. .uono-alv.n . . r. .1 . .. . ‘ B45515 A. a -9- fit: ‘ £‘s‘.-. .. c" ’1! "I; \Eij L [W [MY ‘ f Michigan 583% Univcxsxtl' "F W‘ This is to certify that the dissertation entitled ETHNIC IDENTITY AND MENTAL HEALTH STATUS: FORMAL AND INFORMAL HELP SEEKING RESOURCES OF CHICANOS A COMPARATIVE STUDY presented by Mario Garza has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph . D. degree in Social Science 1/ j: I) V Major professor Date 8/6/81 MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771 ; MINILnLILHLIUWLWHJMIm L OVERDUE FINES: 25¢ per day per item RETURNING LIBRARY MATERIALS: Place in book return to nanove charge from circulation records marquee-9W K may?” H,“ ”(G '73) l l MAY K 0 WW7 Copyright by MARIO GARZA I981 ETHNIC IDENTITY AND MENTAL HEALTH STATUS: FORMAL AND INFORMAL HELP SEEKING RESOURCES 0F CHICANOS A COMPARATIVE STUDY By Mario Garza A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY College of Social Science 1981 ' .4 .’ ' r r ‘1 .\j) ABSTRACT ETHNIC IDENTITY AND MENTAL HEALTH STATUS: FORMAL AND INFORMAL HELP SEEKING RESOURCES OF CHICANOS A COMPARATIVE STUDY By Mario Garza The basic purpose of this study was to determine if persons of Mexican origin in Lansing, Michigan, underutilize traditional, formal mental health services and, if they (NJ, to determine what factor or combination of factors cause this underutilization. A secondary pur- pose was to compare the Lansing sample, in terms of levels of ethnic identity and mental health status as defined by self-esteem and per- sonal efficacy, with a comparable sample from Texas. The study is a duplication, in part, of the comprehensive national study of mental health implications of ethnic identification and identity among Chicanos conducted by the Survey Research Center, Institute for Social Research, The University of Michigan. The study assesses factors that lead to Chicanos utilizing or underutilizing formal and informal mental health services, by exam- ining a person's sense of ethnic identification and ethnic identity, in addition to the usual demographic characteristics, such as age, sex, education, occupation, income, generational distance from Mexico, and Chicano density in the community. Availability of mutual support groups and attitudes toward local mental health services are examined. Effects of utilization of fonnal and informal resources, ethnic identity and identification are also examined in relation to their effects on a person's mental health status. Respondents were first screened to determine if at least one of their parents was of Mexican origin, and therefore eligible to parti- cipate in the study. Eligible respondents were then interviewed, utilizing a modified version of the questionnaire developed at the Survey Research Center. The following main conclusions were reached: 1. Persons of Mexican origin tend to underutilize traditional formal mental health services. 2. Persons of Mexican origin utilize informal mental health resources to a greater extent than formal mental health resources. 3. The main factors related to the underutilization of formal resources are levels of personal efficacy and public self- esteem, degree of ethnic identity, and unfamiliarity with mental health centers and services. 4. Persons of Mexican origin in Lansing, Michigan, score slightly higher scores on ethnic identity, self-esteem and personal efficacy scales than do persons of Mexican origin in Texas. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This research was conducted with the assistance of a large number of pe0ple. Unfortunately, all of those providing help cannot be named, nevertheless, the assistance provided is greatly appreciated. Gratitude is expressed to the Michigan Department of Mental Health for providing me with a grant for the field work expenses. Gratitude is also expressed to all persons who willingly gave of their time and consented to the interviews, and to the six students who assisted me in conducting the screenings and the interviews: Joseph and Bobby Ortiz, Oscar Gonzales, David Latoni, Miguel Contreras and Edwardo Frias. I am greatly indebted to Professor Victor Whiteman, Chairman of my guidance committee, for his assistance, guidance and time. I would also like to express my gratitude to the other members of my committee for their help, patience and encouragement. They are Professors James B. McKee, David Rohde, and Margaret Nielsen. A very special thanks is extended to Carlos H. Arce from the In- stitute for Social Research for his suggestions and assistance with the research methods and for providing the data from the Texas sample for comparison. And most important, I want to thank some very significant pe0ple in my life. I want to thank my family, especially my mother and my sister, Yolanda, for their enduring support and encouragement. A very 11° special thanks also goes to Andrea Key Grimes whose support and under- standing helped make it all possible. I also want to thank Kathie B. Alcoze for typing and editing the final manuscript. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES ........................ vii LIST OF FIGURES ........................ ix CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION .................... l Statement of the Problem ............. l A General Overview of the Study ......... 3 Rationale for Research .............. 4 Classes of Variables ............... 5 Independent Variables ............. 5 Intervening Variables ............. 6 Dependent Variables .............. 6 Research Objectives and Hypotheses ........ 7 Descriptive Objectives ............. 7 Identification and Identity ......... 7 Mental Health Outcomes ............ 8 Analytic Objectives .............. l0 Comparative Objective ............. 14 Summary ..................... 15 II. DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY OF STUDY ........... l6 Introduction ................... 16 National Overview of Chicanos .......... 16 Description of the Sample ............ 18 The Questionnaire ................ 26 Skill and Training of Interviewers ........ 26 Reliability of Interviewing ........... 28 Sampling Method ................. 29 Summary ..................... 34 III. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE .............. 35 Ethnic Identification and Ethnic Identity . . . . 35 Acculturation and Mental Health Status ...... 38 Effects of Identity on Self-Esteem and Personal Efficacy ............... 42 iv CHAPTER Page III. (Cont'd.) Ethnic Identity and the Utilization of Resources .................. 45 Utilization-Underutilization of Mental Health Services ............. 45 Social, Economic and Cultural Aspects ....... 48 Attitudes Toward Formal Services ..... '. . . 49 Unfamiliarity with Services ........... 52 Language and Cultural Barriers ......... 53 Social Economic Status ............. 55 Reliance on Alternative Resources or Use of Informal Resources ........... 58 Reliance on the Extended Family ...... 58 Reliance on Friends ............ 65 Reliance on Religious Practitioners . . . . 66 Reliance on Medical Doctors ........ 68 Reliance on Ethnic Community Workers. . . . 72 Reliance on Curanderos or Folk Healers. . . 73 Frequency and Severity of Mental Illness . . . . 83 Attributes of Mental Health Clinics and Services ................. 88 Location and Accessibility of Services . . . . 88 Availability of Chicano Mental Health Professionals ............ 89 Traditional Clinical and Therapeutic Orientation ................. 90 Language Barriers ............... 9l Culture-Bound Diagnosis and Treatment ..... 93 Summary ...................... 95 IV. GENERAL FINDINGS ................... 96 Language ..................... 96 Demographic Data ................. 96 Social Economic Status .............. 99 Availability and Utilization of Mutual Support Groups ................. lOO Attitudes Toward Local Mental Health Services .................... lO3 Ethnic Identification ............... 108 Ethnic Identity .................. llO Mental Health Status ............... ll2 Utilization of Informal Health Resources ..... ll6 Utilization of Formal Health Resources ...... ll8 Summary ...................... 120 CHAPTER V. ANALYSIS OF DATA .................. Identification and Identity ........... Mental Health Status: Self-Esteem and Personal Efficacy ............... Utilization of Mental Health Resources ...... Summary ..................... VI. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................. Adequacy of Sample ................ Summary of Results ................ Conclusions and Implications ........... Hypotheses ................... Ethnic Identity ................. Mental Health Status ............... Utilization of Mental Health Resources ...... Recommendations ................. Community Relations or Out-Reach ........ Staffing .................... Training .................... Programs and Services ............. Research and Evaluation ............ FOOTNOTES ........................... APPENDICES A. General Questionnaire ................ Al. Social Identity Deck ................ A2. Card 2--Ethnic Labels ................ A3. Card 4--Non-Professional Helping Resources ..... A4. Card 5--Assistance Provided Response Categories. . . A5. Card 6--Professional Helping Resources ....... A6. Card 7--Accuracy Response Categories ........ A7. Card 8—-Frequency Response Categories ........ A8. Card lO--Frequency of Visitation Response Categories A9. Card 21--Income ................... B. Screening Questionnaire ............... C. Interviewer Training Manual ............. BIBLIOGRAPHY ......................... vi Page 121 121 134 I40 I48 149 149 150 152 152 158 159 160 161 I62 I62 163 163 164 166 170 205 207 208 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 226 249 LIST OF TABLES 1921.9. me. 1. Physical Features Scale ............... 98 2. Skin Color Scale ................... 98 3. Occupational Status ................. 100 4. Income ........................ 101 5. Familiarity with Mental Health Services ....... 104 6. Attitudes Toward Service Providers .......... 106 7. Ethnic Identity Scale ................ 111 8. Personal Efficacy Scale ............... 113 9. Private Self-Esteem Scale .............. 113 10. Public Self-Esteem Scale ............... 114 11. Frequency of Stress ................. 114 12. Nature of Problems .................. 116 13. First-Ranked Non-Professional ............ 117 14. First-Ranked Professional .............. 119 15. Association of Ethnic Identity with Social Terms. . . 123 16. Association of Ethnic Identity Scale with Ethnic Terms .................... 124 17. Ethnic Identity and Density ............. 129 18. Ethnic Identity and Generations in the U.S ...... 130 19. Ethnic Identity and Education ............ 131 20. Personal Efficacy and Frequency of Stress ...... 137 vii 13-9—19- P392 21. Public Self-Esteem and Frequency of Stress ...... 137 22. Utilization of Formal and Informal Mental Health Resources .................. 141 23. Standardized Beta Weights and Significance-~Forma1 Resources ...................... 142 24. Standardized Beta Weights and Significance-- Informal Resources ................. 143 25. Familiarity and Utilization of Formal Resources. . . . 144 viii LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. Major Analytic Objectives .............. 11 2. Clusters of Heads of Households ........... 32 ix CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION I am Joaquin, lost in a world of confusion, caught up in the whirl of a gringo society, confused by the rules, scorned by attitudes, suppressed by manipulation, and destroyed by nodern society. My fathers have lost the economic battle and won the struggle of cultural survival. And now! I must choose between the paradox of victory of the spirit, despite physical hunger, or to exist in the grasp of American social neurosis, sterilization of the soul and a full stomach. --from "I am Joaquin" by Rodolfo Gonzales Statement of the Problem Persons of Mexican origin in Lansing, Michigan, as well as across the United States, continue to underutilize traditional "mainstream" mental health services. In Lansing, traditional mental health ser- vices are provided nainly by three centers: St. Lawrence Mental Health Center, Capitol Area Counseling Center, and Ingham Community I Mental Health Center. Mental health services are also provided to the Chicano* community by Cristo Rey Counseling Center. The 1970 United States Census (the only data available at the start of this research project) gives the total population of Lansing as 130,211 and a total of 5,070 or 3.9 percent for persons of Spanish language (this includes Chicanos, Puerto Ricans, Cubans, South Ameri- cans, and other persons of Spanish language background). A look at the statistics available from mental health centers shows that this group of persons of Spanish language is underrepresented. St. Lawrence Mental Health Center, Capitol Area Counseling Cen- ter, and Cristo Rey Counseling Center are in the north part of Lansing where the greater concentration of Chicanos live. Ingham Community Mental Health Center is in the south part of Lansing. With the excep- tion of Cristo Rey, which was established specifically to provide ser- vices for the Chicano community, the centers in the north part of Lansing seem to be less utilized or more underutilized. St. Lawrence Mental Health Program claimed they do not do their reports with an ethnic or racial breakdown of clients, so no statistics were pro- vided by this center. Capitol Area Counseling Center reported a total *The different labels used to refer to persons of Mexican origin such as Chicano, Mexican American, Spanish, Latino, Hispanic, etc., carry different political, cultural and ideological implications and one of the purposes of the research is to study the preference and implications that a national sample of Mexican-origin persons attach to different name labels. In the research itself and in the question- naire, the most neutral label used in the national study, persons of Mexican origin, was used. For convenience, the term Chicano is used in this paper to refer to all persons of Mexican origin. The term Hispanic, which seems to be the current popular term, is used to refer to all persons of Spanish language background, i.e., Chicano, Puerto Rican, Cuban, South American, etc. of 1,134 clients for the year 1978-1979. Of this total, only 18 clients, or 1.5 percent were Hispanic. For the same year, Ingham Community Mental Health Center reported a total of 1,722 clients in their out-patient program with 40, or 2.3 percent of these being His- panic; a total of 155 clients in their in-patient program with a total of 3, or 1.9 percent Hispanic; and a total of 240 clients in their adult day program with 8, or 3.3 percent of these being Hispanic. Cristo Rey Counseling Center reported a total of 203 clients for 1978-1979; of this total 138, or 67.9 percent were Hispanic. With the persons of Spanish language or Hispanics making up 3.9 percent of the total population and the average percentage of Hispanic clients at traditional mental health centers being 2.2 percent, His- panics are underrepresented. Just as Hispanics or Chicanos across the nation (as the review of the literature will indicate), Chicanos l in Lansing tend to underutilize traditional mental health services. A General Overview of the Study The Lansing study is a duplication of part of the conprehensive national study of the mental health implication of ethnic identifica- tion and identity among Chicanos conducted by the Survey Research Center, Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Carlos H. Arce, Project Director. The research was done in collaboration with Carlos Arce and the results were compared with the results from Texas, obtained and made available by the Institute for Social Research. The data collected in Lansing, Michigan have become part of the national study and are available to interested scholars and mental health practitioners. The Lansing study assesses the factors that lead to Chicanos utilizing or underutilizing formal and informal mental health ser- vices by examining a person's sense of ethnic identification and ethnic identity, in addition to the usual demographic characteristics such as age, sex, education, occupation, income, generational distance from Mexico, and Chicano concentration in the community. Availability of mutual support groups and attitudes of local mental health services is examined. Besides their effects on utilization of services, ethnic identity and ethnic identification are also examined in relationship to their effects on a person's mental health status. From his interaction with and observance of the Chicanos in Michigan, the researcher has noticed that the majority of Chicanos in Michigan come to Michigan from Mexico by way of Texas, or from Texas. A comparative analysis between the results obtained from Lansing and the results obtained from Texas by the Institute of Social Research was done to see what are the major differences and what fac- tors are responsible for these differences. The comparison with the Texas sample is also of interest to the researcher since, being from Texas, he hopes to return to and work in Texas. The general purpose of the study is to determine the causes of or reasons why Lansing Chicanos underutilize mental health services and to make recommendations and suggestions to mental health providers to meet the needs of the Chicano community. Rationale for Research To date, the only comprehensive national study on Chicano iden- tity and its relation to mental health is the one conducted by Carlos Arce and the Institute for Social Research. The data collected is available as a national resource for utilization and analysis by minority scholars. However, even though Michigan has the second largest number of Chicanos in the Midwest with 96,000, next to Illinois with 412,000 (1976 Federal Government estimate figures), there is not enough statewide data available for conclusive findings. No data for the national study had been collected from the Lansing metropolitan area, which has the third largest number of Chicanos in the state of Michigan (next to Detroit and Saginaw). As was mentioned in the pre- vious section, the data collected in Lansing has become part of the national study data. Classes of Variables Three classes of variables--independent variables, intervening variables, and dependent variables-~were studied and the relationships between them were analyzed. Independent Variables The independent variables, or class one variables, are: age, sex, language, birthplace, education, occupation, income, marital status, urban residence, geographical distance from Mexico, genera- tional distance from Mexican ancestry, Chicano density or concentra- tion in the community, availability of mutual support groups, availa- bility of mental health resources, familiarity with mental health re- sources, attitudes toward mental health providers, types of problems, and frequency of major stress. Language is defined as the language used by respondent in the interview, which will be either English or Spanish. The research in Lansing was conducted with an urban population or a standard metropolitan statustical area as defined by the U.S. Census. The research in Texas was conducted with an urban population or nine standard metropolitan statistical areas (SMSA's): Brownsville, Corpus Christi, El Paso, Houston, San Antonio, McAllen, Beaumont, Ft. Worth, and Laredo; and with a rural p0pulation or four non-metropolitan areas: Comal County, Willianson County, Wilson County, and Willacy County. The comparison with the Texas data also provided a compari- son between two samples from different geographical distances from Mexico. Generational distance from Mexico refers to the number of generations born and raised in the United States. Chicano density or concentration refers to what percentage of the community where the respondent resides is of Mexican origin. Intervening Variables The intervening variables, or class two variables, are ethnic identification and ethnic identity. Ethnic identification is defined as a cognitive process, the perception of similarity or common in- terests with other persons of Mexican origin. Ethnic identity is de- fined as the cognitive product of that process of identification, indicated by self-labelling in ethnic terms. Dependent Variables Dependent, or class three variables, are personal efficacy and self-esteem (private self-esteem and public self-esteem) as indica- tors of mental health status and the utilization of formal and in- formal mental health resources. Research Objectives and Hypotheses Three sets of research objectives were used in the study: des- criptive, analytic, and comparative. Descriptive Objectives Identification and Identity 1. To delineate the nmltiple group identifications of persons of Mexican origin, and to assess the relative importance of ethnic identification and identification with other groups (social class, occupational, religious, sex, family roles, etc.). This objective recognizes that most people usually identify with and share common interest with several groups and that one's ethnic group may not be as important in one's social identity as some other group's identification. Respondents were allowed to choose the groups the groups they feel closest to, groups they feel close to but not closest, and groups to which they do not feel close at all. The hypothesis tested under this objective is: HYPOTHESIS I: The degree of ethnic identity has no effect on the degree of identifying with other social groups, or social roles. 2. To describe the components of ethnic identification from a wide range of ethnic terms that persons of Mexican origin use in talking about themselves. Respondents were allowed to choose from among a wide range of ethnic terms that refer to persons of Mexican origin. The relation- ship of the most preferred name label to the ethnic identity cluster(s) were examined. The hypothesis tested under this objective is: HYPOTHESIS II: Persons who prefer the term Chicano score higher on the ethnic identity scale. Mental Health Outcomes 1. To delineate the distributions of persons of Mexican origin along several dimensions of mental health status as indicated by personal efficacy or depression and private and public self-esteem, and to describe the relationships among these dimensions. A combined scale using two standard measures of personal control and efficacy used on the national study were used on the Lansing study. The first part includes the five personally cast items from the Rotter Internal-External Control scale. The second part includes four Likert-type items traditionally used at the Survey Research Center as a measure of personal efficacy. Both this measure and the Rotter- derived personal control measure were included in another national study of group identification that the Survey Research Center used for comparison purposes. The coefficient alpha of each separate index is improved from .61 for the personal measure and .64 fer the personal efficacy measure, to .75 for the combined index (Arce, 1976). Re- Spondents were also asked a few other personally cast questions that make more specific mention of particular areas of life situations. Self-esteem was measured using the Rosenberg scale. This scale has not been used with adults of Mexican origin, so the reliability and validity for the study was not well established. Rosenberg re- ported a Guttman scale reproducibility coefficient of .92 for its reliability (Arce, 1976). Respondents were also asked some questions on self-esteem of people in general. The hypotheses tested under this objective are: HYPOTHESIS I(a): Personal efficacy and self-esteem are directly related to each other; the higher the level of personal efficacy, the higher the level of self-esteem; the lower the level of personal effi- cacy, the lower the level of self-esteem. HYPOTHESIS I(b): The degree of personal efficacy and self-esteem is inversely proportional to the level of frequency of major stress from life problems; the greater the frequency of major stress, the lower the level of personal efficacy and self-esteem. 2. To delineate the various informal and formal resources that persons of Mexican origin utilize for help with mental health problems and to examine the relationships among these help- utilization patterns. Lansing has both traditional, mainstream and Chicano-oriented formal mental health services available. Both of these types of ser- vices seem to be underutilized. Respondents were asked some questions to determine their familiarity with the local mental health services and their attitudes on the adequacy of these services. Respondents were also asked some open-ended questions about some stress-producing situations. These questions led into some questions about the types of help-seeking resources they utilized for their problems. The hypothesis tested under this objective is: HYPOTHESIS II: Persons of Mexican origin underutilize formal mental health resources because they utilize informal mental health resources . 10 Analytic Objectives The major analytic objectives are represented by the three arrows depicted in Figure 1. 1. To analyze the relationships between the independent (class one) variables and ethnic identification and ethnic identity (class two). Information on some of the independent variables such as age, birthplace, education, occupation, income, marital status, genera- tional distance from Mexico, availability of mutual support groups, familiarity with mental health resources, attitudes toward mental health providers, types of problems, and frequency of major stress were obtained from questions on the questionnaire. The information on the remaining independent variables, such as sex and language, was obtained by observation by the interviewers and the community Chicano density/composition was obtained from the U.S. Census data. Urban residence is a variable that remained constant in the sample from Lansing and in the sample from Texas, used in the Comparative Objec- tive section. Geographic distance from Mexico is a variable that is also used in the comparison analysis with the Texas data. It is as- sumed that several and a combination of these variables have an ef- fect on the level of ethnic identification and ethnic identity. The hypotheses tested under this objective are: HYPOTHESIS 1(a): The level of ethnic identity is directly pro- portional to the degree of Chicano density of concentration in the community; the greater the Chicano density, the greater the level of ethnic identity, and vice-versa. FmELoch pmsgoe mmugaommm supwm: ~mpcmz Lo cowmeLFLpz xumowmwo chomgma Emmummumme mauapm eppmmz Fauna: .Am mm>wuumwno uwux—mz< gowns--.~ wgamwu aawucaea uwcgpm =o_bmu_ewbemuH owcgpm mmpamwem> ameouuzov pcmvcmnoo manmwgm> mcpcm>emucH msmpnoga mo monxw 383 “B Seesaw: mgaea>oLa enema: _au=mz cease» mausuwbu< mawbepwuau ga_aa= _ab=az 55L; Lawtmw_wseu mmwaw_wume capes: _mb=mz Lo LSLPLnaPPm>< mnzoeo pecanzm pmapzz ea xuwpwanmm>< xuwmcmo\:owpvmogeou ocmuVsu ouwxmz Eogm mucmpmwo —mcowpmgmcmo 8.38: so: mucmumwa upgamemomw 8:8 .mem :35 mzumpm quwemz cowumaauoo meoucm cowumuscm mmmzmcmq mompaspgwm xmm wm< mmpnmwem> acmuemamcza m m 4 m < H m < > 12 HYPOTHESIS I(b): The greater the generational distance from Mexico, the lower the degree of ethnic identity. HYPOTHESIS I(c): The level of education has gg relation on the level of ethnic identity. 2.A. To analyze the relationships between ethnic identification and identity (class two) and mental health outcomes (class three). 2.B. To analyze the relationship between ethnic identity and both self-esteem and sense of efficacy. 