.. ”v , v. . '1. ... v . . ... 737 I . . : g2. u v. ,1. lutfz .34 5.. ...! :25 \......v..‘ n... .l , . . . y . i .. . v . V . . ‘ . . . . , v .V , , . .. c I . ‘ .. . « . v V n u. . . . .. { ‘ . . v v ‘ . , . ‘ y . . ‘ . . . . ‘ , ‘ . ‘ V. . . . u . a ‘ . .u y I»: . 3.55:2! (W. .th reliciz'gzm Stat: ‘ i393 University This is to certify that the thesis entitled THE POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION OF ELEMENTARY SCHOOL CHILDREN IN IRAN presented by Lorraine I. Jakubielski has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D. degree in Comparative and International Education (\Tsyalé: g§x¥§9§yw~_— Major professor Date—JAIME. 0—7639 amomo av ‘7 “DAB 8: SflNS' 00K BRIBERY IND. hasw'nmns u 1U l/ll/////I////II///I/////I////Ill/llll/Ul/Il/l/l/I fill/W w )ir’” “5‘ (7 3 1293 10417 3699 ABSTRACT THE POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION OF ELEMENTARY SCHOOL CHILDREN IN IRAN BY Lorraine I. Jakubielski Although many of the new nations of the world attribute great importance to political socialization and to the role of the educational system in this purpose, there has been little research to date to describe the effort of their educational institutions in political socialization or, for that matter, to assess empirically the effectiveness of their effort, and this would seem to be a task of high priority for students of the moderni- zation process in the new nations. Predicated on this awareness, then, the purpose in this study is to shed light on the goals and methods of elementary school political socialization in one of the oldest of the new nations, Iran, and to suggest through a survey inquiry how effective the political socialization effort is in: (l) develOping conformity in certain desired political beliefs, attitudes, and knowledge among students; (2) politically unifying Lorraine I. Jakubielski city, peasant, and tribal children and boys and girls; and (3) producing certain desired political changes in pupils. The data sources in the study are: (1) government documents, dealing with the goals and curriculum of ele- mentary education, and educational materials, primarily textbooks, but also other media by which children are influenced, such as magazines, television, and wall posters; (2) informal interviews with selected educational authorities, teachers, and parents; (3) 1971-72 classroom and school observations in several city, peasant, and tribal schools located in two provinces of Iran--the Central Province and Ears Province; and (4) responses to an open-ended and closed questionnaire administered in the Spring of 1972 to 926 children (third and fifth graders) selected from city, peasant, and tribal schools in several areas of the Central Province and Fars Province. The findings and implications in the study include the following: (1) the political socialization effort aims to transmit national consciousness and sentiment, a positive set of images of and favorable feelings toward the regime and Shah, and citizenship characteristics (obedience, cooperation, altruism, perseverance, achieve- ment) valued by the Iranian leadership; (2) the political socialization effort involves numerous media--uniform textbooks, teachers' guidebooks, extra-curricular Lorraine I. Jakubielski activities, rituals, and commemorative ceremonies; (3) while the political socialization effort is effective in developing conformity among students with respect to positive images of and favorable feelings toward the nation and Shah, it is not effective in developing conformity among students with respect to an institutional and democratic conception of government; (4) while the political socialization effort is successful in unifying city, peasant, and tribal children with respect to posi- tive images of and favorable feelings toward the nation and its symbols, it is not successful in unifying the dif- ferent children with respect to positive images of and favorable feelings toward the Shah and his White Revo- lution; (5) while the political socialization effort is successful in unifying boys and girls with regard to positive images of and favorable feelings toward the nation and Shah, it is not successful in unifying the sexes with regard to selected political information; and (6) while the political socialization effort is effective in producing changes in pupils with respect to political information and patriotism, it is not effective in pro- ducing changes in pupils with respect to an institutional and democratic conception of government. Moreover, the findings in the study imply that the elementary school political socialization effort is more effective in stimulating certain desired political Lorraine I. Jakubielski orientations among tribal children than among peasant and city children, and among boys than among girls. Regarding the effectiveness of the effort with tribal children, their hypothesized superior intelligence and learning experiences may to a great extent be influential factors. And regarding the effectiveness of the effort with boys, Iranian culture--which tends to dichotomize male and female roles strictly--may be predominant in the sociali- zation process. The study, of course, is not intended to be the definitive work on the political socialization of Iranian elementary school children. It is but a first step--an effort to provide information and documentation about an important area of neglected research. If the study serves as a catalyst for future research, it will have fulfilled a vital function. THE POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION OF ELEMENTARY SCHOOL CHILDREN IN IRAN BY gV Lorraine If Jakubielski A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Secondary Education and Curriculum 1975 Copyright by LORRAINE I. JAKUBIELSKI 1975 To My Parents ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This study would not have been done were it not for the gracious assistance and ready cooperation of many people, in both Iran and the United States, to whom I am profoundly grateful and indebted. The Institute for International Studies in Edu- cation at Michigan State University, through funds granted to the Office of International Studies and Pro- grams by the Ford Foundation, provided financial support to carry out the field work in Iran; and the College of Education at Michigan State University, through a Graduate Office Fellowship, provided financial assistance to com- plete the study. Dr. Marvin Zonis of the University of Chicago, through his teaching and research, stimulated me to embark upon the study. I thank him for his inspiration, and, more importantly, for awakening me to the excitement of intellectual inquiry in the social sciences. Dr. Abbas M. Ekrami, Director of Pooya Schools in Tehran, gave me much-needed support, advice, and encourage- ment at the outset of my work. Dr. Akbar Etemad, former Director of the Institute for Research and Planning in Science and Education of the Iranian Ministry of Science iii and Higher Education, allowed me free access to the facilities and personnel of the Institute. I am grateful to him, and eSpecially to Miss Afshan Hessam-Vaziri, whose intellectual integrity and training were perpetually at my service. Mrs. Maryam Daftari, Director of the Bureau of International Cooperation of the Iranian Ministry of Education, arranged access to the elementary schools used in the study. I am indebted to her, the principals and teachers, and, naturally, the children who participated in the study. At various stages in the planning of the research and in the analysis and reporting of the data, Professor David K. Heenan, Chairman of the Guidance Committee, gave guidance and thoughtful comments. I thank him for his time, his counsel, and his patience. Professors Cole S. Brembeck, Carl H. Gross, and Frank A. Pinner, all members of the Guidance Committee, read the final manuscript and made incisive comments. Darioush Haghighitalab, Haykaz Hambarsoumian, and Zohre Zarnegar, dear Iranian friends, took time from their own pursuits to give me essential aid at critical stages of the study. Kowit Pravalpruk and Bob Carr of the Office of Research Consultation of the College of Education at Michigan State University guided me in the computer processing of the survey data. iv And finally, my family, who followed this study with great interest, not only gave steadfast encourage- ment but also material support. For this, as for so much else, I express my gratitude. TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . 1 A Perspective on Childhood Political Learning . . . . . . . . . . 7 The Iranian Political Socialization Study . . . . . . . . . 17 Iran, 1971-72: A Retrospect . . . . . 20 II. POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION IN IRANIAN ELEMEN- TARY SCHOOLS SINCE 1965: AN OVERVIEW . . 39 III. SURVEY RESEARCH PROCEDURES . . . . . . 91 The Questionnaire. . . . . . . . . 94 Sample Selection . . . . . . . . . 99 Field Testing . . . . . . . . . 106 Data Processing and Analysis . . . . . 110 IV. CHILDREN'S BACKGROUNDS: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS. 0 O O O O I I O O O O 114 Regional Background . . . . . . . . 114 Family Background. . . . . . . . . 130 The Children . . . . . . . . . . 137 School Background. . . . . . . . . 146 V. THE EFFECTIVENESS OF POLITICAL SOCIALI- ZATION: AN INQUIRY . . . . . . . . 159 Data Analysis and Discussion . . . . . 161 Feelings Toward the National Flag and Persepolis. . . . . . . . . . 161 Images of and Feelings Toward Iranians as a People . . . . . . . . . 168 Sense of Patriotism . . . 178 Images of and Feelings Toward the Shah . 192 Awareness of and Respect for Iran' s Great Men . . . . . . . . . . 204 vi Chapter Concept of the Iranian Government . . . Factual Political Information . . . Conceptions of and Feelings Toward the White Revolution . . . . . . . . Summary and Conclusion . . . . . . . Areas of Conformity and Lack of Con- formity . . . . . Inter-Group (City, Peasant, Tribal) Differences . . . . . . . . . Inter-Sex Differences . . . . . . . Inter-Grade Differences . . . . . . Research Implications of the Survey Inquiry U C O C O O O O O O 0 VI. CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary of Findings . . . . . . . . Developing Political Conformity Among Students. . . . . . . . . . . Politically Unifying City, Peasant, and Tribal Children . . . . . . . . Politically Unifying Boys and Girls . . Producing Desired Political Changes in Pupils O C O O O O O O C O 0 Reflections on the Political Socialization S tudy C O O O O O O O O O O O APPENDICES Appendix A. ANALYSIS OF THE CONTENT OF THE ELEMENTARY SCHOOL PERSIAN READERS . . . . . . . B . QUESTIONNAIE C O O O O O O O C O Q SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY. . . . . . . . . . . vii Page 212 222 236 248 248 251 253 256 258 261 261 264 264 265 265 266 268 272 301 Table 2.1. 3.1. 3.3. 3.4. LIST OF TABLES Timetable for the Five-Year Elementary SChOOlS O O O O I O O O O O 0 Number of City Students Participating in the Study by Criteria of Selection . . Number of Peasant Students Participating in the Study by Criteria of Selection . Number of Tribal Students Participating in the Study by Criteria of Selection . . Number of Students Participating in the Study by Community Type, Grade in School, and Sex . . . . . . . . Regional Background of City, Peasant, and Tribal Children . . . . . . . . Selected Characteristics of Regions from Which City, Peasant, and Tribal Chil- dre n come 0 O O O O O O O O 0 Number of Mass Media in the Home Reported by City, Peasant, and Tribal Children . Selected Characteristics of Private House- holds in Regions from.Which City, Peasant and Tribal Children Come . . . . . The Educational Level of Fathers of City, Peasant, and Tribal Children . . . . Social Class of City, Peasant, and Tribal Children, by Father's Occupation. . . Age, Sex, Religion, and Language of City, Peasant, and Tribal Children . . . . viii ‘ Page 46 102 104 105 106 115 119 123 131 134 136 138 4.9. 4.10. 4.11. Page Elementary School Attendance by School Age Population in Regions from Which City, Peasant, and Tribal Children Come . . . 140 Major Languages of Iran by Number of Indi- viduals Speaking the Language . . . . 145 Highest Educational Level Achieved by Ele- mentary School Administrators and Teachers in Public and Private Schools in the 1971-72 School Year, by Sector. . 149 Sex Composition of Public and Private Ele- mentary Schools in the 1969-70 School Year, by Sector . . . . . . . . . 151 School Background of City, Peasant, and Tribal Children . . . . . . . . . 152 Summary Statistics for the 1971-72 School Year Pertaining to Selected Character- istics of Public and Private Elementary Schools, by Sector . . . . . . . . 154 City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Feel- ings Toward the National Flag and the Ruins of Persepolis. . . . . . . . 167 Girls and Boys' Feelings Toward the National Flag and the Ruins of Per- sePOIiS. O I O O O O O O O O O 169 Third and Fifth GraderS' Feelings Toward the National Flag and the Ruins of Persepolis. . . . . . . . . . . 169 City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Images of Iranians as a PeOple . . . . . . 173 Girls and Boys' Images of Iranians as a People 0 O O O O O O C O O O O 177 Third and Fifth Graders' Images of Iranians as a People . . . . . . . 177 City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Con- ception of a Good Iranian. . . . . . 181 ix Table 5.8. 5.9. 5.18. 5.19. 5.20. 5.21. 5.22. 5.23. City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Per- ceptions of the Good Iranian Child . . . City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Per- ception of the Main Quality of Iranians as People . . . . . . . . . . . Girls and Boys' Conception of a Good Iranian O O O O O O I O O O O 0 Girls and Boys' Perceptions of the Good Iranian Child O O O O O O O O O 0 Girls and Boys' Perception of the Main Quality of Iranians as PeOple. . . . . Third and Fifth Graders' Conception of a Good Iranian . . . . . . . . . . Third and Fifth Graders' Perceptions of the Good Iranian . . . . . . . . . . Third and Fifth Graders' Perception of the Main Quality of Iranians as People . . . City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Sense of Patriotism . . . . . . . . . . City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Per- ception of the Chief Agent Who Tells Them To Be a Good Iranian. . . . . . . . Girls and Boys' Sense of Patriotism . . . Third and Fifth Graders' Sense of Patriotism . . . . . . . . . . . City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Images of the Shah . . . . . . . . Girls and Boys' Images of the Shah. . . . Third and Fifth Graders' Images of the Shah O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Most Admired Great Iranian . . . . . . . Girls and Boys' Most Admired Great Iranian . Page 181 182 183 183 184 184 185 185 189 189 191 191 197 199 199 206 213 5.31. 5.38. 5.39. Third and Fifth Graders' Most Admired Great Iranian . . . . . . . . . . . American Children's Conceptions of Govern- ment, by Grade Level. . . . . . . Third and Fifth Graders' Conceptions of Government . . . . . . . . . . City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Con- ceptions of Government . . . . . . Girls City, and Boys' Conceptions of Government Peasant, and Tribal Children's Ability To Name the Shah and Identify the City, Function of the Majles. . . . . Peasant, and Tribal Children's Ability To Name the Shah and Identify the City, ceived Freedom of Students To Participate Function of the Majles, by Age . . Peasant, and Tribal Children's Per- in Class Discussions . . . . . . Girls and Third the the Fifth and Boys' Ability To Name the Shah Identify the Function of the Majles and Fifth Graders' Ability To Name Shah and Identify the Function of Majles O O O O O C O O O 0 Grade Eleven-Year-Olds and Twelve- Year-Olds' Ability To Name the Shah and Identify the Function of the Majles. . City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Con- ceptions of the White Revolution. . . City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Dis- cussion of National Programs and Events Girls and Boys' Conceptions of the White Revolution . . . . . . . . . . Third the and Fifth Graders' Conceptions of White Revolution. . . . . . . xi Page 213 216 218 220 220 226 228 232 235 235 236 245 245 247 247 Table Page 5.40. Political Conformity and Lack of Political Conformity . . . . . . . . . . . 250 5.41. Political Differences Between City, Peasant, and Tribal Children . . . . . 252 5.42. Political Differences Between Girls and Boys . . . . . . . . . . . . . 254 5.43. Political Differences Between Third and Fifth Graders . . . . . . . . . . 257 A.l. Analysis of the Content of the Elementary School Persian Readers . . . . . . . 268 xii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Do not educate your children in your own customs and traditions, as they are created for a time other than yours. .1 Hazrat-e A11 The emergence of some sixty new nations and the prominence of Asia, Africa, and the Middle East upon the world scene in recent years have stimulated a great interest in the study of modernization. And to new nation policy makers and research scholars alike, it already has become clear that two general and fundamental problems crucial in the process of modernization are changing attitudes and behavior and reducing the cultural and attitudinal gaps that exist between the modernizing elite and the bulk of the people.2 Most of the new nations contain numerous population groups with their lA sage leader venerated in Iran for over thirteen centuries. The quotation is taken from "Education: Survival or Growth?," Renew (Spring, 1971), 2. 2The literature pertinent to these tOpics is vast and growing rapidly. The investigator's efforts have been guided mainly by Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, own beliefs and feelings, and with norms, values, and symbols that differ from those of the modern national culture. Often these group loyalties and norms take precedence over national loyalties and norms, as wit- nessed in the tribal basis of recent African civil con— flicts and in the difficulties imposed on modernization efforts in Asia by the prejudices and anxieties of peasant communities. Social scientists are quick to emphasize that subcultural views can be dysfunctional to modernization efforts; as Lucian Pye has put it: "Unless the masses of people are exposed to new ways of thinking and led to adopt new attitudes, there can be little hope of any steady progress toward economic development, social modernization, and political maturity."3 From the above considerations, it is a natural step to a corollary issue: How are the beliefs and 1965); Daniel Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing the Middle East TNew York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1958); David C. McClelland, The Achieving Societ (New York: The Free Press, 1967); Lucian W. Pye, Politics, Personality, and Nation Building: Burma's Search for Identity (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962); the collection of essays in Lucian W. Pye, ed., Communications and Political Development (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963) and Lucian W. Pye and Sidney Verba, eds., Political Culture and Political Develo ment (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965); and Edward Shils, Political Development in the New States (The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1966). 3Lucian W. Pye, "Introduction," in Communications and Political Development, ed. by Lucian W. Pye, p. 13. attitudes of the masses brought in line with the goals of a rapidly modernizing elite? One universal means of awakening and leading the bulk of the population to an acceptance of new ideas, desired attitudes, and behavior, and, thus, narrowing the elite-mass gap is through political socialization.4 Although the term "political socialization" is of quite recent vintage, dating back only to the 19508, methods of preparing individuals for citizenship and the consequences of such preparations for the polity have long been of concern to political philosophers. In The Republic, for example, Plato wrote extensively about education and childhood experiences as the means for instilling desirable norms and values of citizenship. He designed an elaborate educational program to ensure that the various classes of citizens would be trained suitably for their particular roles in the polity. Plato 4"Narrowly conceived, political socialization is the deliberate inculcation of political information, values, and practices by instructional agents who have been formally charged with this responsibility. A broader conception would encompass all political learning, formal and informal, deliberate and unplanned, at every stage of the life cycle, including not only explicitly political learning but also nominally nonpolitical learn- ing that affects political behavior, such as the learning of politically relevant social attitudes and the acqui- sition of politically relevant personality characteris- tics." Fred I. Greenstein, "Political Socialization," in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, ed. by David L. Sills, 15 (New York: Macmillan and Free Press, 1968), p. 551. In this study, political socialization is thought of in the first, narrow sense. inferred that citizens' values affected the stability of the state. Moreover, he attributed political deter- ioration to defects in political education; to short- comings in political socialization.5 Plato's concern with the role of education in imparting appropriate values is precisely the concern of leaders and policy planners in many of the new nations. In order to transform and integrate the views and behavior of the masses of people so that they are in harmony with the goals of a modernizing polity, many new nation leaders feel compelled to mold the minds of their citizens at the earliest possible junctures of the life cycle--during childhood and adolescence. As a result, new burdens have been placed on those insti- tutions, in particular, schools, which condition the beliefs of the young. Along with instruction in tech- nical skills, schools are now charged with the responsi— bility of forming "junior citizens." In a modernizing society, there is a firm basis for regarding the formal education system as a key com- municator and integrator of political values and perhaps as the most influential political socialization agency. First, since the educational institution occupies a sizable portion of the impressionable child and 5Plato, The Republic, trans. by Francis MacDonald Cornford (New York: OxfordTUniversity Press, 1967), Books iii, viii, ix. adolescent's day, the impact on political orientations (knowledge, attitudes, values, behavior) might be expected to be equally great. Second, unlike other institutions or agencies of political socialization, such as the family or peer group, the educational system is potentially susceptible to centralized manipulation; so that in theory, it is possible to design and implement a fairly uniform program of political socialization for the majority of youth in a society. Finally, due to the absence or underdevelopment of competing cultural agencies and communications systems, such as youth groups, radio, and television, the effect of the school in transmitting politically relevant orientations is likely to increase.6 In addition to the above considerations, there is another reason which encourages new nation leaders to view the educational system as an effective instrument of political socialization. Both the Soviet Union and Communist China stand as dramatically successful models. The experiences of these countries demonstrate 6Similar arguments are cited by David Easton, "The Function of Formal Education in a Political System," School Review, 65 (Autumn, 1957), 314; James S. Coleman, “I3troduction,” in Education and Political Development, ed. by James S. Coleman (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965), p. 22; and Robert A. LeVine, "Political Socialization and Cultural Change," in ' ' New_fita;§§, ed. by Clifford G. Geertz (New York: Free Press, 1963), p. 301. convincingly that educational systems can be powerful instruments in imparting desirable political norms and in forging national unity. Although many of the new nations of the world attribute great importance to political socialization and to the role of the educational system in this purpose, there has been little research to date to describe the effort of their educational instructions in political socialization or, for that matter, to assess empirically the effectiveness of their political socialization effort, and this would seem to be a task of high priority for students of the modernization process in the new nations.7 Thus, predicated on the foregoing remarks, the present study, concerned with the political socialization of children and the role of elementary education therein 7A few available studies on the role of edu— cational institutions in political socialization in the new nations are: Frederick W. Frey, "Education: Turkey," in Political Modernization in Japan and Turkey, ed. by Robert E. Ward and Dankwart Rustow (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), pp. 205-35; David Koff and George Von Der Muhll, "Political Socialization in Kenya and Tan- zania: A Comparative Analysis," figurngl of Modern African Studies, 5 (Winter, 1967), 13-51; Kenneth Prewitt, ed., Education and Political Values: An East African Case Study (Nairobi: East African Publishing House, 1971); Kenneth Prewitt and Joseph Okello-Oculi, "Political Socialization and Political Education in the New Nations," in Learning about Politics: A Reader in Political Social- ization, ed. by Roberta Sigel (New York: Random House, 1970), pp. 607-21. in one of the oldest of the new nations, Iran, helps to £111 the void.8 A Perspective on Childhood Political Learning The rationale for researching children is based on two important assumptions: first, that political learning begins early in life, and second, that this early learning has impact upon adult political beliefs and behavior. 8The research of students of Iranian education and Iranian politics has neglected largely or at least treated only indirectly, the processes whereby Iranian youth acquire their political information, attitudes, values, and behavior. One notable exception, however, does exist: Marvin Zonis's current study on the political socialization of secondary school students. (The empirical core of the study is based on survey questionnaire data obtained from a national random stratified sample of 6,000 secondary school students in the 1965-66 academic year. So far the findings have not been published.) Moreover, a survey of the extant literature on modern Iran reveals that no research, historical or empirical, has focused explicitly on the political socialization of children nor on the role of elementary education in the process. Tangential and contributory materials, however, do exist. The most relevant items are: Reza Arasteh, Education and Social Awakening in Iran (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1962), Chapters 1, 4; Abbas M. Ekrami, "A Program for Improvement of Ele- mentary Education in Iran" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Minnesota, 1953), Chapters 6, 7; Interna- tional Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA), "Cross-national Study of Civic Edu- cation in Eight Different Nations" (Hamburg, Germany: UNESCO Institute for Education). (The attitudes, cog- nitions, and background experience of 10-, 14-, and 17-19- year-olds were measured in the late sixties. No official report of the Iranian findings has yet been released.) David C. McClelland, "National Character and Economic Growth in Turkey and Iran," in Communications and Political Development, ed. by Lucian W. Pye (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963), pp. 152-81; Edward Pires, The Teaching of the Social Studies in Primary Teacher Training Indeed, there is evidence to validate the first proposition. Perhaps the most significant and well-known confirmations are the three extensive empirical studies of elementary school children done in the United States in the sixties-~Fred I. Greenstein's Children and Politics, Robert D. Hess and Judith V. Torney's The Development of Political Attitudes in Children, and David Easton and Jack Dennis's Children in the Political System: Origins of Political Legitimacy. The study by Fred Greenstein was based on a sample of 659 fourth through eighth grade children in New Haven, Connecticut. Greenstein dis- covered that political learning begins surprisingly early and that this learning, at least in American culture, is indiscriminately positive, that is, country, government, and public officials are regarded in warm and favorable ways.9 The study of Hess and Torney and the one of Easton and Dennis, based on a nationwide sample of 12,000 school children in grades two through eight, followed Greenstein's research, and largely Institutigns in Asia (Bangkok: UNESCO Regional Office for Education in Asia, 1970); and Issa Khan Sadiq, Modern Persia and Her Educational System (New York: Columbia University Press, 1931), Chapters 3, 6. 9For a comprehensive report of the study see Fred I. Greenstein, Children‘and Politics (lst rev. ed.; New Haven: Yale University Press, I969TT supported and expanded his findings.10 Thus Hess and Torney noted that "The acquisition of information and attitudes proceeds rapidly during the elementary school years" and that "particularly sizable advances are made 11 while Easton and between the fourth and fifth grades," Hess in fact posited that "the truly formative years of the maturing members of a political system would seem to be the years between three and thirteen."12 Indeed, the salient finding of numerous studies, both in Western and non-Western societies, is that political learning has its beginning in childhood.13 10Hess and Torney's study, written from the point of view of the psychology of child development, is available in Robert D. Hess and Judith V. Torney, Th3 Development of Political Attitudes in Children (Garden City, N. Y.: Anchor Books, Doubleday & Co., 1968); Easton and Dennis' 3 study, written from a political science perspective, namely from the viewpoint of systems analy- sis, is available in David Easton and Jack Dennis, Chil- dren in the Political Sysgem: Origins of Political Legitimacy (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1969). 11Hess and Torney, The Development of Political Attitudes in Children, p. 30. 12David Easton and Robert D. Hess, "The Child's Political WOrld," Midwest Journal of Political Science, 6 (August, 1962), 236. 13See, for example, Paul R. Abramson and Ronald Inglehart, "The Development of Systematic Support in Four Western Democracies," omparative Political Studies, 2 (January, 1970), 419- 42; R. W. Connell, The Child's Con— struction of Politics (Australia: Melbourne University Press, 1971); Jack Dennis, et al., "Political Sociali- zation to Democratic Orientations in Four Western Systems, Com arative Political Studies, 1 (April, 1968), 71-101; Robert D. Hess, "The SociaIization of Attitudes Toward 10 Children learn, but there is differential learn- ing influenced by certain psychological, social, and cultural characteristics of the children being socialized. All of the studies cited above, for example, found sex and social class variations in children's political learn~ ing. In general, regarding sex, the studies reported that boys are more politically informed and more inter- ested and active in politics than girls; and in regard to social class, they found that upper—class children exceed lower-class children in capacity and motivation for political participation.14 Moreover, the Hess and Political Authority: Some Cross-National Comparisons," International Social Science Jggznal, 15 (Winter, 1963), 542—59; Eugene L. Horowitz, "Some Aspects of the Develop- ment of Patriotism in Children," Sociometry, 3 (October, 1940), 329-41; Gustav Jahoda, "The Development of Chil- dren's Ideas About Country and Nationality, Part II: National Symbols and Themes," British Journal of Edu- cational Psychology, 33 (February, 1963), 143-53; Gustav Jahoda, "The Development of Scottish Children's Ideas and Attitudes About Other Countries," Journal of Social Psy- chology, 58 (October, 1962), 91-108; Reid Reading, Political Socialization in Colombia and the United States: An Exploratory Study," Midwest Journal of Political Science, 12 (August, 1968), 352-81; Charles Roig and Francoise Billon—Grand, La Socialization Poli- tique des Enfants (Paris: Librairie Armand Colin, 1968); Eugene A. Weinstein, "Development of the Concept of the Flag and the Sense of National Identity," Child Develop- ment, 28 (June, 1957), 166-74; and Richard W. Wilson, Learning To Be Chinese: The Political Socialization of Children in Taiwan (Cambridge: M.I.T. Press, 1970). 14For the findings on sex and social class dif- ferences, see Easton and Dennis, Children in the Political System: Origins of Political Legitimacy, Chapters 16, 17; Greensteifi, Children and Politics, Chapters 5, 7; and Hess and Torney, The Development of Political Attitudes in Children, Chapters 7, 8. 11 Torney study also demonstrated a relationship between intelligence and political learning; on the basis of the data, it concluded that the acquisition of the more active and initiatory aspects of political learning (activities, participation in discussion, interest, efficacy--the child's belief in his ability to influence governmental action) is strongly accelerated in children of high intelligence.15 The Easton and Dennis, Hess and Torney, and Greenstein studies did not consider subcultural groups in which political learning might differ from the dominant culture.16 However, subsequent research, concerned with the political learning of subgroups within the United States, has revealed racial, rural, and ethnic dif- ferences in children's political learning. To illustrate: an investigation by Edward S. Greenberg in Philadelphia revealed that black children (third, fifth, and seventh grade students) manifest less confidence in the 15For the findings on intelligence and political learning, see Hess and Torney, The Development of Political Attitudes in Children, Chapter 7. 16The studies were based primarily on samples of white, Protestant, Anglo-Saxon, urban, and suburban chil- dren. For example, the national sample on which the Hess and Torney and Easton and Dennis reports were written contained no black children from ghetto neighborhoods and no sizable ethnic groups. Rural and small-town America.were not represented; the smallest city used had a population of over 100,000. See Hess and Torney, The Develooment of Political Attitudes in Children, Appendices on methodology. 12 benevolence of the national government and also less affection for the American community, the President, and police than white children do;17 a study by Dean Jaros, Herbert Hirsch, and Frederic J. Fleron in the isolated, poor Appalachian region of Kentucky found that rural fifth through eighth grade students hold dramati- cally less positive views of political authority figures than their counterparts in other portions of the nation;18 and an inquiry by F. Chris Garcia in Los Angeles County, California reported that Mexican-American children (third, fifth, seventh, and ninth grade students) demonstrate less cognition of and affection for the American com- munity than Anglo-American youngsters do.19 Given, then, the existence of childhood political learning, what grounds are there for assuming that this 17Edward S. Greenberg: "Children and Government: A Comparison Across Racial Lines," Midwest Journal of Political Science, 14 (May, 1970), 249-75; "Children and the Political Community: A Comparison Across Racial Lines," ggpadiappqpprnal of Political Science, 2 (December, 1969), 471—92; and "Orientations of Black and White Chil- dren to Political Authority Figures," Social Science Quarterly, 51 (December, 1970), 561-71. 18Dean Jaros, Herbert Hirsch, and Frederic J. Fleron, "The Malevolent Leader: Political Socialization in an American Sub-Culture," American Political Science Review, 62 (June, 1968), 564-75. 19F. Chris Garcia, Political Socialization of Chicano Children: A Comparative Study with Anglos in California Schools (New York: Frederick A. Praeger Pub- lishers, 1973), Chapter 2. 13 early learning has an impact on adult political beliefs and behavior? The continuity between childhood and adult life is well established in psychoanalytic theory. Erik H. Erikson, for example, has described stages in the development of human beings--with the most crucial ones taking place during childhood—~and the ways in which developments at one stage are in part determined by earlier developments and in turn influence and deter- 20 mine the nature of later developments. Thus, in writing an explanation for his study Young Man Luther, he has commented: Man is not organized like an archaelogical mound, in layers; as he grows he makes the past part of all the future, and every environment, as he once experienced it, part of the present environ- ment. Dreams and dreamlike moments, when analyzed, always reveal the myriad past_experiences which are waiting outside the gates of consciousness to mingle with present impressions. Moreover, the continuity between childhood experiences and adult attitudes and actions is documented in empirical studies on human behavior, many of which began systematic observatidns on children in their infancy and continued them into the adult years.22 Perhaps, the most notable 20Erik H. Erikson, Childhood and Society (2nd rev. ed.; New York: W. W. Norton and Co., 1963). 21Erik H. Erikson, Young Man Luther (New York: Wk W. Norton and Co., 1962), pp. 117-18. ' 22See Benjamin S. Bloom, Spability and Change in JHuman Characteristics (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1964). 14 among these studies is the report Birth to Maturity by Jerome Kagan and Howard A. Moss, which summarizes an investigation of the personality development of seventy- one children (thirty-five females and thirty-six males) from birth through early adulthood-~a period covering approximately thirty years. While it is not possible to give a resume of the results of this study, it is appropriate to note its central finding here. In the Words of the authors: The most dramatic and consistent finding of this study was that many of the behaviors exhibited by the child during the period 6 to 10 years of age, and a few during the age period 3 to 6, were mod— erately good predictors of theoretically related behaviors during early childhood. Passive with- drawal from stressful situations, dependency on family, ease-of-anger arousal, involvement in intellectual mastery, social interaction anxiety, sex-role identification, and pattern of sexual behavior in adulthood were each related to reasonably analogous behavioral dispositions during the early school years. . . . These results offer strong support to the popular notion that aspects of adult personality begin to take form during early childhood.2 In view of the foregoing facts, then, the argument for the importance of childhood learning for the political beliefs and behavior of adults appears to have con- siderable validity. 23Jerome Kagan and Howard A. Moss, Birth to Maturity: A Study in ngchological Development (New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1962), pp. 266-67. 15 Learning (including political), of course, con- tinues throughout a person's life cycle;24 however, learning in later life is limited by the burden of earlier learning. There are several reasons why child- hood experiences place important limits on adolescent and post-adolescent learning. In the first place, since much of early learning takes place at a nonconscious level, through processes such as identification and imitation, it is not accessible to conscious memory and, therefore, to change by later socialization.25 Second, content that is continuously taught and reinforced in childhood becomes highly stabilized and, hence, is least 26 Third, likely to change in the face of new content. since early learning begins the learning sequence, it can shape later learning, that is, early learning can open up the possibility for some types of later learning and limit the likelihood that other types will occur. For example, the youth who has acquired an interest in 24See, for instance, Almond and Verba, The Civic Culgure, Chapter 11; Orville G. Brim, Jr., "Adult Social- ization," in Socialization and Society, ed. by John A. Clausen (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1968), pp. 182-226; and Theodore M. Newcomb, Personality apd Social Change (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, Inc., 1957). 25Bloom, Stability and Change in Human Charac- teristics, p. 216. Ibid. 16 politics is more likely to be influenced by political events and to formulate political opinions than the youth who has no such interest.27 Finally, early learn- ing takes place at a plastic, formative stage of develop- ment, that is, at a time when fundamental personality characteristics are being formed,28 and, as a result, "social and political learning which takes place at this point can become a part of the individual's basic psychic equipment."29 The above, then, are powerful reasons for the strength and potent effects of early learning. The importance of early learning in the formation of adult social and political values and habits was eloquently captured by Alexis de Toqueville over 140 years ago in analyzing the social and cultural basis of American politics. His thoughts are an appropriate conclusion to this section. A man has come into the world; his early years are Spent without notice in the pleasures and activities of childhood. As he grows up, the world receives him when his manhood begins, and he enters into contact with his fellows. He is 27Irvin L. Child, "Socialization," in Handbook of Social Psychology, ed. by Gardner Lindzey, 2 (Cam- bridge: Addison-Wesley, 1954), pp. 678—79. 28Bloom, Stability and Chapge in Human Charac- teristics, pp. 214-15. 29Greenstein, Children and Politics, p. 81. 17 then studied for the first time, and it is imagined that the germ of the vices and the virtues of his maturer years is then formed. This, if I am not mistaken, is a great error. We must begin higher up; we must watch the infant in his mother's arms; we must see the first images which the external world casts upon the dark mirror of his mind, the first occurrences that he witnesses; we must hear the first words which awaken the sleep- ing powers of thought, and stand by his earliest efforts if we would understand the prejudices, the habits, and the passions which will rule his life. The entire man is, so to speak, to be seen in the cradle of the child.30 The Iranian Political Socialization Study The purpose in the present study is to shed light on the goals and methods of political socialization (herein defined as the conscious attempt by an older generation to instruct the young in appropriate citizen- ship beliefs, values, attitudes, and behavior) in ele- mentary schools in Iran and to suggest through an analysis of survey data how effective the political socialization effort is in (1) developing conformity in certain desired political beliefs, attitudes, and knowledge among stu- dents; (2) politically unifying city, peasant, and tribal children and boys and girls; and (3) producing certain desired political changes in pupils. In accordance with the purpose in the study, research was carried out in Iran from the fall of 1971 30Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, trans. by Henry Reeve, 1 (New York: AlfrediA. Knopf? 1966), p. 26. 18 through the spring of 1972. Basically four types of research procedure were undertaken to gather information. First, government documents, dealing with the goals and the curriculum of elementary education, and educational materials, primarily textbooks, but also other media by which children are influenced, such as magazines, tele- vision, and wall posters, were examined. Second, selected educational authorities, teachers, and parents were interviewed informally about certain aspects of the political socialization process in Iran, in particular, about the role of the elementary school. Third, actual classroom and school observations were carried out in several urban, peasant, and tribal schools located in two provinces of Iran--the Central Province and Fars Province. And finally, an open-ended and closed questionnaire was administered to 926 children selected from city, peasant, and tribal schools in several areas of the Central Pro- vince and Fars Province. The study is reported in five chapters. In Chapter II, following the presentation of the kinds of values, attitudes, beliefs, and behavior that the Iranian leadership is trying to inculcate in its ele- mentary school students, an attempt is made to give a comprehensive picture of the numerous media--uniform textbooks, teachers' guidebooks, extra-curricular activities--which the government utilizes to politicize 19 the students, to teach them the appropriate beliefs and values, and to teach them to accept them. In Chapter III the focus is on the procedures used to conduct the survey; the chapter includes a discussion of the instrument, sample selection, field testing, and data processing and analysis. In Chapter IV a comparative analysis of the demographic and social backgrounds of the city, peasant, and tribal children who responded to the survey question- naire is given. In Chapter V the concern is with the effectiveness of the school system's political sociali- zation effort; the chapter contains an analysis of the responses of the sample of children described in Chapter IV to selected items of political knowledge, attitudes, and beliefs in the survey instrument introduced in Chapter III to suggest how effective the school system's political socialization effort is in (1) developing conformity in certain desired political beliefs, attitudes, and knowledge among students; (2) politically unifying city, peasant, and tribal children and boys and girls; and (3) producing certain desired political changes in pupils. In Chapter VI the summarized conclusion to the study is presented. Since the study is an attempt to map out pre- viously unexplored territory, the decision was made to cover as much terrain as feasible rather than to do a microscopic detailed description or analysis of one small 20 area. It is hoped that the findings of the study will provide some direction or at least a stimulus to further research in this neglected area. Iran, 1971-72: A Retrospect It is not the intention in this section to give an inclusive and exhaustive list of facts concerning Iran-- this can be readily and adequately obtained elsewhere-- but only to enumerate the points of major concern for the study and to acquaint the reader with the country environ~ ment in which the investigation was made. Iran (the name means land of the Aryans), encom- passing an area of 1,645,000 square kilometers,31 is situated in southwestern Asia between the Caspian Sea and the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman. To the east, the country borders Pakistan and Afghanistan; to the north, the Soviet Union; and to the west, Turkey and Iraq. The country's land is harsh and variegated-- rugged mountain chains running roughly parallel to the frontiers, together with extensive, barren desert areas in the central and eastern regions. Climate is charac- terized by wide ranges in temperature (from 55°C in the eastern desert areas to -27°C in the northwest and north- east regions) and precipitation (from less than 10 31Echo of Iran, Iran Almanac and Book of Facts, 1972 (Tehran: Echo of Iran Press, 1972), p. 73. (Here- inafter cited as Iran Almanac,:1972.) 