..v -. -— u . 1 s.- ‘ r- \‘\ r... _ -‘_ .~ - ~_ . ‘. u ._-‘ ~‘. <‘ - .v. o w s_ ~.n' I g .- c. u. . v v . "~ “ ' . . ~I v‘ '. . l— . 4. V -. v. s , It. '\ . , r fl- \ .. ... “r . ‘7 .. .. _ \ . a. , \ x -a r V“ 4' a -- "A c- t“ ‘s .. s u .. u r, u " J y \ ’ , 56 raising; and controlled Chinese relations with the American world (Lee 1960:150; Barth 1964:90). The Benevolent Associ- ation generally commanded at least the grudging allegiance and obedience of Chinese, as well as the respect of many whites (Lyman 1969322) . Conflict and Control The early Chinese immigrants were wage laborers, sub— conixracted by and under the direction of a headman. Pos- sessnad of no special skills, these immigrants retreated to urbani Chinatowns which were large enough and diversified enOUggh.to support Chinese institutions. Their employment in Iwestaurants and laundries, as factory workers and domes— tiCES, kept them dependent upon Chinatown associations for their livelihood (Lyman 1961:127). The Chinese world in California was without gentry S°h££lars and officials, whose status in China kept them out of Tflie main stream of emigration (Barth 1964:81). Thus meI‘Cthant-creditors became community leaders with undisputed em‘illence in contrast to their low position within Confucian tra«iitions. These men—-"self-constituted mandarins"——in the a'bSEELrlce of traditional village and governmental controls, Often despotically ruled Chinese immigrant life in America through their leadership positions in clan and district aSSOCiations (Barth 1964:81—82). Because many emigrants were unable to afford the DI“ _ 1‘38 of passage to America, they depended upon monies ... 57 advaimed.by relatives or associations, to be repaid from wages earned. Thus the credit—ticket system enforced the debt—bondage of the emigrants. Furthermore, the district- dialect associations often collected mandatory arrival and departure fees, often with interest. The collection of both Old and New World debts by association officials tightened association controls over immigrant life. Chinese newcomers, uflsuxe of their rights under the American legal system or afraid.to use such recourse, remained tied to Chinese solu- tiCnis and generally accepted the extension of lineage—region borkis over their lives. When American courts were used, it WaE3 often to the advantage of the wealthy merchant-creditor. The immigrants' plight is well summarized by Lyman: "By the turn of the century, the Chinese were iso- lated, neglected and demoralized. Locked inside the Chinatowns of American cities they achieved some sense of cultural freedom, a relaxation of tensions and a precari- ous independence. . . . A few prospered as merchants and gained political and social power in the ghetto; but most remained homeless and trapped, too poor to return to China and too Oppressed to enter fully into American society"(Lyman‘1969:43). The interrelationships between secret societies, clan ass3Ociations, dialect-district groups, and the Chinese benev— olfiint associations reflected an organizational system laden W1th constant conflict (Lyman 1961:251)- ASSOCiatiOflS were uhe'q‘ual in power and affluence (Lee 1960:147) and controlled theEir members by brute force and by hidden persuasion that w@111: with_regional loyalty and filial piety (Barth 1964:89). ViJélage and lineage feuds found a new eXpression in these New V? OI‘ld institutions (Barth 1964:93,97). Dialect-district . _ ... _ ... o. . .. H" 58 associations split as clan associations within them estab- lished priorities (Lyman 1961:274) and secret societies con- stantly challenged benevolent association rule (Barth 1964: 100). There were also terrific struggles for leadership within organizations and these internal conflicts were often settled with violence and assassination (Barth 1964:86). In Spite of the struggle of individual associations for control, the overall effect of these conflicts was an extension of aSSCKfiation dominance over all Chinatown activities. We have already indicated that conflict became an endemic factor in Chinese overseas life in America. Yet its Futesence does not indicate community disorganization; instead intuernal conflict can best be described as "realistic" (Coser 1956:48-49). Individuals and groups engaged in struggles for Weetlth, power, status, and women; yet custom and tradition ditrtated how the conflict should be resolved (Lyman 1961: 347). Conflicts were initiated, prolonged, and finally reSolved by a shared set of sentiments common to all partici- parl‘ts; American values and precepts rarely entered into Chinatown conflicts. The resolution of these often violent digputes reinforced cultural ties to one's own group and to Chiliese society. Many rivalries were entered into according .to ibule and custom, from the declaration of war to the set— ‘tlfihhent of dispute at a peace banquet (Lyman 1961:367)- Tkruis, although Chinatown disputes made for changes in leader- Sktilp and power, the new victors continued to perpetuate the C) :Ld- institutions, whose legitimacy was rarely questioned. In a..---...’ x. .3... . - _ -.--..u' ..‘1 .. , _ , " '--- ».___ — _ ~A‘- I ~-\ > -.5 -—« .. .__ ~ - -‘ ~ ‘1 ""v\. 1 * . 1.. 1‘. '\ ..g‘ . ‘ "-...‘ ‘A '-.. h N. , .‘ . r o..\‘ - .-.4 “ .4'"; u. "‘—i.n fi ..‘ ‘u, 7.... \' ' r‘. ., -~"Q: I v ..4 ‘ -v‘ .. - ‘«... g V 'e-: ‘_ ‘. . -" I_ ‘ \ .— ‘- o ‘ . “.’ . . ~"~( . J, , n v.- C L ~.‘ ya! . N u p. «' v r k. I " ‘ . 's ‘n.’ . A- ‘o _ x ' ““\;-\ \ '~. ‘V u‘ a'.‘ ‘ " \g ‘5'. ". ,. s. ._ .‘v .. ‘.. pt ‘- §. \ n‘- ’\ . . <,_ ‘r s y“ fa - C \w .4‘1‘> . ~t \ f.‘ v u ‘u f ' "A ‘Q . ‘. ‘..~ .. v. - 'd‘ ‘ ...» ‘ V.) v ‘— \_~ , ‘. -e,. ‘ . "~ ", rlr, . " V“. x ‘I‘ a ‘\ p. s an ~‘ . ' I ‘\Aw.; - , ,\ 7 (r 59 addition, because the changes occurred within Chinatown society, the Chinese were able to present a united appearance to the bmlk.of American society. Chinese Religious Extensions Early Chinese temples in America, commonly called "joss kmmses," followed the pattern of Buddhist and lineage tangles in the Chinese homeland and often fulfilled the same functinnmsin.much the same manner. Local "gods" were occasicmmlly grouped together under one roof in a religious panorane.which usually included both Kuan—Yin, the goddess of mercy,and Kuan—Kung, the god of war. Chinese celebrations and religious festivals centered upon the temples, allowing temPle managers to earn income from the sale of fireworks, good luck symbols, and proper prayers. Donations were also made by businessmen and by association groups. Gods and gOddeSses were occasionally lent to other nearby communities and tempfle festivals were attended by Chinese both near and far, {Temples were sometimes connected to company or associ- ationhouses which incorporated religion and superstition in their Set of controls. But perhaps the two most important functions of the temples were the integration of the entire Chinese community (at least during festive occasions) and the provision of SOlace’ comfort, and entertainment for Chinese immigrants. T hey fOund security in prayer and a host of other beliefs and I‘e-. llglous practices in which they daily indulged and which r--~~ ., . """’---‘-4 A. . ‘\,~,. - - " .. . -~.-‘ .. 4 n. ..‘> ‘ - -‘ . -—,.‘ .. _- ~/, 6, l _ ‘n I _, 4-— , ‘ u.‘ . . .._ .. -.. ‘ 5 n u, *, N» . s... ., - ‘ . s. 'g. s . Q '., . “- ’l h '- - \. . v "' . '\_ - ‘.‘ ’ ‘ ' ... s 1‘ s ‘V I I‘ e ._ V ._‘ ‘l v." r _ “e . ‘» .. t“ - n. . '1’ v . ' h “ -A. \- b. -. -._ v - ‘. . L o . h.- .‘. M “r \‘ _ : s q. “ “fix, .'.‘ ‘ .- \x‘nt \ .w‘ ’l ‘ . I 1 -. u, ‘~‘ - ~‘,\ . 'b ‘. ' V ‘1 .' ‘>r 4 .... ‘\ I~,F‘. . ~(_ m '\ .r \ H‘ ._l ‘ . r —" \‘ I,- . s g h ? " .4.‘ ‘4 . x:_- V. b, _ “ bi ‘\ ‘1 \,\-, | . x ‘ ‘k .. “ I \ \"x "‘ n a i " a s 'u N ‘1 6O constantly reminded them of home. The Chinese temples remained an integral part of the Chinese enclaves in urban and rural areas and rarely had dealings, other than those necessary for their continuation, with the non-Chinese popu- lation of the larger American settlements (Eberhard 1962: 362—71; Barth 1964:91). aficulturation Acculturation, as defined by Redfield, Linton, and HeI‘skovitz (1936:159), includes those cultural changes which I‘eSUth when groups of individuals having different cultures Come into continuous first-hand contact. The early history of the Chinese in America strongly suggests that accultura- tion, or behavioral assimilation into American life, rarely Occurred. The goals of the Chinese immigrants to make and Save money quickly, to pay off their debts, and to rejoin the:Lr families in China (BarthO1964:157) did not foster a permanent commitment to America, either as a place to settle and raise families or as a cultural system to emulate. They left their homes defending the tenets of their culture and / re.Z'Iected values opposed to that defense. Siu (1952:41) deScribes the sojourner's pattern as accommodation, iso— lation, and unassimilation and Lyman (1968:52) calls the early Chinese eXperience in America "an instance of unusually ' persistent social isolation and preservation of Old World V alues.“ Yuan (1965:259) further characterizes the adjust- In er11: of the Chinese to America as primarily economic. 61 Linguistic and cultural differences prevented all but the most minimal contacts with American institutions. More- over, the immigrants' social environment, controlled through an overlapping Chinese associational system and aided by anti—Chinese discrimination and prejudice, maintained and Perpetuated a closed cultural system. Some adjustment and accommodation to the American Scene, however, was inevitable, particularly in the mining Counties, where long separation from countrymen and a Spe- Cific economic pursuit meant a skillful adaptation to, and familiarity with, American technological inventions. Many Chinese accepted such products of American culture as hats and shoes, particularly mining boots (Barth 1964:157), and weStern dress was not unknown among community leaders who constantly dealt with American Officialdom. A few Chinese a'c-‘ted as translators for banking firms, merchant houses, and Stage lines, and many were employed in American factories, as domestic servants, and as washermen (Barth 1964:171). But these occupations demanded only that they gain proficiency in technical and commercial enterprise and not a moral-religious and philos0phical commitment to American life. Perhaps the greatest force for acculturation was the C:hllrch and mission movement of the late nineteenth century Whigh, led by a few influential ministers, initiated programs for the conversion of the "heathen Chinese." The establish- ment of Chinese missions and regular mission work attracted C) . hlnese as pupils, teachers, and translators. Whenever the ‘a- .,...,.. ~. -v»...v-.-. ~- . ““-‘. in ...‘., --~ . o ., . eko’ .' ’ 3.. . , -‘..i. ‘ - -".‘ - ... - .— v... _‘ .. . .. .s as. . Y. ., ‘v- 4.‘_ '4 . LY‘Q- ‘ \__ - ""-. A»- .‘ ~. 5 ol" v' 4 ~ " .... x . a ~— .-‘_ A . . Q ‘ ~ ;'~ . I "I . Mn “ L » ‘\- - ..g- ..~ ‘ 1 \. ‘ I «V. ~_ «x. ‘. N v' J N ~- 'I‘I . ~_ \ .. r'4 ._ , “““V i .‘ J '- “~‘7.’. 4 .\V ‘- \. ‘ \ .. ‘ p .‘ , “x 1.. -Q 'r \t '- \,~n # '\ .v‘ . d‘ u ‘ A. . \hfs " A'r—r .. ~ u .- -‘ ‘Q‘ n» x 62 Opportunity arose, Chinese flocked to Bible classes and mission schools to acquire the rudiments of English grammar but , to the consternation of the missionaries, no more. Barth (1964:169) writes that in dress and habit they evi— denced their eXposure to American values but the influence Of the new culture could not substitute for the eXpected return to China. Nevertheless some Chinese, attracted to the AmeI‘ican church in order to learn English, were gradually won over to Christianity; indeed, some had already been converted While in China. For these individuals there was at least a partial escape from the restricted life of the Chinese ghetto and emancipation from the constrictive forces of Chinatown life. Nevertheless, they would still remain somewhat reSpon- sive to Chinese community controls. Thus, by 1900, the forces of acculturation were beginning to influence the external—extrinsic traits of the Chinese in America. But significant changes in Chinese SOC=ial organization could not take place until a sufficient hU—tnber of American—born sons and daughters could make their American eXperience felt as a group and could successfully czha:Llenge their immigrant generation of fathers. 65 FOOTNOTES——Chapter 5 1During the depression of the 1870's, there were various kinds of agitation and attacks against the Chinese. Dennis Kearney, the founder of the Workingman's Party, led the Opposition against Chinese labor. His prejudicial rhet— oric was based upon the premise that America was for the Anmxricans and that all foreigners, particularly those of a different color, were interlopers and trespassers (Kung 1962: 68) . Kearney's Speeches always ended with the slogan: "The Chinnese must go" (Sung 1967:41-45). The constitutional convention to frame the second cornstitution for the State of California met in an atmosphere ovexrflowing with anti-Chinese feeling. Restrictive legisla— tion was passed but was later declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of California (Kung 1962:73). V... Chapter 6 EARLY CHINESE SETTLEMENT IN SACRAMENTO Hisrtory and Supposition Ideally, historical reconstructions rely upon accu- ratne and substantial documentation. Unfortunately, many of Sacxramento's Chinese merchants, gold miners, and laborers werwa illiterate in both English and Chinese and left few pri- nmafiy sources documenting their commercial or social activi— ties.1 Caucasian commentaries on the life style of Sacra— merrto's Chinese are largely limited to ethnocentric newspaper aCOCHints. Thus our information is restricted to some general descriptive accounts of early Chinese life in America and to Unifited States Census Bureau data. Most historical writings specifically concerned with thjis early period of Chinese emigration to America focus upon SarlIFrancisco's Chinatown, the most populous and influential Cerrter for Chinese New World settlements. As a result, deEScriptions of the Chinese in Sacramento, Marysville, and St0C:l£ton are generally incomplete. Moreover, most accounts termi to focus upon history, legislative, legalistic, and emo- t' . . . . . . . lormil reaction toward increaSlng Chinese immigration and rareBlyupon the social organization of the Chinese them- 64 ._ -‘v _ sq - . .. luv»._. no... . . , . .‘u..- __ ~~-,;.‘: . ' . - "\o ‘_ .‘.. \- - _ " ‘ v- ._, . ‘..4 v.» ‘ :0. V _"~~-.. - 't-._ u v 52- . ‘N“‘~ ‘ _ '4 . .,__ L‘; h n’ t, ‘h‘ -.- V_‘ ‘- . . ‘-.-r n h ‘..' v; . v ~_ .‘ A Q‘ — “A » «J ‘ q- n. o \_u .. ... . ‘ . Q. 5‘ "ML. ‘J ‘ "fl. . ' ,“- -"dJ A '. “ '..‘ . \.-~‘ . “A ‘4 ‘ §. N ‘1 . ‘.n ‘- \‘_.. ,1- : ..era A.- 1., II‘ B c -\ 1‘}... a 1 O ., -r., a ‘u‘ ‘\ . “.-—r. .g ._ - . 'v 1.. MW” 5‘ 1'”. V .x 4" .‘ ,‘ x \ ,. :V ~/_ ,4 . .‘4 .\ ‘1 -\ \"\ '\ ~'. _. ,. . . ‘~ ~n ._ ' ‘ v— .. ‘\ w I,\ st; 1— , . ,4» ‘ . 9‘: 65 Nevertheless, and in spite of the paucity of reliable and documentary data, there is no reason to believe that the social organization of the Sacramento Chinese community was significantly different from that in San Francisco and other wesit coast communities. All Chinese were aliens in a foreign arui often hostile land and were largely subject to the same pognulation pressures and cultural problems of adjustment. Thexir shared social, linguistic, and territorial backgrounds enetbled them to perpetuate coincident institutions to regu- latue and control community life. It is not my intention to derry the specific directions of this community‘s history and grcwvth. Local circumstances and leadership can lead to unixlue social arrangements. Yet, even within the parameters 0f inidividual choice, Chinese organizational patterns thIWJughout America seem to have remained similar and to have fOllowed identical structural principles. §§£agamento's Chinese POpulation The Chinese first arrived in Sacramento County fol- lOWing Marshall's discovery of gold at Coloma in 1849 (Fans 1961 :28), By 1860, the city of Sacramento was supporting a Chirlfisse center large enough to supply groceries, equipment, and (other wares to Chinese mining settlements in the "gold rUSkU' country. It attracted Chinese miners, scattered in camtns and settlements, to the California State Fair in Septenmer and to Chinese religious festivals in October (Barth_1964:111). While San Francisco served as the primary ......u. . u - ...~-‘---- — u: "r ‘. .. ~.... A“; ..- . .. ',» .1. .-.. d-.. v 4--. .. . .. ‘\ '\ , ”N 5 \ 66 receiving center for Chinese immigrants, Sacramento, Stock- ton, and Marysville were processing centers where agents and (Bollectors representing the Five District Companies con— tracrted for, and controlled, the Chinese laborers who worked in nuining camps (Barth 1964:90,113). Ping Chiu (1965:11) lists only six Chinese miners and two Ilaundrymen as living in Sacramento County in 1850 (see Tablxas 2, 5, and 4 for Chinese labor and population figures in.Ekacramento County and city). EXpanded mining operations 21nd.'the construction of the Central Pacific Railroad (1865- 1869) facilitated community growth and by 1880 Sacramento (30tu1ty claimed 4,893 Chinese, approximately one-third of whom lifiveo,within city boundaries. During the 1880's and 1890's, Espreading anti-Chinese feelings led to restrictive legisla— ‘ti‘3rland the number of Chinese declined appreciably. The 159CN3 U.S. census lists only 1,065 Chinese living in Sacra- metl'to--a loss, since 1880, of over 700 Chinese residents. Table 2 Chinese Labor in Sacramento County 1850-1880 \ 3(63511, Chinese Chinese Chinese Chinese il§-“f Miners Farmers Gardeners Farm Laborers 1 EBESC) 6 * * * 1 $60 a. 3 120 * 1 8'70 892 37 72 668 Q) 1,165 558 184 21s * Information not available. EgjL Source: Ping Chiu's Chinese Labor in California, Univer- 1tly'of Wisconsin Press, 1965. a, _‘- ~<- - .-... -- In...- H o _ ... . .4 4. ~.~ fit L 67 Table 3 Chinoese Population, City and County of Sacramento 1852—1900 ¥ Chinese Chinese Population increase (+) and 'Yeaxé pOpulation population decrease (—) of non-city County of City of Chinese Sacramento Sacramento Number Increase/Decrease 1852 804 600* 204* 1860 1,731 988 743 + 539* 1870 3,596 1,571 2,225 +1 ,482 1880 4,893 1,781 5,112 + 887 1890 4,571 1,755 2,618 - 494 1900 3,254 1,065 2,189 — 429 ._‘~‘__ *- Estimate. Source: U.S. Census. fie; Note: On August 5, 1882, Congress passed the Chinese (3i?SFtriction Act, which brought to an end the free immigration 181; (Jhinese laborers and began an era of Chinese exclusion :f. <3no.American shores (Kung 1962:80). This accounts in part er‘ the decrease in Chinese population in 1890 and 1900. - u-o. . ..~ . a . u a . .. I I 1 ~ .. . , . . o v .. w . s . .. . .. 68 Table 4 Population Figures for Chinese and non—Chinese, City of Sacramento, 1852—1900 Total Chinese Percentage Chinese city Yeas? population population Chinese population City of City of City of increase (+) Sacramento Sacramento Sacramento and decrease (—) 1852 6,820 600* 8.8* 1860 15,785 988 7.2 +588* 18'70 16,285 1,571 8.4 +383 1880 21,420 1,781 8.5 +410 1890 26,586 1,755 7.0 - 28 1900 29,282 1,065 3.6 —688 \ * Estimate. Source: U.S. Census. (is; Note: After 1880, the Chinese population started to eastcrrease while the total pOpulation of the city continued to IchEMand' Thus the Chinese percentage of the overall city jgrtEquation became increasingly smaller. Despite the increase aft:‘the actual numbers of Chinese in Sacramento, particularly Ger 1940, the Chinese percentage declined to 1.3 by 1960. 69 Sacramento's early Chinese settlers were primarily young adult males. The shortage of females becomes apparent in the 1860 census, which records only 180 females for 808 males. Over 70 per cent of all Chinese immigrants were between 20 and 59 years of age at that time. By 1900, 915 Persons of the total Chinese city pOpulation of 1,065 were males over 21 years old. Furthermore, one of the outstanding characteristics of the Chinese pOpulation was the fact that they were overwhelmingly foreign-born. For example, in 1870 only 51 of Sacramento County's 5,598 Chinese were American- bOI‘n; this figure rose only to 56 in 1880 and by 1890 had drOpped to 29. These early immigrants were predominantly Sze-Yap Speaking peOples,3 by virtue of their dialect nominal members Of the Ning Yuen, Hop, W0, Kong Chow, and Shui Hing terri- toI‘ial associations. These "district—dialect" associations were well established in San Francisco (Barth 1964). How- ever, although these associations may have had representa- tiVes in Sacramento County, it is doubtful that they corltrolled local politics. Not only was this early pOpulation largely composed Of Single males, but a good proportion of the single females of Imarriageable age were engaged in prostitution and, there— fore, unavailable as prOSpective brides. As was customary, many of the married men had left their wives and families in China (Farwell 1885:97). The majority of Sacramento's Chinese population were denied the mixed blessings of conjugal family 1 4 .A ....» ,. ,. . .1 .\ . a . .t . 2 a. . . . ... . . ... . . .. ... l o . l— ..v o . n ,l o , . c o o . 0| .5. 5. ..\ 4. _ :. . . r. ....ifl .1. . 4 . ,... _ ..\ ~ 4 \ C. J 2 r. .4 .4 as . . . ... ... is .4, .1. r.\ r: . x in . . C a... s . .n a .r. o y .. ._» .14 ..\ g .1 v .c s r74 .. x .. ,‘ 70 ilinfee, and therefore were increasingly dependent upon extra— féiniigly groupings for their primary social and sexual needs. Thus, family associations, guilds, tongs, and other frmaiserhal and familial organizations, modeled after struc— tttreally similar institutions in Southeastern China, were able tC) (zommand the allegiance of the Chinese and control the Ifiiirterns of work and leisure in American Chinatowns. L h.iriat own One particularly vivid description of life in Sacra— m€3rito's Chinatown was published in an 1875 newspaper account: "Before the dawn of day the Chinese quarter is alive and the inmates may be seen moving to their various places of business. Saloons, hotels and many private houses require attention. Fires must be made and carpets swept. At this early hour it is interesting to observe the Chinese vegetable dealers with their immense baskets on their shoulders congregating at the intersection of Jay and Third Streets and purchasing from the producers the esculents which they afterwards peddle out in the confines of the city. The Chinese vegetable peddlers travel a great deal on foot each day for a small remuneration. "It is morning and now the Chinese quarter itself re—echos the sounds of trade and traffic. From above and below the sidewalks appear the hucksters stands, bearing everything edible from varnished pork down. Then the drug stores throw Open their doors, the pastry cooks and fruit dealers lay out their inducements, the cobbler and carpenter have their work benches in order, fish swim and flounder in artificial ponds, ducks quack in the gutter and chickens complacently await their doom. By late morning one hears the actual hum of business and everyone is working very hard. The dens of infamy open their doors. "It is nighttime. The Chinese who have been engaged on the outskirts of the city congregate on Eye Street and the district becomes lively. Gambling is carried out among discordant music, the smells of offensive oils and the rattle of apparatus used in gambling games"(Sacra- mento Daily Union, January 11, 1875). 1 ~99. .9. __ ._ I -. 5‘ ...- fi~ ..H - " O ...p 1‘-. . 1, ,. s a ' ' V a___‘ o . .\ . 1‘ - ' "‘ v... 1--. _ A~-. .... 'V ' .- ,O s...‘ a - "--. Yvh . ~..__,_ ’fi . .... a ... s _ .5. .- \“-.~~ ’V - - ~.‘ u‘. "‘ .. --- y _1-.:, . \ u-‘ '1 _ ~... . v 4‘. r4 - Q- . ,- V.- . 5! ~4~ ' .g. ., 4. ,, v1.“ '. s~ ‘ ... . Y.- .‘ », .: ~. I .v‘ ’r, ‘fx. " ‘. a \I', N‘. ‘1 u, u ‘- ‘4‘: .~, "1 . 1. ‘ ‘VJFa r ‘1 6. e - 51 q, d , :f‘..‘ \:_..‘ ‘4 \ k. . 9’: I". ‘7. \ ’1. K.» I' «F‘ ‘4, 71 Sacramento's Chinatown was established at least as early as 18544 and evidences a geographic—historical continu— ity. The Chinese community had eXpanded only slightly by the 1870 's and, in 1885, Third and Eye Streets were still referred to as the center for Chinese activities in the city (Farwell 1885:102). By the turn of the century, "the Chinese quarter still remained as the pOpulation center for the city's Chinese residents" (Sacramento Union, June 6, 1900). The newspaper's picturesque rendition, nevertheless, su~ggests three important structural features of Chinatown life. First, Sacramento's Chinatown was a Specific geo- graphic district with rather well defined boundaries and corresponded to the classic enclave, a segregated community Called a "ghetto" (Wirth 1928:285-85). Within this area there was a wide variety of business enterprises which inCZILuded: 125 prostitutes, 25 cigar—makers, 10 grocery Stores, two large-size food wholesale establishments, one pawnbroker sh0p, three eating houses, six drug stores, six be'I‘ber sh0ps employing a total of 12 barbers, seven physi— C:ia-l’ls, two shoe and slipper manufacturers, two fruit stands, and four butcher shops (Sacramento Daily Union, January 11: 1 873). Chinese economic enterprise, however, was not limited to Chinatown. The Chinese were also engaged in mining, faI‘Ifling, and various types of gardening in the nearby rural areas. Large numbers of Chinese were employed in mining and I‘- . allIt‘oad construction--15,000 in the building of the Central ~-~- 1 ---. q .-. — ....n .— ~ ..- ..—4 o 4 “ . ~_ . I . h 72 Pacific Railroad alone. By 1869, however, rural occupations shifted to farming and truck gardening (Fang 1961:17).5 More over, the Chinese "peddled their wares," "set up their laundries," and worked for Caucasian employers throughout the city. These activities all involved constant Chinese— Calicasian interaction. The Chinese played subservient roles in these social relationships but were also becoming familiar with the English language and the American monetary system. Thus, the "ghetto enclave" was not in all aspects a closed System. Secondly, Chinatown was both a commercial and a resi— dEi'l’ltial district, so that living quarters and business enter— Pl‘ises, including gambling and prostitution, were Spatially COincident. Finally, Chinatown was, in an economic sense as Well as in a political, religious, and social sense, a self- Sufif‘icient unit that provided most of the goods and services neCessary for the effective maintenance of community life. If Chinatown was the hub of the legitimate Chinese business-marketing complex, it was also the center of a for- 1118.1 Chinese organizational network. Since a function of this assOciational complex was to provide recreational activities for its members, Chinatown also served as a center for many illicit ventures, such as prostitution and gambling. The fact that these activities were conducted in the public eye no doubt served as a point of friction between the white community and Chinatown and perhaps eXplains the preoccu— pation with vice and moralizing found in early Caucasian 'v-.<.-5 .- .-~ ....— - n . \_~ — —..,‘,_ - ‘ a.-. P' _, g I‘. ~. " .... - 1 I.M ’ “‘- . . ~. ._ \ Q .“~ ‘.-~ ‘ - :-. ‘s... v'—, .. Hog . V. ’ v. ‘ “. :4_ ~ \ ‘ ~. at. e ‘-"1‘-’ , K . v‘ r‘ " ~ .‘\ \ .‘ ‘~ '1 ‘ ~‘ ‘. x J‘ l ‘A s r ’Il’ 'c‘ ‘ ‘ — '~ A \ - \‘ \~~? '\, V - \ \ u 1 ‘. s~ \ k A. ' I r V t .1 H . i ,. t ~-‘ '4, “rm \- .. \ ‘0 I’- 5 ‘f-" v \ ‘. 1,- 1 . ‘-‘~ - V . 75 acccyunts of Chinese life. Ecoriomic Enterprises In the 1870's, Sacramento boasted 55 Chinese wash- houjsees (laundries) employing some 500 men. The laundries were; scattered throughout the city but were controlled by a canixral headquarters located at a building on Eye Street, bettveen.4th and 5th streets, in the heart of Chinatown. The Sicramento DailLUnion reported that: "It is here that the Wfisflnermen's guild fixes prices, regulates transactions, and seine forth the rules to which all members are obligated to COrLform. Business is c00perative and each man is payed in PIWDImortion to profits" (Sacramento Daily Union, January 11, 153775). The guild appeared strong enough to enforce its decXisions, even when its policies were Opposed by Caucasians, as; fiLllustrated by the following account: "In 1877 a Sacramentan had rented the basement of his hotel to a Chinese for a laundry. The Laundrymen's guild, however, had determined that this laundry was located too close to an already existing laundry and that the new Chinese proprietor must leave. The hotel owner guaran- teed him legal protection. However, the prospective laundryman was subsequently approached by three members Of the guild who, brandishing pistols and knives, threatened him with death and demanded that he pay the uild $110 as a fine. He gaVe them all the money he had" Wu 1928:167—68). Sacramento's Chinese also engaged in illicit enter- :pltises, primarily gambling, Opium smoking, and prostitution. Ir‘ 1876 the Union reported: "There are some 16 Opium dens within the city of Sacramento. Most of them are below street level. One ‘Which is high-toned and private is located next door to ‘the schoolhouse on Eye Street between 4th and 5th Streets. 74 {The chief one is beneath the rickety [wooden] sidewalk on 'the south side of Eye Street between 2nd and 5rd Streets" (Sacramento Daily Union, February 25, 1876). Another neWSpaper article vividly described the insjnde of an Opium den. "You descend a narrow flight of stairs, the ceiling ,is low and at head level. It has earthen floors and ‘walls of rough board and measures 8 x 10 feet. It is zalways filled with smoke and the men recline on mat- oovered low platforms using blocks of wood for pillows. It is lighted by burning tapers floating in oil. The Opium is smoked through a bamboo pipe two feet long" (Sacramento Daily Union, February 25, 1876). Eye Street was reported to have been lined with 16 to ”3 ggambling houses. Both Chinese and Caucasians would play thf? "lotteries," tickets for which were drawn at night, their In?ix:e ranging from 10 cents to $1.00 with prizes varying from tWenty—five cents to 455.00.7 In the 1880's, police officers reported approximately 2(3C’ Chinese women engaged in prostitution. Their function W213 ‘to serve the social-sexual needs of the city's unmarried OI‘ilonely Chinese men.8 The women were owned by Chinese men Eirmi were reported to be as young as 14 years of age (Farwell 1885:104). One police officer testified that he was called ilrrto a Chinese house to be a witness to a transaction. He ‘v843 later informed that he had indeed been witness to the Emilia of a woman for $400. The woman soon afterwards commit- ‘tec1 suicide (Farwell 1885:98). Prostitutes had little chance (If fisscaping from their owners, should they so desire, and it W . 8‘3 common for Chinese owners to report runaways to the cauOasian police, claiming they had stolen household goods. .... .. - A ‘ ”a..- -‘~ .-- a ‘<, - . --. . 4...--- I .. ‘ -. ‘ -.. -l . e... ,-v. _ :'~-.~'.‘.' ,. . — ‘ o_ .' -' ‘ -- \u ‘ ~s.‘ _. fin M A... ... . s,- 0. av ' . - “4. - ._.A "‘~‘ m \.i._ ~ ‘ ' - 1‘”- . vi. —. .\ *. fi‘ .__‘ ‘1. a. q . _ - ._ ‘o‘ ..'_ - Q r“~ 1. _. . \ ).‘ \ " ‘~ '1' . .-J y,‘., a ’1» ',‘ - ‘ . w, I 6» n. :‘U,~fi ‘- .._~ ‘ ‘I \- o 1“ ' n. .,w 6, r.» . ”‘1‘: ‘ y, "1’ - ‘U‘V‘ ‘. \'I\‘ “V - v ~v. , .y 9‘. ~ \ \ I! n‘ I ~ \, ‘l P. | M~,-.P_. ‘ v '\ \ I. \ .; 4 .‘p L’..-. ‘ '7‘ t‘udlv" ‘1 . \\ K v ‘h 1r .