PROFESSIONAUZATION AND THE MiCHlGAN
FEDERATION 0F TEACHERS: AN ANALYSIS
OF ACTWITEES AND STRUCTURE

Thesis for the Degree of Ph. D.
WCHlGAN STATE UNWERSITY
DAVID H. ROAT
1968

 

 

 

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ABSTRACT

PROFESSIONALIZATION AND THE MICHIGAN
FEDERATION OF TEACHERS: AN
ANALYSIS OF ACTIVITIES
AND STRUCTURE

by David H. Boat

The major purpose is to investigate and evaluate the
activities of the Michigan Federation of Teachers (MFT).
Central to the evaluation is an attempt to assess the
extent to which the MFT concerns itself with those issues
central to the improvement of the teaching occupation.

In an attempt to establish those categories central
to the improvement of occupations, teaching was examined
from the perspective of occupational status. Three general
criteria central to the ranking of occupational status,
economic factors, prestige, and social power, were applied
to teaching. It was concluded that prestige and income as
status factors were closely related to an occupation‘s
social power, and that teachers have failed to see occupa-
tional status as basically a power problem. Teachers have
failed to organize politically to push for occupational
authority, control of training, or increased compensation.

The professional model and the professionalization
process were examined from a sociological perspective.
Interpreted as a group effort to raise occupational status,

the professional model was found to offer a program of

David H. Roat

occupational organization that incorporated those criteria
central to the improvement of occupational status.

Categories central to the analysis of professionaliza-
tion in the MFT were formulated as follows. (1) Political
agitation aimed at elimination of substandard certification,
higher standards, and attempts to gain occupational control
over certification. (2) Political agitation for higher
accrediting standards and practitioner control of
accrediting. (3) Agitation for teacher autonomy. (A)
Political agitation for improving the welfare of teachers.
(5) Support and initiation of programs designed to advance
public education. (6) Efforts to establish a legally
supported organizationally enforced ethical code.

The history of the MFT from 1934 to 1967 was
examined, followed by an analysis of professionalization
in the Federation.

The study concluded that the MFT is a profession-
alizing organization in the following areas. (1) The MFT
record reveals an understanding of the use of political
power as a means of achieving organizational goals. The
Federation has approached teacher problems on a statewide
basis, seeking legislation to enable the effective use of
organizational power on the local level. (2) The MFT has
systematically avoided programs that threaten teacher
autonomy. It has displayed a legislative program aimed

at extending and guaranteeing teacher autonomy. (3) The

‘-

v‘-‘

David H. Roat

MFT has pursued programs aimed at improving the present
welfare and status of teaching as an occupation. (A) The
MFT has used its energies to support programs aimed at
improvement and reform of public education.

It was concluded that in the following areas the MFT
has failed to display professionalization in its activities
and structure. (1) The MFT, in spite of consistent
efforts to maintain existing certification standards, has
failed to display programs directed toward eventual occupa-
tional control over certification. (2) The MFT displays
historically little concern for securing higher accrediting
standards for training institutions or for the establishment
of a practitioner controlled accrediting association.

(3) The MFT has directed little attention to the formation

of a code of ethics. With the exception of its exclusion

of administrators, there are no meaningful membership
restrictions. structurally, the MFT is organized too loosely
to enforce policy decisions or discipline locals on

issues central to any statewide power approach to teacher
problems. (A) The MFT has failed to focus attention upon
specific aspects of the service ideal as they relate to

the individual client. The MFT provides few educational
services and engages in no research geared to improving

classroom operations where they directly affect the student.

PROFESSIONALIZATION AND THE MICHIGAN
FEDERATION OF TEACHERS: AN ANALYSIS

OF ACTIVITIES AND STRUCTURE

By

_‘\

David H. Roat

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Secondary Education
and Curriculum

1968

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Sincere thanks are extended to Dr. Frank H.
Blackington for his encouragement and thoughtful
criticism, to Dr. Ann G. Olmsted, and to other
members of the doctoral committee, Dr. J. Geoffrey
Moore and Dr. Charles A. Blackman.

A special thanks to my patient wife, Shirley,
and to my understanding parents, Jack and Anne

Muir, who have made so many things possible.

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . ii
Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION . . A. . . . . . . . . 1
II. OCCUPATIONAL STATUS AND THE PUBLIC SCHOOL
TEACHER . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Prestige as a Criterion of Occupational
Status. . . . 7
Income as a Criterion of Occupational
Status. . . . . . 18
Social Power as a Criterion of 9
Occupational Status .- . . . . . . 21
Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . .' 33
III. PROFESSIONALIZATION AND PUBLIC SCHOOL
TEACHING. o o o o o o o o o o o 36
The Professional Model . . . . . . . 36
Professionalization . . . A7
The Professional Model and the Teaching
Occupation . . . . . 52
Problems in Professionalization . . . 62
Summary. Categories for the Evaluation
of Professionalization in Teacher
Organizations . . .- . . . . . . 71
IV. AN ANALYSIS OF PROFESSIONALIZATION IN THE
MFT 19314-1967 0 o o a o o o o o o 76
Control of Entry . .. . . . . . . . 77
Teacher Autonomy . . . . . . . . . 87
Teacher Welfare . . . . . . . . . 112
The Service Ideal. . . . . . . . . 120
V. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS. . . . . . . . - 142
Suggestions for Further Study. . . . .. 1&9
APPENDIX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151
BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 170

iii

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

Education in the United States is largely a function
of state and local government. This fact emphasizes the
need for strong teacher organizations at the state and
local level, associations responsive enough to be able to
speak for teachers.

There is a surprising absence of studies on the
structure and activities of state educational organiza—
tions. This is unfortunate as the importance of teacher
action on the state level is likely to increase. There has
been a definite trend in the direction of state rather
than local determination of certification, minimum salaries,
tenure, retirement, and all aSpects of the educational
enterprise. This transition means that strong state
teacher organizations are more important than ever before.
Lieberman noted that with the exception of two surveys con-
ducted by the National Education Association in 19A7-19A8
and again in 1951-1952, studies of the operations and
activities of state associations were scarce and out of
date.

To this writer's knowledge, there has been no

research done exclusively on state affiliates of the

American Federation of Teachers (AFT). Examinations of the
AFT have centered upon the national organization almost
exclusively, with little attention paid to state activities.
Many of these investigations have been highly critical, con-
demning the AFT for too much attention to teacher welfare
and the protection of incompetent teachers. Traditionally,
the AFT has been criticized for its relationship with
organized labor.1

Teachers have refused to Join the AFT and its affili-
ates for numerous reasons. It has been charged that as
public employees, teachers should not affiliate with any
segment of the population on the grounds that such affilia-
tion would compromise teachers in their daily work. It is
said that teachers cannot have it both ways. They cannot
have professional status and the respect that goes with it,
and at the same time demand the right to act like a union.
The strike, associated with labor affiliation, has been
deemed unprofessional by many educators who claim that the
distinctive character of a profession is its primacy of
concern with client welfare. The professional, it is
claimed, cannot withhold his services without violating

professional ethics and public trust.2

 

lMyron Lieberman, Education as a Profession (Engle—
wood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1956), p. 275.

2Paul Woodring, "The New York Teachers Strike,"
Saturday Review, May 19, 1962, p. 52; Margaret E. Jenkins,
"American Teachers Their Rights and Responsibilities,"
PTA, September, 1952, pp. 2-3.

 

I!

I

It is the purpose of this study to~investigate and
evaluate the activities of one AFT state organization, The/
Michigan Federation of Teachers (MFT). Hopefully, the
results of this study will contribute to a broader under-
standing of union goals and activities. Central to the
study will be an attempt to assess the extent to which the
MFT has concerned itself with those isSues central to the
improvement of the occupation. Whether those anti-
professional charges traditionally leveled against the AFT
as a teachers' organization are valid on the state level,
and whether they are valid at all, in fact, must necessarily
play a part in this study. Hence, central to the investi—
gation is the establishment of the criteria to be used in
the evaluation.

In Chapter II, the concept of occupational status is
examined. Few things are as important to a person as the
status of his occupation. PeOple tend to identify them—
selves according to their occupation, which has become the
main basis for ascribing status to people. It has more and
more come to be assumed that the occupational label is a
fair index of ones' intelligence, ability, and acceptability.
The influence of occupational status on practitioners of an
occupation is both pervasive and fundamental, for it affects
who will enter an occupation as well as what specializations

they—will seek. Through an investigation of the occupa—

tional status of teaching and those attributes which

determine and affect occupational status in general, the
problems central to occupational advancement can be clari-
fied. This is important, for the majority of teachers have
ignored certain ideas and practices because they were
supposedly associated with lower status occupations. This
same majority has been guilty of accepting uncritically
other practices because they have been associated with high
Status occupations. It becomes important to any evaluation
of an occupational association that those factors which
are, in fact, central to its improvement are clarified,
examined, and utilized.3

The widespread attempts of groups, like teachers, to
professionalize their occupation illustrates the importance
of occupational status. The concern of the teaching occu-
pation to professionalize itself may be regarded as a group
effort to raise status. In Chapter III the concept of
profession is examined. It is assumed that the professional
model offers the best standard for the improvement of the
teaching occupation and that the further professionalization
of education would be desirable for public education as
well. A model of the profession and the professionaliza—
tion process, based upon sociological literature, is
explicated. Those categories which ought to be of central
concern to a professionalizing association are developed.

These criteria will form the basis for the evaluation of

 

3Theodore Caplow, The Sociology of Work (Minneapolis:
University of Minnesota Press, 1953), p. 31.

 

the MFT. Also in Chapter III, those conditions in educa-
tion and society in general which necessitate qualified
application of the professionalization model in the evalua-
tion of the MFT are noted.

In Chapter IV the categories of professionalization
provide the basis for an analysis of MFT activities from
193A to 1967.

In Chapter V the analysis of professionalization in

the MFT is summarized and concluded.

CHAPTER II

OCCUPATIONAL STATUS AND THE PUBLIC

SCHOOL TEACHER

The studies of occupational status in the United
States have been too meager to allow any broad generaliza-
tions about the occupational status of the public school
teacher.1 There is not only a lack of specific informa—
tion on teaching, but also a lack of comparable informa—
tion on other occupations. For these reasons the approach
taken here cannot attempt to reach definite conclusions
regarding the occupational status of the school teacher.
An attempt will be made to examine public school teaching
in terms of its relationship to a number of isolated key
factors central to the determination of occupational
status.

Teaching, like every occupational group, is concerned
with improving its relative status. Through analysis of
the present relation of teaching to the major status vari-
ables, it will be possible to establish those areas within
the occupational structure of teaching which must be dealt
with by organizations representing teachers if the general

improvement of occupational status is to occur.

 

1Ronald G. Corwin, A Sociology of Education (New
York: Appleton-Century—Crofts, 1965), pp. 217—218.

6

 

 
 

Occupational status for the purpose of this investi-
gation will be defined as the social location of an occupa-
tion within a system of human relationships. Gross dis-
tinguishes three criteria used to rank occupational status:
economic factors, power, and prestige.2

For purposes of examination, these general criteria
will be considered separately. However, it must be kept in
mind that these criteria are closely inter-related.
Economic position is often connected to power, and enough
wealth may be able to buy prestige. As this brief examina-
tion will show, high rank in one area does not imply an
equally high rank in another. Furthermore, there is no
accepted technique for weighing these different components
of occupational status. Thus there is much room for
reasonable disagreement concerning the relative influence
of the different factors that determine occupational status.

Prestige as a Criterion of
Occupational Status

 

 

Prestige is a major component in the status accorded
an occupation. Prestige is an attitudinal phenomenon, and

has been defined as the ranking of an occupation in terms

 

2Edward Gross, Work and Society (New York: Thomas Y.
Crowell, 1958), pp. 99-101. The general framework for
examining the occupational status of the teacher and the
criteria used are based on categories explicated in Chapter
Four, "The Occupational Status and Authority System." The
differentiation follows that of Max Weber, and is used by
Gross basically as suggested by S. M. Lipset and R. Bendix
in "Social Status and Social Structure: A Re-Examination
of Data and Interpretations: I." The British Journal of
Sociology, 11 (1951), 150-168.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

of the amount of deference and honor people in society
accord to it.3 Key factors in the determination of occu—
pational prestige include the non-occupational factors of
kinship and family affiliation and ethnicity. Occupa-
tional factors include the industry in which the occupa—
tion is practiced, sex composition of the occupation, and

occupational stereotypes.

Non-occupational Factors

Ethnicity and race, while they confer status in their
own right, are of greatest significance because they have
the ability to depress other status determinants. Unless
a man is white, his status is severely limited. Available
research on the race composition of the public school
teaching force does not seem to imply that the occupation
as a whole suffers from over identification with a minority
group. In 1960 only around 10 per cent of the total public
school teaching force were non-white. While in the South
22 per cent of the public school teachers were non-white,
elsewhere in the nation only four per cent were non-white.5

Kinship and family affiliation undoubtedly play a
role in the over—all occupational status, for they may con?

fer an increment of status in themselves. One is born

with ancestors and with them accrue certain advantages or

 

3Gross, p. 102.
uIbid.

5Myron Lieberman and Michael H. Moskow, Collective
Negotiations for Teachers (Chicago: Rand McNally Company,
1966), p. 23.

disadvantages and responsibilities. It is difficult to
generalize from the studies that deal with social class
origins of teachers, for such data is not extensive.
Those studies that do exist deal with a given population
of teachers and are not definitive. An analysis of social
class origins of teachers in Detroit and Texas, for
example, failed to provide any conclusive results. The
occupational grouping of fathers of the teachers studied
in Detroit revealed less than A0 per cent were in the pro-
fessional and white collar group while slightly over A0
per cent were in the skilled and unskilled labor group.
The Texas study found that teachers in that state came
from predominantly middle and upper-middle class homes.
Recent studies seem to indicate that teachers are
coming more and more from lower income groups, though the
proportion from unskilled laboring families is still below
the proportion of such workers in the population.7
It cannot be inferred that teaching is a low status
occupation merely because many teachers are from the lower
and lower—middle classes. Although studies on social

class in the United States vary in the number of social

classes they posit and the criteria they use for

 

6Lindly J. Stiles, ed., The Teachers' Role in Ameri-
can Society (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1957),
pp. 13-141.

7Martin Mayer, The Schools (New York: Harper and
Brothers, 1961), p. 19; Patricia Sexton, Education and
Income (New York: The Viking Press, 1961), p. 229.

 

 

 

 

lO

determining class position, they usually have a social
class breakdown that puts the majority of the population
in the lower classes. It follows that an occupational
group as large as teachers would be forced to recruit
some of its members from the lower classes. However, it
is still difficult to reconcile the belief that public
school teaching is a high prestige occupation with the
almost complete absence of teachers from above the middle
class in American society.8

Leading sociologists have concluded that teaching is
viewed by many as a major avenue for social advancement,
rising one out of the social class into which he was born.
This conclusion is congruent with the Warner study,
regarded as the most authoritative on status systems in
the United States. In a study of three communities in
various sections of the country, it was concluded that the
majority of teachers were regarded as belonging to the
middle class at the time they were teaching. The general
pattern of results from this study support the thesis that
teachers are recruited largely from the top of the lower
half of the population (in terms of the social class
hierarchy devised by the Warner group) and that teachers
are frequently socially mobile individuals who have moved

upward a notch in the status hierarchy.9

 

8Lieberman, pp. A65—A66.

9W. Lloyd Warner, Robert J. Havighurst, and Martin B.
Loeb, Who Shall Be Educated? (New York: Harper and
Brothers, 19AA), p. 100.

11

The result seems to be that a great many of these
socially mobile people who are attracted to teaching become
confused as to whether others will react to them as members
of the class from which they come or toward which they see
themselves moving. This uncertainty is exhibited in a
number of ways.

In terms of class orientation Sims has found that in
certain vital matters teachers have a class outlook similar
to that of upper income groups and quite unlike that of
urban labor. A comparison of teachers' attitudes with
those of other occupational groups reveals that teachers
are 71 per cent "conservative." At the other extreme, only
A per cent of teachers were found to have "radical"
attitudes.lO

This uncertainty concerning status is in part due to,
and also contributes to the lack of any clear—cut theory
of lay-professional relations as well as any consistent
attitude toward intraoccupational relations. This situa-
tion has been used to explain in part the willingness of
teachers to allow the community to define the role of the

teacher.11

 

10V. M. Sims, "Social Class Affiliation of a Group
of Public School Teachers," School Review, September, 1951,

P. 59.
ll
Lieberman, pp. A67-A69.

 

12

Occupational Factors

 

A significant occupational factor in the prestige of
an occupation involves the industry in which the occupation
is practiced. In England, high status has been attached to
land ownership. Due to the supply of land in the United
States, this has not been a factor. Rather prestige has
been associated with involvement in heavy industries such
as shipping, steel, railroads, and the great producing
firms. There has been little prestige attached to contra—
band activities or those associated with them such as
brewing.12

Government service in the United States~has tra-
ditionally lacked prestige. This is in part due to the
Jeffersonian tradition which saw little or no special
training or talent needed for government positions. Civil
service employment in the United States compared to France
or England, also lacks prestige.13

In general, there has been little status attached to
intellectual and artistic pursuits in the United States}!4
A number of explanations may be offered for this situation.
In part it may be due to the egalitarian Jacksonian tradi—
tion, the materialistic interests of the country, and more

recently the growing disillusionment of many with the

braintrusters typically associated with the New Deal.

 

l2Gross, p. 108.

l3Ibid.

luIbid.

13

This fact can also be attributed in part to the lack of
any common intellectual or artistic tradition in this
country.

While there appears to be no research that would
indicate that the prestige of teachers is definitely
lowered by its being public in nature, it is worth noting
that in general, public service does lack the prestige of
private employment. The degree to which this condition
is based upon the traditionally lower pay of public ser-
vants is also open to future questioning.

In 1965, women made up 65.5 per cent of the total

teaching force.15

This fact is a major barrier to the
prestige of the public school teaching occupation. Until
there is a cultural revolution concerning the role of
women in society or until male teachers become more
numerous, the prestige of public school teaching will
suffer.16

Caplow summarizes the general condition of occupa—
tions in which women dominate quite well. First, such an
occupation is one in which employment is short term and in
which the gain in skill through continuous experience is
slight. Due to the attitudes which deny authority to

women, such occupations are those which do not involve

the subordination of men to women. It is also a

 

15
16

Lieberman and Moskow, p. 2A.

Lieberman, p. 242.

14

characteristic of womens' occupations that they cannot be
monopolized. Even if these occupations require substantial
training, such as education, in the absence of qualified
personnel, untrained people are substituted. Well organ-
ized occupations have been able to prevent the entry of
women. Much of teachings' unorganizability is due to the
majority of women who, because of their discontinuity of
employment, their indifference or even open hostility to
improved occupational standards, hinder the development of
strong educational leadership. The fact that teaching in
the public schools is regarded as a womans‘ occupation
undoubtedly not only affects income level but also the
social power associated with teaching.17
Another indicator of the general prestige of teaching
is the stereotype offered in popular literature. While
such examinations must be qualified, they do offer one
measure of what people think about teachers. Studies con-
ducted into the image of the teacher as presented in
American literature and the Broadway theater do not present
flattering portrayals. An analysis of the characterization
of American teachers in Broadway plays, 1920-1950, found
that 68 per cent of teachers were represented as malad-
justed, 37 per cent as suffering financial problems and

33 per cent as sexually frustrated.l8 Examinations of the

 

l7Caplow, pp. 245-2A6.

18Michael Belok and Fred Dowling, "The Teacher Image
and Teacher Shortage," Phi Delta Kappan, XLII (March,
1961), 255—256.

 

no.

 

 

15

teacher image in American literature reveal similar results.
Male teachers are seen as solitary, effeminate, and im-
practical. Women were seen as sexless. While teachers
are often described as having admirable qualities of
character or personality, they are pictured as passively
resigned people, regarded with pity and/or condescension

and ridicule.19

Even the most qualified generalizations
from such studies point to the need for teacher organiza-
tions to direct their energies toward improvement of the
mass media image of the teacher. Such stereotypes are

difficult to reconcile with any favorable concept of

teacher prestige.

Methodological Problems

 

While a poll can determine the rank prestige of an
occupation in relation to others, there are numerous prob—
lems involved in the ranking of occupations. One is the

great number of occupations. The Dictionary of Occupa—

 

tional Titles lists over 35,000. Attempts to solve this

 

situation by grouping similar occupations is questionable
in any investigation designed to rank all occupations. In
addition, one is faced with the problem of how occupations
ought to be grouped. Should teachers on all grade levels

be classified together? Another problem is that paper and

 

l9Edna Lue Furness, "The Image of the High School
Teacher in American Literature," Educational Forum, XXIV
(May, 1960), “57-464.

 

16

pencil answers may not correspond to peoples‘ actual
behavior.

One of the problems, Lieberman concluded in his study
of the various occupational scales, is the tendency of each
occupational group to overrate its own status. Studies
from selected social classes must also be viewed carefully,
with care taken not to generalize more than the actual
study population warrants. One research report, sampling
the attitude of students toward teaching as a career for
men, concluded that men teachers were associated with
wisdom, intelligence, and cultural activities. In compari-
son to other occupations, teaching was seen to rank in
many ways above engineering, sales managers, and personnel
directors. Careful generalizations must be drawn from
research such as exemplified by this study. It represents
a highly selective sample and raises the issue of just how
many of the students replied in a manner they felt they
ought to have replied.20

There is a great deal if inconsistency in the atti—
tudes people have with respect to the status of teachers.
Terrien found that over 95 per cent of respondents classi—
fied teaching as a profession. When these same subjects

were asked where teaching ought to rank on a list of

 

20Donald D. O'Dowd and David C. Beardslee, "The
Student Image of the School Teacher," Phi Delta Kappan,
XLII (March, 1961), 250-254.

 

l7

twelve vocations in terms of salary, less than 33 per
21

cent chose the professional classification.

Reviewing significant studies on the social status
of teachers, Groff concluded that there was a great deal
of difficulty fitting teachers into widely accepted social
status scales. This fuzziness was attributed to the pro—
fessional label. Teachers seem to be regarded as middle
class professionals because of their training and widely
verbalized commitment to social purpose, yet all ranked
near the bottom of accepted professions in terms of

prestige.22

Apparently teaching, in terms of the prestige factor,

ranks somewhere between the highest and lowest occupa-

23

tions. Major drawbacks to prestige center upon the

abnormally high percentage of women who make up the
teaching force, and the fact that teaching appears to
attract a great many people who enter the occupation as

a means of movement into the middle class. Both of these
factors are unlikely to change until the occupation itself
is able to exert some measure of control over entry into

teaching.

21Frederic W. Terrien, "Who Thinks What About Educa-

tors," American Journal of Sociology, LXI (September,
1953), 115.