21 millimeters in the interior of the Dasht-e Lut, a desert in the southeast, to more than 2,000 millimeters in the southwest corner of the Caspian region).32 The scarcity of water, both in streams and rainfall, combined with the irregularity of terrain and the extremes of temper- ature have made most of the land uncultivable and sparsely settled. Thus in 1971-72, farming was conducted on roughly 10 percent of the land, and nearly 70 percent of the people lived on about 30 percent of the land.33 According to statistics released by the Iranian Statistical Center, on March 20, 1972, the country's population reached 30,159,000, an increase of 1,777,000 since March 21, 1971. Of the total population, 41.3 per- cent lived in urban areas and 58.7 percent in rural areas (generally defined as settlements with less than 5,000 4 inhabitants).3 The urban population represented an 321bid., pp. 85-86, 93. 33Harvey H. Smith, et al., Area Handbook for Iran (Washington, D.C.: Foreign Area Studies, The American University, 1971), pp. 9, 79. 34Iran Almanac, 1972, p. 507. The National Census Office gave consideration to conducting a nation- wide census in 1970, but demographic experts and United Nations authorities advised against it. The most reliable demographic statistics available in the early seventies were estimates based on the censuses of 1956 and 1966. These censuses, the only official enumerations of the 20th century, were subject to underestimation by about 5 to 10 percent. 22 increase of 80 percent over the official count for 1956 and was concentrated in sixteen cities with estimated 35 The stated populations in excess of 100,000 persons. population (3,400,000) of Tehran, the seat of government and the center of the country's industrial and commercial life, was over six times greater than the given popu- lation (520,000) of Esfahan, the second largest city in Iran.36 Approximately 46 percent of the inhabitants in the country were under fifteen years of age and about 50 percent were in the productive years, 15-64, responsible for supporting a dependent population.37 These figures represented a gain of about 4 percent and a loss of nearly 4 percent, respectively, over the 1956 figures.38 Analysts suggested that this pattern--increase among the younger years and decrease in the proportion in the ages 15-64--would probably persist in the remainder of the decade.39 3SIbid., p. 508. 37Smith, et al., Area Handbook for Iran, pp. 77-78. 38Jacquiline Rudolph-Touba, Highlights of Sex-Age Characteristics in Iran, 1956-1966: A Sociological Inter- retation (Tehran: Plan Organization, Statistical Center 0 Iran, April, 1970), p. 27. 39The existence of this age structure creates a paradox for Iran; for while capital is needed to stimu- late the economic sector, an increasing young population will mean that a greater proportion of the budget will have to be invested in education, recreation, and housing. 23 In the period under review, Iran was not a homo- geneous country. According to rough estimates based on the 1966 census, about 66 percent of the total population consisted of people of Aryan origin, speakers of one of several Indo-European languages-~Persian (the official language), Gilani, Mazandarani, Kurdish, Luri, Bakhtiari, and Baluchi. About 25 percent of the population was composed of various Turkic-speaking ethnic groups-- Azarbaijani, Qashqai, Turkoman, Shahsavan, and Afshar. The remaining 9 percent of the population consisted primarily of Arabs, Armenians, Jews, and Assyrians.40 Among these ethnic groups and spread throughout the country, there were some 3.5 million tribesmen--a figure representing more than 10 percent of the population. These tribesmen were mainly Kurds (about 3,000,000) in the west and northwest, and Qashqai (about 500,000), Lurs (more than 3,000,000), and members of smaller tribes in the southwest.41 Although many of these tribesmen were migrating herdsmen, observations indicated a trend toward settlement in villages. Muslims made up about 98 percent of the population in 1971—72. More than 90 percent of them adhered to the 40Smith, et al., Area Handbook for Iran, pp. 80— 82, 89-104. 41Iran Almanac, 1972, p. 580; and Smith, et al., .Area Handbook for Iran, pp. 90-98. 24 Shiah branch of Islam, which is the official state religion, and about 6 percent of them belonged to the Sunni branch of Islam, which predominates in neighboring countries. Small, non—Muslim minorities in the population included Christians (Nestorians, Gregorians, Catholics, Protestants), Jews, Zoroastrians (Zoroastrianism was the official religion of pre-Islamic Iran), and Bahais.42 Data available in 1972 classified the population by occupational categories as 40.3 percent in agriculture, 31.5 percent in industry, and 28.2 percent in services. A comparison of this structure with the occupational make-up in 1967-68 revealed a decline in the percentage of agricultural workers by 8.7 percent and an increase of workers in industrial and service occupations by 6.2 43 percent and 2.5 percent, respectively. Projections 4 indicate that of the Fifth Development Plan (1973-78)4 by the end of 1978, the number of workers employed in the industrial sector will overtake the number working in the agricultural sector; specifically, it is estimated 42W. p. 529. Bahaism is not recognized officially as a religion but a heretical and deviant schism. 43Statistics given in the 1972-73 Budget Bill, as reported in Iran Almanac, 1972, p. 302. 44The fifth in a series of Iranian development plans established by Plan Organization, a semi-autonomous government agency set up in 1947 and concerned with planning, implementing, and supervising development projects. 25 that of the total population of Iran, the number of workers in industry will be 33.4 percent, in agriculture, 31.1 percent, and in services, 35.5 percent.45 The national government in 1971-72 was firmly established as a constitutional hereditary monarchy, distinguished by the dynamic personal leadership of Shah (king) Mohammad Reza Pahlavi as royal head of state for thirty-three years.46 Although the government was tri- partite in form-~executive, legislative, and judiciary-- the Shah--who has the legal and political power to designate and remove the prime minister and cabinet 47 ministers, to convene and dissolve the parliament, to set the course of policy in internal and external 45Iran Almanac, 1972, p. 425. 46Mohammad Reza Pahlavi acceded to the throne in 1941 when his father, Reza Shah the Great, who had ruled Iran for twenty years, was forced to abdicate as a result of invasions by the British and Soviet forces during World War II. (Reza Shah had expressed some pro-German views and had refused a British-Soviet request in 1941 to allow transit of war supplies across Iran.) The oldest son of the Shah and his present wife, Empress Farah, Reza Cyrus, born October 31, 1960, was formally proclaimed crown prince by imperial decree on November 1, 1960 and ceremonially designated as such at the formal coronation of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi on October 26, 1967, an event which took place twenty-six years after his accession to the throne. 47The bicameral legislature consists of the Majles (The National Consultative Assembly), an elected lower house, and the Sena (Senate), a half-elected, a half-royally appointed house. 26 affairs, to command the armed forces, to make wide appointments, and to approve numerous acts--retained virtually absolute control. The period 1971-72 saw local government admin- istration conducted through a system of fourteen ostans 48 (provinces), including the Central Ostan of Tehran, and nine farmandari kol (governorates).49 Each ostan and farmandari kol was subdivided into smaller administra- tive segments called shahrestans (counties); each county was then divided into bakhshs (districts); and each district was further divided into dehistans (groups of villages). The appointment of administrative heads, from 2§222.t° dehistan level, by the Minister of the Interior under the authority of the Shah, was giving way transitionally to local selection, as decentralization and the establishment of self-governing entities in the various administrative subdivisions progressed.so Large urban municipalities, 48The names of the other provinces were Gilan, Mazandaran, East Azarbaijan, West Azarbaijan, Kermanshah, Khuzistan, Fars, Kerman, Khorasan, Esfahan, Baluchistan and Sistan, Kurdistan, and Persian Gulf and Gulf of Oman Islands and Ports. 49This designation was applied to smaller, less developed areas and is a form that has been used as a transition stage to full provincial status. 50The establishment of local self-government has proceeded slowly in Iran, even though the Iranian consti- tution of 1906 specified the formation of provincial and district councils. In the late fifties and sixties, how~ ever, the government took several basic and imaginative steps to speed up the creation of local institutions. 27 such as Tehran, had county status. Moreover, cities and towns had municipal governments, with a mayor and council locally elected or designated by a division of municipal affairs in the Ministry of Interior on recommendation from the provincial governor, or a combination of appointed and elected officials--depending on the stage of develop- ment. The mayor of Tehran, however, was an exception; he was appointed by the Shah on recommendation of the Minister of the Interior with cabinet approval.51 During the years under report, the "White Revolution"52 (the twelve-point reform program designed to transform Iran into a modern industrial state), inaugurated by Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi on January 9, 1963 and approved by the people in a national referendum 51For brief discussions of local government, see Smith, et al., Area Handbook fu; Iran, pp. 262-64; and Iran Almanac, 1972, pp. 96-98. 52According to the Shah, it is so called because it was voluntarily undertaken, with a broad base of popu- lar support, rather than occurring under compulsion and widespread violence and bloodshed. Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and Edwin Newman, "we Are Putting the Past Behind Us, " Ka han pInternational (Overseas Edition), February 28, 197 p. . The reforms are also known as the "Revolution of the Shah and the People" and the "Sixth of Bahman." The sixth of Bahman is the date in the Solar Calendar, followed by Iranians, on which the reforms of the White Revolution were approved in a national referendum. (The Solar Year may be converted to years of the Christian Era by the following formula: Solar Year + 621 = year of the Christian Era.) 28 on January 26, 1963, was securely established in principle and at varying degrees of development in practice: 1. Land reform: On September 23, 1971, land reform, the kingpin of the White Revolution, had been completed. Over 60 percent of the Iranian popu- lation, who had served as serfs or sharecroppers, now had ownership of the land they tilled.53 2. Nationalization of forests: By 1972, over 100 forestry and agricultural projects, covering 321,500 hectares of land, had been implemented.54 3. Public sale of state-owned factories to finance land reform: By mid-1971, shares, with annual guaranteed interests of 6 percent, in nine fac~ tories had been completely sold out, a majority of shares in another three factories had been sold, and arrangements for the sale of shares in twenty other factories had been made.55 53"Land Reform Ends," Tehran Journal, September 23: 1971, p. 1. 541ran Almanac, 1972, p. 398. 55Echo of Iran, Iran Almanac and Book of Facts, 1971 (Tehran: Echo of Iran Press, 1971), p. 290. (Hereinafter cited as Iran Almanachl97l.) 29 4. Profit-sharing in industry: On December 31, 1971, a total of 268,017 workers in 2,841 factories were participating in factory profit- sharing schemes.56 5. Reform of electoral law to include women: For the third time in the history of the country, women participated in the general elections of the Majles held in July 1971, and several women were elected to the Iranian parliament. In 1971-72, there were four female senators, sixteen female members in the Majles, and one female member of the cabinet (Minister of Education).57 6. Literacy Corps: As of January 1972, some 84,920 Literacy Corps teachers (high school graduates under military conscription) had imparted literacy to 1,071,092 children and 554,781 adults in the villages.58 In the school year 1971~72 427,239 rural elementary school children had received an education from 13,967 active Literacy Corps teachers.59 56Statistics of the Ministry of Labor, as reported in Iran Almanac, 1972, p. 576. 57Iran Almanac, 1972, p. 566. 581bid., p. 519. 59Iran, Ministry of Education, Office of Planning, Statistical Section, Kolase-ye Amar-e Amuzesh va 30 7. Health Corps: By January 1971, 2,445 medical groups (each consisting of a physician, dentist, pharmacist, and assistants) had served in the rural areas of the country.60 In January 1972, ‘there were 400 medical groups working in the villages.61 8. Development and Extension Corps: By January 1972, a total of 14,987 persons-~3,l43 university graduates holding degrees in veterinary medicine, agronomy, and civil engineering and 11,844 secondary school graduates—-had been assigned to various rural development tasks. In January 1972, 4,595 Corps members were introducing new techniques and modes of life and production in the rural areas.62 9. Rural Courts of Justice: In 1971-72, 5,500 Houses of Equity were providing Speedy judicial procedures for the settlement of local problems in 10,000 villages.63 Payaresh-e Iran. 1350-51 [Summary of Educational Statis- tics of Iran, 1971-72] (Tehran: July, 1972), pp. 5-6. (Hereinafter cited as Ministry of Education, Amar-e Amuzesh va Parvaresh-e Iran, 1971-72.) Goggan Almanac, 1971, p. 518. 61Iran Almanac, 1972, p. 520. 63 Ibid. rpig., p. 130. 31 10. Nationalization of water resources: By 1971, nationalization of water resources had been com- pleted and the government had prepared plans for increasing development of underground water reserves and had worked out priorities for the use of surface waters, the construction of new dams (thirteen had already been completed since 1963 and five more were under construction) and reservoirs, and the extension of the country's irrigation network.64 11. Rural and urban reconstruction: In May 1971, the Urban Development and Housing Section of the Plan Organization in a report of the results of the first three years of the Fourth Development Plan (1967-73) expressed dissatisfaction with the lack of progress in urban development and housing and called for a "basic review" of the situation.65 In September 1971, the government emphasized that extension of housing units within the Fifth Development Plan (1973-78) represented a t0p 64"Highlights of Hoveyda's Speech," Ka han Internauigual (Tehran), September 20, 1971, p. 3. 65Iran Almanac, 1972, p. 427. 12. 32 government priority and promised that urban and rural renewal projects would be pursued with greater vigor.66 Administrative and educational revolution: The main subject of attack in the Majles and press in 1971-72 was the lack of progress in the admin- istrative revolution. On April 4, 1971, Ayandegan (a neutral newspaper) quoted the following state- ment of the Shah: " . . . we have administrative machinery, with a number of departments, unlimited staff and heavy budgets, but a machinery which is sluggish, spoiler of work and interfering. . . . "67 In the domain of educational reform, the five-year compulsory and free elementary period of the new national system of education promul- gated in the academic year 1965-66 was completely implemented by June 1971; the three-year guidance period, an intermediate cycle between the five- year elementary and four-year secondary periods, was introduced throughout the country in the 1971-72 academic year.68 Moreover, resolutions 66"Highlights of Hoveyda's Speech," p. 3. 67Iran Almanac, 1972, p. 139. 68Ibid., pp. 541, 548. 33 governing university reform and educational reform in general were set forth in September 1972 at the Fifth Educational Conference at Ramsar--on the Caspian coast, northwest of Tehran.69 Statistics of the Ministry of Edu— cation revealed that in the 1971-72 academic year, the number of students in the five-year elementary schools was 3,230,880; in the guidance cycle, 259,218; and in the secondary cycle, 1,140,995.70 The total number of stu- dents in the universities and other higher edu— cational institutes was reported to be 100,000.‘71 According to statistics issued by the Ministry of Information, in 1971 there were 105 newspapers (includ- ing dailies and weeklies) and 96 magazines (including weeklies and monthlies) published in Iran.72 Most news- papers and magazines had low circulation. The circulation 69See, for example, "Sweeping Reforms Set for Education" and "Ramsar: A Cold Look at the Future," Kayhan International (Tehran), September 16, 1972, pp. 1, 4; and "Ramsar Opens Ideas Search," Tehran Journal, September 16, 1972, p. 1. 70Ministry of Education, Amgr-e Amuzesh va Parvaresh-e Iran, 1971-72, p. 6. 71"A Chinese Look at Education," Tehran Journal, September 26, 1972, p. 5. 72Iran Almanac, 1972, p. 176. 34 of the largest national daily newspapers, Ettelaat and 73 This Kayhan, was about 100,000 copies a day each. figure is extremely low, compared with the literate population--an estimated 60 percent in the lS-year and overage group--of the country.74 More than 95 percent of the urban families and 80 percent of the rural families owned radio receiving sets, especially of the transistor type; moreover, it was reported that 90 percent of the Iranian adult population had the means to make use of Iran's radio programs. During the same time period, the number of television sets in the country was estimated at 1,500,000, half of which were in Tehran and adjacent areas. The television viewing audience was put at 3 million. Through 1971-72, economic expansion continued apace, with a growth rate of 16 percent, a gross national product of 12.3 billion dollars, and a per capita income 731bid., p. 177. 74"Eradicating Illiteracy," Iran Tribune Maga- zine (Tehran), October, 1971, p. 29. 75Iran Almanac, 1972, p. 189. Interestingly enough, low-cost transistor radios became widely available in Iran during the early sixties when the government was launching the reforms of the White Revolution. See Amin Banani, "The Role of the Mass Media," in Iran Faces the Seventie , ed. by Ehsan Yar-Shater (New York: Frederick A. Praeger Publishers, 1971), pp. 329-39. 35 76 of 328 dollars. Oil revenues, which stood at 1.3 billion dollars in 1970, shot up to about 2 billion dollars in 1972.77 Increasing industrial growth was evident: a 400-million dollar petro-chemical industry and a 700-mile natural gas pipeline were in full Operation; a 400-million dollar steel mill was due for completion; a paper mill and a pipe rolling mill had been completed; and aluminum, diesel engine, machine tool, and engine plants were being built.78 Yet despite industrialization, Iran continued to be basically an agricultural society. In the period under review, Iran followed its independent foreign policy with added determination. Diplomatic relations were resumed with Egypt and Lebanon. Official recognition was granted to the People's Republic of China and diplomatic relations were set up with it. Differences with England over the future of three islands at the mouth of the Hormoz Straits in the Persian Gulf 76According to the report of the Iranian Statis- tical Center published in February 1972, as reported in Iran Almanac, 1972, p. 293. Since 1963, Iran's GNP has climbed by an average of over 9.5 percent annually, making it the fastest growing nation between Europe and Japan. 77011 revenues were dramatically increased in 1971 and 1972 when Iran and its Middle Eastern neighbors in OPEC (The Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries) won a major increase in oil prices from the chief international oil companies. 78For information on industrial development, see Iran Almanac, 1972, pp. 315-33. 36 were resolved: in November 1971, Iranian forces landed on Abu Musa, The Lesser Thumb, and The Greater Thumb, thus bringing them under Iranian rule.79 The occupation of the islands resulted in hostile Arab feelings; relations with Iraq deteriorated, and diplomatic relations were finally severed in December. During the same period, Iran's relations with its non—Arab Muslim neighbors and most of the rest of the world continued to grow.80 World attention focused on Iran in 1971, as the country, one of the oldest nations in the world, com- memorated its twenty-fifth centennial as an established monarchy. Although ceremonies and other observances took place throughout the year, actual national celebrations were held from October 11 to October 20. Most important events of the celebrations were: (1) the Opening ceremony at the tomb of Cyrus the Great, the founder of the Persian Empire, at Pasargade; (2) the holding of the World Iranology Congress in Shiraz; (3) the elaborate reception given to royal visitors and heads of state at 79For information on foreign relations in this period, see Iran Almanac, 1972, pp. 218-84. 80Since 1968, when England announced that it would pull its military forces out of the Persian Gulf, Iran has steadfastly given top priority to defense spend- ing in an effort to become the dominant power in the Gulf. In 1971-72, for example, the Iranian government had ear- marked 24 percent of its budget for the armed forces. See "Defense Build-Up To Go On," Kayhan International (Tehran), September 20, 1971, p. I: 37 the ancient city of Persepolis; (4) the grand military parade--representing Iran's armed strength through the ages--at Persepolis; (5) the opening of the Shahyad 81 and (6) the inauguration 82 Aryamehr Monument in Tehran; of the 100,000 seat Aryamehr Sports Stadium in Tehran. For the government, the celebrations marked not only the anniversary of the founding of an empire but the renaissance of Iran, now determined to dispell the accumulated backwardness of ages and to resume its his- torical vocation as a force on the side of peace, pros- 83 perity, progress, and international amity. The 81The impressive and expensive monument is dedicated to Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. 82For various views of the celebrations see: "The Shah All Smiles at His Banquet," quernational Herald Tpibune (Paris), October 15, 1971, p. 2; Guy Rois, "Splendour of Shah's Desert Feast," Dail Tele ra h (Paris), October 15, 1971, p. 3; Guy Rois, “Shah's TrooPS in 25-th Century Parade of History," Daily Telegraph (Paris), October 16, 1971, p. 3; Khosrow Mehrabi, "A Lasting Tribute," Kayhan International (Tehran), October 16, 1971, p. 8; Shojaeddin Shafa, “The Balance Sheet," Kayhan International (Tehran), October 21, 1971, p. 4; 1'Setting the Record Straight," ehran Journal, October 25, 1971, p. 4; and Loren Jenkins, "Iran's Birthday Party," Newsweek Magazine (Paris), October 25, 1971, pp. 16-17. 83"A Rising Force," Ka han International (Tehran), October 20, 1971, p. 4. Chrono ogically the 25th centenary of the founding of the Persian Empire should have been observed in 1963. But in February 1963, Iran had just embarked on the newly proclaimed White Revolution of reforms. Faced with the monumental task of turning the country into a modern industrial nation, the government did not think it was time for celebrations. After 8 years of progress, however, the Shah decided that the success so far of his 12-point revolution would be an appropriate basis for commemorating the establishment of the world's oldest monarchy. 38 ceremony at Pasargade, the first of the centennial cele- brations, symbolized this risorgimento. In a moving eulogy on behalf of the nation read before the tomb of Cyrus the Great situated on a majestic expanse of desert 'in the heartland of Iran, His Imperial Majesty Mohammad Reza Pahlavi renewed Iran's "bond with its proud past": At this glorious moment in the history of Iran, I and all Iranians, the offspring of the empire which thou founded 2,500 years ago, bow our heads in reverence before thy tomb. We cherish thy undying memory, and at this moment when the new Iran renews its bond with its proud past, we all hail thee as the immortal hero of Iran, as the founder of the oldest empire in the world, as the great emancipator of history, as the noble son of humanity. Cyrus! We have today gathered at thy eternal resting place to say to thee: "Rest in peace for we are awake and will forever stay awake to guard thy proud heritage."34 84"The Torch Has Never Died," Kayhan International (Tehran), October 13, 1971, p. l. CHAPTER II POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION IN IRANIAN ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS SINCE 1965: AN OVERVIEW Under the new [educational] system the spirit and meaning of Iran's revolution must form the basis of our work; . . . a spirit of creativity, initiative and innovation, as well as social cooperation, must be cultivated . . . , our education must be based on the growth of the personality and self-confidence of our youth in every way and produce individuals who are not only aware of their heavy responsibility in making material and spiritual contributions to society, but who accept these responsibilities enthusiastically. Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi1 From the initiation of the White Revolution in January, 1963, until the present, education has received considerable attention in Iran. The reforms undertaken in 1963 and thereafter--land reform, nationalization of forests and pastures, workers' profit-sharing schemes, emancipation of women, eradication of illiteracy, uni- versal medicare-~are, in the concepts of Iranian society, truly revolutionary. The complete fulfillment of the revolutionary program and, hence, the viability of the lShah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, The White Revolution (Tehran: Imperial Pahlavi Library, 1967), pp. 115-16. 39 40 new society, "demands that every citizen should have as wide and deep a knowledge of the revolution as possible, 2 Thus, the and should voluntarily take part in it." Iranian leaders are confronted with an enormous problem of popular re-education. According to them, not only is it imperative to instill loyalty to Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the architect of the White Revolution, and to develop a consciousness of the significance of the revolution, but it is also necessary to transmit attitudes and values suitable to life in the new society. The predominant concern of the Shah and his government is the building of a modern state, and this is conceived of not merely in the sense of "industrialization," but more significantly in the sense of a new "spiritual" society based on justice and human rights and of culti- vating individuals actively dedicated to that society.3 Re-education of the older generation cannot, by itself, hope to bring about the transformation of per- sonality desired by the political leadership. Patterns of behavior and attitudes established during childhood and reinforced by the social practices of the old "feudal" system cannot be wiped out overnight in response to pressure or exhortations to change, even when there is a conscious desire to do so on the part of the 2Ibid., p. 101. 31bid., pp. 14-15. 41 individual. The hope of producing a population with desirable outlooks, attitudes, and habits lies in the politicization of the young whose patterns of thought and behavior have not yet become fixed. Elementary school education, obviously, is vital to the process, and it is not surprising to find that it has been charged with the task of nurturing a citizenry with personality characteristics desirable in the new society. The intention to use elementary education as an instrument of political socialization is clear from two of the specified six major aims of the "New System of Education" which was promulgated in Iran in 1965. The aims, proclaimed in the "Preliminary Plan for the Reform of Education in the Country," of August, 1965, are as follows: 3.-—The third aim . . . is: to train young people to participate actively and effectively in political and social life, to make proper use of social rights, to respect the law, and to become useful members of a free and progres- sive society; and to nurture in the mind and heart of the young cooperation, patriotism, international understanding, service to the people, and respect for the freedom and rights of others.4 4Iran, Ministry of Education, Department of Studies and Planning, Tarh-e Jadid-e Amuzesh va Parvaresh-e Keshvar: Tarh-e Moghadamatifye Isiah-e Amuzesh va Parva- resh-e Keshvar [The New System of Education for the Country: ‘The Preliminary Plan for Reform of the System of Education for the Country] (Tehran: August, 1965), p. 5. (Hereinafter referred to as Ministry of Education, Tarh-e Moghadamati-ye Islah-e Amuzesh va Parvaresh-e Keshvar?) 42 6.--The sixth aim . . . is: to instill in young people a positive social philosophy based on the principles of the Revolution of the Shah and People and on human and religious values; and to foster in them qualities and virtues inspired by moral and religious instruction, in particular, individual and social responsi— bility, self-reliance, optimism, love of study, research and discussion, tolerance, preference for social benefits rather than individual ones . . . order and discipline in life, accuracy and care in work, honesty, chastity, integrity, piety, and excellence.5 More significantly, in conformity with these aims, a committee of educators drew up a curriculum accompanied by a set of detailed instructions to teachers and authors of textbooks concerning the objectives and content of courses as well as the manner in which information should be conveyed to elementary school students. Several excerpts from "The Detailed Program of the Five-Year Cycle," announced in June, 1966, will speak for them- selves: Persian Language and Literature: The text and reading material must foster in students piety, love of the Shah, interest in national traditions and ceremonies, family and world ties, international understanding, self-reliance, perseverance, a feeling of responsibility, and respect for work, laws, and the rights of others . . . 5 51bid., p. 6. 6Iran, Ministry of Education, Department of Studies and Planning, Tarh-e Jadid-e Amuzesh va Parvaresh-e Keshvar: Barname—ye TafsiIi-ye Dowre- e Panj Sale-ye Ebtedaie [The New System of—Educatidn or thE’Country: The Detailed Program of the Five-Year Cycle of the Ele- mentary] (Tehran: June, 1966), p. 31. (Hereinafter 43 . . . In the course of these five years, the stu- dent must become acquainted with the thoughts, achievements, and lives of some of the great persons, writers, and poets of Iran and the world.7 Social Studies:8 The goal . . . is to equip the child with information that will help him know his environ- ment and fellowmen, . . . use resources for the improvement of individual and social life, and fulfill . . . his duties as a member of the family, the nation, and the world. . . .9 . . . these points must be given consideration: developing in children interest for understanding social problems . . . a spirit of c00peration and mutual understanding . . . familiarity with the principles of democracy in different societies (home, school, and other groups) . . . interest in and respect for the nation of Iran and the great men who have contributed to the progress of the Iranian people and the world . . [The child must learn of] . . . the services rendered by the great Achaemenian Shahanshahs (Cyrus, Darius) . . . the great Parthian Shah- anshahs . . . the great Sassanian Shahanshahs . . .11 referred to as Ministry of Education, Barnamejye Tafsili— ygfiDowreeye Panj Sale—ye Ebtedaie.) 7Ibid., p. 31. 8The term ”social studies" is a collective name for the teaching of three distinct subjects: history, geography, and civics. 9Ministry of Education, Barnamejye Tafsili-ye Dowre-ye Sale-ye Ebtedaie, p. 86. 101bid., pp. 86-87. 11Ibid., p. 90. 44 [The child must learn of] . . . the coming of constitutional government to Iran . . . the Pahlavi dynasty and the reforms of Reza Shah the Great; the reign of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi (Aryamehr) and social changes in Iran; and the Revolution of the Shah and People.12 Religious Instruction and Training:13 . . . the program and books . . . must be cleansed of unfamiliar, dry, complicated, and spiritless material . . . they must . . . effect the following in students: . . . recognition of duty and acceptance of individual and social responsibil- ities . . . mutual assistance and cooperation . . . respect for the freedom and rights of others . . . respect for and pleasure in work . . .14 At all levels . . . these principles must be operative: . . . developing in children habits of obedience and virtuous living . . . restraining students from ill thoughts, incorrect beliefs, immoral conduct, pessimism, and suspicion . . . Physical Exercise: . . . the main aims [are to]: develop good person- alities and dispositions in children through pro- moting the characteristics and habits of courage, generosity, responsibility, consideration for others, enjoyment of play, and cooperation with others . . . 5 12Ibid., p. 92. 13In the old curriculum the study of religion was titled "Religious Instruction." In the new program of studies the name has been changed to "Religious Instruction and Training" to indicate that emphasis would be placed on having children practice what they learn. 14Ministry of Education, Barname-ye Tafsili-ye Dowre:ye Sale-ye Ebtedaie, p. 2. 15 16 Ibid., p. 3. Ibid., p. 100. 45 Experimental Sciences: . . . the child should: . . . develop the ability to think correctly and rationally (scientifically) . . . come to possess a belief and trust in research . . . realize the power of science and discern the advanfgges and disadvantages for human society Art and Handicraft: . . . special attention should be paid to: . . . developing in children the powers of imagination and initiative . . . providing favorable oppor- tunities for nourishing feelings of cooperation and social communication.18 Music: [The child should receive] . . . instruction in songs of the fatherland . . . [he should] listen to short and inspiring national tunes . . .19 From the above passages, it can readily be seen that many parts of the curriculum have been charged with transmitting the desired ideological and moral content. The major responsibility for political socialization, however, lies with the courses of Persian Language and Literature, Social Studies, and Religious Instruction and Training, which together occupy half or more than half of the total amount of school time: 57 percent for grades 1 and 2; 53.6 percent for grades 3 and 4; 50 per- cent for grade 5; and 54.3 percent for grades 1 through 5 (see Table 2.1, "Time Table for the Five-Year Elementary 17 13 Ibid., p. 49. Ibid., p. 93. 191hid., p. 97. Table 2.1 Timetable for the Five-Year Elementary Schools (Revised for 1966-1967 and promulgated by the Ministry of Education in June, 1966) Weekly Hours by Year Subjects 1 2 3 4 5 Total Religion and Morals 2 2 3 3 3 13 Persian Language and Literature 12 12 5 9 8 SO Arithmetic and Geometry 3 3 4 4 5 19 Experimental Sciences and Hygiene 2 2 3 3 3 13 Social Studies 2 2 3 3 3 13 Art and Handicraft 5 5 4 4 4 22 Physical Exercise and Play 2 2 2 2 2 10 Total Hours 28 28 28 28 28 140 SOURCE: Ministry of Education, Barnamejye Tafsili-ye Dowre-ye Panj Sale-ye Ebtedaie, p. 5. NOTE: The weekly program, which runs six days, is arranged on the basis of five hours of classwork per day, three hours in the morning and two hours in the afternoon. 47 Schools").20 Accordingly, the uniform textbooks for these subjects, prepared by scholars, educators, and experienced teachers appointed by the Ministry of Edu- cation, are definitely written in harmony with the instructions in the curriculum document. The ABC primer itself contains the following reading exercise just two pages after the alphabet lessons: Each one of us lives in a house. In our house we respect our father and love him. We also have a bigger house. This big house is our country of Iran. In this big house we are like one family. The Shah is like the father of this family. We are like his children. The Shah loves all of us. We love our kind Shahanshah as we love our father. We respect our Shahanshah.21 20Political socialization in Iranian elementary schools, then, includes not only instruction about the social, political, and economic order but also ideologi- cal indoctrination and character formation. It gives training in ethical judgment and attitude, as well as promoting the spirit of patriotic and social service. 21Iran, Ministry of Education, Farsi-ye Avval-e Debestan [Persian for the First Year of the Primary Schooll (Tehran: Textbook Organization of Iran, 1971), p. 87. (Hereinafter referred to as Farsi-ye Avval-e Debestan.) In terms of the "psychology Of"ShaHparasti' (sfiah worship)," Iranian educational theorists seem to believe that love and respect for the Shah are inseparable from and have their beginnings in love and respect for the father. Furthermore, a patriotic state of mind and conduct are inseparable from shahparasti. If one loves his Shah, he loves his country, and vice versa. Thus, in the third grade reader children read: "Respect for the 'Salamre Shahanshahi' [national anthem] is respect for the nation and the Shahanshah [king of kings]," Iran, Ministry of Education, Farsi:ye Sevom—e Debestan [Persian for the Third Year of the Primary Schooi] (Tehran: Textbook Organization of Iran, 1970), p. 40. (Hereinafter referred to as Farsi:ye Sevom-e Debestan.) 48 Three pages after, this poem is presented (the original in verse): We are laughing flowers; we are the children of Iran. We regard our country as our life. We must be knowledgeable, vigilant, and aware. For the preservation of Iran, we must be able. Oh Iran, be prosperous; oh Iran, be free. Of your children, oh Iran, be happy.22 And several pages later, children read: The Koran is the religious book of the Muslims. The rules of the Islamic religion have been written in the Koran. The Koran teaches us that we must be honest and righteous. God loves honest and righteous people. In the Koran God commands us to be friendly and kind to each other. The Koran is the book of God. We respect the Koran.23 The basic ideas in these selections are subsequently amplified and elaborated in the more advanced Persian readers. Thus, in the second through fifth year primers children are urged: to love and respect Shahanshah Aryamehr24 whose "great thoughts are praised by all the 2Farsi-ye Avval-e Debestan, p. 91. 23rbid., p. 103. 24The Persian word a amehr means "light of the Aryans." The title was bestowed upon Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi by the Majles in 1965 as a gesture of appreciation for steering the country onto the path toward peaceful development. 49 people of the world," and "who works very hard so that 25 we will have a better life”; to love Iran with "heart and soul" and, if the need arises, to sacrifice their life "most willingly and with joy for the preservation 26 of the fatherland"; and "to have good thought, good speech, and good deed."27 Moreover, in accordance with the instructions in the "Detailed Program," Persian language readers in the advanced grades mean: exposure to aspects of nationalism other than the nation itself-~informative stories on 28 symbols ("Respect for the Flag," ”Salam—e 25Iran, Ministry of Education, Farsijye Dovom-e Debestan [Persian for the Second Year of the Primary SchooIl (Tehran: Textbook Organization of Iran, 1971), p. 20. (Hereinafter referred to as Farsi-ye Dovom-e Debestan.) 26Iran, Ministry of Education, Farsi-ye Charom-e Debestan [Persian for the Fourth Year of the Primary Schooll (Tehran: Textbook Organization of Iran, 1971), p. 54. (Hereinafter referred to as Farsi-ye Charom-e Debestan.) 27Farsi-ye Sevom-e Debestan, p. 1. This trinity of ethics dates back to the Adhaemenian (559-330 B.C.) and the Sassanian (226-651 A.D.) Empires and is based on the teachings of Zoroaster, the founder of Zoroastrianism, the ancient religion of Iran. The old societies sought to build a great nation by develOping citizens who were religious, of good moral character, and patriotic. 281bid., pp. 35-37. 50 Shahanshahi"29), traditions ("Now Ruz,"30 "Sizdeh Behdar,"31 "Charshanbeh"32), and modern and historical 29 Ibid., pp. 39-40. Although the national anthem is written in Western style musical notation and harmony, its words are phrased in traditional style; they extoll the glory Of the Shah and the nation. The first stanza is: "Long live our Shah. Through his glory may the country last forever. Because of the Pahlavi dynasty, The land of Iran became a 100-fold better than ancient Iran. . You [Iran] were disturbed before; But in the shadow of the Shah you are at rest. The Iranians are always happy. God keep the Shah safe always." 30Farsi-ye Dovom-e Debestan, pp. 139-40, 143-45. The Now Ruz TNew Year) festival, Which begins on March 21 and ends thirteen days later, is a national celebration and not a religious one. An integral part of the fes- tivities is the tradition of visiting relatives and friends to Offer Now Ruz greetings and gifts. The festival has been celebrated among Iranians since Achaemenian times when at the start of the New Year, representatives of the commonwealths in the empire would present themselves before the Shahanshah with gifts. Symbolically, the Now Ruz ceremony represented the unity of the empire in the midst of the diversity of cultures which composed it. 311bid., pp. 149-50, 153-54. A main feature of the Now Ruz festivities since ancient times has been the emphasis on congregation. Now Ruz has never been cele- brated individually or by members of a family alone in its family enclave. For example, in olden times, the entire population of a small town would gather at the main square or at an Open space outside of the town to cele- brate Now Ruz communually. Thus, Sizdeh Behdar (The Thir- teenth Day Of Now Ruz) is an occasion for a picnic, so everyone can join in a communal festival. 321bid., pp. 133-37. Charshanbeh Suri (The Eve of the Last Wednesday of the Year) is a feast of fire and fortune. On this day Iranians, young and old alike, jump over bonfires, chanting "My paleness to you, your redness to me," to ensure good health and fortune in the year to come. Most Iranians ceased to worship fire as the symbol of Ahura Mazda (the Wise Lord) over fourteen 51 33 34 cities ("Our Capital Tehran," "A Visit to Shiraz," 35) and accounts of the glorious 37 "A Letter from Esfahan" 36 days of the Shahnama ("Rostam," "The Childhood Of 38 Sohrab," "The Story of Kaveh, the Blacksmith"39) and centuries ago, when they became Muslims. On Charshanbeh Suri, however, each Iranian recalls his ancestral religion (Zoroastrianism) and pays tribute to a civilization nearly 30 centuries old. 33Farsi-ye Sevom-e Debestan, pp. 86—89, 91-95. 34Ibid., pp. 119-22, 125-28. 35Farsi—ye Charom-e Debestan, pp. 37-40. 36The Shahnama (Book of Kings), written in the tenth century by the esteemed national poet Ferdowsi, is Iran's great epic story, told in metrical and rhymed verse, of the Iranian Empire, from the creation of the world down to the Mohammadan conquest. This theme is linked with the conflict between good and evil, where good must in the long run prevail, and also with the constant insistence in the text that loyalty to his sovereign must be every man's concern. 37Iran, Ministry of Education, Farsi- e Panjom—e Debestan [Persian for the Fifth Year of the Primary SchoOl] (Tehran: Textbook Organization of Iran, 1970), pp. 203-06, 209-11. (Hereinafter referred to as Farsi—ye Panjpm—e Debestan.) Rostam--chivalrous, intensely loyal, pious, fearless, steel-willed--is the foremost hero of the Shahnama. His battles for his fatherland are number- 1ess and his famous steed Rakhsh often figures in them. 38Farsi-ye Sevom-e Debestan, pp. 158-60, 164, 167- 68. Sohrab is the courageous but ill-fated son of Rostam. In a tragic encounter the former is unknowingly slayed by his father, a theme used to great effect by Matthew Arnold, the nineteenth century English poet and essayist. 39Farsi-ye Charom-e Debestan, pp. 189-91, 195- 97, 202-04. During the reign of the legendary king Jamshid, there lived an evil and tyrannical monster by the name of Zahak, out of whose shoulders grew serpents 52 Iran's cultural and intellectual heritage ("Abu Ali Sina, 40 "Mohammad Ben Zakaria 4 the Great Scientist of Iran," 41 Razi, Discoverer of Alcohol," "Saadi," 2); narratives of proper and commendable behavior ("Taking Your Turn in 43 44 Line," "A Self-sacrificing Boy," "A Humanitarian Doctor"45); reports on the achievements of the White which demanded the brains of youths and maidens for their nutriment each day. When Kaveh the Blacksmith's children fell victims to the evil appetite of Zahak, he along with the royal prince Faridun, fought heroically against the monster and overthrew him. In the process, Kaveh achieved such fame that his leathern apron became the Iranian palladium. 4oFarsi-ye Sezom-e Debestan, pp. 102-04. In the West, he is known as Avicenna. 41Farsi-ye Charom-e Debestan, pp. 70-71. 421hid., pp. 92-93. Saadi, the poet of Shiraz, who wrote in the thirteenth century, is probably the most revered poet in Iran. Two Of his works which secured him undying fame wherever the Persian language is known are the Gulistan (The Rose Garden), entirely in verse, and the Bustan (The Scented Garden), 3 mixture of prose and verse. The Bustan is an excellent introduction to Persian didactic poetry. Its ten chapters are headed respectively: "Justice, Equity, and Governmental Admin- istration"; "Benevolence"; "Love (Physical and Mystical)"; "Modesty"; "Resignation"; "Contentment"; "Self-restraint"; "Gratitude"; "Penitence"; "Devout Meditations." Excerpts from many of the chapters are included in the children's readers. 43Farsi-ye Sevom-e Debestan, pp. 108-09. 44Farsi-ye Charom-e Debestan, pp. 81—83. 45Farsi-ye Panjom—e Debestan, pp. 97-100, 102-06. 53 Revolution ("A Literacy Corpsman in Our Village,"46 47 "The Sixth of Bahman"48); and selections 50 "The Village," on science and industry ("How Is It Known?,"49 "Wings," "Oil"51), health and safety ("Baby Teeth,"52 53 "Through 54 Sports We Make Our Bodies Strong," "Traffic Rules" ), practical knowledge ("The First People,"55 "Writing a Letter"56), and aesthetic aspects of nature ("Rain,"S7 "Four Great Painters"58). 46Farsi-ye Sevom-e Debestan, pp. 49-51. 47Farsi-ye Charom-e Debestan, pp. 4-6. 48Ibid., pp. 102-06. 49Farsi:ye Sevom-e Debestan, pp. 75-76. 50Farsi-ye Dovom-e Debestan, pp. 172-74. 51Farsi-ye Charom-e Debestan, pp. 132-35. 52Farsi-ye Dovom-e Debestan, pp. 45-46. 53Farsi-ye Panjom-e Debestan, pp. 174—79. 