—‘-' i‘1, ‘ . ‘\ v 75 The courts usually returned the women to their "owners" (Farwell 1885:111). Conflict and Control Although the Chinese residents of Sacramento were subject to many of the laws of the American nation, including Specific municipal and state ordinances, they were usually able to circumvent the American legal system and dispense justice "Chinese style." This type of justice was based upon traditional Chinese prerogatives and was manipulated by a System of community controls, a blend of transplanted and local features. The system was effective primarily because most Chinese were dependent for their life and livelihood upon the leaders of the Chinese community. Recalcitrant individ- uals who violated community "laws" were punished and served lrlOtice that errant Chinese would, in the final analysis, be properly diSposed of.9 Moreover, most Chinese, unfamiliar With the English language and suspicious of American legal practices, preferred the familiarity of the Chinese judicial SYstem. That the Chinese in Sacramento indeed had their own judicial system is evidenced by testimony in the Report of the Special Committee of the Board of Supervisors of San FranClisco, which included in the appendix the testimony of Sacramento civil employees. Police officers insisted that: "The great number of offenses committed by Chinese are among themselves and are settled long before they can Come to issue in our courts. They use threats and intimi- dation among themselves but never towards whites. It is - , v -... 9... «.-.. \- s» - .— ‘ « - - '-~ I .. . - . 1~--, o-i "' "'--A ... ...' r ' \ .~. - ...~. '.-9_ _ , _ - ‘.'~-, -¢ '1. \._ as. '. «e '1’-. v- \‘r -.l1 b V‘. I a . .-~ .. ~ ‘N v ‘ . r~ ", "L,. o rm,’ , - u .‘ .... s A. ~ . ‘er "‘ ‘- 5. ‘r...’ ‘ d“ 5.. ' ‘r... \v L- - .. K ‘ ’A \. ”x o v .1 _ . 76 cuommon that when several men are arrested, one will be crffered whom we may convict if we let the others go. (3liinese leaders offered to furnish me with the necessary ervidence if I would let the others go. The Chinese have 'tlieir own tribunals where they try their own cases; they suettle ever thing within their own counsels" (Farwell 1 885:105-14 0 The social and economic life of Sacramento's Chinese restenfl upon the leadership of the various Chinese associ- atiorisw These groups controlled both legal and illicit enheiiprises and acted as courts of justice for the Chinese cmmnlznity. Control over members was facilitated by the use Ofphysical force through "highbinders" and "hatchet men" WOPliing in the employ of the organizations. "It is estimated that there are about 100 to 150 ILighbinders within the city. They are young toughs who irravel about in groups and raid the gambling houses. {Dhese groups of assassins are regularly organized into Zrival.groups who constantly patrol the Chinatown streets" (§acramento Daily Record Union, November 12, 1885). "The leader of the Tong had an organization of 50 llighbinders. Clothed in bullet-proof armor and heavily Eirmed they were hired solely for waging war, murder, and Ifor defense at the bidding of the "Lodge." They are paid Zfrom,$5.50 to $10.00 per day for this occupation. The Inore deSperate the character the more money he receives. tI‘he leader of the Tong imported an additional 15 fighting Inen from San Francisco at $500 each to do bloody battle" C§acramento Daily Record Union, November 12, 1885). The actual use of physical force, however, was not a JANEHYS necessary; the threat of retaliation often proved Su‘fficient. "The Chinese refused to talk to the police about the fshooting between two groups, but later in the evening a Inerchant went into a back room with some officers, barri- Cnided the doors, and after he was sure he could not be Eseen or heard said: 'If the Chinese knew I would divulge Eanything I would be killed before tomorrow night. I have 51 family in China and I don't want to die in California'" .§acramento Daily Record Union, November 12, 1885). 77 "A Chinese was arrested for stealing from the congre— gational church school room. Three Chinese and a white teacher were present. The Chinese begged the white teacher not to go to court, for if they had to go they were sure they would be killed by order of their own countrymen. At the trial two of the Chinese witnesses had disappeared and the one remaining had perjured him— self saying he knew nothing about the crime. Later I was informed that he was very much scared and doubtless acted under orders" (Farwell 1885:112). Actual battles were uncommon and were short—lived cuzcurrences but some cases were reported in the Sacramento press. "On September 9, 1854 at 10:00 p.m. some 500 Chinese gathered at I and 5th streets to do battle. Some were armed and wore tin hats and carried bamboo Shields. After a one—half hour melee police broke it up and twenty leaders were taken to the Station house" (Daily Alta Californian, September 10, 1854). "On November 11, 1885, at 7:00 p.m. the discharge of firearms attracted attention in Chinatown. Four peOple were Shot and hundreds filled the streets. The police later found one wounded Chinaman at a lodging house nearby who later died. It was rumored that several others who had been wounded were hidden away in China— town" (Sacramento Daily Record Union, November 12, 1885). Encounters between rival "companies" and "associ- ErthJns" were for control over commercial enterprises, for polJitical ascendancy and over the regulation of prostitution, ga'mbiling, and Opium. They also involved antagonisms and tra- distjAOnal rivalries brought over from the counties of the Pearl River Delta (Barth 1965:95). p ‘lEengiplex Relationships EEEES Common Values I have stated earlier in this chapter that Sacra- In 811130'8 Chinese community (1850—1900) existed within a well efined geographic district which contained both 78 entrepreneurial and residential dwellings; that it was rela— tively self-sufficient with regard to its political, eco— nomic, religious, educational, and social needs; and that it was "home" to primarily young adult male immigrants who shared a similar cultural background. These facts have important structural implications for the inter- and intra— community role relationships. Given this demographic struc— ture, we suSpect that roles within the community will be mul- tiplex.1O The multiplexity of roles means that peOple tend to have many relationships in different spheres of social activity with the same individuals, a concept comparable in some respects to Parsons' functional diffuseness (Parsons 1 951:77,85—84). Thus, if two individuals interact not only in business but also attend the same religious festivities, are members of the same association, share common dwellings at night, participate in similar activities such as gambling and Opium smoking, buy their vegetables from the same vendor, and send remittances home to the same village area, their relationship may be said to be multipleX. Life in Chinatown constantly reinforces these multiplex relationships, and con— tinually binds residents together, strengthening their feel- ings of common Chinese community and identity. On the other hand, simplex or single—interest rela- tior1ships dominate Chinese interaction with the outside world. A Chinese, in legal difficulties, may deal with a poljsceman and the only interest he shares with him pertains t 0 legal matters. He does not meet him in church as a fellow o. .. ‘ o. ..-. . 9.. ‘- ... , . f ‘ UMR - A 3‘ », - ... ' v.a.. A 3“ In 7.. ‘. c \ . v fu- '-v. 's r ‘. -h" .4 \- K .“ ‘1 , Q ~ ‘~ or ‘: ". ‘N‘ 'v u ‘. II \' . 1» ‘ N . ‘a q , \\ - 'K 79 parishioner, nor does he invite him to Chinese festivals or to his home as a friend. Moreover, similar to Parsons' func— tional specificity (Parsons 1951 :77,85-84), simplex relation- Ships tend to be divisive while multiplex relationships encourage community inter—dependence. They promote group solidarity because each individual is dependent upon the web Of relationships for his psychological and Spiritual, as well as his physical, well—being. He can ill afford to antagonize his employer because doing so may jeOpardize more than an emPloyer—employee relationship. It may threaten his posi— tion in other social and economic fields as well. If a man trElnscends the codes and mores of the Chinatown community, he can no longer function within it. Activities in Chinatown were basically multiplex; they are shared by people who also share a common set of Values. Moreover, these values are applicable to any one of a given number of roles a resident may play throughout his life . Though role playing is to some extent flexible and different Situations may emphasize one aspect of a role at the expense of another, shared community values act as a restraining parameter. The outcome is an integrated network of activities. In particular, the roles of father, son, hus- band, employer, employee, leader, or follower are to a large degree complementary and consistent because they are mediated by the Chinese respect for tradition, filial piety, and familism. 80 Chinese did not usually participate in the social— political activities of the outside world. They were unlikely to adOpt foreign values which could contradict those of the community. Those members who incorporated American individualism and self-sufficiency into their value system participated less and less in the Chinese community. There were, however, individuals——usually leaders—- Who made contact with police and politicians. They main— tained these contacts in order to facilitate the peaceful Coexistence of the two communities by representing the Chinese community, particularly as mediators in conflict Situations. In conclusion, the majority of the Chinese remained fkiirthfui to their old—country traditions and institutions. Although they lived in cramped and crowded quarters, which Often led to quarrelsome and disruptive activities, multiplex relationships and shared values helped to resolve these difficulties. gifliégal Organization We have a rather incomplete picture of the Chinese orgenizational network in early Sacramento (1860—1900). Chinese sources are not available and the local American newspaper adds to the confusion by frequently misspelling Ilames of Chinese organizations and by not distinguishing betWeen "tongs," "guilds," "lodges," "companies," and "associ- a - . . . . thnS." Nevertheless, we can make some indictive generali- Zat ions. c. _, g- ‘ -zi ‘~ -..—4,. ,. . 11,. .— --.-. g- . .. .. -1 _~. -. """~14 . ~ .- '-..-Z a ~- .‘1 .. . ‘._. \ 6, ‘ ‘ a_‘_h‘ — v. _ ~ ~_ ‘ 4 ‘~ ... \. ~§1 v.7 .‘A v. 'u— ,- ~ ‘vv ~ v- 7“ — a .. "* . ‘- ‘1‘ .‘A‘« 1‘, . . .A' ~ ~ - ‘4 ’- s‘ N' ‘1 “v. x. ‘N‘ ‘ Iv. \,~ 4 ¥ ’ - «“4'~.(,- ‘5‘ p x .v, I ‘ ‘ “4 A, ~I'. . . 'Q . r -*~ \.~ A” 4 r‘ . .. vs“ ‘ ’Q 4‘ ~_ \‘.~*.‘, 'x‘h ,.._ . ‘v s \. .. ‘ 81 The presence of highly paid "highbinders" indicates eat .least two large competing organizations, wealthy enough to Inirwe "professional protectors." Such men, moreover, are con— ruecrted with such illegal and quasi—legal activities as gam— beiIig and prostitution, which apparently flourished in Sacra- Ine11130's Chinatown. Furthermore, such activities are usually dOllninated and controlled by tongs rather than family or busi— lflefisss associations. Their violent activities would be most Jéiliealy to be reported in the American newspapers and in 13011 ce reports. But other organizations, less flamboyant, were also a 1N31?t; of Chinatown. By 1875, the Chinese had established 'LWEisih houses" throughout the city employing at least 500 men. These laundries were controlled by the Washermen's Guild (Ekiggramento Union, January 11, 1875). It was also a common :pIVicrtice for other commercial activities to be organized, so WE? Inight assume that waiters and grocery and factory workers kuid- similar organizations (Wu 1928:166—70). Sacramento's Chinese were primarily Sze-Yap dialect SpecHikers, making competing organizations based on language alld— territorial differences improbable. However, both family ass‘Ociations and tongs could flourish in a relatively small CuliJlese community. Lee (1960:175—74) further suggests that SHHEQLl Chinatowns are usually dominated by one family associ— ati$25 per month in addition to board. Several Chinese StOrekeepers, in order to diversify their holdings, invested as Partners in orchards and farms (Chiu 1963:77). 6Opium dens were primarily frequented by Chinese males but the smoking of Opium was not confined to these 96 quarters. Opium was smoked in laundries, in the back room of shOps, and in men's lodginghouses. Caucasians, particu- larly women and men of "undoubted reputations," were also known to patronize opium dens. Caucasian names such as "Minnie," "Bessie," and "Alfred" were reported to have been scrawled on the walls of such establishments (Sacramento Daily Union, February 23, 1876). 7A lottery ticket measured four inches square with a total of eighty Chinese characters arranged in two sections of forty each. The player crossed out five of the charac— ‘tels. Drawings were held in secret and the winners were éinnounced twice daily. Many Caucasians apparently trusted “the Chinese policy makers. These Chinese lotteries are the fYDrerunners of KENO, a game popular in Nevada's gambling CEisinos and frequently played by Chinese gamblers. One (xisino in Reno provides KENO tickets with instructions in Chinese . 8Some police officers testified that occasionally yTlung boys, 14 and under, are enticed into these houses of pIKDstitution, but it was not a usual practice. Caucasian $fi§n, however, did frequent such establishments (Farwell 1885: 3—404 . 9The offer of rewards for the murder of individuals W843 reported to be posted openly on a wall at Third and Eye Streets. The notices were reputedly translated for the benefit of Caucasian police officers. 10The terms "multiplex" and "simplex" were originally ‘lsfied by Max Gluckman. My usage of these terms corresponds to luckman's definition in The Judicial Process Among the $§329tse of Northern Rhodesia (Free Press of Glencoe), pp. 17- , 11One of the first actions taken against the Chinese ln-‘California was the California Legislature's 1852 "Miners' Ta): Law." In 1862, the "police" tax required the payment of $€050 by each Mongolian over eighteen who had not paid the mlrusrs' tax. Another law passed by the California Legisla- tulns in 1860 required Chinese engaged in fishing to pay a tax of $4.00 per month. There was also a variety of laws and statutes designed t0 laarass the Chinese and other minorities. The California SCENDol laws provided separate schools for whites, the San 1:‘Ifal'lcisco cubic air ordinance required a lodginghouse to pro- VIde 500 feet of clear atmosphere per adult, and the so- Célled "queue ordinance" required every male in the San Fran- 01800 city jail to have his hair cut to one inch of his scalp. One of the most burdensome of these was a California 97 state law shich intentionally excluded all persons of color from testifying in court against white peOple. These laws were eventually declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of California (Kung 1962:70-73). Chapter 7 THE CHANGING CHINESE COMMUNITY The transitional period, from approximately 1910 to 1940, was a time in which Chinese communities eXperienced iinportant changes in social, structural, and cultural orien- tattion. It was the start of a significant era for the accul— tLLration and assimilation of the Chinese into American life. During this time, a new generation of American-born Ckninese began to question the traditional principles of com— mtuaity leadership and, although their successes were limited, they-were nevertheless setting the stage for the dramatic Okuanges which followed World War II. Educational and occupa- tixanal mobility, accentuated by urban renewal projects, chminged the geographic boundaries of many Chinese communi- tifies. As the Chinese moved into formerly restricted areas, thKey-faced discrimination and prejudice and, although their efiforts to penetrate an American wall of intolerance were not imunediately successful, they did not create new Chinatown ghettos. As we shall see in this chapter, changes were most evixient in family life where the conflict of generations was underscored by a change in cultural orientation. The allthoritarian role of the parents, particularly the father, was challenged as growing children demanded independence and 98 99 frweedom from some traditional restrictions. Women were kept leess and less in domestic servitude and began to participate ill activities beyond the home. Chinese, both young and old bud; eSpecially the young, started to reassess their identity botfli as Chinese and Americans. At the same time, images of the Chinese became more faxnarable. Community organization was still firmly rooted in treuiitional associations and based upon principles already esinablished in early Chinatowns. Yet the ability of these aSSociations to dominate and control Chinese-American life Wafi beginning to decline. We have selected the 1930's as a representative Pelfiiod of this transitional phase, and when a comparison to the traditional era is appropriate, will utilize the 1880's as 61 representative period for that time. The primary focus of this chapter is on the changing deIIIOgraphic, familial, and organizational life of the Chinese cOmlnunity of the 1930's. BELflglation Trends The Chinese—American world of the 1880's was over- Wheliningly male; men made up 95 per cent of the population. In 1890 the proportion of males to females reached the fan— taStic ratio of 27 males for each female (Kung 1962:32)- Chinese overseas emigration had always been a male venture. Rose Hum Lee (1960:23) states: 100 "The Chinese were inclined to bring in their sons rather than daughters. Not only had the eXpense of bringing the children been a consideration, but the daughter remained home to keep the mother from being too lonely. Women had fewer opportunities for emigrating because Chinese social custom Opposed it (women were sup— posed to remain close to the ancestral hearth) and because fewer overseas occupations were cpen to them" (Lee 1960:25). Moxweover, after the Chinese exclusion acts first enacted in 188%2, China-born women were rarely qualified (Lee 1960225). By 1950, the total Chinese population in America had decilined 29 per cent (about 18% in Sacramento, see Table 6). Table 6 Chinese Population for Sacramento and the United States 1880 and 1950 U.S. Sacramento Year Chinese Chinese pOpulation population 1880 105,465 1,781 1930 74,954 1,366 Population 30,611 415 Decline (29%) (18%) —' Source: U.S. Census 1880, 1950. HOWeVer, the male/female sex ratio had begun to shift signif— icalrtly. In 1950, Sacramento's Chinese population was still Predtmfinantly male, but the female pOpulation had risen to 50 per cent, which was slightly higher than the national figure at 20 per cent. While there were about four males to every female nationally, the ratio in Sacramento was only two to 101 one (see Table 7). Table 7 Chinese Male/Female Ratio for United States 1880, 1950; and for Sacramento, 1950 Year Chinese males Chinese females Excess Males/100 # % # % of males females Chinese in America 153630 100,686 95.5 4,779 4.5 95,907 2,106.8 1930 59,802 79.8 15,152 20.2 44,650 594.7 Chinese in Sacramento 1930 957 70 409 30 546 k 254.0 Source: U.S. Census 1880, 1950. The increase in the number of women during the early deczades of the twentieth century is primarily due to an irucrease in female Chinese children born in the United States. Fltr‘thermore, the excess of males was reduced by the return to Ckuina of a large number of single males, while the exclusion a{rts prevented a further influX. The growing number of available females no doubt at‘If’ected the number of families. In 1890, only 26 per cent 9f the Chinese males in America were reported as married. This figure probably also includes men who had wives living inChina and lived a bachelor life while in this country. By 1950, the number of Chinese married men had increased some 20 Per cent to 46.5 per cent of the total number of Chinese men 102 iJl'the United States. Because of economic necessity and becxiuse of the Chinese tradition of marrying at an early age, Cthiese women of marriageable age rarely remained single (Kung 1962:34) (see Table 8). Table 8 Marital Status of the Chinese in the United States 1890, 1950 ‘—’ L SINGLE MARRIED WIDOWED DIVORCED Year Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female 1890 69% 32.3% 26.1% 65.5% .5% 2.8% .1% .1% 1930 48.7% 23.3% 46.3% 68.2% 2.6% 7.7% .3% .5% Source: U.S. Census, 1890, 1950. While the overall sex ratio was in the process of beComing more equitable, however, the numbers of Chinese InaJLes and females in similar age brackets remained very ‘lrmequal. In 1920, only 7.6 per cent of the males were under 14- years of age, as compared to over 45 per cent for women. Irl the age group over 45, which roughly accounts for almost haLLf (46.7%) of the male population, there were few (10.5%) females (see Table 9). During the 1880's, 98 per cent of the Chinese in America were foreign—born. By 1950, the foreign/native-born ratIzios were changing significantly. Although females agecnmmed for only 20 per cent of the total population, nearlytwo-thirds were native-born. The male native-born 105 inrxreased to 28 per cent, one-third of the total male popullation. Table 9 Age Distribution Of the Chinese in the United States by Sex, 1920 Age Males Females 1-14 7.6% 43.1% 15-44 45.7% 46.6% Over 45 46.7% 10.3% Source: U.S. Census 1950. In 1880, Sacramento County claimed 4,895 Chinese, Of Wh£nn only 36 (less than .01%) were native—born, yet by 1950, 36E) of the 957 males, and 266 females, over one-half the tOTRal female population, were native-born and therefore UIlited States citizens. Furthermore, the total foreign-born pOplllation was less than 100 persons more than the native- bOIYl. The number Of the foreign-born over 21 in Sacramento, howfrver, was 609, as compared to only 192 for the native- boqu (see Tables 10, 11, 12). LEEELgraphic Characteristics andSOOial Organization Although the population characteristics for both Sacramento and the nation changed dramatically after World War II, the trend was already evident in 1950. The Chinese population was shifting from a foreign-born, Older, and 104 Table 10 Nativity for Chinese in the United States for 1880 and 1950 MALES FEMALES BOTH SEXES I l I Year Total go A, Total $0 J, a, J, -H > -H > -H > Q>Q win on Tim QJQ TIQ a s -P a at. -p a #19 -p a O 0 CG 0 00 (U O O O (U 0 __ he 29 pw: 29 mp 29 1880 95% 94% 1% 5% 4% 1% 98% 2% 1930 80% 52% 28% 20% 7% 13% 59% 41% Source: U.S. Census 1880, 1950. Table 11 Nativity for Chinese in Sacramento, 1950 (approximate) MALES FEMALES F converse in Chinese at home, angering their parents who iJl‘turn would retaliate by refusing to speak English at all. Uflris led to alienation and conflict for young and Old alike. Alsthough some youths refused to study the Chinese language, HMDst acceded to the wishes Of their parents and attended the Ckhinese language schools in the community. Language is more than merely a way Of communicating fracts and events. It is the way tO eXpress one's most inti- HEite eXperiences, hopes, desires, and goals. Inadequate com- Hnlnication facility on the part Of parents and children leads to social barriers such that, although the family lives under Cnie roof, they are virtually linguistic strangers (Lee 1960: 1 27) . Although most Chinese living in Sacramento in the 1950's were Chinese speakers to at least some degree, the Shift to the English language as a primary means Of communi- OEi‘tion had already begun. This shift has an importance beeyond the family and can be directly related to accultura— txion and social structure. First, the English language Serves as the primary means Of induction into the mainstream 0i?.American social and economic life. It not only exposes 'flle user to American thought and perspective but greatly facilitates social contacts, if only at the secondary level. It is the gnly path to educational mobility in America and thus indirectly affects both income and occupation--the determinants Of a class-based social system. Secondly, it leads to parent-youth alienation and underwrites the social 116 gap between immigrant and native—born generations. Because non—English speaking parents have great difficulty under- standing the immediate problems as well as the eventual goals 0f their children, the children become more self-sufficient and depend more on their peers and less on their parents for emotional stability and intellectual adventure. Once paren- tal authority and control are weakened, other areas of family life may be affected. Finally, if English is used as the primary means Of Communication, at the eXpense Of forgetting "one's Chinese," it significantly cuts the English speakers Off from the non- English speaking members Of the Chinese community. Not only Were the associations controlled by many non-English speaking immigrants, but entry into the decision-making circles and participation in association affairs demanded at least a Working familiarity with Chinese; moreover, these associ— avtions were major clearinghouses for employment within the Chinese community and many young men were dependent upon them for their economic livelihood. In conclusion, it is not so much that American ideas are sometimes poorly eXplained in Chinese but that it is easier to express American thoughts in the English idiom. Being able to converse in the same language can more readily lead to intimacy, trust and cooperation. For many Chinese, Just starting tO leave the Chinese quarter and, with it, their dependence upon the Chinese organizational network, the 117 ability to converse easily in English was a necessary precon- dition for success. Discrimination One Of the greatest impediments, however, to Chinese assimilation in America was prejudice and discrimination. By 1924, Chinese immigration had been severely curtailed and the Chinese had, for the most part, also withdrawn from Open com- petition with organized labor and were becoming small entre— preneurs (Lee 1960:561). Yuan (1969:160) reports that during this period the majority Of Chinese were employed in such low—prestige occupations as laundry and restaurant work, although they would soon shift occupational categories and become the managers and owners. During this time the Chinese "image" also started to change. Originally ridiculed as coolie laborers, they were now characterized as evil, Opium—eating, Dr. Fu Manchus and this adverse imagery was sustained in popular magazines. After World War I, increasing Chinese participation in American life led to a decline in derogatory stereotyping, which in turn facilitated further participation. Public sym- pathy for those Chinese who wanted to leave Chinatown increased (Hayner and Reynolds 1957:655) while the mutual aid and protective functions of the associations were emphasized, as Opposed to the earlier emphasis upon Opium dens, tong wars, and houses Of prostitution. Chinatowns began to become popular as tourist attractions (Lee 1960:562-65). 118 Yet the problem Of assimilation remained. The American-born Chinese were becoming "Americanized," yet American groups were unwilling to accept them. C. C. Wu, writing in 1928, states: "If there is an Obstacle that keeps the native-born Chinese from feeling completely at home in America it is color" (Wu 1928:287). And Hayner and Reynolds (1957:657) report that ". . . racial and cultural barriers cut Off young peOple from full membership in American society and throw them back upon their own peOple." Chinese high school and college graduates found them- selves restricted from prestigious occupations, and one young man who was accepted at a local Y.M.C.A. as a basketball player on a church team was still denied individual member— ship in the "Y" (Smith 1925:165). Chinese finding gainful employment outside of Chinatown extremely difficult, respect- fully deferred to the wishes Of their elders and became eco— nomically dependent upon the Chinese associations for their livelihood. Sons and daughters readily became workers in their families' laundries, restaurants, and small grocery stores. The divergence between children and parents and between youth and the heads Of the family associations might have been much greater if it were not for this consciousness Of being members Of a small racial minority (Hayner and Reynolds 1957:657). During this period, Sacramento's Chinese generally solved their problems, but it was rarely by outwardly 119 challenging the social dictates Of the community. This does not mean that there was no discontent and dissatisfaction over existing social arrangements. But, in spite Of dis- agreement, children tended more Often than not to accede tO parental demands, youth resigned themselves to the advice Of their elders, and Chinese adults chose to participate in a Chinese political—economic world. Mr. L., presently a restauranteur, states: I needed a bank loan to start my business. I went tO three banks but they all wanted collateral that I could not Offer them. Their interest was tOO high also. I talked the matter over with my two brothers and we went tO the family association. They agreed to a loan with plenty high interest tOO. I was bound to them for a long time Of my life. Mr. G. remembers: I had just graduated from Berkeley and was an account— ant. We moved tO Sacramento but I could not find a job. I was even willing tO be a bookkeeper but no one would hire me. Finally, with the help Of my wife's brother, I became a waiter in her cousin's restaurant. Mr. L. reports: We knew that the streets south Of Broadway were not Open to us Chinese peOple. The men would call us "Charley Chinamen" and would beat us up. Although my house is tOO small, I feel safe living with my Chinese neighbors. Attempts to move outside the Chinese community Often resulted in social and economic embarrassment. Chinese could not participate as equals with Caucasians, nor could they overcome the barriers Of discrimination and prejudice. The Chinese family and Chinatown social system continued tO domi- nate Chinese life in America and, although many young peOple were dissatisfied with their leaders, internal rebellion was 120 limited because there were few realistic alternatives. A Shifting Chinese—American Identity During the earlier traditional era Of Chinese settle- ment in America (1850—1900), it was easy to develop and main- tain a Chinese social and geographic ethnic boundary, sepa- rating the Chinese population from the larger, predominantly Caucasian, world. American society was generally hostile to the Chinese and except for a few individuals, primarily mis— sionary personnel, little effort was made to welcome the Chinese as equals into the American social system. TO be sure, the Chinese were well aware Of discrimination and preju— dice but, as long as they could find economic, social, and ideological security, based upon adherence to Chinese tradi- tion, they remained within Chinatown walls. Some Chinese strayed beyond ghetto confines for their livelihood, but the majority of Chinese Sacramentans lived their lives, from cradle to grave, within a Chinese social world. American doors remained closed to Chinese visitors and the Chinese made little attempt to Open them. The transitional era (1910-1940) witnessed a change in the Chinese acceptance Of their status as second-class citizens. Although they had few successes and many failures in breaching the fence Of Caucasian intolerance, they began to make the attempt to move into social and economic Caucasian activities. Dressed like other Americans and equipped with an American education and a native command Of 121 the English language, they attempted to enter into Caucasian employ. Many of their attempts led to failure and a retreat back tO the Chinese enclave. However, the rebuff had a different effect upon the Older, non-English speaking and uneducated Chinese as com- pared tO native-born and English—speaking children. The sig- nificant difference was that the parents resigned themselves to realistically accepting the discriminatory and unequal system while the