22Patrick J. Groff, "The Social Status of Teachers,"

;ߣ@rican Journal of Sociology, XXXVI (September, 1962),
20-25.

23National Opinion Research Center, "Jobs and Occu-
Pations: A Popular Evaluation," Opinion News, IX
(September 1, 19A7), 3—13.

 

18

Income as a Criterion of
Occupational Status

 

Economic factors are a major category in the deter-
mination of occupational status. Whether one is employed
or owns his own business as well as the source and size of
income are all important factors. Generally speaking, the
greater the wealth associated with an occupation the higher
its status. Income is of added significance in that money
can be converted into prestige and power.

Ideally it would be desirable to compare the economic
status of the teaching occupation with other occupational
groups. This, however, is not possible due either to the
lack of data on certain aspects of teacher welfare or the
lack of data from comparable time periods. This same
problem exists for data on other occupational groups.
Because of this factor, the discussion will focus on
teacher compensation and problems associated with income
advancement.

From a salary standpoint, teachers have increased
their relative economic status in the 1960's. Instruc-
tional salaries since 1958 have increased slightly faster
than the national average for all employed persons in the

United States.2u

 

2“Research Division, National Education Association,

Economic Status of Teachers in 196A-l965 (Washington,
D. 0.: National Education Association, 1965).

19

However, as salary levels rise in teaching, so does
resistance to poor teachers, across the board raises, and
tenure. The public cannot see any relationship between
tenure and child welfare. Rather they view tenure as a
move to provide security, not improved or more effective
teaching. This results in an increasing unwillingness to
pay teachers.25

Tales of inadequate teaching have resulted in demands
that something be done to discriminate among teachers.

Most groups, including teachers, argue that superior
teaching ought to be rewarded and lament the fact that the
only route for a teacher to improve financially in educa-
tion is to go into administration. The issue of merit pay,
however, is a confused one.26

A major problem is the inability to define what good
teaching is; a second problem concerns the issue of who will
do the evaluating. Teachers are opposed to being evaluated
by administrators, who they claim would tend to keep merit
advances at a minimum in order to save the school district
money. In addition, teachers claim across the board raises

are the only way of achieving tax funds for salaries and‘

that tenure is essential to good teaching.

 

25James M. Cass, "How Citizens Look at Teacher
Tenure," School and Sociepy, LXXXVIII (October 8, 1960),

3A7.

 

26

Jean Dresden Grambs, Schools, Scholars and Sociepy,
Foundations of Education Series (New York: Prentice—Hall,
1965), pp. 151-152.

 

20

In spite of these problems, and the fact that many
people are willing to become teachers even when they could
make more money in another occupation, it must be recog—
nized that in a society which places a high value on
monitary rewards teaching cannot become a high occupation
while financial rewards are low. An automotive worker who
can afford a better home, auto, and clothes is not likely
to accord a higher status to teachers than to auto workers.

The fact that many teachers engage in "moonlighting"
by accepting employment in low status occupations also
helps lower the status of teachers as a group.

Relative to the amount of training required, the
standard of living which teaching provides still remains
low. For seventeen occupations which required a bachelors'
degree or higher for admission to practice, the average
earnings in 1958 were $8,516.00 for those with four years
of college. For all public school teachers with four years
of college the average earnings were $3,827.00.27

Many believe that teachers will get higher salaries
if they first raise their status. While status and com-
pensation are interdependent to some extent, higher status

usually follows rather than precedes higher compensation.28

 

27T. M. Stinnett, The Profession of Teaching, The
Library of Education (Washington, D. C.: The Center for
Applied Research in Education, 1962), pp. 56-57.

28Lieberman, p. A70.

21

Occupational pay is frequently a power phenomenon.
This power expresses itself in various ways. A service in
high demand or one that has an emergency character to it
is in a position to demand more money than those whose
services can be postponed. The power of a practitioner to
control his income depends on the rarity of the service
and his market position. These factors are affected by the
nature of the training period as well as the degree of con-
trol over entry the occupation has.

A major cause for the differences in income that
teachers often fail to recognize is that society, like any
person in it, will pay as little for an activity or service
as possible. Therefore the reward for an occupation depends,
at least in part, on what society can be required to pay.
It is for this reason that pay is frequently a power

phenomenon.29

Improvement of teacher status by raising
compensation can be accomplished only if teachers focus

more of their energies on this issue from a broad occupation-
wide approach.

Social Power as a Criterion of
Occupational Status

 

The third general criterion of social status is
social power. In a broad sense, power refers to the
ability to control behavior. High status occupations are

those whose practitioners control the behavior of others,

 

29Gross, p. 121.

22

low status occupations are those whose practitioners are
controlled more by others. More specifically, occupational
power refers to the organized and sustained social influ-
ence or control exerted by groups or occupations on the
actions of others in such a way that they are capable of
making the decisions and actions of others different from
what they would have been without the intervention of the
power holders.3O

Four specific occupational status factors are
related to the criterion of power: authority of the
occupation, the amount or length of training involved in
preparing for occupational practice, the nature of the

knowledge which the occupation manages, and the amount of

freedom granted in the practice of the occupation.

Occupational Authority

Because in general status rank is related to power,
those occupations which give the member a legitimate right
to exercise power tend to have high status. When a per-
son's power is institutionally recognized, when the
legitimacy of his exercise of power is acknowledged by
those whom the power-holder influences, we speak of
authority.31

Although authority and rank are clearly related, it

is difficult to measure the relationship. To some extent

\—

30Ibid.

31Ibid.

23

the number of persons controlled is a crude measure,
however, this device breaks down at a number of points,
particularly in the case of teachers. While teachers
control a great many people, those people (students) do
not themselves hold an influential place in the society.
Thus the administrator, who controls teachers, is seen

as having greater status in part because of his authority
over adults.

It must be emphasized that it is institutionalized
power (authority) which is a status factor, not sheer
power or force. Probably one reason why labor leaders are
not accorded greater prestige by the larger society is
because to many their power is not recognized as legiti-
mate. Teachers face a similar problem. Not only does
the larger society question their right to certain powers,
but teachers themselves doubt the legitimacy of exercising
greater control over educational matters.

Many educators are of the Opinion that because teach—
ing is a public occupation, educators should not control
school boards. Because everyone is concerned and affected
by the public schools, everyone should have a voice. Thus
school boards, which control local education, ought to
represent the public, not teachers. Because the teacher
is a public employee, local selection of texts, marking

systems, and curriculum are also justified.

2A

One indicator of the failure of teachers to collec-
tively push for greater control of educational decisions
and recognition of the legitimacy of such rights by the
public is administrator and teacher concern for public
relations. The unwillingness to make changes until
public approval is secured undermines the chance for the
growth of educational leadership and the expansion of
occupational authority. Constant deference to the public
implies that the public ought to decide issues. When lay
groups determine matters of central occupational concern
it is only a matter of time before major educational
blunders are made.32

This situation is in part responsible for the fact
that teachers are looked on by the public as strictly local
employees, living off local tax payers. Many teachers as
well as the public seem committed to the proposition that
in educational matters, one man's opinion is as good as
another's. Parental interference in the classroom and
legislative decisions on education made without consulting

educators are regarded as legitimate by both teachers and

public alike.33

32Lieberman, Education as a Profession. In Chapter
Four, pp. 56-75, "Public and Professional Decisions," the
author documents the tendency of schools of education, as
well as teachers and administrators, to defer to the public
in educational matters.

 

 

33P. D. Darland, "Teacher as an Expert: Establish-
ing the Image," Journal of Secondary Education, XXXVII
(November, 1962), A3A-AAO.

 

25

The fact that teachers are publically employed should
not be a major factor in the control of essentially occupa-
tional decisions. Lieberman argues that because teachers
are publically employed ought to make the public more con-
cerned with making sure they are getting the full benefit

of the teachers' skills.3u

Kind and Amount of Preparation

 

The confusion over authority of the teacher has
direct bearing on the three other factors in the deter—
mination of occupational social power. The amount of
preparation demanded by an occupation becomes an increas-
ingly important factor in occupational status as business
and education both become more bureaucratized. Occupations
in a position to control entry through an increase in the
amount and kind of training can keep the prestige and power
of the occupation high by attempting to monopolize the
service it provides. When the numbers who supply a service
are kept low, their economic position is also likely to
rise.

The teacher used to be one of the few educated people
in the community. The rise of the general educational
level in the country as well as the increase in specialists
has hurt the teachers' status. There is also evidence to

indicate that teachers are losing much of their function

 

fl

3“Lieberman, p. 110.

26

to the mass media which often assumes the position of
expertise in dealing with social problems.35

The distinctiveness of school teaching has also been
depressed by the influx of teachers into public school
teaching. The number of teachers has increased four times
faster than the general population and the increase in
demand has in part been responsible for restraining
pressures for higher entrance standards. Partly as a
result of the relative ease of achieving certification,
one of three trained to teach never does and only two in
five trained to teach are teaching at one time. Because
of the turnover, the ten year cost of teacher training is
equal to the ten year cost of medical education.36

Recruiting more teachers may not be the answer to
the teacher shortage. It obviously will not increase the
authority of the occupation. More specifically, under the
present conditions, it will not improve public regard for
the preparation teachers undergo. The present image of
teacher preparation is a direct factor in the social power
associated with teaching.

There is much public confusion over the teaching act.
Is the ability to teach something one is born with or is

it learned? Is it an act which requires certain inherent

attributes or a skill which must be studied and whose

 

35Corwin, pp. 225-226.

36Ibid., p. 237.

27

Operations are subject to experimental verification?

Part of the controversy over teacher education is a result
of the fact that teaching is connected with those things
that the public fears: the space race, the lack of
trained scientists, drop outs and social unrest to name
but a few. Lacking a method for analyzing the causes

for the failure of schools, teacher preparation is blamed.

Nature of Occupational Knowledge

Managed

Closely tied to the amount of preparation and

 

equally important among those factors affecting the social
power of an occupation is the kind of knowledge associated
with it. The greater the extent to which an occupation
involves the organization, intermediation, and management
of symbols as opposed to people or things, the greater the
status and authority of the occupation is likely to be.37
Because it is often accepted that everyone ought to
have a say in running the schools, and because of the back-
wardness of educational science, lay interference in educa-
tional matters and disregard for educational theory under—
mines both the status of teacher preparation and the
symbolic value of that preparation. While teaching is
regarded as indispensable it would be difficult to find a
university where the school of education was given priority

over other professional schools.

37

 

Gross, p. 126.

28

There is little support given to the idea that there
is enough knowledge in education to make what the teacher
knows a major advance over lay judgment. One danger of
such a condition in a relatively undeveloped profession is
the blind acceptance by practitioners of a low level of
technique. Fearing attack and criticism from lay agencies,
there develops a tendency to rely on routine and conserva—
tive procedures. Lay interference poses a major block to
experiment and the improvement of existing practices.38

Recent attacks by conservative critics such as Max
Rafferty, Admiral Rickover, and James Koerner, picture
educators as poorly educated, rather stupid, power hungry
radicals, more interested in keeping their job secure than
making education significant. Researchers in the allied
fields of psychology, anthropology, and sociology claim
educators ought to make use of their findings yet seldom
are they willing to work with schools.

A widely respected critic of public education, Robert
Maynard Hutchins, has held that all there is to teaching
can be learned through a good liberal education and a
practical teaching experience. Thus teachers cannot claim
any expertise, as their education is or ought to be merely

the same as anyone ought to have.39

 

38

39Robert Maynard Hutchins, The Higher Learning in
America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1936), p. 56.

Lieberman, p. 113.

29

The attacks on teacher education are advanced on
several fronts. Many critics demand more courses in
general education for the prospective teacher. It is
charged that too little work is done in major fields of
preparation. The claim is made that there is too much
work done in "Education." Methods courses are criticised
as lacking intellectual content and student teaching as
an attempt to judge the competency of the prospective
teacher, is branded as a failure.

From the educators' standpoint, a major study of
existing teacher preparation programs has revealed that a
prospective teacher averages around A5 semester hours in
general education, 25 to A3 hours in his major field of
study, and only 23 to 3A hours in professional education
courses.“0 In addition, general education requirements
in most professional schools are moving away from special—
ized pre-professional courses. The major reason seems to
be inability among proponents of general education to agree
on what it is and what content is essential to achieve it.“1

If the charge that education courses lack intellectual
content were true, it can still be argued that they form a
Part of teacher preparation which still ought to be pro-
Vided. Often critics fail to distinguish between general

methods, which are intellectually oriented, and techniques

‘

A0
A1

Stinnett, p. 207.

Lieberman, p. 189.

30

or particularized "tricks of the trade." While many pro-
grams of practice teaching deserve criticism, it seems
unrealistic to argue that the concept of a student teach-
ing experience is itself useless.

It is true that the content of teacher preparation
courses is varied and lacks a unified theme as subject core.
What is often overlooked is the fact that this problem can
largely be attributed to the underdeveloped state of the
social sciences, which provide limited basis for the
building of educational theory and knowledge.

The problems of power and authority in the occupation
are further illustrated by the certification controversy.
There exist no state wide, let alone nationally, recognized
means of certifying teachers. A teacher must only graduate
from an accredited teacher education program or have passed
certain academic and professional courses. The problem
centers around the issues as to what constitutes the proper
training for teaching and how we can assess competence for
teaChing. In spite of these problems, it is difficult to
expect the American people to regard teaching as a high-
status occupation when teachers have stood so long for
certification requirements which are so little above the
lay levels of education.

Attempts at unifying accrediting standards, under—
taken by the National Council for the Accreditation of

Teacher Education as a means of upgrading teacher

31

education, have been beset by charges from academics and
the public that they are under represented.

Critics also claim that demands or efforts made in
the name of occupational autonomy are really a cloak for
private gain. If control of entry were left to educators,
charge the critics, all but a few would be excluded so
that a selected few could reap financial rewards. Power
is not used to maintain high standards for quality teachers
but only for interests of the establishment which the
critics charge is committed to low intellectual standards.
Enormous power is attributed to the interlocking profes-
sional education agencies, the National Education Associa-
tion, United States Office of Education, and various
accrediting agencies and Schools of education. These
groups, it is claimed, exclude the academic community,
lay public, and anyone outside the educationalist frater-

nity from their rightful voice.)42

chupational Freedom

The extent to which an occupation offers the prac-
titioner an opportunity to dispose of his time as he sees
fit is directly related to the prestige and social power
of an occupation. Freedom is a direct factor in occupa—

tional status. The more an individual is tied to a job by

2James D. Koerner, "Teachers Get the Worst Educa-
tion," Saturdaquveninngost, June 1, 1963, pp. 8-10.
Russell Kirk, education editor for the National Review,
frequently takes this line in discussing public education.

 

 

32

given hours and the greater the standardization of work,
the lower the status of an occupation is likely to be.“3
This factor goes a long way in explaining the status
attached to owning ones own business and also much of the
status attached to the college professor.

The freedom allowed and accorded teachers is
directly related to their lack of ability (power) to con-
trol the occupation. This situation has grown more acute
in recent years as increased enrollments and bureaucratiza-
tion have resulted in mass produced education which severely
limits the ability of teachers as individuals to shape and
control their work environment. Increasing demands on the
schools for more and more services such as sex education
and vocational education, tied to an increasing detachment
of the teacher from the community in which he teaches,
largely as a result of increased mobility, has resulted in
teacher alienation.uu As despair grows over these con—
ditions, so does awareness and anger that the public is
unwilling to grant the authority and funds necessary to
allow teachers to accept responsibility for the outcome of
public education. This situation also helps explain the

increased militancy displayed by teachers in recent years.

 

u3Gross, p. 123.

”James Cass and Max Birnbaum, "What Makes Teachers
Militant," Saturday Review, January, 1968, pp. 5A—56.

33

Conclusion

 

Power supports the fundamental social order and the
social organization within it. Power stands behind every
association and sustains its structure. There is no
organization or no order without social power.“5

Prestige and income, as status factors are closely
related to and determined by the amount of power an occupa—
tion exerts. As noted, the prestige of teaching suffers
from an over-identification with women practitioners. The
reasons that stimulate entry to the occupation further
limit its esteem. The income associated with teaching
also detracts from it being accorded superior status in a
materialistically oriented society.

The discussion of occupational authority pointed out
the unwillingness of teachers generally to push for
greater authority due to a number of conceptions concern-
ing public education. At the same time, it was shown that
teaching is in a confused state in terms of those occupa—
tional conditions usually associated with the advancement
of occupational authority. Teacher preparation is not
sufficient in length nor distinctiveness to be granted
public respect. The type of knowledge associated with
education is publically criticised by teacher and layman

alike. Much of this confusion stems from the lack of

k

usRobert Bierstedt, "An Analysis of Social Power,"
American Sociological Review, XV (December, 1950), 735.

3A

unified standards concerning certification and/or
accreditation. Finally, teachers as a group lack the
responsibility and freedom in their practice associated
with occupations of authority and high status.

Teachers have traditionally, as a group, generally
assumed that status was something to be earned through
social service. Pressure and the use of social power have
usually been regarded as not applicable in public education.
An analysis of occupational status reveals much of this
argument to be unrealistic.

Income is a status factor, and status normally
follows higher compensation.“6 The number and type of per-
sons associated with an occupation also affects income.
Teaching, however, is not likely to attract higher quality
personnel as long as teaching standards are low and con-
fused. Furthermore there is unlikely to be any increase
in educational standards as long as the public controls
teacher training institutions and is granted by educators
a legitimate right to a majority voice in on-the-job
decisions.

Any meaningful improvement in the occupational status
Of teaching requires the utilization of political power by
teacher organizations. Such power must be directed to

:hnproving the length and kind of occupational training, the

 

 

u6Lieberman, p. A70.

A
1..—
p

-. ..—.v

 

'an-n

~uu -

‘0'-

"... v
-

 

.
a
v .

V.

-
-..

35

income accorded teachers, and the responsibility and
freedom of the individual teacher in actual teaching and
educational decisions.

The drive for professional status by the teaching
occupation may be interpreted as a group effort to improve
occupational status. The professional model incorporates
those occupational concerns concluded to be central to the
improvement of the occupational status of teaching. Just
as many educators have failed to realize the crucial role
of power in occupational status, so have they often failed
to fully comprehend the full implications of professionali-
zation for teaching. In Chapter III profession and the
professionalization process are examined in terms of their

relevance for teaching.

CHAPTER III

PROFESSIONALIZATION AND PUBLIC SCHOOL

TEACHING

The Professional Model
To most sociologists, the concept profession refers
to the descriptive attributes of a model of occupational
organization. In this context, a number of ideal

characteristics are identified with the professional model.

Professional Knowledge

Professions are those vocations which have gained a
legal monopoly over the application of knowledge to the
solution of social problems. Professions are generally
regarded as possessing a high degree of general and
systematic knowledge. Skill alone does not encompass the
type of knowledge attributed to the professions, for many
occupations involve high level skills. Professional skills
follow from knowledge that has been organized into and
derives from a body of theory. From certain abstract
Propositions the professions derive the general terms and
Classes which comprise its focus of concern. Theory pro-
Vides the base from which the practitioner rationalizes

his actions in specific situations.

36

37

Preparation fOr the profession involves considerable
theoretical training, unlike non—professional occupations.
Because professional training is intellectual as well as
practical, it involves a long period of formal education,
usually achieved in an academic setting, in association
with a university.

Because of the orientation of professions, there is
a great deal of concern for theory construction through
research built around service related problems. This
emphasis upon research and a scientific approach identifies
the professions with rationality as Opposed to tradition.
This critical attitude encouraged by professions results
in an intellectually stimulating milieu generally absent
in non-professional occupations.l

Extensive education in the systematic theory of a
discipline gives to the profession a knowledge of which
the general public is relatively ignorant, This ignorance
on the part of the public results in the unique authority
of the professions. The highly technical and intellectual
base of professional knowledge does not allow the prac-

titioner or client to view the professional service as a
business proposition. The client has neither the theoreti-
Cal knowledge to appraise his needs nor those alternatives

Which would best meet them. The professional dictates what

‘u‘

lErnest Greenwood, "The Elements of Professionaliza-
ti;on," in Professionalization, ed. by Howard M. Vollmer
arid Donald L. Mills (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey:
Ffi‘entice—Hall, 1966), pp. 9-19.

38

is good and bad, and the client has no choice but to accede
to that judgment. It is because of this client subordina-
tion to professional judgment and the unique knowledge
monopoly of the professional that the professions do not
advertise. To do so would imply that the public is capable
of evaluating professional competence.

A profession strives to convince the community
to sanction its authority within certain areas, and to
confer upon it a number of powers and privileges. Collec-
tively the professions presume to tell society what is
good or right in some aspect of life. Medicine, for
example, defines not only medical practice but also health
and disease. Professions are granted a mandate to define
what is the proper conduct of others toward their work,
and a license to carry out activities which others may not.
Implied in this relationship is a moral mandate which
allows the professions to deviate from social norms as
found, for example, in the right to privileged communica—
tion granted some professions in client relations.2

The professions are granted immunity from community
evaluations of their technical skill also. It is difficult
to define success or failure in the professionals' work.

The colleague group believes it alone understands technical

 

2Everett C. Hughes, Men and Their Work (Glencoe,
Illinois: Free Press, 1958), pp. 78é79.

 

39

contingencies and that it alone should have the right to
say when a mistake has been made.

Community acceptance of professional authority is
an important aspect of the professions. If an occupation
does not achieve this sanction, strictest adherence to the
characteristics of the professional model will not bring

about professional status.

Professional Controls

 

The broad community sanction granted the professions
results in a second major characteristic of professional
occupations. A profession has legal control over member—
ship, including control of the licensing standards, and a
code of ethics sanctioned by law.

The profession gains control over its training
usually by establishing an accrediting association.
Through this procedure the profession can regulate the
curriculum. The profession acquires control over admis—
sion into the profession by convincing the public that no
one be allowed professional recognition who has not been
graduated from an accredited institution. The profession
also persuades the community to institute a licensing
system in its behalf for screening those qualified to
practice the professional skill. An examination before a
board of inquiry made up of professional people may be an
additional requirement. Licensing systems have the support

of police power and legal punishment follows for those who

Q" I
1

,.cI

a.

 

A0

practice without a license. While many non—professional
occupations involve licensing, punishment for imposters

is less severe than for similar violations in professional
occupations.