54Ibid., pp. 74-77. 55Farsi-ye Dovom-e Debestan, pp. 102-04. 56Farsi-ye Panjom-e Debestan, pp. 81-85. 57Farsi-ye Charom-e Debestan, pp. 166-68. 581bid., pp. 171-73, 178-80. 54 SO far as the readers give a noticeable pro- portion of space to any particular kind of selection, one finds a greater emphasis on "moral and commendable behavior" and "aspects of nationalism" than on other topics (see Table A.l "Analysis of the Content of the Ele- mentary School Persian Readers," Appendix A). These findings, however, are not unexpected, given Islam's stress on moral and proper conduct and the intense pride that characterizes the attitude Of most Iranians toward their country and traditions. In addition, one also finds that relatively few of the 174 selections contained in the five readers are purely informational in charac- ter.59 Clearly, most have been included for the purpose of inculcating the desired orientations. A similar approach is used in all social studies textbooks. Written in conformity with "The Detailed Program," the social studies manuals, introduced first in the third grade, also include material designed to transmit knowledge and values conducive to the desired citizenship. Nationalistic values, in particular, per- meate the texts. For instance, the history monographs, restricted to the Iranian people, deal chiefly with 59This number excludes the alphabet exercises in the first reader. Didactic notes, however, are injected in them also. Thus in one exercise, children read, "Sara and Dara do not harm sparrows. They do not allow anyone else to harm sparrows." And in another, they read, "Everybody likes good children." See Farsi-ye Avval-e Debestan, pp. 66-67. 55 those episodes that redound most to the national prestige. Thus in the fourth and fifth grade textbooks, page after page is devoted to the glories of the great pre-Islamic empires--the Achaemenian (559-330 B.C.), the Parthian (250 B.C.-226 A.D.), and the Sassanian (226-651 A.D.)-- and the great Persian dynasties following the Arab con- quest (637 A.D.)--the Saffarid (867-892), the Saminid (874-999), the Buyids (934-1055), the Ghaznavid (988- 1186), the Safavid (1501-1736) and the Pahlavi (1925- 1974). The contributions Of particular Shahs to the history of mankind are heralded: Cyrus the Great, who founded the Achaemenian Empire is singled out as an immortal humanitarian spirit who guaranteed freedom of religion, language, and work to all conquered peoples;60 Darius the Great, who developed and extended the empire considerably, is credited with the first postal service and the introduction of gold and silver coinage;61 and Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the present Shah, is an acknowl- edged moral force on the general course of human progress. Of the reigning monarch, children read: 60Iran, Ministry of Education, Talimat-e Ejtemaie-ye Charom-e Debestan [Social Studies for the Fourth Year of the Primary School] (Tehran: Textbook Organization Of Iran, 1970), pp. 97-99. (Hereinafter referred to as Talimat-e Ejtemaie-ye Charom-e Debestan.) 611bid., pp. 101—04. 56 Through the enlightened administration and vision of Shahanshah Aryamehr, not only has our country made progress but other countries have also made progress. Today, Iran, in the eyes of the world, is regarded as a model country in the struggle for improvement in the caravan of civilization. Every country that desires to advance should follow in the steps of the White Revolution, which has been executed without bloodshed. All this progress is eloquent and living proof of the strength of thought and initiative of the great sovereign, Shahanshah Aryamehr.62 It is interesting to note that although "The Detailed Program” states that one major goal of social studies is to acquaint children with the principles Of democracy, in particular, with citizen rights and free- doms, there is strikingly little discussion given to democratic practices in the civics monographs. Far more than an emphasis on rights and freedoms is the stress on duties and Obligations--the duty to obey laws, pay taxes, and to serve the country. Accordingly, the selection titled "Religion and Law" tells children that in every society laws exist which "everyone must obey," citing that "all children must obey their father and mother," and that "no student has the right to leave school without the permission of the principal";63 62Iran, Ministry of Education, Talimat-e Ejtemaie-ye Panjom-e Debestan [Social Studies for the Fifth Year Of‘the Piimary School] (Tehran: Textbook Organization of Iran, 1971), pp. 219-20. (Hereinafter referred to as Talimat-e Ejtemaie-ye Papjom-e Debestan.) 63Iran, Ministry of Education, Talimat-e Ejtemaie-ye Sevom-e Debestan [Social Studies for the 57 the lesson headed "Why Must We Pay Taxes?" first relates that "each person must pay his share of the income tax" so that the government can provide valuable services for the peOple--security, good roads, lighted streets, hos- pitals, schools--and then concludes that "a person who does not pay his taxes benefits from the services of the government without paying for them and, moreover, adds to the burdens of others“;64 and the selection titled "The Smallest and Largest Group in a Country, the Family and the Nation," recounts: The prOgress of any society depends on the behavior of individuals toward each other. If peOple do not behave well toward each other, if they disagree about small matters, disregard rules and laws, and do not help nor OOOperate with each other, then the society not only fails to progress, but it moves toward destruction. Everyone of us at some time in our life is a member of a family, a city, and several other groups. In every one of these groups, we have duties and responsibilities that we must carry out well.65 As the social studies and Persian language texts just considered, the textbooks for instruction in religion and morals, introduced first in the second grade, also include material designed to influence the thoughts and behaviors of children in ways that the authorities deem right and prOper for the new Iran. Representative Third Year of the Primary School] (Tehran: Textbook Organization of Iran, 1971), pp. 90-91. 64Talimat-e Ejtemaie-ye Charom-e Debestan, pp. 148-49. 651bid., pp. 151-52. 58 lessons from the second through fifth grade texts include: 67 "Helping the Poor,"66 "Serving the People," "Work and 69 Effort,"68 "Respect for Father and Mother," "All 70 71 "Cleanliness 73 People Are Brothers," "Work and Hope," 72 "We Avoid Wastefulness," "We Must 74 and Orderliness," 75 All Study and Be Knowledgeable," "The Value of WOrk," 76 "We Must Love and Be Kind to Each Other," "we Worship 66Iran, Ministry of Education, Talimat-e Dini Baraye Kelas-e Dovom-e Debestan [Religious Studies far the Second Class Of the Primary School] (Tehran: Text— book Organization Of Iran, 1969). PP. 21-22. (Herein- after referred to as Talimat-e Dini Bargye Kelas-e Dovom-e Debestan.) 67Ibid., p. 23. 681bid., p. 24. 69rbid., p. 31. 70Iran, Ministry of Education, Talimat-e Dini Baraye Kelas-e Sevom-e Debestan [Religious Studies far the Third Ciass ofitheiPrimary School] (Tehran: Text- book Organization of Iran, 1969), p. 6. (Hereinafter referred to as Talimat-e Dini Baraye Kelas-e Sevom-e Debestan.) 711bid., p. 11. 721bid., p. 15. 73rbid., p. 16. 74Ibid., p. 35. 75 Iran, Ministry of Education, Taling-e Dini-ye gpgrom-e Debestan [Religious Studies for the Fourth Year of the Primary School] (Tehran: Textbook Organization of Iran, 1971), p. 4. (Hereinafter referred to as Talimat-e Dini-ye Charom-e Debestan.) 761bid., p. 35. 59 77 78 God," "How Should We Behave at Home?," 79 "Protecting Animals,"80 Respecting 81 Others," and "Humility." Generally, the selections in the religious text- books use moralistic stories about imgmg (In the Shiah branch of Islam, these are the twelve divinely inspired leaders appointed to guide man in religious matters.) or elaborations on Koranic maxims for developing the desired traits and qualities in children. A good example of a selection utilizing the story method is "WOrk and Effort," found in the text for the second grade: One day a man went walking outside of the city of Medina. At noon when the weather was hot, he saw Imam Mohammad Bagher laboring on his farm. Sweat was running down the imam's face and he was very tired. The man approached, greeted the imam, and said: "In this hot weather, why are you striving so hard to acquire wealth?" Imam Mohammad Bagher replied: "I am working and striving so that I can provide for myself and my family, and so that I shall not be a burden to others." GOD DOES NOT LOVE AN IDLE MAN. EVERY PERSON WHO WORKS PRACTICES THE RELIGIOUS LAW.82 77Iran, Ministry of Education, Talimat-e Dini-ye Panjom-e Debestgp [Religious Studies for the Fifth Year of the Primary School] (Tehran: Textbook Organization of Iran, 1970), pp. 4-5. (Hereinafter referred to as Talimat-e Dini-ye Panjom-e Debestan.) 783112.. pp. 18-19. 791bid., pp. 22-23. 80%., P- 27- 811bid., p. 24. 82 Talimat-e Dini Baraye Kelas-e Dovom-e Debestan, 60 The selection "We Must Love and Be Kind to Each Other," included in the fourth grade text, typifies the use of the maxim technique. It is quoted below. In the Koran we read: NURTURE PEACE AND FRIENDSHIP IN YOURSELF83 The religion Of Islam is a religion Of peace and friendship. Islam regards all people as brothers and commands that all people must love and be kind to each other. Sometimes two people, young or old, quarrel with each other, speak improPerly to each other, and Offend each other. This situation is very disagreeable. As quickly as possible, they should refrain from such conduct and become friends. If we see two people who are unfriendly to each other, we must try to encourage them to put aside their hate and to be at peace with each other.84 Innumerable examples could be cited and selected from many pages of the religion, social studies, and Persian language textbooks used in the Iranian elementary schools today. Suffice it to say that the new texts form a firm foundation for the education of elementary school children in the desired virtues of civic morality. But the Iranian government is not content with molding the future citizen through the printed word alone. It is the task of the teachers to supplement and interpret textbook materials in the classroom. 83Maxims are first given in Arabic and then ren- dered in Persian. 84Talimat-e Dini-ye Charom-e Debestan, p. 33. 61 The role of the elementary school teachers in present-day Iran is to "shape the future generation," that is, in the political socialization process under- way, they must prOpagate the desired values and beliefs faithfully. To paraphrase the Shah, teachers should work with a "conscience" to train citizens capable of protecting Iran's independence, prestige, and progress; they should foster "love for the fatherland” in their students and cultivate in them "social morals," "self- confidence," "righteousness," and "sincerity." To under- score the importance of political socialization and the significant role of the teachers therein, the Shah has stated that today, more than at any other time, Iran's survival depends on "unity" and "self-sacrifice“ for the state, assets which must be stressed in classroom discussions.85 Statements in the "Detailed Program" mirror the prescriptions of the Shah. Thus, it is the duty of the teachers to do the following: "instigate and encourage a sense of patriotism in students”; ”acquaint children with the most important national and local events"; "accustom children to neatness and order at home and 85For the Shah's views, see "Shahanshah Stresses the Role of the Teacher," Tehranfigpurnal, September 25, 1971, p. 3; "New Education Order Iniiiated," Ka han International (Tehran), September 25, 1972, p. ; and Kayhan International (Overseas Edition), September 29, 1973, p. 2: 62 school"; "promote cooperation among students"; famil- iarize children with the importance of rules and regu- lations"; and "encourage children to accept social responsibilities."86 Declarations of this sort, however, do not provide much practical guidance to the classroom teacher on how to go about the process Of cultivating the desired objec- tives in the students. For example, how is the teacher to instill in children "love for the fatherland" or "sincerity"? Iranian educators point out that the Objec- tives are to be accomplished fundamentally by using the exercises appended to the end of most textbook lessons as a basis for explanation, discussion, and reinforcement of the material presented in class.87 An examination of the Persian readers, for instance, reveals that these exercises Often include questions related to the political and moral content of the selection and drills concerned primarily with linguistic skills. However, even some of the drills select politically meaningful words or phrases from the lesson. In addition, there are Often instructions to memorize pieces of poetry. Below, examples are quoted for illustration. 86Ministry of Education, Barname-ye Tafsili-ye Dowre—ye Panj Sale-ye Ebtedaie, pp. 88-90. 87Personal interviews with various teachers, principals, and textbook authors, Tehran, 1971-72. 63 The first of these examples is on the lesson "The Shepherd Boy Who Told Lies," an adaptation Of a Western story, found in the Persian language textbook for the second grade. The Persian version is: The From time to time, for no reason, a shepherd boy cried out: "There's a wolf! There's a wolf!" People came running to save the shepherd boy and the sheep. But when they saw that the shepherd boy was laughing, they understood that he had lied. One day a wolf really did attack the flock. The shepherd boy cried out for help. The peOple thought that he was lying again. NO one came to help him. The shepherd boy was alone. The wolf killed and ate several of his sheep.88 exercises at the end of the story include: Questions: 1. What was the lie of the shepherd boy? 2. Why did the shepherd boy cry out sometimes for no reason? 3. Why did not the people pay attention to his cry again? 4. What do you think the shepherd boy thought when the wolf killed and ate several of his sheep?89 Homework for the First Night: --Tell the story of "The Shepherd Boy Who Told Lies" in a few pictures and under each picture write an explanation.90 Homework for the Second Night: --Write a story that has an ending similar to the ending in "The Shepherd Boy Who Told Lies."91 88Farsi-ye Dovom-e Debestan, p. 160. 89 90 Ibid., p. 162. Ibid. gllbid. T 64 The second set of exercises is on the lesson "Patriotism," an essay included in the fourth grade Persian reader. The essay, a particularly rich illus- tration of the spirit found in other lessons concerned with instilling "love for the fatherland," is as follows: Iran, the land where I was born and grew up in, is my fatherland. Like me, my father and mother were born here. My forefathers whose names my father and mother respectfully remember, great men whose names we read in history, all sleep in this land. Beautiful nature, whose beautiful views spread out on all sides, boOks that improve my mind, the language with which I read books, brother, sister, friends, and countrymen of whom I am a member, in short, everything I see and everything I love, all are parts of my fatherland. I love my fatherland with my heart and soul; I Obey its laws and do my duty toward it. I study my lessons; I think properly, and talk and act properly. I hope that when I grow up, I shall try to improve and advance Iran in whatever way I can. If the day comes when Iran is in danger, what value does my life have? I willingly and with pleasure will sacrifice my life for the preser- vation of the fatherland.92 The lesson is brought to a close with these famous lines from the national poet Ferdowsi (the originals are in verse): If Iran does not exist, then I should not exist;93 and in this land no one should exist. It is better that we all should be killed than to give our country to the enemy. 92Farsi-ye Charom-e Debestan, p. 54. 93The Prime Minister of Iran, Amir Abbas Hoveyda, often notes that this sentence should be the life-long motto of every patriotic citizen. See, for example, "1351 Budget to Jump by 21 Percent--Hoveyda," Tehran Journal, December 16, 1971, p. 1. 65 It would be heartbreaking if Iran were destroyed and became a nest for leopards and lions.94 The exercises appended to the end of the lesson include: Questions: 1. What place do we call the fatherland? 2. Where is our fatherland? 3. What is the meaning of law? What are some laws that you have read or heard about? 4. Are laws established in homes and schools? 5. Why must we Observe laws? 6. If our fatherland were in danger one day, what would be our duty? . What things are a part of our fatherland? 8. If a person does not speak nor act properly, is he doing his duty toward the fatherland? 9. If the students are not studying well, are they doing their duty toward the fatherland? 10. What great Iranians have you heard about? 11. Who is the author of the verse in the lesson? 12. What does Ferdowsi say is better than giving the country into the hands of the enemy?95 Drills: --Write answers to these questions: 1. What is the duty of every person toward the fatherland? 2. What great Iranians have you heard about? Write their names. Opposite each name write what you know about the person. 3. Why must we observe laws? --Construct a sentence with each of these words: NATION, FATHERLAND, COUNTRY, DUTY, DANGER, SACRIFICE. --Memorize the verse of the lesson.96 Although examples Of this nature could be quoted ad infinitum, the following is of special interest since 94Farsi-ye Charom-e Debestan, p. 54. 95 96 Ibid., pp. 55—56. Ibid., p. 56. 66 it involves the inculcation of "White Revolution" ideology in nine-year-olds. The exercises are on the lesson titled "A Literacy Corpsman in Our Village," found in the third grade Persian language textbook. The lesson is the story of a peasant child, before and after the White Revolution. The child tells his own story: My name is Mohammad Ali. I live in one of the villages outside of Esfahan. One night, when I was not quite three years old, I fell into a tanur [a floor oven] and burned my legs. Because of the accident, I was not able to stand on my feet nor to walk. From that day on, my life was bitter and full of pain. In order to get from one place to another, I had to crawl. No one played with me. Everyone pitied me. They could not do anything for me. Three years passed. I was nine years Old. One day there was much excitement in the village. There was talk that a man had come to teach the children. They said he was a "Literacy Corpsman." In the village square, he held a meeting of all the people. My grandmother dragged me close to the square. Everyone was standing, but I was huddled up in a corner. The Literacy Corpsman said that all children must learn to read; that we must build a school for the village. From that day on, the Literacy Corpsman met the children in the village square and taught them to read. Now I, because of my con— dition, was embarrassed to appear in class. One day the Literacy Corpsman spied me as I was huddled up on the ground near my house, and he asked with surprise: "Dear boy, why aren't you coming to class?" I gave no answer; my mother explained for me. The Literacy Corpsman lifted my head with his hands and said: "Mohammad Ali, your legs are burned, but your head is healthy. From tomorrow, I shall be waiting for you. If I see that you are coming to class regularly, I shall try to do something about your legs." From the next day on, I with a thousand tortures of my own, crawled to class. I derived much happi- ness from studying, and also much pleasure from being with the children. 67 One Friday evening, the Literacy Corpsman came to my home and announced: "Mohammad Ali, the good news I have for you is a reward. The next time I go to Esfahan, I am going to take you with me." A few days later the Literacy Corpsman took me to Esfahan. When I returned from Esfahan, I had artificial legs! Now, with the help of a stick, I could make my way to the village square and wait for class to begin. Three years have passed since that time. I now am in the third grade. In three years, in addition to the complete change in my life, many changes in the village have taken place. We have a school; we no longer study in the village square. At night the men and women also study with the Literacy Corpsman. The streets Of the village are very clean. A bath has been built in the village. The people of the village work more and better. They try to keep themselves, their homes, and the village clean. The Literacy Corpsman taught all Of this to the people.97 At the end of the story, the editors of the textbook slip in this message: The By order of Shahanshah Aryamehr the Literacy Corpsmen have gone into the villages to teach all people, whether young or Old, to read and write. We give thanks to our Shahanshah and love him like a father.98 exercises following the story include: Questions: 1. Why is this story called "A Literacy Corpsman in Our Village"? . Why was not anyone able to help Mohammad Ali? . Why was there much excitement in the village one day? 4. Why did the Literacy Corpsman hold a meeting of the people in the village square? . Why did not Mohammad Ali attend class? 6. Why did the Literacy Corpsman say to Mohammad 2 3 Ali: "If I see that you are coming to class regularly, I shall try to do something for your legs"? 97 Farsi-ye Sevom-e Debestan, pp. 49-51. 981bid., p. 51. 68 7. Why did the Literacy Corpsman take Mohammad Ali to Esfahan? 8. Through the order of what person have the Literacy Corpsmen gone into the villages?99 Homework for the Second Night: --Write answers to these questions: 1. Why was not the pity of the people enough to help Mohammad Ali? 2. Why would not anyone play with Mohammad Ali? 3. Why did the Literacy Corpsman say to Mohammad Ali: "Your legs are burned, but your head is healthy"? 4. Why did Mohammad Ali say: "With a thousand tortures of my own, I crawled to class"? 5. What good news did the Literacy Corpsman bring for Mohammad Ali? 6. What change did the artificial leg make in the life of Mohammad Ali? 7. What changes did the Literacy Corpsman bring about in the village? 8. What changes did the Literacy Corpsman bring about in the lives of the peOple of the village?100 In order to facilitate the explanation and inter- pretation of textbook materials, the Ministry of Education has compiled teacher guide books for most of the chil- dren's textbooks. An examination of the guide book for fifth grade social studies reveals that each lesson is discussed and that the teacher is instructed on how to teach the lesson. Emphasis is placed on: (1) the goal of the lesson; (2) what the teacher should know; (3) teaching aids; (4) how much time to use; (5) the method of teaching; and (6) answers to the questions asked in the children's textbooks. 99 100 Ibid., p. 52. Ibid., p. 53. 69 Following is a summary Of the lesson plan for the chapter "Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, 'Shahanshah Aryamehr,'" found on pages 210 through 220 in the social studies text for the fifth grade (this chapter and one titled "Reza Shah the Great, Founder of the Pahlavi Dynasty" make up a unit headed "A Period of Honor and Pride for Our Country"): General Goal: 1. To familiarize children with the efforts and struggles of Shahanshah Aryamehr to preserve the independence and integrity of Iran. 2. To acquaint the students with the White Revo- lution and its good results. Information for the Teacher: This section lists seven significant political events or developments that have taken place in Iran since WOrld War II. The first two are: 1. In November 1943 President Roosevelt Of the United States, Prime Minister Churchill of England, and Premier Stalin of the Soviet Union held a conference in Tehran. Through the efforts of Shahanshah Aryamehr, the leaders issued a Declaration on Iran, in which they guaranteed the independence Of Iran. 2. In May 1949 the second Parliament was convened and it revised and passed Articles 48 and 44.102 101Iran, Ministry of Education, Rahnama- e Tadris-e Ketab-e Talimat-e Ejtemaie, Panjom-e Dehestan [Guide Book for the Social Studies, Fifth YearT TTehran: Textbook Organization of Iran, 1970), P. 190. (Herein- after referred tO as Rahnama:ye Tadris-e Ketab-e Talimat-e Ejtemaie, Panjom-e Debestan.ii lozIbid., p. 190. 70 First Session The course of instruction which follows is on the section of the lesson in which the efforts and struggles of Shahanshah Aryamehr to preserve the independence and integrity of Iran are described: 1. Review the material covered in the previous class session. Pass out cards to the students on which one or two important events or accom- plishments that have taken place during the reign of Shahanshah Aryamehr have been written. Instruct each student to read what is on his card and then to mount the card on the bulletin board in the front of the classroom. Explain the text for the students from the beginning of the lesson up to the section on the White Revolution. Of the cards mounted on the bulletin board, turn three of them over so that the blank side of the cards now face the students. Question the stu- dents about what is written On the cards and then write their responses on the blackboard. If the students are not able to give correct answers, then with leading questions recall the content of the cards for them. Turn over three more cards and ask the students to tell what is written on them. Continue to drill students in this manner until all cards have been turned over. In order to help the students understand better, ask short questions of this sort as starting points for class discussions: a. When Shahanshah Aryamehr ascended to the throne of Iran, what were conditions like in this country? b. What kind of difficulties did WOrld War II create for the people of Iran? c. What person more than any other person suf- fered the most from Iran's plight? d. After World War II did all of the Russian, English, and American forces leave Iran? e. Who established the Democratic Party, and what was their purpose? f. Who ordered the Imperial Forces to save Azarbaijan? 9. What happened on February 4, 1948 at Tehran University? h. After 1953, what things were accomplished in Iran? 71 7. Instruct the students to read the text in the classroom or at home. Any difficulties that they have in understanding the text should be discussed in class.103 Second Session: The course of instruction in this class period is designed to acquaint the students with the White Revo- lution of Iran and its good results. The steps of instruction are essentially of the same type as the seven noted for the first session. Answers to the Questions “Do You Know That": At this point the lesson plan gives the answers to the four questions found in the section "DO You Know That" in the student's textbook. To illustrate, the answer to the question "What kind of institution is the Pahlavi Foundation; what do the goals set out to do?" is: The Pahlavi Foundation is a charity institution. The goals and functions Of this foundation are: to improve public health; to expand culture; to ensure that social affairs are conducted according to public ethics; and to help the afflicted. For the fulfillment Of these goals, Shahanshah Aryamehr has turned over all of his privately-owned hotels to the foundation. Answers to "Answer These Questions": Finally, the lesson plan cites answers to the question section "Answer These Questions" in the student's textbook. For example, the answer to the question ”From 1953 until now what things have been accomplished?" is: l°3Ibid., pp. 191-92. 104Ibid., p. 194. 72 Hundreds of things have been accomplished: extra roads have been built; many dams have been created; education has been expanded; through the White Revolution, the political and social con- dition in the country has changed; and, among the nations of the world, Iran is regarded as the leader in the campaign against illiteracy. In Order To Acquire More Information, Refer to These Books: This section ends the lesson plan. The books listed are on the Pahlavi period and are recommended for increasing the knowledge of the teacher. The first three books are: l. Reza Shah Kabir by Shahanshah Aryamehr. 3. Mission for My Country by Shahanshah Aryamehr. . The White_§evolution of Iran by Shahanshah Aryamehr.1U5 Although the clarification Of textbook materials is the fundamental task of Iranian teachers, it is not sufficient in itself for transmitting the desired objec- tives. Accordingly, "The Detailed Program" suggests that teachers should carry out in the classroom a number of supplementary activities in which relevant ideas and values are given fuller expression and reinforcement. With respect to strengthening the child's knowledge, understanding, and love for Iran, for example, specific activities that teachers should engage in are: (1) sched- uling question-and-answer sessions on "our duties to the Shah, fatherland, and countrymen," "important historical events," "national ceremonies and traditions," "important losIbid. l061mm, p. 195. 73 government and private organizations," and "reasons for loving the Shahanshah, country, and people"; (2) conduct— ing group singing of the national anthem and native songs; (3) telling instructive and interesting stories based on episodes from the Shahnama and other national literature; (4) organizing children to listen to radio broadcasts on national events; (5) arranging for the performance of plays, puppet shows, and films concerned with national themes; (6) displaying pictures and draw— ings of people and places in Iran and of national heroes and historical monuments; (7) holding debates and lectures on current events; and (8) organizing children to give descriptive and narrative reports on national holidays and events.107 Besides explaining and interpreting textbook materials and engaging in supplementary activities in the classroom, the teachers, according to "The Pre- liminary Plan for Reform of Education in the Country," must also Observe special ceremonies and commemorate national days and events.108 One of the most conspicuous 107Ministry of Education, Barname- e Tafsili- e Dowre-ye Panj Sale-ye Ebtedaie, pp. 22-27, 87-89, passim. 108 This point is indicated by the sixteenth of the twenty principles upon which The New System of Edu- cation is based. The principle states: "In all edu- cational activities and school practices, a high degree of respect should be devoted to the glorious ancient traditions and customs of the Iranian people and the principles Of the White Revolution of 1963. The teachers, 74 Of the ceremonies is the "Morning Prayer." The Regu- lations of the Ministry of Education specify that the first order Of duty each morning in every school through- out Iran is the mass recital of a prayer for the welfare of the country and the Shah. Thus the teachers are obliged to organize the students en masse, preferably in the school courtyard where an Iranian flag is aloft, for a recitation of this prayer, which should be performed with the greatest protocol and graveness so as to make the proper impression on the children.109 Among the more prominent Of the national days that teachers should commemorate are the royal birthdays (Birthday of Shah Mohammad Reza, Birthday of Crown Prince Reza Cyrus) the pre-Islamic holidays (Now Ruz, Sizdeh Behdar), and the days of civic crises (Constitution Day, National Uprising Day, Liberation of Azerbaijan in 1946, The Sixth of 10 Bahman).1 For instance, to mark the 2,500 anniversary supervisors, and the principals of schools should be guided accordingly in their respective duties." See Ministry of Education, Tarh-e Moghadamati-ye Islah-e Amuzesh va Parvaresh—e Keshvar, p. 9T 109Thirty national days are officially desig- nated; of these, five are national holidays. In addition, there are annually sixteen official religious days; of these, ten are full holidays. The government emphasizes commemorating national days more than religious days. See Smith et al., Area Handbook for Iran, pp. 361-65. 110Personal interviews with principals and super- visors, Tehran, 1971-72. 75 of the founding of the Persian Empire in 1971, principals throughout the country were directed to instruct teachers to schedule, during the two-day official holiday for educational institutes, short plays and recitations on various aspects of Iranian history and culture, with special emphasis on the Achaemenian period, and also to organize children to listen to the inauguration cere- 111 Governmant leaders point out monies on the radio. that anniversaries and celebrations are very important in "these revolutionary days" because they enable the Iranian people "to look at our past and see how we have fared, what we were and what we are."112 Hence, it is not surprising to find that special ceremonies and national days and events are expected to be duly observed in all schools. Finally, in addition to classroom political socialization, ”The Detailed Program" indicates that schools must also carry out a program of extra-curricular activities aimed at promoting political training. Basi- cally, three types of extra-curricular activity are identified. First, schools should conduct field trips, for example: excursions to historical sites (local 111Personal interview with the principal of a private elementary school, Tehran, October, 1971. 112"Hoveyda Hails Iran's Progress,” Tehran Journal, January 9, 1972, p. 3. 76 monuments, museums) to create greater interest in children for Iran's historical heritage; trips to government agen— cies and offices (police station, post office, train station, airport) to acquaint children with the various services Offered by the government; and visits to social service agencies (nursery, orphanage, hospital) to stimu- late compassionate feelings in children and to awaken 113 Second, schools in them their social obligations. should engage students in general housekeeping duties (cleaning the classroom, caring for the schOOl yard) which aid in the development of desirable attitudes and habits, notably, responsibility, cooperation, and respect for work.114 And third, schools should maintain student groups aimed at character building and the promotion of interest in social and political problems, especially a student council, a student cooperative, and chapters of the Pishahangy (Scouts) and Shir va Korshid-e Sorx (Red 115 The latter two, which Lion and Sun) organizations. are government—supported organizations, command brief description here. 113Ministry of Education, Barname-ye Tafsili-ye Dowre-ye Panj Sale-ye Ebtedaie pp. 87-92. 114Ibid., p. 89. 115Ibid., p. 91. The importance of time spent on learning by practice from an early age the principles of self-government and cooperation on which two of Iran's development agencies--Village Councils, Village r: ...-e . MI- ~I{S~. J. 77 The Pishahangy Organization (equivalent to the Western Boy Scout and Girl Scout movements) came to Iran in 1926.116 Elementary school boys between the ages of seven and eleven are eligible for membership in the Shirbacheghan (Cub Scouts) branch of the Pishahangy Organization, while girls in this age group can join the Fereshtaghan (Angels) section. The boys wear a dark green uniform; the girls wear a blue one. Each branch has a book for the children, which explains the essentials of scouting and also includes songs and games. The ideological and moral aims of the Shir- bacheghan and the Fereshtaghan are indicated in the beginning "Articles of Instruction" for each group. The articles, as manifested in the Ketab-e Shirbacheghan (The Book of the Cub Scouts), are as follows: Cooperatives—-are suppose to operate, cannot be over- stressed in a country in which distrust and dependence are pervasive. 116The Pishahangy Organization was relatively inactive up until 1934 when the government instituted a national scouting program in order to channel youth activity along authoritarian and nationalistic lines. Following the abdication of Reza Shah the Great in 1941, the organization entered a twenty-one year period of inactivity. In 1963, after the Shah's proclamation of the White Revolution, the organization was revitalized. See Arasteh, Education and Social Awakening in Iran, pp. 80-83. 78 The Cub Scouts' Promise I promise to the best of my ability that I shall do my duty to God, the Shah, and the fatherland, and that I shall always be good and obey the Cub Scouts' Regulations. 17 The Cub Scouts' Regulations . A Cub Scout must Obey his teachers. . A Cub Scout strives to improve his unit. . The unit helps the Cub Scout to im rove. . A Cub Scout likes to do good work. waH The Cub Scouts' Motto "Strive!" Every Cub Scout must strive to do his daily work and the activities of his unit. - He must strive to understand new things. - He must strive to do his school work better. - He must strive to help others. - He must strive to be successful in the work of his unit.1 The Cub Scouts' Style ”Always be clean and happy." The style of a Cub Scout is always to be happy and clean. To be clean, to be happy, to live happily are the first and simplest rules that a Cub Scout must practice.120 The articles, as revealed in the Ketab-e Fereshtaghan (The Book Of the Angels), are given below: 117Scout Organization of Iran, Department of Cub Scouts, Ketab-e Shirbacheghan [The Book of the Cub Scouts] (Tehran: Scout Organization of Iran, Department of Pub- lications, 1970), p. 11. (Hereinafter referred to as Ketab-e Shirbacheghan.) 118 119 Ibid., p. 13. Ibid., p. 17. 12°1hid., p. 18. 79 The Angels' Promise I promise that I shall have faith in the one and only God, love my Shah and fatherland, and follow the natures of the Angels.121 The Angels' Natures Angels have four natures that they must always Show: Happiness - Courtesy - Cleanliness - Helpfulness.122 The Angels' Motto The sentence "Strive!” is the motto Of the Angels of Iran. Angels are always happy and smiling and full of joy and perfect health because they always participate in healthy and useful pastimes, different games, and necessary studies.123 The Angels' Style The style of an angel Of Iran is "to help others." An Angel Of the Scouts is always happy and smiling, never makes other people uncomfortable, and to the best of her ability willingly helps others.124 Although most of the activities of the Cub Scouts and the Angels occur outside of school, such as marching 125 in parades, hiking, camping, art craft, playing games, 121Scout Organization of Iran, Department of Angel Scouts, Ketab-e Fereshtaghan [The Book of the Angels] (Tehran: Scout Organization of Iran, Department of Publications, 1971), p. 12. (Hereinafter referred to as Ketab-e Fereshtaghan.) 122 123 Ibid. Ibid., p. 14. 124Ibid. 125The marching song of both the Cub Scouts and the Angels has the following lyrics: "We are joyful! As long as we are in the world, we will remain happy and free. Hey! 80 and making things, a few selected tasks are performed in the school itself. These tasks include directing stu- dents in street traffic, giving assistance to fellow classmates, supervising activities with primary classes (conducting games, taking them for walks), and hoisting the national flag.126 In addition, both in and out of school, the young scouts promote a wide range of govern- ment-approved activities, from the commemoration of memorial days and anniversaries to the popularization of the Persian language, from the planting Of trees to strengthening health and physical prowess. For example, in 1970, during the annual "Good Deeds' week" of the National Scouting Organization of Iran, the Cub Scouts and Angels, along with other affiliated branches, propa- gated and encouraged the habit of reading throughout the Always together, happy and cheerful, overfilled and without a care in a happy world. Hey! Oh you brave youth, until you are able, Pass your youth with joy. Hey! Hey! Hey!" See Ketab-e Shirbacheghan, p. 92; and Ketab-e Feresh- taghan, p. 30. 126Both Cub Scouts and Angels are obliged tO learn the following pledge of allegiance to the flag and to recite it on appropriate occasions: "I pledge my allegiance to this sacred flag which stands for the independence of my country. Long live the Shahanshah! Long last the father- land! Long fly the flag!" See Ketab-e Shirbacheghan, pp. 19-20; and Ketab-e FereShtaghan, p. 29. ‘41 81 country; each member donated a book to a local library and spent a few hours each day reading in a library.127 The Shah, honorary president of the Scouting Organization, has called the scouting movement the guarantee for the happiness, prosperity, and progress of Iranian society.128 In recent years, he has urged various groups and institutions, particularly those involved with education and families, to help implement the programs and principles of scouting in Iran.129 The Youth Organization of the Red Lion and Sun Society, of which the Shah is also honorary president, is roughly similar to the American Junior Red Cross and was established in Iran in 1947. The aims of the youth organization are: (l) to increase society's knowledge about personal and social hygiene; (2) to promote friendship and international understanding; and 130 (3) to serve humanity. Appropriately, the motto of 127Ka han International (Overseas Edition), December 5, 1 , P- 2- 128Ibid. 129Ibid.; and "Pretence in Education is Retro- gressive-—Shahanshah," Kayhan International (Tehran), December 26, 1971, p. 1. 130Youth Organization of the Red Lion and Sun Society Of Iran, Talimat-e Now Javanan [Studies for New Youth] (Tehran: Youth Orgahization of the Red Lion and Sun Society of Iran, Department of Publications, 1970), pp. 10-12. (Hereinafter referred to as Talimat-e Now Javanan.) 82 the organization is "service." To publicize its aims, the organization annually holds three national days-- Health Day, Friendship Day, and Social Service Day. On these days members participate in activities that reflect the aims of the organization. In order to emphasize service to humanity, for instance, on Health Day members pay visits and distribute gifts to charity organizations, such as hospitals, orphanages, and nur- series.131 As in the Pishahangy Organization, elementary school children are eligible for membership in the Now Javanan (New Youth) branch of the Youth Organization Of the Red Lion and Sun Society. The New Youth boys and girls wear the same colored uniform--dark navy blue suit--and use the same book of instructions. Basically, the book describes the essentials of the organization, first-aid skills, ways to prevent accidents, and ways to maintain good health. As a kind of rite of passage into the society, children take "The Oath" and enter into "The Contract," both of which are quoted below. The Oath I ask the Great Lord to bear witness, I swear on my honor that I shall strive faithfully to execute, to the best Of my ability, the aims of 131Personal interview with an administrator of the Youth Organization of the Red Lion and Sun Society, Tehran, 1972. 83 the Youth Organization of the Red Lion and Sun Society of Iran, which are to serve humanity.132 The Contract We are prepared and ready to serve faithfully the Shahanshah, the fatherland, the society, our school, and other people in the world. We believe that the health of the body and soul prepares and equips us for more and better service. We believe in goodwill among men and its advancement throughout the world. In becoming members of the Youth Organization of the Red Lion and Sun Society of Iran, we are prepared to take useful and effective steps in order to OOOperate with each other and with youth in other countries who also have entered into a similar agreement to pursue the high goals of world brotherhood and equality.133 The ideals Of the organization are not only expressed in its oath and contract but also in its song, which children are taught soon after becoming members. One stanza and refrain follow (the originals in verse): Whoever has a kind heart, will become the friend of the people. He will sacrifice his wealth and life, in order to ease the suffering of the weary. When one is sympathetic to people, The world will be sympathetic to him. If you want to please God, if you desire to follow the way of the noble, Oh, you youth in the world, 134 arise and become the friend of the people. Although the humanitarian and service ideal dominates the Youth Organization of the Red Lion and Sun and its activities, the organization is not free from ideological overtones. Members are expected to 132Talimat-e Now Javanan, p. 15. 133Ibid., p. 13 134Ibid., p. 29. 84 behave as morally responsible and ardent patriots dedi- cated to the building of a new Iran. As H.I.M. Princess Shams (younger sister of the Shah), president of the Red Lion and Sun Society, has put it, members of the Youth Organization must follow the lead of the Shahanshah, who, ”through his wise and enlightened leadership, is making determined endeavors for the country's progress and prosperity, . . . raising it to the levels of its ancient glory, and restoring its high standards of char- acter and ethics."135 In summary then, the Now Javanan section of the Youth Organization of the Red Lion and Sun and the Shir- bacheghan and Fereshtaghan branches of the Pishahangy Organization, in their articles of instruction, in their rituals, and in some of their activities, provide addi- tional political socialization to that Of the schools on the ideological and spiritual values that the government is attempting to transmit to the younger generation.136 135"RLSS Youth TO Expand Activities,” Tehran Journal, May 28, 1972, p. 3; and "Princess Sets Aims," Kayhan International (Tehran), May 28, 1972, p. 2. 136Of course, there are youth organizations other than the Scouts and Junior Red Cross that are attempting to instill government-supported values in children. One organization that has gained visibility in recent years is the Kanun-e Parvaresh-e Fekri-ye Kudakan va Now Javanan (The Center for the Intellectual Development of Children and Young Adults), which was founded in 1966 under the patronage of H.I.M. Farah Pahlavi, the Empress Of Iran. According to official pronouncements, the basic aim of this organization is to foster intellectual ta 85 Any evaluation of the extent of the political socialization effort described in the preceding pages, is, per force, limited. The lack of systematic first- hand evidence and accurate statistical data can be com- pensated only to a certain degree by an objective analysis of available printed information and data gathered through Observations, interviews, and "intuitive" listening to the rhythm of the culture in Iran during the 1971-72 school year. Nevertheless, certain conclusions may be drawn despite the limitations indicated above. First, in 1972, officials of the Ministry of Edu- cation freely admitted that, in spite of the tremendous development in the six to fourteen age group, by strengthen- ing good character traits, expanding knowledge, and develop- ing talents by means of reading materials and audiovisual aids. (Appropriately, the logo of the Center, a stylized bird, symbolizes light and life.) The organization operates a limited system of libraries, stationary and mobile, for children throughout Iran. An active program of services is carried out in each stationary library--regular story hours (focusing on the lives of great men, adventure, and fiction), weekly film shows (made especially for children), handsome displays, and art and music lessons. Puppet shows and study tours are occasionally organized to hold the interest of the children. Most puppet shows provide moral education for the young minds. In addition, the organiza- tion publishes a monthly newsletter, which reaches children in all branches. The magazine contains articles on authors, books, programs at the organization's branch libraries, and national events and letters written by the children to the organization's director. Although the libraries ostensibly serve the six to fourteen age group, they do not exclude youth after they reach fourteen. Membership is free, but the principal of the child's school must sign his membership card. Information obtained from interviews with staff mem- bers of the organization and personal observations of activities in various branches, Iran, 1972; also see Mary V. Gaver, "Good‘News from Iran," Top Of the News, 27 (April, 1971), 256-71. 