children were outwardly outraged. A foreign-born gentleman tells the following anec- dote: Once I remember I go to barber shop. I sit one hour. NO one ask me what I want. Pretty soon barber say: "What you want?" I tell him I want haircut; how much? He say $5.00. That make me mad but I make him cut my hair just the same. He give me good haircut. When he through I pay him $5.50. He very surprised. He tell me come again. I never go to white bastard again. We were at the Lake (Lake Tahoe). My family went into a restaurant but they refused to serve us. I didn't want to cause any trouble so we left. The next time we gO out to eat we will go to a Chinese restaurant. The native—born also suffered from discrimination but their attitudes were different. We needed a bigger home and wanted to move to the neighborhood. I knew they wouldn't sell a home to a Chinese family so we had a white man buy it for us. Our neighbors didn't accept us at first. We had to prove that we were as good as they are. We kept our street (front yard) clean and always gave a generous contribu- tion to community fund drives. I even would cut my lawn wearing a clean white shirt. Our children were always scrubbed, well dressed, and polite. The movie house at first refused to let Chinese in. Later they made us sit upstairs with the Negroes and Mexicans. Maybe it was because they thought we were dirty and uneducated, tOO. Once I went there 122 with my white schoolmates. I sat with them and no one told us to leave. But I was always hesitant about going alone. When the attempt by the young Chinese tO penetrate anti-Chinese barriers was unsuccessful, many residents blamed their failures on themselves rather than on the dominant society. They believed that, if they went tO school and worked harder, they tOO would be accepted. This attitude still persists today. The differential attitudes toward discrimination can be partially attributed to the degree to which the Chinese were assimilated into American life. The Older Chinese found security within Chinatown's social system. They were annoyed with discriminatory practices but resigned themselves to them and retreated from further unnecessary contacts with the out- side world. Their "behavioral assimilation" to American ways had been slight and mostly limited to outward changes in clothing, hair styles, and the adoption Of some English phrases. But the young people had attended American schools and Often thought of themselves as Americans. The traditional world of Chinatown was foreign and strange to them, as were the mannerisms and dress Of newly arrived immigrants. They could not and would not give up their newly acquired American heritage. The exposure of a new generation Of Chinese-Americans to American institutions and ideas could not help but result in a challenge to traditional ways. United States citizens 125 by birth, yet culturally tied to their immigrant parents, this group experienced a desire to fit into an American world yet to remain faithful and dutiful sons and daughters. At first the changes were superficial, limited tO extrinsic traits, primarily in dress and style. Young women bobbed and frizzed their hair, wore makeup, and enjoyed keeping up with American fashions. The men sported American-style jackets and, indeed, the new Chinese uniform consisted Of a dark blue suit with wide lapels and a white shirt and tie. Young men and women walked down the street holding hands and went for walks in nearby parks in the day and to American movies at night (Wu 1928:282-85). Baseball, ice cream cones, and frankfurters became acceptable parts Of the new way of life. Even China—born parents were changing. Although mothers rarely left the house and spoke but little English, Christmas became a family celebration complete with a big tree and gifts from Santa Claus. Father, wearing a tailor- made dark suit, carved the Thanksgiving turkey and the family ate with knives and forks. Horns blared on New Year's Eve and the fireworks displays of Chinese homes on the Fourth of July were every bit as splendid as those Of other Americans (Leung 1942:100). Although many Of the outward manifestations Of Ameri— cana were clearly visible, Chinese custom did not disappear. (Sal-chuck and chicken porridge were served and rice was almost always present at the evening meal. Chinese dominoes and mah—jongg were played by women in the afternoon and by 124 the men at night. Children still respectfully served tea to their elders with two hands, tOOk small steps in the home, and made sure to use certain "phrases of respect" to make their parents proud. Traditional Chinese holidays (New Year's, Moon Festival, etc.) were celebrated with large feasts and special delicacies both at home and at the associ— ation hall or restaurant. Although some youngsters eXpressed the desire to be elsewhere, they nevertheless dutifully accompanied their parents to these dinners and festivities. Sons might be named after American presidents, but their birth was still marked by a family celebration in the tradi- tional manner. Father remained formal and reserved and mother was Often the de facto ruler Of the domestic scene. Nevertheless, changes were occurring, changes that challenged the traditional parent—child and husband—wife relationship and undermined the structural stability Of the Chinese family. Chinese youth started to attend dances and parties and, as was the custom of the time, girls took singing lessons. Future brides and grooms demanded western weddings complete with white wedding gown and church service, and wore the traditional "red dress" only at the celebration afterwards. Couples at times even embraced in public, laughed at the thought Of getting married, discussed divorce and remarriage, and equated courtship with romantic love and physical attraction, Often to the consternation Of their ,parents. These attitudes and behavior, particularly in 125 inter-sex relationships and the use Of leisure time, were anathema to their parents' ideas of Chinese prOpriety and Often led to family conflicts. Girls resented the fact that they were Often forbidden to gO to socials as the Americans did and abhorred their parents' attempts to arrange a suit- able marriage. Young men demanded a more equal voice in family affairs and valued freedom and independence from parental dominance, the right to choose their own careers, and the right to raise their children as they saw fit. The ideal family was one that was to be based upon love and equality. Chinese women were breaking away from the tradition of staying inside the home. They visited their friends, shopped in neighborhood stores, and attended Chinese commu— nity functions such as concerts given by the Chinese schools. Their husbands Often appeared helpless as their wives demanded education, the right to appear in public places, and the discarding of traditional behavior in rela— tions with other men. Chinese men expressed their dismay, particularly with regard to American-born Chinese women who seemed to spend money, gO to shows, buy pretty clothes, and raise a small family. If a woman was born in America, her position approximated that Of other American women. With the father away at work for long hours Of the day and night, the mother raised and disciplined the children and Often became the adjudicator of disputes and acted as the intermediary between husband and children. 126 Changes in extrinsic traits were soon followed by intrinsic ones, Often resulting in conflict between two widely divergent ideals--Chinese and American. The impor— tance Of the family as a cohesive social unit decreased when it conflicted with the rights of its individual members. Paternal authority in matters Of occupation, education, and marriage was challenged by children and young adults. There was a tendency to solve problems "American—style"-—according to particular situations and the evaluation Of personalities of individuals rather than by the traditional dictates of familism. Chinese were no longer indifferent to strange American mannerisms as they tried to picture themselves as Americans, too. Sometimes, however, these new ideas con- flicted with what they thought right and proper and Often shocked the youngster as well as the parents. Many parents realized that the traditions they had brought with them did not function efficiently in the new environment, but they were often at a loss as to what should be done.1 Yet, in Spite Of all the demands Of youth, most sons and daughters remained somewhat obedient to their parents and, regardless of differences in ideology and behavior and the conflicts they generated, the new native—born Americans of Chinese descent did not stray too far from the ancestral hearth. They were not completely at ease in the American world and could not make the break from family and community. In the final analysis, they were still dependent upon their "Chinese world" for financial and spiritual security. 127 Social Organization The formal social organization Of Sacramento's Chinese community will be more fully discussed in Chapter 10. At this time, it is necessary, however, to present a summa- rizing sketch of the organizational structure, primarily to serve as historical background and to set the scene for a more detailed analysis. Chinese overseas social organization is basically hierarchical and segmentary, which means that there are pro- gressive levels of community leadership and an established pattern for organizational fragmentations. Sacramento's Chinese pOpulation, however, did not exhibit the organiza- tional diversity of larger Chinatowns because of its rela- tively small size. Thus, the principles of hierarchy and segmentation could not be implemented fully. Nevertheless, the basic organizational unit was, and remains today, the family name association. Family Associations Family associations, referred to as "clan associ- ations" by Lee (1960:174) and "surname associations" by Crissman (1967:196), were of two kinds-—those based upon a single surname and those that included two or more surnames but which functioned as a single organization. Single sur— name associations are based upon stipulated descent. Thus, the possession of a common surname automatically entitles the holder to membership regardless of his ability to demonstrate 128 his genealogical relationship to the founder of the associ- ation or to fellow members. It was also common for smaller surname groups to combine in a single association. These mergers were justified on the basis of historical commonali- ties and "blood-brotherhood," usually dating back to the early days of Chinese civilization. Smaller surname groups Often found it advantageous to recognize these sometimes historical, sometimes fictive, connections because they increased their actual and potential numbers so that they could compete more favorably with the larger associations. In Sacramento, family associations were established during the early decades of the twentieth century and by the 1950's there were eight family associations in existence. Four were single surname family associations, the remainder were combined groups.2 Generally, and for Sacramento in particular, these associations were indispensable for the welfare and integra— tion of the Chinese community. Their functions included the establishment Of a headquarters for single and unattached males, where they could live, cook, sleep, socialize, and conduct meetings. Often the rooms were located above or adjacent to a store Operated by a member. The association purchased their food and other necessities from the propri- etor and he in turn would take care Of their mail, write letters to their families in China, and act as an intermedi- ary in financial transactions.3 The association helped in 4 finding work for unemployed members, lent money to the 17 129 needy, arranged funerals for the impoverished, and provided for the shipment of their bones back to China. The associ- ation would provide recreational facilities for its members as well as celebrations and feasts commemorating major and minor Chinese holidays such as New Year's, Moon Festival, Ching, Ming, Dragon Boat Festival, etc. As the family asso— ciations increased in Size and wealth, they would purchase property and erect a headquarters separate from a commercial establishment. By 1950, all of the association headquarters were located in the prime Chinatown area bounded by Second and Fifth streets and Eye and Jay streets. When discussing the make-up of family associations, membership must be distinguished from participation in asso- ciation affairs. Many Chinese who possessed the requisite ascribed qualifications for membership did not pay dues, nor did they participate in any associational activities. Yet the association nevertheless represented all members in com- munity functions and readily enlisted their aid, particularly for numerous fund-raising projects. These non-participating members also had the rights to services that the association provided. Most major events attracted not only participants and Officers but a good percentage Of the total surname com— munity. For example, an association Official estimated that some 75 per cent of the total membership attended the annual New Year's celebration and dinner. The association officers and participating members were primarily Older, China-born, 150 single, male residents. Women did not hold Office in family associations. Most Chinese were reluctant to bring their problems before the family association. Every attempt to resolve differences was made at the lesser and more personal family level, so that only serious, irreconcilable cases were aired in association chambers. These arguments were primarily concerned with financial matters but occasionally would involve other difficulties. A typical case study from the association follows: A member had lent another member the sum Of $5,000. After waiting for a year he wanted his money back. The other man claimed he could not afford to pay back the money. They decided to go before the family association. They gathered in a meeting room in front of three offi- cers. The first party agreed that he had lent the money to Mr. I. but he now needed to make payments on his rented shop and had lost his own money at the gambling house. He admitted that there had been no date set for payment. The second party claimed he had invested the borrowed money in some prOperty and that he had no reserve cash and was unable to make repayment. The pres- ident and the Officers conferred and presented a solution to the two men. They stated that it was a bad thing to owe money to a "cousin" and be unable to pay it back. They felt it was foolish to lose rent money in the gam- bling house. They suggested that the second party pay back part of the money as an act of good faith and that perhaps the former could wait a time for the final pay— ment. Both parties agreed that this was an equitable solution. The case illustrates some basic principles Of con— flict resolution. First, it is the disputants who must bring their case before the family association since the associ- ation does not have the right to discuss a case that is not specifically referred to it. Secondly, the association elders have no legitimate means to enforce a decision. The 151 decision is really a suggestion and is not legally binding upon the diSputants. Should one party be dissatisfied with the suggestion, he could not be forced to comply. Although the decision has no legal force, it is based upon traditional authority and carries a strong moral force. A disputant who disagrees with a decision which is supported by the Chinese community will lose face and be shamed. Moreover, because the Chinese community was still characterized by a web of multiplex relationships, such social sanctions could effec- tively bring intransigent individuals into line. Noncompli- ance could threaten future success in other social, economic, and political dealings. The success of such social sanctions is inversely related to the Opportunity to Operate outside of the Chinese community. Most disputants were older, foreign- born, and, in many instances, uneducated in both English and Chinese. Their dependency upon this Chinese judicial system was great and they often complied with the elders' sugges— tions. The younger, native-born, English-speaking, educated Chinese rarely brought their troubles to the family associ— ation. Their financial problems were more Often handled in the American courts. The association elders usually decided upon a solu- tion that would allow both parties to "save face." Each dis— putant was viewed as having "just demands," thus enabling them to resolve their difficulties. There were cases, however, where powerful individuals used the family association conflict-resolution mechanism to further their own concerns. 152 Chinese Tongs Tongs were originally organized to control gambling, prostitution, and other clandestine activities. They also performed many of the functions of the family associations, and individuals who did not have a local family association Often joined a tong for social and economic security. Fur- thermore, it was possible for individuals to hold dual mem- bership, but in cases of conflict loyalty to the family asso- ciation took precedence over ties to the tong. Only large Chinatowns could support more than one tong. When a tong is located in a city with small Chinese pOpulation, a rival tong cannot establish a branch without the first tong's consent. During the 1920's and 1950's, the only tong in Sacra- mento, a local branch of a well established west coast tong, was quite active and functioned as a protective association for anyone involved in gambling. It Offered protection to Operators of gaming houses for a fee and it was reported that almost all heavy gamblers were also tong members. Moreover, anyone whose income was primarily derived from such activi- ties was almost certain tO be a tong member. The establishment of a single tong also meant that the violence that had characterized an earlier era of Chinese settlement had decreased significantly. By the 1950's, tongs were also losing their ability to coerce and control American-born Chinese, who had less demand for gambling and prostitution. Tong wars were rare after 1921 (Reynolds 1955: 622). 155 The Chinese Benevolent Association All Chinese communities have a local benevolent asso— ciation which draws its members from the established organi— zations in that community. It may appear under various names in different cities, but its most important function is to represent all Chinese residents in a given locale. Sacra- mento's Chinese Benevolent Association was composed of repre— sentatives from the eight family associations, the single tong, and the local branch Of the Kuomintang, a politically oriented organization founded by Dr. Sun Yat-sen around 1912. The Chinese Benevolent Association sponsored and coordinated all community-wide activities, but particularly Chinese festivals and the official welcoming of dignitaries. For example, the Chinese Benevolent Association acted as Sponsor for Dr. Sun, and later for Madame Chiang, when they visited Sacramento. It also supported the Confucius Church, less a religious establishment than a hall for social activi— ties, a local Chinese cemetery, and one of the Chinese language schools. The leaders Of Sacramento's Chinese Benevolent Association were invariably chosen from leaders of its representative organizations, exemplifying the hierarchi— cal and segmentary structure of formal Chinese organizations. During the 1950's, the Chinese Benevolent Association acted as Spokesman for the entire Chinese community, particu- larly when dealing with the Caucasian superstructure. Its Officers cooperated with Sacramento's officials and lent 154 financial support to fund-raising and other patriotic and social city events. It was the unofficial court for disputes that involved members of different associations and its judicial procedures paralleled those of the family associ- ations. The "Six Companies" in San Francisco considered them- selves the legitimate representatives for all the Chinese in America and the Official headquarters for all the local benevolent associations. Yet, in spite Of its public claims, local autonomy for the Chinese benevolent associations and the family associations was the rule rather than the excep- tion. This autonomy did not preclude cooperative ventures, particularly fund—raising activities, but each local associ— ation preferred to solve its internal conflicts with a mini- mum Of outside interference and jealously guarded its inde— pendence. The following is a case in point: A girl attending one of the Chinese language schools claimed she had been sexually attacked by one Of the school teachers, a married man. The girl's family asso- ciation demanded restitution. The school teacher's fam- ily association rejected the demands. The conflict worsened and spread to the family association's national headquarters in San Francisco. The conflict had become so bitter that the school teacher feared for his life. He would closely watch the classroom door at all times and was prepared to dive behind his desk to avoid the bullets Of a hired assassin. Finally the local Chinese benevolent association was invited to attempt a resolu- tion. It was apparently successful for the furor died down. The school teacher paid for the girl's hOSpital— ization and the girl went to live with a relative in Hawaii. As with family associations, the Chinese Benevolent Association did not enter a dispute until it was invited 155 by the aggrieved party's family association. Moreover, in this case, it was brought in only after the conflict had Spread across community boundaries and had reached the stage where violent confrontations were eXpected. The accepted solution was also non-punitive--that is, although the school teacher paid the hospital bills he was not convicted of the charge and remained teaching in the school. Theoretically, both the school teacher and the girl had "saved face," and the credit for an equitable solution went to the local Chinese benevolent association. The Chinese—American Church Chinese missions had first been established in Sacra— mento during the 1850's. Missionary activities eXpanded and by the mid—1950's, Sacramento had three Chinese church— missions: Baptist, Methodist, and Church of Christ. These churches, preaching a Protestant Christian doctrine, catered to an exclusively Chinese congregation. From the Methodist Chinese pastor's personal records, we can surmise the following: In 1926, his church counted 95 Chinese parishioners, 52 Of whom (41 males and 11 females) were resident. Of the listed members who were no longer resident, 9 had returned to China, 10 were living in other cities on the west coast, 5 had moved to the east, and 19 had moved away with unknown addresses. Half of the resident con— gregation had Chinese first names, as did 58 of the 41 non— resident members. Sixteen children, nine males and seven 156 females, were enrolled in the church school. Only four Of these students had Chinese first names. By the 1950's, each church maintained a Chinese lan— guage school attended by youngsters and an English language school in the evenings for adults. The church school taught classes in English while services were primarily in Chinese, with the readings Of the scriptures in both languages. The school staff in the Methodist Church consisted Of seven teachers: four Chinese females, two Caucasian females, and one Caucasian male. By 1959, their church school enrollment rose to 100 students with an average attendance of 80; there were six grades with 50 students in the junior and senior divisions. All churches supported a choir, choral club, a band and drum corps. They were administered by Caucasian supervisory personnel who were assisted by Chinese preachers and Chinese staff. Sermons and services adhered strictly to scripture and doctrine, with an occasional reference to the Chinese Republic in East Asia. In 1950, the total resident church membership in Sacramento listed some 100 Chinese per- sons, about 10 per cent of the total Chinese population. Generally, church congregations consisted of Older males, although the percentage Of women was steadily increasing. As the general population shifted from foreign— born to native—born during this time, so did the church mem- bership. Religion, usually considered a family affair in America, was an individual endeavor for the Chinese. Most Chinese little understood or cared about doctrinal 157 differences and children were free to choose their own church should they so desire (Lee 1957). It is also difficult to assess the commitment to a specific church or doctrine or to Christianity in general since many of the church's functions were Of a secular and social nature--particularly the English and Chinese classes. Church affairs also provided a legiti— mate social outlet for women who otherwise might have been restricted to more domestic activities. Finally, church membership did not preclude member— ship in other traditional Chinese associations. While Christian doctrine might have conflicted with traditional practices, many churchgoers appeared to be little disturbed about the contradictions and were also quite active in other associational affairs. In Sacramento, Chinese churches, how- ever, did not have representation in the Chinese Benevolent Association. The Chinese Language School By 1900, Chinese children were enrolled in American schools, but the Chinese, feeling a need to instill and per— petuate a Chinese heritage in their sons, established the first Chinese Overseas School in Sacramento in 1908. The school was located at Second and Eye Street in the heart of Chinatown. It was sponsored by the Chinese Benevolent Asso— ciation, the tong, and all of the family associations. Con— tributions were also accepted from family associations and benevolent associations in other Chinese communities, 158 particularly the Six Companies in San Francisco. Each spon— sor informed its members Of the establishment of the school and encouraged its families to send their children. The first class consisted of only twenty—five boys, but enrollment steadily increased, reaching 50 to 75 during the 1920's, 120 to 125 during the 1950's, and finally a high of about 175 in the 1940's. In 1955, females were admitted to classes. In grades one, two, and three, the primary emphasis was on reading, writing, and speaking the Cantonese language. As the student body increased in numbers, upper grades were added, in which subjects included Chinese history and literature, classical philosophy, Tang poetry, calligra- phy, and some of the writings Of Sun Yat-sen, in particular his "Three People's Principles." Instruction was in the tra- ditional manner and learning was done by rote and repetition of lessons. The teacher would read the lesson, and the stu- dents would repeat it after him a line at a time. This was followed by class reading, and writing the lesson on the blackboard, character by character, up to 100 times. Stu- dents were forbidden tO write English words next to Chinese characters. Then came oral reading to the teacher. It was not uncommon to have as many as three grades in one room, two grades writing while the third read. Examinations consisted Of COpying a lesson by page number. All texts were printed by the Chinese Nationalist government; thus all material was subject to its approval. Students purchased books and writing equipment and paid a 159 small monthly tuition, about $2.50. The pupils were gener— ally serious and worked hard, as their parents reproached them over a poor report and encouraged them to attain high grades. Report cards were not issued until 1940, but parents were constantly informed, either directly by the teacher or indirectly through word-of—mouth, of their children's prog- ress. Classes were held from 5:00 until 8:00 P.M. on week days, and from 9:00 A.M. until noon on Saturdays. Teachers were usually men, at least in the upper grades, and were strict disciplinarians, with corporal punishment not uncom- mon. They were educated in mainland Chinese schools. Yet, the pupils were Often delighted by stories about the legends and tales Of ancient China and considered their teachers to be good and competent instructors. Filial piety, traditional morality, and "good character" were a significant part Of the learning eXperience. Members Of the school board, as well as the teachers, were highly respected within the Chinese commu— nity, and were Often influential members of their respective family associations.5 Apart from actual instruction, non-academic aspects were also important. The school run by the Benevolent Asso- ciation had a drum and bugle corps, the Methodist Church Chinese school had a band, and both provided for outings and social activities for their students. One former student states: School was O.k., but the real fun was going to pic— nics and outings with our classmates. Sometimes the school would rent a bus and take us to Yosemite or up to 140 the snow line. We all wore white uniforms with sailor caps and when Mr. Y., a rich philanthropist who had con- tributed much money to the school, died the entire class came to his funeral. It was quite a procession. The drum and bugle corps played at Chinese holiday functions, at school graduations, and was called upon to help welcome dignitaries from other Chinese communities and from China. They also played at American holidays, as the Fourth of July. Graduation exercises and school concerts were well attended by the parents and, amidst food and laughter, cele— brations lasted for many hours and were fondly remembered. The three churches also ran Chinese schools, although I suspect that the Chinese Benevolent Association school was the best attended and most prestigious. The schools func- tioned to unite rather than divide the community and were highly regarded by Sacramento's Chinese residents. Aside from transmitting Chinese language skills, they were also responsible for keeping alive a Chinese heritage for the sons and later daughters of the foreign-born. Not only did they attempt to instill traditional virtues in their pupils but they provided a social life for their students, an important attraction in a society where Chinese were Often excluded from such activities. As a result, students continued their studies for a good number of years, averaging about five to eight years. Many Obtained the Chinese public school diploma and,not a few, a Chinese high school certificate. They kept alive a sense of Chinese tradition and history which was being threatened by the new generation's increasing 141 involvement in other areas of American life. Chinese lan— guage training enabled children to continue to communicate with parents, and particularly grandparents, in their native tongue and was a positive force for family cohesiveness. School friendships continued after class hours and graduation ceremonies and became an important part Of an informal network of social and economic ties (Weiss 1969:12). Moreover, most of the Chinese school children were either native—born or had been brought to America at an early age. They did not usually include the foreign-born and foreign- raised, who, already having a command of the language and a Chinese education, did not need the benefits of the Chinese school in America. I suspect that these informal friendships, estab- lished among Chinese school classmates and among Chinese classmates in the American high schools, functioned to sepa- rate native— from foreign-born and provided the basis for a dual community structure. Worlds in Transition A standardized sociological presentation of