The monopoly enjoyed by the professions, if unregu-
lated, could lead to abuse. Charges for services rendered
could be set too high, undue restriction of entry could
create a scarcity. If abuse were frequent, the public
would undoubtedly revoke the profession‘s monopoly. The
successful claim to professional status is not solely
governed by exclusive claims to particular technical and
intellectual skills. The professional‘s model is dis-
tinguished by adherence to a set of moral norms. Not only
do these norms dictate that the practitioner do high quality
work but that he adhere to a service ideal. Devotion to
the client's welfare rather than profit guide the profes-
sional's decisions. The norm of selflessness is probably
acted upon in the professions more than in other occupa-
tions. Part of this may be the result of a self-selective
system. Because the belief that professions offer oppor-
tunity for service is widespread, they undoubtedly attract
service motivated people. In addition, because the client
is particularly vulnerable, if he did not believe that
the service ideal were operative he would be forced to
approach the professional as he would a businessman,

demanding certain services and results. It is the service

A1

ideal which forms the basis for the moral claim to pro-
fessional status.3
Almost every profession has an ethical code which
compels ethical behavior on the part of its members. The
formal code is written and usually administered at the
time of admission to practice. It is through the ethical
code that the profession's commitment to service becomes
public and confidence of the community is maintained.
Formal professional associations are responsible for
enforcing the standards embodied in the code. While self-
regulative codes are typical in many occupations, the pro-
fessional code is usually more explicit, clarified of
ambiguity, and more public service oriented.Ll
While ethical codes vary among the professions,
there are certain essentials which are common. These com-
mon components are organized in terms of client-professional
and colleague-colleague relations. These characteristics
are identified with the concept professionalism, which
refers to the ideology associated with the professions and
with those occupations whose members aSpire to professional

status.5

 

3Harold L. Wilensky, "The Professionalization of
Everyone?" The American Journal of Sociology, LXX (Septem—
ber, 196A), 1AO.

”Greenwood, p. 15.

5Vollmer and Mills, p. viii.

A2

With reference to client relations, the standards
and guides that make up professional ethical codes stress
the importance of impersonal relations. The practitioner
is to deal with the client only in terms of his-range of
competence as a professional. Closely associated with this
standard is the concept of emotional neutrality. Personal
relations are appropriate only outside professional-
client relations. Service must be provided when needed
irrespective of socio-economic or racial factors. The pro-
fessional must be prepared to render quality service to
anyone at anytime. Underlying these standards is the ideal
of service to the public, bolstered by a belief in the
indespensability of the occupation and a conviction that
the work done benefits both the public and the practitioner.6

Underlying the norms governing colleaguel relation-
ships is the conviction that the practitioner must do what
he can to maintain professional standards of work. This
involves honoring the technical competence of all formally
qualified colleagues and avoiding public criticism of
colleagues. Implied also is the need to avoid too much or
too little work if it lowers standards. There is great
stress placed on recognizing the limited competence of
one‘s own speciality and the necessity of honoring the

claims of other specialities through referral. All of

6Harold L. Wilensky and Charles N. Lebeaux, Indus—

trial Society and Social Welfare (New York: Free Press,
1958), pp. 283-332.

A3

these standards are essential to the maintainence of the
technical service ideal.7

In addition to those characteristics of professional
codes, there are major attitudinal components associated
with the professions. The professional organizations and
associations and informal colleagueal groupings form the
major reference groups for the professional. It is here
that the practitioner looks for professional ideas and
evaluations of his work. This attitude is closely tied to
the belief of the professional in self-regulation; that the
persons best qualified to pass judgment on his work are
colleagues.

Professional and professional aspiring groups have a
strong commitment to the idea of autonomy and the conviction
that practitioners ought to be able to make their own
decisions without external pressures from clients, non-
members of the profession, or employing organizations.
Professionals tend to view their work as a calling, one
which they would continue to follow even if there were
fewer extrinsic rewards available.8

The role of professional associations in maintaining

and promoting essential professional characteristics cannot

be over stressed. The high prestige attached to professions

 

7Wilensky, p. 1A1.

8Richard H. Hall, "The Components of Professionaliza-
tion" (unpublished paper), pp. A-5.

AA

is essentially the result of two factors. One is the level
of public confidence in the technical competence and good
faith of the professional occupation. This is primarily a
result of the fact that secondly, nearly all functions
have been drawn into a system of interlocking institutions
over which the occupation has a large measure of effective
control.9
A professional organization differs in ideal type
from a trade union in that it is not so much an interest
group as it is an agency for facilitating the development
of its professional field, serving as the guardian of
technical and ethical standards of its personnel. The
criteria for membership to professional associations con-
stitute an important symbol of the respect awarded to it.10
To a large extent, what determines whether a person
will conduct himself in a professional manner or not is
whether the occupational group is organized to insure
a high level of service regardless of the individual
motivations for entering the occupation or rendering ser-
vice. Professional associations have the mechanisms for
enforcing ethical and high quality service.11

The entire recruiting process for professional

occupations is controlled by the professional group.

 

9Hughes, p. 72.
lOTalcott Parsons, "Some Problems Confronting Socio—
logy As a Profession," American Sociological Review, XXIV
(August, 1959), 558.

llLieberman, pp. 221-222.

 

“5

This is an essential factor in the strength of the profes-
sion, for the ability of an occupation to control recruit-
ment plays a large part in determining occupational
rewards and eventually, occupational status. Most occupa-
tions have little control over who enters into practice.12
Evaluation of the practitioner's merit is controlled
by colleagues. This is accomplished informally through con-
sultations and referrals. Formally, merit is rewarded
through the various complex of professional associations
by means of honorific titles, memberships in institutes,
or formal elective offices. While the professional is
rewarded on the basis of skill and personality factors, it
is assumed that all practitioners are qualified and non—
interchangeable. A professional's work is regarded as
distinctly individual, a product or creation of his unique
personality. Salary is viewed as intended to provide sub-
sistence, and is generally regarded as unrelated to the
value of the work which is being performed.13
Seniority as well is controlled by formal and informal
actions of colleagues through professional associations.
This is largely in the hands of senior colleagues who
control the distribution of prestige tokens. A major

reason why there is a small drop out factor in the pro-

fessions is the fact that strong associations are able to

l2Caplow, pp. 102-106.

l31b1d., p. 110.

A6

secure advantages for their members in an orderly fashion,
thus making the practitioner less willing to change occu-
pations.lu
The unique nature of occupational controls exerted
through professional associations work in several ways to
produce rather amazing adherence among practitioners to
professional norms and roles. Because of the long period
of training there is a great deal of rule internalization,
to the extent that rules usually become habit. This
results in greater self-identification with the occupational
group, since rules cease to be seen as imposed from the
outside and instead are regarded as representing the
individual‘s own motives. The greater the individual
identifies with the agency which imposes rules, the less
his resistance to them. In the professions, this identifi-
cation is almost complete.15
The professional form of control has another advan—
tage. The rules which are applied are uniform and
relatively unchanging. This condition results in less
resistance from practitioners who see the authority as
impersonal. Another factor contributing to easier obser-
vance is the wide range of applicability. Since the

Eigencies which control professional behavior are unified,

it is easier for practitioners to follow the rules than in

k

luIbid., pp. 107—109.
15

Ibid., p. 120.

A7

other occupations where outsiders exert control or even the
controlling influence on behavior.

The monopoly granted the professions and the form of
integrated control exerted by occupational associations
results in a sense of community among practitioners. The
sense of identity which socialization into the occupation
provides also helps bind the members together. There is
a strong agreement among members on role definitions and
major values. Within the area of communal action there
exists a common language only partially understood by the
outsider. The community has relatively full power over
its members and limits are reasonably clear. Finally,
the members themselves produce the next generation in the
sense that they select, train, and send recruits through

the socialization process.l6

Professionalization

 

Sociologists regard the term profession as an ideal
type of occupational organization which does not exist in
reality but which provides a model of the form of occupa-

tional organization that would result if an occupational

17
group became completely professionalized.

A fruitful approach for sociologists, and educators,

is to attempt to understand the circumstances in which the

—.._._

16William J. Goode, "Community Within a Community:

The Professions," American Sociological Review, XXII
(April, 1957), 19A-

17

 

Vollmer and Mills, pp. vii-viii.

A8

people of an occupation attempt to turn it into a profes-
sion and themselves into professional people. What are

the steps by which they attempt to bring about identifica-
tion with the value model? As an activity approaches
professional status there are important internal structural
changes and changes in the practitioner‘s relation to the
larger society. This dynamic process whereby occupations
change in certain crucial characteristics in the direction
of a profession is professionalization.18

There are two components involves in the movement
toward the model of profession. One is attitudinal. This
involves a movement among members of an occupation toward
the values or ideology associated with professionalism.
The second component is structural, and refers to the
efforts of occupations to exclude the unqualified, gain a
legal right to monopoly, and enforce and define proper
rules of professional conduct.

In a descriptive sense, movement toward the attri—
butes which comprise the professional model are judged to
be professionalizing in nature. A question which has been
raised by sociologists is whether there is an invariant
progression of events along which those occupations which
are generally regarded as most professional have traveled.
Harold Wilensky, in an extensive study of the structural

history of eighteen occupations, concluded that there is

 

l8Ibid.

A9

a typical sequence of events in the professionalization
process.19

The first step is the creation of a full time occupa—
tion. This involves the performance of functions which may
have been previously performed as well as new functions
which can be viewed as evolving from the wider social
needs. While hospitals have always been managed, it was
the development of the modern hospital which created
hospital administration as an occupation.20

The second step is the establishment of a training
school. If the training schools do not begin with univer—
sities, they eventually seek contact. There is a steady
push for the development of a standardized course of study,
academic degrees and research programs to broaden the
knowledge base. Higher standards, longer training, and
more expense result in earlier commitment from recruits.
Of the six established professions studied, Wilensky
found that university training schools preceeded the
appearance of national professional associations. It was
the training schools, through their efforts at linking
knowledge to practice, providing the rationale for exclu-
sive jurisdiction, that usually promoted effective pro-

fessional associations.21

 

lgWilensky, p. 142.

20Ibid.

21Ibid., p. 1AA.

50

The third step is the foundation of a professional

association. The foundation of the association is often

accompanied by a change in the occupational title in order
to reduce identification with a less professional occupa—
tion. Professional associations engage in redefining the
occupations functions upward, passing on their less
technical and less rewarding tasks to aids or assistants.
Attempts at redefining the area of competence also result
in gradual restriction of entry to those who are willing
to go through the prescribed training.22

Often a conflict develops between the home guard,
who have gone through less professional training, and those
committed to the new training and a more cosmopolitan
‘View of professional work. Those with the strongest pro-
.fessional dedication tend to be the most mobile, willing
‘to go wherever working conditions are best.23

External conflict also develops as competition with
rueighboring occupations for exclusive competence grows.
Iwus is a particular problem in human—relations fields,
like teaching, when only tenuous claims to exclusiveness
Eire possible. This is due to the relatively underdeveloped
SCiences and also to the fact that since the problems

dfialt with are part of everyday living, the general

Fnlblic does not recognize the need for special competence.
\

22Ibid.

23Ibid., p. lus,
2u“"
Ibid.

51

There is persistant political agitation from the
professional association in the form of attempts to secure
licensing laws and protection from competing occupations.
When the area of competence is not clear, legal protection
of the title is sought. Where definition of the area of

competence is clear, performance of the act by someone

outside the group is made a crime.25

Fifth, and finally, formation of a code of ethics
takes place in an attempt to formalize rules regarding the

unqualified, the unscrupulous, rules to emphasize the

service ideal, and rules to protect clients. This develop-

Inent usually occurs at the end of the professionalization

2
process.

This formulation of the professionalization process
:is similar to Caplow's who alters the sequence to some
(extent. He suggests the formation of a professional
aissociation occurs first, then a change of occupational

t:1tle, the development of a code of ethics, and finally

‘trm development of training facilities.27 Wilensky's

iStudy seems to have more evidence to support it. Both

Sformulations, however, seem to capture the essentials of
tile professionalization process as far as structural

Cilaracteristics are concerned.
_____

251b1d.

26Ibid.

27Theodore Caplow, "Sequential Steps in Profession-
a-1-21.zation," in Vollmer and Mills, eds., Professionaliza-

ILEQQQJ pp. 20—21.

52

The Professional Model and the
Teaching,Occupation

The Knowledge Issue
An important characteristic which is implied by

these formulations is the presence of a body of knowledge
from which the practitioner can rationalize his work.

This body of knowledge is both abstract and theoretical

and unavailable to the lay population. In light of the

professional model, it is impossible to deny the crucial
importance of a complex knowledge base to the professional—

ization process. It is beyond the scope of this study to

delve into the issues involved in whether there is a body

oi'knowledge unique to education. It has been noted that

Inuch of the confusion in educational authority is due to
‘the unwillingness of the lay public to recognize teaching
£18 a field involving any specialized knowledge.

The position taken in this study is that while edu-
czators may lack the knowledge base available to the doctor
(Dr engineer, the skills and knowledge available do
Icepresent a major advance over lay levels of judgment.
{Phe present situation places certification of teachers in
tflle hands of the state, allowing teachers themselves no

cOrporate responsibility for their competence or profes-

s21«anal commitment. Not only must teachers follow state

(iixctates in occupational matters, they are also closely

8L1pervised by local lay boards of education in their work

53

environment. Often their professional responsibility to
students conflicts with lay determination of educational
policies. Nowhere is freedom of experiment more necessary
or freedom from outside authority more essential than in
the teacher's determination of his professional duty.28
Pragmatically speaking, to deny recognition of the
teacher's skills and knowledge lowers the quality of
education. One result of the present situation is that
it has the tendency of frightening the educator into blind
acceptance of low levels of technique. Fearing lay evalua-
tion and criticism, there is an unwillingness to engage in
experimentation even when current practices are recognized
as inefficient. Despite disagreements over the nature of
the teachers' expert authority, there are certain things
‘that we can definitely say should be decided by educators
if‘they are professional, and thus certain structural con—

ciitions in the occupation which occupational association

should address itself to if it is to be judged a profes-

sionalizing organization.29

Social Power

It was concluded in the Chapter I discussion of
OCcupational status that the major factor in the status

01? occupations revolved around the criterion of social

28A. M. Carr-Sanders and P. A. Wilson, The Profes-

$131221 (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1933), pp. A78—u80,

29L1eberman, pp. 91-113.

5A

power. The length and kind of training as well as on the
job freedom were seen as crucial variables in the amount
of authority associated with a given occupation.

Teachers have been unwilling to exert political
pressure in part because of a misconception of the basis
of occupational status, in part because teachers cannot
themselves agree on what power they ought legitimately be
granted by the larger society. This deference to lay
decision making has seemed to promote the myth that teach—
ing is something about which everyone knows. Teacher and
lay confusion over the act of teaching have carried over
into teacher preparation. There is little respect for the
knowledge with which teaching deals, and little prestige
attached to teacher training. Education courses and
colleges are attacked while low standards allow more people
to qualify for teaching, depressing further the status of

the occupation.

Qpntrol of Entry

Both the model of profession and Wilensky's examina-
tion of professionalization reveal the crucial importance
of control of entry. For the most part, regulation of the
professions has been left to the states. Professional
control over entry and exit have been achieved through
IDrofessional control over the state boards which license
(certify) the various professions. The state boards are

Egenerally composed of practitioners of the profession.

55

This allows the profession to adjust standards of training
to fit new developments without lay interference. The
established professions also control the selection of state
board members. Teachers have limited representation on
the boards which license teachers. Lieberman found that
only two states required members of state boards to be
educators and no states where teachers were provided a
legal voice in the selection of board members. A number
of states expressly forbid teacher membership on such
boards.3O
From a professional view, the diffusion of authority
that exists in teacher certification is undesirable for it
allows local conditions and pressures to undermine standards
when low salaries make qualified teachers scarce. Across
the country the diffusion of authority has resulted in a
multiplicity of certification requirements and numerous
certificates. This situation undermines the concept of a
community of equals as a professional force in education
and tends to split segments of the teaching force which
Ought to be united.31
The minimum requirements in educational certification
are considerably less than in other professions. There is

a higher percentage of practitioners in the established pro-

fessions with training beyond the minimum requirements, and

\

3OIbid., pp. 92—95.

31Ibid., p. 153.

56

there are fewer practitioners in the established professions
who have less than the minimum requirements. It is primar-
ily the amount of training relative to other occupations
that determines the status of an occupation. Contradictory
certification standards, diffused authority, and the exist-
ence of temporary certification undermine the efforts of
teachers to upgrade their relative professional status.

The wide variation in certification requirements,
even if the training period is the same length, is a major
problem. The implication is that there is no body of common
knowledge in education. One solution may be the establish-
ment of examinations as a basis for certification. While
there are many sincere objections and problems in state
wide teacher examinations, such exams conducted by a central
authority controlled by the profession, with the power to
insist upon definite standards of achievement, could force
the improvement of teacher training and the public attitude
toward it.32

It is probable that a strong certification system
Would eventually render accreditation unnecessary. An
examination system which could measure the practical
ability of a teacher would render the need for accrediting
powers unnecessary as a means of upgrading standards and
.keeping incompetents out. Schools which failed to offer

cluality training would be forced to revise their programs

 

 

32Ibid., pp. 1A6—151.

57

or face the loss of students. The trend, however, is
toward the certification of anyone who has been recommended
by an educational institution. The absence of examinations
for teacher certification seems to call for greater efforts
in the direction of evaluation of teacher training institu-
tions themselves.

The major problem in education accrediting is the
question of who should do it. Each type of control has its
abuses: lay, practitioner, institutional, or governmental.
History seems to warrant the statement that upgrading of
requirements is unlikely as long as accreditation is
dominated by teacher training institutions. Higher require-
ments would mean greater expenditures to weak schools and
any long term stabilization of teacher training would
probably result in a number of schools being forced out of
existence.

Accreditation by professional associations tends to
be more exacting than any other form. Since practitioners
are adversely affected by poorly trained people, they are
more willing to demand high standards regardless of the
institutional expense involved. It is too much to expect
that an accrediting agency controlled by the schools
themselves would be willing to put its own members out of
business.

Major problems in certification and accreditation

<Zontroversies center around the inability of educators to

58

develop means of measuring teaching ability. Much of the
hostility to efforts by The National Council for Accredita-
tion of Teachers of Education (NCATE) noted in the discus-
sion of occupational status centers on this issue. Fail-
ing to find any body of knowledge unique to education,

many critics View NCATE's attempts at upgrading standards
as evidence of the menace posed by the educational estab—
lishment. Representing a joint council of various groups,
NCATE is far from the practitioner controlled association,
typically associated with established professions.

There has been a tendency toward lay control of state
boards which control teacher certification and accredita—
tion. While there is wisdom in preventing state boards to
be dominated by college teachers or administrators who may
be employed by the very schools they are required to
examine, this is no excuse for excluding teaching members
of the occupation from such positions. Experience of other
professions shows that the dangers of unintelligent lay
control usually outweigh the dangers of practitioner control.

Wilensky claims that legal protection is not an
integral part of any national history of professionalism,
arguing that state licensure laws usually come toward the
end of the process and that they are not unique aspects
Of professional development. Even egg—graders and well-

33

<3iggers are licensed in some states. This does not seem

‘

33Wilensky, p. 1A5.

59

to apply in education due to several distinctive aspects
of public school teaching.

Fee taking professions are capable of achieving pro-
fessional prestige more independently than teachers. The
layman cannot shop around for new teachers as he does for
a new doctor. The teacher‘s salary is set for the entire
group, not on an individual basis, and depends upon the
community evaluation of all teachers as a group. Because
it is so difficult to evaluate the competence of an indi-
vidual teacher, status as well as compensation afforded
the teacher is probably more closely tied to the occupa—
tional group as a whole than is the case with other pro-
fessions. These factors make the legal protection of
professionally instituted standards a necessity for teacher

groups.

Autonomy

An important factor in occupational status is the
degree of freedom accorded the practitioner on the job.
From a professional standpoint, this involves the demand
of autonomy based upon eXpertise. Public school teachers
are not usually regarded as possessing a great deal of
on the job freedom. The issue of teacher autonomy has
.grown more critical as schools increase in size and
'bureaucratic organization.

An occupational association seeking professional

Status for teachers could be expected to demand autonomy

60

for teachers in the selection of textbooks and teaching
materials. Texts and materials are the teacher's tools.
Their selection and evaluation requires training and
experience. Such autonomy does not require that every
teacher choose his own text, but merely that he has an
equal voice among his colleagues in the way material
selections are made.

An equally important professional concern in educa—
tion is teacher selection of subjects and the course of
study. It is difficult to argue for teacher selection
of texts without teacher control over the curriculum. The
power to decide what materials will be used is the power
to decide what subjects will be taught.3u

Local school boards as well as state legislatures
which sometimes establish required courses are often
hostile to demands from teachers for control of educational
decisions. It is unrealistic to assume the public will
grant broad powers to any occupation without any guarantee
that the public welfare will be protected. Much of the
fear of granting teachers greater authority is based upon

the charge that demands for professional autonomy are a

cloak for private advantage.

.Ethics
For the professions, a code of ethics well formulated,

interpreted and enforced by the professional group serves

¥

3“Lieberman, p. 99.

61

notice to the public of the occupation's commitment to
service. It offers a guide to the public for understanding
professional conduct, serving to define practitioner and
client relations and unscrupulous conduct. In addition to
identifying and clarifying professional obligations, rights,
and privileges, such codes provide a basis for excluding

the incompetent and for defending the unjustly attacked
professional.

Lieberman suggests that a good code must be clear
enough to be applied to specific cases, must avoid
establishing unreasonable standards of behavior for prac—
titioners, and must not assume agreement on professional
policy where none exists. Furthermore, a good code care-
fully distinguishes clearly unethical behavior from merely
undesirable behavior since disciplinary action must follow
violation if the code is to be meaningful. A good code.
will be careful to clarify those areas where practitioners
are likely to come under unjustified lay criticism, and
will be complete in the sense that it does not neglect any
important ethical problem.35

Unless codes are enforced, they are practically
useless. Since enforcement of codes can result in suspen—
sion of a person from practice, it is essential they meet
the criteria of good laws similar to the Lieberman criteria.

IBecause teachers are publically employed salaried employees,

¥

35Ibid., pp. A17—u18.

62

any code capable of enforcement will necessarily involve
legal sanction. Since the professionalization process
involves securing a monOpoly over a social service,
activities in behalf of securing occupational control of
practitioner discipline in the form of legal support for

ethical codes is an important aspect of the total pro-

fessionalization process.

Problems in Professionalization

It might be argued that an evaluation of profession—
alization in an occupational organization should be
measured closely against the professional model. For
example, failure by the MFT to demand absolute control
over entry and exit might be regarded, in terms of the
model, as unprofessional behavior. Or, the failure of
the MFT’to show a pattern of involvement in professionaliza-
tion as developed by Wilensky might be taken as evidence
thatlflichigan teachers will not achieve full professional
Status. It must be recognized that the professional model
13 an:ideal type. It would be unrealistic to assume that
every ocucupation will follow the professionalization
prOSPeSSIOn described by Wilensky or that an occupation
Can achixeve the ideal attributes represented by the model
of PPOfession. Some of these obstacles must bepnoted
before a. clear understanding of the necessary limits of

this study can be appreciated.