86 growth of elementary education in recent years (enroll- ments in grades one through six reached 3.4 million in the academic year 1970-71 as against only 1.5 million in 1961-62),137 only about 65 percent of the total number of children of elementary school age (six to eleven) attended elementary schools in the 1971-72 school year. In addition, officials estimated that the proportion for rural youth in this age group population was pro- bably only 50 percent as compared to 90 percent for urban children.138 Actual statistics of the Ministry of Education published in July, 1972 revealed that the total number of children (including over-aged pupils) enrolled in the new five-year elementary schools in the 1971-72 academic year was 3,230,880. The overall enrollment figure, however, included slightly less than 47 percent (1,537,073) of the rural children, many of whom were probably past the elementary school age. Girls accounted for about 35 percent (1,537,073) of the total enrollment. And the ratio of girls to boys was 137Statistics Of the Iranian Ministry of Edu- cation reported in "A Chinese Look at Education," Tehran Journal, September 26, 1972, p. 6; and also in Cyrus Manzoor, "University Reform in Iran: Problems and PrOSpects" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Tufts University, 1971), Table 1, p. 4. 138Personal interviews, Tehran, 1972; also Annex 501.2 and 501.3 (a) in Iran, Plan Organization, Government Of Iran Educational Projects, 2 (Tehran: OctOber, 1969i} 87 lower in the rural areas (45 percent to 75 percent) than in the cities, and towns (45 percent to 55 percent).139 In other words, as transmitters of the desired values and beliefs, the schools directly reached less than two-thirds of the target population during the 1971-72 academic year and distributed the message around the country in very uneven patterns. The problem of instilling citizenship values extends beyond the student population. By definition, appropriate nationalistic orientations should come to be the property of all the youth, not just the few who make their way into and through the schools. But universal edu- cation is at least ten years away. In the annual Iranian Ramsar Educational Conference, which provides an occasion for reviewing progress and assessing various successes and failures in the educational fields, held in September of 1972, the Prime Minister of Iran, Amir Abbas Hoveyda, indicated that, perhaps, by the end of 1983 all Iranians Of elementary school age would be assured of a basic edu- cation.140 Ministry of Education officials further conceded in 1972 that, on the whole, elementary school teachers 139Ministry of Education, Amar-e Amuzesh va Parvaresh-e Iran, 1971-72, p. 5. 14o"Hoveyda Outlines Educational Achievements, Future Plans," Kayhan International (Tehran), September 14, 1972, p. 1. 88 had not yet attained "political maturity" and, in effect, were having little impact on the students. The Minister of Education appeared to be particularly disturbed over the inability of teachers to inform youth about con- ditions in the country which lead to "traitorous ele- ments." In a message sent to the country's teachers in May, 1972, following several terrorist bombing incidents in Tehran, the Minister voiced her concerns thus: When we hear that a youth, because of ignorance and lack of knowledge of the conditions of the country, is misled by traitors, we immediately think that we, the teachers and trainers, more than anyone else are responsible for this. We must once again endeavour, by stating the facts and enlighten- ing the children and youth, to make them aware of corrupt elements. we must be real trainers Of thought and spirit.141 In the same message the Minister pointed out that it was not sufficient for teachers just to give students lessons out Of a book, and noted that "this task could be done by means Of a machine." She emphasized that teachers were "real and irreplaceable," and urged them to mold themselves so as to fit into the national revolutionary times through which the country was passing. She con- cluded with these words: Teachers can and must be models of patience, kindness, faith, confidence and patriotism. They must not only be imbued with these 141"5 M. Children Return to Classes After Holi- days," Kayhan International (Tehran), April 4, 1972, p. 3. 89 characteristics themselves, but they must be able to transfer such outstanding traits to their pupils.142 The above official comments, considered in con- junction with other Official announcements and the investigator's own observations, would seem to indicate that the political socialization policies of the Iranian government have not yet been fully implemented. The most difficult result to evaluate, however, is the extent to which children absorb and retain infor- mation and values presented in the classroom and in extra-curricular activities. Observers of social behavior occasionally fall into the error of inferring the beliefs and attitudes of a group of people from the doctrines to which that group is exposed. This error, called the "fallacy of misplaced inference," is particularly acute when the observer is unable to get attitudinal data. Lack of such data, especially from school children, is the "fate of many commentators on the new nations."143 Fortunately, this study need not limit itself to inferences based on a content analysis of the political socialization effort. Some useful data bearing directly 142Ibid.; also see "Teachers Face Heavy Burden," Tehran JournaI, April 4, 1972, p. 3. 143These points are made by Kenneth Prewitt, "Political Education and Political Socialization," in Learning About Politics, Studies in Political Sociali- zatiOn, ed. by ROberta SigeI (New Yofk: RandOm House, I970), p. 619. 90 on the political orientations of Iranian elementary school children are available, and they will be presented in Chapter V. CHAPTER III SURVEY RESEARCH PROCEDURES In 1972, the political climate in Iran was not wholly conducive to Open investigation of all areas of study. SAVAK, abbreviation for Sazeman-e Ettelaat va Amniyat-e Keshvar (National Intelligence and Security Organization), watched for purity of attitude and guarded against the intrusion of what were considered hostile ideas; for example, criticism of the Shah and his family. These political controls were not clumsily apparent. Indeed, it was far easier to observe the effects of such controls than to observe the agent of control himself (Iranian friends who spoke on forbidden subjects, for example, would unconsciously lower their voices or look over their shoulders). Not unexpectedly then, some school Officials and personnel encountered in the course of the survey study were cautious. The Director General of Tribal Education, for instance, initially was extremely reluc- tant to allow the survey investigation in the tribal areas of Fars Ostan unless a letter of approval from 91 92 SAVAK was forthcoming, even though a research permit from the Ministry of Science and Higher Education and a letter of endorsement from the Ministry of Education had been presented.1 He became visibly agitated when at one point explanations regarding the nature of the study were advanced. But afterwards, having secured the letter Of sanction from SAVAK (through the intercession of the gracious Director of the Bureau of International Cooperation in the Ministry of Education), the investiga- tion was permitted in the tribal areas but, perhaps, not welcomed enthusiastically. Or again, a few teachers in an upper-class private school in Tehran reacted quite force- fully when attempts were made to solicit informally their political Opinions. One teacher said, "I do not want to get involved in anything political.” Another empha- tically claimed, "I am a teacher and not a politician. I do not want any trouble." These examples could be multiplied many times over, but suffice it to say that, in general, school officials and teachers were "guarded." Yet, the truth Of the matter is that Officials in the Ministry of Education were extremely helpful and 1In order to do this research, it was necessary to be screened by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, to Obtain a research permit from the Ministry of Science and Higher Education, to secure letters of introduction from the Ministry of Education, and, in some cases, even from directors Of educational districts. In addition, every three months, the investigator was required to file a report of her research activities with the Office Of International Relations in the Ministry of Science and Higher Education. 93 encouraging. SO also were most teachers and school principals. On numerous occasions, in fact, people went out of their way to make the climate for research as favorable as possible. Thus, when it was indicated to the principal of one village girls' school that optimum conditions for responding to the questionnaire included a large, well-lighted room with sufficient desks, con- ditions which not one classroom in the girls' school could meet, he immediately arranged to have the thirty- one girl respondents answer the questionnaire in a class- room meeting all the advantageous conditions in the boys' new building at the other end of the village. Discretion, nevertheless, was necessary. Iranian and American friends constantly "sounded mild alarms." Whether their admonitions were correct or not will never be known. Certainly they were belied by the conduct of most of the Iranian educational authorities and teachers known. Yet, the consciousness that an area of great sensitivity to the government was being inves- tigated existed, and care was not only wise but vital. For this reason, direct questions about a crucial aspect of political socialization in Iran-—attitudes toward and evaluations of the Shah—-were not asked. For information about this area, indirect questions were relied upon. Such then was the general climate in which the field research took place. 94 In the remainder of the chapter a description of the research procedures on which the survey inquiry of the study is based is given. It is divided into four sections: the questionnaire, sample selection, field testing, and data processing and analysis. The Questionnaire2 In planning the survey study, the original intention was to gather the data through two instruments-- a standardized questionnaire of the fixed-alternative type administered to all the children participating in the project and a partially structured interview schedule administered to a randomly selected sample of children (24 at the minimum). The latter, Of course, would have allowed children to give spontaneous and in-depth answers and thereby enhance the understanding of their political orientations. But several problems, among them lack of time, resources, and interviewers, precluded the use of the schedule. So the compromised solution arrived at was to collect the data by means of a standardized question- naire which presented both fixed-alternative questions and Open-ended ones.3 2The English questionnaire and the Persian trans- lation of it are found in Appendix B. 3A fixed-alternative (or closed) question is one in which the responses Of the subject are limited to 95 Actual construction of the questionnaire was pre- ceded by (1) a review of the "Preliminary Plan for the Reform of Education in the Country," which outlines the goals of the New System of Education in Iran and, as pointed out earlier, serves as a guide to the kind of citizen the schools are expected to produce; (2) an examination of elementary school textbooks (Persian readers and social studies and religion texts) in order to determine what political values, beliefs, and infor- mation, in fact, were formally being taught to children; and (3) informal interviews with a limited number of experienced elementary school teachers and two very bright fifth grade students (these interviews revealed some of the difficulties--vocabulary, format, 1ength—-that questionnaire procedures presented for Iranian children). After the interviews had taken place, the question- naire was drafted. Three considerations strongly influ- enced its construction. First, since the research dealt with young subjects, whose reading skills were relatively undeveloped, items for eliciting information and attitudes had to be appropriately designed. Second, since the instrument was not administered individually, it had to be intelligible and interesting to children from different stated answers; in contrast, the open-ended question is designed to permit a free response from the subject rather than one limited to stated alternatives. 96 socio-economic communities who, undoubtedly, varied in ability and motivation. (Pictures were used for some questions in order to engage children's curiosity and attention.) And third, since the information sought was political in nature, care had to be exercised to ensure that the content of questions was not controversial, that is, the possibility that some questions would touch on points of such sensitivity that the Ministry of Edu- cation would be reluctant tO sanction the use of the questionnaire.4 As soon as the English version of the question- naire was in a form that seemed reasonably satisfactory, it was translated into Persian. The translation was done by an Official translator (who, fortunately, was also an authoress Of children's stories) on the staff of IRPSE (Institute for Research and Planning in Science and Education.F The Persian version was discussed with several Persians--an educational psychologist, a 4An example of a question that it was not prudent to include in the instrument, since criticism of the mon- archy is not permitted, is the following item: "Which do you think is the most true? (Check one) If you write to the Shah he cares a lot about what you think. If you write to the Shah he cares some about what you think. If you write to the Shah he cares a little about What you think." 5The investigator was associated with this insti- tute while she was in Iran. Although IRPSE is an affiliate of the Ministry of Science and Higher Education, it is self-governing. 97 sociologist (both Of the latter were familiar with questionnaire language), a recognized elementary school educator, and a professor of Persian grammar. Some words and phrases, of course, had no exact parallel in Persian and had to be modified to make them as close as possible to the meaning conveyed by the English version. For example, the phrase "a good citizen" had to be trans- lated as "a good Iranian" since citizen (ahl, shari) in Persian means simply "townsman." Similarly, the expression, "government is like the weather" had to be rendered "government can do whatever it wants," since a literal translation would have been meaningless. In order to increase the validity and reliability of the questionnaire, two revisions were made of the first Persian draft (three extensive revisions of the English draft were made earlier) and one pretest was conducted (lack Of time prevented more pretesting).6 The pretest was administered to eleven third grade students (8 boys, 3 girls) and twenty-three fifth grade students (11 boys, 12 girls) in a private school in a middle class area of Tehran in March of 1972. Responses were analyzed, and then a revised questionnaire form was drafted in which the unsatisfactory items of the pretest 6Validity tells whether the question or item really measures what it is supposed to measure. It is distinguished from reliability, which refers to consis- tency, to Obtaining the same results. 98 instrument were dropped or altered. In addition to leading to modifications of the questionnaire, pretesting led to an improvement in the mechanics of administering it. Thus in the final testings, (1) each child was pro- vided with a pencil and an eraser; (2) the size of test groups was generally limited to twenty-five respondents (contamination through copying, talking, or asking questions was readily controlled this way); and (3) the instrument, item by item, was read aloud to the respondents (reading the questionnaire aloud ensured that all respondents answered the questions in the same order and that they all had the same amount of time to do so; moreover, it also met the needs of those children who might have had a reading problem). The final version of the questionnaire contained fifty-five items. The majority of the questions touched upon such matters as political information, images of national political leaders and institutions, nationalism, political participation, and behavioral characteristics (cooperation, altruism, Obedience, achievement-orien- tation, competence)--all topics of concern in the New System of Education. But questions regarding age, religion, ethnic background, and socio-economic status also were included. And since it is not necessary "to invent a new thermometer each time one ascertains tem- perature," some of the items and techniques were 99 adaptations of those existing in the political sociali- zation literature on children and adults, while others in the instrument were constructed dinovo.7 Sample Selection The purpose in the survey research was to inquire into (1) the degree Of political uniformity among city, peaSant, and tribal children; (2) the magnitude of inter- group and inter-sex political differences; and (3) those influences attributable to the elementary schools, spe- cifically grade levels, which have brought about changes in political orientations. Therefore, the research was originally designed to conduct the inquiry in a small purposive sample of city, peasant, and tribal schools that were relatively homogeneous with respect to numbers of children of each sex from two particular grade levels rather than in a cross-sectional probability sample.8 7Early‘in the project, Marvin Zonis of the Uni- versity of Chicago provided access to questions used in the national survey he conducted in Iran in the 1965-66 academic year on the "Attitudes and Values of Iranian Secondary School Students"; and Jack Dennis of the Uni- versity of Wisconsin made available a copy Of the "Cit- izenship Attitude Questionnaire #9" used by him and Easton in their study Children in the Politiqgl System: Origins of Political Legitimac and Hess and Torneyiin their study The Development 0 Political Attitudes in Children. Since no fund Ofiexperience from past survey research on children in Iran could be drawn on in design- ing the questionnaire, these two instruments initially were useful guidelines. 8Furthermore, the time and level of resources required in interviewing a random sample were not available to the investigator. 100 Specifically, the design called for six schools--two city schools, two peasant schools, two tribal schools-- to be selected and for two classrooms to be tested at the third and fifth grade levels in each school. The lower limit of the research population was fixed at grade three because it was feared that first grade and second grade children would be too deficient in a knowledge of Persian to read and respond to the Open- ended and closed questions of the instrument. The upper limit of the research population was set at grade five because it is the final year in the compulsory and free elementary cycle of The New System of Education. Although it was desirable to have representatives from the fourth grade, they were omitted to reduce, somewhat, the problems Of sampling. The city, peasant, and tribal schools that were accessible for use, however, varied greatly in size (total enrollment) and, hence, in the numbers of stu- dents Of each sex at the two grade levels of interest. It was not unusual, for example, to meet with tribal schools that had total enrollments of under fifty, seven or fewer students in the third or fifth grades, and no girls or only one girl in each Of these grades. Obviously then, it was not possible with the available pool of schools to select only six schools and be guaranteed of a sample that contained sizable numbers 101 of city, peasant, and tribal children of each sex from the third and fifth grade levels. Therefore, to obtain a substantially large research population that had the desired characteristics, it was necessary to aim for quotas of particular children and to select the respondents in a sort of "catch as catch can fashion" from many city, peasant, and tribal schools. Thus, 478 city children, stratified equally by sex and grade, were selected from (a) ten schools in Tehran, the capital of Iran, with a 1972 estimated popu- lation of 3,400,000 inhabitants and (b) five schools in Shiraz, the provincial capital of Fars Ostan, with a 1966 enumerated population of 269,860 persons. And with an eye toward avoiding major biases in the urban sub-sample, roughly equal numbers of respondents from different school environments--unisexual and coeducational schools and governmental and private schools--1ocated in the cities' upper, middle, and lower class areas, as judged by district school administrators and the investigator, were included (see Table 3.1). Two hundred and twenty- four peasant children, stratified equally by sex and grade, were chosen from (a) seven schools in six villages, located 45 to 100 kilometers north of Shiraz, with 1966 enumerated populations that ranged from just over 600 to 2,907 persons; (b) one school in a bakhsh (an admin- istrative district center) situated 100 kilometers south .102 .uoumuaumm>ca on» no duos» can muououumacflsoc Hoosom uoauumao uo nusoamosn so venom ..eems .muuanoo sauce unsucco Hmsmmunz no ouummunmmwu umwmmcmmummw “crustal res .mmms umnsm>oz .toauuaammm poeuummusuucaoo Houoa .mHooson can no mannaocqum he ooo«>oum amused“ acoaafloucmo a amwumnfiucca comm .cowuospouucH .pmon .noucx mmcausom mom cowuoasmom mo usmcmo Hchauoz .umucmu Hmoeuuauuum euaaeua .coeunuecumuo case .auuH one «new .a .Nsas .oucusaa :uuH "mmomsoma rue NNH sea use «NH Hmuoa em uu es un ea loo~.HO psom\.u>oo pupae pesos as m e e m “was. .puoox.>sum . em ms m s s Amen. .pwoO\.>aum pupae manta: lees mom. anthem me n nn e uu lens. uflusu\.u>oo run some me e m m N loam. .ptoox.>sua do a me o~ nu ma un lemme nephew.u>ou oe e~ un om uu ImNH HO reuse .u>oo oe uu ow nu om loses usom\.u>oo pupae umzpe oe nu ow un ow ..mmm.ac umom\.u>oo cw un om uu om lemo.~O usom\.u>oo as ou un ow nu Acme.~c uHu«O\.u>oo amuse tapes: loco.ooe.mc counts as as as as as lom~c .pwoO\.>eum ew m o m m Ao~mv .pmoO\.>aum em a m s G Iomav .pmoox.>eum pupae some: ee as we as ea loom. .pmou\.>eum Hugo mom Huwu Mom caucoEHHoucmv send Hoonom mMMMO sumwm cowuwmomEou xmm nmo naumum aficoHumHomomv huau A a \maanOncoom Hoonom owEocOOOOwoom xom can mouse coauomsmm no nepwusuo an Steam are to meeueaeoeuhum autmpsum seen no umaeaz H.m meate 103 of Shiraz, which served thirty-three villages with a combined 1966 enumerated population of approximately 9,914 persons; and (c) one school in a village, located 45 kilometers south of Tehran, with a 1966 enumerated papulation of 604 inhabitants (see Table 3.2). And 224 tribal children, stratified equally by grade but not by sex, were selected from (a) fourteen schools in fourteen villages, located 90 to 120 kilometers north- west of Shiraz, with 1966 enumerated populations Of 50 to 1,254 persons; and (b) one school in a village, lOcated 120 kilometers southwest of Shiraz, with a 1966 enumerated population of 1,150 inhabitants (see Table 3.3). To summarize, the identified total sample, as shown in Table 3.4, contained 926 children, stratified by sex (524 boys and 402 girls), grade (463 third graders and 463 fifth graders) and the three different community types (478 city, 224 peasant, and 224 tribal children), selected from thirty-nine schools located in two widely separated areas of Iran: the heavily populated urban Central Ostan bordering the Elburz mountains in the north and the densely populated rural Fars Ostan, approximately 963 kilometers away at the southwestern end of Iran. Clearly then, the respondents who par- ticipated in the study are not a representative sample of all elementary school children in Iran, nor even of 104 .mHoonom on» NO macmfiocfium an occa>oum nmusmam uncaaaoucmn “.moma .«sBEO maufiunsozmuom .mumm mucmumo oancaxmoz muumooz onucmHEmn m> Emz no Ou consumes Hmuuocwmuomv .Hmlmv .henmv .mm .AOFmH .uooouoo ”someway Hmmma Honemboz .mOmcoo Hmcowuuz .nHMMWMO oucH>oum on» GM mound waucoommmm mo OOAOMHpmom mom mauz mafia mvma sand .HEOEO whrwumfionmumm .muom oncuuno omracsxmmz muumooz onucNaEmn m> Emz .Houcwu Havaunflumum smwcouH .coflumuwcmmuo scam .coHH can «mm .m .Ao>ma .uon nEouomm "someway momma Hon60>oz .msmcmu Hmcowumz .oocw>ommnHmuucou paw ca mound Hmwucoonmm mo coaumHOOOMlmco meoz OBBL mend cons .aEOEO uwrwuceonmuom .ancxuuz oucnumo owrficsxnmz onus oz mlumawsch m> Emz .Houcou Hmowumfiumum cmwcmuu .OOwumecomHo scam .OMHH "mmUmDOmo «um mm mm mm mm sauce «N a nu ms nu leewc uHu«u\.u>oo ream.mc ransom crumm>utm mm e n as a lawn. .pmoO\.u>oO isom.~v anthem en en uu m nu l-~. mauaO\.u>ou leoe.mo pampsm NN uu a nu ea AmrNO mmom\.p>ow .eoe.~v pcu>am m~ un NH un Ha 1oo~c mmom\.u>oo Issa.~v tantrums MN 4 m N a Am-c .pooO\.u>oo lame.ac pmnmameue mm N m es e lomuv .pmoO\.u>ou lame. muaxpauptnpmmsenm m~ a as m s Acme. .pmoO\.u>ow lemme ramps «N e e e e io-v .pmou\.u>oo leaps resurgence HHHU mom HHHO hon ‘ lucmsaaoncm. anMO numwm chase cm«u«mogfiou xom mAcowuoasmomv ommaafi> H u a \Ownmuomcomm Hoosom xom can moose :Oauowamm mo maumuauo an hosum on» ca mcfiuumfiOHuuwm nucwosum ucmmmmm mo Honesz ~.m canoe 105 uomm mass .mmmmaaw> umnuo scum convafino mm>uom cmumo mmoNawb oco ON Hoocom d How mOON>Nom mumubwa ONNOOE can museums» mo uOmN>Hmmsm w an wouoENumm mucmEANONcm .ooucsoomao no: ma House mo huNNNnNmmoo may .mmusoo mo .mcoNuoNOmom Hanan cues mmmuHHN> ON mousoam ucmEANouco amen Now mucsooom manmnouo U .mooum 0:» ON OONONNBO Q .NNnNNN .NNuoN .aa .NNNN .NEOEO uNuwumeonmNom .muom Oncmumo mwuwcsxmoz muumooz ouumhwEMO o> 5oz ”mumoomm eNN NN NN NN ON Nance mN N mN N N NONNO .pmoO\.u>ou NemN.Nc nmNmmNos em N NN N eN NNNNC .poou\.u>ou NomN.Nc preteen NN N eN nu N iomNc .ouoO\.u>oo Neme.Nc repeaters eN N N nu nu NONI .pmoox.u>ou INNN. Npsermsammrma NN nu N nu m .va .pmoO\.u>oO NNNe. mNNomrrmmm «N N e N N Neel .pmoox.u>ou NNNNO Nemrrmm NN N N m N Acme .puoO\.u>oo .NGNO empNoro NN un N N N Ammo .pmoO\.u>oo NNNNO cptrouos o N e nu nu NONI .pmoO\.u>ou leNNO amutsnrmumx «N N N N N None .pmoO\.u>ou NeNNv NNNoNuNnrmNmm N nu uu e N INNV .pmoO\.u>oO NNNN. mummmnmNe N nu nn N e INNV .tmoO\.u>ou ANoNO xprmNms N nu e N N NNNC .pmou\.u>oo NNNV eternuuoonm N nu nn N e NNNV .pmoO\.u>oo ANNO Namnmuamenmmno N un N nu nu olNNv .pmoO\.u>ou Nome NchNtm HHNU mom HHNO mom AHGOEHHOHGNV MMMMW sumam phase cmNuwmomEOU xmm macoflumasmomv mmmNNN> xmm can moose \mwnmuoncomm Noonom coNuumNmm mo tNumuNuu Na Npsum 0:» aN maNumaNONuumm mucmpsum NtnNua mo amnesz N.N oNnos 106 all elementary school children in Fars Ostan and the Central Ostan. The readers, therefore, are cautioned that the findings reported in the following chapters speak Of the 926 students who completed a questionnaire; they do not necessarily describe larger student populations in Iran. Table 3.4 Number of Students Participating in the Study by Community Type, Grade in School, and Sex Grade and Sex . Total Community Type Third Fifth Cases Boy Girl Boy Girl City' 122 117 117 122 478 Peasant 56 56 56 56 224 Tribal 80 32 93 19 224 Total 258 205 266 197 926 Field Testipg The data were collected from April to July of 1972. During this period visits were made to (a) fifteen urban schools, ten in Tehran and five in the distant city of Shiraz; (b) nine rural schools in eight settlements, one in a village in the Central Ostan and eight in seven scattered settlements in the Fars Ostan: and (c) a Tribal Education Campsite in Fars Ostan9--a 9The investigator's travel to tribal villages and camps was restricted; therefore, the administration 107 time-consuming and arduous process but, in many ways, a rewarding one. In the cities and villages, in most cases, school district administrators provided letters of introduction to school principals, which briefly identified the nature of the research. These letters often permitted the administration of the questionnaire on the initial visit to a school. All testings were supervised, with research assistants, native-Persian speakers, presenting the instructions and reading the instrument, item by item, to the children while they followed in their question- naires and indicated their answers. There were four research assistants for Tehran and area. One, an edu- cational psychologist with some survey experience, was obtained from the staff of IRPSE. The other three were friends--an economist, a sociologist, and an elementary school teacher. For Shiraz and area, there were three research assistants. All were freely Obtained in of the instrument to tribal children took place at the site of the Annual Tribal National Teacher Training Pro- gram, a tent city at Gharehchaman in the desert, 72 kilometers northwest of Shiraz. Several hundred children from elementary schools located in many tribal villages in Fars Ostan were gathered at the camp for the ten-day program. Transportation to Gharehchaman and accommo- dations in the tent city were provided by the Director General of Tribal Education in Iran. ...! 108 Shiraz:10 a supervisor of secondary English language teachers from the Office of Education;11 a supervisor of Literacy Corps teachers from the Literacy Corps Office;12 and a supervisor of rural mobile library services for children frOm both the Office Of Tribal Education and the Institute for The Intellectual Development of Children and Young Adults. All Of the research assistants were given verbal and written instructions which emphasized that they were to read only the question and in no way to suggest a response. The assistants were very effective in their tasks and, in addition, in establishing rapport with the children and in coping with unforeseen circumstances. Valiant efforts were made to administer the questionnaire to small groups of children in spacious surroundings and in a relaxed atmosphere, and these efforts, for the most part, were successful. Thus children were generally tested in groups of twenty respondents or less and, wherever it was feasible, 10The Tehran assistants could not be recruited for work outside of Tehran. 11In addition, the Office of Education in Shiraz graciously provided transportation to schools in the city and housing for the investigator while she was doing field work in the area. 12In addition, the Literacy Corps Office in Shiraz graciously provided transportation to all eight villages sampled in Fars Ostan. 109 third graders and fifth graders were tested separately. (The ceiling of twenty-five respondents in a test group was exceeded only on five occasions.) Teachers and principals were frequently absent during the adminis- tration of the instrument, but, wherever they were pre- sent, they kept silent and did not appear to inhibit honest answers. All testing sessions included: (1) introductory remarks which stressed that "the questionnaire is not a test," ”no grades will be given for it," and "no one in school will see the answers"; (2) instructions which included a warning not to answer out loud and a directive to children to raise their hands if they had questions about the meaning of items or the spelling of names (when questions were asked, they were answered sotto voce); and (3) overseeing to ensure that the children answered all items and responded accordingly (checked one Option and not two when the question called for it). The time required for administering the question- naire varied noticeably with different kinds of test groups. Urban upper and middle class children (gen- erally from the private schools) and tribal children were able to complete the questions in an hour. Urban lower class and peasant children often required an hour and a half or more time. There was also a noticeable difference in the response patterns of the groups of 110 children; peasant and urban lower class children were less articulate on the Open-ended questions and more prone to answer "I don't know," while upper class and tribal children were the most articulate. Probably the most remarkable thing about field testing was the fact that children who had never before seen a questionnaire with a multiple-choice format were capable of understanding it. Data Processing and Analysis The processing of the material began in Iran and ended in the United States. Briefly summarized, the Iranian phase proceeded in this manner. First, question- naires were checked for completeness and accuracy during the period of data collection. As a result, the errors of "nonresponse" and ”inappropriate response" were markedly reduced in the data, and many potential coding difficulties were averted. Second, coding frames (clas- sificatory schemes) were designed and then assembled in a code book. In the cases where frames decided themselves--questions with fixed alternatives--the preparation of coding frames raised no problems. But where frames did not determine themselves automatically, establishing them generally was not an easy task.13 13To illustrate, answers to an open question like "What does it mean to be a good Iranian?" covered all sorts of points: education, Obedience, religion, morals, etiquette, patriotism, shahparasti (shah worship), and 111 Third, all questionnaires were coded (answers were allo- cated to individual categories in the coding frames). In order to expedite the process of coding, two coders, carefully briefed and supervised, assisted in coding the questionnaires. One coder was obtained from IRPSE; the second was a friend--the director of rural libraries for children of The Institute for the Intellectual so forth. Developing a coding frame for this question then required thought and could only be set up after an analysis of a representative sample of replies had been made and a pattern had emerged. Here is the frame that was finally developed: "1. Educational achievement: answers which emphasize the intellectual and academic achievements of an individual. For example, answers placed in this group would be: 'He is well-educated'; 'He does well at his studies.‘ 2. Obedience: answers which emphasize that an indi- viduaICOBeys laws, teachers, parents, and so forth. 3. Cooperation: answers which emphasize willingness to help others, the community, the country. 4. Interest in government and country: answers which emphasize an individual's attention and curiosity to the way the country is run. 5. Religiosity: answers which emphasize the impor- tance Ofia man's religious qualities, belief in God, following religious practices, and so forth. 6. WOrk ethic: answers which emphasize the willing- ness Ofithe individual to work hard. For example, an answer placed in this category would be: 'A man who does his job, whatever it is, and does it well.‘ 7. Patriotism and shah arasti: answers which empha- size an ihdividua s ove for his country and devotion to the Shah. 8. Ethics and ppoper conduct: all considerations of morals, manners, etiduette, honesty, truthful- ness, righteousness, goodness, cleanliness, kindness, and so forth. 9. Other. 0. Don't know; NO answer; Meaningless answer." 112 14 Finally, Development of Children and Young Adults. in order ”to move the data to the United States" and to prepare it for processing by computer, the codes from the individual questionnaires were transferred 15 In the United States the processing onto punch sheets. stage involved basically two operations: (1) punching the entries for each case on the punch sheets onto IBM cards and (2) programming the computers at Michigan State University for given operations. The analysis of the data was facilitated by the use Of CISSR (Computer Institute for Social Science Research) and SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences) data management and analysis computer programs; the former was designed by the COmputer Institute for Social Science Research at Michigan State University and the latter by Norman H. Nie and others initially at Stanford University. Two basic analyses were conducted: 14Coding responsibilities were shared in this way. The investigator coded all the closed questions and those Open questions with a few possible brief answers, while the other coders, both native Persians, coded fourteen Open questions whose responses were generally long and required a good deal of interpretation. (The investi- gator's coding frames and instructions for the fourteen open questions were translated into Persian by an Official translator at IRPSE. These translations were then discussed with another staff member and some revisions were made.) 15A punch sheet consists Of vertically and hori- zontally lined paper with the variables (responses to each question) across the top and the case numbers of respondents down the side. 113 first, tabulations of the responses of the entire sample to each question in the questionnaire; and second, cross-tabulations of almost all the items in the questionnaire with the classification attributes of community type (city, peasant, tribal), sex, and grade level (third, fifth). In the chapters that follow then, the analysis is restricted to presenting and discussing the overall distribution of the responses and presenting cross tabulations and comparing percentage distributions. Although the computer efficiently calculated the con- tingency coefficient and the chi-square significance test for all cross-tabulation tables, the nonrandom nature of the data does not warrant the illusion of scientific precision so Often created by reporting statistical tests. The percentages will speak for themselves and permit the readers to decide whether the Observed differences merit their confidence or not. CHAPTER IV CHILDREN'S BACKGROUNDS: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS We are laughing flowers; we are the children of Iran. . . . Abbas Yamini Sharif1 The previous chapter described the manner in which the city, peasant, and tribal children for the study were selected. But who are these children? Where do they come from, and what are they like? In this chapter, attention is directed to answering these questions. Regional Backggound Regionally, from where do the city, peasant, and tribal children in the sample come? As Table 4.1 shows, 79 percent of the city children come from the heavily and densely populated northern Central Ostan, and the remain- ing 21 percent of them come from the distant southwestern 1Abbas Yamini Sharif, "Children of Iran," Farsi Avval-e Debestan, p. 91. 114 115 Table 4.1 Regional Background Of City, Peasant, and Tribal Children Region Cigy Pea:?nt Tri:?1 T?:?l Central Ostan Tehran Shahrestan Tehran 79 -- -- 41 Village -- ll -- 3 Fars Ostan Shiraz Shahrestan Shiraz 21 -- -- 11 Villages -- 89 -- 20 Mamasani Shahrestan Villages -- -- 76 19 Firuzabad Shahrestan Villages -- -- 24 6 Total 100 100 100 100 N (478) (224) (224) (926) 116 Pars Ostan.2 Within the Central Ostan, the children are concentrated in Tehran Shahrestan and within the 22227 restan, in the nation's capital, Tehran; while in Fars Ostan, they are localized in Shiraz Shahrestan and within the shahrestan, in the pgpgp capital, Shiraz. Eighty- nine percent of the peasant children come from Fars Ostan, and the remaining 11 percent Of them come from the Central Ostan; in Fars Ostan, they come from scattered villages in Shiraz Shahrestan, and in the Central Ostan, they come from one village in Tehran Shahrestan. All of the tribal children, representatives of the Qashqai and the Mamasani tribes, come from Fars Ostan--24 percent Qashqai from a 2At the 1966 Census, the Central Ostan with a settled population of 4,979,081 million and a density of 55.9 persons per square kilometer (the average density for the country was 15.5 persons per square kilometer) was the most heavily and densely populated civil division in Iran. Pars Ostan with a population of 1,439,804 million and a density of 10.8 inhabitants per square kilometer, was the eighth ranking civil division in population and the fourteenth in density. Urban dwellers constituted 70 percent of the population of the Central Ostan; they made up only 38 percent of the population of Fars Ostan. National Census: Total Country, 1966, "Introduction,” page unnumberediand_§mith et al., Area Handbook for Iran, p. 80. It is interesting to note that in the 1971-72 school year, the Central Ostan, with 14 percent (3,907) of the schools, 25 percent (23,714) of the classes, 25 per- cent (26,465) Of the administrators and teachers, and 25 percent (859,601) of the student enrollment in the country, led all other ostans and farmandari kol in ele- mentary school education. Fars Ostan, among SIT civil divisions, ranked third in the number of schools and per- sonnel, with 8 percent (2,180) and 7 percent (7,203), respectively; fourth in the number of classes, with 7 per- cent (6,449); and sixth in student enrollment, with 7 per- cent (213,896). Ministry Of Education, Amar-e Amuzesh va Parvaresh—e Iran, 1971-72, p. 15. 117 few villages in Firuzabad Shahrestan, and 76 percent Mamasani from scattered villages in Mamasani Shahrestan.3 What advantages accrue to people, young and old alike, living in the cities of Tehran and Shiraz, as com- pared to their neighbors living in the villages of Tehran, Shiraz, Mamasani, and Firuzabad shahrestans? To begin with, the majority of the urban dwellers experience markedly better living conditions than most of the 3The Qashqai, the Mamasani, the Khamse, and the Kuh-Giluye are the four great tribes in Fars Ostan. The principle clans of the Qashqai, considered to be one of the largest tribes (500,000) in Iran, are the Amale, Dare- Shuri, Shesh-Boluki, Kashkuli-Bozorg, and Farsi-Madan. Twenty-four percent of the tribal children in the sample come from the Amale clan. The principal clans of the Mamasani are the Rostam, Doshman-Ziyari, Javid, Bokosh, and Fahliyan. Eighty-one percent of the sampled tribal chil- dren represent the Doshman-Ziyari clan and 9 percent, the Javid clan. For information on the manners and customs of the tribes, see Bahman Bahman-Begi, "Moeurs et Coutumes des Tribus du Fars (Orf-O' Adat dar' Asha' er-e Fars)," in Les Tribus du Fars et la Sédentarisation des Nomades, ed. by Vincent MonteiI (Paris: La Haye, Mouton etC C15, 1966), pp. 97-152; and Frederik Barth, Nomads of South Persia: The Basseri Tribe Of the Khamseh Confederacy (New YOfk: Humanities Press, 1964). Before Reza Shah, the Qashqai tribe, like many Of the Iranian tribes, was generally in dispute with central authority and noted for its aggressive and warlike behavior. Its leaders acted as local independent Chieftains. The tribe made frequent raids on caravans and villages. After several years (1922-32) of full-scale military operations and the imprisonment and execution of several of the tribe's leaders, the government subdued the tribe and placed it under the administration of the army. The tribe was given government-built houses and forced to follow a sedentary life. When Reza Shah abdicated in 1941, many members of the tribe returned to their nomadic life. Thus, there were indications in 1971 that many Qashqai tribesmen were follow- ing a nomadic life. However, most of the members of the Mamasani tribe appeared to be settled. 118 inhabitants in the rural areas do. For instance, as revealed in Table 4.2, at the 1966 Census: 1. Ninety-five percent of the housing units in Tehran and 82 percent of the housing units in Shiraz were built of kilnbrick or reinforced concrete and iron; the proportion for the vil- lages in the shahrestans of Tehran, Shiraz, Mamasani, and Firuzabad, where mudbrick dwel- lings predominate, was 14, 3, l, and 1 percent, respectively.4 2. Sixty-six percent of the housing units in Tehran and 85 percent of them in Shiraz had three or more rooms; the comparable proportion in the rural areas of Tehran, Shiraz, Mamasani, and Firuzabad shahrestans was 50, 49, 42, and 41 percent, respectively.5 4Mudbrick dwellings are virtual deathtraps when earthquakes, a frequent phenomena in Iran, strike. The earthquake which struck Firuzabad Shahrestan in the spring of 1972 left thousands of people dead, injured, or buried under ”heaps of mudbrick rubble." 5Not only did dwellings in the rural areas have fewer rooms, but the rooms more often housed more people. For example, in the villages of Mamasani Shahrestan, 34 percent of the households occupying one room had six or more persons, but in Tehran, only 19 percent of the households occupying one room had six or more persons. National Census: Tehran Shahrestan, 1966, p. 253 (table 42); and National Census: Shiraz Shahrestan, 1966, p. 60 (table 42). 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Nun .oml . . . . .mm .Anoms .uasma4 "saunasv as .moms uonfio>oz .saumaunasm saunas " asmsom aca casuasa om uo namcao sacowuaz .uausmu Haouumwuaum camsauH .comuasmmamuo sass .sauH “Ann .Nw .so .ms .h .m .H moanauv omlmma .ee .ms .ms .H .mm .mwas .suussou Hauos "unasau sasosvaz "mammoom mos van was wmm mam am «A mumxuo3 Haufludnowumd won «ma am amN whN wow va muwxuo3 cosponvoum va wed and med m¢a wmm mam muoxuo3 umauo .00H>umm Haossnoau .saGOummamoum mmsouo sowuamsooo quaz mam.mmm.o svm.es use.o~ msm.ms mvo.v~ Hom.mm ens.mmh su0>o a .aus osv casuassmom cm»0smam naumaunanm saumauzanm saummunanm caumaunanm panasnush scamaeaz sauwsm saunas nauunm saunas suucaou Hausa sanuo - passsucoo s.e osnas 121 Seventy-one percent of the housing units in Tehran and 83 percent of them in Shiraz had piped water: the proportion for the villages of Tehran, Shiraz, Mamasani, and Firuzabad shahrestans was 8, 2, l, and 0.6 percent, respectively. Eighty-three percent of the housing units in Tehran and 86 percent of them in Shiraz had electricity; the corresponding proportion for the villages in Tehran, Shiraz, Mamasani, and Firuzabad shahrestans was 13, 4, 3, and 4 percent, respectively. Furthermore, the residents of Tehran and Shiraz have greater availability of medical, educational, and recreational facilities than their rural countrymen do. To illustrate, in 1971-72: 1. The ratio of licensed physicians per person was 1 to 750 in Tehran, one of the highest in the world, whereas in the rural areas of Mamasani Shahrestan, it was an estimated 1 to 15,000.6 The ratio of secondary schools per school popu— lation of 14 to 19 years was 1 to 600 in Tehran, 6Iran Almanac, 1972, p. 535. According to a 1971 study of theiTran Medical Association, there were 4,474 physicians in the Central Ostan; of this number, 4,192 were established in Tehran. In Fars Ostan, there were 427 physicians, many of whom were believed to be prac- ticing in cities and towns. 