2.C. To analyze the relationships between ethnic identity and attitudes toward and utilization of mental health services. Previous literature suggests that self-esteem and personal effi- cacy should be greater among people who have become ethnically identi- fied and whose social identity includes strong ethnic components. Previous literature on utilization of services suggests that stronger ethnic identity would lead to rejection of traditional mental health facilities and greater utilization of informal resources such as the extended family. More recent findings (Padilla et a1., 1976) suggest that this may not be true, at least not as a simplistic set of rela- tionships. Multivariate analyses will be used for this objective, with new data suggesting that the relationships between ethnic iden- tity and utilization of help resources may be confounded by many demo- graphic and contextual variables, such as socioeconomic status and ethnic composition of the community. The hypotheses tested under these objectives are: HYPOTHESIS 11(a): The degree of personal efficacy and self- esteem is directly preportional to the level of ethnic identity; the 13 higher the level of ethnic identity, the greater the level of personal efficacy and self-esteem and vice-versa. HYPOTHESIS II(b); (Tentative Assumption) The higher_the level of ethnic identity, the greater the utilization of informal mental health resources; the lgwer_the level of ethnic identity, the greater the utilization of fgrmgl mental health resources. 3. To analyze the relationships between independent (class one) variables and mental health outcomes (class three). This is the area in the literature where there are more contra- dictory hypotheses and conclusions drawn. The review of the litera- ture in Chapter III will show that some of the assumptions on the underutilization of formal mental health resources include attitudes toward formal mental health services, unfamiliarity with services, social economic status, and frequency and severity of mental illness of the Chicano. The hypotheses tested under this objective are: HYPOTHESIS III(a): Persons of Mexican origin underutilize formal mental health resources because they are unfamiliar with their ser- vices. HYPOTHESIS III(b): Persons of Mexican origin underutilize fOrmal mental health resources because they have negative attitudes toward these services. HYPOTHESIS III(c): The utilization of formal mental health ser- vices is directly proportional to socioecononfic status; the higher the socioeconomic status, the greater the utilization of fbrmal re- sources. HYPOTHESIS III(d): The utilization of informal mental health 14 resources is directly proportional to Chicano density; the greater the Chicano density, the greater the utilization of informal support re- sources. HYPOTHESIS III(e): There is a curvilinear relationship between Chicano density and self-esteem and personal efficacy; higher and lower density results in higher self-esteem and personal efficacy, whereas median density results in lower self-esteem and personal ef- ficacy ("marginality"). HYPOTHESIS III(f): Persons of Mexican origin underutilize formal mental health services because of lower frequency of stress. Comparative Objective The only objective under this section is to compare the results from the Lansing area to the results from Texas. All the hypotheses were tested separately with the data collected in Lansing and the data collected in Texas by the Survey Research Center. The results were compared and some of the results also served as a secondary check for some of the conclusions. The sample from Texas included areas of higher Chicano density, so the effect of Chicano density and geographic distance from Mexico was tested. The hypotheses tested under this objective are: HYPOTHESIS 1(a): The sample from Texas will have a greater level of ethnic identity than the sample from Lansing. HYPOTHESIS I(b): The sample from Texas will have a greater level of self-esteem and personal efficacy than the sample from Lansing. 15 Summary Persons of Mexican origin in Lansing as well as across the United States continue to underutilize traditional mainstream mental health services. This study assesses the factors that lead to Chicanos utilizing or underutilizing formal and informal services by examining one's sense of ethnic identification and ethnic identity, in addition to the usual demographic characteristics such as age, sex, education, occupation, income, generational distance from Mexico, and Chicano concentration in the community. Availability of mutual support groups is also examined. Three classes of variables--independent variables, intervening variables, and dependent variables--were studied and the relationships between them were analyzed. Three sets of research ob- jectives were used in the study: descriptive, analytic and compara- tive. A total of eighteen hypotheses were tested under these three objectives. CHAPTER II DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY OF STUDY Introduction The Spanish speaking population of the Lansing area was screened to identify persons of Mexican origin. After persons were identified as being of Mexican origin, and therefore eligible for the study, 100 interviews were conducted in person from four areas of Chicano concen- tration. Before going into a detailed description of the design and methodology of the study, an overall national picture of persons of Mexican origin or Chicanos of the United States will be given, fellowed by a brief description of the sample (Lansing Chicanos). National Overview of Chicanos The history of the Chicano or Mexican American in the United States starts over 450 years ago. Chicanos were on American soil and had already founded cities and communities long before the Pilgrims landed on Plymouth Rock. Juan Ponce de Leon landed on the southern coast of Florida in 1513, twenty-one years after Cristobal Colon (or Christopher Columbus as he is called by Anglo historians in American history) first came to the Americas. Hernando Cortez founded Vera Cruz in 1519. Juan de Onate explored what is today the American Southwest back in 1598. St. Augustine, Florida, was founded by the 16 17 Spanish in 1565, forty years before Jamestown which is mentioned as the first "American" settlement by most American history books (Cabrera, 1971). Another important historical date is February 2, 1848. This date is considered by many Chicanos as the historical birthday of the Chi- cano. On this date, more than half of the Mexicans became citizens of the United States (and subsequently Chicanos) by destiny, or by an act of war. At the end of the Mexican War, known in Mexico as the North American Invasion, the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo was signed. As a result of this treaty, Mexico acknowledged the annexation of Texas by the United States and ceded to the United States the territory that is presently California and most of Arizona and New Mexico. One of the provisions of the treaty was that Mexican nationals were given one year to decide whether they wanted to move to Mexico or remain in their homes and become citizens of the United States (Hernandez, 1969). This is why some Chicanos can claim that we never came to the United States, that it was the United States which came to us. We never moved north, the U.S. border moved south. To describe a "national Chicano character" would not only be im- possible or naive, but unfair to Chicanos. The Chicano in the United States today is a very heterogenous group. Historically, the group includes direct descendants of the original settlers as well as the newly arrived. A few are pure Spanish, while the remainder are mostly Spanish and Indian. Some are mostly Indian, others are mixed with French, other Europeans, and a few with the Black race. Cultur— ally, Chicanos exist in a wide continuum on the acculturation and assimulation spectrum. 0n the one extreme, there is the "very Mexican 18 or Indian" and at the other extreme, the "very middlestream Anglo", with a large assortment in between. There are those who are unaware of their heritage and contributions their culture has made, those who are aware of their history and culture and are proud of it, and those who are ashamed of their ancestry as well as some who deny or negate their cultural history. Economically and educationally there are large differences. With regard to morals, attitudes and values, dif- ferences exist between a lower class migrant or construction worker, a factory worker, a middle class bureaucrat, and an upper class pro- fessional. The differences are found not only between the different states or regions, urban and rural areas, as might be expected, but also within the same town and even within the same family. One final point that should be made is that the Chicano is the second largest ethnic minority in the United States and the largest in the Southwest. According to 1978 census estimates, there are over twelve million Hispanic Americans in the United States.2 Description of the Sample The history of the Chicano in the Lansing area is hard to find in the literature. Herrera (1976) conducted research on the Chicanos of Ingham County and based on written questionnaires, traced the early Chicano groups as coming to the Lansing area during the early 19205. Herrera gives the agricultural industry as the main reason for migration of early Chicanos to Michigan. He states that the num- bers began increasing during and after World War II due to farmers who brought them into the area to ease the shortage of farm hands. He also credits the steady demand for workers in better paying in- dustrial jobs for the substantial resettlement in Michigan (and 19 Lansing) of Chicanos from the migratory farm labor stream. The 1970 U.S. Census shows 36 tracts in Lansing which contain persons of Spanish language, with a total of 5,070 persons. Out of a total population of 130,211 this is 3.9 percent of the total popula- tion. The largest concentration of Chicanos is in the north side of Lansing which extends from Groesbeck Golf Course or Wood Street on the east,to the Grand River on the west, and from Sheridan Road on the north to Willow and Saginaw Streets on the south. This area in- cludes census tracts l, 2, 8 and 32, with a total of 1,429 persons of Spanish language or 28.2 percent of the total number of persons of Spanish language. Herrera (1976) gives as the place of origin of persons of Spanish language in the Lansing area as follows: 70 per- cent from Texas; 15 percent from Mexico; 10 percent from other states of the Southwest; and 5 percent from Cuba and Puerto Rico and other South American countries. Rodriguez (1975) conducted a research in the north side of Lansing by sending out 200 questionnaires to a random cross-section of the population. The sample was divided into four groups: Chicano parents, Chicano students, Anglo parents, and Anglo students. This research has provided some interesting biographic and demographic information, as well as some attitudes of the people in an important part of Lansing. The demographic results obtained by Rodriguez will be summarized first. The Chicano family size was larger than the Anglo family. The average number of children was four for the Anglo family versus six for the Chicano family, or 50 percent more. On the health of the mother, he found that 70 percent of Anglo mothers enjoyed good health, 20 while only 45 percent of Chicano mothers enjoyed the same condition. Only 28 percent of Chicano mothers worked outside the home, as opposed to 60 percent of Anglo mothers. Another significant difference was that 66 percent of Anglos had the size of the family planned, versus 42 percent among Chicanos, about a 50 percent difference. Rodriguez found that 84 percent of Anglo parents were born in Michigan, versus a negligible 7 percent of Chicano parents. Anglos also lived in Lansing an average of 22 years, while the average for Chicanos was only 8-1/2 years. On the educational level of the sample, 19 percent of Anglos received a university education and 16 percent had attended a community college. 0f the Chicanos, not one had at- tended a university and only 7 percent had attended a community col- lege. Many of the sample refused to answer the question on educa- tional level, so no statistics were available on the educational level attained. The unemployment rate among Anglos was 6 percent, versus 47 per- cent for Chicanos. The ratio of professional and skilled jobs held by Anglos was 86 percent, but 28 percent for Chicanos. In regard to housing, 84 percent of Anglos owned the house or apartment in which they were living, while only 50 percent of Chicanos (35 percent fewer) owned their own dwelling. Rodriguez summarized the results as follows: "...we have a group of Anglo families with smaller number of children, better jobs and income (reflected in the ownership of the house), higher degree of education, and wives enjoy- ing much better health. On the other hand, the rate of di- vorce among these Anglo families is 32 percent versus a lower 22 percent on the Chicano side." (p. 8) 21 Rodriguez's research also explored the attitudes on eleven major areas: space, time, work, food, interaction, language, learning, re- creation, material goods, art and religion, and health. Space was measured by identification with the neighborhood and community, and by low rate of mobility. The study showed 84 percent of Anglos felt happier about belonging to their neighborhood, versus 78 percent of Chicanos. Chicanos were shown to work in a large percentage outside the neighborhood where they lived, with only 20 percent working in the neighborhood, as opposed to 72 percent of Anglos. Time was measured in the context of the value of time, the dis- tribution of time and the orientation toward the future. Anglos fared better in the three sections, the most important difference being in regard to the orientation toward the future as measured by the interest in saving money, and the planning for events that are expected in the future. The ratio was 53 percent for the Anglo group, versus 27 per- cent for Chicanos, which is twice as high on the part of Anglos. Work was measured in five sections: type of work held at the present time and type of work desired; attitude toward competition and promotion; reSponsibility on the job; rate of mobility on the job; and preference for types of work which are highly organized. The Anglo group, both parents and students, showed a higher degree of positive attitude than the Chicano group. The Anglo students scored higher than their parents, reflecting the values of the industrialized American society. Rodriguez also emphasized that the Chicano students scored very close to the Anglo group. Rodriguez interpreted this as: "...they are entering the mainstream of American life and they have absorbed the appreciation of these values, perhaps because they realize that the submission to these values involves the 22 only possibility of personal achievement, social progress and perhaps even survival in the competitive society. On the other hand, the graph shows that Chicano parents do not keep up with these forms of highly organized and competitive work, perhaps because they did not have in their youth the experience of this highly technological age, or perhaps they never wanted to belong to the system or were rejected by it, and so they preferred to develop their lives in the framework of what we can call a pre- industrial socio-economic system." (p. 12) Attitudes with regard to food were based on: meals as a means to share the togetherness of the family and the relationships with friends; higher or lower degree of adherence to a fixed schedule for meals; and interest in a balanced diet. The Chicano parents scored higher in using the mealtime for family interaction, reflecting the importance of the family for people of Mexican origin. Paradoxically enough, the Chicano students scored the lowest of the four groups on this item, revealing a significant generational deviation from values and patterns of their parents. Sharing meals with friends rather than with the family was very high among Anglo students with 90 percent, the lowest score corresponding to Chicano students. The same result occurred in adherence to a fixed schedule of meals. Interaction was explored at three different levels: within the family; at neighborhood level; and at community level, Lansing being defined as the community. In the attitude of the interest for the togetherness of the family, the parents of both groups scored signi- ficantly higher than the students. In the way they view the authority of the father, the Anglo parents scored the highest with the other three groups being visibly more negative in their attitudes. The relationship between parents and children was examined in three areas: harmony; plans for the children; and plans for the aged. In all three areas, Chicano parents scored the highest with 90 percent 23 of the Chicano parents and 74 percent of Chicano students viewing their mutual relationship as being very good, versus only 68 percent of Anglo parents. There was no significant difference in the plans for their children, however, in plans for the aged, Anglo parents had the high— est score. These trends reflect the importance of the family fer the Chicano. It also reflects the tendency of the Anglo family to break up when the children become adults and move away from home. The Chi- cano family usually stays together, even when the parents get old, and they continue to live with their married children rather than be- ing sent to rest homes or similar institutiOns as is very widespread among Anglo families. As for relationships among neighbors, the interest of the students in both groups was much higher than that of the parents, with only 20 percent of the parents in both groups being interested in their neigh- borhoods. Interaction on the community level indicated that Anglo parents showed a higher knowledge of the matters involved with a score of 56 percent. Only 28 percent of Anglo students, 9 percent of Chicano students and 12 percent of Chicano parents proved to have any knowledge of the community of Lansing. Only 10 percent of the Chicano parents regularly exercised their right to vote, versus a much higher rate of 59 percent for Anglo parents. Language was divided into attitudes toward Spanish speaking people and toward the news in Spanish. The attitude toward Spanish speaking people showed a very low score among the Anglo group as a whole, being slightly higher among students than among parents. The interest on the part of Anglos fer news programs in Spanish was negligible. 24 Learning was divided into attitudes toward the school, attitudes toward usefulness of learning, and attitude toward a trade being taught in school. Chicano parents scored the highest on attitude toward learning as a whole. There was no significant difference on approach to usefulness of learning. Chicano students evaluated the counselors very highly, even more than they evaluated either administrators or instructors. This could be because the three schools which these students attended have Chicano counselors but do not have either Chicano administrators or instructors. 0n recreation, it was found that the most favored ferms of re- creation were watching television and miscellaneous forms including bingo, going to bars, pool houses and others. It was significant that practicing exercises and sports was an extremely low form of recreation, especially among the parents with only 8 percent for Anglos and 3 percent for Chicanos. Attitudes on material goods were examined under: ambition for material goods; preference to spend money on material goods versus saving money; interest in possessing all necessary things; and atti- tudes toward luxuries. Even though Anglos were expected to be more inclined toward the possession of material goods, the results were that all four groups' scores were very close. The most significant differences in the breaking down of categories was that on the one hand, Chicano parents and students prefer to spend money instead of saving, and on the other hand, the Chicano group reflected the lack of many luxuries which were enjoyed by the Anglo grOUp. Art was studied by asking questions about knowledge of the exist- ence of and visitation to museums, and knowledge of and attendance to 25 musical performances. The Anglo group scored significantly higher than the Chicano group, the highest being the Anglo students with 89 percent and the lowest being the Chicano parents with 37 percent. In contrast with art and religion, scores were higher with the Chicano group with Chicano parents scoring 57 percent against 32 percent for Anglo parents. Health was divided into physical and mental or emotional health. With regard to physical health, results indicated a positive attitude of 89 percent for the Anglo group, versus a 66 percent for the Chicano group. The results could have been affected by the economic condi- tions of both groups, since questions involved such matters as having a family doctor, dentist, optometrist, yearly check-ups, and the pre- sent health of the family. No significant differences appeared with regard to care of mental or emotional health. There was very little concern expressed for this kind of problem on the part of any of the four groups. Many of the factors mentioned from this study such as employment, generational distance, education, identification with the family, neighborhood and community, interaction with family and friends, re- lationships between parents and children, relationships among neigh- bors, economic situation, and attitudes about physical and mental health affect mental health status as well as the utilization or underutilization of mental health services. The Rodriguez study only involved the north side of Lansing which has the highest concentration of Chicanos. The present study concerns a representative sample from the city of Lansing as a whole and factors or variables are examined in relation to mental health. 26 The Questionnaire A modified version of the questionnaire developed by the Survey Research Center was used. It was 35 pages in length, including 40 questions in English and Spanish and 18 questions on the interviewer's observations. The interview involved questions on biographic and demographic information. It included questions on knowledge and at- titudes of local mental health centers and programs, and availability and utilization of formal and informal support systems. It also in- cluded an ethnic identity scale in addition to a self-esteem scale and a personal efficacy scale (see Appendix A). The interview was not identified to the respondent as relating to mental health; instead it was identified as a Michigan State Uni- versity-based study concerned with the Opinion and customs of people of Mexican descent in the United States. They were told that from the results and conclusions of the study, recommendations would be developed for agencies and programs dealing with pe0p1e of Mexican descent. The interviews were carried out in either English or Spanish, depending upon the preference of the respondent. All interviewers were fluent in both languages. Interviews lasted between a half hour and an hour, and the interviewer's observations section took about 15 minutes. Skill and Training of Interviewers Six students assisted in conducting the interviews. They were Jose Ortiz, Roberto Ortiz, Oscar Gonzales, David Latoni, Miguel Contreras and Edwardo Frias. Frias is a Chicano from Michigan, 27 Contreras is a Chicano from Arizona, while the other four students are Puerto Rican. The Ortiz brothers and Latoni are from the main island and Gonzales is from Chicago. All the interviewers are native speakers (Spanish language) and are fluent in both Spanish and English, know- ledgeable of Chicano cultural values, and are responsible and person- able. Jose Ortiz, Latoni and Frias had participated in another dis- sertation research project on Lansing Chicanos, the Health Services Outreach Project, and had been recommended by Miquela Rivera, the Project Coordinator. Contreras and Frias received independent study credit in social work and the other four students received independent study credit in Spanish. All interviewers underwent two thorough half-day training sessions which included professional ethics and confidentiality, an orientation of the research project, explanation of the fundamentals of interview- ing including probing and bias, and doing actual interviews (not on persons in the sample). All interviewers were also supplied with a training manual which included: A. Statement by the Survey Research Center on Professional Ethics Overview of National Study Overview of Lansing Study Glossary of Terms Used Criteria for Determining Eligibility Language to be Used Rules for Recording ICD'TTMUOUU Mechanics of Recording 1. Thumbnail Sketch of Respondent and Interview 28 J. Editing the Responses K. Introduction to Interviewing L. Interviewing M. Bias N. Probing 0. Setting up Appointments P. Reasons and Types of Refusals The training was carried out under the supervision of Ph.D. Guidance Committee Chairperson Victor Whiteman, whose area of expertise is research methodology and statistics. An attempt was made to bring together the experience in interviewing operations with the sensiti- vity and insight of styles and procedures that come from past exper- ience with the target population. Reliability of Interviewing, A combination of methods to check the reliability (and honesty) of the interviewing were utilized. The Project Coordinator (doctoral candidate) conducted a brief follow-up of respondents by phone or in person. Follow-up was done on the first three respondents for each interviewer and randomly on the remainder of the respondents. Re- spondents were first thanked for their participation and the confi- dentiality of the study was again emphasized. The fellow-up included such questions as: Did interviewer keep the appointment? Did you have any problems with the interviewer or with any of the questions? Do you remember how much time the whole interview took? 00 you have any comments, suggestions or recommendations? 