63

The established professions do not measure up to an
ideal professional model in many respects. Medicine and
law, for example, do not hold a monopoly on knowledge or
function. Research scientists often possess more knowledge
than doctors. Osteopaths and chiropractors utilize medical
knowledge supposedly the legal monopoly of medicine (M.D.s).
Bankers are capable of drawing up wills and accountants
carry on detailed tax work.

Too much is often made of the scientific basis for
systematic and technical knowledge associated with pro—
fessions. While there is general social concensus on
science as a source of knowledge, it must be remembered
that the authority of science is obtained from that con—
census. Thus because opinion supports the authority of
religion, the ministry is also granted professional status.
In addition, the legal profession is based upon knowledge
only slightly modified by empirical research.36

Aspiring professions, like teaching, face threats
to exclusive jurisdiction because of the nature and struc—
ture of the knowledge base. The optimal base for profes—
sional knowledge is knowledge which is neither too broad

nor too narrow. If the knowledge is too precise and can

be learned as a set of rules it may well be programed on

 

36Howard S. Becker, "The Nature of a Profession," in
Education For the Professions, ed. by Nelson B. Henry,
The Sixty-first Yearbook of the National Society for the
Study of Education, Part II (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1962), pp. 27-A6.

6A

a computer. If the knowledge is broad, or based on
a vocabulary familiar to everyone such as is the Case with
much of the social sciences from which teaching draws its
knowledge, then demands to exclusiveness will be hard to
uphold. Ideally, knowledge for a profession is a combina—
tion of intellectual and practical knowing some of which
is explicitly learned and some of which is implied through
observation and practice. This combination makes long
training necessary and helps convince the public of the
mystery in the occupation.37

The rising education level of the general population
also poses a threat to professionalization. As the general
population becomes more sophisticated, actually sharing in
some professional knowledge, the mysteries of the profes-

38

sion lose some of their enchantment. This is particularly
true in education where more and more people have the
equivalent of the teacher's education.

There are a number of factors which undermine the
ideal of professional autonomy even in the established
professions. Because the fee-taking professional is
dependent upon the layman for income, he is often unable
to resist client control which often is based on non-

professional norms. One of the problems facing the

teacher is not so much the fact that his clients are in a

 

37Wilensky, pp. 1u8-150.

38Ibid.

65

position to undermine his autonomy, but the fact that his
clients (children) lack status in the larger community.
His clients are involuntary and must be with other teachers.
Because students lack power in the larger society, there

is little prestige attached to even the teacher who works
successfully with them.

A greater threat to the established profession and
professionally oriented groups are complex organizations.
Bureaucracies and professions offer two different models
for the organization of complex tasks. The profession
instills in each worker basic skills and the norms which
govern his application of skills. Each practitioner works
independently of others and is controlled by the surveil-
lance of colleagues. The bureaucratic model divides tasks
into separate parts, training workers to perform certain
segmented tasks. Since norms and standards are not inter-
nalized, supervision is needed to interpret how the work is
to be done and to coordinate the various workers. The
bureaucratic worker, lacking the training to view the over—
all goals or the adequacy of means to achieve them, cannot
be held responsible for the organizations' success or
failure. The professional, trained to deal with a total
process, not only expects to be held responsible for his
activities but also expects freedom to utilize whatever
means necessary to achieve results. Bureaucracies tend to

sacrifice the autonomy of the individual so that his

66

speciality can be fit into the organization. In addition,
the organization imposes its own rules, restricting the
individual's choice of means. The professional brings
norms and standards to the organization which are often

in conflict with operating procedures. While bureaucratic
authority is associated with a position, not knowledge,
professional authority is based upon competence. Profes-
sional training is also likely to instill values which
place the professional's orientation outside the organiza-
tion, making him less willing to respond to organizational
rewards.39

Teaching is marked by increasing bureaucratic organi—
zation. Teachers, because of the low pride and self
esteem attached to teaching, often do not develop the
professional commitment in training necessary to resist
bureaucratic demands. Teachers confront the additional
problem of being forced to buck traditional authority
vested in lay control and its administrative representa-
tives.

While current professionalization difficulties in
education would seem to center in the kind and quality of
training, it is well to note that studies show that the
supposed socialization into the professional community

associated with professional training may not be as

 

39W. Richard Scott, "Professionals in Bureaucracies—-
Areas of Conflict," in Vollmer and Mills, eds., Profes-
sionalization, pp. 265-275.

67

extensive as the model indicates. Lortie's study of law
school graduates reveals criticism which points out that
often professional socialization fails to occur during
training, and that the young lawyer's concept of law is
often entirely based upon his first job.Ll0 Becker and
Greer's study of medical students also reveals student
discontent with the structure of medical training.“1

The increasing employment of professionals in
organizations also threatens the ideal of self-regulation.
Friedson and Rhea, investigating colleague control of
doctors in bureaucratic organizations, concluded there is
little procedure in the medical community for colleague
regulation. Doctors were often unaware of the activities
of their colleagues because of the structure of the work.
It was concluded that administrative regulation filled a
vacuum engendered by the peculiarities of the professional
system of self-regulation.u2

An additional threat to the established professions

and to the professionalization of teaching, associated in

part with bureaucracy, is specialization. Segmentation

 

uoDan C. Lortie, "Professional Socialization," in
Vollmer and Mills, eds., Professionalization, pp. 98-101.

ulHoward S. Becker and Blanche Greer, "The Fate of
Idealism in Medical School," American Sociolpgical Review,
XXIII (February, 1958), 50-56.

u2Eliot Friedson and Buford Rhea, "Processes of
Control in a Company of Equals," Social Problems, XI (Fall,
1963), 119-130.

 

68

within the professions is a direct threat to the ideal of
the profession as a community of equals. In medicine it
has resulted in divergent views of the core task, con-
flicting methodologies and techniques, and even different
images of the client—practitioner relationship. Varying
associations have sprung up to serve the differing
interests, each developing their own ideologies and
colleagueships. The unified front presented the public

in the form of ethics and certification standards represent
the interests of those segments within medicine temporarily

A3

in power. In education, segmentation as exemplified by
different forms of certification represents a block to the
establishment of a unified occupation.

Autonomy for salaried professionals and aspiring
professionals seems to depend upon the degree to which the
organization itself is infused with professionalism. A
professional organization is one in which the members of
one or more professional groups play the central role in
the achievement of organizational objectives. Professional
employees are responsible for defining, implementing, and
enforcing standards. There are clearly marked boundaries
between administrative tasks and professional ones. Pro-

fessional organizations are exemplified by general hos-

pitals, good colleges and universities, and scientific

 

u3Rue Bucher and Anselm Strauss, "Professional
Associations and the Process of Segmentation," in Vollmer
and Mills, eds., Professionalization, pp. 185—195.

 

69

institutes. Public schools, at present, do not meet this
description. The public schools represent the type of
organization in which employees are clearly subordinated
to an administrative framework of elaborate rules and
routine supervisory controls in which it is difficult to
define professional responsibility. To what extent this
situation can be changed remains to be seen.uu

Another factor which affects the chance for organiza-
tional autonomy is the scarcity of the service offered by
the occupation as measured by attractive outside job offers.
Teaching, with the exception of certain scientific subjects,
has no leverage. The training of a vast majority of
teachers does not prepare them for any specific service
desired by the public outside the classroom.“5

It might be argued that bureaucratization and special-
ization destroys professionalism. A more fruitful approach
is to realize that just as bureaucracy invades the profes—
sions, so do the professions invade bureaucracy. Adherence
to the traditional model of a profession must not be so
rigid as to disregard the prospect that this confrontation
may well lead to new forms of professionalism and new forms
of control.

Teaching offers a preview of the mixed form of pro-

fessionalism which may evolve. Teachers face powerful lay

uuRichard Scott, "Reactions to Supervision in a
Heteronomous Professional Organization," Administrative
Science Quarterly, X (June, 1965), 51-68.

A5

 

 

Wilensky, p. 1A7.

70

boards who appoint supervisors often from lay ranks.
These groups have been the dominant voices. The pre-
existing power structure is an important barrier to full
professionalization and will play a major role in the
mixed forms of organization that teachers seeking pro—
fessional status may have to adopt.

The crucial questions concern how much weight pro—
fessionals and laymen carry in decisions regarding certifi-
cation, accreditation, standards of performance, and promo-
tion. If teaching can acquire a firm base of training, it
may acquire considerable autonomy, for professional train—
ing provides a source of role orientation which allows the
practitioner to rise above workplace indoctrination.

Professionalization is in large part a struggle for
prestige and income. Laymen and administrators present a
major barrier to teacher aspirations. Teaching is faced
by an organizational context which threatens the autonomy
and service ideal. It is an overcrowded occupation of low
rank where work is supervised often by laymen without
professional sympathy. At present it rests on a knowledge
base which may be too general and vague for the achievement
of the complete autonomy and exclusive jurisdiction
associated with the professional model.

Undoubtedly the occupation of teaching in the future
will combine elements of both the bureaucratic and profes—

sional model. For this reason, it becomes dangerous to

71

to judge the activities of an occupational association too
harshly by the ideal professional model. While it is
presently an open question as to what professional form
public school teaching will take, an examination of the
concept of profession and professionalization has
clarified those aspects of the occupational structure
which must be addressed by the occupation through its
associations if movement toward greater professional status
is to occur.

Summary: Categories for the Evaluation

of Professionalization in Teacher
Organizations

 

 

Three criteria have been identified as determinants
of occupational status: prestige, economic factors, and
social power. The prestige of public school teaching is
precarious for several reasons. Because teaching as an
occupation lacks control over entry and exit it attracts
many recruits who regard it not as an opportunity for
service but as a means of maintaining or advancing individ—
ual status with minimum risk. Prestige also suffers
because of an abnormally high number of women teachers who
because of low standards are able to find insurance in
teaching. Neither of these barriers to greater prestige
can be solved until the occupation succeeds in organizing
in a manner that will enable it to limit entry. Limiting

the number and quality of applicants is obviously what

72

moves to control certification and accrediting standards
will accomplish.

The economic rewards of teaching are unlikely to
increase rapidly enough to advance the status of the occu-
pation as long as there are no uniform high standards
which can serve to convince the public that teachers as a
group are highly competent. Without high standards,
teacher salaries will probably continue to be depressed
by the influx of unqualified or partially trained teachers.

While it is an over-simplification to argue that
teachers must earn public support, it is undoubtedly true
that more professional compensation will be in part
dependent upon the degree to which the occupation can
demonstrate its ability to police its own members, pro—
tecting the public from incompetents and the unqualified.

The status of teaching has suffered from the fact
that, occupationally, teachers have not recognized the key
role of political power as an underlying key to status and
professional standing. Until educational organizations
concern themselves with the control of the structural con-
ditions which determine occupational autonomy, prestige,
and economic rewards, as exemplified by the professional
model, gains in occupational status will continue to be
local and minor.

The professional model has been described as a com—

bination of structural and attitudinal aspects. While

73

there is not always a direct correlation between these
aspects even in the established professions, they are
normally closely associated.

Members of a professionalizing organization can be
expected to exhibit the following attitudes:

1. The use of the organization as a major
reference, both formally and in informal
colleague groupings, for ideas and judgment
concerning the practitioner in his work.

2. A belief in service to the public and in the
indespensability of the occupation to both
public and practitioner alike.

3. Belief in self—regulation and colleague control.

A. A sense of calling to the field and dedication
to the work.

5. A belief in the right of the practitioner to
make his own decisions without pressures from
non—members of the occupation or employing
organizations.

These attitudes can in part be expected to reveal
themselves in organizational concerns directed toward
securing control of the structural aspects of the profes-
sional model. A professionalizing organization will
reveal involvement in the following activities:

1. Political agitation directed toward securing

higher certification standards and the elimina-

tion of sub—standard certification. Efforts

7A

aimed at gaining occupational control over
administration of certification agencies.
Political agitation aimed at securing higher
accrediting standards for training institutions,
with emphasis on practitioner representation and
eventual control of such agencies.

Political agitation aimed at securing for the
occupation mechanisms whereby autonomy in the
work environment can be advanced, including
provisions for equal treatment of all qualified
practitioners and procedures preventing
arbitrary dismissal.

Political agitation directed toward improvement
of the welfare and status of practitioners.
High salaries, better retirement programs.
Political agitation directed toward creating
conditions conducive to the fulfillment of the
service ideal. Support and initiation of
programs designed to improve the quality of
public education, its public support, and its
availability to all citizens.

Agitation and activity aimed at the creation of
a legally supported ethical code, covering both
internal (colleague) and external (clients and
public) relations, designed to be enforced by

the organization itself.

75

In Chapter IV, these categories will provide the
framework for an evaluation of the Michigan Federation of

Teachers as a professionalizing organization.

CHAPTER IV

AN ANALYSIS OF PROFESSIONALIZATION

IN THE MFT 193A-1967

The purpose of this study is to determine the extent
to which the MFT has concerned itself with those activities
central to the improvement of the teaching occupation. The
concept of occupational status was explored as a means of
clarifying those issues crucial to the general improvement
of occupations. The drive for professional status by
teachers, it was suggested, can be seen as a group effort
to raise occupational status. 'The professional model was
found to represent an ideal model for high occupational
status.

The professional model is an ideal type of occupa-
tional organization which provides a model form of occupa-
tional organization that would result if any occupational
group became completely professionalized. Discussion of
the MFT as "professional" or "unprofessional" have been
avoided for this reason.

A more fruitful approach in light of the present
conditions of the teaching occupation is to ask how pro-
fessionalizing is a teacher organization. Professionaliza-

tion, as the process whereby occupations change in certain

76

77

characteristics in the direction of a profession, offers
a significant means of analyzing the extent to which MFT
activities are directed toward the improvement of the
teaching occupation.

In Chapter III crucial structural characteristics
were summarized as the specifiable criteria of profession-
alization in the MFT. The central problem is to determine
to what extent MFT behavior is professionalizing and
whether the organization is engaged in those processes
which are crucial to the attainment of greater professional

status.

Control of Entry

 

Certification

 

Control of entry has been identified as a major
characteristic of the professions. The professions
generally control membership through legal control of a
state board responsible for licensing practitioners. The
establishment and maintainence of high standards is per-
haps the key factor in the prestige normally associated
with professions, since the amount of training relative
to other occupations plays a large part in an occupation's
status.

The prestige of an occupation depends in part upon
the kind of people associated with it. Because there

exist no uniform high standards in education, teaching is

78

identified as a security occupation largely populated by
women. The lack of high standards and over-identification
of teaching with women lowers the occupational status by
lowering the prestige and also the economic rewards
associated with teaching.

Political action directed toward securing higher
certification standards and the maintainence of high mini—
mum qualifications for entry into teaching is one important
measure of the extent to which the MFT is a professional-
izing organization. Equally important for full profes-
sionalization in terms of the model are efforts to secure
occupational control over those political bodies responsible
for establishing and enforcing teacher certification
standards.

The Federation had long maintained the position that
higher standards were the solution to teacher shortage.

In l9A5, commending the Advisory Committee on Teacher
Certification for its refusal to issue temporary certifi-
cates to high school graduates in rural areas, the
Federation asserted that the teacher supply would continue
on a hit or miss basis as long as the state distributed

aid without making legislative provisions that would compel
districts to meet reasonable salary requirements and other
necessary educational standards. Again, in l9A8, the

State Convention urged equitable enforcement of certifica-

tion standards and insisted upon careful scrutiny of all

79

requests for emergency certificates. In 1950, the Federa-
tion condemned the practices of several superintendents in
Oakland County who admitted to hiring teachers with sub-
standard certificates when qualified personnel were
available, reaffirming its concern with reducing the number
of sub-standard certificates issued. In 1952, the MFT
recommended to the State Advisory Committee of Teacher
Education and Certification the elimination of all county
limited certificates after 195A.1

The MFT challenged the right of the appointed Commit-
tee to Review Certification Procedures in 19A9, questioning
the status of such a board which had no teachers among its
members. Federation representatives asserted the primary
problem was one of finding ways to discontinue issuance of
certificates for those with less than four years training.
It was urged that districts employing such teachers, at
sub—standard wages, should receive reduced state aid. The
need for establishing some form of certification for
administrators was noted, and attention called to the fact
that many administrators passing judgment on certified

teachers lacked special training or experience.2

 

lMichigan Federation of Teachers, "Minutes Eighteenth

Annual Convention," 1952. Wayne State University, Labor
History Archives, Michigan Federation of Teachers File.

2"MFT Raises Problems on Certification," Michigan
Teacher, VIII (December, 19A9), l.

80

In 1951, the Federation continued to tie its concerns
with certification to the School Aid Law. A measure was
reintroduced to penalize districts which employed teachers
with less than four years training at sub-standard salaries
in an amount proportionate to the extent the average salary
paid the emergency certified teacher was less than the
average salary paid qualified teachers employed in the same
districts.3

Carrying out this stand for uniform enforcement of cer-
tification standards, the Federation condemned actions of the
State Board of Education in 1959 which shelved its proposed
three year program to eliminate temporary certification. The
presence of provisionally certified teachers was unhealthy and
unwarranted, charged the MFT. In 1961 the Federation worked
for the defeat of two bills before the Legislature which it
was charged would have smashed holes in certification stand—
ards for teachers. One of these bills proposed the elimina-
tion of professional education requirements from the community
college certificate. The other would have undermined the
special certificate statute by granting on a year to year
basis special certificates to any holder of a B.A. deemed
satisfactory by any superintendent. Such a bill would, in
effect, claimed the MFT, reduce the State Board of Education

to a rubber stamp.“

 

3Michigan Federation of Teachers, Legislative Program
1951. (Mimeographed.) Wayne State University, Labor History
Archives, Michigan Federation of Teachers File.

u"Hope Springs Eternal," Michigan Teacher, XVIII
(September, 1959), A.

 

81.

The Federation joined with the MBA in opposing a
bill before the 1965 Legislature which would have weakened
the certification code. The bill would have excluded
certification requirements for private school institutions,
allowing uncertified teachers in grades one through eight.
This bill, an outgrowth of the Amish situation, was
successfully defeated.)5

The MFT record reveals a great deal of organizational
activity in the area of teacher certification. The main
efforts of the MFT have historically been directed toward
securing strict enforcement of existing certification
standards. The Federation has vigorously opposed all
legislation aimed at certifying any applicant with less
than four years training. From its founding the Federation
has attempted to secure enforcement of certification stand-
ards through legislation aimed at making state aid depen—
dent upon local district adherence to state certification
requirements. It has opposed programs that would have
allowed retired teachers to return to the classroom on the
grounds that they might be unqualified; At the other
extreme, the MFT has also opposed teaching intern programs,
arguing that they place unqualified people in classrooms
at the expense of children as well as qualified teachers.

The record, however, reveals little serious Federa—

tion concern with upgrading of teacher certification

 

5"Federation Hits Proposed Certification Exceptions,"
Michigan Teacher, XXII (April, 1965), l.

 

82

standards. While recommendations have periodically been
made to the State Board of Education suggesting that cer-
tain programs be included in teacher education programs,
there has been little consistent organizational concern
with the reform of teacher education or with extending the
training period.

While there have been efforts to secure teacher
representation on certification review commissions and the
election of state officials sympathetic to teacher inter-
ests, the MFT has exhibited no organizational concerns
either in concrete cases or in terms of long range strategy
that could definitely be interpreted as efforts to secure
teacher control over certification agencies.

There may be several explanations for the failure
of the MFT to seek control of certification agencies or to
maintain consistently any program directed toward upgrading
or lengthening of teacher training. The MFT exhibits a
strong commitment to a grass-roots concept of democracy.
Elements in the Federation undoubtedly believe that the
state as an agent of the public is the legitimate authority
in educational matters and that within this framework it
is the duty of teacher organizations as special interest
groups to work through political channels to influence
public policy. This attitude weakens the professionaliza—
tion process, for it conflicts with the professional claim

to authority-~knowledge.

83

Another possible explanation of MFT failure to
display leadership in the area of certification is that
the MFT knows full well that attempts to secure legal
monopoly over entry into teaching would end in failure
without the political power to bring it about. Strate-
gically there is something to be said for utilizing those
sources of political power available to influence the
decisions within the existing certification structure.

The MFT is a realistic organization and one of
limited resources. In terms of priorities, it has not
regarded teacher control of entry, higher standards, or a
longer training period as meaningful goals in light of the
obvious inability of the state to secure uniform enforce-

ment of minimum standards.

Accreditation

 

Control of entry by the professions has in many
instances been achieved through a practitioner controlled
accrediting association. Securing community support, such
associations have been able to gain legal sanctions that
prohibit admission to practice of anyone who has not
graduated from an accredited institution.

While strong certification standards would make
accrediting in education unnecessary, current practice is
toward the certification of anyone recommended by a teacher

training institution. Without strong certification

8A

standards, education needs some system for the evaluation
of the training schools themselves.

Because teachers are publically employed, and because
evaluation on an individual basis is so difficult, the
status of teachers is closely tied to the occupation as a
whole. There is a definite need for occupation—wide
standards legally supported by the state if teachers are
to attain professional status.

A study of MFT history does not reveal organizational
concern or political activity aimed at securing higher
standards for training institutions or practitioner control
of the existing accrediting agencies. MFT efforts at
shaping and directing structural aspects affecting the
occupation have been relatively minor, as noted in the dis—
cussion of certification.

The MFT record reveals that what efforts have been
made in the area of control of entry have been directed
toward minimum certification standards. Quite possibly,
this situation is due to the fact that certification
standards and the procedures whereby they are established
are closer to the actual political process, visably sensi—
tive to political pressure and closer to the legislative

influence that the MFT is able to generate.

Professional Ethics
The professions are characterized by their control

over the ethical and technical standards of practitioners.

85

This important aspect of professional control contributes
to a uniform socialization of new members and a sense of
identity on the part of the individual with the professional
organization.

Because professional associations control training,
prestige distribution, advancement, and ethical standards,
the profession forms a community in which there is strong
agreement on major values and role definitions. It is the
professional community which promotes and instills in
individual members those attitudes associated with pro-
fessions' belief in the service ideal, self regulation, a
sense of calling, and individual autonomy. Activities in
behalf of securing legal sanction for an ethical code
designed to be enforced by the organization itself is a
significant factor in the assessment of professionalization
in the MFT.

The Federation has displayed little concern with
either the formulation of an organizational code or
legislative action directed toward the legal imposition
of a code upon teachers. In terms of its own organization,
the MFT does not limit membership to teachers. There are
only two qualifications on membership. No policy making
school administrator may join the MFT, nor any member of
a subversive organization.