structure and function is a necessary part of academic discipline. Sometimes we cannot "catch the flavor and sentiment" of the Chinese perspective. Yet these "feelings" are an important part of community life. Therefore I must briefly depart from my format and present "Chinese community life" in Sacramento, 142 circa 1950, as a composite picture-image gathered from the reports Of living informants. The Old World Chinatown remained the geographic and social center of Sacramento's Chinese community, where, amidst the smells and sounds of the Orient, one could hear familiar voices Speak Cantonese during the day and could hear the click of the mah-jongg and domino tiles emanating from behind the closed doors of gambling houses at night. Family association halls were filled with the activi- ties Of busy Officials and permanent residents. Funeral pro- cessions, complete with a hired American fire department band and Chinese mourners, wound their way through the Chinatown streets and alleyways, and wedding banquets held at one of the four larger restaurants lasted long into the night. During the Lunar New Year, the streets were alive, and young and Old alike stood listening as the sounds of firecrackers accompanied the Dragon's March through the brightly lit streets. On Eye Street a father admonished a son for his impropriety and was in turn later admonished by the president of the Benevolent Association for his public display of anger. On Second Street, a woman with bound feet shuffled four paces behind her husband, ignoring the laughing young- sters dressed in white uniforms on their way to the Confucius Chinese School. In the basement of a family association, an Old man shared with his friends the news of his second eldest 143 daughter's marriage to a wealthy farmer in Toishan, China, a marriage made possible by his monthly remittances to his family; he promised to visit their families when he returned to China once again. A New World Chinatown can no longer house the entire population and the Chinese have spread from Fourth to Eighth streets and from Capitol Avenue to Q Street and beyond. They live in an area which overlaps with "Japantown," centered around 0 and P streets and Third and Fifth streets, and the small Filipino colony on L between Third and Fourth streets (Figure 2). People no longer live above the store and their new homes are filled with American furniture and magazines. There are "yellow faces" at the McClatchy High School senior dance and the girls are attractive with their bobbed hair and new dresses. The boys, spiffed up in their dark blue suits, look forward to graduation and college careers as nmrthematicians and engineers. They are secretly ashamed of 'theil‘parents, who cannot speak English well and who toil for lxxng hours as bus boys and kitchen help or, worse, as gam- blxers. A young lady, her lipstick slightly smeared, walks luind.in hand with her beau to join their Chinese friends se&ated in the corner of the dance hall. A boy looks forward ‘to :impressing his date with a ride in his brother's new car, winich.will be all paid for in just three months. Another ‘bhjjaks of what will happen when he tells his father he wants 144 Filipino Fitch‘s KB! 1 china» Ruidentid Settlemnt fl Chinatown I Jenna” Enclave - Figure 2. Chinese Population Distribution in Sacramento about 1950 145 to quit Chinese school so he can concentrate on his increas- ingly time—consuming algebra classes and his new position on the debating team. After the dance, three boys walk past the theatre, which does not admit Orientals, and curse the owner in English. Calvin Mar does not believe in "silly dances." He is also tOO shy to ask for a date. He ate his hamburger dinner early and his books are now spread out on the dining room table. His grandmother is listening to her "Chinese records" and the notes, discordant to his ears, distract him. He does not want to hurt her feelings, so he says nothing. She doesn't understand English and his Chinese is not very good. He must rise at 6:00 A.M. to help his father Open his laundry shop, but it is difficult to concentrate because his Older sister is crying and shouting at their mother, "I'll get married when I am ready, don't try to fix it up with F.'s son." Unity and Diversity: Prologue to the Contemporagy Community These descriptive renditions of Chinese life in Sacramento portray the Chinese social worlds of the 1950's and dramatize the qualitative differences between foreign- born parents and their native—American children. During this transitional period, both representations are valid eXpres- sions Of family and community life. They exist side by side and frequently overlap, so that the individual actors in this ethnographic scene must constantly shift their perspectives 146 and live in both worlds at the same time. Conflict between the traditional and transitional models was frequent and continues today. But, in the 1950's, it was more readily held in check and the Chinese community appeared more united than divided. There are several reasons for this apparent unity. First, although Chinatown boundaries were becoming more dif- fuse, the Chinese were still geographically restricted to certain areas of the city. Their residences coincided with those Of other Oriental groups but were discrete from those Of other minorities and the majority Of the Caucasian popula— tion. Their churches, schools, and association headquarters were well within the major pOpulation clusters, and this Spatial-social propinquity aided the sense Of community solidarity. There was little occupational and social mobility for most Chinese, particularly during the Depression years. Last to be hired and first to be fired, the Chinese, like other minorities, turned to their own community for economic resources and security. Prejudice, discrimination, and the fear of being deported for illegal entry into the country6 aided a general distrust of American legal and financial institutions and kept them dependent upon the traditional associations which continued to dominate community life.7 It is true that children challenged their parents in family decision—making matters, enthusiasm of youth clashed with eXperience Of age, and modern innovation threatened 147 traditional stability. But because the challengers them— selves were products of "Chinese" households and had to func— tion within a social world controlled by traditional organi- zations, they were Often unable or unwilling completely to break from the world Of their ancestors. America was rapidly becoming a cultural melting pot for the Chinese immigrant as well as his sons and daughters, although the degree Of acculturation was dependent upon age, sex, generation, education, and occupation. Yet this country still remained structurally a pluralist society where Chinese maintained institutional separation from American society. The "passive," "accepting," and "tolerant" nature of the Chinese in America has long been considered a part of the personality make—up of the Chinese pOpulace and has been likened to their child—rearing practices (Sollenbarger 1968; Hsu 1949:261-84). "Passivity" was a Chinese social fact of the 1950's. In Chinese homes throughout the country, the ideals of the ancient and classical Chinese tradition of forbearance were taught to youngsters. It was a matter of pride to grin-and- bear—it and patiently wait for a better Opportunity. Yet it also made many Chinese, particularly men, feel rather inad- equate when competing in an aggressive and turbulent Caucasian social-economic world, a fact which led to a retreat from involvement in Caucasian society. In recent times this ideal has been criticized by the more aggressive and more militant Chinese. They have suggested that Chinese 148 acceptance of their social status, and their willingness to jeOpardize their gains, have resulted in the inability to challenge social injustice. During the following years, acculturation--intrinsic and extrinsic-—would become a social fact for most American— born Chinese and would intensify the conflicts at both the familial and associational levels. Structural assimilation would increase in secondary contacts but inter-personal con— tacts remain ethnocentric in primary areas. For the majority of Chinese, assimilation through inter-marriage would be unlikely. The principles upon which family life was based would be drastically modified and the internal structure of the Chinese community would be threatened by the growth of new organizations which would be challenged in turn. 149 FOOTNOTES-—Chapter 7 1Similar changes were occurring at this time in Chi- nese settlements all over the United States and are discussed by Haynor and Reynolds (1957), Wu (1928), Smith (1925), and Leung (1942). 2The family associations were formally incorporated from 1900 to 1920. There were formerly nO family association branches in Sacramento; thus, those who participated in their family association activities would Often travel to San Fran— cisco to attend meetings and to celebrate holidays. The increase in the number Of families aided and accelerated the founding of local branches in Sacramento. 3The "hui" was one informal banking institution for family association members. It served to pool financial resources to meet immediate needs for funds. See Sung (1967: 141-42) for a detailed discussion of this procedure. 4Certain families had virtual monopolies over spe— cific businesses and could control employment in these enterprises. 5This information was obtained from a former teacher and several students. 6United States immigration laws and procedures have restricted and controlled the flow of Chinese immigrants into America. There were, however, two major exceptions. First, any person born in America is a United States citizen, as are his children regardless of their birthplace. Secondly, although Officials, teachers, students, travelers, and mer- chants were exempted from restrictive legislation, only mer- chants could remain for extended periods. But if a man had sons in China he would send for them. Sometimes the sons had died, or the father had reported extra sons (presumably conceived when he last visited his China home). Such "slots" were available for sale to boys with no family connections and were known as "paper sons." Merchants could buy into business enterprises and qualify for admission and it was common that many Chinese firms had an unusually large number of partners. Both ruses were moder— ately successful and many Chinese entered this country contrary to legal procedures (Sung 1967:99). One cannot claim that Sacramento's Chinese Benevolent Association, family associations, and tong were involved in such maneuvers. Illegal immigration was considered a per- sonal matter between two individuals and their nuclear fami— lies. However, given the close-knit and multiplex nature Of Chinese society, it was inevitable that many leaders would know about such transactions and this knowledge could be used 150 to coerce, threaten, and blackmail the illegal entrants and their families. 7Leadership in traditionist associations was over— lapping and more or less continuous. Leaders could hold official positions in the Chinese benevolent society, the family associations, the tong, and the Kuomintang. Moreover, once elected to an Office, most men continued to serve in similar Offices although their titles might be changed from year to year. Rose Hum Lee (1960:152—60) has chastised the tradi- tional leaders as being selfish, self-seeking, vindictive, and Of amassing personal power and wealth because of their positions. This statement was not altogether untrue for Sacramento's Chinese; however, traditional leaders were also known for their generosity, sacrifice, and service to the community. In any case, these leaders were quite influential in community affairs, and I suspect that they dominated political and economic life. Thus they had vested interests in maintaining an exclusively "Chinese" community and looked upon acculturation and assimilation Of the Chinese into American life as a threat to their continuing control. Chapter 8 SETTLEMENT PATTERNS Settlement patterns reflect, and have important con- sequences for, (1) the internal structure Of the Chinese com— munity, (2) the acculturation and assimilation of the Chinese into American life, and (5) the Spatial—social relationships Of the Chinese both to the Caucasian majority and to minority peOples. All Of these subjects are of central concern in this dissertation. I am not suggesting that these settlement patterns are causative agents Of social change, although, once estab— lished, they may speed or retard organizational and assimila- tion processes. I suggest, instead, that residential reali- ties are intricately linked to both social organization and assimilation, and that these three dependent variables are interrelated; thus, changes in one are very likely to generate changes in the others. Chinatown "Ghetto" is a term commonly used to designate a spe- cific geographic area usually pOpulated by persons with dif— ferent racial, ethnic, linguistic, or political backgrounds from those of the dominant group (Lee 1960:55). Such areas are associated with the residential pattern of persons Of 151 152 Chinese ancestry, particularly immigrants, and are referred to as "Chinatowns." These areas exhibit the classical char— acteristics of ghettos as defined by Wirth (1928). They are still a prominent aspect of Chinese settlement in America and an important feature of the Chinese communities of San Fran— cisco (Dare 1959), New York (Heyer 1955; Barnett 1952), LOS Angeles (Chen 1952), and, to a lesser extent, Philadelphia (Loh 1945), Boston (Murphey 1952), and Chicago (Lee 1960). However, Chinatowns, particularly those in the smaller cities, have been continually losing their Chinese population as well as their demographic specificity. The decline of Chinatowns in American cities is a complex process and varies with individual urban centers. Yet, the overall process entails certain recurring events applicable to the logical order Of decline of any Chinatown in this country. These factors include (1) a decline in the number and a change in the kinds of Chinese occupations and services catering to a strictly Chinese clientele, (2) a loss Of population attributed to the departure of sojourners and families, (5) social changes precipitated by wars and depres— sions, which weaken the economic structure and redistribute the population, and (4) ecological invasion, which not only changes land use patterns and land values but brings in new residents who change the racial composition of the neighbor- hood (Lee 1949:429-51). These factors are largely respon- sible for obliterating the geographic identity of the commu— nity. Once the configuration Of a community is so altered, 155 it rarely resumes its former characteristics.1 Moreover, ". . . all available evidence points to the fact that no new Chinatowns will be created. It appears that the num- ber of Chinatowns in this country will decrease almost to the vanishing point" (Lee 1949:452). Sacramento's Chinatown, although already rapidly losing its Chinese population, was still a definable area in the late 1920's. An Old—time resident reports: When I first arrived in Sacramento in 1928, I lived at a Caucasian banker's home at 15th and N. My grand— father was his family cook. Chinese lived from Eye to P streets and from Second to Tenth. I liked the smells in the shops on Eye Street and it reminded me Of a street in my village (Toishan) back home. On the north side of Capitol Avenue were the business places and the meeting halls. I remember I used to come back from the shop and go to the place and lose my income at mah—jongg. On the south Side of Capitol Avenue were many small homes and there were three Chinese language schools and the churches, and I played in their drum and bugle corps. Yet by 1957 the Chinese population had spread from 2nd to 54th Street and, by 1959, Old Chinatown had so changed that the once numerous Chinese Shops were reduced to a mere handful Of quaint Old-fashioned stores (Sacramento Guide Book 1959:79). During World War II, the Japanese, who shared the same residential area, were taken to relocation camps, and other minorities started moving into the area, prompting many Chinese to leave. However, it was the large-scale urban renewal projects Of the post—war years, when residential and business sections were disrupted by the stepped—up eXpansion Of the State Capitol and Office complex, that accelerated the breakup of the Chinese residential community. Private resi— dences were dismantled as business and government enterprises eXpanded south and westward. Along the Sacramento River and 154 on the north and south Sides of J Street, properties deteri— orated as a new population of male transients and drifters started to occupy multi—story hotels and apartments. As rents decreased, priVate homes were turned into multiple family dwellings and Mexican—American and Negro families infiltrated the area. When the Chinese Exclusion Act was repealed in 1945 and the Chinese were the first foreigners to become eligible for immigration and naturalization, the flow of Chinese immi— grants into America increased.2 While most immigrants set— tled in the San Francisco Bay area, some made their way up— river to Sacramento. These new immigrants, combined with American-born newcomers, increased Sacramento's Chinese popu- lation from 1,508 in 1940 to 6,770 in 1960 (U.S. Census, 1960). Chinatown could no longer provide adequate housing for these peOple and they were forced to locate in other areas. Many chose to reside in the "Old City," which already had a sizable Chinese population. Before the 1940's, the Chinese had been restricted from owning property in certain areas of the city, particu- larly because of the discriminating practices Of real estate agents and individual home owners. One informant summarizes: Everyone knew we Chinese could never own land in the SOUTH AREA or, for that matter, on H Street, the former home of the Sacramento big-shots. Back in the '50's, P.Y. built a house on T Street, and was threatened by the whites. My grandfather had to purchase this lot here by having a Caucasian represent him and Sign all the papers. When we moved in, the neighborhood was sure surprised at our yellow faces. We were the only Chinese family on this block for fifteen years. 155 But after the war the attitude toward Chinese——they were, after all, our allies--had changed. Anti—discrimination codes were enforced by federal Officials and the south area was Opened up to Chinese families. These families were increasingly successful in business and the professions. They were Opening up supermarkets and restaurants in non- Chinese areas while abandoning smaller neighborhood stores, and the hand laundries were giving way to dry cleaning establishments. The adventurous Chinese entrepreneurs looked for new and better neighborhoods to increase their earnings and to validate their achieved social and financial gains. If not Openly welcomed, they were at least tolerated by their new Caucasian neighbors. By the 1950's, the end of Old Chinatown was a demo- graphic fact. An elderly informant comments: There isn't any real Chinatown any more. Oh, sure, there are still some shops and restaurants and all the family buildings, but many Of them are already closed and so run down that no one comes there any more. There are lots of Chinese families here but no real sense of unity. I have to go to San Francisco to find a real Chinese community. In 1961, the Chinese community leaders could claim that, although Chinatown was the spiritual home of the Chinese com- munity, most Of the Chinese had moved out of the area (Fang 1961:29). When I arrived in Sacramento in 1967, the Old China- town consisted Of little more than five restaurants, two Of which had permanently closed their doors, some living 156 quarters primarily in basements, and the somewhat dilapidated headquarters for the Chinese associations in the city. The only recent new construction had been the Confucian Church (Chinese Community Center) completed in 1959. In the summer and fall Of 1969, the wrecking cranes had completed their job and, except for the Confucian Church, had obliterated Old Chinatown. Perhaps the most important, as well as the most strikingly Obvious, feature for the Chinese in Sacramento is that there presently does not exist a Chinese ghetto, a "traditional Chinatown."3 Although we have previously discussed the social organization in terms of social structure Of traditional Chinatowns (generally in Chapter 5 and Specifically for Sacramento in Chapter 6), a few findings bear repetition. First, because Chinatown provided for the functional prerequisities Of community life, its residents could find social and economic security within its boundaries and could live out the major part of their lives with little contact with the outside world. Since this practice fostered "ghetto" solidarity by preventing and discouraging outside contacts, it decreased both behavioral and structural assimi— lation.processes. It has also been concluded that: "Persons who work, Sleep, eat, worship and socialize 'within the ghetto confines have to make fewer adjust— ments. They can insulate themselves sufficiently to ignore the surrounding society" (Lee 1960:62). 157 Secondly, once the ghetto population is dispersed, the internal social organization Of the community is affected. Institutional organizations die out and the control which the community leaders had over the former ghetto dwellers weakens and finally grows altogether ineffective. Conversely, it can be assumed that the power Of com- munity leaders, usually elders, to control the varied facets Of Chinatown social life was, originally, quite extensive. Old timers remember Sacramento's Chinatown during the early decades Of the 1920's and report: When I first arrived as a young man (age 16), I con- tacted my cousin, a leader in the association. He arranged a job with a "cousin" (member Of the same asso— ciation) as a dishwasher in a Chinese) restaurant, let me slee in his room (a lodging house owned by the asso- ciation?, and gave me expense money. The very next day (Sunday he brought me to his church. He controlled everything. I was walking down Chinatown (Eye Street) with my intended, holding her hand, when the chairman of the saw me and reported to my parents. They (admin- ished) my behavior and made me apologize to Mr. L. for my behavior. I didn't want to join the Laundryman's Guild but knew I could not keep my shop if I refused. The elders ran all the good positions. Finally, Chinese racial visibility, enhanced by few actual contacts, led to the develOpment Of stereotypes, dis- criminatory with implications. Behavior was often predicated upon such stereotyped images. Furthermore, large numbers Of a minority group who cluster in a given area of the city are not only visible as individuals but visible as a segment Of the community (Marden and Meyer 1968:27). 158 In summary, three distinguishing features Of China— town life are: the restriction of Chinese assimilation, con— trol over community life by traditional leaders, and the development of derogatory stereotypes by non-Chinese. Thus, a change in residence pattern, destroying the boundaries of the Chinese ghetto, leads to concomitant changes in attitudi- nal and behavioral characteristics for both groups. These changes will be discussed in this chapter. Contemporary Chinese Set- tlement in Sacramento The following information is drawn from two sources: the Sacramento City Census (1964—1965) and the ethnic compo- sition Of the pupil population Of the Sacramento City Unified School District (1965—1968). Sacramento's Oriental populations may be found in almost all Of the city's census and enumeration tracts except in those which are either sparsely populated or zoned as industrial-commercial. Oriental students are enrolled in all of the city's fifty—seven elementary schools (see Figure 5). However, there are no census tracts in which the resident Oriental population exceeds 40 per cent of the total popula- tion, and only two tracts in which the Oriental population is over 50 per cent. NO elementary school district has more than a 49 per cent total Oriental enrollment.4 Although the Chinese reside and attend school in almost every area of the city, Sacramento's Chinese are sig— 5 nificantly concentrated in specific city districts (see 159 meme .eoasenae oosom conned: spec oesosmsomm .eoasemam Hoosom . H .3 mHooeom hampqOeoam OH mHMpSoflHo .HO 909852 m ostflm xuprcpom matrncouua .Ahmyrofiwfim umona Mnhg2m: mgcmr:um finucmwuo m I D 3.22% 7,225 or - 9 353; $2.15 as - cm 353:8 123.5 E. - cm Ecosjm H282“. a: - mm mucob:um Hnucmwnc arm I one c8528 Hroccn E .3%,qu 1...“th 1 sun cos; I cg u n.:mae o no L32 u L . fl a . a huHmhmHn quaiUm Dunbar? >F~u upgugaqum >mx . n32 L.__.__. _ _:I.L|.r ......... 160 Figure 4). There are only eight census tracts or enumeration districts in which the Oriental population exceeds 11 per cent (see Figure 5), and only seven tracts in which the total Oriental population is over 600 persons (see Figure 6). In 1968, there were 2,164 Oriental elementary pupils, 7.4 per cent Of the total enrollment in the Sacramento City Unified School District. Sixty—six per cent, or 1,245, of these stu- dents were concentrated in only eleven of the city's fifty— seven schools. It is apparent, then, that Sacramento's Chinese, while no longer restricted to a ghetto, are nevertheless con- centrated as an ethnic group in specific residential areas of the city. Moreover, the areas of high Oriental concentration are not homogeneous; each area exhibits distinct characteris— tics. These districts can be further divided into three city areas-FOLD CITY, RIVERSIDE—LAND PARK, and SUTTERVILLE HEIGHTS. Sample census tracts were selected for each of the three areas6 and compared regarding: 1. Number and percentage Of Chinese residing in the area 2. Number and percentage of other ethnic groups in the area 5. Median family income 4. Median gross rent 5. Number and percentage of deteriorated housing units 6. Number and percentage of dilapidated housing units 7. Owner/renter ratio The results are presented in Tables 15 and 14. 161 in I RESIDETI'IAL CONCENTRATION 05" 33112388 IN SiVJRAEEZ-I’I‘O Figure 4. Residential Concentration of Chinese in Sacramento, 1968 162 he .OpsOamaomm so spfio .sOHpjeHspmfla Ron n on: .ounEnuu. Acooa no; mucous mancou >u~u co unnomv aszusecuam no >e_u «on. hzuuxuc >m.zo_»:m_mem_o zoaeaaacoc aaezuaco >mx aomn .Psoosom sOHpmasaom HmpSOflMO .m mfldwflm acme . opaoemsomm no sens .soaesbasemae soaecHSQom nonsense .b enemas 165 1% . .../1.... WW ,2//////,///2 WWW W222 , A \fiw. I \. @414. . , 2.2 2 E‘. 7/////2 2222/ 1,2 .W///222 nuunhh mDmC . oomcmv seameqzuem do )enn sou gansaelecmlo zone.nadud neermlzo 164 Table 15 lthnic and Racial Distribution for Selected Census Tracts, City of Sacramento 1964-1965* M RIVERSIDE- SUTTERVILLE ngdgifY LAND PARK HEIGHTS tricts) (2 dis- (8 dis- tricts) tricts) Iian pOpulation 2,167 4,658 1,855 Ldes Caucasians (62%) (81%) (86%) .nish surname) population 620 297 75 (14%) (5%) (2%) races (includes 996 854 268 e, Japanese, (24%) (14%) (12%) her non-whites) e population I 570 1 F 510 7 [ 100 7 ,ated by formula) L(8.9%)J L(5.2%)J (5.5%)J fi ased upon city census tracts for 1964—1965, City of ento. 165 Table 14 Demographic Characteristics for Selected Census Tracts, City of Sacramento 1964-1965* ‘ RIVERSIDE— SUTTERVILLE OLD CITY LAND PARK HEIGHTS Median family $5,647 $8,045 $8,952 income Median gross rent $75/mo. $76/mo. $95/m0.** Deteriorated units 201 48 4 (12%) (2%) (.86%) Dilapidated units 22 8 1 (1.5%) (less than 1%) (less than 1%) Renter/owner ratio 191/109 65/113 87/673 *- Based upon city census tracts for 1964-1965, City of Sacramento. ** Estimate. 166 Population Distribution and Ethnicity Pupil enrollment is primarily based upon home address, since students attending specific schools generally reside within that school neighborhood. Using the Sacramento City Unified School District reports for 1968, I was able to identify those school districts with the largest numbers and percentages of minority group people, and can conclude that Oriental pupils do not generally attend school with either Negroes or Mexican—Americans (see Figure 7). Of the ten ele- mentary schools with the highest numbers and percentages Of Oriental students, there is only one school in which the com- bined percentage of Orientals and whites falls below 65 per cent. In three schools the percentage is over 70 per cent, in five schools over 80 per cent, and in one school over 90 per cent (Table 15). Conversely, schools with large propor- tions Of Negroes and Mexican-Americans have relatively few Oriental students (Table 16). Most Chinese elementary school children in Sacramento attend schools with Caucasians rather than with members of other minority groups. Our primary concern is not with Chinese school chil— dren. However, because school attendance reflects residence, the same data are useful in establishing residence patterns zind.Spatial-social relationships with majority and minority gpeopfle for the adult Chinese community. The movements of minority peoples within and without time city are an indication of the degree Of discrimination 167 mwme .pOHHPmHm Hooeom coswfisb spec oncoemsomm posspmflm Hooeom he mHOpSmHHo use .mamOflaoa< IquflMoz .moosmoz MO Sospdefispmflm ommPSmosom .xumucaom mucmanuua Panacea—mam \..'.\ .mmoua uuuuamz .b ohfimflm .muoocum cumuz ucm cmuwumeaICmumxmz azuuam~um>o . r.Mon.oc .OOsz R :mcmufiumEaICmuuxoa co mmoucouuma umcamcuu no“; muumuumun goozum or .mcmnlmomm .OOan u 1 .mcoummz to oomucuuuoa W1 7. uncommon seas couscomao ”carom o e..euu.ce .cccmm a mane—3:0 co ammucouuma - .l. amounmuu new: muuuuumuc uoozum er seasoned Hoorom am mucucmauo ucr mcouuum2h~u thuzamuqm , >mx .n_<_2 .. ...: ‘\ 1.1“ o . . a. o 2. .. «14:!» :!é..L 168 .momw 90% paomom QOfiPmHSQOm flamed POHstHQ Hooeom UOHMHQD mpflo opaoamaomm .— canoe "condom e.bm one omcao>a p.mbm obm.e Hoeoe m.oa e.mm elm e.em ome m.b mm s.ee mm moccasmm .3 .m _.me m.bm elm m.me as e.o. mm b.be mm some coossaaom e.mm b.bb sen b.ee ob 6.4 4m m.b_ em moan scum o.mm m.ab one s.m m_ m.m no m.me ome mmoaaum sacs a.mm m.cb mom m.m oe e.m_ mm b.m_ mm coemcapasm .m menace m.bs m.cm emm n.8, eee m.e ea 9.0m see soasam cease m.mm e.mm oom e.m_ as m.m om s.em ome oaaaaeco sacs m.cm s.ae com b.s s4 m.s cm m.cm smm oaaa>soeesm p.mc s.m_ es e.me em p.mm em m.ms won some shades; m.om m.ms eme m.m o_ c.m om m.me me_ ocanaoeam e e a e a e a e a Hoosom means can memossos< HmPQOfiHO mopfinm mooamoz Iqmosxoz mHMPQOflHo menocdpm ameOHMO MO mommPSOOsom one whonadz pmomhmq seas naoosom ascesosoam as unease no soaeoaasemae causemuaoaomm me magma 169 Table 16 Number and Percentage of Oriental Students in Elementary Schools with High Concentrations of Negro and Mexican-American Students Negroes Orientals School # % # % Camellia 259 82.5 0 0 Donner 248 61.5 6 1.5 Oak Ridge 198 58.7 9 1.8 Elder Creek 115 55.7 5 .9 Bret Harte 180 55.7 12 2.4 Ethel Phillips 195 52.5 11 1.9 Fruitridge 259 52.5 50 4.1 John D. Sloat 114 21.6 16 5.0 Jedediah Smith 115 21.5 25 4.5 Total 1,661 562.2 110 19.9 Average 184.5 40.2 12 2.2 Mexican- Orientals School Americans # % # % Washington 99 46.9 5 1.4 Jedediah Smith 206 58.6 25 4.5 Maple 112 56.0 11 5.5 Lincoln 56 54.6 20 12.5 Elder Creek 109 55.9 5 .9 Ethel Phillips 190 52.0 11 1.9 Woodbine 105 50.2 1 .5 Oak Ridge 145 28.5 9 1.8 Earl Warren 111 24.2 15 2.8 Joseph Bonnheim 125 15.1 57 6.1 Total 1,256 517.8 151 55.5 Average 125.6 51.8 15 5.5 Source: Table 1, Sacramento City Unified School District Pupil Population Report for 1968. 