29 Respondents were remunerated $5.00 per interview. Payments were in cash and interviewers were required to turn in a receipt signed by the respondents. This served as a secondary check system. Also, three of the interviewers did not have their own transportation, so the Project Coordinator drove them to and from several of the inter- views and was aware that the interviews were actually being conducted as well as how much time each interview took. Sampling Method The general goal of the sampling was to maximize generalizeabi- lity and representativeness (under time and fiscal constraints). The attempt was made to obtain a sample that represented all the varia- tions of the Mexican origin population on significant variables and characteristics. A multistage area sample that adequately accounts for the uneven distribution and concentration of the target popula- tion was used. The basic procedure consisted of dividing Lansing into four areas of Chicano density or concentration, randomly select- ing households, and screening for eligibility. The three stages are described below. Stage I--Selection of Sites by Density. Since the variables being researched can be affected by ethnic composition and concen- tration, it was important to obtain an equal and representative sample from areas of different concentrations. The 1970 U.S. Census (which was the latest and most complete data available at the start of the study) shows a total of 46 census tracts in Lansing, one be- ing in Eaton County and the remainder in Ingham County. Out of the total number of tracts, only 36 tracts contain persons of Spanish 30 language, with a total of 5,070 persons. The percentage of persons of Spanish language was calculated per tract to determine concentrations. The highest percentage is 16.6 percent for tract number 2 in north Lansing. With the largest percentage being a low percentage of 16.6, Lansing was divided into only four basic areas of Chicano concentra- tion: less than 2 percent, 2—5 percent, 5-10 percent, and more than 10 percent. The 1970 U.S. Census shows 15 census tracts in the less than 2 percent concentration, 11 census tracts in the 2-5 percent concentration, 6 census tracts in the 5-10 percent concentration, and 4 census tracts in the more than 10 percent concentration. Stage II--Random Selection of Households. Since it was not feas- ible to construct a list of all the households in all tracts, tracts were listed by numerical sequence under their respective groups of concentration and their totals were cumulatively totaled. The less than 2 percent group contained a total of 594 persons of Spanish language or 11.7 percent of the total number of persons of Spanish language; the 2-5 percent group contained 1,888 or 37.2 percent; the 5-10 percent group contained 927 or 18.3 percent; and the more than 10 percent group contained 1,661 or 32.8 percent. This means a sample of 12 persons or 12 percent of the total sample was needed from the less than 2 percent group; 37 persons or 37 percent from 2-5 percent group; 18 persons or 18 percent from the 5-10 percent group; and 33 persons or 33 percent from the more than 10 percent group. It was assumed that 85 percent of the persons of Spanish language were of Mexican origin (eligible to participate in the study). Out of a total of 184 persons of Spanish language screened, 171 persons or 92.9 per- cent were of Mexican descent and eligible for the study. It was also 31 assumed that only about 40 percent of persons who were eligible would agree to participate in the study. Out of the 171 persons that were eligible, 105 or 61.4 percent agreed and participated in the study. Clusters of 18 heads of household were used fbr every 6 respond- ents needed; 2 clusters of 18 persons for the less than 2 percent group to obtain 12 samples; 6 clusters for the 2-5 percent group; 3 clusters for the 5-10 percent group; and 5 clusters for the more than 10 percent group (Fig. 2). All the census tracts' totals were cumu- latively listed for each concentration group. The starting point for each cluster was determined by the use of a random table. The listing of households for persons of Spanish language was compiled using the Polk Reverse Directory to include persons with phones as well as per- sons without phones or unlisted numbers, and persons who rent as well as own their own homes. The listing was done alphabetically by street for those tracts randomly selected by the method mentioned above. The starting numerical sequence for each tract randomly selected was determined by the cumulative total listed above. This activity was conducted by the Project Coordinator under the super- vision and consultation of Vic Whiteman, Guidance Committee Chairper- son, and Carlos Arce, Survey Research Center Project Director. Of the original 100 interviews done, five interviews were re- jected for analysis. One because the respondent was not the head of the household but rather a nephew with the same name as the head of the household who happened to be visiting and answered the door; the four other interviews were rejected because the interviewer's obser- vations section of the questionnaire did not have enough information. Five additional interviews were conducted by the Project Coordinator muponmmzo: mo memo: mo mgmumzpu--.m mezmwu 32 mm: m: 2 m_. 2 2. E m_. 2 mp m: E m: 3 3. 2 mp ....:: .: :Z: ._L //.\\ /.\ /_ .\\x / \ woop Rm.mm Rm.w~ &N.mm &N.F~ vmm mw mm mew mm mm ppm pm Pm wwwp cop mm omv ow Nwm— mpm mm eve em mm momp mop N.om com mm mm Nocp New p.mm com mm mm ompp oep mm com NF mm «Pop ms mm «mm _m NN mom mmm mm «m mmm ow mp umm mop Fm umm map —N mop —v my Fmop mew mp wa omp mm wwm mom om mmp mo FF mpvp vmm NF mmo mm m_ mme cop m —m mp op weep mom w mmm mum N mpm Pom e on «p m mum mum N pew Fem P mpp m__ m No Ne w .POP .o .pOF .».u .FOF .u .FOF .h.u .Fop .u .FOH .».u ._0h .0 .FOH .H.u_ &o— can“ meoz flopum Nmum RN can» mmw4 _ uzfigazwere asso- ciated with a statistical significance: "Foreigner" (Chi=8.l7594, V=.29, sig=.0425), "Mother/Father" (Chi=10.87856, V=.33, sig=.0124), "Daughter/Son" (Chi=1l.81582, V=.34, sig=.0080), "Man/Woman" (Chi= 26.44566, V=.51, sig=.OOOO), "Brother/Sister" (Chi=22.18038, V=.47, sig=.OOOl), "Family Breadwinner" (Chi=13.49523, V=.37, sig=.0037), "Spanish Speaker" (Chi=8.11363, V=.28, Sig=.O437), and "United States Native" (Chi=8.26360, V=.29, sig=.0409) (Table 15). The Chi-square test also showed that of the 8 ethnic terms, "Mexican," "Pocho/Pocha," "American of Mexican Descent," "Mexican- American," "Hispanic," "Latino/Latina," "Chicano/Chicana," and "Raza," only 4 terms were correlated to a statistical significance with the ethnic identity scale: "Mexican" (Chi=20.89590, V=.45, sig=.OOOl), "American of Mexican Descent" (Chi=13.73245, V=.37, sig=.0033), "Mexican-American" (Chi=20.22117, V=.45, sig=.0002), and "Hispanic" (Chi=8.99069, V=.30, sig=.0294) (Table 16). The hypothesis was partly supported by the sample since some of the social terms and not all of the ethnic terms were correlated to a statistical significance. The ethnic identity scale from the Texas sample (N=346) was also cross-tabulated separately with each of the 32 social terms. 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It seems the Lansing sample identifies not only with less ethnic labels (4, or 50 percent of the labels versus 8, or 100 percent of the labels for the Texas sample), but also with less social labels (8, or 25 percent versus 12, or 38 percent) than the Texas sample in general. However, a comparison between the Lansing sample and the Texas sample on both ethnic terms and other social terms that were correlated sig- nificantly in both samples showed that there is a higher degree of association with the Lansing sample for all terms: "Mexican" (Cramer's V=.46 for Lansing, and .33 for Texas); "American of Mexican Descent" (V=.37, and .30 respectivelY); "Mexican-American" (V=.45, and .29 re- spectively); "Hispanic" (V=.30, and .17 respectively); "Mother/Father" 126 (V=.33, and .31 respectively); "Man/Woman" (V=.51, and .27 respectively); "Brother/Sister" (V=.47, and .17 respectively); "Family Breadwinner" (V=.37, and .20 respectively); "Spanish Speaker" (V=.28, and .24 re- spectively); and "United States Native" (V=.29, and .26 respectively). HYPOTHESIS: Persons who prefer the term Chicano score a higher score on the ethnic identity scale. Two separate tables were constructed. One was constructed from those that preferred the term "Chicano" and those who preferred any other term when speaking with their family; and the second table was constructed from those that preferred the term "Chicano" and those who preferred any other term when speaking with persons who are not of Mexican descent. These two tables were separately cross-tabulated with the ethnic identity scale. The t-Test showed no statistical sig- nificance between the term used with family and ethnic identity (t=1.69 with 98 degrees of freedom with a probability of .098). However, the difference between terms used with persons who are not of Mexican des- cent and ethnic identity proved to be statistically significant (t=2.53 with 98 degrees of freedom with a probability of .013). In the Texas sample, the opposite results occurred. The ANOVA analysis showed terms used with family to be statistically significant with ethnic identity (F=7.412, prob=.01) while terms used with persons who are not of Mexican descent were not statistically significant with ethnic identity (F=.014, prob=.90). In the Texas sample, 33 reSpond- ents out of 346, or 9.5 percent, preferred the term "Chicano" when speaking about peOple of Mexican descent with their family, compared to 8 respondents in the Lansing sample or 8 percent. Of these 33, one or .3 percent had a zero ethnic score, 13 or 3.6 percent had a low 127 ethnic score, 10 or 2.9 percent had a moderate ethnic score, and 9 or 2.6 percent had a high ethnic score compared to zero percent, one per- cent, 2 percent, and 3 percent, respectively, for the Lansing sample. The Texas sample also showed only 20 5.8 percent preferred the term "Chicano" when speaking about people of Mexican descent with persons who are not of Mexican descent. Of these 20, 1.4 percent had a zero ethnic score, 11 or 3.2 percent had a low ethnic score, 3 or zero per- cent had a moderate ethnic score, and 4 or 1.2 percent had a high ethnic score compared to zero percent, zero percent, 4 percent, and 4 percent, respectively, for the Lansing sample. The hypothesis was partly supported by both samples. These dif- ferences might be explained by several factors or a combination of these factors: the same term or label might have different political or cultural connotations to different peOple; some ethnic terms are regional (different regions of the country prefer and use different terms); the news media continues to change the terms they use, and the media uses different terms in different parts of the country. The common term being used by the media in Lansing this year is "Hispanic," as Opposed to "Latino" used last year. An important distinction between the Lansing sample and the Texas sample was that the Texas sample seemed more comfortable in using the term "Mexican" with both family (171 or 50 percent) and with the pub- lic (105 or 34 percent), compared with the Lansing sample who use the term "Mexican" with family (61 or 61 percent) and with the public or persons who are not of Mexican descent (22 or 22 percent). The Chi-square test showed no statistical significance between the ethnic identity scale and the table of all ethnic terms used with 128 the family when speaking about persons of Mexican origin with either the LanSing sample (Chi=31.81610, V=.56, sig=.06ll), or the Texas sample (Chi=20.51, V=.14, sig=.49). Cramer's V shows a higher degree of association for the Lansing sample (V=.56) than for the Texas sample (V=.l4). The Chi-square test showed no statistical signifi- cance either between the ethnic identity scale and the table of all ethnic terms used with persons who are not of Mexican origin when Speaking about persons who are of Mexican origin for the Lansing sample (Chi=25.49301, V=.50, sig=.3794), and the Texas sample (Chi= 27.43, V=.l7, sig=.l6). As in the previous comparison, the Lansing sample had a higher degree of association (V=.50) than the Texas sample (V=.l7). HYPOTHESIS: The level of ethnic identity is directly propor- tional to the degree of Chicano density or concen- tration in the community; the greater the Chicano density, the greater the level of ethnic identity, and vice-versa. , The Pearson Product-Moment correlation coefficient test showed no statistical significance between ethnic identity and density (r= -.O4968, sig=.3118) (Table 17). This hypothesis was not supported by the sample. Lansing has a rather small percentage of Chicanos with only 3.9 percent of the total population being persons of Spanish language background. The concentration or density of Chicanos is very low, with the highest density being only 16.6 percent of the population in a United States Census tract. The level of density was also cross-tabulated with other variables such as familiarity with mental health services, attitudes toward mental health services, fre- quency of stress, private self-esteem, public self-esteem, personal efficacy, utilization of informal resources, and utilization of formal a I 11114114114)14|41141141<1I4J| 129 Table l7.--Ethnic Identity and Density. ETHNIC IDENTITY DENSITY Row None Low Moderate H1gh Total Less than 2% (count) 1 5 2 4 12 (row pct) 8.3 41.7 16.7 33.3 33.3 2 14 12 9 37 2 to 5% 5.4 37.8 32.4 24.3 37.0 1 7 5 5 18 5 to 10% 5.6 38.9 27.8 27.8 18.0 4 11 ll 7 33 Greater than 10% 12.1 33.3 33.3 21.2 33.0 Column 8 37 30 25 100 Total 8.0 37.0 30.0 25.0 100.0 resources; and there was no significance between density and any of these variables. The Texas sample, which ranged from zero percent to 100 percent Chicano with a mean of 50.6 percent, did not show any statistical sig— nificance either between density and identity (r=-.0796) and (Chi= 10.22, V=.12, sig=.12). The Chi-square test for the Lansing sample was (Chi=2.88396, V=.l7, sig=.9687). So it seems that the concentra- tion of Chicanos in the community has no effect on the level of ethnic identity for persons of Mexican origin. HYPOTHESIS: The greater the generational distance from Mexico, the lower the degree of ethnic identity. The Pearson Product-Moment correlation showed no statistical sig- nificance between the ethnic identity scale and the generational table (r=.02104, sig=.4251) (Table 18). The generational table was 130 Table 18.--Ethnic Identity and Generations in the United States. GENERATIONS ETHNIC IDENTITY IN Row UNITED STATES None Low Moderate High Total zero (count) 0 2 l 1 4 (row pct) 0.0 50.0 25.0 25.0 4.9 3 15 5 9 32 One 9.4 46.9 15.6 28.1 38.6 1 12 10 4 27 Two 3.7 44.4 37.0 14.8 32.5 2 4 4 2 12 Three 16.7 33.3 33.3 16.7 14.5 1 l 4 2 8 Four 12.5 12.5 50.0 25.0 9.6 Column 7 34 24 18 83 Total 8.4 41.0 28.9 21.7 100.0 also cross-tabulated with familiarity with mental health services, at- titudes toward mental health services, frequency of stress, private self-esteem, public self-esteem, personal efficacy, utilization of formal resources, and utilization of informal resources; and there was no statistical significance between the number of generations in the United States and any of these variables. The national survey did not include a question to determine the generational distance of the respondents. However, the National In- stitute for Social Research constructed a comparable generational table for the Texas sample for the purpose of comparison with the Lansing sample. The Chi-square test showed no statistical signifi- cance between generational distance and ethnic identity (Chi=1l.O9, 131 V=.13, sig=.09). The Chi-square test for the Lansing sample was Chi= 9.69, V=.31, sig=.6426. Generational distance, like density, also seems to have no effect on the degree or level of ethnic identity. HYPOTHESIS: The level of education has ng_re1ation to the level of ethnic identity. The Pearson Product-Moment correlation shows no statistical sig- nificance (r=.14833, sig=.O704) (Table 19), so this hypothesis was supported by the data. The sample was small (100 respondents) with r being greater than .14, indicating that if the sample were larger, education might be significant. The Pearson Product-Moment correla- tion with the Texas sample between education and ethnic identity also showed no statistical significance (r=.083l). Table 19.-—Ethnic Identity and Education. LEVEL ETHNIC IDENTITY 0 F ROW EDUCATION None Low Moderate High Total NOne (count) 0 2 2 3 7 (row pct) 0.0 28.6 28.6 42.9 7.0 Grammar 4 16 11 7 48 (l to 8) 8.3 33.3 43.6 14.8 48.0 High School 4 15 10 8 37 (9 to 12) 10.8 40.5 27.0 21.6 37.0 Some 0 4 7 7 18 College 0.0 22.2 38.9 38.9 18.0 Column 8 37 30 25 100 Total 8.0 37.0 30.0 25.0 100.0 Education was also correlated with familiarity with mental health services, attitudes toward mental health services, frequency of stress, 132 private self-esteem, public self-esteem, personal efficacy, utiliza- tion of formal resources, and utilization of informal resources. The correlation was only significant with three of these variables. The correlation with familiarity with mental health services (r=.19765, sig=.0249) was moderately statistically significant compared to pri- vate self-esteem (r=.37596, sig=.0001) and public self-esteem (r=.30717, sig=.0009) which were highly statistically significant.9 The correlation of ethnic identity with the other independent variables of birthplace, language, income, occupational status, and availability of relatives in the area proved to be significant only with language (r=-.2140, sig=.0169), and occupation status (r=.22178, sig=.0173). The interesting finding about language is that English was found to be positively correlated to ethnic identity and Spanish was found to be inversely related to ethnic identity. This might be because of the very small percentage of Chicanos in Lansing. Chi- canos have less chances of speaking Spanish, less chances of learning Spanish, etc., so they become more comfortable with English, and pre- fer English to Spanish. Other factors such as "Chicano Week Celebra- tion" at local grammar and high schools, cultural classes at local churches, celebration of Mexican holidays by different groups (for example, the traditional celebration of the 16th of September, Mexico's day of independence that is celebrated every year in Lansing and other Michigan cities), and orientation by parents at home, which need to be researched, might contribute to the degree of ethnic identity in Lansing. Also, the Chicano Movement has made ethnic identity more of a political identity than a historical or cultural one (nationally). 133 HYPOTHESIS: The sample from Texas will have a greater level of ethnic identity than the sample from Lansing. The frequency distribution table for ethnic identity for the Lansing sample shows 8 (8 percent) scored a "zero" ethnic identity score, 37 (37 percent) scored a "low" score, 30 (30 percent) scored a "moderate" score, and 25 (25 percent) scored a "high" score. Assign- ing values of 1 for zero, 2 for low, 3 for moderate, and 4 for high, as in the Texas sample, the mean score for the Lansing sample was 2.72. The frequency distribution table for the Texas sample indicated that 13 or 3.8 percent scored a "zero" ethnic identity score, 201 or 59.5 percent scored a "low" score, 75 or 22.2 percent scored a "mod- erate" score, and 49 or 14.5 percent scored a "high" score, with a mean score of 2.47. The two mean scores are almost equal, with the Lansing sample re- ceiving the higher score. The one-way ANOVA Test between the Texas ethnic identity scale and the Lansing scale showed no significance at the .05 level (F=6.95 with l to 436 degrees of freedom). The hypothe- sis was not supported by the study since the Lansing sample had a slightly higher mean score than the Texas sample. The Texas sample might have had more respondents scoring a "low" score because of a greater concentration. They are constantly exposed to the culture in daily interactions with their peers, neighbors, fellow workers, radio and television programs in Spanish, movies, plays, concerts, news- papers, etc., and they might see this as a normal way of life and take it for granted; while the Lansing sample, because of their small concentration, get their ethnic culture in an "emphasized" manner in special cultural classes and yearly ethnic celebrations. The Lansing 134 sample might be more conscious of their singularity and ethnic differ- ence as an American living in EurOpe might be more conscious of being American due to living with a majority which is different from himself. Mental Health Status: Self-Esteem and Personal Efficacy There are five hypotheses on mental health status defined in this study as self-esteem and personal efficacy. The first one is under the descriptive objectives on how self-esteem and personal efficacy relate to each other; three are under the analytical objectives on how self-esteem and personal efficacy are affected by the different independent variables; and the last one is under the comparative ob- jectives on how the Lansing sample compares to the Texas results from the national study. HYPOTHESIS: Personal efficacy and self-esteem are directly re- lated to each other; the higher the level of per- sonal efficacy, the higher the level of self-esteem; the lower the level of personal efficacy, the lower the level of self-esteem. The Pearson Product-Moment correlation showed both private self- esteem and public self-esteem to be statistically significant to per- sonal efficacy. The level of significance of the correlation with the private self-esteem scale was (r=.26017, sig=.0045) and with the pub- lic self-esteem scale was (r=.35095, sig=.0002). As these two sets of figures indicate, the correlation with the public self-esteem scale was highly significant and also more correlated than with the private self-esteem scale. This hypothesis was strongly supported by the sample. The Texas sample also showed a very high statistical significance between personal efficacy and private self-esteem (r=.36l, sig=.0000004), 135 and public self-esteem (r=.279, sig=.0000111). This hypothesis was strongly supported by both samples. HYPOTHESIS: The degree of personal efficacy and self-esteem is directly prOportional to the level of ethnic iden- tity; the higher the level of ethnic identity, the greater the level of personal efficacy and self- esteem and vice-versa. The Pearson Product-Moment correlation showed no statistical sig- nificance of ethnic identity with either personal efficacy (r=.08299, sig=.2058), private self-esteem (r=-.08050, sig=.2130), or public self-esteem (r=.02813, sig=.3906). This hypothesis was not supported by the sample. Fabrega and Wallace (1968) have suggested that there could be a curvilinear relationship between acculturation and psychiatric im- pairment, so ethnic identity was also tested by the F-test for curvi- linearity with personal efficacy, private self—esteem, and public self-esteem. The F-test did not show any statistical significance: personal efficacy (F=1.30865, sig=.275), private self-esteem (F= .97258, sig=.382), and public self-esteem (F=.18777, sig=.829). The Texas sample did not show any statistical significance be- tween ethnic identity and personal efficacy (r=.02l4), private self- esteem (r=-.0508), and public self-esteem (r=.464). The hypothesis was not supported by either sample. HYPOTHESIS: There is a curvilinear relationship between Chicano density and self-esteem and personal efficacy; high- er and lower density results in higher self-esteem and personal efficacy, whereas median density re- sults in lower self-esteem and personal efficacy ("marginality"). The F-test for curvilinearity showed no statistical significance between ethnic identity and private self-esteem (F=.97258, sig=.382), 136 public self-esteem (F=.18777, sig=.829), and personal efficacy (F= 1.30865, sig=.275). The hypothesis was not supported by the sample. The Pearson Product-Moment correlation did not show any statisti- cal significance on a lineal regression between ethnic density and private self-esteem (r=-.102453, sig=.4043), public self-esteem (r= -.Oll7l, sig=.4540), personal efficacy (r=-.00238, sig=.4906). Density was also cross-tabulated with familiarity with mental health services, attitudes toward mental health services, frequency of stress, utilization of formal resources, and utilization of in- formal resources; no statistical correlation was found. At least in Lansing, density has no effect on any of the variables researched in this study. The F—test for curvilinearity was not available from the Texas sample, however, the Pearson Product-Moment correlation showed no statistical significance between Chicano density and private self- esteem (r=-.0375), public self-esteem (r=-.0590), and personal effi- cacy (r=-.0398). In the Texas sample, density was only statistically correlated with years of education (r=-.112, sig=.037) and total family income (r=-.237, sig=.00014). HYPOTHESIS: The degree of personal efficacy and self-esteem is inversely prOportional to the level of frequency of major stress from life problems; the greater the frequency of major stress, the lower the level of personal efficacy and self-esteem. The Pearson Product-Moment correlation showed a very high statis- tical correlation between frequency of stress and personal efficacy (r=-.44163, sig=.0000) (Table 20) and public self-esteem (r=-.21796, sig=.0147) (Table 21), but not with private self-esteem (r=-.03016, sig=.3829)‘.0 These results support part of the hypothesis. 137 Table 20.--Personal Efficacy and Frequency of Stress. FREQUENCY OF STRESS PERSONAL Row EFFICACY Often Sometimes Rarely Never No Answer Total Low (10-20) (count) 9 10 2 1 O 22 (col pct) 56.3 37.0 16.7 2.3 0.0 22.0 Medium 5 14 4 22 l 46 (21 31.3 51.9 33.3 50.0 100.0 46.0 High 2 3 6 21 0 32 (31 12.5 11.1 50.0 47.7 0.0 32.0 Column 16 27 12 44 1 100 Total 16.0 27.0 12.0 44.0 1.0 100.0 Table 21.--Pub1ic Self-Esteem and Frequency of Stress. FREQUENCY OF STRESS PUBLIC Row SELF’ESTEEM Often Sometimes Rarely Never No Answer Total Low (count) 6 6 2 5 0 19 (col pct) 37.5 22.2 16.7 11.4 0.0 19.0 7 16 4 23 1 51 Medium 43.6 59.3 33.3 52.3 100.0 51.0 3 5 6 l6 0 30 High 18.6 18.5 50.0 36.4 0.0 30.0 Column 16 27 12 44 l 100 Total 16.0 27.0 12.0 44.0 1.0 100.0 138 If the respondents see the majority of stress resulting from something they have no control over such as a relative dying, not get- ting a job or promotion because of racial discrimination, having fin- ancial problems because of the economy, etc., it might affect their personal efficacy and public self-esteem while still feeling good about themselves as individuals and still having a high private self- esteem. The private self—esteem scale was also cross—tabulated with birthplace, language, education, income, occupational status, genera- tional distance from Mexico, and availability of mutual support groups. The Pearson Product-Moment correlation showed private self-esteem to be statistically correlated with education (r=.37596, sig=.0001), in— come (r=.25542, sig=.0060), occupational status (r=.22942, sig=.0144), and availability of mutual support groups in the area (r=.18320, sig= .0340) with education being the most significant variable].1 Public self-esteem was cross-tabulated with birthplace, language, education, occupational status, generational distance from Mexico, and availability of mutual support groups. The Pearson Product-Moment correlation shows a statistical correlation with language (r=-.28309, sig=.0022), education (r=.30717, sig=.0009), and occupational status (r=.25930, sig=.0065), with education being the most significant var- iable as with private self-esteem12 As with private self-esteem and public self-esteem, personal ef- ficacy was also cross-tabulated with birthplace, language, education, income, occupational status, generational distance from Mexico, and availability of mutual support groups. The Pearson Product-Moment correlation showed that, unlike private and public self-esteem, 139 personal efficacy was only statistically correlated with income (r= .20180, sig=.0243). The Texas sample also showed a statistical significance only be- tween frequency of stress and personal efficacy (r=-.398, sig=.0000001), and public self-esteem (r=-.140, sig=.010), but not with private self- esteem (r=.0107). HYPOTHESIS: The sample from Texas will have a greater level of self-esteem and personal efficacy than the sample from Lansing. The personal efficacy scale from the Texas sample showed a mean score of 26.055, compared to 27.08 for the Lansing sample. The mean scores for the private self-esteem scale for the Texas sample were 34.510 compared to 34.57 for the Lansing sample; for the public self- esteem scale the mean score for the Texas sample was 25.793 compared to 27.00 for the Lansing sample. The mean scores for both samples were very close, with the mean scores for private self-esteem being almost equal, and the personal efficacy and public self—esteem scores being slightly higher for the Lansing sample. The one-way ANOVA Test between the personal efficacy scales for the Texas sample and the Lansing sample (F=l.86 with l to 442 degrees of freedom), the private self-esteem scales (F=.01 with l to 439 de- grees of freedom), and the public self-esteem scales (F=2.37 with l to 436 degrees of freedom) showed no significance at the .05 level for any of the three tests. This hypothesis was not supported by the study since the Lansing sample had slightly higher mean scores. It seems that persons of Mexican origin in Lansing maintain the same level of personal efficacy and self-esteem as their counterparts in Texas despite their small concentration and isolation from their 140 "motherland." With 50 percent of the respondents from the Lansing sample being originally from Texas, there should be many similarities between personal efficacy and self-esteem scores, just as there were between both samples' ethnic identity scores. Utilization of Mental Health Resources There were seven hypotheses to be tested on utilization of men- tal health resources. One of the hypotheses is under the descriptive Objectives on how the utilization of formal and informal mental health resources relate to each other; and the other six hyp0theses are under the analytic objectives on how the various independent variables af- fect the utilization of either or both formal and informal mental health resources. HYPOTHESIS: Persons of Mexican origin underutilize formal men- tal health resources because they utilize informal mental health resources. The Pearson Product-Moment correlation showed a very high statis- tical significance between utilization of formal and informal resources (r=.27l90, sig=.OO32). The cross-tabulation showed that of the 80 re- spondents utilizing informal resources, 40 also utilized formal re- sources and the other 40 did not. Of the 43 respondents that utilized formal resources, 40 utilized informal resources while only 3 did not. Sixteen of the total respondents did not utilize any resources at all (Table 22). This hypothesis was not supported by the sample since there was a positive correlation between the utilization of formal and informal resources, not a negative one.13 141 Table 22.