While the failure of the MFT to act in the area of

professional ethics is a serious matter, it may well be

86

that teaching can never achieve the degree of control over
practitioner behavior characterized by the professional
model.

One problem is the ambiguous knowledge base and the
corresponding inability to define in specific cases what
constitutes unprofessional behavior for teachers. Possibly
an even greater threat is the setting and particular
characteristics of public school teaching.

Teachers are publically employed and control of entry
is determined by state law. There is no one exclusive
organization which speaks for teachers. While the MFT
could enact an ethical code and high membership standards,
such a code would not be enforceable. The MFT does not
have the legal power to control who school districts hire
nor the legal right to dismiss them. In competition for
teacher allegiance with the MEA, high membership standards
at present might only serve to hinder MFT growth. While
the MEA has had for some time an ethical code, it is
ambiguous and little more than a paper symbol of profes-
sional aspirations.

Legal sanction for teacher ethical codes on the
state level is necessary if such codes are to have any
effect. While neither the MEA nor the MFT separately
nor collectively at present could gain the needed legis—
lative support necessary to institute a code similar to

those of other professional groups, the failure of the

87

Federation to concern itself with ethics is undoubtedly a

significantly non-professionalizing policy.

Teacher Autonomy

 

A distinguishing characteristic of professions is
the autonomy associated with professional practitioners.
Freedom in the work environment is a major factor in the
social power associated with an occupation and hence plays
a significant role in the determination of occupational
status. Professional autonomy rests upon claims to knowl—
edge of which the public is relatively ignorant.

Greater teacher control in educational decision
making at the local level faces several grave problems.

A major factor is the lack of expertise associated with
the educator's knowledge. The social sciences, from which
teaching draws much of its knowledge, lack a secret
language and deal so closely with everyday problems that
claims to expertise are hard to justify to an entrenched
lay power structure.

Teacher autonomy is threatened by the bureaucratic
organization of the public schools. Teachers have not
traditionally played a central role in the definition,
implementation, or enforcement of school objectives.
Teachers are clearly subordinated to an administrative
framework in which professional responsibility is diffi-

cult to define.

88

Practitioner autonomy has been a major organizational
interest of the MFT. It was concern for teacher autonomy,
in the form of efforts to secure enactment of a State
Tenure Law, that led directly to the formation of the MFT.

In November, 193A, Ann Arbor, Kalamazoo, Detroit, and
Grand Rapids local affiliates of the American Federation of
Teachers met in conference to discuss tenure. The confer-
ence endorsed a resolution which called for a tenure law
for Michigan teachers. On January 19, 1935, this same
group met in Ann Arbor, founding the Michigan Federation
of Teachers as an affiliate of the Michigan Federation of
Labor.6

The state organization established at this meeting
was composed of a President, Secretary, and an Executive
Board, made up of the presidents of the locals. The meet—
ing was addressed by the President of the American Federa-
tion of Teachers, whose words foreshadowed the future
direction of the Michigan Federation of Teachers. President
Lowery emphasized the need for a definite state program of
political action including a legislative program embodying

tax reform, tenure, and academic freedom. The conference

closed with the group going on record as favoring

 

6Michigan Federation of Teachers, Minutes of Joint
Luncheon Meeting of AFT Locals of the State of Michigan,
January 19, 1935. (Typewritten.) Wayne State University
Labor History Archives, Arthur Elder, Detroit Federation
of Teachers File.

89

inheritance, income, and gift taxes instead of the sales
tax as a means of financing the state government.7

The state organization of the MFT provided for the
establishment of several committees. The Executive Board,
composed of local presidents, was to serve as the Executive
Committee, responsible for legislation, organization, and
academic freedom. In addition, Pension, Progressive
Education, Salary, and Tenure Committees were formed.

One of the first acts of the MFT was to formulate a
tenure law for introduction into the 1935 Michigan Legisla-
ture. The MFT worked closely with the Michigan Federation
of Labor to introduce this-legislation. Locals of the MFT
affiliated with local labor councils were entitled to one
vote at the state labor convention. The MFT urged locals
to affiliate with labor, and at the 1935 Labor Convention
succeeded in gaining labor support for a state teacher
tenure bill. In addition, the MFT delegates to the Labor
Convention introduced a resolution calling for labor
representation on the University of Michigan Board of
Regents and a resolution calling for the recognition of
full citizenship rights for teachers.

The Legislative Committee, in addition to serving as

a clearing house for information on conditions in the member

 

71bid.

8Michigan Federation of Teachers, Report of the
Meeting of the State Federation of Teachers, October 13,
1935. (Typewritten.) Wayne State University, Labor History
Archives, Arthur Elder, Detroit Federation of Teachers File.

90

locals, instigated a number of studies in 1935. The
Michigan Federation of Labor was contacted and urged to
secure the aid of its locals in Battle Creek for teachers
there who, because of their opposition to a proposed
fifteen mill limitation on local tax sources supported by
the local board of education, found their teaching posi—
tions threatened. An investigation of the Republican can-
didate for the State Superintendent of Public Instruction
revealed that in his district of Hamtramck, teachers had
been forced to contribute to his campaign fund. In
addition to being forced to join the Michigan Education
Association, teachers there were penalized $50.00 for not
living in the city, and in the elementary grades were
forced to teach double classes of forty each. The results
of the investigation were forwarded to the State Democratic
Committee.9
Of major concern to the MFT during its first year
was the establishment of a mechanism for the organization
of new locals. MFT leaders recognized from the beginning
that teachers would be hard to organize. Because of
teachers belief in "professionalism," it was admitted that
affiliation with labor would be regarded as initially
highly undesirable by the majority of teachers. In addi—

tion, the strong opposition of boards of education to the

9Michigan Federation of Teachers, Report of the Meet—
ing of the State Federation of Teachers, March 16, 1935.
(Typewritten.) Wayne State University, Labor History
Archives, Arthur Elder, Detroit Federation of Teachers
File.

 

91

American Federation of Teachers made it essential, even
when it was possible to organize a local, to keep it under
cover until strong enough to face the opposition openly.
Newly formed locals were urged to go to the local union
groups, even before affiliating with them, for aid and
advice. The American Federation of Teachers was contacted
for aides to help speakers who had been recruited from the
local affiliates to assist with MFT organization. These
speakers worked closely with the Executive Board in estab-
lishing techniques for organization. It was decided that
the Detroit local would send organizers to communities in
the metropolitan Detroit area, while the Ann Arbor local
would direct organizing efforts in East Lansing and
Wyandotte.lO

The major accomplishment of the MFT during its first
year of operation was the introduction of the Tenure Bill,
the first piece of legislation of its kind ever introduced
in the state. The failure of the tenure drive resulted in
the realization that most teachers were unaware of the
issues involved. The Federation requested that each local

set up a committee to study tenure, report developments to

the locals and to aid in the formation of a new tenure bill.

 

10Michigan Federation of Teachers, Report of the

Meeting of State Federation of Teachers, February 2, 1935.
(Typewritten.) Minutes of the Joint Meeting, Cabinet and

Legislature Council, March 2, 1935. Wayne State University,

Labor History Archives, Arthur Elder, Detroit Federation
of Teachers File.

92

Officials‘ comments concerning tenure began to be documented
for future political campaigns by the state organization.ll

Drained financially by the tenure drive, the Federa-
tion continued to urge the locals to align themselves
politically with labor. Locals in Flint and Bay City,
working with the area and state Federation of Labor groups,
campaigned for the election of pro-labor school board
members. Kalamazoo teachers, with the support of labor,
succeeded in defeating a fifteen mill tax limitation amend—
ment.l2‘

It was decided at the time the Michigan Federation
of Teachers was organized, that affiliation of local
American Federation of Teacher locals with the Michigan
Education Association (MEA) would be maintained,-and that
the Federation would attempt to work with and through the
Association to attain its goals. The 1935 Federation
tenure bill received the endorsement of the Association‘s
Legislative Committee. It was out of events that arose
in the process of preparing a new tenure bill for the 1937
legislative session that the Michigan Federation of
Teachers discontinued affiliation with the MEA.

The Federation prepared a bill which provided for

the establishment of a Tenure Board of five members; two

 

llMichigan Federation of Teachers, Report of State
Federation of Teachers Meeting, February 20, 1936.
(Typewritten.) Wayne State University, Labor History
Archives, Arthur Elder, Detroit Federation of Teachers
File.

l2Ibid.

93

teachers, two school board members, and one layman
unassociated with either, to be appointed by the governor.
In attempting to secure MEA support, the Federation was
confronted with an Association's bill it found totally
unacceptable. Under the definition of certified teacher
in the MEA Bill, classroom teachers could be kept off the
Tenure Commission and administrators be appointed to those
positions which originally called for certified teachers
in the Federation's proposal. There was strong Federation
objection to the MEA three year proposed teacher probation.
The Federation favored a two year probation. The MEA bill
did not give the teacher the option of a public hearing,
nor did it provide for the continued pay of a teacher
during hearings which could take up to 150 days to complete.
Finally the MFT charged that the MEA Bill did not specifi—
cally clarify legitimate grounds for dismissal. Failure
to agree on a common bill was largely responsible for the
1936 decision of the MFT to discontinue affiliation with
the MEA.13
The MFT sponsored tenure bill in 1935 had been
Opposed in the House Education Committee. At that time
the MFT requested and obtained a public hearing on the
measure which resulted in much publicity and education

on the need for tenure. The MFT moved again in 1937,

 

l3Michigan Federation of Teachers, Minutes of Meet—
ing October 17, 1936. (Typewritten.) Wayne State Univer-
sity, Labor History Archives, Arthur Elder, Detroit
Federation of Teachers File.

9A

with the OOOperation of other groups. At the regular
session of the legislature, ammendments were incorporated
which crippled the bill and Governor Murphy was advised
that it was unacceptable. After meeting with the Governor,
he agreed to include tenure in his call for the 1937
special session. Murphy appointed a committee of inter-
ested organizations to draft a bill agreeable to all. The
MFT President, Arthur Elder, was appointed chairman. In
the special session, the bill was enacted largely as it had
been introduced. The MFT rejected the bill, however, for
at the last moment a local option clause was attached to
the bill at the insistance of small town opposition and
administrators who convinced many legislators that tenure
was neither needed nor wanted. While the bill was enacted,
it was for many years meaningless for MFT locals lacked
the strength to campaign and win local adoption of tenure.lu
In 1937, the MFT worked for several pieces of
legislation which failed to be enacted. With the support
of the Michigan Federation of Labor, a drive to obtain the
repeal of the noxious loyalty oaths for public employees
was undertaken. The MFT argued that such oaths, in
actuality, were attempts to control the thoughts as well
as the activities of teachers. Such oaths not only

reflected on the Americanism of teachers but were used as

 

lu"A History of the Teacher Tenure Act in Michigan,"
Michigan Teacher, III (January, l9AA), 2.

95

excuses for unwarranted dismissal. This drive failed to
end in legislative action as did MFT attempts to extend
the franchise in school elections.15

In 19A1 two amendments weakened the Tenure Law.
The first involved the age at which tenure teachers might
be put on a year to year contract basis. The MFT opposed
this amendment on the grounds that it failed to guarantee
that pension rights would be protected. The Federation
urged that mandatory retirement ought to be handled in the
Retirement Fund Law rather than in the Tenure Law. The
second amendment made coverage of principals and superin-
tendents Optional with the adopting districts. The MFT
opposed, arguing that since principals were not policy
makers, they deserved protection as much as the classroom
teacher. The MFT-MEA split was furthered as a result of
MEA failure to oppose these amendments before the hearings
held by the Senate Committee on Education.16

The Michigan Federation of Teachers continued its
efforts in l9A5-19A6 to strengthen the Tenure Law. The
MFT argued that those districts most in need of tenure to

secure the rights of teachers were those, under the

 

lbMichigan Federation of Teachers, A Message to
Michigan Teachers, 1937. (Mimeographed.) Wayne State
University, Labor History Archives, Arthur Elder, Detroit
Federation of Teachers File.

16"A History of the Tenure Act," Michigan Teacher, 2-

 

96

provisions of the 1937 law, least likely to locally adopt
tenure.l7
In a l9A9 meeting with the Governor, MFT representa-
tives pointed out that by failure of the legislature to
grant funds for the operation of the Tenure Commission,
the Tenure Law was, in effect, being sabotaged. The State
Aid Law, lacking guarantees that any of the funds would be
used for teacher salaries, was blamed for the shortage of
teachers in the state and the employment of over 7,000
temporarily certified teachers in Michigan. Failure to
insist on certification standards in the Aid Law would
result in the continued deterioration of school services.
As a result of such conferences with the MFT, MEA, and
other interested groups, the Governor appointed a Citizen's
Committee on Education Legislation to reconsider several
amendments to the State Aid Law. The Committee defeated
proposals that would have granted more money to ten month
districts, established a $2AO0.00 minimum salary, and
provided penalties for districts employing non—degree
teachers. The MFT noted bitterly that all MEA members of

the Committee voted against these measures.18

 

l7Michigan Federation of Teachers, Legislative
Program 19A5—19A6. (Mimeographed.) Wayne State Univer—
sity, Labor History Archives, Michigan Federation of
Teachers File.

18Michigan Federation of Teachers, Communication
to All Locals, May 9, l9A9. (Mimeographed.) Wayne State
University, Labor History Archives, Michigan Federation
of Teachers File.

97

In spite of these setbacks, the MFT introduced
legislation in l9A9 and 1950 that proposed extending the
coverage of the Teacher Tenure Act, making tenure mandatory
in all districts with more than fifteen teachers.

In 1958 the MFT legal council successfully cleared
three teachers before the State Tenure Commission. One of
these cases had been in process for eleven years. In
addition, two Frazer teachers were given contracts to which
they were legally entitled in a hearing before the Tenure
Commission. A Circuit Court decision in 1958 also enhanced
the Federation's position. In 1956 the Garden City school
board had questioned the jurisdiction of the Labor Mediation
Board, called in by the MFT local, to enter disputes con—
cerning teacher's salaries and conditions of employment.
The 1958 decision ruled that teachers had the right to seek
mediation through the State Labor Mediation Board when
negotiations were deadlocked. This decision, though
appealed and not upheld by the Supreme Court until 1962,
provided teachers with much needed leverage in dealing
with local boards.19

The MFT, like the AFT, has long been on record as
opposed to merit rating for teachers. Much of this
opposition stems from the traditional administrator—

teacher relationship in public school teaching. In 19A7

19"Year of Decision," Michigan Teacher, XVII
(September, 1958), 1.

 

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98

the Federation opposed the Master Teacher Concept, pub—
licized by the MEA on the grounds that it was an attempt

to retain the parental role of the administrator. Charging
that all children have the right to quality teaching, the
MFT argued that all teachers should be Master Teachers and
that any attempts to grade teachers results in dissention
and weakening of teacher morale. The Federation reaffirmed
its commitment to a single salary schedule based upon train—
ing and experience. It was charged that no objective
criteria had been develOped for rating teachers, and that
the administrators who would make such decisions were
neither subject to any standards of performance themselves
nor did they possess any qualifications for conducting such
activities. Not without warrant, the Federation maintained
that such programs in the past had often been used by
school districts as a means of economizing. Elusive stand—
ards, arbitrarily set by administrators offering promises
of higher pay to the few teachers who could meet them, the
Federation claimed, would only breed jealousy and mistrust
among the teaching profession.“ The real task, said the
Federation, is to secure professional certification stand-
ards to which all personnel must adhere. School districts
must then assume the responsibility of providing basic
professional salary schedules fOr teachers who are

qualified. Such schedules must be objective,

99

nonndiscriminatory, and attainable by all members of the
staff.20

MFT efforts to extend and broaden tenure protection
were dealt a blow in 1962 as a result of the passage of
Senate Bill 1303. This Bill in effect denied probationary
teachers adequate legal protection, for it denied the right
of such a teacher to demand a hearing before the school
board and required no reason be given in the teacher's
notice of dismissal. This Bill amended the Tenure Act
which had required fairness of notice in charges against
all teachers and provided the teacher with a right to
demand a hearing in all districts where Tenure had been
approved by the voters. The MFT condemned these amend-
ments, charging that all teachers should have a right to
know the specific reasons for dismissal and have adequate
legal procedures if the charges were deemed unfair. In
addition, the Bill increased the number of Tenure Commis-
sioners without increasing expense money, and put a limit
of $5,000.00 on the Commission's annual expense. The
MFT charged that this action would curtail drastically the
activities of the Commission.21

Noting that all teachers must be citizens to be

certified, the Federation condemned in 1963 the new State

 

20"The Master Teacher Plan," Michigan Teacher, VI
(December, 19A7), 2-

21"MFT President Blasts Phoney Senate Bill 1303,"
Michigan Teacher, XX (April, 1962), l.

 

 

lOO

Constitution's provision which prohibited teachers from
public office by either election or appointment. This,
charged the Federation, was direct obstruction to the
right of a teacher to exercise the rights of citizenship.22
The MFT from its inception had upheld the right of
every teacher to envoke and enjoy all the rights of
citizenship. The inculcation of good citizenship, a
primary objective of every teacher, the Federation long
maintained, was best effected by example. Decisions affect-
ing education are made continually in the political field
on the local, state and national levels. It is essential,
resolved the 1963 State Convention, to the validity of
these decisions that teachers be involved in their forma—
tion and promotion as well as execution. It is the right
and responsibility of teachers to engage in political
action. Noting that this role had not been actively pro—
moted by the majority of educational organizations, the
MFT reasserted its promotion and defense of teacher
engagement in political activities as individuals and in
groups. Local school boards were asked to recognize this
right as well as the important role teachers should play

in improving local education through the establishment of

 

22Michigan Federation of Teachers, Report of the

Human Relations Committee, 1963. (Mimeographed.) Wayne
State University, Labor History Archives, Michigan
Federation of Teachers File.

101

liberal leave policies and released time for teachers who
participated in community affairs.23

Noting the growing popularity of Citizens Committees
with school authorities and the fact that many of them
failed to include qualified teachers among their membership,
the MFT demanded that all such committees include teachers
in their membership. Where local authorities refused to
include teachers on such committees, local affiliates of
the MFT were urged to form their own citizen committees in
order that unprofessional and sub-standard practices could
be exposed and corrected.2u

In other action tied to the autonomy issue, the 1963
Convention, taking a firm stand on the practice of assign—
ing teachers extra duties, called for all duties of a non-
professional nature to be performed by persons other than
qualified teachers. The assumption of extra duties of a
professional nature, the Federation argued, are a matter
of voluntary individual choice. If it were necessary that
extra duties not directly connected to the teacher's pri-
mary responsibility of preparation and performance of

effective classroom experiences be undertaken by teachers,

compensation for such tasks must be on a professional level.

\

7*

23Michigan Federation of Teachers, "Minutes Twenty—
Ninth Annual Convention," 1963. Wayne State University,
.Labor History Archives, Michigan Federation of Teachers
File.

ZuIbid.

102

The MFT opposed in 1963 the STEP program administered
by Michigan State University. The MFT disapproved of the
STEP practice of staffing classrooms with only partially
trained teachers, not regularly or fully certified. Such
a practice, charged the Federation, deprives students of
the right to be taught by competent instructors and is a
violation of equal educational opportunity. Such programs,
it was claimed, serve as a wedge for the employment of
unqualified personnel at lower salaries at the expense of
the skilled. In 196A the Michigan State University Intern
Program was opposed for the same reasons.25

A significant piece of legislation forwarded by the
Federation in 1963 was the request that a state law be
enacted to provide a process of arbitration in teacher
disputes with local boards of education. Noting that
teachers were forbidden by law to strike and that nego—
tiations were the only possible path in the pursuit by
teachers of legitimate educational needs, the Federation
pointed out that such negotiations were meaningless when
power resided on one side only.26

In 1965 the MFT pushed again for an amendment to the
Tenure Act provisions for Probationary Teachers. The

Federation maintained that since all teachers must be

certified before teaching in the public schools that

 

25Ibid.

26Ibid.

103

such certification establishes their educational
qualifications. The present Tenure Act, in creating a
probationary period of two years during which a district
could discharge a teacher without reason or just cause,
completely ignores this fact, charged the Federation.
Qualified teachers are given no protection against dis—
criminatory dismissal. The amendment proposed would have
provided for appeals by probationary teachers from actions
by school boards which violated the Teacher Tenure Act.

When the legislative reapportionment case decision
was handed down in 196A, a two-fold program had been
launched by the MFT. First, the drafting of proposed col-
lective bargaining legislation was begun. Secondly, the
Federation began a campaign for the election of liberal
legislators.

For many years the MFT had advocated collective
bargaining as a mechanism by which teachers could improve
their economic and professional status. The MFT worked in
cooperation with the Public Employees Legislative Committee,
Michigan AFL—CIO, and the liberal legislators elected in
196A for the passage of Public Act 379, which amended the
Labor Mediation Act making it lawful for public employees
to organize and to select an exclusive negotiating agent.
These groups also worked for the passage of House Bills
1953 and 195A, which guaranteed public employees the right

'to organize and negotiate, with the right of securing aid

10A

from the Labor Mediation Board in impasse situations.
Finally, the legislative package included Pulbic Act 282
which required public employers to negotiate with their
employees.27

The MFT had long regarded teacher problems,
especially collective bargaining, as part of a total
situation facing all public employees. Special delight
was taken by MFT representatives that the final legisla—
tion passed bore little resemblence to the MEA's profes-
sional negotiations bill. The Federation charged that the
MEA had long opposed collective bargaining, the use of
labor mediation services, and strikes. Their position
seems to be, reported the Federation, that teachers are
special and should be treated differently from other public
employees and that teacher interests would be better served
by administrators serving as their bargaining representa—
tives. While the MFT held that teachers were an integral
part of society, they refused to picture teacher problems
as separate or distinctly unique.28

Highland Park held the first election under the 1965

laws. The Highland Park Federation of Teachers was elected

sole bargaining agent on September 29, 1965. By the end of

 

27"MFT or MEA Who'll Work For You?" Michigan Teacher
(September, 1966), 2.

28Henry B. Linne, "Philosophy of Negotiation——AFT‘S
Position," Michigan Teacher, XXII (February-March, 1965),
2. I

105

that year seventeen elections had been held. The MFT won
thirteen, the MEA four.

Intensive Federation activity followed the enactment
of collective bargaining legislation. Through the Coopera—
tive Organization program instituted by the AFT, the MFT
was provided with financial aid which enabled the hiring
of four organizers and one administrative assistant. This
three year program contained a built-in phasing out factor
based on the premise that growth of MFT membership due to
the program would enable the state organization to assume
the entire responsibility for the program. In 1966—1967
the Cooperative Organization budget was $53,197.00.29

By September of 1966, fifteen MFT locals had con—
tracts under the new collective bargaining law. Five
strikes had been held. The MFT pointed with pride to the
fact that these contracts established maximum class sizes,
teacher selection of all staff members to serve on school
committees, and an agreement that prohibited school boards
or administrators from making changes in school policies
without negotiation with teachers.30

The MFT noted what it called the failure of the MEA
to adequately support its districts in negotiations during

the first year under the new laws. Many MEA districts

 

29Dick Hixon, "General Discussion of Co-Org,"
,Mgchigan Teacher, XXV (May, 1966), 2.