122 but in the countryside of Firuzabad Shahrestan, the corresponding estimated ratio was 1 to 3,000.7 3. The ratio of cinema halls per person in Tehran was 1 to 25,000, whereas in Shiraz Shahrestan, it was an estimated 1 to 300,000.8 Moreover, the majority of the inhabitants of Tehran and Shiraz have easy access to numerous means of transportation and communication. In 1971-72, for example, while more than twenty public buses linked the residents of northern Tehran with the center of the city ten times daily, only one bus per week tied the villagers in Shiraz Shahrestan with the nearest urban area. And while all three media of communication--radio, television, daily newspaper--were readily available to a majority of Tehranis,9 this decidedly was not the case 7Ministry of Education, Amar-e Amuzesh va Parva- resh-e Iran, 1971-72, p. 15 (table lZY. Out of 033 secon— dary schools in the Central Ostan, 545 were located in Tehran. In Fars Ostan, there were 164 secondary schools, more than half of which were believed to be established in the cities. 8Iran Almanac, 1212, pp. 639-40. According to the Iranian Statistical Center, there were 137 cinema halls in the Central Ostan; of this number, 118 were located in Tehran. In Fars Ostan, 41 cinema houses were running, and almost all were believed to be established in the cities. 9Ibid., pp. 176, 190. According to the Ministry of Information, 80 percent of the families in Tehran owned 123 for practically all of the rural inhabitants in the shah- restans under study.10 Under these conditions, as might be expected, a majority (57 percent) of the city children in the sample indicated that they had all three media of communication--radio, television, newspapers--in the home; none of the peasant and tribal children made a similar claim. A majority (51 percent) of the peasant children, however, alleged access to two media-~radio, newspapers-- in the home, and a substantial proportion (40 percent) of the tribal children claimed availability of one media-- either radio or newspapers (see Table 4.3). Table 4.3 Number of Mass Media in the Home Reported by City, Peasant, and Tribal Children Percentage Who Reported City Peasant Tribal Total Three media 57 -- -- 29 Two media 30 51 13 31 One media 11 35 40 24 No media 2 14 47 16 Total 100 100 100 100 N (478) (224) (224) (926) television sets and 90 percent owned radios. All daily newspapers were estimated to have an average daily cir- culation of 300,000. 10The unavailability of numerous media of communi— cation in these areas was due both to lack of public facilities (for example, T.V. transmitters were not reach- ing most rural areas in 1971-72) and certain character- istics of the villagers themselves (for instance, poverty and illiteracy). 124 In 1971-72, radio was the primary medium of mass communication in Iran. Well over half of the country's estimated population of 30 million listened to the radio at home, in a friend's home, or in a favorite tea house.11 Significantly then, radio was the most readily available mass media for children in the sample; 95 percent of the city children, 77 percent of the peasant children, and 47 percent of the tribal children reported the existence of a radio in the home. Newspapers (dailies, weeklies, monthlies) were in second place, with 79 percent of the city children, 60 percent of the peasant children, and 18 percent of the tribal children claiming their availa- bility in the home. That conspicuously fewer of the tribal children reported access to both radio and news- papers than did peasant children is plausible, given the greater poverty of their people, which limited the pur- chase of even a low-cost transistor radio; the physical isolation of their villages, in the sense of travel time by usual means of transportation, from cities where news- papers could be purchased; and the illiterate status of the majority of their people in Persian, which made newspapers and even radio programs which were not in the local language useless.12 11Banani, "The Role of the Mass Media," p. 327. 12During the course of the field research, the investigator visited several villages in Mamasani Shahrestan 125 And beyond the advantages mentioned, the majority of the old and young residents of Tehran and Shiraz bene- fit from the availability of greater numbers of motivated, educated, and trained human beings than their rural neighbors do. For example, as Table 4.2 depicts, in 1966: l. Sixty-three percent of the population of seven years of age and over in Tehran and 62 percent of this pOpulation in Shiraz was literate: the corresponding proportion for the rural areas in the shahrestans of Tehran, Shiraz, Mamasani, and Firuzabad was 35, 17, 18, and 17 percent, respectively. 2. Twenty-eight percent of the literate population (seven years and over) in Tehran and 24 percent of it in Shiraz had attained secondary education; from which a substantial proportion of the sampled tribal children come. Travel time from Shiraz to these villages, located approximately 110 kilometers from the ostan capi- tal, required five hours of jeep driving over rugged terrain. (Conventional roads did not exist in this area.) Observations indicated that these villages were more eco- nomically deprived and less developed than the villages of Shiraz Shahrestan from which the peasant children were selected. Most of the villages which peasant children come from were near a regularly travelled road, and a few even had the amenities of a bath, mosque, and electricity. None of the tribal villages visited by the investigator and, according to a well-informed tribal teacher, none of the other villages which tribal children come from could claim electricity, a bath, or a mosque; and only one out of the fifteen sampled was in proximity of a regularly travelled road. Moreover, many of the older people in these tribal villages only understood the local 1anguage--Luri, Turkish» 126 the comparable proportion for the villages of Tehran, Shiraz, Mamasani, and Firuzabad shah- restans was 17, 4, 8, and 6 percent, respectively. 3. Fifty-eight percent of the economically active population of ten years of age and over in Tehran and 55 percent of this population in Shiraz was engaged in complex occupations; the corresponding percentage for the villages of Tehran, Shiraz, Mamasani, and Firuzabad shahrestans was 14, 10, 13, and 14 percent, respectively. Finally, not only do the majority of the dwellers of Tehran and Shiraz enjoy better living conditions, more availability of medical, educational, and recreational facilities, easy access to means of transportation and communication, and the benefit of greater numbers of better educated and trained individuals than most of their rural cousins do, but they enjoy these amenities and others in disproportionate amounts. And for the 10.5 percent of Iran's population who live in Tehran, the disproportionate amounts are conspicuously pronounced: Education 1. Twenty-one percent of the nation's secondary schools (with about 26 percent of the nation's students) are located in Tehran.1 13Ministry of Education, Amar-e Amuzesh_va Parva— resh-e Iran, 1971-72, pp. 2, 5 (tables 1, 4). In the 127 2. Twenty-four percent of all the Iranian literates live in Tehran.14 3. Fifty-two percent of the nation's private ele- mentary schools (with about 54 percent of the nation's students) are established in Tehran.15 4. Fifty-four percent of the nation's kindergartens (with 56 percent of the students) are found in Tehran.16 5. Fifty-seven percent of all those who have any college education live in Tehran}.7 1971-72 academic year, 545 secondary schools out of a total of 2,606 were in Tehran, and 305,543 secondary students out of a total of 1,140,995 were studying in Tehran. 14See Table 4.2. 15Ministry of Education, Amar-e Amuzesh va Parvaresh-e Iran, 1971-72, pp. 2, 4 (tables 1, 3). Out of'a total of 1,300 private elementary schools in 1971- 72, 675 were in Tehran, and out of a total of 231,930 private elementary students, 125,721 were studying in Tehran. 16Ibid., pp. 2, 5 (tables 1, 4). Out of a total of 431 kindergartens in the country, 232 were in Tehran, and out of a total of 21,237 kindergarten students, 9,726 were studying in Tehran. 17National Census: Total_Count£y, 1966, p. 19 (table 7); and National Census: Tehran Shahrestan, 1966, p. 51 (table 7). Of the 109,025 Iranians ofhboth sexes with any university training, 61,933 lived in Tehran. 128 6. Sixty-seven percent of all university students in Iran are studying in Tehran's institutions of higher learning.18 Health 1. Forty percent of all hospital beds are in Tehran.19 2. Forty-eight percent of all physicians live in the capital.20 3. Fifty-eight percent of all dentists practice in Tehran.21 4. In 1969, infant mortality was estimated at 40 per 1,000 live births in Tehran and 120 or more per 1,000 in the rural areas.22 18Iran Almanac, 1971, p. 549. 0: 76,340 students in institutions of higher learning in Iran in 1970-71, 50,937 were reported to be studying in Tehran. 19Echo of Iran, Iran Almanac and Book of Facts, 1970 (Tehran: Echo of Iran Press, 1970), p. 499. Of 27,424 hospital beds in the country at the end of 1969, 11,000 were concentrated in Tehran. 20Iran Almanac, 1972, p. 535. According to a study published by the Tran Medical Association on March 29, 1972, out of a total of 8,724 physicians, 4,192 were working in Tehran. 21523;. Out of a total of 1.290 dentists in Iran, 736 were in Tehran. 22Smith et al., Area Handbook for Iran, p. 154. 129 Communications 1. Twenty-nine percent of the nation's cinema halls are located in Tehran.23 2. Fifty percent of Iran's television receivers may be found in Tehran.24 3. Sixty-two percent of Iran's telephones are operat- ing in Tehran.25 4. Sixty-three percent of all the nation's passenger cars are driven by Tehranis.26 5. Sixty-six percent of all daily newspapers are published in Tehran.27 23Iran Almanac, 1972, pp. 639-40. According to the Iranian Statistical Center, in March of 1972 there were 412 cinema houses in Iran, 118 of which were in Tehran. 24Ibid., p. 190. In 1972, the number of television receiving sets in use in Iran was estimated at 1,500,000, half of which were in Tehran or its neighborhood. 25Iran, Plan Organization, Iranian Statistical Center, Salname-ye Amar-e Keshvar, 1351 [Statistical Year- book for the Country, 1972] (Tehran: 'February, 1973), p. 529. Of a total of 323,942 telephones in the country, 214,939 were operating in the Central Ostan. Of the total in the ostan, an estimated 200,000 were operating in Tehran. 26Iran Almanac, 1971, p. 493. Of 290,000 passenger cars (private and taxis and cars on hire) in Iran in 1971, an estimated 185,000 were in Tehran. 27Iran Almanac, 1972, p. 176. According to the Ministry of Information, nineteen out of a total of twenty-nine dailies were published in Tehran in 1971. 130 6. Ninety-eight percent of all weekly magazines are published in Tehran.28 Education, health, communications--these and other amenities of life, then, accrue disproportionately to a majority of the dwellers of Tehran. They also accrue disprOportionately, but to a lesser extent, to the inhabitants of Shiraz. Thus, the people, young and old alike, residing in the villages of Tehran, Shiraz, Mamasani, and Firuzabad shahrestans, live in an environ- ment that has distinctively less to offer and, as a consequence, they receive less. Family Background Being residents of Tehran and Shiraz usually means being members of households that are already amenable to the contemporary world. For one thing, members of households are more likely to be literate: whereas over four-fifths of the households in Tehran and Shiraz at the 1966 Census had one or more literates, less than two-thirds of the households in the villages of Tehran Shahrestan, and less than half of them in Shiraz, Mamasani, and Firuzabad shahrestans could claim literate members (see Table 4.4). Similarly, heads of households are more likely to be literate and to have zsgggg. Twenty-eight out of a total of twenty- nine weekly magazines were published in Tehran in 1971. 131. .aauasou on vase ouonfiafi ssa you .GOuuscuuaa an» on mssauoooa .aans .usaafi samsocsum wsa mausomxa assuanm wsa moasm ago as mcwasmou asasau>uaaw saum>am uo oso mo mumsusoo asonaason oua>aum 4a .uouamsumo>cs man an amusmfioo momausooumm "msoz .ssa .ae .se .se nosnnao aas .sas .aa .aa .nn .aaas .anunonmnna annnssmmm amfimcmu HMflOfiuaz mafia “Amm smfi .hv Tue mmflflmuv Nb .mw .mm .mm .mm smooH sdmummuflmsmm Manama: nmfimcwo Hacoaumz uIsa .ae .se .se nosnnuo sas .aas .ass .ass .aas .eas .aes .ses .na .aaas .cnanonanaa wnssaa "nonnmo snnosunz n.sa .ae .se .se nosnnuv sos .aos .aas .sas .ass .sss .sas .aes .mn .aaas .nsaamnanna saunas “asnono snoosunz «Asa .ae .se .se nosnnwo aas .sas .ass .sss .on .aaas .auwasoo snuoa “noncoo sncosunz namomooa wae was was wes waa wa ws nuaxsoz snnowsoossas was wss wa was was wse wse nunxuos cosuosaous was wss wa wss was wsa wsa numxuos uanuo .aos>uam .saousnoau .saGOsamauoum amsouo ecsuamsooo uOnaz ass.seo.e oaa.a sss.ss sss.ae oss.as sas.se sao.aae momma aososmsm sauce woe wss was wes wsa wse wse sunssns was ws ws wa wss wss was ausacooma wa.o wa.o ws.o ws.o ws wa wa ausnum>sao coswnusam unmaasa sss.sas.s ooa.s ass.s ssa.s aaa.s sso.as ose.sss manna munumuss sauce was was was was wss wsa waa can: munsmwss wae was wse was wsa wsa wsa nmunsouss ones so ago oss.aso.a sas.ss eea.as aso.ea aas.as aea.sa aaa.aaa nasononoom nua>sss sauce caumounasm saummunanm saummunanm caummunanw UMQMNSHHW ..HCMmMEMz NMHfifim ghfimfi Nflhflfim fihfimfi suusdoo sauna cans: snoncmo aaas as» use 0200 nosassno Hansus wsa .usamamm .susu nosnz Sou“ msosmam as ampsonomsom mua>sum mo mosumsuouoauano pauoasam e.e manas 132 experienced modern education;29 while in 1966 more than half of the heads in Tehran and Shiraz were literate, and more than three-fifths of them had modern education, less than one-fourth of the heads in the rural areas of Tehran, Shiraz, Mamasani, and Firuzabad shahrestans were literate, and less than two-thirds of them in Tehran Shahrestan and one-third of them in the remaining shah: restans had modern education. And, as can be seen in Table 4.4, significantly smaller proportions of the rural heads had attained secondary and university education 30 than their urban counterparts had. In addition, household heads in Tehran and Shiraz are more likely 29Modern education is here defined as formal schooling at public or private elementary, secondary, or higher institutions of learning in Iran or abroad. 30Undoubtedly, family poverty and lack of higher educational facilities were more salient factors in limit- ing the attainment of higher education for the rural heads than the urban heads. In the mid-sixties, the findings of an opinion poll disclosed that in rural areas about 45 percent of the boys did not seek more education because of poverty. After reaching a degree of physical fitness, most village boys left school to help the family either on the land, or through gainful employment. See UNESCO, ”The Problem of Educational wastage," Bulletin of the UNESCO Regional Office for Education in Asia, I (Bangkak: March, 1967), 54. As regardsgfacilities, the majority of higher education institutions were and con- tinue to be located in the urban areas. In the 1971-72 academic year, for instance, 71 percent of the secondary schools in the country (with 87 percent of the students) were located in the cities. Ministry of Education, Amar-e Amuzesh vg_Parvaresh-e Iran, 1971-72, pp. 2, 5 (tables 1, 4). Thefigures given were that 1,852 secon- dary schools out of a total of 2,606 were in the cities, and 992,567 students out of a total of 1,140,995 were studying in the cities. 133 to be engaged in modern, complex occupations; of the employed heads in these cities in 1966, over half were professional, technical, administrative, and related workers, compared to less than one-fifth in the rural areas of each of the shahrestans in the study (see Table 4.4). Given these conditions, it would be natural to expect that a substantial majority of the city children in the sample would have literate fathers, fathers with modern educations, and fathers employed in complex occupations, and that significantly fewer of the peasant and tribal children would have fathers with similar characteristics. In general, the children's responses to three items in the questionnaire corroborate these expectations. When asked "Can your father read and write?," an overwhelming 81 percent of the city children replied that he could, compared to 41 percent of the peasant children and 51 percent of the tribal children. Or, when asked about the educational background of their father, 67 percent of the city children indi- cated that their fathers had modern education, as opposed to 28 percent of the peasant children and 50 percent of the tribal students. Moreover, as may be noted in Table 4.5, 36 percent of the fathers of city children had gone beyond elementary school; in fact, 20 percent had attained university training (an accomplishment which 134 Table 4.5 The Educational Level of Fathers of City, Peasant, and Tribal Children Educational City Peasant Tribal Total Level of Father (%) (%) (%) (%) University (1+ years) 20 l 1 11 Secondary (6 years) 11 l 2 6 Secondary (1-5 years) 5 -- -- 3 Elementary (6 years) 25 16 20 22 Elementary (1-5 years) 6 10 27 12 Maktab l 5 -- 1 No education 16 54 45 32 Don't know 15 13 4 12 No response 1 -- l 1 Total 100 100 100 100 N (478) (224) (224) (926) NOTES: The actual text of the question read: "Up to what class did your father study? --Up to the sixth class of the elementary --He has a diploma --He went to the university --He did not go to school --I don't know" Since in the final testing, many respondents wrote in such answers as "two years of elementary," "eight years," and "maktab" (the traditional religious primary school), new categories were created for these responses. Here, as in the following pages, the text of the question given is the translation of the text of the question in the Persian version of the testing instrument; therefore, the text of items introduced in the narrative of the study may not coincide with the text of items in the English questionnaire found in Appendix B. 135 only 2 percent of the Iranian population at the 1966 Census could assert), as contrasted with 1 percent of the fathers of the peasant children and 1 percent of the tribal children's fathers. Or, again, when asked "What is your father's main job?,” 59 percent of the city children indicated that their fathers were engaged in professional, technical, administrative, and related occupations, as opposed to 6 percent of the peasant chil- dren and 8 percent of the tribal children (see Table 4.6). An overwhelming 83 percent of the tribal fathers were in agricultural occupations, compared to 41 percent of the peasant fathers. Nearly half of the peasant fathers (49 percent) were reported to be in production and related occupations.31 Grouping the occupations of the fathers for social class, as Table 4.6 shows, places a near majority (46 percent) of the city children in the middle class, more than a third of them (37 percent) in the lower class, and slightly more than one-tenth of them (13 per- cent) in the upper class. On the other hand, as would be expected, an overwhelming majority of the peasant and tribal children, 90 percent and 92 percent, respectively, fall into the lower class, less than 10 percent of them 31A cement plant, sugar factory, fertilizer plant, and brick factory were in proximity of more than half of the villages from which the peasant children were sampled. 136 Table 4.6 Social Class of City, Peasant, and Tribal Chil- dren, by Father's Occupation . City Peasant Tribal Total Soc1al Class (%) (%) (%) (%) Upper Class High level government, military, or business worka 2 -- -- 1 Professional 11 -- l 6 Total 13 -- l 7 Middle Class Middle level government, military, or business workb 21 1 1 11 Low level government, military, or business workc 25 5 6 16 Total 46 6 7 27 Lower Class Skilled, semi-skilled 23 19 5 18 Unskilled 13 30 4 15 Agricultural worker I 41 83 30 Total 37 90 92 63 No response 4 4 -- 3 TOTAL 100 100 100 100 N (478) (224) (224) (926) aFor example: "Minister of Labor"; "general in the army"; "owns a factory"; "Director of National Iranian Oil Company." bFor example: "principal"; "secondary school teacher"; "captain"; "manages a department store”; "exports carpets." cFor example: "customs clerk”; "elementary school teacher"; "soldier": "shop keeper.” NOTE: When children's responses were general-- "in the army," "in the government"--a subjective judgment was made about the social class level of the occupation, taking into consideration the educational attainment of the father and the socio-economic status of the area from which the child was drawn. Social class designations, therefore, should be viewed with some caution. 137 fall into the middle class, and none of them can be designated as upper class. From the foregoing discussion, then, it should be apparent that a marked social dichotomy exists between the city children and the peasant and tribal children in the sample. To generalize boldly, city children in the sample are middle and upper class, with literate and educated fathers; peasant and tribal children are lower class, with largely illiterate and uneducated fathers. The Children But what about the children themselves? What are they like? A partial answer may be obtained from Table 4.7 where age, sex, religion, and language data for the city, peasant, and tribal groups are presented. There it may be seen that the city school children tend to be younger than the peasant and tribal school children. Whereas 76 percent of the city children are of elementary school age, six to eleven years, only 56 percent of the peasant children and 49 percent of the tribal children are in this age group. Given the fact that significantly more of the urban six to eleven population than the rural six to eleven population has been attending school, this age distribution in the sample is not unexpected. In the regions under study, for example, as early as 1966, 91 percent of the children of six to eleven years in Tehran and Shiraz were receiving elementary schooling, in 138 Table 4.7 Age, Sex, Religion, and Language of City, Peasant, and Tribal Children City Peasant Tribal Total (’15) (’3) (‘3) (’3) Characteristic Age (years) 9 or less 36 22 14 27 10 18 l6 17 17 ll 22 18 18 20 12 17 28 23 21 13 4 ll 8 7 14 or more 2 5 l9 7 No response 1 -- l 1 Total 100 l00 100 100 Sex Boy 50 50 77 57 Girl 50 50 23 43 Total 100 100 100 100 Religion Muslim. 93 96 99 95 Christian 1 -- -- 1 Jewish 1 -- -- l Zoroastrian 1 -- -- l Bahai 2 3 -- 1 Other 1 -- 1 1 No response 1 1 -- -- Total 100 100 100 100 Language Persian 97 100 12 77 Luri -- -- 75 18 Turkish 1 -- l3 4 Armenian l -- -- 1 German, French 1 -- -- -- Total 100 100 100 100 N (478) (224) (224) (926) 139 contrast to 68 percent in rural Tehran Shahrestan and slightly more than a third of this age group in each of the shahrestans of Shiraz, Mamasani, and Firuzabad (see Table 4.8). Why should this have been so? As with higher educational facilities, the distribution of ele- mentary schools in Iran has tended to favor the urban areas, thus making it possible for children in the cities to enter school at age six. Conversely, the lack of ele- mentary schools in the rural areas of the country has necessitated school entry at an older age. And, although progress has been made in providing elementary facilities in the rural areas since the mid-sixties,32 according to official estimates, as noted in Chapter II, in 1971-72 there were still some 1,392,000 elementary school age children in the rural areas-~a figure representing nearly 50 percent of the total rural six to eleven population in the country--who were without educational facilities. In sex, the city and peasant students in the sample are half male and half female: while the tribal students are roughly three-quarters male and one-quarter female. The male-female distribution among the city 32For example, in 1961 only about 39 percent of the elementary school enrollment represented students in the rural areas, but in 1971 rural enrollments on this level rose to 48 percent. Moreover, nearly 84 percent of the 26,024 elementary schools in Iran in 1971 were in the rural areas. See Smith et al., Area Handbook for Iran, p. 169; and Ministry of Education, Amar-e Amuzesh va Parvaresh-e Iran, 1971-72, pp. 2, 5 (tahles l, 4). 1140 .uouamsuaa>ss ass sn vausmeoo mamausaouam ”msoz .sa osnnuw os .n .aaas .cnanonssna unanssusm "msmsao Hasowuaz “Am aanafiw mm .mv .saumausasm saunas .mm .mwma .saumausasm sauusm “msmsau sasosuaz “Am assauv ms .m .aams mNuussoo sauos umflmcmu HMGOflHMZ m "mamsau sasosuaz asa “hm aHmauv om .m .amms .saumausasm ssamaaaz 1a asamwo ea .sa .nm .aaas ”asasao sasowuaz "mmomaom won wss was mes smm wom mom passousm msh.mmm.s moh.m osm.m eea.as th.m omo.ms hHO.MhH A.mu> as I he sosuassmom.asafias sauos smw wsm wsm wnm wsa wsa wsa passousm mmm.mem.s sev.v mo~.h mh~.- mmm.a msm.ms omm.mhs A.aus as I 5v oosunssmos wsa: sauce wmm wss was was was awe wme masaEam wma wmm was wsa wsa wsa wsm masaz mmv.smh.s eah.~ mon.e mne.es msm.m emo.em mmm.msm A.mus Ha I by sOsuaHsmom oaHHousm mom wen wmm wen «ma wsa wsa aaasousm mem.aem.m ses.m msm.ms who.nv mam.ms mmv.nm 5mm.~mm s.uus as I by soauassmom amd Hoosom msm.mso.m~ esm.sm hsm.em mo~.s>~ mmm.om mam.amm omn.ash.~ sOHuassmom Hauos saumausasm saumausasm saumausasm sauaausasw panassusm usamasaz saussm saunas saussm saunas suussou Hausa sanua Aasmsao moms as» uav ano sauassso sansus wsa .usamaam .susu soss3_aouw msowmam su sesuassmom ass Hoosom an aosaasauu< Hoosom suausafiaam m.v asnas 141 students is nearly representative of the national appor- tionment in the 1971-72 school year; of the enrolled public and private urban students (including over-age pupils), 55 percent were males and 45 percent females. Similarly, the male-female ratio among the tribal children also approaches the 1971-72 national figures: of the total enrolled tribal students, 82 percent were boys and 18 percent were girls. On the other hand, the sex rate among the peasant students is grossly unrepresentative of the national distribution; of the enrolled peasant children (in government schools), 75 percent were males and 25 percent females (see Table 4.13).33 Although there have been increases in female ele- mentary enrollments in the rural areas in recent years, girls' education continues to lag dramatically behind that of boys (see Table 4.8). Why should this be the case? Quite clearly, two explanations seem reasonable. First, many rural families keep young girls at home to assist in performing chores or, more importantly, to make an economic contribution to the family. Among the Qashqai and Mamasani tribes, for example, where rug weaving (always by hand) is an important economic activity, girls are looked upon as economic contributors, 33It should be noted that since sex was a variable of interest in the study, an effort was made to equalize the sexes in the city, peasant, and tribal groups: thus, the distribution of the sexes in each group in Table 4.7 reflects this effort. 142 and, therefore, only about 10 percent of them may attend school.34 Second, in adherence to the social norms, many rural families do not send their daughters to school because they do not want them to attend coed- ucational schools or schools with male teachers, both of which are in the majority in the rural areas (see Tables 4.11 and 4.13). Indeed, when elementary schools were first established for the Qashqai tribe, the more traditional families would not at first permit girls to attend with the boys.35 With respect to religion, the city, peasant, and tribal children in the sample are basically unified. As Table 4.7 depicts, 93 percent of the city children, 96 percent of the peasant children, and 99 percent of the tribal children are Moslems. The great preponderance of Moslems among the urban and rural children in the sample is matched by the preponderance of Moslems in the urban and rural population at large. The percentage for the rural area in 1966 was 99.7 and in the urban area, 34Interview with tribal teacher, Shiraz, July, 1972. Contrary to legislation which forbids the employ- ment of children under the age of twelve, child labor is common, but mainly in the sense of children assisting their parents-—in making rugs, fetching and carrying, and so on. 35Clarence Hendershot, "White Tents in the Moun- tains: Report on the Tribal Schools of Fars Province" (U.S. AID/IRAN: Communications Resources Branch, 1965), p. 12. (Hereinafter referred to as Hendershot, "White Tents in the Mountains.") 143 it was 97.8.36 Since most of the religious minorities in Iran are located in the cities, with disproportionate 37 it is not unusual to find numbers of them in Tehran, that a significantly greater percentage (6 percent) of the city children than the peasant (3 percent) and tribal children (1 percent) indicated that they are members of a religious minority. And interestingly, of the city and peasant children who claimed membership in a minority religion, most of them noted the Bahai faith, the dis- sident Islamic sect which is not officially recognized as a religion.38 Although the city, peasant, and tribal children are unified in their professions of religious belief, they are not linguistically. When asked "What language do you speak in the home?," 97 percent of the city group and 100 percent of the peasant group responded "Persian," 36National Census: Total Country, 1966, pp. 14- 15 (table 5). 37In 1966, Tehran had 65 percent of all Iranian Jews (39,707 out of 60,683), 47 percent of all Zoroastrians (9,353 out of 19,816), 67 percent of all Armenians (72,122 out of 108,421), 50 percent of all Assyrians (10,125 out of 20,344), 54 percent of all other Christian denominations (11,034 out of 20,662), and 40 percent of all other religious affiliations (30,515 out of 77,075). National Census: Total Country, 1966, p. 13 (table 5); an National Census: Tehran Shahrestan, 1966, p. 49 (table 5). 38Significantly, there is no code category for the Bahai religion in the 1966 census data on religious affil- iations, even though estimates for the number of Bahais in Iran far exceed 50,000. 144 but only 12 percent of the tribal children replied that Persian is their home language. Instead, as Table 4.7 shows, 75 percent of the tribal children indicated that they speak Luri, the language spoken by most Mamasani tribesmen, and 13 percent of them indicated that they speak Turkish, the language spoken by the majority of the Qashqai tribe. In general, minority languages are not tolerated in Iran, even though many exist, and substantial pro- portions of the population of the country are users of them (see Table 4.9). The policy of the government since the time of Reza Shah the Great39 has been to achieve linguistic unity by forcibly assimilating the national minorities. Thus, in contemporary Iran, schools, even at the elementary level, in a minority language are forbidden. So are publications of books and newspapers, and radio and television programs in these languages.40 Yet despite the efforts of the 39Reza Shah's nationalistic ideology was founded not only on a historical consciousness inspired more by pre—Islamic rather than Islamic traditions, but also on "Aryan" racial pride and on the Persian language as a unifying factor. 4oThree minority languages, to be fair, are tol- erated: Armenian, Assyrian, and Arabic. Both Armenians and Assyrians, being Christians, are regarded as immune to assimilation attempts. They are allowed to have their own schools and to publish books and magazines in their own language. The Arabic language, of course, is highly regarded. It is taught in all Iranian schools. But the tolerance of these languages are exceptions. Turkish, 145 Table 4.9 Major Languages of Iran by Number of Individuals Speaking the Language (at the 1966 Census) Individuals Speaking Language Number Percentage Turki 4,190,751 16.7 Kurdi 1,500,000 6.0 Luri/Bakhtiari 2,000,000 8.0 Mazandarami 1,843,388 7.4 Gilahi 1,754,650 7.0 Baluchi 500,000 2.0 Arabic 500,000 2.0 Armenian 108,421 0.4 Assyrian 20,344 0.1 Total 12,417,554 49.6 Persian 12,661,369 50.4 Total 25,078,923 100.0 SOURCES: National Census: Total CountryL'l966, p. 13 (table 5); Smith et al., Area Handbook for Iran, pp. 80-82, 89-104; and Iran Almanac, 1972, pp. 529, 580-81. 146 government to suppress minority languages, they continue to be used--as witnessed in the children's responses. Apparently, many minority groups have not been assimilated with the Persians to the point of giving up use of their language. In short, the attributive characteristics pre- sented above indicate serious differences between the sampled children in age, sex, and language usage: (1) the tribal and peasant school children tend to be older than the city school children; (2) the city and peasant children speak Persian in the home, but the tribal children speak a minority language; and (3) while males and females are equally represented among the peasant and city children, males are overwhelmingly dominant among the tribal children. School Background Children in the sample, of course, are school children. But from what kind of schools do they come? In the 1971-72 school year, 95 percent of Iran's elementary schools were public (sponsored by the national government) and the remainder were private. Of the Kurdish, and other minority languages continue to be suppressed. For information on linguistic minorities see Smith et al., Area Handbook for Iran, Chapter 5, pp. 89-104; also theiinteresting article by Jan W. weryho, "'Persian' Versus 'Iranian' The WOrd Fars as an Ethnic Term," Middle East Forum 68 (Autumn-Winter, 1972), 61-69. 147 private schools, 95 percent were located in urban areas.41 Public schools taught the Ministry of Education program and private schools, in addition to teaching the official curriculum in Persian, taught a foreign language--usually English. (All private elementary schools were subject to inspection by officials of the Ministry of Education.) Private schools, all of which were profit-making insti- 42 tutions, were considered and in fact appeared to be 41Ministry of Education, Amar-e Amuzesh va Parvaresh-e Iran, 1971-72, p. 2 (table 1). The figures given were that 24,724 sEhools out of a total of 26,024 were government sponsored. Of the 1,300 private schools, 1,253 were reported to be in urban areas. On September 23, 1974, along with the initiation of a system of free education throughout the secondary and university network in return for government service, private elementary and guidance schools were nationalized. See Kayhan International (Overseas Edition), September 14, 1974, p. 1. Prior to nationalization, however, the govern- ment encouraged investment in elementary schools and other educational institutions. In fact, in 1971-72, it provided such schools with subsidies, mainly in the form of the provision of public school teachers. Private schools had to accept a number of tuition-free students allocated to them by the Ministry of Education, and for every thirty to forty of these students one public school teacher was provided. 42It was alleged, in fact, that private schools were making enormous profits and that many school pro- prietors were becoming millionaires by charging students exhorbitant fees. Not surprisingly then, throughout the 1971-72 school year, hundreds of parents complained to the Ministry of Education to standardize fees. Accord- ingly, in the spring of 1972, the Ministry issued an injunction against arbitrary increases in fees and drew up lists showing fees to be charged in different areas of the country. Random surveys, however, seemed to indicate that the injunction had not been uniformly applied as some schools had raised their fees with com- plete impunity. See, for example, "Private Schools Reduce Tuitions," Kayhan International (Tehran), 148 better than public schools, in that they had better design, construction, and facilities, and also better educated administrators and teachers. Significantly, while 6 per- cent of the private school personnel had achieved uni- versity or post secondary education, only 1 percent of the public school teachers and administrators had attained such levels (see Table 4.10). But public schools, despite the heavy government emphasis on the improvement of the educational system, were, for the most part, badly managed, housed in poorly constructed and shabby build- ings,43 in some of which conditions were far from hygienic, and badly understaffed and overcrowded. (Observations revealed some cases where as many as seventy or eighty children were squeezed into not-too-spacious classrooms.)44 June 5, 1972, p. 3; "Fee Protest Results in Revocation," Ka han International (Tehran), August 9, 1972, p. 3; and "On School Fees," Tehran Journal, September 10, 1972, p. 3. 43Newspaper reports in May of 1972 indicated that there were "scores of dangerous and demoralizing slum buildings" throughout the country which the Ministry of Education rented at enormous sums and used for its schools, and, moreover, that the Ministry did not appear to have a plan to replace such buildings with brand new ones. See, for instance, "Slum Schools Lead to Tragedy," Kayhan International (Tehran), May 15, 1971, p. 4. 44Budgetary restrictions appeared to be the main handicap to providing better educational facilities, including more and better teachers. In 1971-72, noted educators criticized the government for the small 1972-73 budgetary allocation to public education. Issa Sadiq, a Tehran University professor and several times Iran's Minister of Education, pointed out that while some countries were spending as much as 20 percent of their 149 Table 4.10 Highest Educational Level Achieved by Elemen- tary School Administrators and Teachers in Public and Pri- vate Schools in the 1971-72 School Year, by Sector Public Privatea Education b T?§?l Urban Rural Urban Rural (%) (%) (%) (%) University or post secondary l -- 6 ‘- 1 Secondary 60 67 62 67 62 Elementary 39 33 32 33 37 Total 100 100 100 100 100 N (46,040) (30,775) (6,099) (114) (83,028) SOURCE: Ministry of Education, Amar-e Amuzesh va Parvaresh-e Iran, 1971-72, pp. 12-13 (tables 9a, 9b). aPersonnel on private school payrolls are not included here; only personnel on government payroll work- ing in private schools are accounted for here. bLiteracy Corps personnel are not included here. 150 In observance of the norms of society, almost all of the public elementary schools and a majority of the private elementary schools in the urban areas were uni- sexual (boy, girl). However, in rural areas, due to necessity (lack of extensive educational facilities), coeducational schools under government and private spon- sorship were in the majority (see Table 4.11). As would be expected then, the peasant and tribal children in the sample come only from public schools, but, as can be seen in Table 4.12, while the peasant children represent both unisexual and coeducational schools, the tribal children represent solely coeducational schools. The city chil- dren, on the other hand, come from both public and pri- vate schools, the former being unisexual and the latter, coeducational. In size, most of the privately and publicly spon- sored elementary schools in the cities contained more than five classes and, on the average, each public ele- mentary school had twelve classes and each private ele- mentary had six classes. In most rural areas, peasant and tribal schools45 tended to consist of one to two national income on education, "Iran's budgetary allo- cation to the head amounted to only 6 percent." "Money Needed," Tehran Journal, February 6, 1972, p. 3. 45Some of the tribal schools were permanent buildings located in settled areas; others were tent schools which enabled the teachers and the schools them- selves to migrate with the tribes. 151 Table 4.11 Sex Composition of Public and Private Elemen- tary Schools in the 1969-70 School Year, by Sector Public Private Schools T?§?l Urban Rural Urban Rural HI) (95) ($5) (%) Boy 51 30 41 47 35 Girl 44 7 18 14 16 Coed. 5 63 41 39 49 Total 100 100 100 100 100 N (3,228) (11,388) (1.124) (36) (15,776) SOURCE: Iran, Ministry of Education, Office of Planning and Studies, Bureau of Statistics, Educational Statistics of Iran, 1969-70 (Tehran: 1971), pp. 27-28 (tahie 9). NOTE: Enumerated statistics on the distribution of public and private elementary schools by sex compo- sition in urban and rural areas for the 1971-72 school year were not available; however, the above table is representative. Table 4.12 School Backgr 152 ound of City, Peasant, and Tribal Children . . City Peasant Tribal Total S chool Characteristic (%) (%) (%) (%) Sponsorship Government 58 100 100 79 Private 42 -- -- 21 Total 100 100 100 100 Composition Boy 29 20 -- 20 Girl 29 27 -- 21 Coeducational 42 53 100 59 Total 100 100 100 100 No. of Classes 1-4 -- 10 61 17 5-6 17 44 39 29 7-10 13 46 -- 18 14-19 33 -- -- 17 24-48 37 -- -- 19 Total 100 100 100 100 Average No. of Students per Class 35 or less 34 36 49 38 36-45 29 53 51 40 46-60 37 ll -- 22 Total 100 100 100 100 Teacher-Pupil Ratio 1:35 or less 37 36 73 45 1:36-1:45 42 53 27 41 1:46-1:60 21 11 -- 14 Total 100 100 100 100 N (478) (224) (224) (926) NOTE: Percentages for table were calculated from data on the sampled schools provided by school principals and teachers during the field work in the spring of 1972. 153 multigrade classes; however, in some of the larger vil- lages, five-class or more than five-class schools were operating (see Table 4.13). Correspondingly, as Table 4.12 shows, the city children in the sample come from schools ranging in size from five to forty-eight classes, with 70 percent coming from large schools (fourteen to forty-eight classes); the peasant children come from schools encompassing one to ten classes, with 90 percent coming from medium size schools (five to ten classes); and the tribal children come from one- to Six- class schools, with 61 percent coming from small schools (one to four classes). Classes were large in the 1971-72 school year.46 Indeed, many of them dramatically exceeded the maximum limit of thirty-five students set by the Ministry of Education.47 Not unexpectedly then, 66 percent of the city children, most of whom were attending public schools, 64 percent of the peasant children, and 51 percent of 46The national class size average obtained was thirty-six. The average class size obtained for schools in urban areas was thirty-nine and in rural areas, thirty- four; for privately sponsored schools throughout the country, it was twenty-nine, and for public schools, thirty-five. 47Classes were so overcrowded that the first Con- gress of Regional Councils which met in May of 1972 unanimously endorsed the resolution that the Ministry of Education and the government should reduce the number of students per class to a "rational total.” See ”Edu- cationists Ask for Small Classes," Tehran Journal, May 13, 1972, p. 3. 154 .uouamsuma>ss as» an pausmfioo aamausaouam "msoz .sse msnswo sss .m .xssas “sausage saussas .csss so mosunsunwa Hasowuaosom .moaumwuaum mo saausm .maspsum wsa msussaam mo aoammo .sosuaosmm mo asansqsz .anus can N3a .na .s .a .aa .e .s .s .s nmsnnuo ssua .aus .mo .ssussas .CdHH mlfimmHm>Hmm m> Smmnfig GIMME sGOHubODUH MO wuumflfiflz ammUMDOm wae wae wsa ws wss wsa msnsmm wea wsa wss wsa wss was wsa: oss.aa ass ass.a aaa.s sas.ae sas.se smcnonums sauce was was ws woa wsa ws.o mannasssss wss woa waa wos wse ws.aa monuaImco aee.aa ass aas.s eaa.s sss.se ass.as nannnso sauce eso.as se sas.s oas.s aas.os ass.s nsoosoa ssuoa was was was was was wse nssso waa wss wea wsa was wsa naom oaa.oss.s aes.a saa.ass ess.se osa.sae.s ass.aae.s unmassouam sauce Hausm sanuD Hansus usamaam spam sauce aua>sum ouansm uouoam an .waoosom muausafiaam aua>uum wsa assess mo mouumsuauoauasu pauoasam on mssswauuam uaas Hoosom NsIHbmH ass uom mosumuuaum muaeesm ms.e asnas 155 the tribal children in the sample come from overcrowded schools. And, as Table 4.12 indicates, a substantial proportion of the city children come from exceedingly overcrowded schools. Not only were classes overcrowded but they were understaffed.48 Thus reflecting this situation, a majority of the city children, a majority of the peasant children, and a substantial proportion of the tribal children in the sample come from schools where the size of the teaching staff was inadequate for the student population. Who were the educators in the 1971-72 academic session? In the tribal and peasant schools, a majority of the administrators and teachers were males; while in the cities, in both public and private schools, a majority of them were females (see Table 4.13). Moreover, (a) the teaching cadre in tribal schools consisted almost 49 entirely of "regular teachers," but teachers who were almost always members of the tribes they taught; (b) the 48The national teacher-pupil ratio obtained was 1:36. Estimates put the ratio at 1:38 in urban areas and 1:36 in rural areas, and at 1:38 in public schools and 1:28 in private schools. 49By regular teacher here is meant an elementary school teacher who received training in one of three ways: (1) a one-year training program in a teacher training center after completion of the secondary school; (2) a two-year program in a normal boarding school after com- pletion of the first cycle (7th through 9th grade) of the secondary school; and (3) a one-year program at a normal school for tribal teachers after completion of the ele- mentary school. 156 instructional staff in peasant schools was roughly two- thirds regular teachers and one-third Literacy Corpsmen;50 and (c) the teaching personnel in city schools, both public and private, was composed almost entirely of regular teachers. As might be expected then and as was assessed in the field, (a) all the tribal children in the sample come from schools that were staffed by tribes- men or tribeswomen; (b) three-quarters of the peasant children come from schools with regular male or female teachers, and one-third of them come from schools with Literacy Corpsmen; and (c) most of the city children come from schools that had regular teachers. To sum up, (1) the tribal children in the sample come from small public coeducational schools staffed by tribesmen--most of which did not suffer from immoderate overcrowding and understaffing; (2) the peasant children in the sample come from medium size public unisexual and coeducational schools staffed by Literacy Corpsmen and regular teachers--many of which were overcrowded and short of teachers; and (3) the city children in the sample come from large private coeducational and public unisexual schools staffed predominantly by regular teachers--many of which were excessively overcrowded and understaffed. SOLiteracy Corpsmen, conscripted secondary school graduates, received four and a half months of teacher training in the Literacy Corps Program. 