--Uti1ization of Formal and InfOrmal Mental Health Resources. INFORMAL RESOURCES FORMAL RESOURCES Row Yes No Total Yes 40 3 43 (row percent) 93.0 7.0 43.4 (column percent) 50.0 15.8 No 40 16 56 (row percent) 71.4 28.6 56.6 (column percent) 50.0 84.2 Column 80 19 ~ 99 Total 80.8 19.2 100.0 The Texas sample also showed a high positive statistical signifi- cance between utilization of formal and informal resources (r=.148, sig=.008). This hypothesis was not supported by the Texas sample. HYPOTHESIS: (Tentative Assumption) The higher the level of ethnic identity, the greater the utilization of informal mental health resources; the lower the level of ethnic identity, the greater the utiliza- tion of formal mental health resources. The Pearson Product-Moment correlation of ethnic identity with the utilization of both formal (r=.06615, sig=.2566) and informal (r= .12725, sig=.1047) mental health resources showed no statistical sig- nificance for the Lansing sample. The Texas sample also showed no significance for utilization of formal (r=.0353) or informal (r=.0013) mental health resources. The multiple linear regression with step- wise addition of variables showed that ethnic identity was significant at .017 with a Beta of -.344 with utilization of formal resources and not significant with utilization of informal resources (Tables 23 and 142 24). This hypothesis (tentative assumption) was partly supported by the sample. Table 23.--Standardized Beta Weights and Significance--Formal Resources. ZERO-ORDER VARIABLES BETA F SIGNIFICANCE CORRELATION Familiarity with Formal Serv1ces .4499323 11.276158 .003 .47629 Sex* .2062761 2.738560 .114 -.28871 Public Self- Esteem .7188170 20.355764 .000 -.30675 Personal Efficacy .6378037 17.401691 .000 .23684 Marital Status** .6731362 15.468522 .001 .09968 Ethnic Identity .3440863 6.781815 .017 .04369 Generations in United States .2195509 3.321184 .083 .02717 Income .2484979 2.887794 .105 .00816 Relatives in Area .2150453 2.716957 .115 -.22630 Frequency of Stress .2155354 2.453853 .133 .04557 (Constant) .9615757 .339 * Sex is coded: ** Marital Status is coded: single. l=male, 2=female. l=married, 2=divorced, 3=widowed, and 4= Due to the nominal level of measurement of this variable, the association may be overstated and the sign may be misleading. 143 Table 24.--Standarized Beta Weights and Significance--Informal Resources. ZERO-ORDER VARIABLES BETA F SIGNIFICANCE CORRELATION Years of Formal Education -.1345928 .559002 .462 -.41851 Personal Efficacy .6803522 15.528732 .001 .37151 Income -.4763121 8.041535 .009 -.37188 Public Self- Esteem -.376546l 4.356835 .048 -.O7636 Ethnic Identity -.2771051 3.557742 .072 -.14834 Density -.2472123 2.590763 .121 -.O9l43 Familiarity With Formal Serv1ces -.2238112 2.244756 .148 .01109 (Constant) 5.544870 .027 HYPOTHESIS: Persons of Mexican origin underutilize formal men- tal health resources because they are unfamiliar with their services. The Pearson Product-Moment correlation showed familiarity with mental health resources to be very highly significant with utiliza- tion of formal resources (r=.27132, sig=.0033). The cross-tabulation showed 66 percent of the respondents who were familiar with the ser- vices utilized them, while only 33 percent of those who were familiar did not utilize these services. Of those not familiar with the ser- vices, 34 percent utilized them anyway, while 66 percent did not (Table 25). This hypothesis was supported by the data. 144 Table 25.--Familiarity and Utilization of Formal Resources. FAMILIARITY WITH FORMAL RESOURCES UTILIZED FORMAL Partly Row RESOURCES Familiar Familiar Unfamiliar Total Yes 20 4 18 42 (row percent) 47.6 9.5 42.9 42.4 (column percent) 66.7 25.0 34.0 No 10 12 35 57 (row percent) 17.5 21.1 61.4 57.6 (column percent) 33.3 75.0 66.0 Column 30 16 53 99 Total 30.3 16.2 53.5 100.0 The national study did not collect any data on the respondents' familiarity with mental health resources, so this hypothesis could not be tested with the Texas sample. HYPOTHESIS: Persons of Mexican origin underutilize formal men- tal health resources because they have negative at- titudes about these services. The Pearson Product-Moment correlation showed no statistical significance between attitudes toward mental health services and utilization of formal resources (r=.l3452, sig=.l949). The number of respondents who were familiar with the services (to be able to have some attitude about them) was very small at 43. Of these respondents, 13 thought the services were favorable, 23 thought the services were sonewhat favorable, and 7 thought the services were unfavorable. The hypothesis was not supported by the sample. The national study did not collect any data on the respondents' attitudes on mental health resources, so this hypothesis could not be 145 tested with the Texas sample. HYPOTHESIS: The utilization of formal mental health services is directly proportional to socioeconomic status; the higher the socioeconomic status, the greater the utilization of formal resources. Socioeconomic status was measured by three different variables: income, education, and occupational status. The Pearson Product- Moment correlation showed no statistical significance between income and either utilization of formal resources (r=.04702, sig=.3246) or utilization of informal resources (r=.08288, sig=.2123). The Pearson correlation also showed no significance between education and utiliza- tion of formal resources (r=.07637, sig=.2251), however, it did show a statistical significance between education and utilization of in- formal resources (r=.18393, sig=.0342). The correlation between occu- pational status and utilization of formal resources was almost signi- ficant (r=.l7l87, sig=.0517), but was not significant with utilization of informal resources (r=.12451, sig=.1212). The national sample did not tabulate their occupational data by occupational status so the Texas sample was not correlated by this variable. However, the correlation by income and education gave the same results as with the Lansing data. The Pearson Product-Moment correlation showed no statistical significance between income and utilization of formal resources (r=.l44) or informal resources (r= .0998) and education and utilization of formal resources (r=.0488). As with the Lansing sample, the Texas sample showed a significant correlation between education and the utilization of informal re- sources (r=.150, sig=.008). The hypothesis was not supported by either the Lansing sample or the Texas sample. 146 HYPOTHESIS: The utilization of informal mental health resources is directly prOportional to Chicano density; the greater the Chicano density, the greater the utili- zation of informal support resources. The Pearson Product-Moment correlation showed no statistical significance between Chicano density and utilization of formal re- sources (r=.03926, sig=.349l) and utilization of informal resources (r=-.03836, sig=.353l). The Pearson correlation for the Texas sample also showed no significant correlation between density and utilization of formal resources (r=.0515) and informal resources (r=-.0066). This hypothesis was not supported by either sample. HYPOTHESIS: Persons of Mexican origin underutilize formal mental health services because of lower frequency of stress. The Pearson Product-Moment correlation showed no statistical significance between utilization of formal resources and frequency of stress (r=.10721, sig=.l442). There was, however, a significant cor- relation between utilization of informal resources and frequency of stress (r=.22056, sig=.014l). The comparison with the Texas sample showed no statistical significance between frequency of stress and utilization of formal resources (r=-.0222) and informal resources (r=—.0570). This hypothesis was not supported by either sample. Utilization of formal resources was also cross-tabulated with the following variables: private self-esteem, public self-esteem, personal efficacy, birthplace, language, generational distance, availability of mutual support groups, and types of problems. Of these variables, only seeking help from a lawyer was statistically significant (Chi= 15.91125, V=.40, sig=.0437). Utilization of informal resources was also cross-tabulated with the same preceeding variables. Utilization of informal resources was statistically significant with: private 147 self-esteem (r=.28072, sig=.0024), language (r=.19192, sig=.0279), frequency of stress (r=.22056, sig=.014l), and seeking help from the father (Chi=26.25302, V=.51, sig=.0010). Since the utilization of formal and informal mental health re- sources may not be due to a simplistic set of relationships, but may be confounded by many demographic and contextual variables, a multiple linear regression with step-wise addition of variables was done. The variables used in this multiple regression analysis for both utiliza- tion of formal and informal resources were: age, sex, birthplace, interview language, years of formal education, income, occupational status, marital status, generations in the United States, density, relatives in the Lansing area, familiarity with mental health ser- vices, attitudes toward service providers, frequency of stress, type of problem, ethnic identity, private self-esteem, public self-esteem, personal efficacy, and utilization of either formal or informal re- sources. The analysis of utilization of formal resources had a multiple correlation of .86273, F=5.2187, and significance of .000. Ten variables were added to the equation before the F-level or tolerance level was insufficient for further computation: familiarity with services, sex, public self-esteem, personal efficacy, marital status, ethnic identity, generations in the United States, income, relatives in the area, and frequency of stress. Of these ten variables, only five were significant when the other variables were kept constant: familiarity (sig=.003), public self-esteem (sig=.000), personal ef- ficacy (sig=.000), marital status (sig=.001), and ethnic identity (sig=.Ol7 (see Table 23, page 142). 148 The analysis of utilization of informal resources had a multiple correlation of .75907, F=4.46710, and significance of .003. Eight variables were added to the equation before the F-level or tolerance level was insufficient for further computation: years of formal edu- cation, personal efficacy, income, public self—esteem, ethnic identity, density, and familiarity with mental health services. Of these eight variables, only three were significant when the other variables were held constant: personal efficacy (sig=.001), income (sig=.009), and public self-esteem (sig=.048). Ethnic identity was not significant with the utilization of informal resources as it was with utilization of formal resources (see Table 24, page 143). Summary The data were analyzed and the hypotheses tested by both bivariate correlation analysis and multiple linear regression analysis. The tests used were: Chi-square, Cramer's V, t-Test, F-Test for curvi- linearity, Pearson Product-Moment correlation, and Multiple Linear Regression with step-wise addition of variables. The major conclu- sions were that the main reasons for the underutilization of formal mental health resources by Chicanos in Lansing, Michigan, are the levels of personal efficacy and public self-esteem, degree of ethnic identity, and unfamiliarity with mental health centers and services; and that persons of Mexican origin in Lansing, Michigan, scored slightly higher scores on ethnic identity, self-esteem, and personal efficacy than do persons of Mexican origin in Texas. CHAPTER VI SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS Adequacy of Sample It was assumed that not all Spanish surnamed persons would be eligible for the study (that is, be of Mexican origin) and that not all of those eligible would want to or be able to participate in the study. To allow for this and also to get a more accurate estimate of the percentage of persons of Mexican origin in Lansing, more persons were screened (184) than were needed for the study (100). Out of the total of 184 persons that were screened, 171 persons were of Mexican origin and eligible for the study. Most of the eligible persons agreed to participate in the study with a few indicating that the interview would be more convenient at a later date. The necessary 105 inter- views (5 were rejected for being incomplete) were done at the earliest convenient time for the respondents. A limitation of the Lansing study was that the last sampling step resulted in a non-random selection of 61.4 percent of the total found to be eligible, resulting in limited conclusions from a small parti- cipation rate. The other 38.6 percent might have given different answers resulting in different conclusions. A limitation in the com- parison with the Texas sample was that the Texas sample was taken from both urban and rural areas, with differences uncontrolled in comparisons 149 150 with the urban sample from Lansing. The results from the study should be generalized to the Lansing Chicano pOpUlation only, and not to Chi- canos in other parts of the United States. Summary of Results Of the 100 persons of Mexican origin interviewed, 57 were male and 43 were female. Of these respondents, a majority seemed to pre- fer English to Spanish, with 53 (53 percent) electing to do the inter- view in English, and the other 47 (47 percent) choosing Spanish. In side conversations or interruptions during the interview, 39 (39 per- cent) spoke only English, while 18 (18 percent) used only Spanish. A substantial majority of the sample, 79 (79 percent) were born in the United States, with only 21 (21 percent) born in Mexico. Fifty of the respondents or 63 percent born in the United States were from Texas, and only 21 of the total sample were born in Michigan. The median length of time of residency in Lansing, Michigan, was 15.9 years, and the number of generations born in the United States ranged from one to four generations. The median level of education was 8.7 years of formal education. The main job or occupation was quite varied, with the two largest groups being auto factory workers for males, and homemakers (or house- wives) for females. The total family income was also quite varied, ranging from under $2,000 to over $30,000 per year, with the median income being $12,000. A majority of the sample, 65 percent, lived in homes judged better than average compared to the rest of the homes in the same neighborhood by the interviewers. 151 Even though only 21 percent of the sample reported being from Lansing, a very high percentage of the respondents (69 percent) re- ported that they have relatives living in the area. The number of relatives in the area ranged from one to 60, with an average of 5.3 relatives per respondent. Most respondents with relatives in the area indicated they visited them often, and had either helped or had been helped with such things as food, clothing, money, housing, repairs, furniture, transportation, and advice from relatives or friends. Most of the Chicanos in Lansing seem to have a mutual support system which is utilized often. Less than half of the total sample (39 percent) were familiar with traditional, mainstream "Anglo" formal mental health services. A majority of the sample (71 percent) were familiar with the services at Cristo Rey Counseling Center, a Chicano-oriented mental health cen- ter. The overall attitude toward mental health services was positive, with a greater number of respondents familiar with services feeling that Anglo-oriented centers were more adequate for most problems, rather than the Chicano-oriented program at Cristo Rey. The majority of the respondents preferred the term "Mexican" when speaking to members of their own families, but preferred the term "Chicano" when speaking to peOple who are not of Mexican origin. On the ethnic identity scale, the greatest number was 39 with a "low" score, 30 with a "moderate" score, 25 with a "high" score, and 8 with a "no ethnic identity" score. The single term most identified with respondents was "Mother/Father," indicating a strong identification with the concept of family. 152 The mental health status of the sample was measured by three scales: a personal efficacy scale, a private self-esteem scale, and a public self-esteem scale with scoring on each scale of 10 to 40. The median score was 25.8 for the personal efficacy scale, 34.5 for the private self-esteem scale, and 25.4 for the public self-esteem scale. Only a little more than half of the sample or 55 percent indi- cated experiencing any great stress from "rarely" to "often;" and a great portion of the sample (44 percent) indicated they had never ex- perienced any great stress from any situation. Only 10 percent of the respondents mentioned having any mental health related problems, with most of the problems mentioned being related to physical health, especially the death of a close relative. 'Most of the sample (80 percent) indicated going to an informal re- source in times of stress or problems. The family was the source most often utilized, with the spouse being the family member most utilized for help, support and comfort. Forty-three (43 percent) also indi- cated utilizing formal resources, with clergymen or priests being the most utilized for help and advice. Conclusions and Implications Hypotheses HYPOTHESIS: The degree of ethnic identity has no effect on the degree of identifying with other social groups, or social roles. This hypothesis was partly supported by the sample since some of the social terms were correlated to a statistical significance. Men- tal health practitioners need to be aware that Chicanos identify 153 strongly with other social groups and social roles, especially with familial and biological roles, and that situations or circumstances which disrupt a function such as that of "Family Breadwinner" may contribute to stress or some social dysfunction. HYPOTHESIS: Persons who prefer the term Chicano score a higher score on the ethnic identity scale. This hypothesis was partly supported since terms used with per- sons who are not of Mexican descent and ethnic identity proved to be statistically significant. This implies that the Lansing Chicano is more sensitive about what ethnic term or label he prefers to use with non-Chicanos as Opposed to Chicanos, and especially with members of the family. Non-Chicanos that interact with Chicanos need to be aware of which labels are acceptable or "safe" since some might object to labels with such connotations as "too radical," "conservative,“ "angloized," etc. HYPOTHESIS: The level of ethnic identity is directly proportional to the degree of Chicano density or concentration in the community; the greater the Chicano density, the greater the level of ethnic identity, and vice-versa. This hypothesis was not supported by either sample, even though the Texas sample had a much higher concentration of Chicanos. Mental health practitioners should be aware that regardless of the community that Chicano clients might be from, ethnic identity should be con- sidered in diagnosis and treatment. HYPOTHESIS: The greater the generational distance from Mexico, the lower the degree of ethnic identity. This hypothesis was not supported by the sample. Regardless of what generation they are, peOple are exposed to a variety of variables such as news media which might influence their ethnic identity. The I'll-Ill I 1: . '5 .l ‘6 Y ‘I 1 4 154 implication for social work practice is that the new arrivals as well as fifth generation Chicanos might have the same degree of ethnic identity. HYPOTHESIS: The level of education has no relation to the level of ethnic identity. This hypothesis was supported by the sample. The implication for social work practice is that no assumptions concerning ethnic identity should be made on the basis of a Chicano client's education level. HYPOTHESIS: The sample from Texas will have a greater level of ethnic identity than the sample from Lansing. This hypothesis was not supported by the study. It seems that the Lansing sample is exposed to several variables such as smaller concentration, special ethnic classes and events, fewer Chicano models, etc., which might contribute to a greater feeling of difference or singularity. The implication for social work practice in general is that regardless of where the Chicano population being considered for any type of social work intervention is from, consideration should be given to ethnic identity. HYPOTHESIS: Personal efficacy and self-esteem are directly pro- portional to each other; the higher the level of personal efficacy, the higher the level of self- esteem; the lower the level of personal efficacy, the lower the level of self-esteem. This hypothesis was supported by the study. If either personal efficacy or self-esteem are used as indicators of mental health status, they should be considered as being associated directly with each other. HYPOTHESIS: The degree of personal efficacy and self-esteem is directly proportional to the level of ethnic iden- tity; the higher the level of ethnic identity, the greater the level of personal efficacy and self- esteem and vice-versa. 155 This hypothesis was not supported by the sample. Ethnic identity might be more a political awareness than a cultural or social aware- ness. While level of ethnic identity may not influence mental health status, certain cultural values and roles should still be considered (such as the role the family should play in treatment; what social, familial, and sex role expectations may be affecting the client, etc.) in social work practice. HYPOTHESIS: There is a curvilinear relationship between Chicano density and self-esteem and personal efficacy; higher and lower density results in higher self- esteem and personal efficacy, where median density results in lower self-esteem and personal efficacy ("marginality"). This hypothesis was not supported by the sample. As a single variable, density was not correlated to any dependent or intervening variable. The implication for social work intervention is that Chi- canos, regardless of what type of community they may be from, may still need mental health treatment or services. HYPOTHESIS: The degree of personal efficacy and self-esteem is inversely proportional to the level of frequency of major stress from life problems; the greater the frequency of major stress, the lower the level of personal efficacy and self-esteem. This hypothesis was partly supported by the sample, since frequency of stress was correlated with personal efficacy and public self-esteem, and not with private self-esteem. The implication for therapy is that life situations where the individual feels he has no control over or is influenced by what other individuals feel or think, are more stress- ful than situations where the individual feels he has some influence or control. 