170 against the group as well as the economic status Of the mobile members. Information provided by three Chinese real— tors eXplicates the 1965-1968 population shifts for Oriental students (see Figure 8). The Chinese are primarily moving from north to south, away from the Old City downtown area to the southern suburbs. AS new areas Open for housing develop- ments south of the city limits, I eXpect there will be con- tinued Oriental movement in this southerly direction. There is also a smaller movement eastward into predominantly Cau— casian neighborhoods and a concentrated movement away from Negro and Mexican-American areas.7 In this context it may be noted that Caucasians are also leaving the city areas while the number of Negroes and Mexican-Americans is increasing (Table 17). Not only is Sacramento's Chinese population dispersed throughout certain areas Of the city, but Chinese association centers and churches are not coincident with population clus- ters. The major Chinese residential areas are not located within or even near the Chinese Association and Community Center, where many major and minor Chinese activities take place (see Figure 9). In fact, Chinese residing in the southern areas of Sutterville Heights may spend more than half an hour driving to Chinese community functions. More— over, there are five Chinese—American churches in the Sacra— mento metropolitan area, yet only one is located within an area of high Chinese population concentration.8 Three churches are located "just outside" these Chinese areas and mcaelmcae .eoaseuam Hoosom echoes: seao oesoacsoom .eoasemaa Hoosom so unseedem Hmesoaao ace neeasm soaemaaaom .m madman 1 71 o .... c + Cr u... rr+ Ce .7... It... a. .... fl Iii! Amhonarc “roguev Aunu prmonhm x o» h I /////A S. cu m... § 5 o. o..- n . _ _ c... o. S. I _ 1. H 323...... fife; m3... :.H.,$ “ _ . . can. I BE M ., . . .mou_uumao ~oozum so .maCcuaum _ 1 ”25:5 5.. 3.35 53238 . huhzhmno Jouxum 05:...) _| >:u u» .mquU4H fix. his 172 Table 17 Racial and Ethnic Student Movement in Sacramento City Elementary Schools Ethnic/ Per Racial 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 centage Group change Caucasians 19,222 19,587 19,591 19,528 18,970 18,626 _4 8% 68.8% 67.5% 65.5% 65.5% 64.7% 64.0% ' Mexican— 2,671 2,791 5,567 5,598 5,469 5,498 +2 5% Americans 9.5% 9.7% 11.4% 11.5% 11.8% 12.0% ° (Caucasians of Spanish surname) Negroes 5,427 5,869 4,154 4,158 4,269 4,590 +2 9% 12.1% 15.5% 15.9% 14.0% 14.6% 15.1% ' Orientals 2,281 2,251 2,283 2,245 2,164 2,166 —0 77 (Chinese, 8.1% 7.8% 7.7% 7.6% 7.4% 7.4% ' ° Japanese, and Korean) Source: Research Report on Pupil Population, Sacramento City Unified School District 1964-1969. 173 MAP KEY Population ébncentratién. Zhineso Community Center and Chinese-American Churcho City of Secremento,l968 ' ; Heaviest concentretion ..§ of Chinese #3584}? .s " Chinese-American (Christian) Churches Chinese Community Center A Chinese Population Concentration, Chinese Community Center, and Chinese—American Churches, City Of Sacramento, 1968 174 one is located in a neighborhood with fewer than fifty Orien- tal persons (Figure 5). Therefore, Chinese chuchgoers must also commute to their religious centers (Figure 9). This does not mean that there is no "real" Chinese community. It does, however, suggest that the ties which "bind a people together" cannot be considered to depend solely upon geographic considerations. Demographic Characteristics Of Residential Areas The destruction of the traditional Chinatown forced the Chinese to disperse and relocate, but not necessarily as a homogeneous racial-ethnic group. The Chinese currently reside in both the central and south portions of the city. I have also indicated that the three census tract areas with a relatively high proportion of Chinese exhibit diverse sociO-economic and ethnic profiles (Tables 15 and 14). These major differences are also related to patterns Of social organization and rates of acculturation. For illustrative purposes, I Shall divide these areas into two basic categories, the central city (Old City area) and the south area (Riverside-Land Park and Sutterville Heights) (see Figure 10). The Central City This area is one of the oldest residential areas in all of Sacramento. It is located fairly close to the down— tOWn business and state Office section and bounded by 175 4- - 5 . \ _ - --.. \ - I V \J/ 1 K \\ ' ”037'!“ “III \ \. _ //-\ 'v.‘ C? ‘l ’ 'C.. '. A no ’ ' usr' .‘sacnwtmo 3 "’JEZZ'I‘RAL CITY" 1' 133 l . 1.. " sown AREA " CITY or SACRAMENTO I —_ nnnnnnnnn I ........ I Figure 10. "Central City" and "South Area," City of Sacramento, 1968 176 Broadway on the south. The east and west boundaries are established by proposed and existing freeways. Some of the residences were first built over fifty years ago and show the signs Of age. Many are considered by city planners to be "very Old." Although the houses may appear shabby and run down, the yards are fairly well kept, the streets are clean, and neat vegetable gardens are common in back—yard plots. Private homes dominate the area; however, many of them have been turned into apartments with separate front, side, or back entrances for each family. There are also one- and two-story apartment complexes scattered throughout this area. They are an increasingly common phenomenon in the central city. Rents vary considerably but are usually not overly high. Many of the apartments are modest and small in size and rent from $80-$120 a month. Converted apartments in private homes can cost as little as $55 a month. One such dwelling, occupied by a Chinese family, supports three adults and four children in a two-bedroom apartment, but such over— crowding is not common. There is a modest amount of traffic in the streets, but automobiles owned by people living in this area are usu- ally lower priced and Older than those that come from the direction Of the freeway and head down 10th Street toward the center Of town. Although the area is considered "residential," it supports small family—owned commercial enterprises. The shops include grocery stores, Oriental food shops, candy 177 stores, barber shOps, and laundries, many of them owned and Operated by Chinese and Japanese families. The ethnic composition of "Japantown," a local term for the clustering of Japanese within the central city, is as heavily Chinese as it is Japanese. Moreover, there are Negro and Mexican-American families living within the area, as are Caucasians. Although inter-racial and ethnic social rela- tionships are infrequent and rarely primary, the neighborhood is rapidly becoming a multi—ethnic community. The life—style Of the Chinese living in this area is characteristic of recently arrived immigrants, working class peOple, and small shop owners. I wish to present a descrip- tion of households in this neighborhood in the hOpe of pre- senting a more personal and intimate picture of family and home life. These descriptions will complement a more formal analysis of Chinese settlement patterns. Mr. G.'s market is located well within the central city in an Old building attached to a large private home. It is papered with Pepsi Cola and other advertisements and resembles in many ways the Old-fashioned neighborhood store. The aisles between food displays are very narrow, but the store carries both Chinese and American foodstuffs. Most supermarkets in Sacramento carry a section of Oriental foods, but in Mr. G.'s store the soy sauce comes in large bottles rather than the smaller ones, rice vinegar is always avail- able while it is not in other large supermarkets, and there are numerous 100—pound burlap sacks of rice. Chinese cookies 178 are on sale and many of the cuts Of meat and fowl available are those preferred by Chinese, Japanese, Filipino, and Korean customers. The Chinese proprietor lives with his family in the attached house. He is past 50, with graying hair, and wears work clothes. His wife wears ill-fitting "pants" with a non— descript blouse and apron and has her hair tied in a bun. His daughter, who comes in to help out while her husband works at a nearby Chinese restaurant, is arranging the pro— duce. She is about 50, dressed in cut—Off levis, tennis shoes, and a sweatshirt. Her three-year-Old daughter is sit- ting On a cnair in the corner and busily eating candy. Most Of the customers are middle—aged and elderly. They are, for the most part, Oriental housewives who sometimes converse with the owner and his wife in Sze—Yap. Many Of the cus- tomers are cordially greeted and appear to be regulars. There is a large supermarket located directly across the street which attracts a younger and more mixed clientele. The Y. family lives on V Street in a three-bedroom wooden frame home with a small but well-kept back yard. The living room is tiny and is crowded with low-cost, old, and worn furniture. There is, however, a recently polished wooden dowry chest in one corner Of the room that belongs to the mother. There are numerous pictures on the walls of parents, grandparents, and children. There are both American and Chinese decorative items throughout the home. A tele- vision set is present but has not worked for the past two 179 months. On one wall in the dining room there is a wooden bookcase filled with Chinese-language story books, copies of a San Francisco Chinese—language daily, and Hong Kong movie magazines along with similar English-language publications. Above the case is a paper—thin unframed reproduction of Jesus Christ. The picture is held to the wall by thumbtacks. On another wall is a large hutch containing a set of Chinese dishes and kitchenware and some small ivory figurines brought fnam China. On the bottom shelf is a rolled silk scroll pre— sented as a gift to the father by a Hong Kong artist. A telephone is mounted on the wall and directly under it is a cardboard with Chinese characters and English telephone num- bers and a calendar from a local Chinese restaurant. The mother cannot use the English telephone directory and the Chinese names are those of frequently called friends and relatives, local Chinese grocery stores and restaurants, and the home phone of the minister of the Chinese Gospel Mission. The wooden table in the dining room is covered with a linoleum cloth and three daughters--19, 15, and 15——all sit around the table talking and doing their homework assign— ments. The kitchen is old and the ceiling has black cooking stains; otherwise, it is immaculate. There are Chinese and American cooking utensils on the wall and metal cauldrons on the stove. The smells of present and past cooked Chinese foods permeate the room. The father, in his fifties, and a son, 17, live at home and are employed in a nearby Chinese restaurant as cook and dishwasher respectively. The mother 180 works part-time in a local cannery and the three daughters attend school. The annual family income is about $5,000 and the family does not own a car. The father's Older brother and two younger sisters live with their families in San Fran- cisco but are frequent visitors and the house is usually filled with the sounds Of children. The Y. family has been in America for eight years, three of which were spent in San Francisco before they moved to Sacramento's central city. The South Area I have combined the Riverside-Land Park and Sutter- ville Heights areas as they are similar in demographic char— acteristics and quite different from the Old City tracts. The area is bounded by the Sacramento River on the west, Broadway on the North, and the Western Pacific Railroad tracks on the east. Its southern boundary is constantly expanding with the growth Of the city and may be located around the Sacramento Executive Airport at this time. Most of the homes are Of conventional,contemporary or modern design and, generally, less than twenty years Old. The streets are wide, with spacious lawns kept immaculate by the owners, Often with the help of Japanese gardeners. There are few apartment complexes but for those present rentals start at $150 and some exceed $250 a month. There is usually little traffic in the suburban streets but the cars parked in driveways are late models, in the medium— tO—expensive price range. Many families own more than one 181 car. Small neighborhood businesses are generally absent, shops being located in shopping centers on the main arteries. The area is predominantly Caucasian and there is a conSpicu— ous absence Of Negro and Mexican—American families. The D. family resides just Off South Land Park Drive. Their home is of a contemporary brick and wood design with three bedrooms and a den on a half-acre plot. The house is ten years Old but has recently been remodeled. It is in the $40,000-$50,000 price range. The living room is spacious, with plush shag carpeting and modern furniture purchased from an eXpensive local store. There are two comfortable leather chairs aside a large sofa. The older miniskirted daughter is watching television while her younger Sister is reading a science-fiction novel. There are many framed pictures Of the family, particularly the two daughters, on the fireplace mantel and the two large floor-tO-ceiling bookcases. All of the reading material in the house is in English. Both Sacra- mento daily newspapers are delivered and the crossword puzzles are partially completed. The room is also filled with trophies won by the mother and father, both Of whom are avid golfers. The color television is in the den, where the family Often relaxes before dinner. A black—and-white set is in the Older girl's bedroom. The den furniture is less eXpensive but nevertheless attractive. There are framed art pictures on most of the walls, including a Chinese silk screen scroll. Two Chinese vases appear in the foyer. The kitchen is sizable, with all electric appliances, including a 182 washer-dryer, a dishwasher, and other built-ins. The entire house is centrally air—conditioned. There are Chinese Spices and herbs in one of the cabinets, but the food is American rather than Chinese. A five-pound prime roast is defrosting on the counter and rice will certainly be served with the evening meal. The back yard is partially a flower garden with camellias, Chinese pireas, and azaleas. There is room for a swimming pool which the family plans to build next ymnlr. The family owns three cars, a 1968 Cadillac, a new Mustang, and an Older Chevrolet. The Mustang was bought on time but cash was paid for the other cars. The father and his two brothers are partners in their own produce company. The mother is not employed. The two daughters, 19 and 17 years Old, attend a local college and high school respectively. The Older daughter is engaged to a graduate engineer. The family has lived in Sacramento for the past twenty years. Both parents are American—born. Unfortunately, detailed statistical data about the Chinese populations in the central and south areas of Sacra— mento are unavailable. However, I would suggest that the social—economic profile of Chinese residing in the central area is not unlike that of large urban Chinatowns, while the Chinese residents Of the south area are practically indis- tinguishable from their non—Chinese neighbors. Chinatown populations have, according to Yuan (1966: 521—52), a larger percentage of males to females in the most 185 marriageable age groups. They are generally older than the non-Chinatown populace and exhibit a higher degree of illit- eracy. The low educational achievements of Chinatown resi— dents are reflected in their occupations: more manual and service jobs than white-collar work, and a higher rate of unemployment. This means a lower family income than for non- Chinatown groups, which results in a higher participation of women in the labor force in order to make ends meet. China- town.populations also exhibit a higher percentage of adults and youngsters who do not speak English adequately. Conversely, residents Of the south area enjoy a more favorable sex ratio, are younger, better educated, and employed in more prestigious occupations. Ethnicity and Social Relationships The central city area still tends to be "home" to the majority of Older Chinese immigrants and their families. It also supports more recent immigrant arrivals as well as a scattering of Chinese students and young couples who are just starting their educational and occupational careers. The area is heavily populated with working and lower—middle class Caucasians and also houses Negroes, Mexican-Americans, and Japanese. Among the Older Chinese residents, interracial rela— tionships, when indeed such social relationships can be said to exist, are clearly of a secondary rather than a primary nature. 184 For example: Mrs. G., a Chinese widow of 60, spends most of her day sitting on her front porch or tending her small back— yard garden. She has lived next door to the Gonzales family for over two years and, although both she and Mrs. Gonzales speak English and work the same shift at a local cannery, she has spoken to her only twice that she can remember. When asked about her neighbors, she replied, "Now, mind you, I am not a bigoted person. I know many other people but we don't really have anything in common. We have different ways and even like differ— ent foods, so I like to spend my time with my Chinese friends who are more like me." Mr. B., a recent Negro addition to the nei hborhood, says, "I moved out Of Oak Park (a Negro ghetto? and this really is a nice place to live, even though it's getting a little Old. But these Chinese really get me, man. They are the most closed-mouth and clannish peOple I have ever known." Even Chinese-Japanese relationships suffer from limited con- tacts and unpleasant experiences in the past tend to become factors significantly influencing social interaction. Mr. K., a Japanese-American citizen, has lived in the central area all of his life, but he still remembers when his family was relocated during World War II. "I had to sell my home to the Chinese grocer for next—tO—nothing. Since then I have had little to do with the Chinese." Mr. T., a long-time resident and a family association leader, claims: "The Japanese may say they are my friends but I know that when they invaded my home in China they took our land and put me in a prison camp. I am friendly when I shop in their stores but I have never invited them to my home." Older Chinese families——foreign—born, Chinese- speaking, and employed by Chinese in restaurants and super- markets--rarely mix socially with different racial or ethnic groups. Hostile attitudes toward other "peoples," strength- ened by both voluntary and involuntary segregation and a desire to preserve their historical and cultural heritage, 185 keep such interaction at a minimum. Younger and more recent immigrant families, hampered by their English language inadequacies, are unable to parti- cipate directly in American life. One young man, for exam- ple, still walks two miles to work because he is afraid he will get on the wrong bus. They socialize primarily with other Chinese language speakers, including older immigrants, and rarely with outsiders. Generally speaking, residents tend to have more social intercourse with people living in the same area, who are likely to belong to a similar socioeconomic group. However, cross-cutting visiting patterns are common, particu— larly when Chinese parents and children reside in different areas. On the other hand, linguistic and cultural barriers tend to break down among high school and college—age youth. Yet, primary social relationships are still largely limited to other Chinese. They may share schoolroom and playground with majority and minority groups but relationships Often end there. In both high school and college cafeterias, minori— ties may be Observed to cluster together and eat their lunches at separate tables. Thus far, I have been treating the central area as a "neighborhood" and not necessarily as a "community." A commu- nity also implies cooperative communal activities, a shared identity with other residents based upon social commonali- ties, and considerable interaction at both the secondary and, 186 especially, the primary level. In Gans' words, a community "is more than purely an ecological or statiscal construct and some Of its qualities can perhaps be captured only by the sociologically inclined poet or artist" (1962:11). While it may be presumptuous to eXpect primarily interracial parties, teas, and gossip sessions among residents, we should find considerable reciprocity at weddings, funerals, and other important rituals as well as at less personal activities such as church and school functions. Although there are excep— tions, this is generally not the case for central area residents. There is, however, a "social togetherness" among mem- bers of the same ethnic group. The absence Of a Chinese ghetto does not mean the destruction Of ethnic identity. A ghetto is also, and in a very real sense, a cultural commu— nity that eXpresses a common heritage, a store of common tra- ditions and sentiments. It is not so much a physical fact as a state Of mind. Within the central area, these historical and cultural ties are strong indeed, and Chinese are linked with other Chinese neighbors. AS one resident describes: I am SO happy we moved here, it is such a friendly place. I just love the people on my block, Mrs. W., Mrs. L., Mrs. H. (all Chinese). I always call them on the telephone and we play mah-jongg. We shop together and I have gone to all their children's weddings. I sometimes feel like I am in China, but there everyone was my friend or family. I just skip the other people here and stay with the Chinese. Although friendship should be distinguished from kin- ship, the basic building block of Chinese social organization, 187 these informal and ethnically centered community relation- ships play an important part in Chinese cohesiveness. They perpetuate Chinese social and cultural identities and rein— force them through shared activity. Because these informal relationships overlap, they tend to become multiplex and carry over into more formal activities. By excluding non- ethnic residents from their gatherings, the Chinese strengthen a feeling Of separateness and maintain ethnic and racial boundaries. Thus, different social systems exist side by side with no true mixing. Social interaction between the groups becomes intermittent and, when it does occur, it is permeated with hostile undertones (Lee 1960:57). Central area residents create a pluralistic sub— system within the larger community and thereby defy melting pot ideology. They encourage in their children the develop- ment of derogatory stereotypes Of other groups and discourage assimilation into the dominant culture. Chinese residents in the central area are best characterized as "traditionists" (see Chapter 10) who, as a group, control and dominate an important segment of Chinese community life. The Chinese who reside in the south area are pri- marily American-born or immigrants who arrived as young chil- dren. There are also some financially successful older immi- grant families. Most south area Chinese tend to be middle Class in occupation, income, and education. The area houses few minority peoples other than Chinese and Japanese and thus is overwhelmingly Caucasian, 188 over 88 per cent in most census tracts. Yet it is also, after the central city, the second largest area of Chinese population concentration. This concentration reflects a desire to continue and preserve intimate social contacts with other Chinese, but not necessarily to preserve a traditional way Of life. Residential clustering, a practice common to 9 many ethnic minorities, is also a Chinese social character- istic, one in which class differences are as significant as ethnic identity. Edward G., a recent south area resident, states: We used to live in the city but I had a good Oppor- tunity to buy a home in the north area. I decided against it because I and my children would be strangers there. I have never been discriminated against because I am Chinese, yet I feel more comfortable living near other Chinese who are successful like I am. Residential concentration, however, may be the result Of other, less Obvious, factors. Mr. S. remarked: My wife and I both make a good living. We went to college and have fine jobs. I chose to move to the south area because I didn't want to live where too many other Chinese lived. If there was a Chinese next door prior to moving in, I probably wouldn't have considered moving there. I see enough Chinese already. Even though I was born Chinese, I have adopted many good middle class habits, and I am an American. Residential propinquity of Caucasians and Chinese is a demographic fact in both the central city and south area. But, in the south area, Chinese—Caucasian social relation— ships are far more cordial. Chinese and Caucasian neighbors do share "coffee talks" and constantly chat with one another as they mow their lawns or wash their cars. They often attend their children's graduations, weddings, and parties. 189 Yet they still manifest a tendency toward Chinese exclusivity regarding the more personal relationships. We had a Chinese New Year's party at home and invited some of our Caucasian and Japanese neighbors. We all certainly had a fine time. But for the most part we still usually attend predominantly Chinese parties, and our husbands belong to predominantly Chinese clubs. I still cannot tell my Caucasian friends about some per— sonal problems in my life. Only another Chinese could really understand. My daughter had been going to parties with a white boy. We walked over to meet his parents and although they were very polite the conversation was strained. I spoke to Mrs. R. later and we both agreed that our chil- dren should not see each other so Often because inter- racial marriages do not Often work. Regarding interaction with other minority people, the feel- ings of Caucasian neighbors are as much of a factor as their own. For example, Stanley F., age 12, met a "colored boy" bicycling in his neighborhood. They played together in his family's yard, yet his mother never invited the boy inside. She told Stanley: It's all right with me if you play with them but if I invited him into my home some of our neighbors wouldn't like it. It might be best not to play with him any more. Many native—born Oriental-Americans are growing up in Caucasian neighborhoods with a way Of life that tends to be more American than Chinese (Sung 1967:254). Chinese, Japanese, and Caucasian youngsters Often play with each other. When they become Older, they date and go to mixed parties and consider individual personalities more important than.racial or ethnic heritage. However, there is still little social mixing with Negroes and Mexican—Americans and marriage partners are still most often Chinese (Weiss 1970). 190 As in the central city, informal friendships among Chinese residing in the south area are strong and form a base for organizational life. Overt prejudice against Caucasians is diminishing but interracial marriage is still discouraged and there is little mixed activity at a more formal organi- zational level. The Chinese settlement in the south area, however, illustrates very effectively two important structural fea— tures of Chinese life: first, the increasing acculturation 0f the Chinese into American social and economic patterns; and , second, the development of social-class—based sub- SOCieties within the Chinese communities. R\esgience and Social Class: klimr City and Suburb Ianni's study of Italo-Americans (1957) suggests that residential mobility is an index of the acculturation of an 845111110 group. While the immigrant generations cluster in less desirable neighborhoods, the native-born children of iIIlIIligrants, the first generation, and particularly the IlaLtiVe-born children of native-born parents, the second gen- era-“t3 ion, establish residence in more desirable neighborhoods Outside the colony. Acculturation, then, becomes a necessary altI’lough not always a sufficient preliminary to acceptance in Sueh neighborhoods. Moreover, the residential dispersion of a. Ininority group can only be understood as part of the group's incor oration into the dominant social s stem. Resi- p y dence is clearly a measure of the rate of acculturation 191 (itaanni 1957:72). Lieberson (1961) has also concluded that differential ireassidential segregation of ethnic groups in American cities j.ss a.significant dimension of behavioral assimilation. I?12;r"thermore, the magnitude of a group's separation appears 13c> influence other aspects of its assimilation, like citizen— sskijrp, intermarriage, ability to speak English, education, and (Dczcrugetion. Residential dispersion is a basic prerequisite jTCXr‘ ethnic assimilation and an important factor in interpret— illé; sand predicting differences in social behavior (Lieberson 1 96 1 :57). Finally, Lee concludes: "The degree of assimilation and acculturation attained by a given ethnic group can be measured by the distance between the original quarter and their present residence" (Lee 1960:56). Thus, as Chinese become more acculturated and finan— QiaILlysuccessful, it will become increasingly vital to move ‘th Eruburban areas to demonstrate their new status (Lee 1960: 252355) . Families who live in Anglo-neighborhoods generally re1317‘esent the same social and economic status as their neigh- bc:iel.class seem as decisive as those of ethnicity. Middle- c:J.Eiss Chinese tend to share viewpoints with and to have many ()1? ‘the same social values as middle—class Caucasians although iskieay share a different ethnic and cultural—historical racial Ibexcikground. Yet, with regard to social participation in Exrfiiinary groups, the Chinese tend to confine themselves to ‘bllexir*own social class segment within their ethnic group. {3111153 the Chinese tend to participate in a social field cir- CULID-E‘scribed by both ethnic group and social class boundaries. The Chinese in Sacramento are exposed to pressures -b<311k1 from within their own group and from the outside. They éi1753 ‘very much aware of their Chinese identity and easily express these feelings. A middle—class Chinese living in the S 011th area states: I am still Chinese and don't you forget it. I am concerned with this Chinese community but also with all 'the Chinese in America and with the Chinese people of the ‘world. I am proud of my ancient traditions and when any Chinese person is insulted it affects me as well. Yet the fact that this man is also college-educated 111 ~éumerica and engaged in professional activities is, per— }MRIDES, as important as his ethnic identity. I don't live the same life as the poor Chinese immi- .grant. I feel just as uncomfortable talking to an F.O. .B.10 as I do to an Indian. We may both be Chinese but we have different interests. We like different foods and ‘want different futures for our sons and daughters. I feel most at home with other Chinese who have the same background and share the same problems. 195 Gordon (1964:51) calls these social class divisions, which are created by the intersection of the vertical strati- ffiiczeitions of ethnicity with the horizontal stratifications of ssc>czixal class, the "ethclass." Ethclasses constitute distinc- txitvea social groupings with different goals and with different noenaans of attaining these goals. As we shall see, ethclass <3c>rrflicts often lead to dissension and factionalism within ‘tliee Chinese community. Thus I have indicated that both acculturation and scocxial.class play important roles in the structuring of the (3kuixiese community. In the forthcoming chapters, attention VvijL]_ turn to the effects of ethclass variables on the struc- 'ttCPEB and function of organizational groups. 