157 What then has been learned from studying the backgrounds of the children in the political sociali- zation sample? The foregoing analysis not only sheds light on the city, peasant, and tribal children whose attitudes, values, cognitions, and behaviors the school system is making a deliberate effort to shape, but it also reveals some of the traditional regional, urban- rural, and capital-hinterland variations that exist in Iranian society--many of which, as seen, the city, peasant, and tribal children in the sample mirror. As more media of communication are readily available to the inhabitants of the cities of Tehran and Shiraz than to the dwellers of the villages of Tehran, Shiraz, Mamasani, and Firuzabad shahrestans, so more media are easily accessible to the city children than the peasant and tribal children in the sample. While more house- hold heads in Tehran and Shiraz tend to be better educated and employed in diverse occupations than household heads in the rural areas of Tehran, Shiraz, Mamasani, and Firuzabad shahrestans, so, in the sample, more of the fathers of the city children are inclined to be better educated and engaged in a multiplicity of occupations than the fathers of the peasant and tribal children. And similarly, while substantially more of 158 the six to eleven elementary school population attends school in the cities of Tehran and Shiraz than in the villages of Tehran, Shiraz, Mamasani, and Firuzabad shahrestans, so, in the sample, tangibly more of the city children than the peasant and tribal children are in the six to eleven age group. But interest in the children in the sample extends beyond an analysis of their backgrounds--which, admittedly, impinge heavily on the way the schools do their job; it lies in noting their orientations gen- erated by the political socialization process of the educational system. CHAPTER V THE EFFECTIVENESS OF POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION: AN INQUIRY Oh, Ahuramazda, endow me with an educated child; a child who will participate within his community; a child who will fulfill his duty in society; a child who will strive for the happiness of his family, his city, and his country; an honorable child who may contribute to other's needs. 1 An early Zoroastrian prayer It is not possible to summarize adequately the effectiveness of the political socialization effort of the Iranian elementary school system reviewed in Chapter II. Such a summary would require, to begin with, a complete map of children's cognitions, opinions, values, and behaviors that relate to the desired citi- zenship, a task far beyond the scope of the present chapter and the knowledge at hand. Nevertheless, an inquiry into (a) the degree of political uniformity among Iranian elementary school children, (b) the mag- nitude of inter-group and inter-sex political differences, 1Quoted in Arasteh, Education and Social Awaken- ing in Iran, p. 2. 159 160 and (c) the differences in political orientations between two grade levels (third and fifth) may suggest how effective the school system's political socialization effort is in (1) developing conformity in certain desired political beliefs, attitudes, and knowledge among stu- dents; (2) politically unifying city, peasant, and tribal children and boys and girls; and (3) producing certain desired political changes in pupils (it must be assumed, of course, that simple maturation is not the determining factor for the observed grade changes and that other factors have not intervened).2 ~The responses of the sample of children described in Chapter IV to selected items of political knowledge, attitudes, and beliefs in the survey instrument intro- duced in Chapter III provide the data base for the inquiry. It must be emphasized that the inquiry undertaken is exploratory. It is a first step; the purpose of which is to present some methods of approach, some findings, some conclusions, and some suggestions in an area of neglected research. Therefore, the analysis and inter- pretation of the results in the following pages are very tentative and must be treated most gingerly. 2The procedure here follows closely the strategy reported in Frey, "Education: Turkey," pp. 224-29. 161 Data Analysis and Discussion Feelings Toward the National Flag and Persepolis . . . to respect the flag of Iran . . . ancient and historical monuments . . .3 Throughout the elementary school years, there is considerable effort to foster in children favorable feelings toward the national flag and the monumental ruins of Persepolis, the ancient capital of the Persian Empire. The story "Respect for the Flag," included in the third grade Persian reader, is one example of the effort to generate favorable feelings toward the national tricolor (the flag of Iran has three equal horizontal stripes of green, white, and red). In the story, a young Iranian girl is perturbed by a newspaper picture of an Iranian officer kissing the national flag. "Truly," she confesses to her father, "I still do not know what the flag represents." Her father responds thus: Dear daughter, the flag is a symbol for the country. The officer who is kissing the flag is swearing that he will serve the country and try to keep it safe. In international sports con- tests, the athletes of each country enter the sports stadium carrying their country's flag. By the flag, the people know to which country the athletes belong. In these contests, when our athletes enter the stadium carrying the Iranian flag, the Iranians there shout for joy and say "long live," which means "long live Iran." 3Ministry of Education, Barname-ye Tafsili-ye Dowre-ye Panj Sale-ye Ebtedaie, p. 87. 162 . . . my child, we must respect the flag of Iran. Whenever the flag is raised aloft, at once, we must stand at attention respectfully.4 And in the same reader, the narrative "Persepolis" is one illustration of the effort to nurture favorable feelings toward the monumental ruins. The narrative focuses on the first visit of two young children to the ruins. Here is a revealing excerpt from it: They were at Persepolis at nine in the morning. They went up the great stone stairway. They saw the great columns that reached into the sky. On the stone wall, they saw a picture of Darius, the great Iranian Shahanshah seated on a throne. From every corner, the magnificent columns came into view. All were silent. No one said anything. Ali had a wonderful mood. He knew well that it was not sadness; he feared nothing and also had no pain. He felt only that a wonderful and happy mood had befallen him.5 To get some insight into children's feelings toward the national flag and the ruins of Persepolis, the survey instrument adapted an approach first used by Eugene L. Horowitz in his study of patriotism among American school children.6 Children were presented with two black and white picture tests: the first picture test contained three unlabeled flags--Iranian, Filipino, Swiss; and the second, three unlabeled monuments--Iran's 4Farsi-ye Sevom-e Debestan. PP. 35-36. 5Ibid., p. 125. 6Horowitz, "Some ASpects of the Development of Patriotism in Children," 331. 163 ruins of Persepolis, Italy's Pantheon, Egypt's Sphinx. On each picture test, children were given two questions. The first question was: ”Which one of these flags (monuments) do you like best?." The question following it was: "Why did you pick this flag (monument)?." On the flag set of pictures, of the total sampled children, 97 percent liked the Iranian flag best, 2 percent liked the Filipino flag best, and 1 percent liked the Swiss flag best. Why did the children like the Iranian flag best? The most extreme chauvinist would scarcely claim that they liked the flag in and of itself. The flag is a pervasive and effective symbol of Iranian nationality; as such, it was respected and responded to by almost all of the sampled children. Substantial support for this assertion comes from.the children themselves. In response to the why question of the flag test, over four-fifths of the children who selected the Iranian flag as best proffered such reasons for their choice: Because this is the flag of my country, and I like my country more than any other country. (City fifth grade girl)7 Because I love my country, for this I picked the flag of Iran. (City third grade girl) Because this is the Iranian flag, and all Iranians respect the flag of their country. (Tribal fifth grade boy) 7Children's statements here and later are not edited. They were transcribed verbatim from.the questionnaires and then translated into English. 164 Because every country has a flag, and we also have our flag. (Peasant third grade girl) Because the flag of Iran is beautiful. (City third grade girl) And why did the children like the Filipino and Swiss flags best? Did they prefer these countries as home- lands over Iran? No, it seems more likely that they liked the Filipino banner best because they thought it was the Iranian flag (note that it has some of the same visual elements--stripes, three shades of color-- of the Iranian flag), and that they (two Armenian children) liked the Swiss flag best because they associated it with their Christian religion. In general, the favorable feelings shown by the Iranian school children toward their country's flag parallel American findings. In the Hess and Torney study cited in Chapter I, nearly 95 percent of a responding group of children in grades two through eight agreed that "The American flag is the best flag 8 Similarly, appreciation of the United in the world." States flag over other flags was reported at a con- sistently high level among elementary school children (grades three through seven) in the Horowitz study referred to earlier.9 8Hess and Torney, The Development of Political Attitudes in Children, p. 31. 9Horowitz, ”Some Aspects of the Development of Patriotism in Children," 336. 165 On the monument set of pictures, 83 percent of all the sampled children liked the ruins of Persepolis best, 14 percent liked the Pantheon best, and 3 percent liked the Sphinx best. Why did the children like the ruins of Persepolis best? In answering the why question of the monument test, half of the children rationalized their selection of the ancient ruins thus: Since this monument is an ancient monument and since I am an Iranian, I like it very much. (City third grade boy) Because this is Takhte Jamshid [Persepolis] in Iran and we must like it. (Peasant third grade girl) Since this is beautiful and this is more an Iranian building than the others. (City third grade girl) Because Darius built Takhte Jamshid; Takhte Jamshid is in Iran. (Tribal third grade boy) Because this monument is one of the ancient monuments of our ancient shahs. (City fifth grade girl) And half of the children offered such explanations: "It's beautiful"; "It's better than the others"; "I like it." It does not follow, however, that the children who made these statements picked the ruins of Persepolis only for such reasons; rather, it seems more likely that they did not have the ability to articulate immediately the national awareness on which their choice was almost certainly based. It is noteworthy that most of the children who liked Italy's Pantheon best tendered such reasons for 166 their choice: "Because it is a mosque"; "It's the house of God"; "It's beautiful." Apparently, many children chose the Pantheon because they fancied it was a Mohammedan place of worship. Their reasoning was not without foundation; the dome found on the Pan- theon is a prominent architectural feature of mosques. Most of the children who liked Egypt's Sphinx best either said "Because it's beautiful" or reasoned "Because it's Iranian." Why children should have thought that the Sphinx was an Iranian monument is a mystery. No doubt, a more discriminating set of pictures would have resulted in a much higher per- centage of children choosing the ruins of Persepolis as the best liked monument. Did feelings toward the national flag and the ruins of Persepolis differ significantly between the city, peasant, and tribal children? As Table 5.1 depicts, appreciation of the national flag was highest among the tribal children (100 percent) and slightly more common among the peasant (98 percent) than the city children (95 percent); and appreciation of the ruins of Persepolis was highest among the peasant children (89 percent) and more common among the tribal (85 percent) than the city children (79 percent). The urban children, then, more often than the rural chil- dren chose foreign flags and monuments as best. Why? 167 In explaining their choice, many of the urban children indicated that they picked the Sphinx, the Pantheon, or the Filipino flag as best "Because it is Iranian." Apparently, in the rural areas, where it was observed that verbal and nonverbal cues at large are often few, the messages which children receive are clear and sharp; but in the urban areas, where it was observed that verbal and nonverbal cues at large are many, the messages which children receive are sometimes muddled and blurred. Table 5.1 City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Feelings Toward the National Flag and the Ruins of Persepolis Percentage Who Liked Best City Peasant Tribal Total Flags Iranian 95 98 100 97 Filipino 4 l -- 2 Swiss 1 l -- 1 Total 100 100 100 100 Monuments Persepolis ruins 79 89 85 83 Pantheon 16 ll 14 14 Sphinx 5 -- 1 3 Total 100 100 100 100 N (478) (224) (224) (926) Finally, the feelings of the boys and girls and the third and fifth graders toward the national flag and the ruins of Persepolis should be noted. On the flag picture test, the boys slightly more often than 168 the girls liked the Iranian flag best--98 percent versus 96 percent. But there was no difference between the grade levels on the question: 97 percent of the third graders and 97 percent of the fifth graders liked the Iranian flag best. And on the monument picture test, the boys slightly more often than the girls liked the ruins of Persepolis best--83 percent versus 82 percent-- and the third graders slightly more often than the fifth graders also liked them best--84 percent versus 82 per- cent. (See Tables 5.2 and 5.3 for the full response patterns of both sexes and grade levels on these two questions.) Images of and Feelings Toward Iranians as a People . . . --to familiarize children with the manners . . . of the people of Iran . . .10 The educational system strives to develop in children positive images of and favorable feelings toward Iranians as a people.11 Concrete evidence of the effort is the information which children are given 10Ministry of Education, Barname-ye Tafsili:ye Dowre-ye Panj Sale-ye Ebtedaie, p. 89. 11Throughout this chapter, positive indicates an image, conception, or belief that is good or suitable-- one that can be verified, accepted, or approved by the Ministry of Education. The Ministry, for example, would verify the view that Iranians speak a different language but not the view that Iranians are backward. And favorable, of course, indicates an affect that is friendly, liking, kindly, or approving. 169 Table 5.2 Girls and Boys' Feelings Toward the National Flag and the Ruins of Persepolis Percentage Who Liked Best Girls Boys Flags Iranian 96 98 Filipino 3 1 Swiss 1 1 Total 100 100 Monuments Persepolis ruins 82 83 Pantheon l6 l3 Sphinx 2 4 Total 100 100 N (402) (524) Table 5.3 Third and Fifth Graders' Feelings Toward the National Flag and the Ruins of Persepolis Percentage Who Liked Best Third Fifth Flags Iranian 97 97 Filipino 3 2 Swiss -- 1 Total 100 100 Monuments Persepolis ruins 84 82 Pantheon 14 15 Sphinx 2 3 Total 100 100 N (463) (463) 170 about their countrymen in the Persian readers. In the second year reader, for instance, through the story of "Ms. Kukab," children are introduced to the famous hospitality of Iranians: Without warning one day, a number of people from another village came to their home [the home of Abbas, a peasant boy]. Ms. Kukab [the mother of Abbas] fried several fresh eggs. She also set bread, butter, yogurt, and cheese on the table cloth. Everyone spoke highly of the good manners of Ms. Kukab. Abbas ate and said: "I will never be able to eat all of this--bread, butter, fried eggs, milk!"12 And in the third year Persian reader, through a three- part story on the childhood of Sohrab, one of many heroes in the national epic Shahnama, children are familiarized with the fearlessness, courage, and bravery of Iranians. Children read that Sohrab at the age of one month was like a boy of a year, at the age of three practiced arms, and at the age of five had acquired the courage of lion-like men. When he reached the age of ten, no one would venture to stand in combat with him. At this age he set out to free his father, Rostam, from the Turanians, the great national enemy: Now I shall raise an army from among the Turks that shall have no bounds. I will stir up Kavus [king of the Turanians] from his lair and blot out all trace of Tus from Iran. Then I will bestow on Rostam the treasury, the throne, and the crown, and set him in place of Shah Kavus. And you [mother] I will make queen of 12Farsi-ye Dovom-e Debestan, p. 42. .__._—— ._—._ Orj is Th 196 and 171 the land of Iran, myself displaying the courage of lions in the struggle. Since Rostam is my father, and I am his son, there can be no one else fitted in the world to wear the crown.13 Children were given one question to disclose their views of and feelings toward Iranians as a people. The question was patterned after an item used by Reid Reading to elicit children's images of Colombian people in his study of political socialization among elementary and secondary school students.14 It was in the open- ended form and asked: " . . . how is the behavior of Iranian people different from that of people in other countries?." Although the question permitted the chil- dren to mention more than one difference, most children cited only one. When more than one difference was given by a child, only the first one was coded and recorded. The responses of the total sample and of the city, peasant, and tribal children are summarized in Table 5.4. 'What do they reveal? To begin with, 25 percent of the total sampled children viewed Iranians as either hospitable or gen- erous; and 10 percent viewed them as either moral or ethical. The tribal children (81 percent) conspicuously l3Farsi-ye Sevom-e Debestan, pp. 167-68. The original lines are in verse. Here, the translation is that of Reuben Levy, given in Firdausi, Shahnama [The Epic of the Kings] (London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1967)! PP- 68‘69. 14Reading, "Political Socialization in Colombia and the United States: An Exploratory Study," 363. 172 more often saw Iranians in these ways than did the city (23 percent) and peasant children (16 percent). More- over, they demonstrated a dramatic degree of consensus: 71 percent pictured Iranians as being either hospitable or generous. Why should this have been the case? Among the Qashqai and Mamasani tribes, of which the children were members, great value is placed on "mehmannavazi" (hospitality) and "sakhovat" (generosity) as virtues. The importance of these behavioral traits comes out in several ways--ridicule of the miserly (one wealthy tribesman, who dresses poorly and never gives food to visitors is known by the delightful nickname of D.D.T. Khan, the implication being that he is so miserly that he eats his own lice); charitableness of the people (any tribesman whose flock suffers severe losses during migration is always compensated by voluntary contri- butions from his more fortunate companions); and the lavishness of leaders acting as hosts (at the tribal director's campsite for the annual ten-day National Tribal Teacher Training Program: comfortable guest tents are erected; lamb, pilaus, and tea are served daily; there is music, dancing by women and by men, and Inorseback riding; and large and beautiful carpets are brought out). In all probability then, the tribal children sampled had learned quite early, through precept and example, that hospitality and generosity 173 are undisputable behavioral traits of their people and, by extension, of Iranian people. Illustrations typical of all the sampled children's hospitable, generous, moral, and ethical responses are cited below: They [Iranians] are mehmannavazi. (Tribal third grade boy) Iranians are very taarof [ceremonially polite]. (City fifth grade girl) We are kind to strangers. (Tribal third grade boy) They [Iranians] are better and nicer. (City fifth grade boy) We are a free country and do not take sides. (City fifth grade boy) People of some countries are bad tempered and jealous but not Iranians. (City third grade boy) Other countries make war, but Iran is friends with all countries. (City third grade boy) Table 5.4 City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Images of Iranians as a People Percentage Who Viewed City Peasant Tribal Total Iranians as Hospitable, generous 13 6 71 25 Moral, ethical 10 10 10 10 Having different food, language, dress 36 21 4 25 Backward (wild, illiterate) 9 1 3 5 Not different 14 34 1 16 Don't know, no response, unidentified 18 28 ll 19 Total 100 100 100 100 N (478) (224) (224) (224) 174 Furthermore, 25 percent of the total sampled children viewed Iranians as either speaking, eating, or dressing differently; and 5 percent saw them as backward (illiterate, wild). The city children (45 per- cent) more often than the peasant (22 percent) and tribal children (7 percent) were inclined to see their country men in these ways. Since the urban children sampled had more opportunities--through greater access to tele- vision, radio, books, newspapers, personal contacts-- to become familiar with the physical characteristics and progress of foreign peoples, it is not unexpected that they proffered such differences more often than their rural cousins did. Examples representative of all the sampled children's physical (language, food, dress) and backward statements follow: We talk a different language, and we have different occupations. (City fifth grade girl) We speak a different language. (Tribal third grade boy) Iranians eat and dress differently. (Peasant fifth grade boy) Iranians are wild people and sometimes for a little thing produce a big war and spill blood. (City fifth grade boy) Iran is not as improved as other countries in industrial and social life. (City fifth grade boy) Some of them [Iranians] are illiterate. (Tribal fifth grade boy) 175 And last, the results in Table 5.4 reveal that 16 percent of all the sampled children indicated that Iranians were not different from other peoples; and 19 percent either gave "don't know," an unintelligible response, or no response. The responses denoting no difference were highest among the peasant children (34 percent) and more prevalent among the city (14 per- cent) than tribal children (1 percent). The "don't know," unintelligible, and blank responses also were highest among the peasant children (28 percent) and more common among the city (18 percent) than tribal children (11 percent). Maybe, the children who responded with either "no difference," "don't know," or gave no answer had not had adequate exposure, either through the school curriculum or other means, to develOp an awareness of foreign countries and their people. It seems more likely, however, that many of them simply lacked the cognitive ability to articulate immediately their ideas on paper. In sum, then, 60 percent of the total sample (this percentage excludes the 5 percent who gave a backward image of Iranians) viewed Iranians in ;positive images. Such images were highest among the tribal children (85 percent) and more common among the city (59 percent) than peasant children (37 percent). There was a large difference between the boys and girls on this item: significantly more of the boys 176 (69 percent) than the girls (50 percent) had a positive image of Iranians; moreover, substantially more of the boys (42 percent) than the girls (28 percent) saw Iranians as either hosPitable, generous, moral, or ethical (see Table 5.5). These are interesting findings for which some explanations will be suggested later. There also was a large difference between the two grade levels: significantly more of the fifth graders (66 per- cent) than the third graders (56 percent) had a positive image of Iranians; in addition, substantially more of the fifth graders (41 percent) than the third graders (31 percent) viewed their countrymen as either hos- pitable, generous, moral, or ethical (see Table 5.6). The better informed fifth graders are not unexpected; as a result of their elementary school experience they had received significantly more exposure to foreign countries and the virtues of the Iranian people than the third grade children had. Furthermore, many of them probably had the cognitive ability to articulate their ideas immediately (note that only 10 percent of the fifth graders answered "don't know" or did not respond to the question compared with 26 percent of the third graders) . What inferences might be drawn about the sampled children's feelings toward their countrymen? If references to hospitality, generosity, morality, and 177 Table 5.5 Girls and Boys' Images of Iranians as a People Percentage Who Viewed Iranians as Girls Boys Hospitable, generous 20 30 Moral, ethical 8 12 Having different food, language, dress 22 27 Backward (wild, illiterate) 9 3 Not different 20 12 Don't know, no response, unidentified 21 16 Total 100 100 N (402) (524) Table 5.6 Third and Fifth Graders' Images of Iranians as a PeOple Percentage Who Viewed Iranians as Third Fifth Hospitable, generous 22 29 Moral, ethical 9 12 Having different food, language, dress 25 25 Backward (wild, illiterate) 2 8 Not different 16 16 Don't know, no response, unidentified 26 10 Total 100 100 N (463) (463) 178 ethics are interpreted as affectively favorable, if references to backwardness are interpreted as affec- tively unfavorable, and if references to physical char- acteristics and the "no different," "don't know," unintelligible, and blank responses are interpreted as affectively neutral; then, these conclusions are implied. Toward their countrymen: (l) 35 percent of the sampled children were favorably disposed, 5 percent were unfavorably disposed, and 60 percent were neutrally disposed; (2) the tribal children (81 percent) were the most favorably disposed, the city children (9 percent) were the most unfavorably disposed, and the peasant children (83 percent) were the most neutrally disposed; (3) the boys (42 percent) were more favorably disposed than the girls (28 percent); and (4) the fifth graders were both more favorably and unfavorably disposed (41 percent and 8 percent, respectively) than the third graders (31 percent and 2 percent, respectively). Sense of Patriotism . . . --to instigate and encourage a sense of patriotism in students . . . Instilling a sense of patriotism in children is ;probably the most important goal of political sociali- zation in Iranian elementary schools. Thus patriotism ‘is a recurring theme in the elementary cycle: 15Ministry of Education, Barname-ye Tafsili:ye Ikxmre-ye Panj Sale-ye Ebtedaie, p. 88. 179 First Grade We love our country with our soul.16 Second Grade Hand in hand we will build our country.17 Third Grade I shall raise an army from among the Turks that shall have no bounds. . . . and blot out all trace of Tus from Iran.1 Fourth Grade If the day comes when Iran is in danger, what value does my life have? I willingly and with pleasure will sacrifice my life for the preservation of the fatherland.1 Fifth Grade If Iran does not exist, then I should not exist; and in this land no one should exist.20 It also is a recurring theme in the survey findings. On the open-ended question: "What does a 'good Iranian' :mean?," 44 percent of the sample gave answers involving ”love for the country." Typical responses were: 16Farsi-ye Avval-e Debestan, p. 91. 17Farsi:ye Dovom-e Debestan, p. 24. 18Farsi-ye Sevom-e Debestan, p. 167. 19Farsi-ye Charom-e Debestan, p. 54. 20Farsi-ye Panjom-e Debestan, p. 49. 180 [A good Iranian is] one who loves his country and if the enemy attacks the country, he must fight to protect the country. (Tribal fifth grade boy) [A good Iranian is] a person who loves the country, worships the country. (Tribal fifth grade boy) A good Iranian is one who is willing to shed his blood for his country and fight the enemy. (City fifth grade boy) [A good Iranian is] a person who does not betray his country and the Shah. (City fifth grade girl) [A good Iranian is] a person who loves his country and the Shah and who gives his life for the cause of his country. (Tribal fifth grade girl) On the question: ”If the Shahanshah came to your school to give a prize to two children who were the best Iranians, which two children would he pick?," 58 percent of the sample selected from six alternatives "a child who is interested in his country and government."21 On the measure: ”From the sentences below, choose the one which best describes Iranian people.," 46 percent of the sample selected from the five alternatives "Iranians 22 On all of the three questions, love their country." as Tables 5.7 through 5.9 show, patriotic responses were highest among the tribal children and generally 21The other alternatives on this question were: WA child who gets good grades"; "A child who does what rue is told"; "A child who helps others"; "A child who .is interested in his religion"; "I don't know." 22The other alternatives on this question were: 'HIranians are very smart"; "Iranians are very brave"; 'ELranians are religious"; "Iranians are hospitable." 181 Table 5.7 City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Conception of a Good Iranian Percentage Who Said City Peasant Tribal Total Patriotic 43 34 55 44 Ethical, well-behaved 32 28 16 28 C00perative, hardworking l4 8 13 12 "Shah," "Farah" (Empress) 1 l9 7 6 Don't know, no response 10 11 9 10 Total 100 100 100 100 N (478) (224) (224) (926) Table 5.8 City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Perceptions of the Good Iranian Child (two alternatives) Percentage Who Said City Peasant Tribal Total Interested in his country 55 54 69 58 Gets good grades 36 55 62 47 Obeys 25 37 24 28 Interested in his religion 53 42 26 44 Helps others 28 10 17 21 Don't know, no response 3 2 2 2 Total 200 200 200 200 N (478) (224) (224) (926) 182 more widespread among the city than peasant children. And note in Tables 5.10 through 5.15 that while the occurrence of patriotic responses on the three questions was relatively the same among the girls and boys, their incidence was markedly higher among the fifth graders than the third graders. The reasons for the observed significant differences will be commented on later. Table 5.9 City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Perception of the Main Quality of Iranians as People Percentage Who Said City Peasant Tribal Total Patriotism 39 39 66 46 Intelligence 6 l6 8 9 Courage 12 8 ll 11 Religiosity 25 25 6 20 Hospitality 17 ll 9 14 No response 1 l -- -- Total 100 100 100 100 N (478) (224) (224) (926) But what of the sampled children themselves? Did they have a sense of patriotism? To find out, a projective measure was employed. The measure confronted the children with the following hypothetical situation: Someone you meet gives you some money. You become very happy at the thought of buying some things for yourself and your family; but this person begins saying bad things about Iran. What would you do then? .Answer options, of which they were directed to mark one, were: 183 Table 5.10 Girls and Boys' Conception of a Good Iranian Percentage Who Said Girls Boys Patriotic 42 45 Ethical, well-behaved 29 26 Cooperative, hardworking 12 13 "Shah," "Farah" (Empress) 6 7 Don't know, no response 11 9 Total 100 100 N (402) (524) Table 5.11 Girls and Boys' Perceptions of the Good Iranian Child (two alternatives) Percentage Who Said Girls Boys Interested in his country 60 57 Gets good grades 42 51 Obeys 28 27 Interested in his religion 44 44 Helps others 24 19 Don't know, no response 2 2 Total 100 100 N (402) (524) 184 Table 5.12 Girls and Boys' Perception of the Main Quality of Iranians as People Percentage Who Said Girls Boys Patriotism 48 45 Intelligence 10 8 Courage 10 ll Religiosity 20 20 Hospitality 12 15 No response -- 1 Total 100 100 N (402) (524) Table 5.13 Third and Fifth Graders' Conception of a Good Iranian Percentage Who Said Third Fifth Patriotic 29 59 Ethical, well-behaved 32 23 COOperative, hardworking ll 13 "Shah," "Farah" (Empress) 10 2 Don't know, no response 18 3 Total 100 100 N (463) (463) 185 Table 5.14 Third and Fifth Graders' Perceptions of the Good Iranian (two alternatives) Percentage Who Said Third Fifth Interested in his country 47 70 Gets good grades 52 41 Obeys 36 20 Interested in his religion 42 46 Helps others 21 21 Don't know, no response 2 2 Total 200 200 N (463) (463) Table 5.15 Third and Fifth Graders' Perception of the Main Quality of Iranians as People Percentage Who Said Third Fifth Patriotism 41 51 Intelligence 13 4 Courage 12 10 Religiosity 22 19 Hospitality 12 16 No response Total .100 100 N (463) (463) 186 I would give the money to my mother and father I would keep the money I would give back the money I don't know The assumption was that the respondents who checked "I would give back the money" had a sense of patriotism; they believed that it was better to return the money-- even though keeping it might meet personal or family needs--than to brook disparaging remarks about Iran. As one child put it on the pretest: I would never in any way accept the money. I love my country more than money. (City fifth grade boy) In part, an incident reported by the Iranian press suggested that such a question might be used as a valid operational index of a sense of patriotism. In the fall of 1971, an Iranian diplomat stationed in Copenhagen committed suicide. He was believed to have left a note behind saying that he was taking his life because of the slanderous campaign against Iran (stories about the exorbitant one billion cost of the 2,500 anni- versary celebrations of the founding of the Persian .Empire, the lack of political freedom in the country, the Shah's empty social justice, and so forth) being «conducted by the Danish press. He was further reported 'bo have said in his note that he could not "bear the .attitude of the newspapers and as an Iranian loving his 187 country and his sovereign he cannot live."23 Commenting on the case, the Shah said, "Our representative com- mitted suicide to express his deep resentment against material published in Danish newspapers because he believed that it was better to kill himself rather than bear uncalled for insults to his country."24 Table 5.16 shows that of the sampled children, 83 percent checked the patriotic option ("I would give back the money"). The sense of patriotism was highest among the tribal children (89 percent) and somewhat more prevalent among the city (85 percent) than peasant children (75 percent). Presumably, the sense of patriotism among the tribal children on this question as well as their patriotic orientations on the three questions cited earlier arose from the significant exposure to patriotic themes that they had received in their educational experience. Observations in city, peasant, and tribal schools, although limited, pointed up the fact that tribal children engaged more frequently than peasant and city children in reciting heroic verses from the national epic Shahnama, singing the national anthem, and acting in plays based on national 23"Diplomat Kills Himself," Tehran Journal, October 17, 1971, p. 3. 24"The Shahanshah Speaks . . . ," Tehran Journal, October 19, 1971, p. 3. 188 heroes--activities which are bound to nurture a sense of patriotism. Why should tribal children have par- ticipated in such activities more often than their peasant and city counterparts? The director of the Tribal Education Program, a "tribesman" himself, believes that tribal children are a human resource sorely needed for the upbuilding of Iran;25 therefore, there is deter- mined and persistent effort by the teachers in the tribal schools to stir patriotic impulses in the children as well as other desirable citizenship characteristics. Not surprisingly then, on the question: "What person most of all tells you that you must be a good Iranian?," 58 percent of the sampled tribal children, compared with only 15 percent of the peasant children and 11 percent of the city children, selected from three alternatives "My teachers" (see Table 5.17).26 Did the sense of patriotism differ significantly between the sexes and the grade levels? The sex dif- ference was not large: slightly more of the boys (86 percent) than the girls (80 percent) had a sense, (of patriotism (see Table 5.18). The grade level dif- ference, however, was large: markedly more of the fifth 25Hendershot, "White Tents in the Mountains," p. 23. 26The other alternatives on this question were: "My mother and father"; "The Shah and Prime Minister"; "Radio, television, and newspapers"; "I don't know." 189 Table 5.16 City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Sense of Patriotism Percentage Who Said City Peasant Tribal Total Give money to parents 10 16 5 10 Keep money 4 5 4 5 Give back the money 85 75 89 83 Don't know, no response 1 4 2 2 Total 100 100 100 100 N (478) (224) (224) (926) Table 5.17 City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Perception of the Chief Agent Who Tells Them To Be a Good Iranian Percentage Who Said City Peasant Tribal Total Teachers 11 15 58 23 Parents 56 27 25 41 Government leaders 28 52 13 30 Radio, T.V., newspapers 3 5 2 4 Don't know, no response 2 l 2 2 Total 100 100 100 100 N (478) (224) (224) (926) 190 graders (90 percent) than the third graders (77 percent) had a sense of patriotism (see Table 5.19); but since patriotic themes are emphasized more in the upper grades than in the lower grades of the elementary cycle, this finding, as the greater incidence of patriotism among the fifth graders on the three questions referred to earlier, is not unexpected. A cautious reader might suggest that the per- centage on the patriotic option of the projective measure is inflated; that it represents a posture that the chil- dren assumed for the testing--to please the tester-- rather than a genuine feeling of love for Iran. If this were so, then why did not the peasant children--certainly equally prone to the response error of inflating the "pleasing" option--demonstrate love for Iran equal to that of the tribal children or even the city children? Given this observation, the patriotic responses of the children on the other questions and, furthermore, the awareness of widespread "mihandusti" (love for the fatherland) among Iranian people in general, the inclination here is to conclude that the sampled Iranian school children had sincere love for their country. An additional comment is useful. Although a child's reaction to an insult to his country in a hypothetical situation may not mirror what would actually happen in a real situation, it cannot be 191 Table 5.18 Girls and Boys' Sense of Patriotism Percentage Who Said Girls Boys Give money to parents 11 9 Keep money 6 4 Give back the money 80 86 Don't know, no response 3 1 Total 100 100 N (402) (524) Table 5.19 Third and Fifth Graders' Sense of Patriotism Percentage Who Said Third Fifth Give money to parents 15 6 Keep money 6 3 Give back the money 77 90 Don't know, no response 2 1 Total 100 100 N (463) (463) 192 unrelated to that situation; a child who reveals patriotic behavior rather than a child who does not reveal it in a hypothetical situation is more likely to engage in such behavior in a real situation. Images of and Feelings Toward the Shah The reading material must foster in children . . . love for the Shahanshah . . .27 Nurturing positive images of and favorable feel- ings toward Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the present ruler of Iran, is a goal almost equal to that of nurturing patriotic sentiments in school children. Hence, the Shah is depicted in positive and only positive ways in elementary school curricula; for example as: (1) The Kind and Loving Father The Shah is like the father of this family [the Iranian nation]. We are like his children. The Shah loves all of us. We love our kind Shahanshah as we love our father.2 (2) The Monarch Devoted to the Welfare of the People The Shah loves all of us and works very hard so that we will have a better life.29 27Ministry of Education, Barname-ye Tafsili-ye Dowre-ye Panj Sale:ye Ebtedaie, p. 31. 28Farsi:y_e Avval-e Debestan, p. 87. 29Farsi-ye Dovom-e Debestan, p. 20. 193 (3) The Source of the "New Iran"--Changes Brought About by the White Revolution By order of Shahanshah Aryamehr, the Literacy Corpsmen have gone into the villages to teach all people, whether young or old, to read and write. We give thanks to our Shahanshah and love him like a father.30 (4) The Guiding Spirit of the Nation Through the enlightened administration and vision of Shahanshah Aryamehr, not only has our country made progress but other countries have also made progress. (5) The King Respected by the World Community All the peOple of the world respect the great thoughts of Shahanshah Aryamehr.32 (6) The Responsible Leader of the Country Our Shahanshah is the highest leader of the country and executes the basic law of the land. He commands the imperial armed forces, declares war, makes treaties . . .33 Because of the political climate in Iran, the survey instrument could not employ direct questions with the children to detect their images of and feelings toward the Shah: for instance, questions asking whether the Shah is "a person everybody likes," "a person who cares about them," "a good person," or "a bad person." Such questions were seemingly critical of the Shah, and 30Farsi-ye Sevom-e Debestan, p. 51. 31Talimat-e Ejtemaie-ye, Panjom-e Debestan, p. 219. 32Farsi-ye Dovom-e Debestan, p. 20. 33Talimat-e Ejtemaie-ye, Panjom-e Debestan, p. 228. 194 criticism of the Shah is not permitted in Iran. Never- theless, children's views of and feelings toward the Shah, just as in the Greenstein political socialization study on American school children (cited in Chapter I),34 were elicited by a question not primarily designed to deal with images of and sentiments toward the Monarch. The unstructured question simply asked: "What things does the king do for our country?" The categories of reSponse merit examination. Services role. Half of the children character- ized the Shah as a person who gives things and services to the people and children. For example: For the villages, he gives water and electricity and built universities and schools. (City fifth grade boy) He makes schools, he makes tribal elementary schools. He established gardens and brought the Health Corps for us. (Tribal third grade girl) He sends a doctor for us. (Tribal third grade boy) He builds Houses of Culture and Cooperative Development Houses. (Peasant fifth grade boy) He builds mosques for us. (Peasant third grade girl) Benevolent role. Nearly one-fifth (17 percent) of the children described the Shah as "helping," "taking care of," and "protecting the people." To illustrate: 34Greestein, Children and Politics, pp. 37-42. 195 The Shah helps the country. (Peasant third grade girl) He protects the frontiers. (Tribal fifth grade boy) He helps the people from Iraq who came to my country. (City fifth grade girl)35 The Shah does not let the country get into war. The Shah helps the economy of the country. (City third grade boy) He makes hospitals; he helps the poor people; he appoints policemen to protect the people. (City third grade boy) Normative role. Five percent of the children referred to the Shah as doing good himself and instruct- ing people to be and do good: The Shah gives orders to keep the country clean and tells us not to steal. (City third grade girl) The Shah does good work for our country. (Peasant fifth grade boy) He corrests mistakes. (City third grade girl) He gives speeches to tell Iranians to be good and kind. (City third grade girl) Governing role. And 11 percent of the children identified the Shah as a ruling monarch. Typical of the responses in this category are these: He is the head of the country and does the work of the country like presenting medals. (City fifth grade boy) 35The child was referring to the thousands of Iranian nationals expelled from Iraq in the mid-winter of 1971 (because of deteriorating relations between Iran and Iraq) to whom the Iranian government granted refuge. 