30"New AFT Contracts Give Real Power to Teachers,"
Dfiichigan Teacher (September, 1966), 1.

106

found themselves alone in drafting demands and conducting
collective bargaining with local boards. In some districts,
MEA model contracts found their way into the superintend-
ent's office up to two weeks before local teacher leaders
were sent copies. It was MFT policy to provide personnel
to work with all locals in the drafting of demands.
Wherever militant action was necessary, additional aid in
the formulation of strategy and strike plans was given.31

As of May, 1966, the Federation claimed to have won
twenty—one collective bargaining elections to the MEA‘s
twenty-three. The MFT successfully defeated MEA attempts
to change the bargaining agent in six districts. As of
May, 1966, the MFT consisted of 62 local affiliates and
had increased its membership to 12,000 from 10,85A in
1965. By way of contrast, MEA teacher membership in 1966
stood at 63,A28.32

It has been the Federation's policy to assist each
local, upon request, in the attainment of desirable
salaries and teaching conditions. The MFT makes available
data from state, national and local sources, and gives
leadership in the practical use of this information as
well as that compiled by the local itself. Much of this

aid is aimed at establishing reasonable conditions

 

31"Who'll Work For You?" Michigan Teacher. 2-

32Michigan Education Association, "A Chronology of
Michigan Education and of the Michigan Education Associa-
tion 1817-1966," 1967.

 

107

regarding class size, instructional materials, hours,
facilities, and the improvement of salary schedules.

A significant portion of the MFT budget is reserved
for defense purposes. Twenty cents of the $2.50 monthly
dues established at the 1966 Convention were earmarked for
the Defense Fund. This separate fund exists to provide
financial support and assistance in tenure cases, civil
suits connected with the protection of the non-tenured
teacher‘s contract, and for negotiating purposes. This
fund is administered by the Federation's Administrative
Board. Because tenure conditions and proceedings calling
for civil suits in connection with contracts are imposed
upon members, the MFT assumes the major financial responsi-
bility in these cases. In extraordinary circumstances the
Constitution allows the Administrative Board to supplement
the Defense Fund with other monies.33

Under the present Tenure Law the school board, at
the option of the teacher, must provide a hearing to take
place not less than thirty nor more than forty—five days
after the filing of charges. The school board must then
render a decision in writing within fifteen days after the
hearing. The teacher then has the right to appeal this

decision of the school board to the State Tenure Commission.

 

33Michigan Federation of Teachers, Proposed Policy
Concerning MFT Defense Fund Disbersement for Teachers
Institute held at Haven Hill, December 10, 1965.

108

The teacher or the school board may appeal the Commission's
decision to the State Supreme Court.314

The MFT furnishes assistance and legal council to
any member upon written request from the local involved.
By approved policy the local must share that portion of
the expenses incurred that its membership bears to the
state membership. In such cases the MFT demands exclusive
rights in the handling of the case.

In collective bargaining campaigns, loans are made
available by the Federation to locals. These loans are
subject to several conditions. The MFT must first have
been consulted as to the advisability of initiating such
campaigns. Any local must, as an eligibility factor,
demonstrate affiliation with and participation in its
respective county labor body and the Michigan State AFL-
CIO.35

In actual contract negotiations, each local is
assigned a representative from the MFT to assist in the
formation of contract terms. The MFT retains the services

of a law firm and where necessary an attorney is made

available.

 

3“Michigan Federation of Teachers, Procedures Under
Tenure. In report prepared for Teachers Institute,
December 10, 1965.

35Michigan Federation of Teachers, Policy on MFT
Assistance to Locals in Collective Bargaining Campaigns,
March 21, 196A. (Mimeographed.)

109

A major function of the Federation has been the
initiation and coordination of a legislative program.
From this perspective, the MFT seeks to inform individual
members and locals on current and prospective legislative

actions. Members are kept informed through The Michigan

 

Teacher, the Federation's official publication. Legisla-
tive bulletins are issued periodically along with the

"Fed News," which attempts to keep up with developments in
the different locals.

The Federation conducts each fall five teacher
institutes. Semi-annual conferences are held at Haven Hill,
near Pontiac, dealing with important organizational con—
cerns. The 1965 conference dealt with political activity
by teachers. Numerous workshops are held on an irregular
basis. Each fall school finance workshops are conducted.

Practitioner autonomy has been a major organizational
concern of the MFT. The Federation has worked since 193A
for the establishment of a state-wide mandatory tenure law.
It has been the MFT's position that every teacher, by
evidence of his full certification, is a qualified expert.
Hence the Federation has worked for the establishment of
a tenure law that would insure every qualified teacher a
right to the specification of charges against him in
dismissal notices, and the right to a public hearing of
such charges. The burden of proof lies with the school

district, not the teacher. The MFT has struggled to secure

110

teacher representation on the Tenure Commission and adequate
funds for the Commission's operations.

Critics have made the claim that the AFT protects
incompetent teachers. Much of this criticism undoubtedly
stems from the fact that teachers often turn to the Federa-
tion for aid when charged with incompetence. The MFT is
generous in defense of its members. It provides legal
council and assumes the major financial burden in defense
cases. A teacher's incompetence is the issue in a hearing
and the MFT, by backing its membership in cases wherever
there is a questionable doubt, is not only defending the
teacher but also the occupation's reputation. Militant
defense of practitioners in the face of lay criticism is
a major characteristic of the professions. To act other—
wise, to shy away from a challenge to teacher competence,
would be non—professionalizing.

As in the case of tenure, the MFT has pursued a
policy in all matters based upon equal competence of certi-
fied teachers. The MFT has attempted to secure elimination
on both the state and local levels of discrimination in
teacher placement, hiring, salaries, and promotion based
upon age, race, sex, or religious faith. The MFT has
opposed merit pay proposals as destructive to the principle
of equal competence. The MFT maintains that training
standards must be set high enough and enforced, to insure
qualified teachers, and that salaries must be based upon

standards that are attainable by all qualified personnel.

111

The MFT has attempted to legislate in numerous cases
provisions to increase teacher autonomy. It violently
opposed loyalty oaths for teachers in the 1930's and
19AO‘s, charging they not only reflected upon the character
of individual teachers but were attempts to control pro-
fessional thought and actions. It has attempted to secure
the elimination of required non-professional duties for
teachers. Local school boards have been urged to provide
liberal released time for teacher participation in profes-
sional and civic affairs. Local districts have been
censured by the MFT for setting up Citizen Committees
without teacher representation and where teacher membership
on such committees has been refused the Federation has
aided local teachers in the formation of their own com-
mittees in order to secure a professional voice in local
issues.

The MFT has tried to secure professional standards
at the state level. Attempts have been made to attach
curriculum qualifications, maximum class size, and teacher
loads to the State Aid Bill since 19Al.

The most significant success in the advancement of
teacher autonomy was the Federation's effort in behalf of
collective bargaining. The Federation played a significant
role in drafting and securing passage of the 1965 legisla-
tion which granted teachers the right to bargain collec-

tively with local school districts.

112

It has been the MFT's position that teachers needed
to be given legal powers before meaningful bargaining could
proceed with school boards on an equal basis. MFT con-
tracts under the new legislation reveal many significant
gains in the recognition by local school boards of the
teacher's right to a say in policy making decisions. The
first failure to negotiate a contract under the new laws
occurred in North Dearborn Heights. Part of the failure
was due to the MFT local's refusal to rescend demands made
for teacher control of texts and curriculum decisions. As
in this and other matters, the MFT has held fast to the
promise that employee benefits are not granted by employers

but are taken by employees.

Teacher Welfare

 

Improvement of practitioner welfare was seen to be
a characteristic of professional organizations. Profes-
sionalization, asa drive for occupational status, is also
a move for higher income. Critics of AFT activities over—
look the fact that improvement of individual welfare is a
prime aspect of professional activity and a key factor in
occupational status. The history of professionalization
reveals an active political concern by professional occupa-
tional organizations with improvement of the economic
rewards associated with the occupation.

From its founding, the MFT has displayed a genuine

concern for the improvement of teacher welfare. Prior to

113

the 1936 state elections, candidates had been approached
for their views on education. Governor—elect Murphey who
had promised his support for a state retirement fund for
teachers if elected, was approached by the MFT in 1936.
Up until that time, the retirement fund was supported
entirely by teachers. The MFT with its own representa-
tives and in cooperation with the Michigan Federation of
Labor, assured of the governor's support, introduced a
bill which was enacted into law. The bill provided that
the state contribute $325,000.00 annually, and a propor—
tionate share to the separate Detroit teachers fund. The
teachers were to contribute 3 per cent of salary up to
ninety dollars. The minimum annuity established was
$600.00, the maximum $1,200.00.36

In l9AA the state organization supported the
establishment of definite standards to improve the condi—
tion of teachers. A minimum state salary of $2,000.00
was proposed for public school teachers. It was advocated
that a district, in order to receive state aid, must
submit salary schedules to the Department of Public
Instruction. Many districts lacked any orderly salary
schedules for teachers. In addition, state aid was to be
made dependent upon an actual average class size of

thirty pupils for a five hour day. Finally the Federation

 

36"A Look at the Retirement Record," Michigan
Teacher, VIII (December, l9A9), l.

11A

opposed any difference in pay to teachers on the basis of
sex, race, or marital status.37
In l9A9 MFT representatives met with the appointed
Commission on Public School Retirement Systems, outlining
the Federation's position. It was pointed out that
adequate financial support called for matching year to
year state contributions to teacher retirement funds.
It was necessary claimed the MFT, for the state to provide
for the meeting of state obligations for prior service.
An amendment was recommended to allow teachers with ten
years' service to remain in the retirement fund system,
applying such funds if desired, toward a reduced pension
at retirement age. In addition, the protection of non-
tenured teacher's pension was urged. The Federation asked
that when a certified teacher was denied a hearing or
appeal that the district discriminating be required to pay
twice the normal contribution of that teacher into the
pension fund during the period of the teacher's unemploy—
ment.38
The MFT in its 1950 Convention called, for the first
time, for the adoption of a single state—wide salary
schedule, providing $3,000.00 minimum salary with annual

increments of $200.00. The Federation also succeeded in

 

37Michigan Federation of Teachers, Minutes of the
Meeting of the Executive Council, December 9, l9AA.
(Mimeographed.) Wayne State University, Labor History
Archives, Michigan Federation of Teachers File.

38"MFT Outlines Retirement Program," Michigan
Teacher, VIII (December, l9A9), l.

115

having introduced before the 1950 legislature a bill
abolishing lunch period duty for teachers.

In 1951 the Federation again attempted to secure
passage of extended tenure coverage to all districts
employing twenty-five or more teachers, as well as the
full legislative appropriation for the administration
of the Tenure Commission. Legislation was also proposed
to advance a three point MFT retirement program. First,
the Federation wanted provision incorporated into the
Retirement Law to provide for reciprocity between all
publicly supported funds in Michigan and also between
Michigan and other states, including provision for the
obtaining of service credit under social security.
Second, vesting of employee and employer retirement con—
tributions in the employee who leaves after fifteen years
or more, and third, protection of the qualified teacher
against arbitrary dismissal in non-tenured districts with
two or more years service. This protection would take the
form of requiring the district which did not provide the
teacher a means of appealing his dismissal to pay both
contributions to the retirement fund until the teacher
found a job offering comparable retirement protection.
The MFT also advocated raising the sales tax diversion

support for public schools from the then current AA.77

116

to A8.05 per cent, to include support for the state's
share of the School Employees Retirement Fund.39
Reintroduced also in 1951 was the Federations'
legislation to transform the State Aid Bill into one
that would raise educational standards and stimulate
local responsibility for education. Legislation re—
quiring a pupil-teacher ratio of thirty to one was
introduced as well as a bill proposing a minimum salary
for all qualified teachers of $3,000.00. Separately
introduced was a bill calling for the establishment of
salary schedules by all districts to be filed with the
State Superintendent of Public Instruction, based only
on training and experience.”0
The MFT attacked in 1951 a proposed amendment to
the Employees Retirement Fund Act which would have allowed
retired teachers to earn up to $600.00 annually substi-
tuting without affecting their retirement status. The
Federation challenged the proposed amendment on the
grounds it did not provide for the protection of students
from teachers who may be incompetent. In addition, the
proposed payment fee of $10.00 a day to such people was

seen as a threat to the salary standards of regular

teachers. The fact that the Bill was even introduced,

 

‘V

39Michigan Federation of Teachers, Communication to
all Locals, January A, 1951. (Mimeographed.) Wayne State
University, Labor History Archives, Michigan Federation
of Teachers File.

”01b1d.

117

charged the Federation, was evidence that the present
pension was too low for retired teachers. If so,
promoters of such bills ought to work with the MFT for
increased retirement allowances as a solution to the
problem. The MFT favored increasing the base for
determining retirement allowances from $3,600.00
to $A,800.00. The MFT also advocated increasing the
retirement pay for teachers who retired prior to 19A5,
many of whom faced hardships on $300.00 to $AO0.00
pensions.“l
In 1951 the MFT established what was to become an
annual event. Workshops in school finance were instituted
to aid local members in gaining an understanding of those
factors involved in sound school operations. A panel of
experts was established to aid the locals in budget study.“2
The Federation continued to call in the early fifties
for a single state salary schedule. Additional measures
advocated to meet the teacher shortage, included a call
for mandatory tenure, higher salaries, and more democratic
relations between teaching staffs and school administrators.

The 1961 legislative program of the MFT contained a

number of measures directly related to teacher welfare.

ulMichigan Federation of Teachers, "Minutes Seven—
teenth Annual Convention," 1951. Wayne State University,
Labor History Archives, Michigan Federation of Teachers
File.

uZMichigan Federation of Teachers, Communication to
All Locals, January 29, 1951. (Mimeographed.) Wayne
State University, Labor History Archives, Michigan Federa-
tion of Teachers File.

 

118

Supported were bills to: raise the minimum retirement
from $1200.00 to $1800.00; require school boards to allow
teachers a forty-five minute lunch period; increase the
State Tenure Commission allowance from $5.00 to $30.00 a
day while hearing cases, and a bill that would have
allowed local districts to provide insurance coverage for
employees. An amendment to the School Code was sought to
require school districts to institute a minimum salary
schedule of $A800.00 to $9600.00 in ten years.

In 1962 the Federation again introduced a duty free
lunch hour measure for all teachers and a minimum salary
proposal. As in the past, both of these measures failed.”3

As of June, 196A, reserves credited to the pension
fund totaled only 17 per cent of the reserves necessary
for adequate funding of the Michigan public school employees
retirement system. Noting that the funds to be paid during
1965-1967 would seriously deplete the necessary reserves,
thereby endangering the state commitment to retirement
benefits, the Federation supported a bill which would have
provided 10% per cent of the aggregate compensation to
school board employees for the fiscal year 1965-1966 and
128 per cent for 1966-1967. This rate claimed the Federa—

tion would be sufficient to maintain an adequate reserve.

 

“3"MFT Sets Goals to Strengthen Union," Michigan
Teacher, XX (March, 1962), A.

“u"Michigan Federation Outlines New Programs for
State Legislation," Michigan Teacher, XXII (February-
March, 1965), 2-3.

119

The Federation proposed that such financing of the
pension fund would enable a minimum retirement allowance
of $2AO0.00 to be paid teachers with thirty years service.
In final form, this bill granted $1800.00. In addition,
it was requested a cost of living factor be incorporated
into the Retirement Law. Finally the Federation favored
an amendment which would have required retirement policies
of school boards be applied in a uniform manner to all
teachers.145

To summarize, the MFT has displayed a genuine effort
to upgrade the status and welfare of practitioners through
legislative action. In 1936 the Federation secured Legis-
lative adoption of a State Retirement Fund for teachers.

It has fought mandatory retirement for teachers and the
exclusion of non—policy making administrators from retire-
ment benefits.

The Federation has introduced legislation to provide
retirement reciprocity between local districts and between
Michigan and other states. It has supported the introduc-
tion of a cost—of—living factor into the retirement system,
and higher base salaries for the determination of pensions.
The Federation has attempted to aid retired teachers by
introducing legislation aimed at increasing pensions and
providing a means whereby the retired could earn income

without becoming ineligible for retirement benefits.

 

“5Michigan Federation of Teachers, "Minutes Thirty-
First Annual Convention," 1965.

120

Since 1936 the Federation has attempted to secure
legislative earmarking of funds for teachers' salaries
in the State Aid Bill. The Federation has argued that
little of the money granted by the state ever finds its
way into teachers' salaries. In 1937 the MFT proposed
for the first time a state—wide minimum teachers' salary.
The Federation sought throughout its early history a state
requirement that every district establish an orderly
salary schedule for teachers, and opposed local school
boards who followed unsound salary schedules or discrimi—
nated against qualified personnel. In 1951 the Federation
proposed legislation for the first time to provide a state—
wide minimum and maximum salary schedule.

MFT activity in tenure and collective bargaining,
it must be remembered, are programs closely related to
welfare. Because of the close connection between teacher
welfare, autonomy, and public service, it is difficult to
separate activities in any of these areas from one another.
While MFT activities in Teacher Tenure advanced teacher
autonomy, they also advanced teacher welfare and status.
This interrelatedness of issues is well illustrated in the

following discussion of the service ideal.

The Service Ideal

 

Because the professions are committed to public
service, professional organizations are associated with

leadership in the advancement and support of programs

121

designed to further the realization of the service ideal.
A professional organization differs in ideal type from a
trade union in that it is not so much an interest group as
it is an agency for facilitating the development of its
field in the public interest.

It is difficult to measure the extent to which any
program advanced by an organization is motivated by public
service orientation. This is particularly true in educa—
tion when efforts in behalf of the professional field——
certification standards, class size, tenure-~are also
beneficial to public education. The MFT has a long record
of legislative efforts to improve the quality and support
of public education.

In 1936 the MFT began its long battle against the
procedure for allocation of state aid. Charging that
increased state aid was not reflected in teacher's salaries,
the Federation went on record as supporting a system of
state aid which would be allocated on the basis of the
ability of a local community to support its schools. Such
a plan, the Federation argued, must require that school
districts meet minimum requirements relating to teaching
load, salaries paid teachers, enrichment of the curriculum,
and adult education. These requirements, the Federation
argued, must be set by state law. Under the present

system, it was charged, many school districts were using

122

state aid to reduce local debts rather than to improve
the character of education and the welfare of teachers.“6
In the late thirties and early forties, the MFT
directed much of its efforts toward reform of the state
tax system. The Michigan Constitution had been ammended
in the early thirties to limit, without a referendum, the
total amount of taxes that could be assessed against
property for all purposes to a per cent of assessed valua-
tion (15 mills). In 19Al the MFT put forth a ten point
tax reform program. (1) The repeal of the 15 mill
limitation. (2) The adoption of a corporate income tax.
(3) Revision of the inheritance tax law. (A) Enactment
of a gift tax. (5) Revision of intangibles tax law or
substitution of a personal income tax. (6) The gradual
reduction and elimination of the sales tax. (7) The
establishment of a bureau of revenue. (8) Improved assess-
ment practices. (9) Support or elimination of overlapping
units of government in the state. (10) The incorporation
of standards in laws providing state funds for local com—
munities. These standards would provide fund distributions
based upon compliance of local districts with state estab-
lished class sizes, salaries paid teachers, length of
school year, type and cost of school program maintained,

and local assessment practices. In addition, the MFT

 

”6Michigan Federation of Teachers, Minutes of the

Meeting of the State Federation of Teachers, April 25,
1936. (Typewritten.) Wayne State University, Labor
History Archives, Arthur Elder, Detroit Federation of
Teachers File.

123

sought to have the receipt of state funds tied to the
application of the Teacher Tenure Act to ensure security
in service to competent teachers.“7

During l9A1 the MFT co-sponsored the introduction
of a corporate income tax bill, gift tax bill, and a bill
to provide for the reduction of the sales tax from 3 to 2
per cent. In part as a result of these efforts, in 19Al
a state centralized bureau of revenue was established as
well as re-organization of the state tax commission.)-l8

In 19AA the MFT approved legislation calling for
the establishment of a County School Reorganization
Committee and the creation of fourth class school districts.
In addition, the MFT Executive Committee favored requiring
a school levy of 6% mills of assessed valuation as a pre—
requisite for state aid.

Effort continued in l9A5 to secure incorporation of
standards into the state aid distribution system. Many
districts able to support a reasonable school program had
decreased local support and in spite of increased state
aid were characterized by large classes, underpaid teachers,
and shortened terms. The MFT introduced, as it had in

four previous legislative sessions, minimum salary legis-

lation. Such schedules, the Federation argued, encourage

 

_-.._~

“7Michigan Federation of Teachers, "Minutes of the
Eighth Annual Convention," 19A2. Wayne State University,
Labor History Archives, Michigan Federation of Teachers
File.

ualbid.

12A

continuity of service and provided incentives for com-
petent teachers. The Federation blamed low salaries as in
part responsible for the fact that approximately A500

war emergency certificates which had been issued to
teachers with inadequate training were still in effect as
of l9A5. Many school districts not only disregarded
salary schedules of any kind but discriminated against
married women teachers and paid higher salaries to less
experienced teachers at the expense of teachers older in
service during times of teacher shortage.“9

The Federation argued that since the purpose of
state aid was primarily to equalize educational opportunity
for children in districts unable to otherwise provide
adequate facilities, the formula for distribution should
provide more generously for those communities which on the
basis of honest assessment had low taxable wealth per
pupil.

During the depression, the Michigan Legislature had
passed an amendment to the school law which gave school
boards the discretionary right to refuse the use of
school buildings for educational or civic purposes. The
MFT charged this power had been abused and used in many
instances to throttle free discussion. Farmer's groups,

civic discussion groups, women's groups, committees and

 

ugMichigan Federation of Teachers. "Officers
Reports, Twelfth Annual Convention," 19A6. Wayne State
University, Labor History Archives, Michigan Federation
of Teachers File.

125

labor unions from all parts of the state, said the
Federation, had been denied the use of school buildings.
The MFT argued that the school must remain a civic center
in the community and worked actively for the repeal of
this amendment.