156 HYPOTHESIS: The sample from Texas will have a greater level of self-esteem and personal efficacy than the sample from Lansing. This hypothesis was not supported by the study, although the Lansing sample had slightly higher mean scores. The implication for social work intervention is that regardless of where the client is from, he or she is still going to be influenced by the same variables that affect personal efficacy and self-esteem such as education, in- come, occupational status, and availability of mutual support groups. HYPOTHESIS: Persons of Mexican origin underutilize formal men- tal health resources because they utilize informal mental health resources. This hypothesis was not supported by the sample since the correla- tion between the utilization of formal and informal resources was a positive correlation. The utilization of informal resources has long been used as the reason for the underutilization of formal resources by Chicanos, when most recent scientific studies conclude that even though Chicanos continue to utilize informal resources, this does not prevent them from utilizing formal resources. Mental health providers should "not blame the victim" for their underutilization of formal resources, but rather should look at the formal services themselves and evaluate what e1ement(s) of the services provided might be con- tributing to underutilization. HYPOTHESIS: The higher the level of ethnic identity, the greater the utilization of informal resources; the lower the level of ethnic identity, the greater the utiliza- tion of formal mental health resources. This hypothesis was partly supported by the sample. The multiple linear regression analysis showed that ethnic identity was significantly correlated at .017 with a Beta of -.344 (Table 23, p. 142) with 157 utilization of formal resources. Mental health providers should con- sider that regardless of level of ethnic identity, Chicanos will need and utilize both formal and informal mental health services. HYPOTHESIS: Persons of Mexican origin underutilize formal mental health resources because they are unfamiliar with their services. This hypothesis was supported by the sample. Unfamiliarity with mental health services was the most significant variable for the under- utilization of formal mental health services in Lansing. If mental health providers are interested and sincere about providing more ser- vices for the Chicano community in Lansing, they must make the commu— nity more aware of the services they provide. HYPOTHESIS: Persons of Mexican origin underutilize formal mental health resources because they have negative attitudes about these services. This hypothesis was not supported by the sample. Only a very small percentage (43 percent) of the sample was familiar enough with these services to be able to have some attitudes about them. Respond- ents had the most positive attitudes toward Ingham Community Mental Health Center which is the only center with two Chicano therapists, a factor which mental health providers should consider. HYPOTHESIS: The utilization of formal mental health services is directly prOportional to socioeconomic status; the higher the socioeconomic status, the greater the utilization of formal resources. This hypothesis was not supported by the sample. There was no correlation between utilization of formal resources and income, edu- cation, or occupational status. The same results were obtained from the Texas sample, indicating that SES might not be related to 158 utilization of formal resources. Mental health providers that plan to promote their services in the Chicano community should try to pro- mote their services throughout the whole community--to all social economic levels. HYPOTHESIS: The utilization of informal mental health resources is directly proportional to Chicano density; the greater the Chicano density, the greater the utili- zation of informal resources. This hypothesis was not supported by the sample. Density was found not to be significant and not correlated to any dependent or intervening variable. Although this hypothesis deals with utiliza- tion of informal resources, the implication is that formal mental health resources should be promoted throughout the Chicano community, regardless of density. HYPOTHESIS: Persons of Mexican origin underutilize formal mental health services because of lower frequency of stress. This hypothesis was not supported by the sample. This implies that persons of Mexican origin suffer enough stress that they require mental health services just as does the rest of the population. Ethnic Identity The degree of ethnic identity was found to have no effect on the degree of identification with other social groups such as Catholic, middle class, parent, spouse, etc. Ethnic identity was also found to have no effect on a person's feeling of self-esteem and personal ef- ficacy, or on the utilization of informal mental health resources. Ethnic identity was not affected by birthplace, education, income, generational distance from Mexico, Chicano concentration or density in the community, or availability of relatives in the area. The only 159 factors found in the study that were related to ethnic identity were utilization of formal or professional resources, occupational status and the language the respondent chose for the interview. The study showed the higher the occupational status, the higher the degree of ethnic identity. ReSpondents who preferred English for the interview tended to score higher on the ethnic identity scale, suggesting that ethnic identity might be becoming more of a political awareness phenomenon than a historical or cultural one. The comparison with the Texas sample resulted in the same conclu- sions as the Lansing sample. The hypotheses supported by the Lansing sample were also supported by the Texas sample, and the hypotheses not supported by the Lansing sample were likewise not supported by the Texas sample. In comparing levels of ethnic identity between the two samples, the results were similar, with the Lansing sample slightly higher with a mean of 2.72, compared to 2.47 for the Texas sample. Mental Health Status It was concluded that personal efficacy was not affected by such factors as birthplace, language, education, occupational status, gen- erational distance from Mexico, density, availability of mutual sup- port groups, or ethnic identity. It was only influenced by income,- frequency of stress, and both private and public self-esteem, with the most influential being frequency of stress. There was a difference in that some factors affected both private and public self-esteem, and some factors affected only one. Neither one was affected by birthplace, generational distance, density, or ethnic identity, and both were affected by education, and occupational 160 status. Only private self-esteem was affected by income and availa- bility of mutual support groups; and only public self-esteem was af- fected by language preferred and frequency of stress. The most signi- ficant factor for both private and public self-esteem was education. The comparison with the Texas sample was the same as in the pre- ceding section, with the same hypothesis either being supported by both samples or not supported by either sample. The comparison be— tween the scales for personal efficacy, private self-esteem and public self-esteem was also similar, with the mean scores for private self- esteem being almost equal at 34.51 for the Texas sample and 34.57 for the Lansing sample. As in the comparison between ethnic identity scores, the Lansing sample was slightly higher than the Texas sample on the personal efficacy scale and the public self-esteem scale. Utilization of Mental Health Resources The underutilization of formal mental health resources by Chicanos (at least in Lansing, Michigan) cannot be accounted for by such fac- tors as utilization of informal resources, birthplace, language, edu- cation, income, occupational status, generational distance from Mexico, density, availability of mutual support groups, frequency of stress, or type of problem. The bivariate correlation analysis showed that the only factor to have an influence on utilization of formal resources was familiarity with centers and services. Contrary to most of the literature, utilization of informal resources did not prevent the Lansing sample from utilizing formal or professional resources. Forty (93 percent) of the 43 respondents that indicated going to a formal or professional resource also indicated utilizing an informal resource.13 161 The bivariate correlation analysis also showed that utilization of informal resources was influenced by level of private self-esteem, language preferred, education, and frequency of stress, with level of private self-esteem being the most significant. The higher the level of private self-esteem, the greater the utilization of informal re- sources. The correlation of language and education with utilization of informal resources is interesting because the greater the use of English, the higher the rate of utilization of informal resources; and the higher the level of education, the greater the utilization of in- formal mental health resources. The multiple linear regression with step-wise addition of variables of utilization of formal resources showed that five of the variables were statistically significant. The five variables were: familiarity with services, public self-esteem, personal efficacy, marital status, and ethnic identity. The multiple regression of utilization of in- formal resources showed that three variables were statistically sig- nificant. The three variables were: personal efficacy, income, and public self-esteem. Recommendations It was mentioned in the literature review that Oscar Ramirez, in his prOposal for research, made the statement that: Researchers, even Chicano researchers, too often have made the unwarranted assumption that greater reliance on traditional men- tal resources is the ultimate and apparently ideal goal for Chicanos. (p. 10) Without arguing the point whether or not Chicanos should rely more on traditional mental health resources, it stands to reason that there are some Chicanos who do need to utilize traditional mental health re- sources, and there are some Chicanos that might not be getting this 162 needed service. The following recommendations are made for those mental health centers wanting to improve or increase their services with the Chicano community. The recommendations are divided into five major areas: community relations or out-reach, staffing, training, programs and services, and research and evaluation. Community Relations or Out-Reach Before mental health services are utilized, the conmunity must be aware of their existence and the services they offer. The Chicano community in this study had little knowledge of some of the mental health centers and their services. Culturally relevant information concerning mental health education should be develOped in both English and Spanish, taking into consideration the values, beliefs and edu- cational level of the local Chicano pOpulation, and disseminated. Local media with a Chicano audience should be utilized, as well as local Spanish language media such as newspapers like El Renacimiento, television programs like "Tele-Revista," and various radio programs in Spanish. Staffing Chicano clients will obtain maximum benefit from therapists or counselors knowledgeable in Chicano ethnohistory and culture. In order to be effective, the therapist or counselor must speak the language of the client, both literally and figuratively. The present study showed that the mental health center which most of the respond- ents felt was adequate for most problems was the only center that employed two Chicano therapists in addition to two Chicano students doing their social work field placement there. Mental health centers 163 should increase the availability of bilingual/bicultural professionals, paraprofessionals and staff. The initial contact is very important to the continuation of therapy, therefore contact with a bilingual/ bicultural receptionist might determine if certain Chicano clients receive the services they need. Once treatment begins, knowledge about cultural differences and about the degree of tolerance for these differences is necessary to help alleviate emotional problems emanating from a cultural context. (The argument always given is that there are no "qualified" Chicano therapists. At the time of this writing, there were seven Chicanos in Lansing with Master's degrees in social work. Only three were employed, and only two of those were employed in a mental health setting. Training The research also indicated an underrepresentation of Chicanos as therapists and counselors in mental health services delivery. A short range solution to this problem is to teach Spanish and Chicano culture to non-Chicano therapists and counselors, and to teach counseling skills to Chicanos at the paraprofessional level. To be effective with Chicanos, the therapist should be trained to know and understand the cultural backgrounds of their Chicano clients. Ideally, both Chicanos and Anglos or other non-Chicano therapists should receive training in comparative cultural systems as part of their professional education. Programs and Services Because of the importance and reliance of the family, mental health therapy with Chicanos should incorporate an extended family perspective. Since the family is relevant in the etiology of the 164 problem and its alleviation, the therapist should investigate the significance of the family in the client's life. If the client's family lacks cohesion and integration, this is atypical of ethnic groups as a whole and may be a significant locus of stress. If a client does not have the availability of his or her family for sup- port, this could also be a source of greater potential stress than among Anglos in similar circumstances. Mental health services should tap into existing informal resources utilized by the Chicano community such as friends, relatives, teachers, priests/clergymen, and medical doctors. Ideally, mental health ser- vices should have a community worker or ombudsman who has ties to the Chicano community and who can help develOp a system of referrals, so that attention can be given to preventative mental health care, in addition to treatment. Quite often stress and other psychological dysfunctions were due to the socioeconomic conditions of the sample. Mental health services should be willing to intervene, when possible, to improve the socio- economic conditions of their clients. This would require giving at- tention to the external needs of clients, such as helping them to find jobs, housing, or meet the basic needs of their families. Research and Evaluation Although the results of the Lansing study and the Texas study were very similar, the Lansing community is very different from other Chicano communities in that Lansing has a lower Chicano concentration, isolation from Mexico and the Southwest, a lack of role models such as lawyers, doctors, state representatives and senators, etc., among other variations. Because of the great differences, mental health 165 centers should foster research at the local level. Empirically-based research should entail both ethnographic and survey data gathering. Mental health centers should evaluate their treatment as well as their preventative and out-reach services in relation to the Chicano community. Therapists working with Chicano clients should make a concerted effort to publish their research results on evaluation of therapy and out-reach services among Chicanos. The mental health care of Chicanos will only be improved through the dissemination of research findings from the different Chicano communities which, as has already been stressed throughout this study, are quite varied from each other. La Raza! Mejicano! Espafiol! Latino! Hispano! Chicano! or whatever I call myself, I look the same I feel the same I cry and sing the same. --from "I am Joaquin" by Rodolfo Gonzales FOOTNOTES FOOTNOTES 1. The 1980 United States Census report gives the new percentage of Hispanics in Lansing as 6.3 percent. This more recent information indicated that the underrepresentation of Lansing Chicanos at tradi- tional mental health centers is greater than previously believed. Rea- sons for this underrepresentation or underutilization in Lansing are further discussed on page 160. 2. The United Shates Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports (Series P-20, No. 339), "Persons of Spanish Origin in the United States: March 1978," United States Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C. gives the estimated population at 12,046,000. 3. The occupational status scale was constructed by classifying those who worked in a white-collar profession or business which re- quired some college training as professionals: administrator, coun- selor, nurse, artist, and teacher; those that worked in a white-collar profession that required less college training as paraprofessionals: teacher's aide, school liaison, secretary, community out-reach worker, real estate agent, clerk-typist, and cosmetologist; those that worked in a blue-collar job that required some training or a license as skilled: auto mechanic, fence installer, welder, and cook; those that worked in a blue-collar job that required less training as semi-skilled: cares for elderly, bartender, sales clerk, assembly line, auto factory worker, railroad worker, waitress, takes care of children, and houseworker; and those that worked in a blue-collar job that required no training or skill as unskilled: farm worker, custodian, homemaker, construc- tion worker, and odd jobs. 4. The table for familiarity with traditional, mainstream Anglo mental health services was constructed by combining or adding one answer for each respondent in the order of: "familiar with the ser- vices," "not too familiar," and "not familiar" for any one of the fol- lowing centers--St. Lawrence Mental Health Program, Capitol Area Counseling Center, or Ingham Community Mental Health Center. For example, if a respondent gave "familiar with the services" as an answer for any one of the three centers mentioned above, the respond- ent was included in the "familiar" category only. The respondent who did not give a "familiar with the services" answer was then placed in a "not too familiar" category to be included in the "partly familiar" category only, and the same process was followed for "not familiar" answers. 166 167 5. The table for attitudes toward service providers was con- structed the same way as the table mentioned in the preceeding foot- note. One answer for each respondent was combined in the order of: "adequate for most problems," "adequate for some problems," and "not adequate at all" for any one of the three centers. 6. The personal efficacy scale was constructed by performing a factor analysis on six of the variables which constitute Question 40. Question: How often: 00 you feel that you are very alone? Do you feel down, low in spirits? 00 personal worries affect you physically? Do you feel sad? Do you feel lonely, even when you are among friends? Do you feel bored? “Hmonwr- Response categories were: l--Most of the time 2--Sometimes 3—-Rarely 4--Never The individual score on this scale is the mean of valid responses to the variable listed above (if at least five are valid) times 10. In- valid values are: 8 (Don't know) and 9 (Missing data). The range was from 10 to 40, with a higher score indicating a higher incidence of personal efficacy. 7. The private self-esteem scale was constructed by performing a factor analysis on Question 37. Two factors resulted by using the Kaiser criterion. Factor 1 was used to create the private self-esteem scale and Factor 2 was used to create the public self-esteem scale. Question: I have some statements that describe the way some peOple feel. I'll read them one at a time and you just tell me whether they're very true, somewhat true, not very true, or not true at all for you. feel that I am useful and needed. feel sure my life will work out the way I want. have hOpes about the future. feel that I am a person of worth, at least as much as others. I am able to do things as well as most other people. I feel good about myself. DOW) HHHH 11m All the items in this index were questions stated in a positive manner. All the items that constitute public self-esteem were questions that were stated in a negative manner. Response categories were: 168 l--Very true 2--Somewhat true 3--Not very true 4--Not true at all The individual score on this scale is the mean of the valid responses to the variables listed above (if at least five are valid) times 10. Invalid values are: 8 (Don't know) and 9 (Missing data). The range was from 10 to 40, and the variable values were reversed so that the higher the score, the higher the individual's self-esteem. 8. The public self-esteem scale was constructed by performing a factor analysis on Question 37. Two factors resulted by using the Kaiser criterion. Factor 1 was used to create the private self-esteem scale as described above and Factor 2 was used to create the public self-esteem scale. Question: I have some statements that describe the way some people feel. I'll read them one at a time and you just tell me whether they're very true, somewhat true, not very true, or not true at all for you. No one cares much what happens to me. I wish that peOple would pay more attention to me. I wish that people liked me more. These days, I really don't know who I can count on. DOW) All the items in this index were questions stated in a negative manner. All the items that constitute the private self-esteem scale were ques- tions stated in a positive manner. Response categories were: l--Very true 2--Somewhat true 3--Not very true 4--Not true at all The individual score on this scale is the mean of the valid responses to the variables listed above (if at least three are valid) times 10. Invalid values are: 8 (Don't know) and 9 (Missing data). The range was from 10 to 40, with the higher the score, the higher the indivi- dual's self-esteem. 9. The direction (sign) of the correlation between education and familiarity with services was reversed (from - to +) to show a true direct relationship, since familiarity with services is coded in de- scending order (l=fami1iar, 2=somewhat familiar, and 3=not familiar) while education is coded in ascending order (from no education to more education). 10. The direction (sign) of the correlation between frequency of stress and personal efficacy and self-esteem was reversed (from + to -) to show a true inverse relationship, since frequency of stress is coded in descending order (from often to never) while the personal efficacy 169 and self-esteem scales are coded in ascending order (from low to high). 11. The direction (sign) of the correlation between private self- esteem and occupational status was reversed (from - to +) to show a true direct relationship since private self-esteem was coded in ascend- ing order (from low to high) while occupational status was coded in de— scending order (from professional to unskilled). 12. The direction (sign) of the correlation between public self- esteem and occupational status was reversed (from - to +) to show a true direct relationship since public self-esteem was coded in ascend- ing order (from low to high) while occupational status was coded in descending order (from professional to unskilled). 13. It should be kept in mind that formal resources in this study includes not only mental health professionals, but also non-mental health professionals, i.e., clergy/priests, doctors, nurses, lawyers, police, teachers, and others. Only 11 percent of the sample utilized a "traditional" mental health professional (see Table 14, page 119). APPENDICES APPENDIX A. GENERAL QUESTIONNAIRE APPENDIX A. GENERAL QUESTIONNAIRE ) CASE NUMBER: SITE NUMBER: CENSUS NUMBER: ETHNIC IDENTITY AND MENTAL HEALTH STATUS: UTILIZATION OF FORMAL AND INFORMAL HELPING RESOURCES A COMPARATIVE STUDY Interviewer's Name: Date: Day of Week: Time of Day: Length of Interview: Receipt Number: 170 171 -2- RECORD EXACT TIME HERE: ESPANOL IF RESPONDENT'S LANGUAGE PREFERENCE IS DEFINITELY SPANISH, SHIP TO BOX BELOW AND READ INTRODUCTION. IF R APPEARS TO BE BILINGUAL OR IF YOU ARE IN DOUBT: aCémo prefiere que le haga las preguntas, en espanol? Or if you wish. in English? IF NECESSARY, ADD: £1 cuestionario tiene las preguntas en los dos idiomas. so it could be in either language -- English or Spanish? IF R 15 RELUCTANT TO CHOOSE AND INDICATES THAT EITHER IS FINE: Mi oficina no quiere que yo decida esto y requiere que yo 5610 la pregunte su preferencia. Why don't you choose -- in English? ao en espanol? 5. ESPANOL | . ENGLISH READ ENGLISH INTRODUCTION l INTRODUCCION Primero quiero asegurarle que esta entrevista es totalmente voluntaria y si hay algo que no quiera contestar, por favor digame y sigo con la siguiente pregunta. También quiero recordarle que la entrevista sera completamente confidencial. Nadie va a saber la respuesta que usted nos dé. También quiero explicarle de lo que se trata esta entre- vista. Nos interesan las opiniones y las costumbres de la gente de descendencia mexicana en los Estados Unidos. Le haré preguntas sobre la cultura, la familia, y otras cosas. 172 -3- RECORD EXACT TIME HERE: ENGLISH IF RESPONDENT'S LANGUAGE PREFERENCE IS DEFINITELY ENGLISH, SKIP TO BOX BELOW AND READ INTRODUCTION. IF R APPEARS TO BE BILINGUAL OR IF YOU ARE IN DOUBT: How would you prefer that I ask the questions: in English? 0 si usted prefiere, en espafiol? IF NECESSARY, ADD: The questionnaire has the questions in both languages, de manera que puede ser en cual- quiera de los dos idiomas -- inglés, o espanol? IF R IS RELUCTANT TO CHOOSE AND INDICATES THAT EITHER IS FINE: My office doesn't want me to decide that and requires that I only ask you about your preference. Escoja usted por favor. -- gen inglés? Or in Spanish? l f l x I 1. ENGLISH l 5. ESPANOL I READ SPANISH INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION First I want to assure you that this interview is comple- tely v-luntary and if there is something you would prefer not to answer, please tell me and I will go on to the next question. I also want to remind you that the interview will be completely confidential. No one will know what answers you give me. I also wnat to tell you a little about what the interview will cover. We are interested in the opinion and customs of people of Mexican descent in the United States. I will ask you questions about the culture, the family, and other things. :10 173 -4- Voy a comenzar haciéndole unas preguntas en general 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. IO. RECORD RESPONDENT'S SEX 1 M 2 F aQué edad tiene? (in years) 5E5 usted casado/casada, divorciado/divorciada, viudo/viuda, o soltero/soltera? l C 2 D 3| V 4| 8 aC6mo se llama e1 lugar donde usted naci6? [ Lugar J [9 Estado ' [ PaIs I? R BORN OUTSIDE U.S. aEn qué afio se vino a los Estados Unidos ara quedarse? AND: I aCuantos anos ha vivido en Lansing, Michigan? ANOS l TODA MI VIDA ‘ GO TO 8 Hasta la edad de 16 afios, ase crib usted en un rancho, en un pueblo, en una ciudad chica, en un suburbia, 0 en una ciudad grande? . RANCHO I2. PUEBLO 3. CIUDAD CHICA 14. SUBURBIO F. CIUDAD GRANIE, 7. OTRO (SPECIFY) IF R WAS BORN IN THE U.S. Incluyendo hasta usted, cuantas generaciones de su familia han nacido en los Estados Unidos? aCuéntos afios de educacién formal ha completado? a. aQué es su trabajo o su ocupacién principal - el trabajo a que se dedica normalmente? b' aEn qué clase de negocio o industria es este trabajo? 174 -5- I am going to start by asking you some general questions 1. RECORD RESPONDENT'S SEX 1 M 2 F How old were you on your last birthday? 'Tin years) Are you married, divorced, widowed, or single? 'Lu 20: 31: «I: What was the name of the place where ycu were born? NAME OF PLACE 1 STATE COUNTRY 1 IF R WAS BORN OUTSIDE U.S. In what year did you come to U.S. to stay? YEAR: How many years have you lived in Lansing, Michigan? [ YEARS ALL MY LIFEJ——-—1'GO TO 8 r Up to the age of 16, did you mostly grow up on a farm, in a town, in a small city, in a suburb, or in a lar e cit ? _- 1. FARM 2. TOWN 3. SMALL 4. SUBURB 5. LARGE CITY _ 7 CITY#_ 10. 7. OTHER (SPECIFY) IF R WAS BORN IN THE U.S. Including up to yourself, how many generations in your family have been born in the United States? How many years of formal education have you completed? a. What is your main job or occupation - the kind of work you normally do? b. What kind of business or industry is this job? :11 :12-13 :14 :15-20 :21-22 :23-24 :25 :26-27 :28-29 :30-32 :33-35 175 -6- ll. (HAND R CARD 21) Ahora vea esta tarjeta. aMe puede decir por favor cual de estas letras representa lo que gané toda su familia durante e1 afio pasado? Esta cifra debe incluir todos los salarios, pensiones, y cualquier otra entrada de b. c. d. dinero. (OllMenos de $2000 f. (06) $6000 a $6999 k. (11) $11000 a 511999 (02) $2000 a $2999 9. (07) $7000 a $7999 1. (12) $12000 a $14999 (03) $3000 a $3999 h. (08) $8000 a $8999 m. (13) $15000 a $19999 (04) $4b00 a $4000 i. (09) $9000 a $9999 n. (14) $20000 a $24999 (05) $5000 a $5999 j. (101510000 a 10999 0. (15) $25000 a $29999 p. (16) $30000 o mas 12. aTiene parientes que viven en esta area? 1. SI $.INO l~——--) co TO 13 __J . a. En total, acuantos tiene? NUMERO b. aEn cuantas casas viven? NUMERO 13. Ahora por favor dIgame qué tan seguido pasa aunque sea unos minutos con la siguiente gente, ya sea visitando o por teléfono. Usando esta tarjeta (HAND R CARD IO) ahabla con su pap3 diariamente, varias veces por semana, varias veces por mes, varias veces por SEO, 0 casi nunca? DIARIA- VARIAS VARIAS VARIAS CASI N/A MENTE VECES VECES VECES NUNCA POR POR POR SEMANA MES AND a. Su papa E2] [3 a b. Su mama E E] [3 c. Sus hermanos/ hermanas Sus hijos/hijas que no viven con Ud. Sus otros [:J parientes Sus amigos/as saunas BEBE mama EJEJEJBEJE EIEIEJEJ a. b. c. d. (01) (02) (03) (O4) (05) 11. 