196 He is the highest leader of the land and orders. (City fifth grade girl) The Shah rules the country. (Peasant fifth grade girl) Put briefly, then, 83 percent of the sampled children perceived the Shah in positive images. The spontaneous appearance of such images suggests that the use of appropriately structured questions would have revealed that positive views of the Shah were even greater among the children. Note that the item could have spurred references to "he doesn't do anything," "he puts people in prison, "he kills people," if these negative images were salient in children's perceptions of the Shah; but such references were not made. Instead, children viewed their king in positive ways. The frequency of references to the Shah's ser- vices, benevolent, normative, and governing roles among the city, peasant, and tribal children is shown in Table 5.20. As can be seen, references of this sort were made by children in all the groups; however, the tribal (93 percent) and peasant children (53 percent) were markedly more inclined to see the Shah in the ser- vices role--dispensing "gifts"--than the city children were (29 percent). The accentuation of "gift" imagery among the rural children is not at odds with expectations. The Shah's White Revolution programs are changing many aSpects of Iranian society, but above all, they are 197 changing the rural areas. To be certain, the sampled rural children had learned from teachers, parents, and representatives of the various White Revolution Corps-- Health Corps, Literacy Corps, Development Corps--that the developments they were seeing in their villages-- schools, electricity, piped water, health clinic, House of Culture, Village Council--were due to the efforts of the Shah. Table 5.20 City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Images of the Shah Percentage Who Perceived the Shah in a City Peasant Tribal Total Services role 29 53 93 50 Benevolent role 25 13 4 17 Normative role 6 9 l 5 Governing role 15 9 2 11 Don't know, no response 25 16 -- 17 Total 100 100 100 100 N (478) (224) (224) (224) Analysis of sex responses to the question revealed no significant findings; the boys, however, slightly more often saw the Shah in positive imagery than the girls did--85 percent versus 81 percent (see Table 5.21). On the other hand, analysis of grade level re8ponses to the question did reveal important findings: the fifth graders markedly more often saw the Shah in positive imagery than the third graders did--90 percent 198 versus 76 percent; also, they more often perceived the Shah in gift imagery than the third graders did--59 per- cent versus 41 percent (see Table 5.22). Since infor- mation about the Shah and the reforms of his White Revolution increases considerably in the upper grades of the elementary school, the greater gift imagery among the fifth graders comes expectedly. What might be inferred about the children's feelings toward the Shah from the above results? When a child's imagery of a political leader includes either "gifts," "benevolence,' or "goodness,' it seems reasonable to assume that the child is favorably disposed toward the leader. Observe this telling comment of one sampled child: "The Shah does everything for me and I always like him." Bearing the foregoing assumption in mind then, it seems fair to conclude the following: (1) 72 per- cent of the sampled children (those children who perceived the Shah in services, benevolent, and normative roles) had favorable feelings toward the Shah; (2) favorable feelings toward the Shah were highest among the tribal children (98 percent) and more common among the peasant (75 percent) than city children (60 percent); (3) the boys were more favorably disposed toward the Shah than the girls were (75 percent versus 71 percent); and (4) the fifth graders were more favorably inclined toward the ruling monarch than the third graders were 199 Table 5.21 Girls and Boys' Images of the Shah Percentage Who Perceived the Shah in a Girls Boys Services role 48 52 Benevolent role 17 18 Normative role 6 5 Governing role 10 10 Don't know, no resPonse 19 15 Total 100 100 N (402) (524) Table 5.22 Third and Fifth Graders' Images of the Shah Percentage Who Perceived . . the Shah in a Third Fifth Services role 41 59 Benevolent role 18 16 Normative role 6 5 Governing role 11 10 Don't know, no response 24 10 Total 100 100 N (463) (463) 200 (80 percent versus 65 percent). It should be pointed out, however, that if cognitive ability or the ability to articulate ideas readily among the peasant and city children had been equal to that among the tribal children (note that 25 percent of the city group and 16 percent of the peasant group could not respond to the question; whereas no one in the tribal group failed to respond to it), then favorable feelings toward the Shah most cer- tainly would have been more widespread among the sampled children, and, as a consequence, among the city and peasant groups, the sexes, and the grade levels. The positive images of the Shah and the favorable feelings toward him revealed among the children here contrast conspicuously with those among certain groups of Iranian adults, notably, the westernized or "modern" middle classes (including many government officials, small landowners, teachers, university students, and nonbazaar merchants); the bazaar and its workers, artisans, and nonbazaar merchants led by traditionally minded religious leaders; and the heads of large tribes. Members of these groups bitterly oppose the regime, and their orientations toward the Shah are neither laudatory nor sympathetic. Consider, for example, some descriptions of the Shah common among them: "dictator," "heathen," 201 "blood-thirsty," "murderer of the people," "enemy of the people," "CIA lackey."36 Given the existence of negative orientations toward the Shah among these strata of Iranian society, it is reasonable to suspect that some children are taught or exposed to images of the Shah in the home which differ from those taught in the school. For an Iranian parent, however, to teach his child that the Shah is "blood-thirsty" or an "enemy of the people" is quite unlikely. (Note this telling comment of one parent: "I teach my child to reapect the Shah, but I think something else."37) A parent who would advance anti-Shah orientations would soon be discovered by the ubiquitous SAVAK, Iran's feared secret police organization, and would be branded at best a "Marxist" and at worse a "traitor." He would be arrested and imprisoned. Moreover, for an Iranian parent to express anti-Shah orientations freely in front of his child is also unlikely; for in most cases he would certainly recognize that the child could betray him unwittingly. Thus, it seems safe to assume that the positive images of the Shah taught formally in the school receive no 36As revealed in personal conversations with members of these groups in Iran (1971-72) and the United States (1973-74). 37Personal interview with an Iranian parent, Tehran, 1972. 202 challenge from the family nor other agents, and when they are expressed among children, they reflect their honest views--as far as the children are conscious of them. It is instructive to point out that since the Mossadegh period (Mohammad Mossadegh was Prime Minister of Iran from 1951 to 1953; he had a popular following and nearly wrested control of the government from Mohammad Reza Pahlavi), no Iranian public official has been permitted to rival the Shah's image, either in representing the innate nationalism of the people or championing the cause of reform. According to Edward A. Bayne, a perceptive observer of Iranian politics, "The Mossadegh experience had emphasized the classical truism that a king can suffer no rival in ultimate power or in the apex of public esteem, and must work to maintain his position."38 As a consequence, in present-day Iran, the mass media work assiduously to present the Shah as the "supreme patriarch" and "champion of reform," and SAVAK, the secret police, constantly guards the Shah's positive images. Before ending the discussion on the children's images of and feelings toward the Shah, it may be useful 38Edward A. Bayne, Persian Kingship in Transition, Conversations with a Monarch—Whose Office Is Traditional and Whose Goal Is Modernization (New York: American Universities Field Staff, Inc., 1968), p. 167. 203 to comment upon them with respect to findings on chil- dren in the United States. In general, the urban Iranian school children's positive orientations toward the highest political leader in the land are consistent with major American findings. Greenstein, for instance, in his study found that urban youngsters appeared to be overwhelmingly favorably disposed toward the President; they regarded him as benevolent, worthy, competent, 39 On the other hand, the rural serving, and powerful. Iranian school children's positive orientations are at odds with findings on rural children in America. As cited in Chapter I, Jaros, Hirsch, and Fleron found that children in the relatively poor, rural Appalachian region of the United States were dramatically less favorably inclined toward the President than were their 40 counterparts in other portions of the country. Further, American findings reveal a growing cynicism among upper 41 but this trend was level elementary school children; not in evidence among the Iranian school children (80 percent of the fifth graders versus 65 percent of 39Greenstein, Children and Politics, pp. 27-54. 40Jaros, Hirsch, Fleron, "The Malevolent Leader: Political Socialization in an American Sub-Culture," 564-75. 41Robert D. Hess and David Easton, "The Child's Changing Image of the President," Public Opinion Quarterly, 24 (Winter, 1960), 632-44. 204 the third graders were favorably disposed toward the Shah). Presumably, if the sample had included more adolescents, the positive images of the Shah and favorable feelings toward him would have decreased sub- stantially--in view of the cynicism that exists among many Iranian adults. To sum up, the Iranian findings here have two implications. First, they point to the fact that children's positive orientations toward political authority are a culturally bound phenomenon and not a universal norm as they are often viewed by social scientists. And second, the occurrence of the divergent findings here underscores the desirability of explaining children's political orientations. Awareness of and Respect for Iran's Great Men . . . , to learn about some of the great men of Iran . . .42 The elementary curriculum guide repeatedly points out that children must be aware of and respect the great men of Iran. Accordingly, school curricula include the study of the lives, deeds, and thoughts of some of Iran's great men, principally, the kings Cyrus the Great, Darius, Shah Abbas, Anushiravan, Reza Shah the Great, and the reigning Mohammad Reza Pahlavi; the poets Ferdowsi, Saadi, Nezami, and Rudaki; and the 42Ministry of Education, Barname-ye Tafsili-ye Dowre-ye Panj Sale-ye Ebtedaie, p. 88. 205 scientists Abu Ali Sina and Razi. The survey question- naire set out to learn whether these great men were included in the children's repertoire of heroes and, moreover, to ascertain which one was the most popular among them. The students were asked this question: "What great Iranian in all the world, living or dead, do you most admire?" Added to the question was the instruction: "Write in the name of only one person." Table 5.23 reveals a number of interesting findings. Quite clearly, the great men of Iran were included in the children's repertoire of heroes: of the total sample, 58 percent named Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi; 12 percent named Cyrus the Great, founder of the Persian Empire; 11 percent named Reza Shah the Great, founder of modern Iran; 2 percent named either Darius, Anushira- van, or Shah Abbas; and 4 percent named either Ferdowsi, Saadi, Rudaki, or Abu Ali Sina. In all, 87 percent of the sampled children nominated the great of Iran as most admired Iranians. And Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, with 58 percent of the total responses, was unquestionably the most popular great Iranian among the children. His popularity was highest among the peasant children (81 percent) and more common among the tribal (58 per- cent) than city children (47 percent). That the reigning monarch should have been named by a majority of the children in all three groups as the 206 Table 5.23 City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Most Admired Great Iranian Percentage Who Named City Peasant Tribal Total Kin 5 Mo ammad Reza Pahlavi 47 81 58 58 Cyrus the Great 21 4 3 12 Reza Shah the Great 10 4 20 ll Darius, Shah Abbas, Anushiravan 2 3 l 2 Poets and Scientists Ferdowsi, Saadi, Rudaki, Abu Ali Sina 3 3 8 4 Other Cinema, sports, religious, educational, family figures 13 4 7 10 Don't know, no response 4 l 3 3 Total 100 100 100 100 N (478) (224) (224) (224) 207 great Iranian whom they admired most is not at all sur- prising. Clearly, there is more effort in the educational process, in the first grade and on, to familiarize chil- dren with and inculcate in them esteem for Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, "the great leader of Iran" and "the archi- tect of the White Revolution," than to acquaint children with and to instill in them respect for other great Iranians. Note, for example, that the Shah's image is on the frontispiece of every textbook and that his por- trait dominates practically every classroom, including the school tents that are set up each day as the nomadic tribes migrate with their flocks in the remote, almost inaccessible mountains. Furthermore, the effort of the educational system is strongly reinforced by the attention and adulation directed toward the Shah in the country at large. Note: (1) his picture--showing him posing in a Boy Scout uniform, smiling with his family, standing on a hill with clouds behind his back--hangs ubiquitously on office walls, behind shop counters, in shop windows, restaurants, hotels; (2) his photograph is in every newspaper of the land almost daily; (3) his extensive travels in the country are special events--roads are paved, parks are built, stadiums constructed (there are areas of the country where, when public works lag, the people say, "It has been too long since his Imperial Majesty's last visit. God willing, if he comes soon, 208 those rascals at the Municipality will have to get off their elbows and push the job");43 and (4) his accomplish- ments to old and young alike are systematically proclaimed through the mass media thus: What is so significant about the Shahanshah's leadership during the past 30 years is that the astonishing achievements were attained not from an early position of strength but from the bare minimum possibilities. The history of the past 30 years is a reading in how a nation, led by a wise and dedicated sovereign, began to build up a strong and prOSperous country from scratch. . . . The Shahanshah . . . was determined to lead his nation to greatness against all odds. . . . Through patience, hardwork, able planning and masterful leadership, all the obstacles to pro- gress were eliminated one by one. . . . But the real impetus for greatness came from the revolutionary zeal of the Shahanshah who, as the author of the revolutionary 12-point charter, personally had led the nation in implementing the White Revolution. . . . Iran has witnessed great leaders in its more than 2,500 years of uninterrupted nationhood. The name of the author of the White Revolution will join those of Cyrus the Great and Darius the Great as a leading con- tributor to the world civilization.44 Similarly, that the Shah should have been admired most by substantially more of the peasant children than the tribal and city children is not at all surprising. In peasant areas, attention and adulation toward the Shah--due to the programs of the White Revolution--is even more dramatic than in tribal and urban areas. 43Gregory Lima, "He Stamps the Age with His Image," Kayhan International (Tehran), June 13, 1972, p. 12. 44"Looking Back with Pride," Editorial, Kayhan International (Tehran), September 16, 1971, p. 4. 209 Old and young alike sense that it is to the efforts of the Shah that the farmers owe their title to their land, that a school exists to enlighten the village children, and that a doctor has come to care for the sick. Through radio and representatives of the Revolutionary Corps groups, both young and old are informed that the Shah is responsible for introducing villagers to better ways of buying their seeds and fer- tilizer and selling their produce through cooperatives, for showing them how to establish effective village councils and how to elect trusted farmers to serve as judges in the village equity courts. Indeed, in view of the incessant positive messages about the Shah in peasant areas, most of the peasant children could not help but choose Mohammad Reza Pahlavi as their most admired Iranian. What great Iranians followed the Shah in popu- larity? Cyrus the Great and Reza Shah the Great did-- but distantly as Table 5.23 shows. Cyrus's popularity was highest among the city children (21 percent) and ~ Reza Shah's pOpularity was highest among the tribal children (20 percent). Why a substantial proportion of the city children should have named Cyrus as their most admired Iranian is not difficult to account for. As mentioned earlier, nineteen hundred and seventy-one, designated officially "The Year of Cyrus the Great," was 210 the 2,500 anniversary of the founding of the Persian Empire. In urban areas more than in rural areas, Cyrus was unflaggingly heralded as the greatest of Iranian kings, both as a conqueror and as a human being. Thus the urban children, having had more exposure to the founder of the Persian Empire than the rural children had, probably knew more about Cyrus's achievements than the rural children did and, therefore, were more inclined than the rural children to nominate him as the great Iranian whom they admired most. On the other hand, why a substantial percentage of the tribal children should have admired Reza Shah the Great is puzzling. (Reza Shah is credited with breaking the power of the tribes and forcing them to give up their nomadic life. The Qashqai was one of the tribes singled out for particular attention; the tribal chief was imprisoned and some members of the tribe were either exiled or required to live in Tehran under surveillance.) Three additional interesting findings brought out in Table 5.23 are worth mentioning. First, the tribal children (8 percent) somewhat more often than the city (3 percent) and peasant children (3 percent) named scientists and poets as most admired figures. Their preference for such personalities, in part, might .have been the result of the impact of their reading (outside of the school program. The tribal children 211 sampled were avid participants in the Mobile Book Program of the Institute for the Intellectual Develop- ment of Children and Young Adults. Under this program, books on Iran, its great men, and other subjects are distributed to children in a number of isolated rural areas of the country. Second, the city children (13 per- cent) more frequently than the tribal (7 percent) and peasant children (4 percent) named other figures, including cinema and sports personalities. Given the salience of sportsmen and actors in the large cities, this finding is not unusual. And third, 83 percent of the sampled children reserved their highest esteem for kings--the dramatis personae of Iranian history (accounts of Iranian history present the country as a virtual intellectual desert ruled by successive dynasties). This finding would seem to support a popular conception that exists about Iran--that it is a country in which only the king has mattered and does matter.45 No substantial differences emerged between the sexes and the grade levels on this question. Nonethe- less, Iran's great men were more popular among the fifth 45Yet, it is interesting to note that a list of names of Iran's great men proposed.by the Imperial Cul- tural Council in 1972 showed the "king" conception to be ltistorically false; out of 300 names of the great included in.the list, only 18 belonged to the kings. They formed tflie second smallest group after the musicians! Well «aver one-third of the great men included in the list were scientists and philosophers. Amer Taheri, "The Great Men of Iran," Kayhan International (Tehran), February 10, 1972, p. 4. 212 graders (89 percent) and boys (89 percent) than the third graders (85 percent) and girls (86 percent). Also, Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was slightly more popular among the third graders (60 percent) and girls (59 percent) than the fifth graders (56 percent) and boys (57 percent). (See Tables 5.24 and 5.25.) A final question and comment about the children's responses on this item are appropriate. Did the chil- dren's responses reflect conformity or genuine feeling (when people live in an ideologically homogeneous environment, it is difficult to know whether their responses reflect conformity or genuine feeling)? The predilection here, in view of the positive images of and favorable feelings that the children had toward the Shah and such images of and feelings toward the other great Iranians nominated that they undoubtedly had, is to suggest that the reSponses of most of the children reflected genuine admiration for Iran's great men. In this respect, the sampled Iranian children were probably no different than American school children who admire figures of their historical past (Lincoln, Washington) and contemporary history (Kennedy, Ford). Concept of the Iranian Government . . . --to be familiar with the constitutional monarchy . . . of Iran . . 45 46Ministry of Education, Barname:ye Tafsili-ye Dowre-ye Panj Sale-ye Ebtedaie, p. 92. 213 Table 5.24 Girls and Boys' Most Admired Great Iranian Percentage Who Named Girls Boys Kin s Mohammad Reza Pahlavi 59 57 Cyrus the Great 12 12 Reza Shah the Great ll 11 Darius, Shah Abbas, Anushiravan 2 3 Poets and Scientists Ferdowsi, Saadi, Rudaki, Abu Ali Sina 2 6 Other .___F_ . . Cinema, sports, religious, educational, family figures 9 5 Don't know, no response 5 6 Total 100 100 N (402) (524) Table 5.25 Third and Fifth Graders' Most Admired Great Iranian Percentage Who Named Third Fifth Kin s Mo ammad Reza Pahlavi 60 56 Cyrus the Great 9 15 Reza Shah the Great 11 ll Darius, Shah Abbas, Anushiravan l 3 Poets and Scientists Ferdowsi, Saadi, Rudaki Abu Ali Sina 4 4 Other Cinema, sports, religious, educational, family figures 8 5 Don't know, no response 7 6 Total 100 100 N (463) (463) 214 Political socialization attempts to foster an institutionalized and democratic conception of govern- ment in children; that is to say, it tries to develop the idea in children that government is a system of rule by the people embodied in the legislative, judicial, and executive powers and voting, and not a system of rule by one person embodied in the Shah. To illustrate, in the civics monographs in the fifth grade social studies textbook, children read: The government of Iran is a CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCHY . . .47 A constitutional monarchy and some republican governments in which the peOple voluntarily take part in the management of the country are called DEMOCRATIC, which means government of the people and also by the people. Every democratic government consists of three powers: LEGISLATIVE, JUDICIAL, and EXECUTIVE. The LEGISLATIVE power is composed of one or several houses of representatives and its function is to enact needed legislation and improvement or to change passed legislation and conditions according to the requirements of the day. The JUDICIAL power contains all courts of justice; the courts of justice investigate dis- putes among the people and punish people who have broken the law. The EXECUTIVE power executes the orders of the courts of justice and the laws that have been enacted by the legislature.48 In their study of childhood political sociali- zation in America, David Easton and Jack Dennis 47Talimat-e Ejtemaie-ye, Panjom-e Debestan, p. 228. 481bid., pp. 225-26. 215 administered a test to several thousand elementary school students (grades two to eight) in which they attempted to get at children's dominant conception of government, and how it varies with the grade level of the children.49 Their question asked children to select two pictures "that show best what the government is" out of ten pictorial representations of it. The pictures the children were offered were of a policeman, George Washington, Uncle Sam, voting, the Supreme Court, the Capitol, Congress, the American flag, the Statue of Liberty, and President John F. Kennedy. Assuming that an outcome of 20 percent or more responses for any picture was significant, the researchers found that only four of the ten pictures had achieved this status, those of George Washington, President Kennedy, voting, 50). The results of the test and Congress (see Table 5.26 were quite interesting for they revealed that while chil- dren in the early grades perceived Washington and Kennedy as the government, by the later grades, they viewed Congress and voting as the government. Easton and Dennis concluded that as American children mature, their conception of government is "brought in stages from far to near, from one small set of persons to many 49Easton and Dennis, Children in the Political System: Origins of Political Legitimacy, pp. 111-14. SOEEEQ-v P- 116, extracted from Table 6.2. 216 people, from a personalized to an impersonalized form of authority, and toward an awareness of the institu- tionalization in our system of such regime norms as are embodied in the idea of a representative, popular "51 democracy. Table 5.26 American Children's Conceptions of Government, by Grade Level George President . Grade Washington Kennedy Congress Voting (%) (%) (%) (%) 2 39 46 6 4 3 27 47 13 8 4 14 37 29 ll 5 7 39 49 19 6 5 31 50 28 7 3 28 44 39 8 2 23 49 47 An attempt was made to replicate the Easton- Dennis test with the Iranian political socialization sample. The pictorial representations of government used in the Iranian test approximated those employed by Easton and Dennis; they were a policeman, Cyrus the Great, the Red Lion and Sun (a salient symbol of the national government), voting, a court of justice, the Majles building, the legislative Majles, the Iranian flag, the Shah's book The White Revolution, and Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. As in the Easton-Dennis study, 51Ibid., p. 117. 217 assuming that 20 percent or more responses on any picture was significant, the four important pictures which emerged for the Iranian children were Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, Cyrus the Great, the Iranian flag, and the Red Lion and Sun. The results on all pictures for the sample and the grade levels are given in Table 5.27. When the picture test was discussed with several elementary school teachers and administrators, as well as Iranian colleagues and friends, they all remarked that the children should select Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. It turns out, in fact, that the Shah was the top choice for all children; his picture was selected with the highest frequency in the third grade (87 per- cent) and also in the fifth grade (86 percent). In both grades he was distantly followed by the Iranian flag. voting and the Majles legislature (Congress), the two options which for American children showed a marked increase in frequency in the fifth grade (19 per- cent and 49 percent, respectively), were selected by conspicuously small numbers of Iranian children at this «grade level (2 percent and 3 percent, respectively). Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, of course, was also the dominant conception of government among the city, peasant, and tribal children. And as Table 5.28 shows, Ina was distantly followed among the city children by Table 5.27 Third and Fifth Graders' Conceptions of 218 Governmenta Percentage Who Selected Third Fifth Total VOting l 2 1 Red Lion and Sun 25 19 22 Cyrus the Great 30 28 29 Policeman 7 3 5 Majles legislature 5 3 4 Majles building 3 2 3 Court of justice 3 4 3 Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi 87 86 87 White Revolution 6 10 8 Iranian flag 31 43 37 Don't know, no reSponse 2 -- l Totalb 200 200 200 N (463) (463) (926) aActual text of the question: that you see on this page show what our government is. Put a mark under the two pictures that in your opinion show better than the others what our government is." "The pictures bPercentages are the sum of the first and second Thus the columns equal 200 choice percentage figures. percent. 219 Cyrus the Great, among the peasant children by the Iranian flag, and among the tribal children by the Red Lion and Sun emblem. Since, as noted earlier, considerably more attention was showered on Cyrus the Great in urban than in rural areas during the 2,500 anniversary celebrations in 1971, it is not surprising that Cyrus was more often thought of as the government among the city children than the rural children. And because the Iranian flag and Red Lion and Sun emblem are distinctive and salient symbols of the national govern- ment in rural areas (wherever a government program-- Literacy Corps, Health Corps, Development Corps, House of Equity--is operative, there is an Iranian flag or the Red Lion and Sun emblem), it is not surprising that they were more frequently conceived of as the government among the rural than the urban children. Finally, it should be noted that the differences between the sexes on this question were not large; but, even so, slightly more of the boys (88 percent) than the girls (84 percent) selected Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi as "the best picture of government." In order of popu- larity, among both the girls and boys, the Shah was distantly followed by (l) the Iranian flag, (2) Cyrus the Great, and (3) the Red Lion and Sun emblem. (See Table 5.29.) 220 Table 5.28 City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Con- ceptions of Government Percentage Who Selected City Peasant Tribal Voting 2 -- 1 Red Lion and Sun 17 23 32 Cyrus the Great 38 15 23 Policeman 7 4 4 Majles legislature 5 4 -- Majles building 2 6 1 Court of justice 5 2 -- Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi 81 90 96 White Revolution 7 6 12 Iranian flag 35 48 31 Don't know, no response 1 2 -- Total 200 200 200 N (478) (224) (224) Table 5.29 Girls and Boys' Conceptions of Government Percentage Who Selected Girls Boys VOting 2 1 Red Lion and Sun 22 22 Cyrus the Great 29 29 Policeman 5 6 Majles legislature 3 4 Majles building 2 3 Court of justice 4 3 Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi 84 38 White Revolution 7 9 Iranian flag 40 35 Don't know, no response 2 ” Total 200 200 N (402) (524) 221. It would appear then, that the Iranian school children's conception of government like the American school children's was personalized; that is to say, it was tied to the highest political leader, the Shah. But whereas the American children in the fifth grade revealed a significant awareness of the institutionalization of government and the expected role of ordinary people in it (the markedly more frequent choice of Congress and voting is indicative of this), the Iranian children did not; instead, despite the school's teaching, they conceived of government in personal terms (this is evi- denced in the fact that well over four-fifths of the children in the fifth grade picked the Shah and over a fourth of them picked Cyrus the Great as "the best picture of government"). This finding, of course, is not too surprising; for it has long been known from studies in mass communi- cation and propaganda that there are severe limits to a person's ability to change another's belief or attitude if the other person is not so predisposed. Officially, Iran is a constitutional monarchy, and the constitution states that power emanates from the people;52 but, in point of fact, Iran is an absolute monarchy. Shah 52Children are specifically taught this fact in school. Talimat-e Ejtemaie-ye, Panjom-e Debestan, p. 228. 222 Mohammad Reza Pahlavi rules, and his subjects know it.53 Given these objective facts then, the sampled children, to be sure, arrived in school with the idea that the Shah governs--induced familially and by the general socio-political culture of Iran--and, as a consequence, the school's message--that the people govern through institutions and processes--could not and did not take. Factual Political Information To learn about Iran, the Shahanshah, the flag of Iran . . .54 The educational system's political socialization process is designed not only to familiarize children with Iran's constitutional monarchy, but also to impart to them specific factual information about its structures, such as the Shahanshah and Majles, and its incumbents of roles, such as Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and Empress Farah. The survey instrument contained several measures of information specifically designed to ascertain the factual information about governmental structures and incumbents of roles that the school children actually had. Two of the measures most relevant to the school's teaching were: "Write the name of the king of Iran." 53The Shah admits his power. See, for example, Oriana Fallaci, "The Shah of Iran," New Republic, December 1, 1973, pp. 16-21. 54Ministry of Education, Barname-ye Tafsili-ye Dowre-ye Panj Sale-ye Ebtedaie, p. 87. 223 and "What does the Majles do?" Note that in textbooks children are first taught the name of the ruling Shah in the second grade Persian reader: "The name of Shahanshah Aryamehr is Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi";55 and they are first instructed about the function of the Majles in the fifth grade social studies text: "The most important function of the Majles-e Shoura-ye Melli [National Consultative Assembly] and the Majles-e Sena [Senate] is the enactment of laws."56 But inevitably, through other means in the school's socialization process (talks by the teacher, classroom discussion) children are intro- duced to the Shah's name and the work of the Majles much earlier. Needless to say, the two items--the first based on the ability to name the present king and the second based on the ability to identify the function of the Majles--represented only the shallowest probing of the children's factual political information; nevertheless, they were thought to be sufficient not only to assess knowledge of two basic political facts among the sampled children in general but also to get at differences between the city, peasant, and tribal children, the sexes, and the grade levels. 55Farsi-ye Dovom-e Debestan, p. 19. 56 p- 2310 Talimat-e Ejtemaie-ye, Panjom-e Debestan, 224 Was knowledge of the two political facts, then, widespread among the children? First, contrary to expectation, the name of the present ruler of Iran was not universally known among the children; only 76 percent of the total sample could name him correctly--"Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi." Of the 24 percent in the sample who could not give the Shah's name, 11 percent gave the name of his deceased father, "Reza Shah Kabir," (note it bears a strong resemblance to the ruling king's name), and 13 percent either offered another appellation ("Cyrus the Great," "His Imperial Majesty," "King of Kings") or wrote in "I don't know," or gave no response. But, perhaps, it should not be unexpected that nearly one- quarter of the children were not able to name the Shah correctly; since the mass media, people in general, and even elementary school teachers often solely refer to him by one of his royal titles--"Shahanshah," "His Imperial Majesty," "His Royal Highness"--rather than his full name. Second, the function of the Majles also, but expectedly, (since this fact is taught and publi- cized less than the Shah's name), was not universally known among the children; in fact, only 16 percent of the total sample could identify it with reasonable accuracy--"to make laws." Moreover, only 27 percent in the sample had an awareness of the public nature of the Majles, that is to say, a vague understanding of the 225 national legislature (for example, "The Majles talks about things that they want to do for the country"; "People meet there, and they do work for the country"; "The Majles-e Shoura-ye Melli and the Majles-e Sena give orders to help the people"). Thus, most of the children in the sample--57 percent--could not provide information or reasonable information about the work of the Majles nor about the Majles itself. But more significant than the mass level of achievement on the two tests of factual political infor- mation was the great range of achievement among the dif- ferent children. Of all the sampled children, as Table 5.30 shows, tribal children were decidedly the best informed of both political facts: 99 percent of them, in contrast with 79 percent of the peasant chil- dren and 63 percent of the city children, named the Shah correctly; 42 percent of them, in contrast with 7 percent of the peasant children and 9 percent of the city chil- dren, described the function of the Majles correctly. What factor might have accounted for their superior performance? American research has shown that chronological age is an important determinant of the kinds of political information possessed by children; Greenstein, for example, found in his study (Children and Politics) that among fourth graders, nine-year-olds, political 226 Table 5.30 City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Ability To Name the Shah and Identify the Function of the Majles Percentage Who Responded City Peasant Tribal Total With Shah Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi 63 79 99 76 Reza Shah Kabir 15 15 -- 11 Other, don't know, no response 22 6 l 13 Total 100 100 100 100 Majles Accurate understanding of function 9 7 42 16 Awareness of public nature of insti- tution 27 24 28 27 Other, don't know, no response 64 69 30 57 Total 100 100 100 100 N (478) (224) (224) (926) 227 information scarcely went beyond vaguely positive dis- positions toward the president and mayor; but by eighth grade, twelve- and thirteen-year-olds had become reasonably well-informed about major political insti- tutions.57 The tribal students, as indicated in Chapter IV, were the oldest respondents in the sample; 51 percent were beyond the official terminal elementary school age of eleven. Thus it readily might be assumed that they were the best politically informed children because they were older. Yet, the analysis expressed in Table 5.31 seems to argue against such an assumption, for there it can be seen that younger tribal respondents (eight or younger to eleven) were able to name the Shah and identify the function of the Majles as often and even more often than the older tribal respondents (twelve to fourteen or older) could; and moreover, that the tribal respondents at every age level and in every age category surpassed the peasant and city respondents in naming the Shah correctly and understanding the work of the Majles. Since age was not the determining factor for the superior performance of the tribal children, what reasonable factor might have been? American research also has shown that intelli- gence, as measured by I.Q. tests, is an important factor 57Greenstein, Children and Politics, pp. 55-60. 228 Table 5.31 City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Ability To Name the Shah and Identify the Function of the Majles, by Age (abbreviated table) Percentage Who Responded With City Peasant Tribal Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi 8 or younger 57 62 100 52 67 100 10 73 66 97 ll 77 90 100 12 57 81 100 13 50 92 94 14 or older 80 90 100 The function of the Majles 8 or younger 7 0 20 2 0 33 10 7 3 54 11 17 12 56 12 7 8 39 13 5 20 33 14 or older 0 0 33 Ages = -8 9 10 ll 12 13 14+ N City (28) (143) (85) (108) (82) (18) (9) N Peasant (8) (42) (35) (41) (63) (25) (10) N Tribal (5) (27) (39) (41) (51) (18) (42) 229 in explaining which types of children in school tend to be well-informed politically; Charles F. Andrain, for instance, in his study, Children and Civic Awareness, discovered that information about the principles of government--structures, functions, processes--and about particular leaders improved and expanded with increasing intelligence among elementary school children (fifth and eighth graders).58 Although I.Q. information was not sought on the sampled children, available evidence suggests that the tribal children were more intelligent than their peasant and city counterparts. Several Iranian educators (including a former undersecretary of elementary education in the Ministry of Education and the Director General of Education for Fars Ostan) acknowledged that the I.Q. of the tribal children of Fars Ostan had been found to be superior on average than that of urban children in Iran, presumably a legacy of the comparatively hard way of life which develops their acumen. They further admitted that when the tribal children of Fars Ostan passed on to urban schools, they almost invariably excelled the city children in academic achievement. Interestingly enough, one American student of Iranian education reported that when a test was given to thirty-six 58Charles F. Andrain, Children and Civic Aware- ness: A_Study in Political Education (Columbus, Ohio: Charles E. Merrill’Publishing Company, 1971), p. 75. 230 sixth graders in a Shiraz school, six of whom were tribal children, one received the highest score and the other five were among the top ten.59 Perhaps the sampled tribal children, then, were the best politically informed because of their superior intelligence. Certainly, this hypothesis appears to be deserving of future research. Tribal children, however, may not have been the best politically informed students because they had superior intelligence, but rather because they had good learning experiences. Educators have long argued that good learning experiences--for example, participation in classroom discussions--contribute significantly to the development of well-informed, reflective, and involved citizens.60 And although these hypotheses have been advanced with varying degrees of empirical support, Almond and verba's landmark five-nation study of citizenship, The Civic Culture, did indeed show, among other things, that adults who remembered being able to participate in classroom discussions when they were in secondary school felt much more competent to 59 Hendershot, "White Tents in the Mountains, p. 20. 60See, for example, Byron G. Massialas, ed., "The Indiana Experiments in Inquiry," Bulletin of the §ghool of Education, 39 (Bloomington: Indiana Uni- versity, 1963), 1-39. 231 engage in political affairs than adults who did not remember being able to participate.61 Some of the best teaching observed in Iranian elementary schools was in the tribal schools. Tribal teachers, who were tribesmen and tribeswomen it will be recalled, emphasized the participation of the chil- dren in classroom activities more often than observed peasant and city teachers did. Children were encouraged to talk and to express their opinions. Thus it should come as no surprise that on the survey question: "When you have discussions in class, are students free to say what they want to say?," 72 percent of the tribal children checked the "yes" Option, whereas only 48 per- cent of the city children and 39 percent of the peasant children did so (see Table 5.32). The objective in tribal schools was not only to teach the Ministry of Education curriculum but, quite clearly, to stimulate and encourage curiosity, creativity, ambition, and resourcefulness in the children. In them, in contrast to many of the observed peasant and city government schools, there was no suppression of spirit, regimen- tation, or corporal punishment. 61Almond and Verba, The Civic Culture, pp. 284-97. 232 Table 5.32 City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Perceived Freedom of Students To Participate in Class Discussions Percentage Who Said City Peasant Tribal Total They could 48 39 72 52 They could not 47 58 27 45 Don't know, no response 5 3 l 3 Total 100 100 100 100 N (478) (224) (224) (926) Other observers have also noted the excellence of the learning experience in tribal schools. Here are the comments of one seasoned eyewitness: An air of orderly informality marks these schools. The boys and girls squat together on colorful rugs, usually facing a small blackboard resting on crude posts like an easel, often with a bag of chalk lying on the ground underneath. . . . All are intent on their books, on the black- board. The monitor system is common, the older children teaching the younger, or a child works a problem on the blackboard while the others watch, being quick to raise a hand if an error is noted. The concentration of mind, the alert- ness to every development, the complete absorption of their minds in the learning situation make for a speed of accomplishment not found in many schools. Inevitably, one asks why were good learning experiences far.more prominent in the tribal schools than in the peasant and city schools? In part, the answer must be sought in the competent and devoted leadership of the director of the Tribal Education 62 Hendershot, "White Tents in the Mountains," 233 Program, as noted earlier, a tribesman himself, who started the program in 1953 and has supervised it ever since.63 Noticeable differences emerged between the sexes on the two factual political information questions. The boys were better politically informed than were the girls: 81 percent of them, compared with 69 percent of the girls, could name the Shah correctly; 19 percent of them, compared with 13 percent of the girls, identified the function of the Majles correctly; and 28 percent of them, compared with 25 percent of the girls, had an awareness of the public nature of the Majles (see Table 5.33). In general, the sex findings on the Iranian school children here parallel those on American school children. Greenstein reported in his study (Children and Politics) that elementary school boys were significantly better informed about politics than elementary school girls were. He suggested that early childhood experiences and personality traits accounted for the political sex differences among the grade school 64 children. Undoubtedly, such factors were also responsible for the observed differences between the 63For accessible information on the history and development of the Tribal Education Program, see the Hendershot publication. 64Greenstein, Children and Politics, pp. 115-18. 234 Iranian school boys and girls, not only on the factual items here but also on many of the questions introduced earlier. (Note that Iranian culture tends to dichotomize male and female roles much more strictly than is usually the case in the United States; sex, therefore, may be a much more influential factor in the political orien- tations of children in Iran than in the United States.) Marked differences also emerged between the grade levels on the factual political items. Expectedly, since the Majles and the Shah receive more attention in the fifth grade than in the third grade, the fifth graders were significantly better informed than were the third graders: 84 percent of them, in contrast with 68 percent of the third graders, named the Shah correctly; 21 percent of them, in contrast with 12 per- cent of the third graders, described the function of the Majles accurately; and 41 percent of them, compared with 12 percent of the third graders, were at least aware of the public nature of the Majles (see Table 5.34). It might be suspected that the better performance of the fifth graders was not due to the teaching of the school so much but to the factor of maturation (age). At the Imoment, however, this suspicion seems unfounded. When 'the responses of the eleven-year-olds in the fifth grade *were compared with those of the twelve-year-olds in the fifth grade, surprisingly, the younger cohorts 235 Table 5.33 Girls and Boys' Ability To Name the Shah and Identify the Function of the Majles Percentage Who Responded With Girls Boys Shah Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi 69 81 Reza Shah Kabir 14 10 Other, don't know, no response 17 9 Total 100 100 Majles Accurate understanding of function 13 19 Awareness of public nature of institution 25 28 Other, don't know, no response 62 53 Total 100 100 N (402) (524) Table 5.34 Third and Fifth Graders' Ability To Name the Shah and Identify the Function of the Majles Percentage Who Responded With Third Fifth Shah Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi 68 84 Reza Shah Kabir l7 6 Other, don't know, no response 15 10 Total 100 100 Majles Accurate understanding of function 12 21 Awareness of public nature of institution 7 12 41 Other, don't know, no response 76 38 Total 100 100 N (463) (463) 236 substantially more often than the older ones named the ruling king correctly, identified the function of the Majles, and had an awareness of the public nature of the legislature (see Table 5.35). Table 5.35 Fifth Grade Eleven-Year-Olds and Twelve-Year- Olds' Ability To Name the Shah and Identify the Function of the Majles Percentage Who Responded With 11 Years 12 Years Shah Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi 84 77 Other, don't know, no response 16 23 Total 100 100 Majles Accurate understanding of the function 24 15 Awareness of the public nature of the institution 42 38 Other, don't know, no response 34 47 Total 100 100 N (154) (158) Conceptions of and Feelingg Toward the White Revolution . . . --to acquaint students with the quality of the White Revolution and its good results. . . .65 Because gaining the support of the people for Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's White Revolution is an important goal of the Iranian government, the educational system attempts to generate positive conceptions of and 65Rahnama:ye Tadris-e Ketab-e Talimat-e Ejtemaie Panjom-e Debestan, p. 190. 