The Federation continued to push in 19A5 for the
fundamental revision of Michigan tax setup on the basis
of ability to pay. While labor groups have traditionally
supported adequate state aid for schools, the MFT warned
that labor support could not be expected indefinitely for
educational expenditures that were financed in major part
by taxes on consumption. The tax system had been compli-
cated by the adoption of the Fifteen Mill Tax Limitation
Amendment. Many wealthy local communities, which had
elected to come under the amendment, had shown, the
Federation argued, an inability to function within the
limitation. The MFT noted the growing tendencies in such
communities to make excessive demands on the state for
funds to support local services.50

In l9A6 the MFT went on record as supporting federal
aid to education. Noting that state and local taxes so
far devised had been inadequate to support school systems
which met minimum educational standards, the Federation

argued that federal aid was a necessity if all children

 

50Michigan Federation of Teachers, Legislative Pro-
gram 19A5—l9A6. (Mimeographed.) Wayne State University,
Labor History Archives, Michigan Federation of Teachers
File.

126

in all states were to receive a minimum acceptable educa-
tion. The MFT joined the American Federation of Teachers
in supporting a proposed Federal Aid Bill. The bill pro-
vided for distribution of funds on the basis of need so
that equalization of opportunity between states could be
realized. The bill provided for further funds to be dis—
tributed for specific services, and also a third fund for
educational assistance to the needy, regardless of their
place of residence. The Federation distributed publicity
to all locals on this measure and urged the contact of
Congressmen and Senators in its support.51
The state financial problem grew more accute in the
late forties and drew increasing attention from the MFT.
In 1932, due to the depression, local governments were
limited in taxing power by the Fifteen Mill Tax Limitation
Amendment voted into the Constitution. At the same time,
the legislature had passed an emergency 3 per cent general
retail sales tax. The state then withdrew from the
property tax field except for sales tax on utility proper-
ties. During the forties the market value of property
increased but assessments lagged, contrary to the state
Constitution requirements. This reduced further the tax
rate power. Population increased and increasing costs
put local governments and schools in a bad financial

position. In l9A6, in the face of local frustrations, the

 

5lIbid.

127

Sales Tax Diversion Amendment was passed. This amendment
required the state legislature each year to appropriate
for school purposes for the ensuing year an amount equal
to AA.77 per cent of the sales tax of the immediately pre-
ceeding year. The MFT opposed this amendment, as it had
the Fifteen Mill Limitation Amendment, because it was seen
as restricting local educational responsibility as well as
state government responsibility. In addition, the amendment
failed to provide safeguards for distribution of the funds.
As predicted, in 19A7 the legislature began the policy, in
the face of strong Opposition from the MFT, of deducting
its appropriation for the retirement fund from the amount
due the schools in sales tax revenue.52
The MFT pointed out that while the average tax rate
in Michigan districts in 19A6 was $8.00 per $1000.00
assessed valuation, many districts were assessing at
$12.00 to $1A.OO per $1000.00 assessed valuation while
others only assessed the $A.OO minimum. The MFT urged
that districts must be forced to maintain local responsi-
bility by state requirements of higher tax rates. The
State Aid Bill made no provisions for cost differences in
areas around the state. The MFT argued that each con-
sideration must be incorporated into the Aid Bill. In
addition, the Federation continued its demands that

salaries, class size, class load, and salary schedule be

 

52"State Finances Unsettled," Michigan Teacher, XI
(March, 1953), 1-

 

128

incorporated into the state aid law. Because of its
failure to incorporate such standards, the MFT opposed
the 19A8 School Aid Bill.53
Although the State Supreme Court twice declared
unconstitutional the deduction of the state's payment of
the school retirement fund from the sales tax diversion
money, the legislature continued this practice. Through
this process, over a three year period, the legislature
deprived school districts of approximately $27.00 per
child in rightful state aid. The MFT joined in support
of the governor's 1950 call of a corporate profit tax to
help eliminate the financial stress on public schools.5u
Noting that state university and college governing
boards held closed meetings and that the state system of
higher education provided no means whereby the higher
education services could be integrated, the 1950 MFT
Convention supported Governor Williams' intent to appoint
a committee to examine all phases of the conduct and
administration of higher education in the state. The MFT
also went on record supporting a call for reapportionment

of the state legislature in accord with constitutional

provisions.

 

53"What's Wrong With the State Aid Law," Michigan
Teacher, VI (December, 19A7), 2.

5“Letter, Governor G. Mennen Williams to Jessie I.
Baxter, October 9, 1950. Wayne State University, Labor
History Archives, Michigan Federation of Teachers File.

129

In 1951 legislative action, the MFT joined with
local and state labor groups in supporting the enactment
of fair employment practice legislation to prevent
discrimination in employment. The Federation also sup—
ported a minimum wage law, noting that many workers were
paid less than $.75 an hour and did not receive time and
a half for over-time.55

The heart of the state finance problems in the
fifties was the issue of aid to the public schools. Until
March of 1952, the state was able to meet its obligations
by using reserves accumulated to the credit of school
districts. In March, August, and September, state aid
payment to the schools and other units of local government
were delayed because the available cash balance was too
low to permit payment. The governor requested a corporate
profit tax as a means of balancing the budget. The
legislation failed. The legislature also failed to make
provisions for additional state school aid required under
the terms of the Sales Tax Diversion Amendment adopted in
November of 19A6, and reaffirmed in l9A8. While an
increase in the corporate privilege franchise fee was
enacted in 1951, it was insufficient to close the gap

between revenue and expenditure.56

55Michigan Federation of Teachers, "Minutes Seven—
teenth Annual Convention," 1951. Wayne State University,
Labor History Archives, Michigan Federation of Teachers

File.
56Robert M. Steadman, "Aid to Schools," Michigan
Teacher, VII (November, 1952), l.

 

130

A report of the Citizens Tax Study Committee to the
legislature recommended deducting retirement funds for
teachers from the state aid appropriation, a practice
twice declared unconstitutional by the State Supreme
Court. The committee also recommended a fixed per-pupil
state aid formula, implying that too much state money was
going to the schools. In 1952 the legislature adopted
four revenue bills which were signed by the governor. He
vetoes three others; two which would have taken money from
the schools, all three which would have taken away funds
from local government.57

The MFT worked diligently against attempts to limit
or cut back aid to schools in the early and mid-fifties.
While recognizing that the state finance problem was deep
rooted, the Federation felt it could be corrected. The
MFT recommended school legislation which would have
reorganized school districts and, improved the accounta-
bility for state funds used locally. The MFT advocated
a complete overhaul of the patch work state tax system
composed of twenty-nine different taxes. Suggested was
less state dependence on sales and excise tax with more
emphasis on taxes which did not do hardship to those
least able to pay. Local governments, it was pointed out
time and again, must be freed from taxing limitations and

encouraged to follow better assessment practices.58

 

57"State Finances Unsettled," Michigan Teacher, VII
(March, 1953), 2.

581b1d.

 

131

In 1961 the Federation took an active role in support-
ing candidates for the Constitutional Convention it felt
would improve state educational efforts. The MFT favored
the term of the State Superintendent of Public Instruction
remaining an elective position. It went on record as
favoring that the constitutional earmarking of funds for
education be eliminated from the new constitution only if
all other constitutional earmarking of funds were eliminated
and the legislature given full authority to budget all
state resources. The Federation joined the AFL-CIO in
supporting candidates pledged to the following programs.

(1) The redistricting of the state legislature to provide
equal representation for all citizens. (2) The retention
and strengthening of the then present Constitution's Bill

of Rights. (3) The retention of the initiative and
referendum provisions of the existing Constitution. (A)

The retention of a system of elected judiciary.59

The MFT established in 1961 a set of requirements
it felt must be required in any federal aid to education
program. These requirements were presented to Michigan
Congressmen and sent to members of Congress active in
support of federal aid to education. Recognizing the need
for aid to augment extended state and local efforts, the

Federation pledged its support for federal programs which

 

59"Urge Affiliates to Push Labor's Con-Con Stand,"
Michigan Teacher, XX (September, 1961), 2.

 

132

(1) Provided funds for unique problems of federally dis-
tressed areas. (2) Contained provisions for including
salaries and school construction and provided safeguards
to assure that allocated funds would be extended both to
salaries and construction without neglect to either. (3)
Provided higher education opportunities for qualified
students without the neglect of K-12 programs. (A) Took
into account actual need, property valuation behind each
student, and the degree of local support in the distribu—
tion of funds for both instructional salaries and school
construction. (5) Placed a major emphasis upon means of
providing adequate instructional materials and equipment.
(6) Required present levels of state and local support be
maintained.60

The MFT introduced in 1962 its own formula for state
aid. The MFT proposed state aid formula eliminated dis-
tressed aid and tuition payments which had been made in
addition to allowances under the existing formula. The
proposal was based on a plus and minus factor in two
areas: the ability of a district to support education,
as represented by the state equalized valuation per member,
and secondly, effort of a district, as represented by the
total school tax levied in the district. The formula used

15 mills and $15,000.00 state equalized valuation, $165.00

 

60"MFT Lists Seven Requirements for Federal Aid
Program," Michigan Teacher, XIX (April, 1961), A.

 

133

aid per pupil, as its base figures. The formula incorpo-
rated a factor of plus or minus $5.00 per pupil per $1000.00
state equalized valuation, depending on whether the dis-
trict's valuation was above or below the base of $15,000.00
to take into account the ability factor. The effort factor
was to be recognized by adding $2.00 per pupil more for
each mill levied by the district above the base figure of
15 mills and deducting $2.00 per pupil for each mill under
the 15 mill base figure. The plan was widely publicised
by the MFT, for it incorporated factors the Federation had
long sought in the state aid formula. It penalized those
rich districts which failed to support education and also
provided for the distribution of funds on the basis of
need.61

In 1962—1963 the MFT developed a strong organiza-
tional stand on civil rights. Locals were urged to adopt
the statement of the Michigan Department of Public Instruc-
tion calling for fair treatment of minority groups in text—
books.. Locals were requested to examine civic and American
problems texts for omissions of materials on minority
groups. Locals were also recommended to establish courses
in American problems where none existed, and seek the
employment of Negro teachers in their school districts.

The MFT pledged in 1962 to see that all certified teachers

 

61"MFT State Aid Plan Needs Push," Michigan Teacher.
xx (March, 1962), 2.

 

13A

were placed and employed without regard to race, creed, or
color.62

In 1962 the Human Relations Committee of the Michigan
Federation of Teachers was directed to compile and maintain
up to date listings of all organizations active in advancing
human relations who could assist in co-ordinating programs.
The committee was also directed to function as a service
agency to locals in helping them organize local human
relations committees, establish local human relations
libraries, organize workshops for the promotion of better
relations, and aid locals in the exposure and protest of
discrimination in texts.63

The 1962 State Convention called on the controlling
boards of public universities and colleges to eliminate
discrimination on campuses in the selection and assignment
of faculty and in all housing sanctioned by colleges and
universities. It was requested that such institutions
apply the Fair Employment Practices Act in student emplOy—
ment and placement. The establishment of regulations to
bind college and university administrations to programs

6A

designed to end discrimination was deemed a necessity.

 

62Michigan Federation of Teachers, Report of The

Human Relations Committee, 1963. (Mimeographed.) Wayne
State University, Labor History Archives, Michigan Federa-
tion of Teachers File.

63

6“Ibid.

Ibid.

135

Also in 1961, the MFT called for the creation of a
State Civil Rights Commission to be granted jurisdiction
in the fields of employment, housing, education, and public
accommodation.65

Noting that education is enhanced by bringing many
different groups into contact with children, the 1963
Convention urged that schools must move to close the gap
between principles taught and those followed in school
hiring. The Federation demanded fair employment practices
in all appointments to the staff of any school district
and enjoined locals to protest discriminatory staff
policies and to press for school board public acceptance
of fair employment practice principles.66

In 1963 the MFT went on record as favoring the
adoption of a statewide open housing law. On the national
scene, noting that the House Un-American Activities Com—
mittee had never uncovered any truly subversive activity
not already known to established government agencies and
that the only prupose served by such a committee was to
cast suspicion and guilt upon those with unpopular
beliefs, the MFT called for its abolition. Reaffirming
the right of peaceful dissent, the Convention condemned
Birmingham, Alabama officials' threat of dismissal against
teachers who had protested discrimination there in the

public schools.

65lhid. 66lhid.

 

136

In 1963 actions closer to the physical classroom,
the MFT condemned all forms of discrimination in school
records. Noting that many educational institutions
require students to devulge race, religion, as well as
parents occupation, the Federation contended that there
was no justifiable need for this information on school
placement forms. All locals were called to examine forms
used in their districts and to take the necessary steps
to guarantee lawful privacy of the students. The Federa-
tion also called for the recognition of the right of
teachers and students of non-Christian faiths to observe,
without penalty, holy days and called for provisions in
all personnel policies to provide these rights.67

Finally in the Civil Rights field, the Federation
supported measures authorizing the legislature to grant
financial support to local agencies devoted to alleviating
conditions which were responsible for the plight of migrant
children.

In other 1963 actions, the MFT raised a number of
objections to the new Michigan Constitution in addition
to the already noted opposition to the exclusion of
teachers from public office. The MFT Opposed the retention,
in effect, of the 15 mill limitation. It opposed the
inclusion of higher education funds in the two cent sales

tax diversion, itself long inadequate to meet just the

 

67ibid.

137

needs of the public schools. The removal of the Super—
intendent of Public Instruction from an elected position
to an appointed one was seen as a move to defuse responsi-
bility for public education. In addition, the Federation
charged the new Constitution exposed tenure proceedings
to the danger of increased complexity in the appeal process
and possible further delay and expense to teachers.68
The legislative program in the area of school aid
was again headed by requests that the legislature adopt a
program of educational aid based upon an ability to pay
formula. The MFT also requested legislation granting school
districts the right to levy taxes from sources other than
real estate for school operation, and that such taxes not
require a referendum vote for enactment. In addition,
legislation granting the school district of Detroit the
right to hold special elections for school taxes was pro-
posed. Finally, the duty free lunch period bill for
teachers was again introduced.69
In 196A the Federation condemned the practice where—
by school districts publicized pupil-teacher ratios based

on all certified personnel. The inclusion of administra—

tive assistants, principals, supervisors, librarians, and

 

68HMFT Con—Con Stand," Michigan Teacher, XX (March.

1963), 1.

 

69Michigan Federation of Teachers, "Minutes Twenty—
Ninth Annual Convention," 1963. Wayne State University,
Labor History Archives, Michigan Federation of Teachers
File.

138

visiting teachers in such figures was charged to be mis-
leading to the public as to actual class size. Boards of
education were requested to show figures revealing actual
class sizes to the public. Noting the alarming rise in
school drop—outs, locals were directed to establish
councils to study this problem in their districts.70
In 1965 the Federation outlined a program of fiscal
reform, convinced that no adequate state aid program was
possible without some degree of reform. The major pro—
posal was for the removal of the Constitutional prohibi-
tion of the graduated income tax. Long on record as
opposed to the sales tax, the Federation favored a complete
overhaul of the tax structure to make it flexible and
sufficient enough to meet present and future finance needs.
The Federation went on record in 1965 supporting
legislation enabling the State Board of Education to
accept federal funds and recommended increase in appro—
priations for educational research by the State Department
with local school districts. Also sought in 1965 was a
law requiring boards of education to assume financial
responsibility for the personal prOperty of teachers while
71

on school grounds.

 

7OMichigan Federation of Teachers, "Minutes Thir—
tieth Annual Convention," 196A. Wayne State University,
Labor History Archives, Michigan Federation of Teachers
File.

71"Michigan Federation Outlines New Programs for
State Legislation," Michigan Teacher, XXII (February-
March, 1965), 2-3.

 

139

The MFT has a long record of legislative efforts
directed toward improving the quality and public support
of public education. From 1936 onward the Federation has
kept a close watch on educational finance. It has for over
thirty years opposed taxes on consumption as a means of
financing education, favoring instead taxes based upon an
ability to pay principle. It has Opposed the 15 mill
limitation on local taxing powers as well as the Sales Tax
Diversion Amendment on the grounds that both of these
policies restricted state and local responsibility for
education and provided no safeguard for the distribution
of funds. The Federation has long advocated to the legis-
lature the need for incorporating standards into the State
Aid Law that would insure aid to schools on the basis of
need and legal support. In addition, the Federation has
consistently sought to include in the Aid Bill standards
recognizing local efforts in curriculum enrichment and
adult education.

The Federation has sought higher state required
minimum millage levies by local districts, better assess-
ment practices, and closer supervision of state funds
used at local levels. The Federation has politically
supported, since l9A5, federal aid to education as a
means of relieving burdens on local and state finances.

The MFT has been a leader in the area of civil

rights. Affiliated locals have been active since 1962

lAO

in agitating for fair treatment of minority groups in
texts, and for the establishing of American problems
courses. The Federation has established relations with
interested groups and held numerous workshops on race
relations and and civil rights. Discrimination in higher
education has been directly attacked by MFT officials.
MFT locals have actively worked for public statements
from local school boards concerning civil rights and have
campaigned for the hiring of Negro teachers.

The commitment to the service ideal as exemplified
by the professional model involves a dual concern. First,
the service ideal embodies a concern for the social con-
text and purpose of an occupation. The MFT reveals an
understanding and acceptance of this role as protector and
leader of the educational enterprise. The second implica-
tion of the service ideal is concern for the individual
or client to be served; a concern for the improvement and
protection of his welfare within the area of professional
competence. While the MFT has worked on both state and
local levels for greater practitioner autonomy in the
classroom, it has engaged in few programs and little
research to affect the quality of this relationship. The
MFT does not provide subject matter services to its
members. It has not acted in any organizational way in
behalf of specific school programs or curriculum innova-

tions. An examination of the MFT's official publication,

1A1

the Michigan Teacher, reveals little discussion of educa-

 

tional issues or curricular developments as they pertain
to specialized teaching areas.

A professional organization is concerned with develop-
ing its field in the public interest. For education this
involves not only a concentration on matters which affect
all teachers and public education as a social institution
but also a concern with improved services and their
quality for the individual client (student). The MFT
weakness in this latter aSpect of the public service ideal
may be due to the lack of funds more than to any other
factor. Whatever the cause, the MFT must give greater
concern to this issue asan aspect of the professionaliza-

tion process.

CHAPTER V

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

Major power strategies in the teacher drive for
professional status are direct sanctions, collective
bargaining, and political pressure group tactics at the
state and local level. The MFT has developed and used
relatively effectively all these approaches.

Professional lobbies at the state level have been
proven more effective for other occupations in the driVe
for professional controls than have the methods of direct
action, which run the risk of inviting government inter—
ference. The MFT has recognized and followed for some time
a long range strategy aimed at greater emphasis upon seek-
ing improvements at the state level. It has militantly
avoided any strategy which would explicitly or implicitly
weaken the professional autonomy of teachers, and has
chosen to create organizational pressure on school boards
through the attainment of legislation as exemplified by
collective bargaining rights for teachers.

The MFT has displayed an awareness of the role of
political power in the drive for professional status.
Unlike other organizations, rarely has-the MFT been misled

in its activities by powerless tactics which emphasize

1A2

1A3

"education of the public" or "docile acceptance of the
dedicated teacher's role" as solutions to educational
problems. It has attempted to combine a strong political
program on both the state and local level.

The MFT is clearly a classroom teachers' organiza-
tion, directed completely to the teachers' needs in rela-
tion to his students. It is committed to its membership
as evidenced in the democratic formulation of all organiza-
tional policies.

The AFT has been criticized because of its affilia-
tion with labor. Undoubtedly, the strong Federation com—
mitment to political action as a means of social and educa—
tional improvement originated in part from the labor
example and labor aid in formulation of programs. Without
early labor support, the MFT would never have succeeded in
its drive for the first Tenure Act or the Teachers Retire-
ment Fund. More recently, it was only as a result of a
unified effort with other public employees unions that
collective bargaining rights were attained.

It is often charged that as public employees,
affiliation with labor compromises teachers in their work.
There is no reason why AFL-CIO affiliation should be any
more compromising to teachers than their religious,
political, or social club affiliations. The AFT-MFT is
autonomous in its relation to the AFL-CIO, as are all

member unions. Affiliation has enabled the MFT to secure

1AA

state—wide labor support for its objectives. Such support
is not automatic, however, any more than MFT support for
labor's objectives is automatic.

Those aspects of the MFT as an organization which
are decidedly professionalizing may be summarized as
follows.

(1) The MFT record reveals an understanding of the
use of political power as a means of achieving organiza—
tional goals. The Federation has approached teacher
problems on a state-wide basis, seeking legislation to
enable the effective use of organizational power on the
local level.

(2) The MFT has systematically avoided any programs
that threaten teacher autonomy. It has displayed a legis-
lation program aimed at extending and guaranteeing teacher
autonomy.

(3) The MFT has pursued programs aimed at improving
the welfare and status of teachers as an occupational
group.

(A) The MFT has used its energies to support pro-
grams aimed at improvement and reform of public education,
improved financing of education, federal aid to education,
and civil rights.

While labor affiliation has made a contribution and
given direction to the MFT's professional stance on the

use of power and strategy and its strong record in the

1A5

promotion of teacher autonomy and welfare, there are certain
aspects of its labor affiliation which may also explain
its professionalizing deficiencies.

The MFT organizational structure follows closely that
of labor. Each local is autonomous and has its own con-
stitution and officers. Each local sends a representative
to the Executive Council of the MFT. It has been the AFT's
philosophy that strong organizations are most important at
the local level where key decisions affecting the schools
and working conditions occur. There is no requirement that
AFT locals belong to state organizations. Member locals
are not bound by the state organizations' policies, nor
are there even any provisions that locals must follow AFT
policies. These conditions greatly hamper unified efforts
at the state level, and pose increasing problems for
unified policy in strike or other forms of pressure on
local districts. For the past several years, attempts
have been made by officials at State MFT Conventions and
the AFT Conventions to remedy this situation.

The AFT has been urged to require state affiliation
and payment of state dues by all local affiliates. MFT
officials have sought amendments to the AFT Constitution
that would result in the expulsion of any local which
failed to join state organizations or adhere to state
policies. Failures in these efforts are evidenced by the
current rebellion of MFT factions against state policies

and programs.

1A6

A strong state organization is necessary if unified
efforts in behalf of professional advancement are to con-
tinue. MFT adherence to the democratic principles of
traditional unionism may well damage present gains as
well as future efforts to build a strong state organiza-
tion.

The MFT continues to operate on the assumption that
the interests of teachers coincide with the interests of
other unions in the AFL—CIO, and in particular with other
public employees unions. This questionable assumption
explains in part the MFT's failure to develop a perspective
on teacher problems or any long range programs in the area
of control of entry. The MFT does not appear to regard
the model of the established professions as a particularly
relevant one for teachers. It is ironic that the MFT
fails to see that continued success in its immediate
efforts to improve teacher autonomy and welfare will, in
the long run, depend upon the ability of teachers as an
occupation to control entry and regulate their collective
behavior.