176 (HAND R CARD 21) Now would you look at this card? Could you please tell me which letter comes closest to the total income of your family last year? This income figure should include all salaries, pensions, and other income sources. :36-37 Less than $2000 f. (06) $6000 to $6999 k. (11) $11000 to $11999 $2000 $3000 $4000 $5000 12. 13. to $2999 9. (07) $7000 to $7999 1. (12) $12000 to $14999 to $3999 h. (08) $8000 to $8999 m. (13) $13000 to $19999 to $4999 i. (09) $9000 to $9999 n. (14) $20000 to $24999 to $5999 j. (10) 10000 to 10999 0. (15) $25000 to $29999 p. (16) $30000 or more Do you have any relatives that live within this area? :38 1.l SI S.|NOII —> GO TO 13 a. In total, about how many are there? NUMBER :39-46 h. In how many households do they live? NUMBER :41-42 Now, please tell me how often you spend at least a few minutes with people either by visiting or telephoning them. Using this card, (HAND R CARD 10), do you talk with your father dail , several times a week, several times a month, severa times a year, or hardly ever? DAILY SEVERAL SEVERAL SEVERAL HARDLY N/A TIMES TIMES TIMES EVER A WEEK A MONTH A YEAR a. Your father 1). Your mother c. Your broth- E ers/sisters d. Children [a not living at home 46 e. Your other E relatives 47 EJEJ EIEJ BEJEJEI E] E3 E]! f. Your friends. E I4. 15. 177 La gente se puede ayudar unos a los otros en diferentes maneras. aLe ha ayudado usted a algfin pariente con cosas como comida, ropa, dinero. o alguna otra cosa? 1. SI 5.|NO W a. aQué son de usted estos c. aHa ofrecido usted ayudarle parientes? a algfin pariente con cosas como comida, rOpa, dinero. o alguna otra cosa? b. {Qu’e hizo para ayudarles? 1' 5' GO TO 15 d. aQué pasé? aHa pedido usted ayuda como esta de alguien? a. zone son de Ud. las c. aAlguna vez 1e ha ofrecido personas que le alguien a uda como esta? 1. SI 5. NO GO TO 16 b. aQué hicieron para d. aQué' pasé? ayudarle? 178 -9- 14. People can help each other in different ways. Have you ever helped out any relative with things such as food, clothing, money or anything else? 1. E 5.|NO :49 a. What is your relationship c. Have you ever offered to to those you helped? help any relative with such things as food, clothing, money or any- :50-53 thing else? 1. ES 5.|NO! l . :54-57 b. What did you do to help out? GO TO 15 d. What happened? :58 :59-52 ' c 15. Have you ever asked for help like this from anyone? I. YE 5.! :63 a. What is your relationship c. Has anyone ever offered with those who helped? to help out like this? :64-67 " 1. ES 5. NO GO TO 16 :68-71 b. What did they do to help d. What happened? 16. 17. 179 -10- Ahora necesitamos informacién tocante a los servicios que existen en la comunidad. Voy a mencionar varios programas que existen en en Lansing y quisiera que me diga si: l.[a. conoce o esta enterado/a de los serviciosl 2.[b: sabe un poco de los serviciag] 3.Lc. no conoce o esta enterado/a de los servicios ] 1. Cristo Rey Counseling Center 2. St. Lawrence Mental Health Program 3. Capital Area Counseling Center 4. Ingham Community Mental Health Center 5. Algunos otros IF ANSWER 18 c. not familiar FOR ALL FIVE, GO TO QUESTION 18. IF ANSWER IS a. or b. FOR ANY CENTER, ASK FOR EVERY ANSWER. Usted mencioné que esta enterado/a de los servicios en DirIa usted que los servicios: 1.[3. son adecuados para toda clase de problema§]' 2.[E. son adecuados solamente para ciertos problemEET 3.fE. no son adecuados para ningfin problemg] l. Cristo Rey Counseling Center Fifi 2. St. Lawrence Mental Health Program 3. Capital Area Counseling Center 4. Ingham Community Mental Health Center 5. Algunos otros 16. 17. 180 911- Now we need to get some information on services available in the community. I am going to mention several programs available in Lansing, and I would like for you to tell me if you are: : 1-3 l.'a. familiar with the servicesl :02 2.|b. not too familiar 3.l§. not familiar l. Cristo Rey Counseling Center _____ :6 2. St. Lawrence Mental Health Program :7 3. Capital Area Counseling Center :8 4. Ingham Community Mental Health Center :9 5. Others :10 IF ANSWER IS c. Not familiar FOR ALL FIVE, GO TO QUESTION 18 IF ANSWER IS a. or b. FOR ANY CENTER, ASK FOR EVERY ANSWER. You mentioned that you are familiar with the services at . Would you say that the services are: 1.1a. adequate foI most problems) 2.[b. adequate for some problemsJ 3.[c. not adequate it all] 1. Cristo Rey Counseling Center :11 2. St. Lawrence Mental Health Program :12 3. Capital Area Counseling Center :13 4. Ingham Community Mental Health Center :14 5. Others :15 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 181 -12- USE THE GREEN SOCIAL IDENTITY CARDS FOR WOMEN; BLUE ONES FOR MEN La gente piensa de sf misma en varios modos. Aqui estan unas tarjetas. Fijese en cada una y quédese con las que indican uno de los modos en que usted piensa de 51 mismo(a). Devuélvamela si no piensa de 51 en ese modo. AS R RETURNS CARDS, CIRCLE NUMBERS OF RETURNED CARDS AND SET THEM ASIDE. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 2O 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 Ahora ffjese en todas esas tarjetas que usted escogié. Por favor escoja las tres gue mejor describen c6mo piensa usted de 51 mismo(a). ENTER NUMBERS (3) HERE: De estas tres, acual lo/la describe mejor? ENTER NUMBER HERE: . IF R SAYS TWO 0R 2. IF ONE RESPONSE ALL THREE EQUAL GIVEN "’50 T0 22 (-—-—— so TO 21 Indicaré aquI que éstas son inguales, pero por favor, apodrIa tratar de decidir entre ellas, aunque sean casi iguales? BEST TWO OR THREE: BEST ONE: Como usted not6, algunos de los términos que vimos son dife- rentes nombres de gente de descendencia mexicana. Nos gustarIa hacerle algunas preguntas acerca de esto. (HAND R CARD 2.) Por favor vea estos términos que estén en la tarjeta. Puede usar esos o cualquier otro para sus respuestas. IN QUESTIONS BELOW, IF R ANSWERS WITH ANOTHER TERM, ENTER 8 IN BOX, WRITE WHAT THE TERM IS, AND ASK: AFTER THAT, WHICH TERM 15 NEXT? Con su familia, cuando habla de gente If 8: de descendencia mexicana, acual de Después de ese, 56651 estos nombres usa? Si usa algfin otro sigue? nombre que no esté en la tarjeta, digame por favor. Y aquI, generalmente, acual nombre If 8: usan las personas de descendencia Después de ese, acuél mexicana? sigue? 182 USE THE GREEN SOCIAL IDENTITY CARDS FOR WOMEN; BLUE ONES FOR MEN 18. People think of themselves in many ways. Here are some cards. Look at each one and keep all the cards that describe how you think about yourself. Give the card back to me if you don’t think of yourself that way. AS R RETURNS CARDS, CIRCLE NUMBERS OF RETURNED CARDS AND SET THEM ASIDE. l 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 I 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 19. Now look at those you chose. Please pick out the three that best describe how you think about yourself. ENTER NUMBERS HERE: I I 20. Of these three, which really describes you best? ENTER NUMBER HERE: 1’ 1. IF R SAYS TWO OR 2. IF ONE RESPONDE GO TO 22 ALL THREE EQUAL GIVEN 3 Jr GO TO 21 21. I'll indicate here that they are equal, but could you try anyway to make a choice between them, even though they are almost equal? * , , BEST TWO OR THREE:I I I BEST ONE: I I 22. As you noticed, some of the terms we looked at are different names for people of Mexican descent. Now, I'd like to ask you some questions about them. (HAND R CARD 2) Please look at the terms that are on this card. You can use these and others for your answers. IN QUESTIONS BELOW, IF R ANSWERS WITH ANOTHER TERM, ENTER 8 IN BOX, WRITE WHAT THE TERM IS, AND ASK: AFTER THAT, WHICH TERM IS NEXT? With your family, when you speak about If 8: people of Mexican descent, which of these 1 - names do you use? If you use some other I 26:5: that whlc term that is not on the card, be sure ' and tell me. 23. Around here, what name is generally If 8: ed by people of Mexican descent? After that I: h is :14-15 :16-1 which is next? 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 183 -14- aCuSl de ellos usa Ud. con mfis frecuencia If 8: con personas que no son de descendencia Y despfiés de ese, mexicana? Vacual sigue? E: En su experiencia personal, aqué nombre If 8: usan ellos con mas frecuencia? I ‘Y después de ese, yacuél sigue? [I If 8: , Y después de ese, ,acufil sigue? E: If 8: Y despfiés de ese, IacuSl sigue? Muchas cosas diferentes influyen en los nombres que usamos y algunas veces los nombres que usamos cambian. Pensando de cuando usted era nifio, aculal nombre usaba su padre para referirse a las personas de descendencia mexicana? aY su madre? aCuSl nombre usaba para referirse a las personas de descendencia mexicana? CHECKPOINT A IDOES R HAVE CHILDREN2J GO TO 30 I 1. YES 5. NO I—-——————’ J' , :oue nombre usan sus hijos para If 3: describirse a s! mismos? Y después de ese, acual sigue?I I If 8: Y después de ese, aCual preferirIa usted que usaran? r111 acual sigue? [GO TO 31 I Si usted tuviera hijos, acual de If 8: estos nombres preferirIa que usaran? I Y después de ese, acuél sigue? Durante la vida a casi todas las personas o a alguno de'sus seres queridos 1e sucede algo malo. Me refiero a cosas como enfermedades, desempleo, dificultades con la policia, etc. 0 cuando alguien muere- o cuando alguien se va 0 lo desilusiona a uno. O quizas algo impor- tante que usted querIa no se logr6. aDiria usted que cosas como éstas 1e han sucedido muy seguido, de vez en cuando, o casi nunca? 1. MUY SEGUIDO] I2. DE VEZ EN CUANDO 3. CASI NUNCA 184 -15- 24. Which one do you use most with people If 8: :18-19 who are not of Mexican descent? After {hat which is next? I 25. From your own personal experience, If 8: :20—21 what name do they use most often? I After {hat whiEh , is next? E] 26. Many different things influence the If 8: :22-23 names we use and sometimes these After that which names change. Thinking back to when (is next? you were a child, what name did your father use to refer to people of Mexican descent? 27. How about your mother? What name did If 8: :24-25 she use to refer to people of MexicanI After that wfiIch descent? is next? CHECKPOINT A I DOES R HAVE CHILDREN? I 1. YES 5. NO -—?co To 30 28. What name do your children normally use If 8: :26-27 to describe themselves? After Ehat which is next? 29. What name would you prefer they use? If 8: :28-29 After that which IGO TO 31 I is next? 30. If you had children, what name If 8: ~ :30-31 would you prefer they use? After that which ‘is next? 31. Over their lives most people have something bad happen 0 them or to someone they love. By that I mean things like getting sick, losing a job, or being in trouble with the police, etc. Or like when someone dies, leaves, or disappoints you. Or maybe just something important you wanted to happen didn't happen. Would you say that things like these have happened to you alot, new and then, or hardly ever? 1. ALOTI [2. NOW AND THEN 3. HARDLY EVER :32 32. 33. 185 -15- Cuando cosas como éstas le han sucedido, aha habido ocasiones cuando no podia con ellas? Por ejemplo, no podia dormir, o que comia o tomaba demasiado, 0 se alejaba de la gente 0 se enojaba con ellas, 0 se sentia tan deprimido(a) o nervioso(a) que no podria hacer nada. aLe han ocurrido cosas parecidas a éstas? 5-"0'1 a. aDirIa que se ha sentido as! c. Ahora piense en la muchas veces, a veces, o rara Gltima vez en que algo 335. malo 1e paso. aDe qué se trato? [liaucuAs VEC§§] [5. A VECEs] I3. RARA VEz Ahora piense en la Gltima vez que se sintié asi. (De que se trat6 eso? IF R says NOTHING ‘ so TO 35 (PAGE 26) ; d.‘2Cuanto tiempo hace que paso eso? IAEOSI IMESESI ISEMANASI IDIAS I IESTA PASANDO AHORAI 0. CHECK ONE N Cuando tales cosas suceden, alguna gente habla de ellas con otras personas. (HAND R CARD 4) Hablo Ud. con alguna de estas personas sobre eso? Para cada persona, escoja solo la descrip- cion que mejor 1e corresponda. Si mas de una persona con quien hablo corresponde a la misma descripcién: por ejemplo, si hablo con mas de un amigo, por favor digame. 186 -l7- 32. When things like this have happened to you have there been times when you found it hard to handle? That is, when you could not sleep, or ate or drank too much, or stayed away from peOple, or got angry at them or felt so depressed or nervous that you could not do much of anything. Have things similar to these even happened to you? A — 5. NO :33 V a. Would you say you felt c. Now think about the last .34 that way many times, time something really ' sometimes, or rarely? bad happend to you. What was that about? 1. MANY TIMES I 2. SOMETIMESI 3. RARELY b. Now think about the last .35_37 time you felt that way. ° What was that about? 6 IF R SAYS NOTHING GO TO d. how long ago did that happen? 35 (PAGE 27) ! :38-39 [YEARS MONTHi EEKS no. 7 - CHECK ONE IDAYSI IT'S HAPPENING NOW 33. When things like that happen, some people talk it over with other people. (HAND R CARD 4). Did you talk to any of these people about that? For each person, choose the one descrption that fits them best. If more htan one person you talke to fits the same description: for example, if you talked to more than one friend, please tell me. 187 -13- I CHECK HERE IF R SAYS 'TALKED T0 NO ONE" ON THE LIST. THEN TURN TO ‘ 34 (PAGE 221 BELOW. CHECK THE APPROPRIATE CATEGORY FOR EACH PERSON MENTIONED BY RESPONDE? CARD 4 ESPOSO HERMANO AMIGO/AMIGA ESPOSA HERMANA VECINO/VECINA HIJO COMPADRE/COMADRE COMPANERO DE TRABAJO HIJA PADRINO/MADRINA PADRE OTRO FAMILIAR/O PARIENTE MADRE (ESPECIFIQUE POR FAVOR) a. b. c. . IF R TALKED TO MORE THAN 3 ans de descen- PEOPLE ASK: encia mexicana Bien, me dice que aEs hombre 0 gas mayor, sta persona? hablo con No. mujer esta menor o mas personas, icon persona o menos de la cuales 2 hablo misma edad que mas sobre esta usted? situacién? PERSON: p. HOMBREI [2. MUJER I E; m 3. MENOR la. NSI I1. HOMBREI E 2. 2. MISMA 5. NO 13. MENORI I8. us! [1: 51 I2. MUJER I [5. No] 3. E. MBNORI I8. NSI 188 :40 -19... CHECK HERE IF R SAYS 'TALKED T0 NO ONE“ ON THE LIST. THEN TURN TO 34 (PAGE 23) BELOW, CHECK THE APPROPRIATE CATEGORY FOR EACH PERSON MENTIONED BY RESPONDENT. CARD 4 :41 HUSBAND :46 BROTHER :51 FRIEND WIFE :47 SISTER :52 NEIGHBOR :42 SON :48 COMPADRE/COMADRE:53 CO-WORKER :43 DAUGHTER :49 PADRINO/MADRINA :44 FATHER :50 OTHER RELATIVE OR :45 MOTHER FAMILY MEMBER (PLEASE SPECIFY) a. b. c. do IF R TALKED TO MORE THAN 3 PEOPLE ASK: OK, you say you Is this person Is (he/she) Is this person talked to a man or a older, of Mexican persons, wi t5 woman? younger or descent? which 3 did you about the talk more about same age as this situation? you? PERSON: EMALE 1. OLDEAJ 1- ms 1. E;_§E§§£E‘ 2. SAME JANO ‘ I A 8. DK 1. MALE 0LD[_____ER L13. YE_S____ 2. FEMALE g2 , SA ME 1 E5. NO [3. YOUNGE_R_I 3-111;... . MALE 1. OLDEEJ '1. yES 3. . FEMALE 2. SAME I 5. NO 3. YOUNGEB] 8. DK :54-55 :60 :63 :66 :56-57 :61 :64 :67 :58-59 :62 :65 :68 189 -20- e. anabla espafiol esta persona? f. aQué hizo esta persona con quien hab16 usted acerca de esta situacidn? (PROBE FULLY FOR COMPLETE RESPONSE) Adem’as de eso, acufiles de estas cosas ocurrieron cuando hablb con esta persona? (SHOW CARD 5) a l persona 1. SI 5. NO 8. NS Me escucho Me animb 0 me consolé Me dijo a quien deberia ver Me dio 0 me presté dinero Me mostré una manera nueva de ver las cosas Me dio consejos Me ayudd a hacer algo Tom6 alguna accion por mi 2a persona 1. SI 1 2. NO ‘8. NS Me escucho Me anim6 0 me consolé Me dijo a quien deberia ver Me dio o prest6 dinero Me mostrb una manera nueva de ver las cosas Me dio consejos Me ayud6 a hacer algo Tomb alguna accién por mi 3a persona 1. SI 2. NO 8. NS Me escuché Me animd 0 me consolé Me dijo a quien deberIa ver Me dio 0 me presté dinero Me mostr6 una manera nueva de ver las cosas Me dio consejos El Me ayud6 a hacer algo E. Tomé alguna accién por mi. 190 -21- . Does this f. What did this person 9. Other than that, which of person you talked to do these happened when you speak about this situation talked to this person? Span‘Sh? (paan FULLY FOR COMPLETE (snow CARD 5) RESPONSE) I lst person a Listened to me E Cheered or comforted me 1. YES Told me who to see a Gave or loaned me money a Showed me a new way to 5. NO look at things E Gave me advice I8. DR E] Helped me do something a Took action for me 2nd person Listened to me I! Cheered or comforted me 1. YES E Told me who to see IE Gave or loaned me money 2. NO B Showed me a new way to ‘ look at things 8. ox IE Gave me adv1ce E Helped me do something Took action for me 3rd person IQ Listened to me [13 Cheered or comforted me 1. YES a Told me who to see IE] Gave or loaned me money I- I2] Showed me a new way to ° look at things I a Gave me advice 8' DR E Helped me do something I. Took action for me :69 :1-3 :6-11 :24-31 :70 04 :12-17 :32-39 :71 :18-23 :40-47 191 -22- 34. A veces uno habla con personas profesionales en agencias, oficinas. u otros lugares. (HAND CARD 6). eBablO con algunas de estas perso- nas sobre este asunto? Como hicimos antes, por cada persona, esco- ja la descripciOn que mejor le corresponda. Si mas de una persona con quien Ud. hablO corresponde a la misma descripcién por ejemplo. si hablO con mas de un maestro, por favor digamelo. CHECK HERE IF R SAYS 'TALKED T0 NO ONE“ ON THE LIST. THEN TURN TO 35 (PAGE 26) BELOW, CHECK THE APPROPRIATE CATEGORY FOR EACH PROFESSIONAL MENTIONED BY THE RESPONDENT CARD 6 CLERIGO/SACERDOTE/ ABOGADO PSICOLOGO OTRA PERSONA PASTOR QUE NO ESTA EN ESTA LISTA CONSEJERO PARTERA TRABAJADORA (ESPECIPIQUE SOCIAL QUIEN, poa CURANDERO/A ENPERMERA MAESTRO FAVOR) /A DOCTOR POLICIA OTRA GENTE COMO: faith healers, espiri- tistas, yerberos, sobadoras (especifique quien por favor) PSIQUIATRA a. IF R TALKED TO b. 5E5 hombre o c aEs de des- d. aHabla e. En su MORE THAN 3 mujer esta cendencia espafiol opinion, PEOPLE ASK: persona? mexicana es- esta aesta Bien, me dice ta persona? persona? persona que hablO con conoce __ personas, 1a cul- acon cuales 3 tura hablO mas sobre mexicana? esta situacién? OCCUPATION OF PROFESSIONAL: 1. HOMBRE 1. SI 1. SI 1. SI 1. 2. MUJER 5. NO 5. NO 5. NO 8. NS 8. NS 8. NS 1. HOMBRE 1. SI 1. SI 1. SI 2 5. MUJER 5. NO 5. NO 5. NO 8. NS 8. NS 8. NS 1. HOMBRE 1. SI 1. SI 1. SI 3. 2. MUJER 5. NO 5. NO 5. NO 192 -23- 34. Sometimes we talk with professional people in agencies, offices, (HAND R CARD 6). Did you talk to any of these people about the matter? Like we did before, for each person, or other places. choose the description that fits them best. If more than one person you talked to fits the same description, for example, if you talked to more than one teacher, please tell me. [— CHECK HERE IF R SAYS 'TALKED T0 NO ONE" ON THE LIST, THEN :48 TURN TO 35 (PAGE 27) BELOW, CHECK THE APPROPRIATE CATEGORY FOR EACH PROFESSIONAL MENTIONED BY THE RESPONDENT :49 CLERGYMAN/PRIEST :53 LAWYER :58 PSYCHOLOGIST :62 ANOTHER PASTOR :54 MIDWIFE :59 SOCIAL WORKER PERSON ~50 COUNSELOR NOT ON ’ :55 NURSE :60 TEACHER TRIS LIST ‘51 CURANDERO/A :56 POLICE :61 OTHER PEOPLE épigiie ‘52 DOCTOR -57 PSYCHIATRIST LIKE‘ wgo) y ‘ faith healers, espiritistas, yerberos, sobadoras (PLEASE SPECIFY) a. IF R TALKED b. Is this c. Is this d. Does this e. In your TO MORE THAN person a person of person opinion, 3 PEOPLE ASK: man or a Mexican speak does this OK, you say woman? descent? Spanish? person you talked know Mexican with persons, culture? with GEich 3 did you talk more about his situation? I OCCUPATION O PROFESSIONAL: 1. MALE 1. YES 1. YES 1. YES 1. 2, FEMALE 5. NO 5. NO' 5. NO 8. DR 8. DK 8. DR 1. MALE 1. YES 1. YES 1. YES 2. FEMALE 5. NO 5. NO 5. NO 2' 8. DR 8. DK 8. DK 1. MALE 1. YES 1. YES 1. YES 2. FEMALE 5. NO 5. NO 5. NO 8. DK 8. DK 8. OK :63464 $69 :72 :75 1-3 :6 :65-66 :70 :73 :76 05 :7 :67-68 :71 :74 - 193 E24- f. aCOmo supo de esta persona? g. aEsta aSOCiada esta persona con una agencia, clinica u otra organizacién 1. 1. SI 5. NO 8. NS GO TO hi 2. 1. SI 5. NO 8. NS GO TO h2 3. 1. SI 5. NO 8. NS GO TO h3 qr——-——-—-t ——r h. Recuerda el nom- i. aQué hizo esta j. Ademas de eso, acuales bre del lugar o persona con de estas cosas ocurrie- la clase de lugar quien hablé Ud. ron cuando hablO con donde hablé con acerca de la si- con esta persona? esta persona? (ENTER NAME OR TYPE OF PLACE) (SHOW CARD 5) h1. DVD 00: SC)": Me escuchO Me animé 0 me consolé Me dijo a quien deberia ver Me dio 0 me prestO dinero Me mostré una manera nue- va de ver las cosas Me diO consejos Me ayudO a hacer algO TomO alguna aCCiOn por mi h2. 00'” (DD: 30"” Me escuchO Me animO 0 me consold Me dijo a quien deberia ver Me dio 0 me preStO dinero Me mostr6 una manera nueva de ver las cosas Me dio consejos Me ayudO a hacer algo Tom6 alguna acci6n por mi h3. OU’U 30H: (DD: Me escuché Me anim6 0 me consolb Me dijo a quien deberia ver Me dio 0 me prest6 dinero Me mostrO una manera nueva de ver las cosas Me dio consejos Me ayud6 a hacer algo Tomb alguna accibn por mi 194 -25- k. How did you know about this 9. Is this person conected with an I person? agency, clinic or other organization. 1. 1. YES 5 NO 8 DK GO TO hl 2. 1. YES 5 NO 8 DK GO TO h2 3. 1. YES 5 NO 8 OR GO TO h3 :9-14 :15-18 4: n. Do you remember i. What did this j. Other than that, which the name of the person you of these things happened place or the talked to do when you talked to this kind of place about this person? where you talked situation? (SHOW CARD 5) to this person? (ENTER NAME OR TYPE OF PLACE) hl. a Listened to me b Cheered or comforted me c Told me who to see d Gave or loaned me money e Showed me a new way to look at things f Gave me advice 9 Helped me do something h Took action for me h2. a Listened to me b Cheered or comforted me c Told me who to see d Gave or loaned me money e Showed me a new way to look at things f Gave me advice g Helped me do something h Took action for me h3. a Listened to me b Cheered or comforted me c Told me who to see d Gave or loaned me money e Showed me a new way to look at things f Gave me advice 9 Helped me do something h Took action for me :19-20 :25-30 :43-50 :21-22 :31-36 :51-58 :23-24 :37-42 :59-66 35. Ahora quiero preguntarle lo que pasa 195 -25- e pasan cabo sus planes 0 de costumbr l. LLEVA A CABO 2. SUS PLANES CAMBIAN PLANES sat su vida? I1 . COMO QUIERE 37. Ahora tenemos I2. NO ESTA SEGURO que describen una y me dice cuando hace planes. Lleva a cosas que cambian sus planes? 8. NO SABE I 36. aoué diria que es mas cierto para usted: que su vida saldra como usted guiere o que no est! muy seguro/a de c6mo saldrs Ia. NO SAEEI algo diferente. (HAND R CARD 7) Tengo unas frases como se sienten algunas personas. Las leeré una por si son muy ciertas, algo ciertas, no muyACiertas, o absolutamente nO son ciertas para Ud. ABSOLUTA- MENTE MUY ALGO NO MUY NO CIERTAS CIERTAS CIERTAS CIERTAS a. Siento que soy fitil y que 1 2 3 4 me necesitan b. A nadie le importa mucho 1 2 3 4 lo que me pasa. 1 c. Me siento seguro de que mi vida resultara como l 2 3 4 quiero d. Tengo esperanzas en el 1 2 3 4 futuro e. Ouisiera que la gente me 1 2 3 4 prestara mas atencién f. Siento que soy una persona l 2 3 4 de mérito, al menos tanto como otros. 9. Deseo que la gente me quisiera mas de lo que me 1 2 3 4 quiere h. Puedo hacer cosas tan bIen l “’2 3 3" I .como otras personas i. Estos dias verdaderamente no 1 2 3 4 se con quien puedo contar I j. Me siento contento/a l 2 3 4 conmigo mismo/a 35. 196 -27- Now I want to ask you about what happens when you make plans. DO you get to carry out things the way you thought, or do things usually come up that change yourgplans? 1. THE WAY YOU, 2. HAVE TO CHANGEI 8. DON'T KNOWI .67 THOUGHT PLANS 36. What would you say is more true for you: that your life will turn out the way you want or that you're not sure how your life will turn out? I 1. THE WAY I WANT 2. NOT SUREI I 8. DON'T KNOWI .68 37. Now we have something different. (HAND R CARD 7) I have some statements that describe the way some people feel. I'll read them one at a time and you just tell me whether they're very true, somewhat true, not very true, or not true at all for you. VERY SOMEWHAT NOT VERY.NOT TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE AT ALL a. I feel that I am useful 1 2 3 4 :69 and needed b. No one cares much what 1 2 3 4 :70 happens to me. c. I feel sure my life will 1 2 3 4 :71 work out the way I want. ’ d. I have hopes about 1 2 3 4 :72 the future. ._E e. I wish that people would 1 2 3 4 :73 pay more attention to me. f. I feel that I am a person 1 2 3 4 :74 of worth, at least as much as others 9. I wish that people liked l 2 3 4 :75 me more than they do. h. I am able to do things as l 2 3 4 :76 well as most other people. i. These days, I really 1 2 3 4 :77 don't know who I can count on. ‘3. I feel good about 1 2 3 4 :78 myself. :: 197 -28- 38. aoué tan seguido cree que la gente recibe el respeto que merece, todo el tiempo, la mayoria del tiempo, de vez en cuando, o nunca? A‘ I 1. TODO EL TIEMP 2. MAYORIA DEE] 3. VEZ EN CUANDEII4. NUNCA I TIEMPO - rt 39. aoué tan seguido cree que aunque una persona se esfuerce, de cualquier manera su valor es ignorado, tOdO el tiempo, la mayo- ria del tiempo, de vez en cuando, o nunca? A 1. TODO EL TIEMPO 2. MAYORIA DEL 3. VEZ EN CUANDO 4. NUNCA TIEMPO __ ___. , 40. Usando las respuestas en esta pagina (HAND R CARD 8) éQUé tan segUIdO: CASI TODO A RAM EL TIEMPO VECES VEZ NUNCA a. Se siente que estS muy solo/a? l 2 3 4 aDiria usted que casi todo el tiempo, a veces, rara 225' o nunca? b. Se siente desanimado/a? l 2 3 4 c. Le afecta fisicamente las 1 2 3 4 preocupaciones personales? d. Se siente triste? l 2 3 4 e. Se siente solo aunque l 2 3 4 esté entre amigos? f. Se queda sin expresar sus l 2 3 4 sus opiniones para evitar disgustos? g. Siente usted que tiene difi- l 2 3 4 cultad para hacer amistades nuevas? h. Se siente aburrido/a? l 2 3 4 198 -29- 38. How often do you think people get the respect that they deserve, all of the time, most of the time, some of the time, or never? 1. ALL 2. MOSTI 3. SOMEI 4. NEVERI 39. How often do you think that no matter how hard a person tries, his/her worth is still ignored, all of the time, most of the time, some of the time, never? 1. ALL OF THE TIME 2. MOST OF THE TIME 3. TIME SOME OF THE fl ' r 40. Using the answers on this sheet (HAND R CARD 8) I71. NEVE:I fl How often: MOST OF THE TIME SOMETIMES RARELY NEVER a. Do you feel that you are very alone, would you say, most of the time, sometimes, rarely, or never? 1 Do you feel down, low in spirits? DO personal worries affect you physically? Do you feel sad: Do you feel lonely, Do you keep your opinions to yourself to avoid arguments? Do you feel you have trouble making new friends? DO you feel bored? 1-3 06 :15 199 -30- ENDING STATEMENT 1. 2. RECORD EXACT TIME EXPRESE SENSIBILIDAD/ENTENDIMIENTO DE LO PERSONAL DE LAS PREGUNTAS Y DEL TIEMPO QUE TOMO LA ENTREVISTA. ASEGURE AL RESPONDEDOR DE LA SEGURIDAD Y ANONIMIDAD CON LA CUAL SE VA A TRATAR LA INFORMACION. SI ES NECESARIO, EX- PLIQUE EL PROCESO DE COMO SE PROCESARA LA INFORMACION. PREGUNTELE AL RESPONDEDOR SI TIENE COMENTARIOS O SUGERENCIAS SOBRE LA ENTREVSITA QUE (EL/ELLA) QUIERA QUE USTED ESCRIBA: DELE LAS GRACIAS AL RESPONDEDOR. DELE LOS $5.00 Y QUE FIRME EL RECIBO. ASEGURE QUE EL DOMICILIO Y NUMERO DE TELEFONO ESTE INCLUIDO. APUNTE EL NUMERO DEL RECIBO EN EL FRENTE DEL CUESTIONARIO. EXPLIQUE QUE QUIZAS SU SUPERINTENDENTE LE HABLARA PARA COMPROBAR QUE SE HIZO LA ENTREVISTA. 