196 FOOTNOTES--Chapter 8 1For an analysis of the changing geographic scene of a. gnanrticular American Chinatown, see Rhodes Murphey's 'NBc>eyton's Chinatown," Economic Geography, pp. 244-55, 1952- 2The repeal of the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1943 was :fcaJHlxawed by the War Brides Act (1945), the Displaced Persons Act (1948, 1950), the McCarren—waiters Act (1952), and the Refugee Relief Act (1953), all measures that Opened the doors 'tCD (Ikfirese immigration (Kung 1962:103-31). 3Traditional Chinatowns are categorically distin- éfllj.eibed from "new Chinatowns." New Chinatowns are primarily CKIHnIusrcial and associational centers rather than residential €1¥13€153. They are designed to attract tourists and often pro- ITlIiee a1 contrived Oriental atmosphere. "But the new Chinatowns are not like the old. Nor twill they ever be unless we turn back the clock of his- ‘tory and re-create the conditions of yesteryears. The 'bonds that held the early Chinese together in Chinatowns Eire gone. Communal organizations have lost their leader— :ship and their functions" (Sung 1967:150). , 4POpulation figures for Chinese are submerged because Efl§y are included with "Orientals" in the Sacramento City ,fllJfTied School District bulletins (1963—1969) and grouped as O ears" in city census tract reports (1964—1965). However, y' tltilizing a 1.3 per cent ratio of Chinese in the total 3p019tlletion and by applying a simple formula, ° (3klfirese x number of Orientals or others _ number of Chinese combined % of Orientals or others — ’ o . . . . . 02: can arrive at the apprOXimate number Of Chinese in a given E3 (31‘ ‘us tract or school district. To estimate the number of ijLllese in a given tract, consider the following example: 141135? Census Tract 21 has the greatest number of Oriental res- fwseerlts. The combined Indian and Oriental (others) population I? this area is 1,459. Applying the formula, 1'5; g 459 = 542 (number of Chinese persons), 31‘): can be assumed that there are approximately" 542 Chinese I‘Esons in this tract. Sit Using this formula to estimate the number of Chinese E3 \ldents in Riverside elementary school, we find that this (ccfllool has 173 Oriental students, who account for 48.5 per eht of the total school population (Research report: the 197 ethnic composition of the pupil population of the Sacramento City Unified School District, 1968-1969). Applying the formula, 1.§x17§_ 89 2.9 _ ’ it can be assumed that there are approximately 89 Chinese students at that school. 5The 1968 Sacramento Metropolitan Area telephone directory served as the primary source for defining Chinese residence clustering. The major (Fong, Wong, Yee) and some minor (Chow, Chan, Louie) Chinese surnames listed in the directory were located on a 4' x 8' map which was later I‘ediiced to standard paper proportions (Figure 6). 6Census tracts were selected for their relatively dense Oriental population and include, for the old city area, tracts 19, 20, and 21; for Riverside—Land Park, tracts 22 and , and for Sutterville Heights census tracts 34 and 38 and el’luroeration districts 163N, 148, 14913, 150, 154, and 156A. _ 7Since 1963 there has been a continual loss of ChZLriese students from the nine elementary schools of high egro concentration and from ei ht of the ten schools of high 93:1 can-American concentration [(Figure 8) (Research Reports 1963—1968, Sacramento City Unified School District). Chinese-American churches are churches of Protestant genominations composed almost exclusively of Chinese parish- 10121818. As of this writing, all but one are headed by ll’lese ministers. I, - 9Glazer and Moynihan (1964:162) report that Jewish esldential concentration is not confined to the immigrant Eerie ration or the poor. It is characteristic of the middle til ‘upper-middle classes and of the third generation no less a~l’1 the second. ge 10The term "F.O.B." means "Fresh off the Boat" and renerally refers to newly arrived immigrants. The term also ers to a cultural orientation that is Chinese rather than boel‘ican. Thus, peOple who exhibit Chinese mannerisms in "F h their attitudes and behaviors may be referred to as - 0 .B. 's." Chapter 9 CONTEMPORARY POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS Demographic Profile Sacramento is the state capital of California. Its IDOIOLilation, as of January, 1969, was 272,100 (Sacramento City IflEirining Commission, Population and Land Area Bulletin, 15965E3). The city is surrounded by an extensive urban sprawl, ITBi?EBIT€d.tO as the Sacramento Metropolitan Area. In 1968, tile? .pOpulation count for this area was 634,200. If the con- txié§tlcus area of West Sacramento in adjacent Yolo County is afingc) included, the population is almost 800,000 (State of Caljrzf‘ornia, Department of Finance Bulletin, Population for 19683—1969). The figures in this chapter will refer to the sac311‘amento Metropolitan Area and are based on Department of Irmillstrial Relations statistics. Sacramento is predominantly Caucasian (86.6%), but cytlleér racial and ethnic groups are also represented. Mexloan-Americans (Caucasians of Spanish surname) account for ES'C3 per cent; Negroes, 3.9 per cent; Japanese, 1'6 per cent; Filipinos, 0.4 per cent; and American Indians 0.2 per cent (See Table 18). In 1960, there were 6,770 persons of Chinese ancestry I‘EEESdeing in Sacramento. This figure represents 1.3 per cent (bf? the total metropolitan population, 2.7 per cent Of the 198 199 Table 18 Ethnic Minorities in the Sacramento Metropolitan Area Ethnic group Number Per cent Mexican-American 25,740 6.0 American Indian 802 0.2 Negro 19,805 3.9 Japanese 8,124 1.6 Filipino 1,845 0.4 Chinese 6,770 1.3 MINORITY TOTAL 63,086 13.4 Caucasian (majority) 439,692 86.6 4 TOTAL POPULATION 502,778 100.0 Based upon 1960 U.S. Census, Division of Fair Employment Practices, Department Of Industrial Relations, State of California, June, 1965. 200 (Iheriese in America, and 7.1 per cent Of the Chinese in Cali- f131?riia (CJCFA 1965:18). At that time, Sacramento ranked fili?11h.among metrOpolitan areas in Chinese pOpulation, sur- Ixassssed only by San Francisco-Oakland, Honolulu, New York, and Inass .Angeles-Long Beach in that order (Sung 1967:114). I estimate the current Chinese population in Sacra- mento to be about 9,000.2 Sex Ratio The Chinese sex distribution in America, predomi— rfiirlizly male in 1890 (94.6% males), has steadily approached a HMDI?€3 equal.pattern. By 1960, 57.1 per cent of American CHij_riese were men and 42.9 per cent women (Kung 1962333). Sung's 1960 figures for Sacramento's Chinese placed 13163 total Chinese population at 6,457. Males numbered 3,540; :fern61les, 2,917. The number of males per 100 females was 121, _bb£3 lowest for any continental American city with a Chinese pODillation exceeding 2,500. The corresponding figures for tklee San Francisco and Los Angeles areas were 128, 154 for ChicagO, and 161 for New York. According to Immigration Service reports of Chinese immigrants admitted from 1948 to 1959, the number of females :DEBI‘ 100 males was 177.4, making this a predominantly female i‘mllliigrant group. The liberalization of immigration laws addillitting wives and children as non—quota persons has meas- uI‘ably helped to balance the sex ratio-~in particular, the Refugee Relief Act of 1953 (Kung 1962:33). However, since 201 tflie 1 E950's, female immigrants have been under 39 years of age zarid. iskierefore a sex discrepancy still exists for the middle aged and elderly groups. The prognosis is for a continuing equalization of the ssexx.:r1atio. We expect that by the end of the 1970's Sacra— nuerit<3"s Chinese community will have approached an essentially e qua]. ratio. Age Distribution In 1960, the age distribution for the Chinese in California, by sex, was as follows: AGE GROUP MALES FEMALES COMBINED Under 35 58.8% 69.7% 64.3% 35-44 14.6% 13.6% 14.1% 45 and over 26.6% 16.7% 21.6% Source: CJCFA (1965:10). A more detailed distribution is prepared in Tables 19 and 20. I was unable to obtain specific Chinese age-sex dis- t . r1‘blltion data for Sacramento since this breakdown is una ail- at) . :le’ :Ln census data. I suspect, however, that such figures PVO 11143. follow the national trend, which shows the following Oil aracteristics: 1 ’ IX shift from a more mature to a more youthful group 22 ' It more symmetrical age pyramid, more balanced for males Eind females in the same age bracket. '5 ' .A small but growing group of elderly persons, in which 202 Table 19 Chinese Age Distribution by Sex--California 1960 Age group Males Females Under 5 years 11.2% 13.5% 5-9 years 11.6% 13.3% 10—14 years 9.2% 10.7% 15-19 years 4.5% 4.8% 20-24 years 6.0% 7.3% 25-34 years 16.3% 20.1% 35—44 years 14.6% 13.6% 45—54 years 11.6% 8.9% 55-64 years 8.8% 4.9% Over 65 years 6.2% 2.9% Source: CJCFA 1965:19. Chinese Age Distribution by Sex——U.S.A. 1960 —m _ 205 Table 20 Change Age group Males Females Combined since ‘ 1940 Children 30.0% 35.9% 34.4% +6-8% (‘14- alxid under) Young adults 18.6% 21.3% 193% 413% (1 5—2 9) Mature adults 22.8% 24.4% 23.6% 4.3% (BCL—zizl) Middl o 2 2O 0 o (45§5§)age 17.47 1 . 7 19.87 +4.17 Iggderiy 11.0% 4.2% 7.6% +06% C) Elrid over) \ SQurce: Sung 1967:122. 204 the men outnumber the women 3 to 1 (Sung 1967:119-21). Nativity The number of American—born Chinese has steadily increased since the early days of Chinese settlement in America and they now outnumber the foreign—born group. In 1960, 51 per cent of the Chinese were native—born, while 59 per cent were born in China (Sung 1967:269). A 1960 survey of thir— teen western states (including California) places the native- born population slightly higher at 68.5 per cent (CJCFA 1965: 49). Kung (1962:39) estimates that by 1970 the native-born Chine se population will be in the neighborhood of 70 per cent and by 1980 as high as 80 per cent. At the same time, a considerable number Of foreign- born Chinese have acquired American citizenship. This inerease in the number of naturalized citizens might have imPOI‘tant implications in reference to suffrage, should the Chine se ever decide to cast their votes as an ethnic bloc. Education In 1960, the educational picture for Californians of Chine Se ancestry was one of extremes. A relatively high PTO- portion of both men and women, 29.2 and 23.2 per cent reSpec- tively, had completed at least one year Of college, but approximately 40 per cent of the populace had not gone beyond the eighth grade (CJCFA 1965:11). About 80 per cent Of the males and 60 per cent Of the females with no formal schooling are, however, over 45 years Of age (311118 19673126)° 205 The educational level attained by Chinese persons 14 ;years and over in California is shown in Table 21. Nation- aLLly, the number of median school years completed for Chinese :fennales is 11.7, a full grade higher than Chinese males at 1C)-7 (Sung 1967:126). However, in Sacramento the situation 1J3 reversed. Males have completed an average of 11.5, fflernales only 10.7 years, of education (CJCFA 1965:26). Educational Opportunities in the Sacramento area, Eisside from public and private elementary and secondary Escihools, include two junior colleges, one state college, and 1311e University of California campus at nearby Davis. Sacramento City College, one of the tuition—free two- sfeeai'junior colleges, attracts many Chinese college-age At the end of the 1968 spring semester, 401 Chinese youth. Summer (1 4 .3% of the total school population were enrolled. E3(311001 attendance by Chinese was estimated at 12.6 per cent (31? the total registration figure (Weiss 1968b:1).3 Because of its distance from major Oriental residen- tial areas, American River Junior College has a negligible I1timber of Oriental students. The same dependence between ESchool location and residence is demonstrated by the fact that ENS per cent of Sacramento City College's Chinese students €§raduated from two out of five local high schools (Weiss 1968a:4)4 (see Figures 11 and 12). Male students tended to major, in order Of prefer- ence, in engineering, chemical and biological sciences, busi— ness administration, and technical studies. Females were 206 Table 21 Educational Attainment for Chinese, 14 Years and Over, in California 1960 School level completed Males Females No formal schooling 15.8% 18.7% Grades 1-4 6.9% 5.8% Grades 5-6 6.6% 5.4% Grade 7 3.3% 2.0% Grade 8 8.2% 6.8% Grades 9-11 13.9% 13.2% Grade 12 16.1% 24.9% College 1-3 years 15.9% 14.3% College 4 or more years 13.3% 8.9% Source: CJCFA 1965:25. 207 wool .eosspmsm Hoosom scenes: spec oecosmsomm .Hoosom swam scenes as mesoeasm Hmesoaso no sonssz .l_ enemas ..o..».«o deacon an quorum so“: “one." s. ..ccuauo unaccuuo so vegan-q uco goats: buzhmno .5020» 03.32:. >b~u chauzczuin ‘. . one. Ex c4: 4.. L ._ .....3 . ... . ... L? ..d ...:m. . . . ‘ v _.,~ss;._es 208 mcm_ .eossemsm Ho onom coawflsb hpflo Opmoaohomm .mpSoUSPm .. - Hoocom swam Haemoflso mo pQOOMom com Hooasz .mi osswfim .soasuo.s runs as naccurum Dc cozy moo; nb zuhhzm No zqourua No uxpuou .5 muqmmxu «Np «nzmuuhaqu mop mugque 2—7w40fi " mom new z<_,......mm new W .P VIIIIIIII. 1||| mmmr muoozum cc.: noecafi c« nacmuaam goucuuuo no “mean: ohuhmhm—o Jooxum ouHquu ahruzqmuam >mx as). 209 PITjnnarily enrolled in business administration, technical SiSIAdies, and social science. More than half of all students LPILeanned to continue their education. Yet more females than InEiZles indicated that they would seek immediate employment lllp<3n graduation (Weiss 1968a:16—17). Chinese students at the area's four—year institu- tlj.ons, Sacramento State College and the University of Cali— i3c1rnia at Davis, are also heavily enrolled in engineering Eirid science programs. Family Income Over 70 per cent of Chinese families in America have .jlncomes over $5,000 per annum. ‘More than 40 per cent make at 3Least $7,000, and more than 20 per cent make over $10,000. flDhe family income for Chinese in America is shown in Table 222. Table 22 Income for Chinese in America, 1959 Income group Per cent Under $1,000 3.3% t1,000-$2,999 12.7% $3,000-t4,999 21.5% $5,000-$6,999 20.8% $7,000-t9,999 20.1% 310,000-314,999 14.4% Over $15,000 7.2% Source: Sung 1967:322. 210 Median family income for Chinese nationally was IéEBIPOPted as $6,207 (Sung 1967:322); for Sacramento, the fig— 1libewas $6,089. The median income for males was $4,192, over 1353(30 per annum more than for San Francisco's Chinese men and 53llrightly higher than that for the Los Angeles—Long Beach aaxreau However, the median yearly income for females in Sac- I781nento was $1,897, about $100 less than that for San Fran- <3j_sco Chinese women and less than female income in the Los JAligeles-Long Beach area (CJCFA 1965:45). Median annual Illicome for whites in Sacramento was $5,437 and $1,927 for Basics and females respectively (CJCFA 1965:45). Employment The occupational distribution for Sacramento's Chi- Iiese indicates that approximately 60 per cent Of employed Inales were engaged in professional, managerial, proprietory, <3lerical, or sales classifications. About 70 per cent of the dEemale labor force over 14 years of age, 800 persons by cen— Esus count, were employed in clerical, operative, and kindred jobs (CJCFA 1965:40) . Specifically, Sacramento's Chinese are concentrated in three major areas: over 40 per cent in wholesale and retail trades, about 19 per cent in public administration, and about 17 per cent in manufacturing (CJCFA 1965:31). Although Sacramento and San Francisco men are some- what equal in regard to professional and technical employ— ment, Sacramento has over 7 per cent more male managers, 211 Crffficials, and proprietors, about 6 per cent more sales per— Escxnnel, and about 9 per cent less service workers. For Exnigfloyed women, Sacramento has about 8 per cent more Opera- ‘tzisves, which includes laundry, service, and restaurant per- Esc>nnel. Otherwise the occupation patterns are similar. [Issing industrial indices, Sacramento employs 6 per cent more IDEBOple in wholesale and retail trades and almost 11 per cent Ifl<>re in public administration than does San Francisco. Unemployment rates reveal that the Sacramento rate iTcr both.males and females is 4.2 per cent, approximately 1 .2 per cent less than for San Francisco-Oakland and about -5 per cent less than for the Los Angeles—Long Beach area (LCJCFA 1965:43). Unemployment rates for Sacramento's white Inales and non-white males are 5.4 per cent and 10.9 per cent Jrespectively.(CJCFA 1965:45). QDemography, Social Organization, and Acculturation The characteristics Of the Chinese in Sacramento have <3hanged radically since the transitional period, 1910—1940. §3ince 1930, the population has increased about 700 per cent, :from 1,366 to about 9,000. This population increase may be seen as a function Of a higher birth rate, lower mortality, and increasing migration which was supported by a Chinese economic concentration in small businesses, demanding, in turn, a large and heterogeneous pOpulation base (Lee 1949: 427; Sung 1967:119). EXpanding state and federal offices in Sacramento also attracted a large number of Chinese from San 212 3F:?Eincisco—Oakland, the Bay Area. In-migration, however, from other states and from (>1311er countries, was minimal when compared to figures from 't11£3 San Francisco-Oakland and Los Angeles-Long Beach areas. F‘I‘cm1955 to 1960, in-migration to Sacramento was reported as 2‘145 persons from other states and only 224 from other coun- t317‘ies. The in—migration rate from other countries during 13kiis five—year period was 3,335 for San Francisco and 1,601 ZECDr Los Angeles (CJCFA 1965:21). There has been a considerable increase in the youth— ?fiul age brackets as well as a smaller one in the number of Gilderly persons. At the same time, the sex ratio has become Inore balanced, and this accounts for an increasing number of Inarried adults. The most dramatic shift has been in terms of nativity, Ifor today American-born Chinese outnumber the foreign—born 1bwo to one. Changes in occupation, income, and education are 63180 significant. Never before have the Chinese of this (city, and in America, enjoyed more prestigious occupations, Ihigher incomes, and more advanced schooling. Their educa- tional and social mobility is a function of decreasing dis- criminatory practices and of a general acceptance by Ameri- cans in the professions, commerce, and industry. These youthful, married, American-born, educationally, occupationally, and residentially mobile Chinese had had a significant effect upon: 213 . the behavioral and structural assimilation of the Chinese into American society; the organizational structure of Sacramento's Chinese community. Population and Community Structure Sacramento is sufficiently large to support a "tradi— lljnonal Chinatown." Rose Hum Lee (1949:425) considers a Chi— Ileese population of 250 as the lowest limit necessary to sup- I9cxct Chinatown life. Yet, Sacramento could not be expected T30 support as diverse and complex an organizational system as 1:he larger Chinese communities like San Francisco with a (Ihinese pOpulation of 53,250, New York with 36,503, and Los lkngeles with 19,402 (U.S. Census, 1960, Non-white Population 13y Race:217). Therefore, Sacramento's Chinese community is Inore likely to be less segmentary and less hierarchical than ‘that of cities with a larger population. However, the pres- eent population of about 9,000 will allow for the establish- Inent of new Chinese organizations, different in both structure zand function from the more traditional forms. A smaller Chinese community will also exhibit less racial visibility, particularly if residential restrictions are minimal, residential mobility being both a cause and a consequence of acculturation and structural assimilation. From 1950-1960, Sacramento's Chinese were rapidly leaving their traditional Chinese quarters and, during the summer of 1969, the last physical vestiges of Sacramento's traditional 214 Chinatown were being dismantled. The failure to establish a new traditional Chinese enclave is directly related to the age—sex-nativity characteristics Of the Chinese. Nativity and Culture The majority of Chinese Sacramentans, both adults and youth, have been raised and educated in America and their ref— erence group is, for the most part, more American than Chi— nese. Many of them no longer possess a "traditionist orien- tation" and feel that the aims and methods of the more traditionist associations are old-fashioned and do not cater to their contemporary interests as Americans. More serious is the fact that many of them no longer possess the most important prerequisite for participation in traditionist organizations—-Chinese (Cantonese) language ability.5 Growing up in the American social system makes one an unlikely candidate for traditional organizational positions and for those who do join, conflict with the already estab— lished leaders is all but inevitable. Thus a growing, American—reared and American—educated youthful population will lead to the decrease in the social and economic func- tions Of traditionist associations and restrict their poten- tial for growth through recruitment. Consequently, Sacramento's native—born, English—Speaking people have estab— lished their own organizations at both the adult and youth levels. 215 Males and Females A more equal sex ratio means a greater opportunity to marry and raise a family. The percentage of married Chinese in America in 1960 was 59.7, an increase of 6.7 per cent since 1940. The percentage of married females was 69.4, 4.9 per cent over the United States average. Of the women, 76.3 per cent had found mates by age 20, and only 7 per cent were unmarried by the time they reached 25 (Sung 1967:124), Marriage leads to a more fulfilling family life and means a decreasing dependence upon traditionist male—centered associations for certain social and sexual needs. Recent immigrants, entering the community with their wives and fami- lies, are less dependent upon family associations and are less likely to enter into traditional Chinese organizational life. Moreover, I eXpect that an established family will lead to a greater participation in the activities Of the larger community and thereby increase contacts with non- Chinese in religious, economic, and social institutions, which in turn increase the rate of acculturation into the American system. A more equal sex ratio also leads to more intra— community dating and social activities and less dependence upon other Chinese communities for mates and social life. Growing intra—community social relationships may weaken ties to other Chinese centers in America, restricting identifica- tion with non-community Chinese at both the familial and organizational level. 216 Occupation and Organization Employment statistics in Sacramento and the United States indicate that the major occupations of the Chinese tend to be similar nation—wide. Wholesale and retail trades predominate. Aside from both small and large independent merchants, Sacramento's Chinese own, manage, and staff four major supermarket chains consisting of eleven, eight, four, and four stores respectively. Supermarkets tend to be owned by particular Chinese families. They are located throughout the city and cater to a predominantly non—Chinese clientele. There are many Chinese restaurants. (The Chinese Business Directory of California, 1966, lists 66 Chinese restaurants.) The larger eating establishments serve both Chinese and American food, but even those specializing in Chinese food do not cater to Chinese customers exclusively. Many Chinese professional and technical employees work for non-Chinese organizations, primarily state, federal, and aerOSpace agencies located in the Sacramento Metropolitan Area. Chinese are also well represented in the fields of medicine and dentistry, and, to a lesser extent, in the legal profession. Assuming that the first five occupational categories listed in the CJCFA are the most prestigious—-a safe assump— tion since they include profesSional and technical employees, managers, officials, and proprietors—-we can examine the per- centages for Sacramento and other cities. The combined per- centages of the five top occupations, for males, total 58.5 217 per cent for Sacramento's Chinese but only 46.2 per cent for Chinese in San Francisco and 48.1 per cent on the national level. The combined percentages for white, Japanese, and non—white males in Sacramento total 46.7, 54.9, and 20.1 respectively (CJCFA 1965:37,40; Sung 1967:321-22). Thus, the employment categories of the Chinese in Sacramento compare very favorably with those of whites and Japanese in Sacramento and are slightly more prestigious than those of Chinese in San Francisco and on a national level (see Tables 23 and 24). Moreover, the current occupational picture for the Chinese, both nationally and on the local scene, is charac- terized by a growth in professional and technical categories, illustrated by a six—fold increase, from 2.9 per cent in 1940 to 17.6 in 1960. The operatives' category is still predomi- nant but decreasing rapidly (Sung 1967:127).6 Many of Sacramento's Chinese are occupationally mobile and already enjoy more than a minimum standard of living. As they continue to enter into the mainstream of American economic life, traditionist association control over its members and the Chinese community at large is decreasing rapidly. In the years before World War II, Chinese were cat- egorically discriminated against in professional occupations and had to depend upon their family associations for their livelihood. Some of the traditionist associations, particu— larly those that control large business enterprises, still award kin-based job contracts and help recent immigrants and 218 .mmnammuscml mean moe.smumcma emcee "oossom em.c e4.c so.m no.6 es.c em.m eoesoaos eoz “mafia em. RF. R©.i &>.i Rm._ fim.m cam Show pmooxov whosonmg Re. Rm. 1 Re. em. Rm.e cososow cam msohonma seam Acaonom5o£ ec.m em.m ee.m es.mm em.mm sm.ml pmoosov msossos oos>som Rm._ $0.9 Rm.i Rm. Rm.e Rm. whoxho3 UHosowSon Opm>flhm Rm.im &>.mm &>.>m Rm.me Rw.m_ &F.MF whoxsoz coHUQflM cum mo>fipmmomo msoxsoz coHUQaM Rm. Ro.i I Rm.m Rm.> Rv.m Ugo .Qoaosow .QOampmoHo Ro.w em.w em.m &O.Q &¢.m $0.4? msoxhoz modmm e_.cm um.mm me.mm ue.e sc.ca em.a osossos eosssas cs6 accesses . mMOPOHsmomm e4.m em.m ee.e se.m_ so.N_ s_.m_ cs8 .macsosmso .msommsmz Rm. RF. 1 Re. Re. Rm.r whomwsma Show cam whoahmm coscsflm Rm.o_ R¢.m &¢.m Re.mi Rm.¢e R¢.¢P ego .HMOHQSOOP .Hmsoammomosm . . . oomaosmsm oesos . . . oomfiothm 09:08 < m D 1 e m b 1 now whomm mom mpomm noepomsOoo moamsom mods: owmi .Nom an hHHmQOHpmz cam .oomfloqmsm mom .opsoamsomm Ge owosHSU mo quHpmmdooo MN mHQmB 219 Table 24 Industrial Distribution for Chinese in Sacramento and San Francisco,1960 Industry Sacramento Fragigsco Agriculture, forestry and fisheries 3.4% 1.3% Mining - - Construction 2.5% 2.3% Manufacturing 17.4% 17.4% Transportation, communications, and 2.8% 4.4% public utilities Wholesale and retail trade 40.7% 34.7% Finance, insurance, and real estate 1.7% 5.5% Business and repair service .7% 1.7% Personal services 5.2% 8.9% Entertainment and recreation .2% .7% Professional and related 4.8% 9.3% Public administration 18.8% 8.1% Not reported 1.8% 5.9% Totals 100.0% 100.0% Source: CJCFA 1965:30-31. 220 native sons find employment, but theirtrole as a major clear- inghouse for jobs has ended. The successful businessman or professional is no longer content with playing minor roles in Chinese organiza- tional life. For those who enter into "association politics," there is usually much conflict with economically less suc- cessful elders who nevertheless may control assogiation activities. These younger men are more likely to find satis- fying companionship and pertinent business contacts among their peers in the new organizations which can better serve their needs. Selective Migration The relatively high educationalSlevel in Sacramento, the higher family income, lower unemployment rate, and better occupational distribution for males are most likely a func— tion of selective migration. Sacramento is not, and never has been, a primary receiving center for new immigrants, nor is there a multitude of menial laboringtjobs available in the cOmmunity. (Therefore, Sacramento does not attract the many recent immigrants whose English language ability and educa- tional skills are minimal. I suspect that eventual migration to Sacramento for both the native—born and immigrants appeals to the more educated people who can take advantage of the state, federal, and aerospace employment Opportunities in the city. Moreover, Sacramento does not provide the "Chinese 221 atmosphere" of either San Francisco's or New York's Chinatown and the less acculturated are unlikely to find either eco- nomic, social, or spiritual security in Sacramento. 222 FOOTNOTES--Chapter 9 1Department of Industrial Relations, Division of Fair Employment Practices, State of California, Bulletin: Cali- fornians of Japanese, Chinese, and Filipino Ancestry. This publication is hereafter referred to as CJCFA. 2Although population figures by both Sung (1960:114) and Kung (1962:43) are presumably based on U.S. census fig— ures, they have arrived at different population counts. The reason for this discrepancy probably lies in the utilization of different population tables. Thus, Betty Lee Sung shows 6,457 Chinese, about 2.7 per cent of the Sacramento popula- tion, while S. W. Kung claims only 5,551 Chinese for Sacramento. I have based my 1968—1970 projection on the CJCFA, which I consider more reliable. This estimate is consistent with a pamphlet prepared by the Sacramento Chinese Community in 1961 which states that there are about 7,000 Chinese in the Sacramento area (Fang 1961:31); and a 1968 article in the Sacramento Bee which mentions the 8,000—10,000 Chinese pres- ently living in the Sacramento Metropolitan Area (Sacramento Beg:0ctober, 1969). In 1968, there were 634,200 people residing in the Sacramento Metropolitan Area. If one assumes that the Chi- nese percentage has remained constant at 1.3 per cent, then one is justified in estimating Sacramento's Chinese pOpula- tion at about 9,000. This is probably a conservative esti- mate, due to the effect the liberalization of immigration laws has had on the influx of Chinese people. Chinese commu- nity leaders are generally in agreement with this figure. East West, a bilingual Chinese newspaper, also claims that there are presently 9,000-10,000 Chinese in Sacramento (East West:March, 1970, San Francisco). 3In July, 1968, I was director for the Sacramento Chinese Community Research Project. Questionnaires were dis— tributed to students of Chinese ancestry at Sacramento City College. Eighty questionnaires were returned to my office by 20 per cent of the 400 attending Chinese students. The responses were coded on IBM cards. A frequency and percentage distribution was obtained through the services of the Sacra- mento State College Computer Center. 4The majority of Sacramento's Oriental students attend C. K. McClatchy and Sacramento high schools. As the Chinese move into the southerly sections of the city, Orien- tal enrollment at Kennedy High School will increase. 5One survey conducted among Sacramento City College Chinese students indicated that less than 20 per cent of those responding to questionnaires could speak, read, write, 223 and understand Cantonese. Only 40 per cent could speak and understand this Chinese language, although one-third of the respondents were not American-born (Weiss 1968a:6). 