Those aSpects of the MFT as an occupational organiza-
tion which are nonprofessionalizing may be summarized as
follows:

(1) The MFT, in spite of consistent efforts to
maintain existing certification standards, has failed to

display any program, long range or immediate, directed

1A7

toward eventual occupational control over certifica-
tion.

(2) The MFT displays historically little concern
for securing higher accrediting standards for training
institutions or for the establishment of a practitioner
controlled accrediting association.

(3) The MFT has directed little attention toward the
issue of an occupational code of ethics. With the excep-
tion of its ban on administrators, the MFT excludes few
from membership. Structurally, the MFT is organized too
loosely to enforce policy decisions or to generate state—
wide discipline among locals on issues central to its
state-wide power approach to teacher problems.

(A) The MFT has failed to focus attention upon
specific aspects of the service ideal as they relate to the
individual client. The MFT provides few educational ser-
vices and engages in no research geared to improving
classroom operations where they directly affect the student.

The issue of the professionalization process is a
complex one. The professions involve a range of inter-
related characteristics both structural and attitudinal.
It is difficult to generalize and label the MFT a pro-
fessionalizing organization. It is just as difficult to
call it non-professionalizing.

While this study has hopefully revealed many argu-

ments traditionally raised against teachers' unions to be

1A8

irrelevant to the analysis of professionalization in the
MFT, it has uncovered other serious objections.

The MFT appears to be a professionalizing organiza-
tion as far as it goes. It has historically fought for
teachers autonomy, welfare, and quality public education
while the major teacher organization remained relatively
silent.

The MFT reveals a sophisticated understanding and
strategic use of political power at the state level to
advance its objectives. If the MFT is to make full use of
this power to advance the professionalization of education,
however, it must tighten its structure and authority. It
must abandon its one dimensional approach to the improve-
ment of teacher status and give increasing attention to
those issues central to the structure of the occupation.

The ultimate professionalization of public school
teaching is largely dependent upon organizations like the
MFT becoming aware of the central issues which hinder the
development of professional status. The MFT possesses
the knowledge and political experience to potentially
successfully attack these issues. Whether the MFT
possesses the leadership or the organizational vitality
to forge a new direction will determine, to a significant
extent, the future status of Michigan's public school

teachers.

 

1A9

Suggestions for Further Study

The MFT, with the inception of collective bargaining,
faces in many ways challenges strikingly different from
those historically revealed in this study. An investigation
of the forces and issues forging new relationships in MFT
organization and programs since 1965 is a needed and would
be a worthwhile study.

The investigation of professionalization in the MFT
suggests a number of related studies which profitably
warrant attention. A comparative study of the MFT and the
MEA would enable an analysis of the differing concepts of
profession and professionalization only partially implied
by this study. There is much indication, for example,
that each organization has traditionally focused almost
exclusively upon only one aspect of the professional model.
Further analysis is needed to determine why the MEA has
ignored, for the most part, the larger social and political
aspects of professionalization, and why the MFT has largely
overlooked the client oriented aspects of professionaliza—
tion.

This study has only touched in an indirect way upon
the significant role played by state departments of educa—
tion and colleges of education in teacher activities on
behalf of professionalization. There is little research
in either area in relation to (1) how their general

policies have affected the professionalization process,

 

150

and (2) whether their policies have consciously supported
or been indifferent to the professionalization of public
school teachers. Departments of education and colleges of
education need to be carefully investigated before a clear
understanding of the unique problems still facing teacher
professionalization can be fully understood.
Professionalization, as a force in contemporary
society is at least matched by bureaucracy and bureau-
cratic forms of organization as a major force in occupa—
tional organization. More research is needed to determine
the actual effect of bureaucratization upon school
operation, actual teaching practices, and teacher drive

for professional status.

 

APPENDIX

151

STRUCTURE OF THE MFT

The Constitution of the Michigan Federation of
Teachers provides that no discrimination will be shown
toward individual members or applicants for membership
because of race, creed, religious faith, political
activities or belief, except that no applicant whose
political actions are subject to totalitarian control
such as Facist, Nazi or Communist, will be admitted to
membership. The only other limit to membership in the MFT
concerns administrators. Administrators, other than
superintendents and assistant superintendents, who are
not eligible for membership in a local having jurisdiction
can be granted membership at large upon written approval
from the local providing he does not have authority in
the school district to settle grievances. Such a member
cannot hold office in or be elected to any policy com-
mittee of the MFT.l

The MFT lists five objectives in the Constitution.
(1) The encouragement and promotion of democratic educa—
tional practices so that every child can realize his
fullest potential physically, mentally, socially, and

spiritually. (2) The raising of the standards of the

 

lMichigan Federation of Teachers, Constitution Art.
III, sec. 3B-sec. 7 (Constitution and By-Laws Corrected
as of May 6, 1967).

152

153

teaching profession and securement for all educational
workers of conditions conducive to the performance of
their best services. (3) Assistance in the organization
of new locals. (A) The provision of service to locals
and assistance in improvement of their organization.

(5) The bringing of AFT locals in Michigan into a rela-

tionship of mutual assistance and cooperation with each

!
I
t
I,
4
‘.

3

other and with organized labor.2

The MFT is governed by an Administrative Board and

 

an Executive Council. The Administrative Board is composed
of the executive officers——president, executive vice—
president, executive secretary, recording secretary, and
treasurer plus ten vice presidents. The Administrative
Board carrys on Federation business between meetings of
the Executive Council and has complete control over the
employment of personnel and dispensement of funds. The
Board advises the President on all committee appointments,
and directs efforts at furthering MFT legislation and
organizational efforts. No candidate for the Administra—
tive Board can be a member of a competing organization
(MEA—NBA). All MFT officers are elected every two years.3
The Executive Council is composed of members of the

Administrative Board plus one representative selected by

each member of an affiliated local in good standing. The

 

2MFT Constitution, Art. 11, secs. 1-5.
3MFT Constitution, Art. IV, secs. 1-6; Art. V,
secs. 1—6.

15A

Executive Council is responsible for the execution of
organizational policies subject to the instructions of the
regularly called Convention. It also reviews the actions
of the Administrative Board. Six meetings a year are
required, but the Executive Council usually meets once a
month.“

The MFT is organized to be responsive to its member-
ship. The annual Convention, held each year in May,

actually determines all policies. Decisions of the Con-

 

vention are by a majority of votes cast, and a referendum
can be conducted on Constitutional Amendments during local
meetings if requested by three or more locals. Locals
are permitted three delegates for the first 25 members,
one additional for each 25 members up to 500, and one
additional Convention delegate for each complete unit of
100 members above 500.5
The President is a key figure in the MFT. Even
though subject to election every two years, for some time
he was the organization's only full time representative.
The President presides at all meetings of the Administra-

tive Board and Executive Council, and appoints all chair—

men of standing committees. He represents or appoints

 

“MFT Constitution, Art. VI, secs. 1-6.

5MFT Constitution, Art. VII, secs. 1—5.

155

representatives for all labor body meetings with which
the MFT works.6

The Executive Vice—President is specifically assigned
the responsibility for the operation of the standing com-
mittees along the lines requested by the previous Conven-
tion.7

The Recording Secretary is responsible for compiling
and distributing to all locals minutes of the Executive
Council Meetings, while the Executive Secretary handles
the presidential correspondence and maintains minutes of
Administrative Board meetings. The Treasurer is responsible
for maintaining up to date records of the membership of all
locals, handles the dispersement of all funds, and reports
monthly to the Executive Council the financial position of
the MFT.

Each of the eleven vice-presidents is assigned the
chairmanship of one of the standing MFT committees. In
addition, each is assigned jurisdictional areas. It is
their responsibility to use the facilities of the State
Federation in aiding existing locals in their jurisdiction
as well as to assist in the organization of new locals.

The Federation maintains a Publicity Committee and

an Editorial Board. The latter publishes the Michigan

Teacher and is responsible for seeing that the paper

 

6MFT Constitution, By-Laws Art. VII, sec. 1.

7MFT Constitution By—Laws Art, VII, sec. 5.

 

156

conforms to the policies of the MFT. Other standing
Committees are the Insurance Committee, Academic Freedom
and Civil Liberties Committee, and the Convention and
Institute Committee. The Human Relations Committee exists
to organize, and cooperate with other organizations where
possible, programs promoting better human relations. This
committee also recommends legislation to the Federation in
this field, particularly in the Civil Rights area.8

The Organizational Committee works closely with the
executive officers and AFT representatives to increase
local membership. The Tenure and Grievance Committee
handles all cases from the locals in this area. The Nego—
tiations Committee assists and advises locals during
periods of negotiation and conducts finance workshops
annually.9

Two very important committees in the Federation are
the Legislative Committee and the Committee on Political
Education (COPE). The Legislative Committee works with
State and National Legislative representatives in formulat-
ing MFT policies and sees locals are informed and play an
active role in supporting these measures. COPE is the
heart of the MFT political organization, and it works

closely with the Michigan AFL-CIO, central labor body COPE.10

 

8MFT Constitution By-Laws Art. VIII, secs. A, 5, 8-11.

9MFT Constitution By-Laws Art. VIII, secs. 3, 6, 7.

loMFT Constitution By—Laws Art. IX, secs. 1—2.

157

COPE is responsible for setting up a file of MFT
members by precincts. It encourages qualified Federation
members to run for precinct delegates and other political
offices. It works closely with locals in school board
elections making recommendations to the Executive Council
on the endorsement of political candidates, implementing
the decrees of the Executive Council in these areas.

The MFT vice-president in charge of COPE is
responsible directly to the president and the Administra-

tive Board for the supervision of the program, which

 

functions in all parts of the state where there are AFT
locals or members affiliated with the MFT. The vice—
president appoints three sets of sub—coordinators, one for
each Congressional District, State Senate District, and
State House of Representatives District.

Each Congressional District Committee is composed
of MFT local delegates and all State Senate and House of
Representative coordinators whose districts are wholly or
partly in that Congressional District. The Congressional
District coordinators are responsible for keeping the MFT
vice-president in charge of COPE informed of political
developments in their districts. The MFT office is kept
informed of people in these districts willing to serve in

appointive educational positions in government. Falling

 

llMichigan Federation of Teachers, Policies for the

MFT COPE, adopted by the Administrative Board, August 1,
196)".

158

into this category are such positions as the State Super-
intendent of Public Instruction, Tenure Commission,
community college boards, university board of governors,
curriculum committees, study committees and the presidents
of universities. The MFT office is also kept informed of
possible candidates for elective educational positions--
the State Board of Education, and the governing boards of
the University of Michigan, Michigan State University and
Wayne University. Congressional candidate endorsements
and support of those endorsed is a major function of this
group as well as endoresment and support of national
legislation of interest to the MFT.l2
The State Senate District Committees are composed of
House of Representatives District Coordinators and volunteer
MFT members who are residents of the district. The State
House of Representatives District Committees are composed
of all MFT member residents of the district.13
The State Senate District and House of Representa-
tives Coordinators assist directly the Congressional
District Coordinators in bringing pertinent political
issues to the attention of their districts. Representing
their districts on the Congressional District Committees,

they are able to keep the Congressional Coordinators

 

l2Michigan Federation of Teachers, Committee on

Political Education Structure, Responsibilities, and
Functions, Communication to Locals, December, 1965.

l3Ibid.

159

informed of political developments in their jurisdictions.
These state legislative committees are responsible for
seeking out every AFT-MFT member in their districts who
will help advance the MFT legislative program. They
engage in seeking qualified candidates for the state
legislature who will help advance Federation education
objectives. The legislative district coordinators work
closely with the AFL-CIO COPE organization in attempting
to secure labor endorsement for candidates who will advance
MFT objectives in education.lu

Much of the activity of these coordinators is
directed toward securing unified efforts among the locals.
Up to date lists are kept of MFT members who will contact
legislators and congressmen in support of MFT legislation.
Efforts are made to obtain AFL-CIO endorsement and support
for good school board candidates, and channels of communi-
cation are kept open with legislators to inform them of
the MFT position on legislation.15

A good illustration of MFT as a political force in
action is the opposition generated during the 1967
legislative session to prevent passage of House Bill 325A
(Swallow Bill) which contained amendments to Public Law
379. This bill incorporated among other things, a man-

datory injunction in strike or strike threat situations,

 

lL‘Ibid.

15Ibid.

160

a sweeping ban against bargaining agents which assert the
right to strike against government, and the denial of the
right of college and university teachers to bargain. The
bill would have eroded greatly collective bargaining gains
made as a result of the passage of Public Law 379 in 1965.
Each local was instructed to select an individual
committee to be responsible for information to and reaction
from local members. MFT vice-presidents were made avail—
able to serve on various committees. Locals were instructed
to contact local service clubs, non—partisan civic groups,
and public employees. Local labor delegates were urged
to apply pressure through county and local AFL-CIO meet—
ings. The MFT established a Speakers Bureau for use by
locals in presenting MFT views. The MFT office stressed
the need for securing broad support if opposition to the
bill were to be successful. Every member was urged to
contact his respective State Senator and Representative
making known his opposition to any amendment to weaken
Public Act 379.16
On the state level, the MFT Publicity Committee sent
out publicity releases to radio and television, university
and college members, local papers, and mailed publicity

about the campaign to outstate areas. Working in conjunc-

tion with the state AFL—CIO, the Michigan COPE supplied

 

l6Michigan Federation of Teachers, Minutes of

Executive Council Meeting, February 10, 1968.

161

funds and outstate support from local unions. The MFT
joined the Committee of Concerned Unions composed in part
of fire fighters, teamsters, the building services,
Michigan Nurses Association, social workers, and police
in applying unified pressure on legislators. Efforts to
defeat the Swallow Bill were successful, however MFT
representatives fully expect similar bills to be intro-

duced in the future.17

Relationship of MFT to State and
Apea AFL-CIO

 

State area AFL-CIO Councils include the coordination
of activities of affiliated local unions in the areas of
political action and legislation, public relations,
strikes, and organizations. Area councils may be an
organization of locals in one city or may include locals
in several counties. All MFT locals are urged by the AFT
and MFT to join their area labor council. Committed to a
broadly based approach to political action in education,
AFT—MFT policy is firmly committed to organized labor. As
members of local labor councils, MFT local representatives
are in a position to make the Federation's voice heard at
labor meetings and possibly win labor's support for pro—
MFT legislation and/or candidates, as well as support of

Federation policies on the local school district level.

l7Michigan Federation of Teachers, Bulletin to Local
Officers from Henry Linne, February 20, 1968.

 

.’ Y5.

162

There is no automatic support for MFT policies or programs.
At best, one could argue that affiliation with labor
groups gives the MFT locals a foot in the door and a chance
to be heard.18

The State Labor Organization includes all locals.
The member MFT locals send elected representatives to a
state convention held every two years where an Executive
Board is elected to run the state AFL-CIO Council between

conventions. As in the area councils, MFT representatives

are in a position at these conventions to gain state wide

19

{Fifi-’5‘“;— r:.. I ”Surf‘s—4W1

labor support for MFT legislative positions.
The State AFL Council provides a number of services
to locals. The legislative office provides the voting
record of legislators and information on legislation.
Speakers are provided locals on various topics, advisement
on the establishment and running of committees, staff and
service for institutes, and regular information on labor
developments across the state. Both state and area
organizations are financed through the payment of a per—
capita tax paid by each affiliated organization on its
membership. While the State AFL—CIO Council provides
tremendous potential support for MFT programs, it cannot

be overstressed that in actuality the state labor

8
1 Michigan Federation of Teachers, Relationship of

State and Area AFL—CIO Councils. In report prepared for
Teachers Institutes, December 10, 1965.

19Ibid.

163

organization, like the MFT, is a grass roots, highly

democratic organization. To win support, any member must
talk fast and effectively. The MFT, because teachers are
not generally regarded as "labor," may well have to talk

faster and more convincingly than others.20

Opganizational Problems

 

MFT dues, are collected on a per—capita basis. Up
to May, 1966, they averaged $2.00 per month per member.

A Constitutional Amendment in May of 1966 established dues

 

at $2.50 per month for the first 300 members in a local.
In spite of this increase, the MFT financial situation has
become increasingly critical as a result of collective
bargaining campaigns and the support of five local strikes
in 1966 and fifteen in 1967. In 1965-1966 the MFT carried
a deficit of $12,600.00 into 1967. As of December 31,
1967, the MFT deficit amounted to $20,789.00. The magni—
tude of this problem is illustrated by the fact that the
total MFT operating budget for 1966—1967 totaled only
$159,323.00?l

A closer examination of the factors leading to this
situation is necessary for a deeper understanding of the
MFT operation. Prior to 196A, the purpose and concentra-

tion of the MFT staff was directed toward increasing

 

20Ibid.

21Michigan Federation of Teachers, Report to MFT and

Local AFT Leaders from Henry Linne, Part 1, February 5,
1968, pp. 2'3.

16A

membership in existing locals and in securing the reaffilia-

tion of locals in Detroit, Grand Rapids, Highland Park,

Van Dyke, and Flint. Additional organizing efforts were

directed toward establishing locals in twenty-four pre-

viously unorganized school districts.22
In the fall of 196A, the AFT proposed the Cooperative F

Organization Programs (Co—Org). A series of meetings

resulted in the decision to strengthen the state organiza-

tion and work toward the enactment of a state collective

 

 

we '9

bargaining law for public employees.

The MFT began the 1965-1966 school year with the
intention of moving slowly toward collective bargaining
elections, assuming that due to the MEA's objection to
collective bargaining it would attempt to amend the Public
Employment Relations Act in the 1966 legislative session.
The MEA decision to move ahead with collective bargaining
caught the MFT unprepared. By December of 1965, it became
impossible for the MFT staff of four to c0pe with the
volume of collective bargaining elections. Two additional
organizers were hired. Another major emphasis in 1965—
1966 was assistance to victorious locals in drafting
demands and assisting local teams in bargaining. It was
assumed that the organization that secured the best and
most enforceable contracts would attract teachers in

future years. The frenzied pace of elections and

 

22lbid.

165

bargaining drained local and state treasuries and forced
the MFT into its first deficit.23

The additional dues voted in the 1966 convention were
to finance an active program for a period of three years
to arrive at a stronger position throughout the state so
that when a merger became possible with the MEA Department
of Classroom Teachers, the MFT would be in a strong enough
position to effectively determine the character of the
merger.2u

Partially as a result of its financial difficulties,
the MFT is currently faced with the prospect of open
rebellion from the separate factions composed of MFT
affiliates.

The "Macomb Caucus," composed of representatives
from seven locals located in the northeastern metropolitan
Detroit area, sent a communication in December of 1967 to
Charles Cogen, AFT President, requesting an investigation
of the MFT operating procedures. The letter closed with
the statement that "The future withholding of per capita
dues to the Michigan Federation will be dependent upon
the conclusion and implementation of recommendations that

may result from this investigation."25

 

231bid., u.

2“Ibid.

25Ibid., 1.

 

166

The complaints contained in this letter centered
around several broad issues. A major area of contention
concerned Detroit‘s Federation of Teacher Representation
on the MFT Administrative Board. Specifically, opposition

was expressed to a constitutional change which guaranteed

representation on the Administrative Board for any local f
with an average fully—paid membership of 500 or more. It g
was felt that this provision gave the Detroit local too i
much control in directing the policies of the Federation. 3
A further issue which made this situation more disturbing L

to the Macomb group was the fact that the Detroit local,
due to an agreement which provided negotiated reduced dues
for locals which maintained their own office and staff,
was not paying full per capita dues into the Michigan
Federation. The MFT was also charged with financial mis—
management and insolvency, failure to develop a statewide
master plan for collective bargaining, unilateral decision
making, and failure to engage in organizing of new AFT
locals.26

The MFT organization has also been attacked by the
Taylor local. The Taylor local, containing 491 members,
cited discrepancy in dues paid by locals, disproportionate

representation at MFT Conventions, skewed representation

on both Administrative Board and Executive Council of the

 

26Ibid.

167

MFT in favor of minority locals (locals not bargaining
agents in their districts), and budgeting problems as
major weaknesses in the state organization.27

All of these issues raised by the two local rebel
groups center around the amount and ratio of financial
support ant control of the state organization.

As of 1967, all locals paid $2.50 dues on the first
300 members. Locals above 300 may be granted subsidy

according to MFT policy if approved by the Executive

 

K": r . Ir

Council. If all locals were to pay equal dues, Detroit
would pay approximately 55 per cent of the Federation
income. The issue in the controversy about the difference
in dues paid by locals reflect the need for more money by
the locals and resentment of smaller locals of the larger
locals ability to secure a larger percentage of dues left
at the local level.

The representation controversy centers around the
conflict between large and small locals and collective
bargaining agents and non—collective bargaining agents.

Another major issue concerns the agency shop.

Those locals who are the bargaining agent in their dis—
tricts want the Federation to support the agency shop,
which allows the recognized agent to collect dues from
non-members it serves in securing a contract in the form

of an agent's fee. The MFT has failed to take a definite

 

27Ib1d.

168

stand on this issue, realizing if agency shops become
standard, minority locals would have a difficult time
running a contest election with prospects of winning.
In addition, such a policy would make it difficult to
organize new locals.

These problems threaten the 1968-1969 organizational
objectives of the Michigan Federation. Such organizational
objectives, however, are only a means to furthering MFT

educational objectives. Officials of the Federation

wax-“myt-‘w

realize that achievement of legislative and bargaining
goals require effective mobilization and organization of
teachers in a political power base to force action, to
secure consideration, and favorable resolution of educa-
tional issues.

Among those larger goals still being sought by the
Federation are more adequate and equitable financing of
state aid, including a restructuring of the sources and
methods of educational finance. The Federation also is
seeking a cost of living factor in retirement benefits,
adequate funding or retirement service credit, and increase
in retirement benefits. Still on the MFT legislative
program is the reorganization of school districts and the
restructuring of local districts incorporating factors
such as more efficient size, better comprehensive programs,
better local support, and better local administration.

For the teacher, reduced class size and better working

169

full credit for prior teaching experience, and the removal
of limitations on outside earnings for retired teachers.
The series of strikes from 1965 through 1967 has
tended to unify the opposition to teachers. Teacher
organizations face a tremendous battle in the years ahead
from state and local government leaders, school boards,
and school administrators. Many of the issues which
threaten the ability of the Michigan Federation to meet
this challenge are problems which have been with state
federations and the AFT for some time. It is ironic,
however, that some of the most threatening problems have
arisen from the new relationships posed by the educators'
most prized and promising weapon in the fight for educa-

tional power, collective bargaining.

“.35?"

‘r‘ta—inoa 43:}... ~_ - '- .

BIBLIOGRAPHY

170

as. arr-31

PA. 1 n4“.!« .1 w.‘ o ‘l'

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{WWW-1 . ..

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inpwwwwewffiI-Ir
.4 .I

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