200 -31- ENDING STATEMENT 1. I RECORD EXACT TIME I EXPRESS EMPATHY/UNDERSTANDING FOR THE PERSONAL NATURE OF THE QUESTIONS AND FOR THE LENGTH OF THE INTERVIEW ASSURE RESPONDENT OF THE ANONYMITY AND SECURITY OF THE INFORMATION. IF NECESSARY, EXPLAIN PROCEDURES FOR HANDLING THE INFORMATION ASK FOR COMMENTS OR SUGGESTIONS REGARDING THE INTERVIEW WHICH THE RESPONDENT WOULD LIKE YOU TO WRITE: THANK RESPONDENT. GIVE HIM/HER THE $5.00 AND HAVE HIM/ HER SIGN RECEIPT. MAKE SURE THE RECEIPT INCLUDES RESPONDENT'S ADDRESS AND PHONE NUMBER, RECORD RECEIPT NUMBER IN FRONT OF QUESTIONNAIRE. EXPLAIN TO RESPONDENT THAT YOUR SUPERVISOR MIGHT CALL HIM/HER TO VERIFY THAT INTERVIEW WAS DONE. l. The 201 -32- INTERVIEWER OBSERVATIONS (TO BE FILLED OUT IMMEDIATELY AFTER INTERVIEW IS COMPLETED) respondent's attitude at the beginning of the interview was: I 2._The 1. COOPERATIVE,I (F5 NEUTRAL, 3. NERVOUS, I4. ANTAGONISTIEJ HELPFUL LAX D _ UNCERTAIN reSpondent's attitude at the end of the interview was: MORE COOPERATIVE, 2. NO CHANGE FROM THE 3. LESS COOPERATIVE HELPFUL BEGINNING OF THE HELPFUL INTERVIEW 3. The respondent's interest at the beginning of the interview was: L. VERY INTERESTED 2. SOMEWHAT INTERESTED 3. NOT VERY INTERESTED 4. The respondent's interest at the end of the interview was: 1. MORE INTERESTED 2. NO CHANGE FROM 3. LESS INTERESTED THE BEGINNING OF THE INTERVIEW 5. Did the respondent seem to be hurrying to get the interview over? Il. YES IS. NO 6. Was there anyone else present during the interview? 1. YES m—PGO TO 7 (NEXT PAGE) a. How many people? Who? b. How did this affect the interview? :1-3 06 :16 :17 :19 :20 :23-1 7. 202 -33- The respondent's understanding of the questions was: I1. EXCELLENT I2. GOOD I3. FAIRI 4. POOR :26 Which were problem questions? (IF NONE, PLEASE NOTE: IF YES, GIVE SECTION AND QUESTION NUMBERS) :27-41 a. What did you do about these problems and/or difficulties? :47-4. Please describe the respondent's ability to express himself/ herself on the scale below: 1 2 3 4 :49 EXCELLENT LIMITED VOCABULARY VOCABULARY: EXPRESSES SELF WITH VERY ARTICULATE GREAT DIFFICULTY 10. Were there any questions you think the respondent did not 11. 12. seem to answer frankly or honestly? Is. NO “-)GO TO 11 :50 a. Which questions were these and why do you doubt the answers: :51-70 :71-72 Aproximately how many interruptions (at least a minute or so long) were there? NUMBER OF INTERRUPTIONS :73 Please recall all verbal interruptions during the interview, and rate the entire verbal interactions according to the scale below: a. tele- 1 ONLY MOSTL BOTH phone ENGLIS NGLISH EQUALLY conver-W sations SPANIS SPANIS 4 MOSTLdIS ONLYJ 9 NONE :74 13. 14. 15. 16. 203 b.conversations l. ONL 2.MOSTL 3. BOTH .MOSTL 5. ONLY 9.NONE :75 with children fNGLISH ENGLISH EQUALLY 4PANISH SPANISH c.conversations ONLq E.MOSTL 3.BOTH|4. MOSTEY . 9.NONE :76 with adults 1NGLISQ ENGLISH EQUALL PANISH FPANIS d.other: . ONL .MOSTL 3. BOTH .MOSTLY 5.0NLY 9.NONE :77 NGLIS ENGLISH EQUALLY PANISH SPANIS -= Please check all that you noticed: 1-3 07 a. Mexican cooking II; YE§l[3‘_§ELJ : b. Mexican music and records m_ :7 c. Religious items-Virgins, velas,palmas,etc. : d. Spanish books,magazines,newspapers,etc. [1..YES][5‘_NQ;] :9 e. Mexican calendar of any sort [1‘_xzfij[§&_gg_l :10 f Mexican artifacts (weav:i.ng,pottery,art,etc)[1.YES]5 SAUL] :11 9. Pictures of Kennedys, Juarez, or Hidalgo [l._1ES][jL_jKLJ :12 h. Family portraits [1E_XESJL5L_NQ_J :13 1. Mexican radio or T.V. programs on [1._YESJL§L_NQ] :14 j. Political/revolutionary pictures and I1;_X£§JL5__LELJ :15 posters Using the following scale, how would you describe the respondent's sking color: 1 2 3 4 5 :16 VERY LIGHT/ VERY DARK GUERO MORENO And how would you describe the respondent's physical features? :17 1 2 3 4 5 EUROPEAN INDIAN LOOKING LOOKING ‘ And finally, how would you describe the respondent's accent? :18 IN ENGLISH: 1 2 3 _ 4 8. DON'T KNOW NO NOTICEABLE HEAVY SPANISH/ SPANISH/MEXICAN MEXICAN ACCENT ACCENT IN SPANISH: 1 2 3 4 8. DON'T KNOW :19 NO NOTICEABLE HEAVY ENGLISH/ ENGLISH/AMERI- AMERICAN ACCENT CAN ACCENT 204 -35- 17. Compared to other homes in this neighborhood, would you say the respondent's house was better than average, average, or below average? 1. BETTER THAN AVERAGE 2. AVERAGEJ l3. BELOW AVERAGE 18. Thumbnail sketch of the respondent and the interviewing situation. Please include everything mentioned in the thumbnail outline distributed during interviewer training (SEE INTERVIEWER'S TRAINING MANUAL). APPENDIX A]. SOCIAL IDENTITY DECK ‘DQQO‘UIbUNI-i p O O 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. APPENDIX AT. SOCIAL IDENTITY DECK SOCIAL IDENTITY DECK FEMALE BLUE COLLAR WORKER POREIGNER MOTHER DAUGHTER MEXICAN POCHA WOMAN MIDDLE CLASS AMERICAN OP MEXICAN DESCENT SISTER WIPE MExICAN AMERICAN CATHOLIC HISPANIC WHITE INDIAN AMERICAN UNITED STATES CITIZEN FAMILY BREADWINNER .BROWN POOR IMMIGRANT PARMNORKER LATINA ENGLISH SPEAKER SPANISH SPEAKER UNITED STATES NATIVE WORKING CLASS CHOLA CHICANA RAzA MESTIzA ENGLISH 205 MALE BLUE COLLAR WORKER POREIGNER MIDDLE CLASS AMERICAN OP MEXICAN DESCENT BROTHER HUSBAND MEXICAN AMERICAN CATHOLIC HISPANIC WHITE INDIAN AMERICAN UNITED STATES CITIZEN FAMILY BREADWINNER BROWN POOR IMMIGRANT EARMWORKER LATINO ENGLISH SPEAKER SPANISH SPEAKER UNITED STATES NATIVE WORKING CLASS CHOLO CHICANO RAZA MESTIZO SOCIAL IDENTITY DECK SPANISH FEMALE TRABAJADORA OBRERA EXTRANJERA MADRE HIJA MEXICANA POCHA MUJER DE CLASE MEDIA AMERICANA DE DESCENDENCIA MEXICANA HERMANA ESPOSA MEXICO-AMERICANA CATOLICA HISPANA BLANCA INDIA AMERICANA CIUDADADA AMERICANA SOSTEN DE LA FAMILIA MORENA POBRE INMIGRANTE TRABAJADORA CAMPESINA LATINA DE NIABLA INGLESA DE HABLA ESPANOLA NATIVA DE LOS ESTADOS UNIDOS DE CLASE OBRERA CHOLA CHICANA RAZA MESTIZA MALE TRABAJADOR OBRERO EXTRANJERO PADRE HIJO MEXICANO POCHO HOMBRE DE CLASE MEDIA AMERICANO DE DESCENDENCIA MEXICANA HERMANO ESPOSO MEXICO-AMERICANO CATOLICO HISPANO BLANCO INDIO AMERICANO CIUDADANO AMERICANO SOSTEN DE LA FAMILIA MORENO POBRE INMIGRANTE TRABAJADOR CAMPESINO LATINO DE HABLA INGLESA DE HABLA ESPANOLA NATIVO DE LOS ESTADOS UNIDOS DE CLASE OBRERA CHOLO CHICANO RAZA MESTIZO APPENDIX A2. CARD 2--ETHNIC LABELS 0. 1. 2. 3. 4. APPENDIX A2. CARD 2--ETHNIC LABELS CARD 2 HISPANIC 0. AMERICAN 1. HISPANIC-AMERICAN 2. LATINO 3. AMERICAN OF MEXICAN DESCENT 4. MEXICAN-AMERICAN 5. CHICANO 6. MEXICAN 7. SOME OTHER NAME 8. 207 HISPANO AMERICANO HISPANO-AMERICANO LATINO AMERICANO DE DESCENDENCIA MEXICANA MEXICO-AMERICANO CHICANO MEXICANO ALGUN OTRO NOMBRE APPENDIX A3. CARD 4--NON-PROFESSIONAL HELPING RESOURCES APPENDIX A3. CARD 4--NON-PROFESSIONAL HELPING RESOURCES CARD 4 (EVEN) MY HUSBAND MY WIFE A SON DAUGHTER MY FATHER MY MOTHER A BROTHER A SISTER A COMPADRE OR COMPADRE A PADRINO OR MADRINA OTHER RELATIVE OR FAMILY MEMBER A FRIEND A NEIGHBOR A CO-WORKER 208 MI ESPOSO MI ESPOSA UN HIJO UNA HIJA MI PADRE MI MADRE UN HERMANO UNA HERMANA UN COMPADRE O UNA COMADRE UN PADRINO O UNA MADRINA OTRO PAMILIAR O PARIENTE UN AMIGO O UNA AMIGA UN VECINO O UNA VECINA UN COMPANERO O UNA COMPANERA DE TRABAJO APPENDIX A4. CARD 5--ASSISTANCE PROVIDED RESPONSE CATEGORIES APPENDIX A4. CARD 5--ASSISTANCE PROVIDED RESPONSE CATEGORIES CARD 5 LISTENED TO ME ME ESCUCHO CHEERED OR COMFORTED ME ME ANIMO 0 ME CONSOLO TOLD ME WHO TO SEE ME DIJO A QUIEN DEBERIA VER GAVE OR LOANED ME MONEY ME D10 0 ME PRESTO DINERO SHOWED ME A NEW WAY TO LOOK ME MOSTRO UNA MANERA NUEVA AT THINGS DE VER LAS COSAS GAVE ME ADVICE ME DIO CONSEJOS HELPED ME DO SOMETHING ME AYUDO A HACER ALGO TOOK ACTION FOR ME TOMO ALGUNA ACCION POR MI 209 APPENDIX A5. CARD 6--PROFESSIONAL HELPING RESOURCES APPENDIX A5. CARD 6--PROFESSIONAL HELPING RESOURCES CARD 6 (EVEN) PRIEST, PASTOR, OR CLERGYMAN COUNSELOR CURANDERO OR CURANDERA DOCTOR LAWYER MIDWIFE NURSE POLICEMAN PSYCHIATRIST PSYCHOLOGIST SOCIAL WORKER TEACHER OTHER PEOPLE LIKE FAITH HEALERS, YERBEROS, SOBADORAS ANOTHER PERSON NOT IN THIS LIST v 3' 3 3’ 3 3’ D 3' w 3’ 3 V 210 UN SACERDOTE, PASTOR O CLERIGO UN CONSEJERO UN CURANDERO O UNA CURANDERA UN DOCTOR UN ABOGADO UNA PARTERA UNA ENFERMERA UN POLICIA UN PSIQUIATRA UN PSICOLOGO UNA TRABAJADORA SOCIAL UN MAESTRO O UNA MAESTRA OTRA GENTE COMO ESPIRITISTAS, YERBEROS, SOBADORAS OTRA PERSONA QUE NO ESTA EN ESTA LISTA APPENDIX A6. CARD 7--ACCURACY RESPONSE CATEGORIES APPENDIX A6. CARD 7—-ACCURACY RESPONSE CATEGORIES VERY TRUE SOMEWHAT TRUE NOT VERY TRUE NOT TRUE AT ALL CARD '7 MUY CIERTO ALGO CIERTO 211 NO MUY CIERTO ABSOLUTAMENTE NO CIERTO APPENDIX A7. CARD 8--FREQUENCY RESPONSE CATEGORIES APPENDIX A7. CARD 8--FREQUENCY RESPONSE CATEGORIES MOST OF THE TIME SOMETIMES RARELY NEVER CARD 8 212 CASI TODO EL TIEMPO A VECES RARA VEZ NUNCA APPENDIX A8. CARD 10--FREQUENCY OF VISITATION RESPONSE CATEGORIES APPENDIX A8. CARD 10--FREQUENCY OF VISITATION RESPONSE CATEGORIES DAILY SEVERAL TIMES A WEEK SEVERAL TIMES A MONTH SEVERAL TIMES A YEAR HARDLY EVER CARD 10 213 DIARIAMENTE VARIAS VECES POR SEMANA VARIAS VECES POR MES VARIAS VECES POR ANO CASI NUNCA APPENDIX A9. CARD 21--INCOME LESS THAN $2,000 $3,000 $4,000 $5,000 $6,000 $7,000 $8,000 $9,000 $10,000 $11,000 $12,000 $15,000 $20,000 $25,000 $30,000 T0 T0 T0 T0 T0 T0 T0 T0 T0 T0 T0 T0 T0 TO OR CARD 21--INCOME $2,000 $2,999 $3,999 $4,999 $5,999 $6,999 $7,999 $8,999 $9,999 $10,999 $11,999 $14,999 $19,999 $24,999 $29,999 MORE CARD 21 214 APPENDIX A9. 0. P. MENOS DE $2,000 $3,000 $4,000 $5,000 $6,000 $7,000 $8,000 $9,000 $10,000 $11,000 $12,000 $15,000 $20,000 $25,000 $30,000 3 3 3 3' 3’ :v 3 3 0 3' iv 3 3' :P 3 $2,000 $2,999 $3,999 $4,999 $5,999 $6,999 $7,999 $8,999 $9,999 $10,999 $11,999 $14,999 $19,999 $24,999 $29,000 MAS APPENDIX B. SCREENING QUESTIONNAIRE APPENDIX B. SCREENING QUESTIONNAIRE SCREENING QUESTIONNAIRE INTERVIEWER'S NAME SITE NUMBER CENSUS NUMBER DATE DAY OF WEEK TIME 0? DAY SCREENING RESULT 215 216 Buenos dias/buenas tardes. Soy . Soy estudiante de la Universidad de Michigan State trEbESando en un proyecto. Nos interesa averiguar algo acerca de las diferentes nacionalidades en los Estados Unidos. Me gustaria hacerle unas cuantes preguntas. £Es Ud. 1a persona que sostiene la familia? l 1. YES MY HUSBAND/ WIFE ‘1 V £Quién es la persona que sostiene la familia? ANYONE ELSE: SPECIFY aPuedO hablar con esa persona? WHEN THE BREADWINNER OR SPOUSE COMES TO THE PHONE, BEGIN WITH "Buenos dias/tardes. Soy...” IF PERSON IS NOT HOME, INQUIRE ABOUT WHEN WILL BE THE BEST TIME TO CALL. RECORD TIME: Como usted ha de saber, mucha gente aqui en los Estados Unidos se ha interesado mucho en los origenes de sus antepasados. Estamos intere- sados en lo que la gente sabe y siente acerca de sus propias raices y me gustaria hacerle unas cuantas preguntas que solamente nos tomaran un par de minutos. Pienso que a usted 1e agradaran estas preguntas. ES algo similar a un arbol genealOgico de su familia. La entrevista es totalmente confidencial y voluntaria. 217 Hello, my name is . I am a student at Michigan State University working on a research proyect. We are interested in learning about various nationality groups in the U.S. I would like to ask you a few questions. Are you the main breadwinner in this home? Who is the main breadwinner? MY HUSBAND/ ANYONE ELSE: WIFE r SPECIFY May I spark with that person? WHEN THE BREADWINNER OR SPOUSE COMES TO THE PHONE, BEGIN WITH “Hello, my name is ...' IF PERSON IS NOT HOME, INQUIRE ABOUT WHEN WILL BE THE BEST TIME TO CALL - RECORD TIME: \P \V As you may know, people in the U.S. nowadays have become more aware of their background and their ancestors. We are very interested in what people know and feel about their own roots and I'd like to ask you a few questions that will take only a couple of minutes. I think you'll enjoy it; it's kind of like doing a family tree. The interview is strictly confidential and voluntary. 218 BE PREPARED TO USE THESE PROBES: A) IF ANCESTRY RESPONSE IS 'SPANISH,‘ “LATIN AMERICAN,‘ 'HISPANIC,' “LATINO,“ ETCl, ASK: an cutl pais se refiere? 8) IF ANCESTRY RESPONSE IS “AMERICAN,“ ASK: a? cus‘origenes antes de eso? aDe cual pais vinieron sus antepasados? l. Primero, quisiera saber algo acerca del origen O nacionalidad de sus padre. (De qué descendencia‘as su padre? IF MEXICAN ONLY, CHECK BOXES A AND B THEN GO T0 0.4 2. (De qu! descendencia cl padre de £1? IF MEXICAN CHECK BOX 3. aDe qué descendencia la madre de El? IE MExICAN CHECK BOX (De qué descendencia es su madre? IF MEXICAN ONLY, CHECK BOXES C AND D: THEN GO T0 0.7 5. {De qué descendencia es el padre de ella? IF MEXICAN CHECK BOX 6. aDe qué descendencia es la madre de ella? IF MEXICAN E CHECK BOX ‘4 RESPONDENT IS ELIGIBLE - IF ANY TWO OF [3 [3 .. El m cam. 219 95- BE PREPARED TO USE THESE PROBES: A) IF ANCESTRY RESPONSE IS 'SPANISH,' 'LATIN AMERICAN,’ 'HISPANIC,” 'LATINO,‘ ETC., ASK: What country do you mean by that? 8) IF ANCESTRY RESPONSE IS “AMERICAN,“ ASK: What about root before that? What country did your ancestors originally come from? 1. To begin, I would like to know about your parents' national origins. What is you father?s-ancestry? IF MEXICAN ONLY, CHECK BOXES A AND B THEN GO T0 0.4 I? MEXICAN E CHECK BOX IE MEXICAN CHECK BOX 2. What was his father's ancestry 3. What was his motheris ancestry? 'i 4. What is your mother's ancestry? 2 s IF MEXICAN ONLY, CHECK BOXES C AND D; THEN GO T0 0.7 5. What was her father's ancestry? “' : , IE MEXICAN CHECK BOX 6. What was her mother's ancestry? IF MEXICAN CHECK BOX RESPONDENT IS ELIGIBLE - IF ANY TWO OF [13 or m ARE CHECKED 220 -6- BE PREPARED TO USE THESE PROBES: A) IF ANCESTRY RESPONSE IS "SPANISH, “LATIN AMERICAN,“ "HISPANIC,“ “LATINO,” ETC/, ASK ah cualgpais se refiere? B) IF ANCESTRY RESPONSE IS “AMERICAN,” ASK: a? sus origenes antes de eso? {De cual paIs vinieron sus antepasados? 7. Ahora, me gustarIa hacerle las mismas preguntas acerca de los padres de su esposa/esposo. IF R IS NOT MARRIED CHECK HERED AND GO TO NEXT PAGE. {De qué descendencia es el padre de su esposO/a, O sea la descendencia de su suegro? IF MEXICAN ONLY, CHECK BOXES E AND F AND GO TO 0.10 8. aDe qué descendencia es el padre de su suegro? IF MEXICAN CHECK BOX 9. aDe qué descendencia es la madre de su suegro? IF MEXICAN CHECK BOX 10. {De que descendencia as su suegra? IF MEXICAN ONLY, CHECK BOXES G AND H AND GO TO NEXT PAGE 11. aDe gué descendencia es , el padre de su suegra? IF MEXICAN CHECK BOX l2. {De qué descendencia as la madre de su suegra? IF MEXICAN CHECK BOX RESPONDENT'S SPOUSE IS ELIGIBLE - IF ANY TWO OF E [a E or [a ARE CHECKED 221 -7- BE BE PREPARED TO USE THESE PROBES: A) IF ANCESTRY RESPONSE IS "SPANISH,” ”LATIN AMERICAN,” “HISPANIC,” "LATINO,” ETC., ASK: What country dogyou mean by that? B) IF ANCESTRY RESPONSE IS ”AMERICAN,“ ASK: What about before that? What country did your ancestors originally come from? 7. Now I would like to ask you the same questions about the parents of your wife/husband or the person you live with. IF R 15 NOT MARRIED CHECK HERE AND GO TO NEXT PAGE. What is your father-in-law's ancestry? IF MEXICAN ONLY, CHECK BOXES E AND F AND GO TO 0. 10 8. What was his father's ancestry? IF MEXICAN CHECK BOX 9. What was his mother's ancestry? IF MEXICAN CHECK BOX 10. What is your mother-in-law's ancestry IF MEXICAN ONLY, CHECK BOXES G AND H AND GO TO NEXT PAGE 11. What was her father's ancestry? IF MEXICAN CCCCC Cox 12. What was her mother's ancestry? IF MEXICAN CHECK BOX RESPONDENT'S SPOUSE IS ELIGIBLE - IF ANY TWO OF [BEE] .C [a .CC CCCCCCC 222 223 DECISION CHART FOR SELECTING PERSON FOR INTERVIEW SEx or R l—~1' ”ALE I CHECK NUMBER 2. FEMALE EOR Box USED .1, 7 ’ DO NOT I ' NO [ INTERVIEW III READ A NO 15 R — DOES R HAVE ELIGIBLE? SPOUSE YES INTERVIEW R [:] READ C * YES ’ Jr NEITHER ELIGIBLE ;: DO NOT [:1 READ A INTERVIEW ONLY R ELIGIBLE I“; INTERVIEW R [Z] READ C <:%> INTERVIEW [:J ONLY SPOUSE ELIGIBLE SPOUSE READ B BOTH ELIGIBLE 4. L_ LAST DIGIT OF ODD 4—55 I: INTERVIEW HUSBAND g COVER SHEET EVEN I Ase; J INTERVIEW WIFE 224 -10- STATEMENT A DO NOT INTERVIEW ANYONE Muchtsimas gracias. La informacidn que nos ha proporcio- nado nos permitira organizar un mapa de nacionalidades en algunas regiones del pats. En el futuro posiblemente nos interese entrevistarlo/a con mas detalle, pero le aVisa- remos. Muchas gracias por su ayuda. STATEMENT B INTERVIEW SPOUSE Su esposo/esposa es una de las personas que quisiéramos entrevistar en mayor detalle. Quisiera hacer la entre- vista ahora mismo si es posible. aPodrIa hablar con él/ ella? IF NOT AVAILABLE, TRY TO MAKE APPOINTMENT. WHEN INTERVIEW IS TO BE CONDUCTED: A. CONFIRM ETHNIC ELIGIBILITY INFORMATION ON PAGES 6-7 B. EXPLAIN STUDY C. BEGIN THE INTERVIEW STATEMENT C INTERVIEW SCREEN RESPONDENT En esta ocasiOn, queremos entrevistar a personas que son de descendencia mexicana. Toda la informacidn que nos dé es completamente confidencial: nos interesan Gnicamente respuestas andnimas y claro que Ud. es libre de no con- testar las preguntas que no quiera. La entrevista se toma aproximadamente media hora y se le pagara $5.00 si parti- cipa con el proyecto. (MAKE APPOINTMENT IF RESPONDENT AGREES) 225 -11- STATEMENT A DO NOT INTERVIEW ANYONE Thank you very much. The information you provided will allow us to understand the ethnic make-up of some areas and regions of the country. In the future we may be interested in inter- viewing you at greater length, and we will contact you in advance. Thank you very much for your time. STATEMENT B INTERVIEW SPOUSE Your wife/husband is one of the people we would like to inter- view in greater detail. I would like to conduct the interview with him/her right now if at all possible. May 1 Speak to him/her? IF NOT AVAILABLE, TRY TO MAKE APPOINTMENT. WHEN INTERVIEW IS TO BE CONDUCTED: A. CONFIRM ETHNIC ELIGIBILITY INFORMATION ON PAGES 6-7 B. EXPLAIN STUDY C. BEGIN THE INTERVIEW STATEMENT C INTERVIEW SCREEN RESPONDENT At this time we want to interview persons of Mexican ancestry, and you are someone whose opinions we are interested in obtaining. All of the information you give uS will remain confidential and your identity will be anonymous. No one will know who you are. Also, you are free not to answer any questions with which you feel uncomfrotable. The approximate time for the interview is about one half hour, and you will be paid $5.00 if you participate in the study. (MAKE APPOINTMENT IS RESPONDENT AGREES) APPENDIX C. INTERVIENER TRAINING MANUAL APPENDIX C. INTERVIEWER TRAINING MANUAL INTERVIKWER TRAINING MANUAL EARL! OF CONTENTS Statement of Professional Ethics by Survey Research Center Overview of National Study Overview of Lansing Study Glossary of Terms Used Criteria for Deteraing Eligibility for the Study Language to use with Respondents Rules for Recording Interview Responses Mechanics of‘Recording and Editing ' Key Points in Editing Thumbnail Sketches Introduction to Interviewing Interviewing Bias Probing Setting up Appointments Reasons and Types of'Refusals 226 227 STATEMENT OF PROFESSIONAL ETHICS All interviewers for the Survey Research Center are expected to understand that their professional activities are directed and regulated by the following state- ments of policy: The Center undertakes a study only after it has been evaluated in terms of its importance to society and its contribution to scholarly knowledge. It does not conduct studies which are. in its Opinion. trivial. of limited importance. or which would involve collecting information that could be obtained more easily by other means. and it does not undertake secret research or conduct studies for the sole benefit of one individual. company. or organization. The Center is a community of scholars whose findings are available to everyone. Every effort is made to dis- seminate research results as widely as possible; this is done through books. jour- nal and magazine articles. news releases. papers presented 'at professional meet- ings. and in the classroom. The rights of human subjects are a matter of primary concern to the Center and all study procedures are reviewed to ensure that individual reSpondents are protected at each stage of research. While it is the Center's policy to make study findings public. the utmost care is taken to ensure that no data are released that would permit any respondent to be identified. All information that links a particu- lar interview to a specific respondent is remoxed as soon as the interview is re- ceived at the Center; this information is maintained in special confidential files while the study is in progress. and is destroyed after the study closes. Interviews themselves are identified only by numbers. The Center‘s strict precautions to protect the anonymity of respondents will be undermined if the interviewer does not treat information concerning respon- dents with equal regard. Interviewers perform a professional function when they obtain information from individuals in personal interviews. and they are expected to maintain professional ethical standards of confidentiality regarding what they hear and Observe in the respondent's home. All information about respondents ob- tained during the course of the research is priiileged information. whether it re- lates to the interview itself or includes extraneous observations concerning the respondent‘s home. family. and activities. 228 First National Studies of Minority Groups Explore Racial/ Ethnic Identity and Mental Health An exciting new direction in social research is being explored by ISR researchers who are making the first attempts ever to identify and interview large national samples of racial or ethnic minority groups. Two sepa- rate ISR studies currently underway are carefully exa- mining the attitudes and experiences of Chicanos and black Americans. Both studies focus on the relationships between racial or ethnic identity and mental health. Carlos H. Arce, study director with lSR's Survey Re- search Center, is directing the national survey of peeple of Mexican origin. and the national survey of the black population is headed by James S. Jackson, faculty as- sociate with lSR's Research Center for Group Dynamics. New methodological techniques and innovative in- terviewing approaches are being devised for the studies. Representative samples of these minority groups cannot lames S. lackson be easily found because of the relatively small numbers within the population and their geographic dispersion. Sampling difficulties present a complex problem for both studies, particularly for the Chicano study. “it is relatively easy to locate and select respondents among the Chicano population in East Los Angeles, for exam. ple: it is quite a bit more difficult to do so in Minne- apolis—or even in West Los Angeles. for that matter," Arce explains. The mental health needs of Chicanos and blacks and how these needs are being met. or not being met. are a primary focus of the two studies. Both are concerned with the special stresses and pressures that many Chicanos and blacks in this country face—including socioeconomic hardship, discrimination, and poor phys- ical environment or health. The researchers are also exploring the resources these minority tn- dividuals use to deal with the problems and psychic distress they may experience—both the formal mental health resources and the informal helping networks such as family, friends. or ethnw community. The two new studies represent a com- prehensive effort to develop a national data base for comparison with past. less There may be a need for programs and clinics that are more sensitive to the role of broader social and economic determinants of personal problems. systematic social research on minorities and with future national and local studies. Both studies will provide comprehensive assessments of several kinds of attitudes and experiences among the minority groups. “in addition to assessing ethnic identity and mental health," Arce says. "our study will address language attitudes and use. attitudes about family and family relationships, labor market experience and economic well-being. political par- ticipation. and general attitudes about , 229 'Qrceived quality of life." In the past there have been very few comprehensive studies on Chicanos and no attempts to create a large, representa- tive sample. The present study includes the collaborative efforts of more than 15 Chicano researchers from several disci- plines. Data from the study will be im- mediately released to the Chicano re- search community, Arce says, so that a Having bilingual interviewers who are familiar with both the Mexican and American cultures is particularly important. variety of analytic studies can be carried out and appropriate policy applications pursued. In contrast to the paucity of research on Chicanos. there is a vast literature about black Americans, including research re- lated to mental health issues. But much of the scientific literature on blacks has been contradictory, Jackson notes. and. again, none of the previous research has been based upon representative samples of this minority group. Another unique feature of the lSR studies of ethnic identity and mental health is their use of Chicano and black field staff to conduct interviews for the respective surveys. Previous methodological studies have shown that individuals seem more comfortable and respond more openly with interviewers of their own race or ethnic background. And for the Chicano study, hav- ing bilingual interviewers who are familiar with both the Mexican and American cultures is particularly impor- tant, Arce points out. Arce and Jackson will also be carefully examining the language of the survey questions to determine the extent to which they are understood and interpreted by re- spondents in the manner intended by the researchers. "In effect," Jackson says, “we will be asking a sizable group of blacks and Chicanos what the words and con- cepts mean to them—riot simply assume that all seg- ments of American society interpret or use language identically." A related concern addressed by the two studies is the effect of cultural influences on the way in which indi- viduals experience 0r define mental health problems. The literature on persons of Mexican origin, Arce ex- Carlos H. Arce plains, has characterized them as viewing illness as fatalistic and supernatural, making them reject modern medicine in favor of alternative health resources, “’hlch may include family, friends, and even curanderos or faith healers. "Much has been written about the inadequacy of traditional psychiatric facilities for dealing with the prob lems of blacks, other minorities. and people of lower educational and economic status," Jackson adds. "Cori- siderable concern has been expressed over the type of treatment offered by traditional psychotherapists. and many writers question the emphasis on intrapsychic functioning and point to the need for community-based programs and clinics that are more sensitive to the role of broader social and economic determinants of per- sonal problems." The two lSR studies, Arce and Jackson say, represent the first systematic research on how minority persons react to the issue of mental health and on how they View the different mental health resources. I for further information about these two studies contact Carlos H Arse or James 5. Jackson at the Institute 230 OVERVIEW OF LANSING STUDY the Lansing Study is a euplicaticn of part of the conpren- sive national study of the aantal health implication of ethnic identification and identity among Chicanos conducted by the Survey Research Center, Institute for Social.Research, univer- sity of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Carlos 3. Arce, Project Director. The research will be done in collaboration with Carlos Arce and the results will be compared and analyzed with the results obtained by SRO from Texas. The data to be collected in Lansing will become part of the national study and will be available to interested scholars and mental health practicnere. Individual and community-contextual variables will be study as the independent variables. Ethnic identification and identity will be study as intervening variables. Mental health status as defined by self-esteem and personal efficacy, and attitudes and utilization of formal and informal mental health helping resources will be study as the outcome variables. (See attached diagram.) 