6A more detailed analysis of Chinese occupational changes is to be found in Beulah Ong Kwoh's doctoral disser- tation, 1947. A summary is available in Kwoh (1947:192-100). Chapter 10 SOCIAL ORGANIZATION Patterns of Social Organization in Overseas Chinese Communities In this chapter we will eXplore: (1) Crissman's model of the social organization of overseas Chinese communi- ties, (2) possible modifications of and additions to Criss- man's model, and (3) the construction of a revised model focusing upon Chinese social organization in America. According to Crissman (1967), the patterns of Chinese immigration, cultural adaptations, and present status as minority groups in overseas communities can be quite diverse. Yet, beneath the veneer of cultural and historical differen- ces, most major Chinese communities, particularly those of Southeast Asia and North America, are based upon a similar organizational pattern—-a structural motif built upon hier— archy and segmentation and derived from patterns indigenous to China. The Segmentary System All Chinese living in a given area comprise a Chinese community in that they stand apart from the rest of the pOpu- lation. But Chinese communities are not homogeneous, they may be further divided into a hierarchical series of 224 225 "sub-—communities,"1 each segment being internally autonomous with its own leaders and recognized membership. Sub- communities are usually formed on the basis of a number of criteria. One of the most important considerations is speech groups, which reflect major differences in language (i.e., Cantonese, Hainanese, Hokkien, Teochiu, etc.). Languages, except for Hakka, are associated with discrete localities and can also be eXpressed in geographic terms. Cantonese, for example, is associated with southern Kwangtung Province. Geographic distinctiveness is not limited to language groupings but may be based upon counties usually associated with dialect differences, market areas, and even single vil- lages.2 Speech communities often segment into sub- communities based upon such provenance. Another distinction upon which sub—groups may form is surname. There are several hundred surnames in use in all of China. Inherited patrilineally, they ideally delineate exogamous units. Surname groupings do not have to depend upon demonstrated genealogical relationships, for it is assumed that all men who share a common surname are related. Surname group identity may be extended to persons of differ— ent surnames provided that they share a bond of blood- brotherhood or longstanding historical association. Surname group identities can also be manufactured when eXpedient. Each Chinese person has a surname, native place, and Speech group. Should all the distinctions be applied, the Chinese community would be crosscut by a multitude of 226 overlapping and interlocking sub-communities. However, not all sub—communities are recognized in any one community. The criteria utilized for segmentation, as well as the points of segmentation, vary and depend upon historical factors such as immigration history, the number of different groups present, and special interests of the community. Segmentation in dif— ferent communities does not always follow the same pattern nor is it necessarily symmetrical. Generally speaking, the first major segmentation is along Speech groups, which can further segment upon locality and/or surname identity. When surname and locality criteria are both operative independently at the same level, overlap— ping sub-communities are formed and individuals belong to more than one segment. A single Speech group community usually segments upon distinctions of locality, usually the county (hsign). They may then divided by surname groups which may in turn segment upon smaller locality dimensions. The basic unit is, how— ever, the village, and while a single village may contain dif— ferent surnames, further segmentation is rare. At the highest level, all Chinese overseas communi- ties are ethnic communities consisting of people who share, and are conscious of, a common ethnicity different from that of the host population. Most urban overseas Chinese communi- ties are corporate groups defined by: (1) endurance over time despite changing membership (diachronic continuity), (2) internal organization and leadership, and (3) the right 227 of all members to participate in the group's activities. The definition, however, of both ethnicity and par— ticipation is relative and has no absolute boundaries. Mem- bers may, over time, shift their allegiance to that of the host country and some members of the community will always consider themselves more "legitimately Chinese" than others. Residents of the ethnic community may participate in all the activities of the community, in only some of the activities, or in none of the activities. The territorial parameters of the ethnic community are also definitional and may shift correSpondingly over time. For purposes of this essay, however, the Chinese living within a single metropolitan area constitute the rel- evant unit of analysis. Segmentation does produce separate sub-communities, but the division is less than final and does not preclude sub—community COOperative endeavors. Segments will combine and dissolve depending upon particular circumstances. "In some contexts, the whole Chinese community is united and acts together, while in different situations small segments act independently against each other. Opponents in one Situation are allies in another" (Crissman 1967:193). Moreover, organizational hierarchy within the ethnic community parallels the segmentary structure. Therefore, members of the smaller sub—communities are represented by their leaders in larger groups, and they in turn by their leaders in the highest-level organizations. Leadership posi- tions at ascending levels are often filled by the same 228 persons, producing an interlocking system in which most leaders have official positions in numerous organizations at all levels. Finally, participation in Speech group, locality, and surname sub-communities varies with the degree of the indi- vidual's acculturation and identification with the host popu- lation. Persons with strong Chinese identities are apt to be more involved in these organizations than are persons whose Chinese identity is slight. Participation in these organiza- tions usually grows weaker with each succeeding generation. Crissman's Model and Struc- ture in Sacramento Crissman's model for overseas Chinese community structure is based upon the following assumptions: 1. That all pertinent organizations are contained within a single hierarchical and segmentary framework. 2. That all organizations owe their allegiance to a common ideology and recognize a single political-legal system. 3. That leaders of all high-level organizations are also Officials or representatives of lower—level groups. Yet, when a Chinese community evidences a lengthy historical continuity and its population increase is pri- marily due either to a high birth rate or to internal immi— grations rather than to overseas immigration, there will come a time when the native-born sons and daughters will reach adult age and wish to establish their own identities. Such a situation can occur when Chinese become acculturated and, as 229 a result, no longer owe their primary allegiance to the tra— ditions of their forefathers or to the organizations that attempt to perpetuate such traditions. Acculturation accentuates the differences among gen- erations and the generational membership criteria of certain groups become so pronounced that they are distinguished by distinctive linguistic terms (e.g., native—born Peranakans are separated from the China-born Tgtgk fathers in Indo— nesia). These distinctions are also appropriate in the Chi— nese communities of the United States and most particularly in Sacramento. Like most overseas Chinese settlements, Sacramento's Chinese community possesses the potential for a hierarchical and segmentary system. Given the demographic characteristics of this population, there are various theoretical possibili— ties. Although only one major speech group is represented, segmentation could proceed along locality designations, lead— ing to a division into three sub-communities. Each sub— community would then be characterized by a distinctive dia— lect and represent immigrants from one or more counties respectively. Each sub-community could be further segmented on single-county and even single—village loyalties (see Figure 13). 250 SPEECH GROUP LEVEL (Cantonese) LOCALITY GROUP LEVEL (each segment is represented by a dialect difference) COUNTY LEVEL VILLAGE LEVEL Figure 13. Hypothetical Model I: Social Structure in Sacramento 231 An alternative possibility is segmentation into both lo<3511ity'groups and surname groups at the same level. Sur- naniea groups constitute basic units while locality groups may be :fWirther subdivided as outlined in Figure 13. However, theazwe is an area of overlap and some individuals have the chcxixce of participating in either the surname or locality gr01115. This situation is diagrammed in Figure 14.3 SPEIECIH GROUP LEVEL: LOCALITY/SURNAME .{ GROUT? LEVEL: E (OPTI ONS) I 1 : ‘.I......‘.‘l: surname locality group group IFigUIwe 14. Hypothetical Model II: Social Structure in Sacramento Chinese communities in Manila (Amoyot 1960), Thailand (Skirtner 1957,1958), and Semerang (D. E. Willmott 1960), are 'basemi 'upon speech group, locality, and surname associations. The CIhinese in New York (Heyer 1953) and in San Francisco (LynELn_1961) belong to a single predominant speech group, CarnKDnese, but are further segmented by dialect, district, 232 arui :surname. The Chinese community in Sacramento, however, 1E3 lbased solely upon surname identities (see Figure 15). SPEECH GROUP LEVEL: SURNAME GROUP LEVEL: (Bhigure 15. Model for Social Structure in Sacramento Segmentation into surname groups is probably the 1?esult of a historically small population, most of whom were Gemigrants from a single county (Toishan), coupled with a pre- Iponderance of one dialect (Sze—Yap). Representatives from (other localities and dialect groups lacked sufficient numbers “to form competing groups. Sub—groups based solely upon surname identities (cannot internally constitute a segmentary system nor can they :form a hierarchy Since they cannot divide further and no two §surnames are any closer than any other two. Moreover, sub— lcommunities based upon one surname cannot contain smaller sub—communities based upon others. Thus the contemporary alignment of Sacramento's tra— ditional Chinese Community organizations is based upon a single criterion surname identity. This does not make Sacra- mento's Chinese community organization a simple phenomenon. 255 Iti dxaes suggest, however, that organizational complexity will 13% kuased upon other characteristics that will require an arlalysis along dimensions different from those that Crissman has discussed. The Tripartite Model I do not wish to deny the utility of Crissman's seg- Inentary schema for analyzing overseas Chinese social struc— ‘tLLre. His model is particularly applicable to both the irraditional (1850—1900) and transitional (1900—1940) eras in Aunerica. However, his model does not account for the growth (if new organizations, a response to changing patterns of (3hinese adaptation. I propose a tripartite Chinese community Ssystem, each sub—system being autonomous from the others and eaach exhibiting its own organizational structure, leadership, Eind ideology. Crissman's segmentary system will be consid- eared as one Of the three sub-systems. This tripartite model is most useful for understand- jLng Chinese communities with longstanding histories whose Inembers exhibit differential rates of acculturation into the Inainstream of the social and economic life of the host soci- esty. These organizational sub-systems are a reflection of (1) ‘the informal and/or formal ideological commitments of each ggroup, (2) the major goals Of the group and the means by Tahich they Obtain these stated goals, and (3) the sociologi- cal profiles Of the group's members. 254 I have defined the three sub—systems as "tradition— jJSTS," "modernist," and "activist." In any given Chinese CNDHununity, individuals with traditionist, modernist, and activist philosophies live side by side. For analytical pur— EHDEses, it is necessary to examine these orientations S e parately . Traditionists include those Chinese who adhere to the ~‘VEilues, attitudes, themes, and sentiments reminiscent of tra- d;itional Chinese society. Although they live in America, Iihey are oriented more toward a "sojourners" life—style (Siu 1 952). They are most reSponsible for perpetuating Chinese EStereotypes and, when Chinese and American values clash, they (Often prefer a Chinese solution. One of their most important This Estrong identification with their Chinese heritage carries Eiims is to preserve Chinese tradition and history. (iver into multiple activities and guides their choice of (organizational affiliation. Modernists, on the other hand, include citizens of (Shinese descent residing in America who consciously and con- ESpicuously pursue an American life-style and who willingly Eembrace their American heritage. When faced with important (decisions, they frequently Opt for an American solution. {Their organizational life is strongly influenced by their JAmerican social perspectives. Although they are interested :in social and financial mobility, they choose to reach these ggoals by direct participation in the American economic- educational system and rarely by challenging the basic tenets 235 of that system. Their American identity is basically middle- class, white Anglo-Saxon, and Protestant. Modernists rarely embrace radical phiIOSOphies of any nature. Activists are also concerned with their identity and heritage, both as Americans and as Chinese. But, unlike traditionists and modernists, their plans include, at least philosophically, radical changes of their present position as an American minority group. Their programs are geared toward social action and their goals center upon changing both the traditional image of the Chinese and certain aspects of the American social system itself. Traditionists, modernists, and activists basically are cultural types. They share a common awareness of their Chinese ancestry. Although modernists may prefer American material comforts and intellectual styles, they nevertheless consider themselves to be Chinese and feel most comfortable in the company of their Chinese comrades. Activists eXpress their identity as Asian-Americans rather than narrowly as Chinese and subsume their Chinese exclusiveness under an Asian—American banner. However, not all Chinese in America, although they may share traditionist, modernist, or activist sentiments, wish to be identified with Chinese associations, and many do not become active participants in community life. Some exclude themselves completely from formal organizational affiliations while others realize their social needs by joining predominantly non-Chinese groups. 236 My discussion of the formal organizational structure will not include people who are not active participants in Chinese associational life. Membership in the traditionist family associations is ascribed since it is based upon sur— name and every Chinese is a member automatically. For pur- poses Of this analysis, active participation will be defined as either involvement in the decision—making process of the group or attendance at most of the group's major functions. Modernist and activist groups are voluntary associ— ations and prospective joiners must actively seek membership. Members of voluntary groups who regularly attend meetings and some major events will be considered to be active partici- pants since decision—making in voluntary groups is often conducted at public meetings. 4 Today's traditionist associations are basically con— cerned with the preservation and continuation Of their Chinese heritage. Their organizational activities reflect this pri- mary concern. They support the Chinese language school and the weekly showing of Sunday afternoon and evening Chinese language movies, provide for the social and recreational needs of their senior citizens, and sponsor events stressing the history of their Chinese identity with dinners and other festive occasions. Many of their active leaders are foreign- ‘born and primarily Chinese-speaking. They may have little formal education in either English or Chinese. Leaders are chosen by a quasi-democratic process which assures their con- tinuation in controlling positions. Their meetings, 257 conducted in the Cantonese language, are scheduled irregu- larly and organized in a style in which the subtleties and nuances of decision-making, often obscure to Caucasian under— standing, remain traditionally Chinese. Their involvement in extra-Chinese affairs is Often limited to community events emphasizing Chinese history and customs. When they must deal directly with the Caucasian superstructure, they are formal and polite and interact primarily as representatives of their organizations, rather than informally on an individual basis. Modernist organizations are primarily concerned with establishing and maintaining an American-Chinese identity. Their events and programs are ordered around their members' social and recreational needs, which Often emphasize their American self—image. Leaders are democratically elected and are often persons who have achieved success in the Caucasian economic structure. Their regularly scheduled meetings are conducted in English, in an informal and casual manner, with serious business occasionally interspersed with jovial remarks. Ceremonial Observances, when practiced, are often directed at American symbols. While many Of their major functions reflect a Chinese heritage, this identity is trans— mitted via a modern American idiom. Caucasians are usually invited to their major events and members of the groups deal directly with their Caucasian counterparts on an informal social basis. There is presently a relatively new and still emergent grouping among Chinese youths of high school and 238 college age. Members of this current Chinese generation--the Asian—Americans-—are also concerned with their heritage and identity but as Americans and as Orientals, rather than as Chinese. They receive little support from Older community leaders and only a passive acceptance from most modernists, who do not understand their goals or their association with the philosophies of their "Black and Brown brothers." Unlike their elders in both groups, activists are creating a new image in a pan-Asian sodality. Their emphasis is upon Asians rather than Chinese, and their programs call for social action and consequent change. Through ethnic study programs, lectures, and seminars as well as other means, they are reassessing their Oriental heritage and, in the process, re-examining old and new Oriental stereotypes, attitudes, and experiences that their parents and grandparents prefer to ignore. I have chosen the terms "traditionist," "modernist," and "activist" to represent and reflect an overall cultural orientation. I fully realize that the assignation of all Chinese to these three basic divisions does not take into consideration all the complexities pertinent to social inter- action. The categories do not take into account overlapping memberships or individual choices in all situations. In this chapter I am discussing the functions of organizations rather than the personalities of individuals. When.Chinese join a group and become active participants, they are playing roles as group members. Thus, a young 259 activist may still take part in family celebrations and treat his parents with filial respect when the situation does not call upon his attitudes and activities as a member Of an activist group; however, when he behaves as an activist, he does differ considerably from members of other groups. The cultural categories chosen--traditionist, modern- ist, and activist——may be shown to be highly correlated with, though not determined by, certain commonly used demographic- sociological variables such as generation, age, language, education, and occupation.5 In the following section we will examine the relationship of these variables to the cultural typology proposed. Cultural Categories and Socio- logical Variables It is common for an acculturating minority group to base its organizational identities upon generational differ- ences, the Japanese in America affording one of the best documented examples. Each Japanese generation (in America) is designated by a specific term-—-i.e., Issei, Nisei, Sansei, etc. The terms refer to the progression from immi- grant status (Issei) through the first generation Of American birth (Nisei) to succeeding generations of American—born per- sons (Sansei, Gonsei, etc.). There is also a special term (Kibei) to describe those individuals who, although born in .America, were reared and educated in Japan but who currently :reside in the United States. Although these terms are based Irpon generation, they are often utilized as indices of 240 cultural adaptation within the host society, with Isseis being the least acculturated, Niseis constituting a trans— itional stage, and Sanseis and groups beyond considered most acculturated. It has also been suggested that there are dis— tinct psychological profiles associated with each gener- ational group (Lyman 1969). Moreover, and most important for my purposes, the social organization of Japanese—American communities is structured along generational lines (Kitano 1969:7-12). Analysts of Chinese social life in America, particu— larly Lee (1960), have used similar and roughly equivalent terms for Chinese. Early immigrants have been called sojourners (Siu 1951) but are also referred to as Chinese— Americans while the term American-Chinese designates the native-born children of these immigrants as well as succeed— ing generations of American-born persons. There is no spe— cific term for American—born Chinese who were educated in China although this situation is also well documented. I have previously suggested (Weiss 1969) an eXpansion of defin- itive categories based upon generation, adding "Americans of Chinese descent" to represent the native—born children of native—born parents (Sansei equivalent). These terms also have socio—psychological connota- tions but, unlike the Japanese case, I feel they are less useful for an analysis of Chinese community social organiza- tion because they often group together what must be separated and create false dichotomies. For example, I am hesitant to 241 group newly arrived Chinese immigrants with Chinese who, although born in China, have resided in America for thirty years. Nor can I group under the rubric of "Chinese— Americans" both elder and youthful immigrants. They may share a common birthplace and speak a common language, but their differences are Often more significant than what they hold in common. Similarly, I cannot place the residents of Chinatown alongside the residents of primarily Caucasian suburbs, though they may both be American—born United States citizens. Finally, bus boys in Chinese restaurants do not interact comfortably with school teachers and civil engineers. Nevertheless, since generation is indicative of cul- tural orientation, generational categories may be used as gross indicators of more meaningful cultural categories, becoming thereby important referents for Chinese community structure. 1. Traditionist organizations tend to draw their membership predominantly from the immigrant Chinese-American population. 2. Modernist organizations are primarily staffed by first— generation, native-born American-Chinese though they may also include some Chinese—Americans. 3. The members of activist organizations are drawn from all generational categories, but particularly from second- generation American-born Chinese. 242 Age categories6 are also significant structural referents, as organizational life tends to be based upon peer- group formations. PeOple in similar age groups share much with their own age mates that they do not share with either their parents or grandparents. This "generation gap" is as much a phenomenon for the Chinese as it is for other Ameri- cans. Moreover, age groupings are a good index for marking the acculturation process, the more youthful indicating a greater degree of both extrinsic and intrinsic acculturation patterns than the older groups. Finally, there are some gen— eral principles regarding organizational identity and age groups: 1. Traditionist organizations are largely staffed by the elderly and middle—age adults. 2. Modernist associations are mainly composed of mature and young adults but may include the middle-age group as well. 3. Activist groups are generally limited to young adults. Their members are rarely over thirty years of age. The ability to speak and understand Cantonese, the Chinese language spoken in organizational meetings, is a Prerequisite for participation in the affairs of the tradi- tionist organizations. Members of modernist and activist é§POups may be fluent in Cantonese, but organizational meet- ilkgs are always conducted in English. Thus, English lan- éERige knowledge is essential for participation in these OI7ganizations. Language abilities, usually the result of 243 residence and education, are highly correlated with genera- tional and age categories. The ability to be conversant in the English language is one of the best indices of accul- turation. Members of minority groups in America tend to restrict their primary social relationships to people within their own racial—ethnic group and, within that group, to peOple of similar social status. Organizational membership is, to some degree, also based upon shared interests stemming from a common educational and occupational background, but these characteristics are less useful for predicting formal group affiliations than are language, age, or generation. I conclude that the structure of the Chinese commu- nity, based upon its members' individual orientations and represented by their associational identities, clearly fol- lows divisions created by differential rates of assimilation correlated with shifts in reference groups. In particular, the Chinese community in Sacramento is significantly split along these lines into traditionist, modernist, and activist groups. This type of socio-cultural differentiation is sup- ported by a wide range of minority assimilation studies.7 It is frequently recognized and verbalized by the Chinese meumers of the community. Anthropologists are concerned with developing Classifications that are culturally meaningful. The proposed 244 typology emphasizes the cultural determinants of group identification and therefore, hopefully, is superior to a classification based solely upon demographic-sociological variables. 245 FOOTNOTES——Chapter 10 1The use of the term "sub-communities" follows Criss- man's (1967) definition. I would prefer a general term like sub—group. 2Every Chinese has a "native place" where his lineage is localized and where his ancestors are buried. He may never have seen his native place but it is his permanent home and can never be changed. 3Surname communities are always formed on the basis of both a name and some criterion of locality. They are per- haps functionally as significant but structurally subordinate to locality communities. They are always contained within some territorial community even if such is taken to be the total Chinese community (Crissman 1967:191). 4Traditionist associations are those oriented toward traditional Chinese values. I prefer "traditionist" rather than "traditional" because these associations are not neces- sarily traditional in the sense of having existed in pre- contemporary China. It is their orientation rather than their existence that is traditional (Willmott:1967). 5Sex and ethnicity do not have the same predictive power as generation, age, language, and occupation. They are, nevertheless, worth mentioning. The Chinese associations in this community are male— centered and male-dominated. Women's groups, whether for- mally or informally recognized, are Often adjuncts or auxiliaries of male organizations, and this is particularly true for the most important traditionist and modernist groups. In activist organizations, however, females partici— pate equally as members and leaders. The groups discussed in this chapter are part Of the Chinese organizational system, yet not all non—Chinese are summarily excluded from membership in all organizations. Traditionist groups are limited to Chinese exclusively. Medernist groups, however, while overwhelmingly Chinese, sometimes admit Japanese and even a few Caucasians. Activist groups, with their pan-Asian ideology, are specifically Organized to include all Orientals. According to my investi- gation, peoples of Negro or Mexican-American ancestry have never been admitted to any Chinese organization. _ 61 have chosen to utilize the following age categor— leS: children--14 years and under; young adults-—15—29; Inature adults—-30-44; middle age--45-59; and elderly——6O years and over (Sung 1967:122). 