237 favorable feelings toward it among the children. For instance, in the essay "The Sixth of Bahman," found in the fourth grade Persian reader, children are instructed that because of the Revolution, life in Iran today is better than it was yesterday: Before the Sixth of Bahman, 1341,66 most of the farmers did not own the land which they cul- tivated. The land belonged to the malek [land- lord]. From morning until evening, the farmers toiled over the land, but the crop belonged to the landlord. Only a trifle portion of it, just enough to keep one alive, was given to the farmers. But today our farmers are the owners of the land. They plant and harvest for themselves, and since the crop belongs to them, they work more so that they will have more benefits. Or, in the story "The Village“ in the same reader, chil- dren are taught that because of the White Revolution, modernization and progress are taking place in Iran: . . . Hossein saw two people coming down from the Opposite hill with a container of water. Hossein recognized both of them, one was the teacher in the village, while the other was a member of the Development Corps. Upon seeing them, new thoughts came to him. He recalled that three years ago, their village did not have a school, a bath, nor drinking water. The kuchees [narrow streets] were not paved with stones. The earth was plowed with an ox. But since the com- ing of the Literacy Corps and the Development Corps to the village and their guidance of the villagers, through effort and cooperation, the villagers have been able to build a deep well, to make a water 66As noted in Chapter I, the Sixth of Bahman, 1341, equivalent to January 26, 1963, is the date on which the reforms of the White Revolution were approved in a national referendum. 67Farsi-ye Charom-e Debestan, p. 102. 238 tank, to lay pipes in all the kuchees, to estab- lish a village cooperative, to plow the earth with a tractor, and, with each other's help, have tried to improve the village.68 Just as it was not prudent to use direct questions with the children to detect their images of and sentiments toward Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, it also was not prudent to use direct questions with them to detect their con- ceptions of and feelings toward the Shah's White Revo- lution. Questions asking whether the White Revolution is a "good thing" or a "bad thing" appeared critical of the Revolution and, hence, of the Shah. So to get some insight into the children's ideas of and sentiments toward the Revolution, the survey instrument relied upon a very simple measure. The item was open-ended and phrased thus: "What is the White Revolution?" In its actual content this question, of course, is a cognitive one; however, it was thought that it would reveal not only the children's conceptions of the Revolution but, at the same time, also their feelings toward it. Many children could not respond to the question; but the statements of those children who could respond were analyzed and classified. The categories of response are worth examining. Reforms to improve Iran. A small percentage of the children (14 percent) revealed a reasonable 681bid., p. 6. 239 understanding of the Revolution--"Reforms introduced by the Shah to improve the country." However, most of the responses were neutral in tone and, moreover, many of them showed the earmarks of rote learning. To illustrate: The White Revolution is for the improvement of the country. It has twelve points-~land reform, literacy corps, development corps, nationalization of forests, sale of factories, profit sharing, health corps, houses of justice, improvement of villages and cities, educational reform, nationali- zation of water. (City fifth grade boy) The White Revolution is about the Shah and the peOple and the foundation of new life in Iran. Women who for thousands of years were behind the veil were given freedom. It also established the Literacy Corps, the Health Corps, and the Develop- ment Corps. (Peasant fifth grade boy) The White Revolution was made by the Shah for the improvement of the country. It has 12 points. (Tribal fifth grade boy) Shah,programs, nonviolent revolution. Slightly more than one-fourth of the children (26 percent) per- ceived the Revolution to be the Shah, one or more of the programs which are a part of it, or a nonviolent revo- lution. The following responses are typical of the children's statements: It's the Literacy Corps and the Health Corps. (Tribal third grade girl) The White Revolution is the Shah and some ground that people put wheat into and it grows tall. (Peasant third grade boy) In every country one revolution has happened and lots of people are killed, but when the Shah took power a revolution happened and it 240 did not kill a lot of people, because in the revolution we can't see even a little bloodshed. The Shah called it the White Revolution. (Peasant fifth grade boy) Some phrases ("in every country one revolution has hap- pened," "bloodshed") and ideas in the last two entries come directly from the selections on the White Revolution in the social studies and Persian language textbooks used by the children. Somethingggood. A very small proportion of the children (5 percent) viewed the White Revolution as a "good thing." For example: It's a good thing; it gave freedom to the farmers; it gave money and land to them. (Tribal fifth grade boy) Before the revolution the country was in a bad condition but after the coming of the White Revolution, the country is peaceful. (Tribal fifth grade boy) It's good. (Peasant third grade boy) "Sixth of Bahman," "Revolution of the Shah and People," book. Eleven percent of the children either gave another pOpular name for the White Revolution--"The Revolution of the Shah and People," "Sixth of Bahman"-- or identified the Revolution as a book (as noted earlier, the Shah's book on the reforms is titled The White Revo- lution). For instance: It's a book which says something about the country. (City fifth grade girl) 241 The Revolution is the Sixth of Bahman. (City fifth grade girl) It's the Revolution of the Shah and People. (City third grade boy) Celebration, assassination. And finally, a small percentage of the children (7 percent) conceived of the White Revolution in totally incorrect ways. Two examples are: When the king ordered the factories to be opened, someone tried to shoot him, but he survived and the soldiers killed the man. (City third grade boy) The White Revolution is a celebration. (City third grade boy) What major impressions are gained from the above analysis of the children's responses? The majority of the children who had a positive conception of the White Revolution--56 percent (this figure excludes the 7 per- cent who answered incorrectly)--appeared to have little understanding of it; their answers either represented memorized textbook materials or modes of communicating a hazy awareness of the Revolution. Furthermore, the majority of the children who had a positive conception of the Revolution appeared to lack favorable feelings toward it; their answers on the whole were almost entirely neutral in tone. Note that responses connoting favorable affect--"something good"--summed up only to 5 percent. 242 The absence of a SOphisticated understanding of the White Revolution and favorable sentiments toward the Revolution among the children can best be accounted for in two ways. First, most of the sampled children pro- bably did not have the cognitive ability to understand the White Revolution nor the intellectual skills to define concisely the Revolution in three minutes. Note that more than one-third of the children (37 percent) were not able to respond to the question, even though most of them had surely heard of the White Revolution, if not through the mass media, certainly through their school textbooks, beginning as early as the third grade. (Greenstein in his study suggests that the inability of young people to think abstractly is a major restraint upon the deve10pment of ideological orientations during 69 If this is so, the school system's early adolescence. attempt to foster commitment to the White Revolution among the fourth or fifth graders should be generally unsuccessful.) And second, and perhaps more importantly, many of the sampled children in all likelihood had not received dynamic instruction in the White Revolution. Limited observations of teachers teaching White Revo- lution lessons and, in addition, conversations with a number of school administrators and elementary school 69Greenstein, Children and Politics, pp. 64-75. 243 teacher friends revealed that teachers were not enthusi- astic about teaching the White Revolution. The lack of fervor among the teachers, of course, was no surprise. As indicated earlier, teachers are not in sympathy with the present regime. Thus, when views on the White Revolution were solicited among elementary school teacher friends, one quipped: "What revolution? There is no revolutionl," the implication being that changes were not really taking place in Iran; while another sarcastically remarked: "You mean, the Black Revolution?," the implication being that the Revolution was not in the interest of the people. But even though observed teachers did not demonstrate the desired enthu- siasm in teaching the White Revolution to the children, it should not be assumed that they criticized or ques- tioned the reforms of the Shah in the classroom, for that would have identified them as enemies of the White Revo- lution and, by extension, enemies of the Shah. Imprison- ment would have followed. Table 5.36 gives the summarized responses of the city, peasant, and tribal children to the White Revo- lution question. The analysis expressed there brings out three important points: first, the tribal children (94 percent) and peasant children (59 percent) had a positive conception of the Revolution markedly more often than the city children had (37 percent); second, the tribal children (30 percent) had a reasonable 244 understanding of the White Revolution markedly more often than the city (10 percent) and peasant children, had (5 percent); and third, the tribal (7 percent) and peasant children (10 percent) were noticeably more often favorably disposed toward the Revolution than the city children were (2 percent). Since, as noted many times earlier, the thrust of the White Revolution is in the rural areas, it is not unexpected that the rural chil- dren more often than the urban children should have had a positive conception, albeit a hazy one, of the Revolution, and that they more often than the urban children were favorablydisposed toward it. No doubt, the peasant and tribal children had discussed with parents, teachers (several of whom were uniformed Literacy Corpsmen under military discipline), and friends the programs of the Revolution more frequently than the city children had. Some fragmentary evidence for this supposition comes from the children themselves. When they were asked to check off national programs and events from a given list of four--twenty-fifth centenary celebrations, Literacy Corps, Iranian refugees from Iraq, land reform--that they had discussed with family, friends, or teachers in the recent past, the peasant and tribal children more often than the city children checked land reform and Literacy Corps, two of twelve programs of the White Revolution (see Table 5.37). And since 245 Table 5.36 City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Concep- tions of the White Revolution Percentage Who Said City Peasant Tribal Total Reforms to improve Iran 10 5 30 14 Shah, programs, nonviolent revolution 14 24 53 26 Something good 2 10 7 5 Sixth of Bahman, Revolution of Shah and People, book 11 20 4 ll Celebration, assassination, other unrelated ideas 6 12 2 7 Don't know, no response 57 29 4 37 Total 100 100 100 100 N (478) (224) (224) (926) Table 5.37 City, Peasant, and Tribal Children's Dis- cussion of National Programs and Events Percentage Who Discusseda City Peasant Tribal Total Twenty-fifth centenary celebrations 68 76 68 70 Literacy Corps 43 52 48 46 Iranian refugees from Iraq 71 53 71 67 Land reform 22 29 38 27 N (478) (224) (224) (926) aOnly the percentages for those who reported dis- cussion are presented here. 246 the intelligence and educational experience of the tribal children were hypothesized earlier to be superior to that of the city and peasant children, it also is not unforeseen that they more often than the city and peasant children should have had a reasonable under- standing of the Revolution. Finally, the findings for the grade levels and the sexes on this question should be noted. The boys, probably because of a greater interest in political affairs, more often than the girls had a positive con- ception of the White Revolution (61 percent versus 51 per- cent), a reasonable understanding of it (16 percent ver- sus 11 percent), and favorable feelings toward it (6 per- cent versus 4 percent). (See Table 5.38.) And the fifth graders, in all likelihood of their greater cog- nitive ability and intellectual skills and the increased attention given to the White Revolution in the upper grades of the elementary cycle, more frequently than the third graders had a positive conception of the White Revolution (74 percent versus 48 percent), a reasonable understanding of it (25 percent versus 6 percent), and favorable feelings toward it(7 percent versus 3 per- cent). (See Table 5.39.) 247 Table 5.38 Girls and Boys' Conceptions of the White Revo- lution Percentage Who Said Girls Boys Reforms to improve Iran 11 16 Shah, programs, nonviolent revolution 23 29 Something good 4 6 Sixth of Bahman, Revolution of Shah and PeOple, book 13 10 Celebration, assassination, other unrelated ideas 6 6 Don't know, no response 43 33 Total 100 100 N (402) (524) White Revolution Table 5.39 Third and Fifth Graders' Conceptions of the Percentage Who Said Third Fifth - Reforms to improve Iran 3 25 Shah, programs, nonviolent revolution 22 30 Something good 3 7 Sixth of Bahman, Revolution of Shah and People, book 10 12 Celebration, assassination, other unrelated ideas 8 6 Don't know, no response 54 20 Total 100 100 N (463) (463) 248 At this point it becomes appropriate to introduce the summary tables, in which the major findings for the sample, the three subgroups, the sexes, and the two grade levels are presented, and to deal with the question of the effectiveness of the political socialization effort. Summary and Conclusion To suggest how effective the political sociali- zation effort of the Iranian elementary school system is in (1) developing conformity in certain desired political beliefs, attitudes, and knowledge among students, (2) politically unifying city, peasant, and tribal children and boys and girls, and (3) producing certain desired political changes in pupils, in this chapter an inquiry was made into (a) the degree of political uni- formity among a select sample of Iranian elementary school children; (b) the magnitude of inter-group and inter-sex political differences; and (c) the differences in political orientations between two grade levels (third and fifth). Areas_g£Conformity and Lack of Conformity The inquiry into the degree of political uni- formity among the children has disclosed that while certain political ideas, attitudes, and information 249 were quite common among the children, others were not. As Table 5.40 shows, conformity--70 percent or more-- was in the areas of: (l) favorable feelings toward the Iranian flag (2) favorable feelings toward the ruins of Persepolis (3) admiration for great Iranian (4) sense of patriotism (5) positive images of the Shah (6) favorable feelings toward the Shah (7) knowledge of the Shah's name And lack of conformity--less than 70 percent--was in the areas of: (1) positive images of Iranians (2) favorable feelings toward Iranians (3) positive conceptions of the White Revolution (4) favorable feelings toward the White Revolution (5) institutional and democratic idea of government (6) knowledge of the function of the Majles As a result of the findings, then, the inclination is to propose that the political socialization effort of the Iranian elementary school system is incredibly successful in develOping conformity among students with respect to positive images of and favorable feelings toward the country, national flag, ruins of Persepolis, and Shah, admiration for great Iranians, and knowledge of the Shah's name; and unsuccessful in developing 250 Table 5.40 Political Conformity (70 percent or more) and Lack of Political Conformity (less than 70 percent) Percentage Who Total Sample Liked best: Iranian flag 97 Persepolis ruins 83 Admired most: Prescribed great Iranian 87 m: Sense of patriotism 83 Positive images of the Shah 83 Favorable feelings toward the Shah 72 Positive images of Iranians 60 Favorable feelings toward Iranians 35 Positive conceptions of the White Revolution 56 Favorable feelings toward the White Revolution 5 Institutional, democratic conception of government Legislature 4 VOting 1 Knew: Name of the Shah 76 Function of the Majles 16 N (926) 251 conformity among students with respect to positive images of and favorable feelings toward Iranians, pos- itive conceptions of and favorable feelings toward the White Revolution, knowledge of the work of the Majles, and an institutional and democratic conception of government. Inter-Group (City, Peasant, Tribal) Differences The inquiry into the size of inter-group political differences has disclosed that while a number of political differences between the city, peasant, and tribal children were not marked, many were. Table 5.41 shows the lack of marked difference--15 percent or less--was in the areas of: (l) favorable feelings toward the Iranian flag (2) favorable feelings toward the ruins of Persepolis (3) admiration for great Iranian (4) sense of patriotism (5) institutional and democratic idea of government And the existence of marked difference--more than 15 per- cent--was in the areas of: (1) positive images of the Shah (2) favorable feelings toward the Shah (3) positive images of Iranians (4) favorable feelings toward Iranians (5) positive conceptions of the White Revolution 252 Table 5.41 Political Differences Between City, Peasant, and Tribal Children Percentage Who City Peasant Tribal Liked best: Iranian flag ‘ 95 98 100 Persepolis ruins 79 89 85 Admired most: Prescribed great Iranian 83 95 90 Sense of patriotism 85 75 89 Positive images of the Shah 75 84 100 Favorable feelings toward the Shah 60 75 98 Positive images of Iranians 59 37 85 Favorable feelings toward Iranians 23 16 81 Positive conceptions of the White Revolution 37 59 94 Favorable feelings toward the White Revolution 2 10 7 Institutional, democratic conception of government Legislature 5 4 -- Voting 2 -- 1 Knew: Name of the Shah 63 79 99 Function of the Majles 9 7 42 N (478) (224) .(224) 253 (6) favorable feelings toward the White Revolution (7) knowledge of the Shah's name (8) knowledge of the function of the Majles In view of the findings, then, the inclination is to suggest that the political socialization effort of the Iranian elementary school system is effective in unifying city, peasant, and tribal children with respect to favorable feelings toward the national flag and ruins of Persepolis, admiration for great Iranians, sense of patriotism, and the absence of an institutional and democratic idea of government; and ineffective in uni- fying the different children with respect to positive images of and favorable feelings toward the Shah and Iranian peOple, positive conceptions of and favorable feelings toward the White Revolution, and knowledge of the Shah's name and the function of the Majles. Inter-Sex Differences The inquiry into the size of inter-sex political differences has disclosed that while most political dif- ferences between the boys and girls were not marked, a few were. As Table 5.42 shows, the lack of marked dif- ference--less than 10 percent--was in the areas of: (l) favorable feelings toward the Iranian flag (2) favorable feelings toward the ruins of Persepolis (3) admiration for great Iranian (4) sense of patriotism 254 Table 5.42 Political Differences Between Girls and Boys Percentage Who Girls Boys Liked best: Iranian flag 96 98 Persepolis ruins 82 83 Admired most: Prescribed great Iranian 86 89 H_a_d_= Sense of patriotism 80 86 Positive images of the Shah 81 85 Favorable feelings toward the Shah 71 75 Positive images of Iranians 50 69 Favorable feelings toward Iranians 28 42 Positive conceptions of the White Revolution 51 61 Favorable feelings toward the White Revolution 4 6 Institutional, democratic conception of government Legislature 3 4 Voting 2 l Knew: Name of the Shah 69 81 Function of the Majles 13 19 N (402) (524) 255 (5) positive images of the Shah (6) favorable feelings toward the Shah (7) favorable feelings toward the White Revolution (8) institutional and democratic idea of government (9) knowledge of the function of the Majles And the occurrence of marked difference--10 percent or more--was in the areas of: (1) positive images of Iranians (2) favorable feelings toward Iranians (3) positive conceptions of the White Revolution (4) knowledge of the Shah's name In consideration of the findings, then, the pre- dilection is to suggest that the political socialization effort of the Iranian elementary school system is successful in unifying boys and girls with regard to favorable feelings toward the country, national flag and ruins of Persepolis, admiration for great Iranians, and the absence of an institutional and democratic con- ception of government, knowledge of the function of the Majles, and favorable feelings toward the White Revo- lution; and unsuccessful in unifying the sexes with regard to positive images of and favorable feelings toward Iranians, positive conceptions of the White Revolution, and knowledge of the Shah's name. A 256 Inter-Grade Differences The inquiry into the differences in political orientations between two grade levels has disclosed increases in desired political orientations frequently and often substantially in the fifth grade. Table 5.43 shows the occurrence of percentage gain in the fifth grade was in the areas of: (l) admiration for great Iranians (2) sense of patriotism (3) positive images of the Shah (4) favorable feelings toward the Shah (5) positive images of Iranians (6) favorable feelings toward Iranians (7) positive conceptions of the White Revolution (8) favorable feelings toward the White Revolution (9) knowledge of the Shah's name (10) knowledge of the function of the Majles And the lack of percentage gain in the fifth grade was in the areas of: (l) favorable feelings toward the Iranian flag (2) favorable feelings toward the ruins of Persepolis (3) institutional and democratic idea of government As a consequence of the findings, then, the inclination is to prOpose that the political socialization effort of the Iranian elementary school system is effec- tive in producing changes in pupils with respect to posi- tive images of and favorable feelings toward the Shah 257 Table 5.43 Political Differences Between Third and Fifth Graders Percentage Who Third Fifth Liked best: Iranian flag 97 97 Persepolis ruins 84 82 Admired most: Prescribed great Iranian 85 89 see: Sense of patriotism 77 90 Positive images of the Shah 76 90 Favorable feelings toward the Shah 65 80 Positive images of Iranians 56 66 Favorable feelings toward Iranians 31 41 Positive conceptions of the White Revolution 38 74 Favorable feelings toward the White Revolution 3 7 Institutional, democratic conception of government Legislature 5 3 Voting 1 2 Knew: Name of the Shah 68 84 Function of the Majles 12 21 N (463) (463) 258 and Iranian peOple, positive conceptions of and favorable feelings toward the White Revolution, sense of patriotism, and knowledge of the Shah's name and the function of the Majles; and ineffective in producing changes in pupils with respect to favorable feelings toward the national flag and ruins of Persepolis, and an institutional and democratic conception of government. In sum, it is well to emphasize that the fore- going prOposals are the best prOposals on the basis of the available data. They are definite, it is hoped, in the sense of being clear and understandable, but not in the sense of being definitive. They are proposals based on the knowledge at this moment. Research Impligations of the Survey Inquiry While it is premature at this stage of knowledge to consider the implications of the survey inquiry for changes in educational practice, it is not inappropriate to suggest a number of research implications. First, most obviously, replication with a larger and better sample is necessary. As repeatedly stressed, the find- ings are based on an exploratory survey. Therefore, what seem to be significant findings may prove to be peculiarities of Iranian school children in 1971-72, or the specific populations which made up the sample. Second, not only is replication with a new and more satisfactory sample desirable, but it also is important 259 to extend the sample to include respondents from the second and fourth grades as well as the sixth through eighth grades. Third, it is necessary to study a wide range of political orientations since the school system's desired citizenship orientations for children extend far beyond the few touched upon in the inquiry.70 Fourth, it is advisable to obtain systematic and extensive direct observations on the teachers as well as the students. Fifth, it is important to develop and validate new methods of measurement not only for values and attitudes but also for information, in order to determine the degree to which the findings from the present inquiry are artifacts of the research methods. And finally, since Iranian children might conceal the way they actually feel and conform to what they believe are socially approved responses (although it is generally acknowledged by psychologists that these defense mechanisms are not strongly developed in children), it is useful to utilize several techniques with the children so that consistent patterns of thought or action can readily be isolated and contradictions can be discovered and accounted for. 70The political orientations introduced in the preceding pages do not exhaust the political orientations included in the questionnaire. Interested readers are directed to Appendix B, where the entire questionnaire is reproduced in English and Persian. 260 These are only a few of the research implications of the survey inquiry. Certainly, there are many others; but these comments should be adequate to suggest avenues of future research which seem desirable. CHAPTER VI CONCLUSION The purpose in this study was to shed light on the goals and methods of political socialization in Iranian elementary schools and to suggest through a survey inquiry how effective the political socialization effort is in (1) developing conformity in certain desired political beliefs, attitudes, and knowledge among students, (2) politically unifying city, peasant, and tribal children and boys and girls, and (3) producing certain desired political changes in pupils. Summary of Findings Foremost in the schools' responsibility for the political socialization of Iranian children is the development of national consciousness and the incul- cation of nationalistic sentiments. Objectives such as training children "to know and respect the flag of Iran," "to know and love their fellow countrymen," "to know and respect the glorious ancient traditions and customs of the Iranian peOple," "to respect the great men of 261 262 Iran who have contributed to the progress of the Iranian peOple and the world," and "to sacrifice willingly their life for the preservation of the fatherland" are important goals of elementary political socialization. Instruction in schools aimed at the development of national awareness and feeling takes the form of both formal and informal activities, that is to say, courses in Persian language and history, and the observance of national celebrations and holidays. Second in the schools' responsibility for the political socialization of Iranian children is the development of an awareness of and attachment to the regime and its leader. Prominent objectives in this area are "to familiarize students with the constitu- tional monarchy of Iran," "to acquaint students with the momentous responsibilities of the Shahanshah in Iran, "to familiarize students with the efforts and struggles of Shahanshah Aryamehr to preserve the inde- pendence and integrity of Iran," "to promote love and reSpect for the Shahanshah," and "to acquaint students with the White Revolution of Iran and its good results." Accordingly, through both formal experiences, notably, the civics monographs in the social studies books, and informal experiences, such as excursions to government bureaucracies and observances of days of civic crises, schools endeavor to provide children with some basic information about the Iranian government--its structures 263 (king, legislature, judiciary, cabinet), its incumbent highest leader (Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi), and its accomplishments (White Revolution); and, in the process, to foster in children the belief that the existing regime and its leader are good, just, and devoted to the welfare of the people, and, therefore, worthy of their trust and reSpect. And last in the schools' responsibility for the political socialization of Iranian children is the develOpment of characteristics (dispositions, behaviors) that are beneficial to Iran's modernization efforts and essential for a complete social and political revolution. Thus objectives such as training children "to participate actively and effectively in political and social life," "to respect the law," "to prefer social benefits to indi- vidual ones," "to learn the need for c00perating with others," "to love study," "to strive for excellence in work and person," "to avoid pessimistic and suspicious thoughts," "to accept social responsibilities," and "to participate in social activities" are important aims of elementary education. Schools communicate and transmit the desirable citizenship characteristics to the children through a variety of means--textbook content (especially the material in the Persian language and religion books), school milieu, overt expression by the teacher in the classroom, and the teacher serving as a model for the desirable characteristics. 264 Developing Political Conformity Among Students The political socialization effort is incredibly successful in developing conformity among students with respect to positive images of and favorable feelings toward the country, national flag, ruins of Persepolis and Shah, admiration for great Iranians, and knowledge of the Shah's name; and unsuccessful in developing con- formity among students with respect to positive images of and favorable feelings toward Iranians, positive conceptions of and favorable feelings toward the White Revolution, knowledge of the work of the Majles, and an institutional and democratic conception of government. Politically Unifying Citynyeasant, and Tribal Children The political socialization effort is effective in unifying city, peasant, and tribal children with reSpect to favorable feelings toward the national flag and ruins of Persepolis, admiration for great Iranians, sense of patriotism, and the absence of an institutional and democratic idea of government; and ineffective in unifying the different children with reSpect to positive images of and favorable feelings toward the Shah and Iranian people, positive conceptions of and favorable feelings toward the White Revolution, and knowledge of the Shah's name and the function of the Majles. 265 Politically Unifying Boys and Girls The political socialization effort is successful in unifying boys and girls with regard to favorable feelings toward the country, national flag and ruins of Persepolis, admiration for great Iranians, and the absence of an institutional and democratic conception of government, knowledge of the function of the Majles, and favorable feelings toward the White Revolution; and unsuccessful in unifying the sexes with regard to positive images of and favorable feelings toward Iranians, positive conceptions of the White Revolution, and knowledge of the Shah's name. Producing Desired Political Changes in Pupils The political socialization effort is effective in producing changes in pupils with respect to positive images of and favorable feelings toward the Shah and Iranian people, positive conceptions of and favorable feelings toward the White Revolution, sense of patriotism, and knowledge of the Shah's name and the function of the Majles; and ineffective in producing changes in pupils with respect to favorable feelings toward the national flag and ruins of Persepolis, and an institutional and democratic conception of government. Finally, the record of the study implies that the political socialization effort is more effective in 266 stimulating certain desired political orientations among tribal children than among peasant and city chil- dren, and among boys than among girls. As regards the effectiveness of the effort with tribal children, their superior intelligence and learning experiences may to a great extent be influential factors. And as regards the effectiveness of the effort with boys, Iranian culture-- which tends to dichotomize male and female roles strictly--may be predominant in the socialization process. Reflections on the Political Socialization Study When the study was initiated some experts pre- dicted that the research could not be carried out because the Iranian government would not permit the investigation and, moreover, that Iranian children in rural areas would not be able to respond to a survey questionnaire. In addition, it was suggested that the investigator would be viewed as a SAVAK agent--sent by the central government to "check up" on the administrators, teachers, and students. The study proved the experts wrong. Per- mission to work in Iran was granted by the government and the research was conducted in areas where the concept of survey research was utterly unknown. And rather than being identified as a SAVAK agent, many Iranians admitted the investigator into their confidence. The basic point that is being stressed about the study is that it could 267 hardly be ventured and completed without the official blessing of the Iranian government and the cooperation and support of many Iranians. The study exists, and as a consequence of it, some heretofore unavailable information--gathered through direct observations, informal interviews, survey research, analysis of documents, content analysis of textbooks, intuitive "listening" to the rhythm of the culture--is now available. APPENDICES APPENDIX A ANALYSIS OF THE CONTENT OF THE ELEMENTARY SCHOOL PERSIAN READERS Assess s a es as a as assess sasoss ss a as as o es nsaoos>soos ose soaoas ae as ss es o as smoos>sods Amvusaosowuuam sea: .0 saavae ss sa sa aa se as aosoooa auouoosoudoo .m shy e o m cs N o o uasuo smsvs m as m a o o suumsoss osa aosasom .asoas ss ss os es as aa oaoossods snosuonuo has s a o o a o o shaman can assume .aaoae ss oa as oa ss a pooodoo uoooum\osunssauoz sao s o o a a o o dosusso>om oases Lao a o a a s os s asssns snaom ass usosaaua swam oausauuo soasom xsaoss as ee as as es o noosusonua ads noosuousonds .nsoosaa sndosunz muoum mo amss .4 a e s s s oaauos aoauo mmmfimmws suomauao asamausao Iuam ssv muaoaam sasmuam Hoosom suausaaaam ass «0 usausoo ass mo mamsaasd H.4 aHQas d XHflzmmg 268 269 ssaoos ss ss es as as o sooonam saavss as se as as as o snsuosuuom mafiass Hauoz sea: .0 sea s a o s o o o sauuooz ssv e as a o o o o usoso>oooocoz sasoee ss ee aa ae ss ss sooso>odom ausuosuoa so ooousooa .m sew N m o m m o m uasuo sesva as s a o ss o snousssoa sasoss as as as s os o snosassom ssa s o s s s o o Homo sasoa o s as ss os a sndosusooam sssoas a es. as as a as snssssam mammauum suauosuss .m Aesvse ae ss sa oe ss as sumsooa snossounuosm .o sseves os as as ss sa e nacho sasves a a ss ss ss a sassEnaooo. osouo a e s s s aEsum Hauos nu . suomauao 0 mouse wonososa poodsudoo s.s osoae 270 .asooao mssumsuumso .musasuo .oauuas .amsa>au ususssumos Amy sasmoao mssumsuu .sussausmmos .mmasa>smuom .a>os .mmasossx "aaas nasaass Amy ammasmmasuaam .amausoo usua>aus Any smmasoauoausquasuo .mmasssmosas «sosua Iuamooo on ammasua>aso .maasoauus3Isosso .aaassoum a>soa ou aaas a.aso mssms "aosamss Isauss Amy aaas» mssssa> .mmasuaas .mmasssuaouo .amasasssmsoomau "asssmsomsoIMsam Rev sumas m.aso mssoo .msssuaas mo assa> .aosaua>amuam .suos ou amasmsssss3 .maasa>su Isuaosoo “usaEa>assoa Amy «hassasssm .mmasaussom .aosauamao .aosasoaso uuoaomau Amy .aususso osa suussoo mo a>os .Emsuosuuam Asv .sosuoasam a mo aaas» as» assauauao oamsas mossoaassdm msssossom as» =.aaEass sauoz ssaze suomauao uOnaE as» uaosD .suomauao passauauao a sus3 oaosoomauuoo osmou uo aaas» mus .usafimosn m.uouamsuma>ss as» ss .ms afiasu uo usuofi ssauuao a mss>as uo ans» ssauuao a mo mssas ma oaumss ma3 sosuoasam a .msss .muaoaau sasmuam asp mssshsasa ss pans ma3 .NFI Ions .mm m xsosamms .sazsas ss sauossso mo sosuasssasoom saosussom ass .aaassso am os [msssuaas ss oauuooau .msmmsasa usausoo mo asosssoau a .somssz .3 ouasosm .mmsoz seasa sass sass sass sseo sass sass nosuoua so .02 space .m Assoa s a os s os a nonuo Asses os ss a s o s susssunom ssavas as os es ss ss a ammoosasom sasvss as as es s os o auo>num sasoos ss as es es o a dosuauooooo sasvss as as a s o o aocoasssosos .asvms os as as em a o asssosomsoImsam Aseves ss oa ss a o o usasa>assoa a e s s s osauos aoauo mummmmms muomauao oooosudoo s.avosome 271 .sos»a»sasuo uassos»uam a mss>as .uaoaau sasmuam aoaum »musm as» ss »asasmsa as» no wua»»as as» mssosoou»ss msOmmas as» assassoxa .msOs»oasam mo uasEss sas»oa as» o» uamau mama»saouam sa»o» msszossom mamas»sauao ss muasfiszo .uaoaau sasmuam aoaum »musm as» ss »asasmsa as» so mua»»as as» mssosoou»ss msommas as» o» muamau uaEsum »asasosss .sos»a»sasuo uassos»uam a ssa»soo uo mo aua aoaum uassos»uam wsa ss msos»oasam sa»o» as» no ama»sao Iuam »as3 ssso a»aososs mama»saouam .sos»oam wsa ss suoma»ao a s»s3 aosossoo »os oso »sa»soo m»s ms ssa »a oa»mss saas a>as »os saE uo suoma»ao aso sas» auos uaoss pa»mss saas a>as was sOs»oasam as» amsaoas »saouam cos 0» ms ova »os saEIIemaEass sauoz ssaze =.mss»»am suauomfia»soo= =.suo»m mo amsseIIsos»oam wsa ss mama»saouama aoscsudoo s.a osooe APPENDIX B QUESTIONNAIRE APPENDIX B QUESTIONNAIRE LET'S FIRST TALK ABOUT YOU AND YOUR FAMILY 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. How old are you? Are you a boy or a girl? What grade are you in? What is your religion? What language do you speak in the home? Which of these do you have in your home? (Check all those that you have in your home.) [:3 Radio [:3 Television C] Daily newspaper D None of these Can your father read and write? E::] Yes [::] No What is your father's main job? (If your father is not working now or is dead, state the kind of job he did when he was working.) 272 9. B. NOW, 10. ll. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 273 What is the highest level of education which your father has completed? (Check one) D Primary school [:1 Secondary school [::] University studies [::3 Did not go to school E::] I don't know LET'S TALK ABOUT YOU AND YOUR COUNTRY What is the name of the Shah of Iran? What does the Shah do for our country? What is the name of the Prime Minister of Iran? What does the Prime Minister do for our country? What does the Majles do? What is the White Revolution? How is the behavior of Iranian people different from.that of people in other countries? 274 17. Which flag is the best? (Put an X below the one that is best.) Why did you pick this flag? 18. Which monument is the best? (Put an X below the one that is best.) Why did you pick this monument? 19. Which costume is the best? (Put an X below the one that is best.) Why did you pick this costume? 20. 21. 22. 275 What are you most proud of in your country? (Check the two things that you are most proud of.) [::] Iran has beautiful mountains and gardens B Our Shah [::] Iranians can vote for their leaders [:3 The White Revolution [:3 Iranians have great culture and history If you had some extra money, what would you do with it? (Check one) [::] Buy something for myself [::3 Give it to my family [::3 Give it to help the Iranian refugees from Iraq I: Save it [:] I don't know Let's pretend that a man you meet gives you some money. You become very happy at the thought of buying some things for yourself and your family; but then the man starts saying bad things about Iran. What would you do? (Check one) [::] Give the money to my mother and father D Keep the money I: Give back the money [:3 I don't know 276 23. Here are some pictures that show what our government is. (Pick the two pictures that show best what our government is.) Police [:| Flag [:] i'1$-""{é’-‘/ 1'. (1‘3? Cyrus [:3 Lion [:3 I) , Hm In": Legislature I: White Revolution 24. 25. 26. 277 Which sentence best describes how Iranian people act? (Check one) [::] They love their country 1:] They are very smart [::I They are strong and brave [:3 They are religious I: They are kind to strangers If the Shah came to your school to give a prize to two children who were the best Iranians, which two children would he pick? (Check two) A child who gets good grades A child who does what he is told A child who helps others A child who is interested in the way our country is run A child who is religious I don't know DD DUDE Who teaches you the most about being a good Iranian? (Check one) [:I Parents Teachers Government leaders Radio, television, or newspapers DUDE I don't know 27. 28. 278 What great Iranian in all the world, living or dead, do you most admire? (Write in the name of one person.) What does it mean to be a "good" Iranian? LET'S TALK ABOUT WHAT YOU DO WHEN SOMETHING IS WRONG At Home 29. If your parents decided something for you that you did not like--maybe, forbidding you to play with a new friend--what would you do about it? [::] Talk to them about it and try to make them change their mind [:3 There would not be anything that I could do 30. Have you ever actually talked to your parents to change their mind? [::] Yes [:3 ‘No At School 31. If you felt your teacher treated you unfairly in some way or said something that you thought was wrong, what would you feel? (Check one) [:3 Free to talk to him about it [::] A bit uneasy about it [::] It would be better not to talk to him about it 32. 33. 279 If you were to talk to your teacher about it, would it make a difference? [::] Yes [:]No Have you ever done this? [::3 Yes [::] No In Your Country 34. 35. Let's pretend you are a grown-up. A law is being made in Iran that you think is unjust and harmful. Do you think you would do something about it? (Check one) [:3 I don't know Is this true? "What the government does is like the weather; there is nothing people can do about it." (Check one) [:1 I don't know D. 280 HERE ARE SOME QUESTIONS ABOUT YOU AND OTHERS 36. 37. 38. 39. Some people say that most people can be trusted. Others say most people cannot be trusted. How do you feel? (Check one [::] Most people can be trusted [::] Most people cannot be trusted [:3 I don't know Which one of the sentences below is the better advice? (Check one) [::] If you seek success, join with no groups [::] Success comes to those who join together to work for the same goals I: I don't know Do you think that what goes on in the government is all for the best? (Check one) D I don't know Would you say that most peOple would help someone else, or would you say that most people just take care of themselves? (Check one) I I Most people would help someone I I Most peOple would just take care of themselves [:1 I don't know 40. 41. 42. 281 Suppose a person had some trouble. If he went to complain to the police office or gendarmerie, what would they do for him? (Check one) [:3 They would listen seriously but do nothing [::] They would listen seriously and try to help [:3 I don't know When you grow up, would you like to be a member of the Literacy Corps? (Check one) |::3 INo D I don't know Let's pretend there is a rule in your school that you think is not fair. Let's pretend you want to change this rule. What do you think would be the best thing to do? (Check one) [::I Talk to my parents about changing it [::] Talk to my principal about changing it [:3 Talk to students about changing it [::] There would not be anything I could do E. NOW, 282 LET'S TALK ABOUT SOME THINGS YOU DO AND TALK ABOUT IN SCHOOL AND IN YOUR FREE TIME 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. To which school organizations below do you belong? (Check all those to which you belong.) [:3 Scouts [3 Junior Red Lion and Sun [::3 I do not belong to any school organizations If you belong to any organizations or clubs, other than the Scouts and Junior Red Lion and Sun, what are their names? What activities, outside of school, do you spend most of your free time on? When you have discussions in class, do you think students are free to say what they want to say? (Check one) [::] Yes [::] No [:3 I don't know When you discuss things in class, do you say what you want to say? [::] Yes 48. 49. 50. 283 Have you, during the past month, done any of these things? (Check each one that you have done.) 1:! E] E] [:1 [I] I have talked about the news of Iran with my family I have talked about the news of Iran with my friends I have read about the news of Iran in neWSpapers or magazines I have listened to the news of Iran on radio or television I have not done any of these things Which of these events and problems have you talked about with your teachers, friends, or family? (Check each one that you have talked about.) UDDDU Iran's 2,500 year celebration The work of the Literacy Corps The Iranian refugees from Iraq The distribution of land to the peasants None of these What is the best way to learn about what is happening in Iran? (Check one) DUDE Listening to radio or television or reading newSpapers Listening to conversations of older peOple Listening to talks by teachers I don't know 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 284 When your teacher gives you homework, what do you do? (Check one) [::] I do just enough to get by [::3 I work until I am satisfied with the results E] I don' t do any homework Let's pretend your school team is playing a game against another team. At what point in the game do you want to join your team? (Check one) [::] When your team is three points ahead [3 When your team is three points behind [::] When the score is equal What is the most important lesson that a child should learn? (Check one) [::] To obey always the wishes of his elders [:1 To think for himself [::3 I don't know What difficult and important job would you like to have when you grow up? Do you think you could succeed at this job? (Check one) [::] Yes [:3 .Maybe [:3 ZNo [:3 I don't know 285 QUESTIONNAIRE imrwbi'fif visa—.2." 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W‘fi’J-f 4).; r umjarfidfi, D W‘;Hfibd)fis r uujargufi, D .li‘iwto d’lmfiJ’JJD as}, D U”) 9 WJAJLJstte-e‘s wJJmeJEJ-e— 0" (J'fiecfiy‘fi’b’f ‘3': 4352315 'Ju‘t'AJ'SJj-edfw [3 Jéfied’fifi:fi.)’$ [:1 (J‘s-s E] fast, m13W3fibjfipJo|WchJgu¢gfidfi,_oi 00000000000000000000000000000000000 ? ubJp‘eJ‘ ‘, .JS—bgrv-J‘Sw'gi'flufiv‘fi - oo “1* Cl J—eU E] t—J [:1 F'*‘ D 5:de 0+: )I bu“, __],JIJ.,,I,... LoYIPoaSfifixwuLs. .rs‘slpe'ijfixfiis. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY I . Iran English and French Sources Afzal, Manuchehr. "Availability of Education to Rural Youth in Iran, and the New Educational Plan." Comparative Education, 3 (March, 1967), 123-32. Amuzegar, Jahangir. Technical Assistance in Theory and Practice. New York: Frederick A. Praeger Pub- lishers, 1966. Arasteh, Reza. Education and Sogial Awakening in Iran. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1962. . Man and Society in Iran. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1964. . Faces of Persian Youth: A Sociological Study. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1970. 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