231 1.885 auauou mmogm Eng A 02Hzm>oh+a2H l m§ nupHAHOSW F538.— ASrzm! mo “.5de 3H<>< magma hmgmam .38.! mo PEAS anb< wbmzmn \aOHhngzoo 02¢qu saw: 20:..— mghmHn AEOHBSBEO 8am: EOE mozsgun ASHE: 588° mofieaz 25m: mar—Rem AFR—m5. ".5002..— 32.35009 zofizooem xmm mo< mmfl hzmanmQZH 232 IV GLOSSARY OF TERMS USED Attitudinal Questions (Probing) Inappropriate interviewer behavior where the interviewer, in probing the Respondent for further information. states the question in such a way that the Respondent picks up on the Interviewer expectations and is therefore. "led" to a response. Directive Questions (Probing) Inappropriate interviewer behavior which can either change or limit the frame of reference of the question. or limit the response possibilities. A probe is also directive if it suggests poss- ible answers to the Respondent either directly or by providing information in addition to that which the "R" and the original question have already given. Head of Household That member of the household who is the main breadwinner; the "economic dominant" in the household; provides the major share of financial support for the household even if household in- cludes two or more families. Housing Unit (BU) A room or group of rooms occupied or va- cant and intended for occupancy as separate living quarters. In practice, living quarters are considered separate and therefore a EU when the occu- pants live and eat apart from any other group in the building, AND THERE IS EITHER direct access from the outside or through a common hall, OR, complete kitchen facilities for the exclusive use of the occupants, regard- less of whether or not they were used. Listing The enumeration of the housing units with- in a well-defined geographic area. Non-Directive Questions (Probing) Appropriate Interviewer behavior which does not affect any limitation or change in the frame of reference of the question; the frame of reference of the response should not be limited or-changed, either Probing Interviewing technique applied mainly when information is not complete, responses need clarification, and to (in some degree) press the R for an answer. PSU Primary Sampling Unit; it consists of a county, or group of adjacent counties. Respondent ("R") That person who is either the head of house— hold or the spouse of the head of the household of a selected RU. Segment The smallest geographic area of selection. Bias To influence; to cause people to behave or respond differently. Two main areas of bias when interviewing involve two methods of communicating; verbally or non-verbally. Screening The determination of the ethnic ancestry of residents in a RU through a brief interview using the Screening Questionnairi The objective being to identify persons of Mexican ancestry. 233 GLOSSARY TERMS CON'T. Probability Sample The type of sample that gives each unit or element in the population an equal chance of being included in the sample. Also called a "simple random sample", and in principle consists of selecting the sample through methods of proabability theory so that the sample size does not differ by more than a certain margin from the true size of the population. The term "probability sample" usually refers to the type of random sample selected when investigators conduct national surveys. The logic involved is that every single citizen in the continental U.S. has an equal chance of being selected in the final sample. Coding A term referring to the processing of col- lected information from questionnaires or interview schedules. Information collected through questionnaires have to be transformed in a language which is machine readable. The process of this transformation represents the "coding" process. Typically, data becomes coded into computer IBM cards which are fed into the computer for purposes of calculating percentages and other assorted statistics. Data Analyses Refers to the process whereby one examines what one has collected from questionnaires (from the overall survey.) This process usually follows from coding processes. Essentially, one conducts data analyses for purposes of verifying something. It consists of numerical cal- culations oriented toward answering specific questions that one wants to ask from the data collected (thus the term data analyses). In surveys, typical types of questions involve looking for specific relationships between vari- ables we have measured. For example, one might want to see whether, for the total sample, there is a relationship between family size and parents' expec- tations of their children's success. Data analysis is useless unless one wants to ask specific questions. Most questions are asked with some sort of theory in mind, such as looking at what has been done before in other sur- veys with what one has found out in the present survey. Variables Variables are forms of representing speci- fic categorizations of human characteristics or behavior, of human groupings, and the like. It is a theoretical definition of social phenomena which per- mit investigators to categorize and examine the world around us in a more orderly and systematic fashion. Examples of variables are: sex, social class, race, and so on. Variables can be represented by one item or question in the survey, but usually the phenomena that one tries to look at is so complex that they have to be constructed by several items or questions. For the most part, if this is the case, the set of items are labelled a scale. Scales Usually refers to a set of items or ques- tions oriented toward measuring something. Scales are usually validated before the actual survey and are, for the most part, sufficiently reliable in measuring what we try to measure. A simple example of a scale is a ruler, where one can use it to measure length, distance, etc. Scales in surveys usually measure some aspect of human behavior that we are interested in find- ing out. Thus, there are scales to measure extent of ethnicity, degree of communication with relatives, feelings toward specific groups, and the like. 234 CRITERIA FOR DETERMINING ELIGIBILITY FOR THE STUDY: BELOW ARE THE CRITERIA FOR ELIGIBILITY OF PERSONS AND HOUSEHOLDS FOR THE SAMPLE THAT HILL BE DETERMINED THROUGH QUESTIONS ASKED IN THE SCREENING QUESTIONNAIRE. l. A household is considered eligible for the National Study of People of Mexican Descent if the principal breadwinner or his/her spouse or both are of Mexican ancestry. 2. A person (principal breadwinner or spouse) is considered to be of Mexican ancestry regardless of the number of gener- ations in the United States. 3. The criterion for degree of Mexican ancestry necessary for eligibility are: a. Either the father or mother of the person, or both, be reported to be fully or solely of Mexican descent; OR b. Both the father and the mother of the person be reported to be half or more of Mexican ancestry. b. The determination of ancestry or national origin in the survey will be made from responses by a person to a question about his/her parents' "roots" before they or their ancestors came to the United States. 235 WHAT LANGUAGE DO I USE FOR INITIALLY GREETING THE R? Starting at the time you reach the doorstep of the person you will be interviewing, you should be observing closely any clues which will help you to determine the R's preferred language. Observe the neighborhood you are in. Is it predominantly Spanish-speaking or English-speaking? In what language are posters, street signs, and advertisements? Are there children playing in the street? "hat lan- guage are they speaking? Can you see names written on the mailboxes? If so, are they Spanish names or English ones? Pay close attention to verbal cues between family members ("Juan, ve quien esta en la puerta") and finally, to the language spoken by the R ("Quien es?" "Rho is it?") A. If you are greeted in Spanish, respond in Spanish. 3. If you are greeted in English, respond in English. C. If you are greeted in "accented" English, wait for more cues which will give you a more clear idea of whether or not the person is displaying a mastery/pride in using English or if he does not know that you speak Spanish. D. If the R has not said anything so far and you are not sure what language to greet him in, use English. Start your conver- sation by asking "Did you receive the letter?" If the person you are interviewing does not understand you, looks puzzled, or goes to get someone who can speak English, switch to Spanish. WHAT LANGUAGE DO I USE IN SCREENING? At this point, if you feel absolutely certain that the R only speaks Spanish or only speaks English, conduct the screening interview in the preferred language. If you are not sure, attempt to find out more definitely the language in which the R feels most comfortable by following the next step. THE LANGUAGE OF THE INTERVIEU: If the R has only spoken Spanish up to this point,you can probably assume that Spanish is his preferred language. If English is being spoken and there is still some uncertainty. at this point give the R the option to make a choice. Ask him "What language do you feel most at ease using, English or Espanol." 236 In cases where the R says it doesn't matter, the interviewer should stress that is is important for the R to decide. WHAT DO I DO IF THE R SWITCHES PROM ONE LANGUAGE TO THE OTHER? If the R answers a question, only one time, with a complete switch in language (a whole sentence), continue questioning in the same language you were using before. If the R answers a question two consecutive times in the other language, the interviewer should switch to the language just used by the R. If the R switches languages in the middle of a sentence ( "Soy puro Chicano, and I am proud of it") continue using the original pre- ferred language. If this occurs more than three consecutive times, switch to the other language. If the R inserts single words of the other language into a sentence (No se nada de los Teamsters) or borrows words from one language, (Morale: no deveria de quitear), keep using the originally preferred language. It is alright to switch languages only if: A. The R specifically requests a change. B. He asks for a clarification in meaning using the other language.more than two consecutive times. REMEMBER: A. Questions should always be asked as stated on the questionnaire; 3. Be sensitive to how the R is feeling. Be careful not to insult him, making sure that he is comfortable and at ease during the interview. 237 VII RULES FOR RECORDING INTERVIEW RESPONSES l. Hrite down the R's responses immediately during the interview. Relevant information can be lost or distorted if you try to remember later what R said. 2. Use the R's own words. This is called ”verbatim recording" and is essential. We want to learn about the phrasing, grammatical usage and other peculiari- ties of R's speech. Essential to this particular study is the usage of trans—lingual replies. That is, if an R crosses linguistic lines while responding, this should be indicated. If an R starts out an interview by responding in Spanish, and changes mid-sentence or halfway through the questionnaire to using English, your recording should reflect those patterns. 3. Do not summarize or paraphrase the R's answers. This practice creates an artificial and dangerous com- munications gap and can lead to distorted results. 4. Include everything that pertains to the question ob— jectives. Regardless of length, your recording should note everything that R said that pertains to the objec- tives of the question. However, some R's will digress from the subject and talk at length about subjects that have no bearing on the question matter at all. These discourses should be omitted from the recorded interview 1 a. You are certain that what is being said has no bearing on the aims of the question; b. You make marginal notes to indicate that a digression took place. For example: (Here R talked at length about his son's war experiences.) 5. Include all probes, comments and explanations which you made during the course of the interview. Do this at the location which corresponds to the question. 6. Hold the R's interest. Don't become overly absorbed in the questionnaire to the point that you lose focus on the R. A good technique for keeping up with the R is to repeat his responses as you write them down. This also serves to let the R know that you are listening and re- cording his every word. 238 VIII MECHANICS OE RECORDING AND EDITING Basic "Musts" for recording responses: I. Use a pencil to record—-a '2 black lead pencil. Carry several sharpened ones with you so that you always have one for immediate use. 2. Your writing must be legible. Regardless of how well the interview went, it will be useless if it is unreadable. when you edit a questionnaire be sure that all of your writing is legible. 3. Use parentheses to indicate your own words, probes, observations. The use of parentheses distinguishes the use of your words as opposed to those of the R. Use them in the following situations: A. All probes you make in the interview; B. All remarks you make to the R; C. Comments you wish to make to the coders, for example: . Description of R's behavior; Summaries of R's digressions; Cross references, marginal notes; . Reasons why questions were not asked. bUNH 4. Cross reference relevant material in the interview. During editing cross-reference responses to one question which also apply to other questions. This will let the coder know that the answer is also relevant to another question. 5. Account for each question in the questionnaire. For each question, you must either record an answer, or explaia why it was not asked or answered. Standard abbreviations for unasked questions include: "INAP"--Innapropriate or Inapplicable; to be used only when the questionnaire instructs you to skip questions. "SLASH MARK /"--May be drawn across an entire page or group of questions in place of or in conjunction with INAP "SKIPPED"--If a question is skipped intentionally or in- advertently, write in the margin and give an explanation. 239 KEY POINTS IN EDITING: Make sure all entries are legible. Make sure inappropriate questions are marked as such and that those questions marked "INAP" are really inappropriate as determined by questionnaire Make sure all unclear responses are clarified by Make sure all your probes and other such remarks of your own are in parentheses. Make sure you have provided a thumbnail sketch that will give the reader a good idea of what the R was like and laso of what the interview situation and Keep in mind that someone who was not present during the interview will be reading and examining your com- pleted interview; and that the goal is to make the coder feel as though she or he was present; I. 2. guidelines. 3. your parenthetical notes. A. 5. climate were like. SUMMARY NOTES ON EDITING: l. 2. The best time to edit an interview is right after you have taken it. This allows you to keep fresh thoughts and reactions in mind. If it is not possible to edit an interview right away, absolutely do not let more than one day lapse between the interview and your editing it. 240 THUMBNAIL SKETCHES At the end of each Questionnaire you will find a space for recording observations you make about the R and the in- terview. This is called a "Thumbnail sketch." The idea here is to give coders a capsule description of what the R is like. Coders read the Thumbnail sketches before reading through the questionnaires in order to gain some insight in- to what the R's personality is like. Earlier we mentioned that an I's keen observations about environment and special conditions or situation is important. This is where those observations come into play. Thumbnail sketches should include the following types of information: I. The R's and R's family's attitudes towards you and the survey; 2. Unusual circumstances and events that had bearing on the interview, such as interruptions, language difficulties, and so on; 3. Feelings you might have had about the R and the interview, things you sense or suspect; 4. Anything else that happened while you were at R's house that had bearing on the survey's objectives. Please don't make requests for answers or for materials in the Thumbnail sketch. Pield office personnel should be asked pertinent, instructional questions. One final comment about Thumbnail sketches: Respondents have a legal right to come to Ann Arbor and ask to look at their interviews, including comments in the Thumbnail sketch. Be careful to use appropriate and tactful comments, particu- larly about the Respondent and personal topics. 241 II INTRODUCTION TO INTERVIEWING: I II III Getting into the role: A. Expelling Interviewer fears; looking, feeling funny about approaching the R; of being turned down, and the task in general. B. Not opening up to the R; exercising self-restraint and learning techniques of tactful neutrality of your personal opinion. C. The Reporter Role; Interviewer demands of time, privacy, and intimacy. Bias: A. What it is, how it is created and how to avoid it. 1. Style, appearance; 2. Verbal and non-verbal communications; 3. Asking questions; making mistakes, changing ques- tions by adding words, subtracting words or rearran- ging the wording of the questions; 4. "Leading" the R's answers. Probing-~Introduction to controlled, non-directive pro A. Objectives of the probing techniques--to get the R to elaborate on or clarify responses. Objective is to motivate R to explore and report their opinions and sentiments without biasing responses. B. Six types of controlled, non-directive probes: l. Pausing--waiting expectantly for a R to complete thoughts, sentences. 2. Re-reading the question, particularly if the R seems to have misunderstood the question or gives an incomplete or unrelated response. 3. Asking for more specific information or a response which indicates clearly what the R is thinking. 4. Stressing generality when the R is unable to be specific; usage of terms such as "generally." 5. Stressing subjectivity--"your opinion" and "your best estimate." 6. Zeroing in when R can't remember situations; help- ing terms such as "what season?" 242 III INTERVIEWING BASIC GOAL: TO COLLECT ACCURATE INFORMATION BI USING SOUND INTERVIEVING PRACTICES. INTERVIENING HINTS: 1. Avoid creating a scenario which will make the R uncom- fortable; avoid creating an impression of "cross-exam- ination" with the R. Don't react to the replies which R gives, no matter how outrageous or silly they appear. Read each question slowly. Reading then rapidly will tend to force the R to respond in like manner. Create an atmosphere of calm, relaxed behavior. INTERVIENING SPECIFICS: I. Ask the questions EXACTLY as they are worded in the questionnaire. Do not change the questions by adding or omitting words, even though you think it might make more sense to the R. Don't be presumptuous about the R's ability to comprehend the questions. Ask the questions in the exact order in which they appear in the questionnaire. They appear in the ques- tionnaire in the order of our specific purposes, so please don't rearrange them. Ask EVERY question in the questionnaire even though R may have appeared to have given an answer already. The only exception to this rule is if the checkpoints indi- cate that you should do so, or if other questionnaire instructions direct you to skip over a particular section. If R seems to have misunderstood a question, REPEAT THE QUESTION EXACTLY AS IT APPEARS ON THE QUESTIONNAIRE. Do not try to help the R by re-phrasing it. If R still has difficulty, skip the question and go on to the next one. If R is hesitant to answer personal questions, try to explain the reasons that they are being asked. If R is persistent in refusing, in a very calm, matter of fact manner, go on to the next question. 243 XIII Interviewer bias consists of subtle, yet serious, interferences in the recording or elicitation of survey responses from the R. Bias is most often an inadvertent, or unintentional and, thereby, unconscious act, which interviewers must minimize in order to ensure the collection of reliable and precise data. The overall effect of bias is that of affecting or altering the results of the survey, artifically increasing or decreasing the value of the data being collected. Interviewer biases fall into two major categories, verbal and non-verbal communications. Verbal biases make up the larger of the two categories and the following examples indicate potential sources of bias: A. Reacting to the R's responses; sometimes interviewers may want to relax the R or to make R feel more comfortable during the interview, either by reassuring them, or by using empathetic listening techniques. Comments that are reactions to the R's responses, no matter how supportive--if they are NOT neutral-- are incorrect interviewer behavior. These are such remarks as: "Oh, really?” or "Yes, uh huh." Any remark that hints of approval or judgment commentary to R's replies is to be avoided. B. Leaving out specific words, shortening the questions, or substituting words, accenting portions of the questions or certain words, is incorrect. Likewise, rearranging the response categories can have inadvertent effects on the R's responses. C. Interview pace--are you rushing the R by reading the questions at a rapid pace? R's tend to pick up cues from the I., and this could produce a fear, or reluctance on the R's part to give thought before giving a response to the question. Similarly affecting the R is his ability to hear each question--are you clearly enunciating the questions? Are you using an audible tone of voice? Are you passing on cues which indicate impatience, fatigue, or general discomfort? These manners can affect the R or generate discomfort and should be a concern to you. D. Interviewers' overall expectations of responses can bias the R.. particularly in questions that may sound similar to others, or that require similar types of information. If you encounter a situation where you ask a question that calls for a response that may support or contradict information previously given, DON'T confront the R with this fact. EXAMPLES 244 In situations where the R is stuck for a word, an adjective or descriptive term, be cautious to avoid suggesting a proper word or term for the R. Don't put words in the R's mouth, or answer for or suggest answers to the questions. Also in this area, don't assume you know what the R means or is trying to express. OF NON-VERBAL BIASES INCLUDE: Shifting uncomfortably or uneasily in your chair. This can indicate to the R that he is taking too long to respond to survey questions, resulting in hurried or unthought answers. Facial expressions can give away your feelings towards R's answers to questions, particularly feelings of disagreement, surprise, or disgust. Be careful not to show your feelings to R's responses. Tapping your fingertips or pencil on the table top can, again, indicate to the R that he is taking too long to answer the questions, and that your actions are indicating growing impatience. Don't keep looking at your watch. Since you have to record the time in certain sections of the questionnaire, one suggestion we'd like to make is to take your watch off and place it in front of you in a convenient spot, so that your time observations are inconspicuous. By having to look at your wrist for the time, the R can mistakenly think that he is taking too long with his replies. PROBING 245 THO MAJOR FUNCTIONS: I. To motivate the R to communicate more fully so that responses are clarified, enlarged upon, or explained more thoroughly; To help R focus upon the specific content of the in- terview, thereby eliminating irrelevent or unecess- ary information. Ali!!!AllAlll‘llllll‘lltfillll“AAA!il‘l‘llltl‘lllllll‘ltl‘l SUCCESSFUL PROBINC REQUIRES THAT YOU RECOGNIZE IMMEDIATELY JUST NOW THE RESPONDENT'S ANSUER HAS FAILED TO MEET TEE OE- JECTIVE OF THE QUESTION, AND THEN BE ABLE TO FORMULATE A NEUTRAL PROBE T0 ELICIT TEE INFORMATION NEEDED. All.IIIAAIIAllllllll‘lili‘l‘Aliifilllll‘A‘AAIAAAAAAAAIIAAAAA SEVERAL KINDS OF PROBES: l. 2. Pausing--waiting expectantly, thereby allowing the R to gather thoughts about the question. Re-reading the question. If R misunderstands or misses part of the question, this can serve as a helpful aid. Asking for more specific information, particularly when R gives general answers to questions calling for specific responses. Stressing generality--used when R has a hard time providing a general response. Use terms such as "Usually" or "Generally" or "Mainly." Stressing subjectivity--used when R has a hard time conceptualizing intent of the question. Stressing the need for R's opinions, as opposed to seeking a "correct" answer or opinion. Zeroing in--some questions call for R remembering events which have happened in the past. Zeroing in provides a framework for recalling past events by using helping terms such as "what season?" 246 PROBING: "NEUTRAL QUESTIONS OR COMMENTS USED TO OBTAIN CLEARER AND FULLER RESPONSES FROM THE R WITHOUT INTRODUCING BIAS" The following lists are comprised of the most commonly used probes used in interviewing: ENGLISH PROBES SPANISH PROBES Interviewer's probe Abbreviation Interviewer's probe Abbreviatior Repeat question (IQ) Repita pregunta (RP) Anything else? (AE or ELSE?) ' iOtra Cosa Mas? (OC) Any other reason? (AD?) iAJguna Otra Razon? (OR) Any others? (Other?) éAlgunos Otros? (AO) Bow do you mean? (How Mean?) gcdmo quiere decir? (Cdmo) Could you tell me more about (Tell more) d'Me puede decir ma’s sobre sus (Digs ma’s your thinking on that? pensamientos? a I Would you tell me what you have (What in mind?) a Me puede decir en que esta (Que pien pensando? in mind? I What do you mean? (What mean?) é Que’quiere decir? (Que dice Why do you feel that way? (Why?) a Porque siente asi? (PSA) I I Which would be closer to the (Which closer?) é Cual es mi; parecido a lo (Cual par que siente? cido?) way you feel? If you find that you need to use probes which are not on this page, the only rule is to make sure that it is a controlled, non-directive question or statement that fulfills the same objective, that is, to elicit a clarified response from R, or to help R focus on the question. Please be careful to explain any probes which you use on your own, so that our coders understand what prompted R to respond in a particular manner. 247 SETTING UP APPOINTMENTS At times you will find a respondent who is willing to be inter- viewed, but unavailable at the moment. Use discretion in setting up a definite appointment for an interview, but keep in mind the amount of time projected for a particular primary area. Also keep in mind that setting up an appointment may be a way of trying to get rid of the interviewer and avoiding being home at a particular time. For this reason try to conduct interviews and avoid appointments. ** it ** it Good times for appointments are often the times that are bad for making initial calls, e.g., early in the morning, or dur- the lunch hour. Try not to set up appointments during hours which are most productive for initial calls. Be prepared to do other work during odd time periods between appointments when there is too little time to conduct another interview. This might include listing, screening, (especially in low eligibility segments) editing interviews, completing reports, or communicating with your team leader. Interviewers should travel with a "mini-office" in the trunk of their cars. If a respondent breaks an appointment, try stopping by, un— announced, when you are in the neighborhood. Use the interviewer card for personal notes, such as "Sorry I missed you..." when you are unable to find anyone at home. 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