7E.g., Goldstein and Goldscheider (1968), Kitano VH969), Glazer and Moynihan (1965), Gans (1952), Gordon (1964). Chapter 11 TRADITIONISTS In this chapter it is my intention to examine criti- cally the structure and function of traditionist organiza— tions as well as the role they play in integrating the vari- ous elements of the Chinese community and in preserving a Chinese identity in America. Most important is the Chinese Benevolent Associ— ation1 which, as the highest-level traditionist association, acts as a governing or consolidating agency for all formal traditionist groups. Ideally, this agency is composed of representatives from all pertinent Chinese organizations and thus assumes the right to speak for all Chinese in the com- munity (Lee 1960:148—49). Theoretically, each local C.B.A. is under the juris— diction of the national Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, often referred to as the "Six Companies," with headquarters in San Francisco. Realistically, however, each local C.B.A. is autonomous, governing its own constituents. However, because of proximity, those in California maintain a Close relationship with the national headquarters. The C.B.A. is the highest-level organization in the Chinese community and, as such, unites the community's di‘Verse elements, cross-cutting and superseding familial, 246 247 linguistic, and district loyalties. Whenever the Chinese community wishes to give the appearance of a unified group or to combine its resources, it acts through the auspices of the C.B.A. The organizations represented by the C.B.A. include the eight family associations, the single tong, the Confucian Church, the Chung—Wah language school, the Chinese community drum and bugle corps, the Kuomintang, the Anti-Communist League, and the Chinese Women's New Life Movement, the only official woman's organization. The family associations, both numerically and politically, constitute the most important faction within the C.B.A. Activist and modernist groups are not members, with the single exception of the modernist Capi- tol Civic Club, which was invited only recently to attend meetings. However, the modernist association member rarely sends representatives to meetings and generally does not par- ticipate in C.B.A. affairs unless there is specific interest in a particular program. Thus their active participation in the C.B.A. is variable and, most of the time, minimal. Most important, then, is the fact that the C.B.A., which ostensibly represents the entire Chinese community, excludes the modernist and activist sub-communities in the city from formal participation in its affairs and, by doing so, restricts its representation to the traditionist pOpulace. The structural characteristics of traditionist organ- izations and the processes by which they make decisions and 248 implement policies are largely identical—-so similar, in fact, that I feel justified in singling out the family asso- ciations for analysis, using them as a blueprint for other traditionist organizations. When appropriate, I will but- tress my analysis with examples drawn from other traditionist organizations, primarily the C.B.A. Patterns and Processes of Traditionist Organiza- tional Life There are eight family associations2 in Sacramento; four are single-surname associations, while four are multiple—surname associations linked by long—standing his- torical or fictional ties.3 Like the C.B.A., Sacramento's family associations are nominal branches of a national asso- ciation with headquarters in San Francisco. Although branches engage in cooperative ventures, primarily fund- raising, each branch retains internal autonomy, the ability to regulate its own affairs. Family associations may have the same title all over the world but there appear to be no formal links between associations in different countries (Willmott 1964:34). In contrast to family associations in Singapore (Freedman 1960) or Manila (Amyot 1960), where these organi— zations link territorially disparate groups, associations in Sacramento appear to be a means of breaking down the over- sized single province group. The reason for this difference in organization is the fact that the overwhelming majority of 249 Chinese in Sacramento come from a small section of Kwangtung Province and all speak dialects of Cantonese.4 Those associ— ations that are made up of more than one surname, involve surnames that are relatively rare in Sacramento and might be unable to support an association of their own. The size of family associations varies. The largest, consisting of three surnames, claims 3,000 to 4,000 families and has historically dominated Chinatown life in Sacramento; the smallest association consists of less than 100 families. One aspect of family associations that is not shared with other traditionist organizations is the criteria for member- ship. Membership Membership in family associations is ostensibly based upon surname. There is a Chinese saying: "Everyone has to belong" (Heyer 1953:60), and any person of a given family name is automatically a member of the appropriate associ— ation. One family association constitution reads: ". . . All the Clansmen of the , , and , three families who are living in Sacramento and its vicinity are members of the Sacramento , , and Association." Thus it would appear that membership is an ascribed status for every Chinese, immigrant or native—born. However, Willmott regards such organizations as voluntary: "Although the concept of the Clan, which embraces all those of the same surname, continues to exist among over- seas Chinese, the associations based upon clanship by no 250 means include all the resident members of the Clan. These are voluntary associations" (1964:33). The family associations in Sacramento generally regard active membership as a voluntary commitment, yet they often claim the support of the entire surname community. One Sacramento family association specifies in its constitution that: "Any descendant of the families in America who wishes to join and whose application has been approved . . . is eligible for membership." I find it inapprOpriate to discuss membership without distinguishing between degrees of membership. To that end, I prOpose various categories of membership, categories which may or may not be recognized by family associations but which are useful for sociological analysis. 1. Tpken membership: Those Chinese who are included as mem- bers by the association because they possess the appro- priate surname or have been registered by their parents Without their knowledge or approval. 2. flpminal membership: Chinese who register as members, usually by giving a small monetary donation at the annual Chinese New Year's banquet, but whose participation is largely limited to attending this major function. 3- Egrticipatory membership: Limited to Chinese who gener- ally attend festive and ceremonial functions, regularly contribute to association coffers, and take advantage of association facilities and procedures. 251 4. Full membership: Those Chinese who participate in the decision-making apparatus of the association, either as participating members or as elected or appointed Offi- cers. I will be primarily concerned with the activities of full and participatory members. 5 Membership lists are rarely disclosed, but I suspect that even when these lists are made available they are inac- curate. Many associations maintain cumulative lists and others count all males possessing the requisite surname as members. It is a common practice for fathers to register their children as members even though the children deny their membership. Membership in the family association is also open to unmarried women of a given surname, yet there are few women members. Women who are active in association affairs usually participate in the associations of their husbands, where they are often asked to perform the tasks of cooking and serving for banquets and celebrations. In Sacramento, these women often are the official hostesses at New Year's dinners and other family association events. As is the custom of Chinese clanship, family associ- ations base membership upon patrilineality, a married woman becoming a member of her husband's group. Also, celebrations and fund-raising programs include many related non-members and function to build, within the Chinese community, feelings of friendship, mutual aid, and trust in which a host of affines and consanguines can congregate and reaffirm 252 familial loyalties. Informants state: My name is Mah and we have no family association in Sacramento. I have always gone to the dinners of my wife's association and always donate a substantial amount to their needy causes. I am a widower and leader in my family association, but I always hold a special place in my heart for my deceased wife's kinsmen. I am welcomed at their festivi- ties and have helped one of her relatives when they were beset with financial difficulties. The ties of affinity are strong indeed and, as suggested by Gallin (1960) for Taiwan, these relationships are usually characterized by good feelings and reciprocity. They cross- cut surname identities and incorporate all "relatives" in a pan—Chinese sodality. Association Officialdom All family associations have the same basic type of administration. The major officials always consist of a chairman (president), one or two vice—chairmen, a Chinese secretary, an English secretary, and a treasurer. In addi- tion, there is a senate (an advisory committee). Each asso— ciation also has a number of standing committees as well as ad hoc committees. The larger associations have more offi- cial positions, such as assistant secretaries, auditors, pub— lic relations men, etc., while the smaller associations operate with fewer elected and appointed Officials. Each year a new slate of officers is chosen. There are few restrictions placed upon continuous officership save that the chairman and major officials are usually limited to 253 two consecutive terms of one year each, while minor officials are restricted to three consecutive terms. Senators can serve for an unlimited number of terms. Theoretically, all officers are elected by the entire membership. A slate of nominated candidates and a ballot are either sent by mail or delivered in person to all members who then choose from the list of candidates. Anyone may eXpress an interest in being nominated, but the nominating committee consists of a small group of men. They are either present or past officers or powerful men in the community, and in actuality they control selection of the slate of candidates. Thus, although the election is democratic, the selection of candidates rests exclusively within a small, influential group. The chairman is the most conspicuous officer of the family association. He is the official representative and therefore the spokesman for the entire association. Although, in theory, any member may hold this position, there are some practical restrictions. First, because the business of the association is conducted almost entirely in the Can— tonese language, the chairman must be fluent in Cantonese and, therefore, is almost always a native-speaker. Secondly, the Chinese generally equate wisdom with age and eXperience. Thus the chairman is invariably a China—born older man, an immigrant who has resided within the Sacramento community for many years. Consequently, the chairman has participated in association affairs and has always been a past officer. 254 Thirdly, the chairman is expected to contribute generously to the association and its events, and to other causes within the Sacramento Chinese community and in other cities. He is usually a man of prOperty and wealth and tends to have a steady income either from investments or from a well estab— lished business. Should the chairman not be a man of wealth, he is then well educated and, as a scholar, a respected mem— ber of the Chinese community. Finally, the chairman is expected to spend a good deal of his time on association affairs. Many chairmen are either retired or senior partners in a business that does not demand too much of their time. Language ability, age, wealth, education, and avail- ability are governing criteria for all association posts, but much more flexibility exists for other officers. The consti— tutions of the family associations eXplicitly state the duties and responsibilities of each officer. The following description is excerpted from the regulations of the Sacra— mento branch of a large association and is entitled "The Duties of Officers."6 "The Chairman-—in charge of all the affairs of this branch association, having the duty to supervise and to guide each department to promote the associational busi- ness. He has to execute all the resolutions internally and represents this branch association externally. He also presides at the meeting. "The vice chairmen—-assisting the chairman in han- dling all affairs. When the chairman is absent, a vice chairman will act as chairman. The vice chairman who drew more votes than the other in election will first act as chairman. When the chairman and vice chairmen are absent, the senate president will act as chairman. When the senate president is also absent, the vice senate president will act as chairman. 255 "The Chinese secretary—-responsible to draft and to keep all Chinese dispatches, circulars, letters, and the minutes of the meeting, and to keep the seals. The clerks have to assist the secretary in handling the Chinese clerical work. "The English secretary-—responsible to draft and to keep all English dispatches, circulars, letters and the minutes of the meeting. He also has the duty to negoti- ate with the westerners or Caucasians and is responsible to interpret. The clerks have to assist the secretary in handling the English clerical work. "The officers of social intercourse--under the chair- man's direction, representing the branch association, to perform the activities of social intercourse with our members and with other peOple. "The auditors-—responsible to audit the accounts of receipts and payments of the branch association. After audit, they have to report to the general meeting and to answer the questions made by our members regarding the accounts. "The treasurers-~in charge of cash receipts and pay— ments for the branch association and performing the duties of bookkeepers. The treasurer has to post a OOpy of the accounts of cash receipts and payments on the wall inside the association building each month. In every meeting, he has to report the financial situation and to submit the evidences of deposits to be audited. Each of the three treasurers will take his turn on duty for four months. One who drew more votes in election will be on duty first. "The business manager—-in charge of the records of Chinese and English papers, membership registration books, and all the archives, having the duty to assist each department to perform their activities. The employ- ment of the business manager is recommended by the chair- man and approved by the general meeting. Only our clans- man is qualified to apply for this job. "The business clerk-—responsible for cleaning the building, delivering circulars to call a meeting, keeping all furniture and equipments, in charge of entertainment activities and other miscellaneous works such as the hoisting of flags. "The president of the senate--acting as chairman when the chairman and vice chairmen are all absent. In case the chairman, vice chairmen, or other officers are not able to fulfill their responsibilities, the senate 256 president has the power to summon the senators to hold a meeting and to prOpose corrections or impeachments. "The vice president of the senate——having the power to assist the senate president in handling public affairs. When the senate president is absent, he has the power to execute the duties of the senate president. "The senators-—having power to propose, to second a proposal, to criticize, to show their Opinion by a vote, and to question." Decision—making powers and the chain of command pass from chairman to vice—chairmen to senate president. The senate, consisting of thirty—five senators, has the right to approve new policy as well as to re-examine older statutes. The offices of chairman, vice-chairmen, and senate president are important and influential posts and are usually held by powerful personages. However, Official position is not always coincident with the ability to implement policy or to influence votes. Persons who hold the office of "senator" or of "chairman" of one of the standing committees may be the real politicians while those who hold the important-sounding posts may be figureheads. The true dimensions of power are visible only in the actual decision-making process. Decision—making "Chinese—style" Protocol and procedure govern the behavior of associ- ation affairs. But the formal, and particularly the informal, rules are rooted in Chinese tradition. Two of these pro— cedures are "face—saving" and "propriety." The term "face" has been defined as the positive social value a person effectively claims for himself by the 257 ling? others assume he has taken during a particular cOntact. He may be said to "maintain face" when he presents an image of himself that is internally consistent, that is supported by judgments conveyed by other participants, and that is con— firmed by evidence conveyed through impersonal agencies in the situation. A person may be "without face" when he par— ticipates in a contact with others and does not exhibit the behavior expected of participants in such situations. He is then likely to feel ashamed or inferior. One may "save face" by sustaining an impression for others that he has not "lost face." One may "give face" by arranging for another to take a better line than he might otherwise be able to take (Goffman 1967:1-9).8 Theoretically, saving face is the ability to hold one's own behavior in check to Spare another's feelings. It also involves not admitting the true conditions of a situ— ation when it can prove embarrassing to either party. It demands that one must often refrain from doing or saying something for fear of losing face. For example, Chinese parents may refuse to go to court but instead refer their children's cases to a lawyer to appear on their behalf. They are concerned about the comments of their kinsmen and friends should they be forced to appear at the hearing (Lee 1960: 348). Face-saving also involves indirect rather than direct methods of interaction and is subtle rather than overt. It functions to exert strong control on in—group behavior, often '258 prevents outsiders from learning of suspicious activities, reduces active conflict, and justifies the existence of China-oriented norms and behavior (Lee 1960:134,141). This practice covers a multitude of sins and allows powerful per— sonages to place a burden on the less powerful by charging that the latter caused them to "lose face." Fear of losing face (Mien Tzu @f) often results in the leaders winning while those who dissent from leading opinions are unwilling to pUblicly diSplay their own views. It is Often used as a device to shield calculated misdeeds (Lee 1960:394,430,437). PrOpriety refers to the prOper order of things, be they objects, actions, or personnel. It is firmly based upon the traditional precepts of filial piety, respect for the elders, and the principles of familism. PrOpriety demands that Chinese have due respect for those in positions superior to them and enables them to accept their positions and keep their assigned status and rank (Lee 1960:135—36). It often encourages them to be secretive and cautious about their own desires and guides them not to humiliate other people for their own gains (Heyer 1953:150). Although association meetings may appear to exhibit democratic or at least consensual procedures, face—saving and prOpriety enter into the subtle nuances of traditionist asso- ciation decision-making. One full member states: We were in the committee meeting to discuss our new building. I did not like the way the light switches were placed, but I said nothing. If I were to question the placing of the fixtures, I would be challenging the chairman of the committee and everyone knows he is a very 259 powerful person and all listen to what he says. Were I to criticize his acceptance of the architect's plans, he would lose face and both of us would be ashamed. Contributions to worthy causes are eXpected of asso- ciation officers and there is a direct relationship between the amount contributed and the status of the official. A low-ranking member always waits until a known leader announ— ces his contribution and then pledges his share. It would be extremely rude for him to announce his contribution first, for it might embarrass the leader into making a more gener— ous pledge. This informal code is further reinforced by the fact that contributions are sometimes listed and made public, not only to the members of the family association but to the entire Chinese community.9 The same system operates for relationships between family associations, and one clever Chinese fund raiser remarked: If I can persuade the Association to pledge $100, I know the will want to better that amount, and the Association, which is the largest and richest, will have to at least double that money. Not only should a leader first make known his posi— tion, but a respected man may choose to show his diSpleasure at a suggestion by not discussing it. One member reported: I suggested that we ought to support the develOpment of low-cost housing. I eXpected Mr. W. to support this proposal. I was surprised when he remained silent. All eyes looked to him for approval. I understood that his silence meant that he was not in agreement with my sug- gestion and that the matter was promptly dropped. Subtlety in decision—making is truly an art and is best illustrated by the following case: 260 It was recommended that Mr. C. and his wife be sent to the Stockton Association dinner. Mr. L., a past pres— ident, said he liked the idea but also suggested that Mr. G., an older man, be sent along with him. Mr. C. then announced that he regrettably would not be able to attend and that Mr. G. be the family association repre- sentative at the Stockton affair. The suggestion to send Mr. G. along with Mr. C. and his wife as co—representatives and not send Mr. G. alone enabled the past president to "save face" by not suggesting that Mr. C. was really too young to represent the association. Were he to do so, he would cause Mr. C. to "lose face." Mr. C. realized that he was not the most qualified to attend the dinner and, by withdrawing his name, was also able to save face. Furthermore, any person who wishes to challenge a leader should be a leader in his own right. Mr. L. wished to invest association capital in a par— ticular real estate scheme. He was opposed by Mr. F., who had previously managed association funds. No one else would Speak and a silence crept over the meeting. Finally the two leaders agreed to set aside the sugges— tion and to discuss it at a later date after they had had time to discuss the matter among themselves. Yet a leader can also use his influence and his status to take advantage of his position: Mr. K., although not an official of the Family Association, was a known leader in the association. At one time he borrowed a substantial amount of money from the association. He has not repaid his loan. Many of the association Officials think that he should start to repay it, a little at a time, but Mr. K. claims that he is unable to do so. Some of the younger members sug- gested taking Mr. K. to court, but the older members were embarrassed about it and disagreed. To this date, nothing has been done about Mr. K.'s repayment of funds. 261 Actual voting generally proceeds by democratic pro— cesses and there is usually little outright and verbal con- testing of a decision. Face—saving, prOpriety, and informal caucus by leaders before the actual vote serve to iron out any differences of opinion and complete consensus is the rule rather than the exception. C.B.A. Officialdom is similar to the family associ— ations in both form and function. Saving—face and propriety play important roles in decision making, and money and influ- ence buy prestige. The officers and directors are, for the most part, elderly and mature China-born males who have resided in Sacramento for at least ten years. The primary language of meetings is Cantonese, meetings are irregularly scheduled, and the important standing and ad hoc committees consist largely of the most powerful individuals within the traditionist structure. In the C.B.A., there are twenty-one officers——a pres- ident, two vice-presidents, three Chinese secretaries, three English secretaries, three treasurers, two auditors, two Chinese and three English public relations officers, two counselors——and eight heads of traditionist organizations who serve as directors in addition to thirty-five other duly elected directors. Profiles of Officials One of the most important characteristics of tradi— tionist organizations is the social make—up of its leaders. 262 Such a sociological profile is an integral part of our dis— cussion of traditionist organizational structure because (1) it enables us better to understand the cultural orientation of the leaders by examining the degree to which they partici- pate in the mainstream of American life; (2) the basic back- ground data are preparatory to analyzing the develOpment Of areas of conflict both within a given group and in its rela— tionships with other organizations; and (3) it is germane for examining the continuous and overlapping dimensions of Chi- nese community structure. While I would feel justified in discussing these characteristics generally, I feel that my conclusions will be more complete if I provide the detailed empirical data from which my generalizations are drawn. I have chosen as my example the largest and most influential family association in Sacramento. The other family associations and tradition- ist groups are similar, both in their organizational adminis- tration and in the profile of their leaders. The family association under discussion lists twenty- three titled officers-—a chairman, two vice-chairmen, three Chinese secretaries, three English secretaries, three treas- urers, two auditors, two public relations officers, a cus- todian, four Chinese school counselors, an advisory committee chief, and an assistant advisory committee chief. In addi— tion, there are presently forty—two members of the advisory committee senate. A profile of officials listed is shown in Table 25. 263 Table 25 Profile of Officials for One Family Association I. Given Name Chinese English Given Name Given Name Titled officers (23) 13 10 Advisory committee (42) 28 14 Total 41 24 II. Residence Areas of Chinese Concentration* Riverside- Sutterville Old City Land Park Heights Titled officers 16 1 2 Advisory committee 2O 5 4 Total - 36 6 6 Other Areas of Residence . . Outside** Low Middle High Sacramento Income Income Income . Area Area Area Metropoli— tan Area Titled officers 1 3 Advisory committee 5 6 1 1 Total 6 9 1 1 *- Old City is a predominantly low income area, while Riverside-Land Park and Sutterville Heights are middle to high income areas. *4!- The official residence of one advisory committee member is Colusa, California. 264 Table 25 (cont'd.) III. Marital Status Married Single Divorced Separated Widowed 19 1 O 1 2 :1> IV. _g§ Over 60 (15) Over 80 79-75 74-70 69-65 64-60 1 3 3 3 5 Under 60 (8) 59-55 54-50 49-45 44-40 Under 40 3 1 3 1 O V. Birthplace and Spouse's Birthplace China-Born American—Born Self 19 4 Spouse 18 4 (Of the four American-born officers three have American-born wives; one is single.) VI. Length of Residence in Sacramento(years) Under 35 (6) Over 35 (17) Under 5 6-15 16—20 21—25 26-30 31—35 36-40 Over 40 1 1 1 1 2 O 7 1O 265 Table 25 (cont'd.) VII. Formal Education In China No Formal Grammar High Education School School College 6 9 8 O In America No Formal Grammar High Post- Education School School College Graduate 16 2 O 4 1 (Of the five persons with an American college educa- tion, four are American—born.) VIII. Language Ability (speaking and understanding) Cantonese English Native- . Native- . Speaker Good Fair Poor Speaker Good Fair poor 1X. Occupation Technical Owners, Semi-skilled Professional and Skilled Managers, and Craftsmen Merchants Unskilled 4 2 14 3 266 From Table 25, we derive a composite family associ— ation official who is China—born, married to a China—born Spouse, 55 to 70 years old, residing currently in the Old City section of Sacramento, having been a Sacramento resident for at least thirty-five years. While he is a native speaker of a Cantonese dialect, his English language ability is fair or poor. Although he is or was the owner, manager, or pro- prietor of a Chinese grocery or supermarket, he has, at best, the equivalent of a Chinese high school education and, more often than not, little or no formal education in America. In addition, he has held official and advisory posts in his family association for the past ten to fifteen years and presently holds a similar post in at least one other traditionist organization. The data also indicate that most officials have not participated in the mainstream of American life, primarily because they lack the necessary social, educational, occupa— tional, and--most importantly--language prerequisites for such participation. Their life-styles are also more reminis— cent of the sojourners of the traditional era than of accul- turating Chinese-Americans. Many Chinese youth refer to them as anachronisms of another place and time. In short, they spend and have Spent the major portion of their lives within the sheltered security of the Chinese world. Yet, in Spite of their apparent lack of extensive :formal education, they have, typically, the qualities required of successful owners, managers, proprietors, and 267 merwihants. They run their own business enterprises and enjoy a C=c>mfortable standard of living by any criteria. Lest we e bITineously conclude from the aforementioned data that asso- Q . ~l ES“Dion affairs are governed by hard-working but somewhat 1mmSptand doddering old men, I caution the reader to be fully aware of the following summations: 1. In practice, leadership in the association is not exer— cised by the total body of officials and advisers. The affairs of the association are ordinarily controlled by fewer than fifteen of these men and, for all practical purposes, less than a handful can dominate all decisions. General meetings are only irregularly scheduled and the actions taken by the entire membership are likely to have been predetermined in informal agreements. A few power- ful persons who, by virtue of their position on important standing committees, control association revenues and expenditures make most decisions. 2. While we may not be overly impressed with the academic credentials of these individuals, they are most likely to be quite wealthy and to have wisely invested their monies in the American economy. One leader, for example, owns over 1,000 Shares of stock in a major communications net- work and lives comfortably from his dividends alone. Another is the president and general manager of a chain of twelve supermarkets. . Family associations are viable economic corporations as much as ethnic social clubs. They own considerable 268 pnnmrties and derive the majority of their income from sudlenterprises. For example, the cost of construction for true president of the Kuomintang, and the chairman of ‘the 13081Ki of'directors of the Chinese school, in addition to 269 Inimgancfificer in his family association. Thus, the leaMnshmpof traditionist organizations shows substantial owniap,and decision-making in middle—range organizations like finefamily associations is performed by the same person— rml.asirithe highest—level organization, the C.B.A. Table 26 gives the composition of some of the more impormnm standing committees within the association previ- ously discussed. On the basis of the information presented, we can conclude that the titled officials make up the majority and control family association committees and that they are elected to these offices by virtue of being a titled offi- Remaining members of standing committees are most cial. Non—officers are rarely members of likely to be advisers. these standing committees. Moreover, the five or so para— mount leaders are always elected or appointed to all impor- tant standing committees. The power to persuade and predomi- nate iil‘the financial and ceremonial aspects of association life ii; primarily in the hands of a few powerful personages. .Another structural feature of association life is ‘the cxnitinuity'of its officers, as seen in Table 27. The sanmaxnenflxars are returned to official posts year after year. LFulfifliernuxre, some officers have served as association offi- cirrls :for'<3ver forty years. In some family associations, positions are switched every two years, while others hold The end result is similar——little "democratic " elections . The system is so inbred change in association Officialdom. 270 Table 26 Internal Overlap in Decision-making Committees Members Who Members Who . Number of Are Also NamecfiTCommittee Members Titled fid3iéiig Officials Property Management 19 15 4 Committee Officials Old members elected to 5 5 serve for another year Newly elected members 5 3 2 Alternates 3 1 2 Affairs Preparation 21 (20) Committee Officials 3 3 Committeemen 18 (17) Board of Directors 24 18 5 Chairman 1 1 Vice-chairman 1 1 Chinese secretary 1 1 .English secretary 1 1 Treasurer 1 1 Members 12 1O 2 7 3 3 Alternates 271 'thai;1nenflxars frequently state that the decision to elect a maxi fOI‘Ei post Often depends on his having previously served in a similar position. Table 27 The Continuity in Titled and Advisory Offices Number Titled officers who have held a 22 titled or advisory position for the (96%) past two years Titled officers who have held a 21 titled or advisory position for the (91%) past five years Titled officers who have held a 19 titled or advisory position for the (83%) past fifteen years The principles of overlap and continuity, a feature of intra-organizational structure, are also an important facet of inter-group activities. I wish to call attention to the overlap among the officers of family associations and the leadership of other traditionist groups. For example, the treasurer in the previously discussed family association is also the treasurer for the C.B.A. and the vice-chairman of the board of