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3 1293 10425 397

  

LIBR A R Y
Michigan State
[Intvcnnty

'1 ‘_— - v—

This is to certify that the

dissertation entitled

Sociai Studies Educators? Perspectives on
Citizenship Education in Primary
and Secondary Schoglggeggdtgo State, Nigeria

Peter Saka Orimoioye

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Ph.D. . Education

degree in

 

 

A/Jliw—x MgéH/fi/

Major professor

William w. Joyc
Date May 3, 1983

 

MSU is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771

 

 

 

 

RETURNING MATERIALS:
1V153‘_] . SPIace in book drop to

remove this checkout from
w your record. FINES wiII

 

 

be charged if book is
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stamped below.

 

 

 

 

SOCIAL STUDIES EDUCATORS' PERSPECTIVES
ON CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION IN
PRIMARY AND SECONDARY SCHOOLS
IN OYO STATE, NIGERIA

By

Peter Saka Orimoloye

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Administration and Curriculum

l983

/§Ji,_2,0

ABSTRACT

Social Studies Educators' Perspectives
on Citizenship Education in
Primary and Secondary Schools
in Oyo State, Nigeria

By

Peter Saka Orimoloye

This study investigated the perspectives of social studies
educators on citizenship education in primary and secondary schools
in Oyo State of Nigeria. It was assumed that an analysis of these
perspectives can be useful in the selection of content and teaching
methods consistent with desired citizenship goals in Nigeria.

Four models of citizenship education, created within the con-
text of social studies education, were analyzed. These include Barth
and Shermis' three United States models, citizenship transmission,
social sciences, and reflective inquiry, and a fourth model of Europe-
an' origin, social criticism and action. Two major hypotheses were
tested: first that there is no significant difference in Nigerian
social studies educators' philosophical perspectives regarding the
instructional goals of citizenship education; and, second, that the
variables of grade level taught, teaching qualifications, years of
teaching experience, and age would make no significant difference in
teachers' perspectives on citizenship education.

The responding sample was comprised of randomly selected pri-

mary class five and secondary forms two and four social studies

Peter Saka Orimoloye

teachers (corresponding to U. S. grades 6, 9, and ll), teacher educa-
tors, and school inspectors in Oyo State, Nigeria. The Social Studies
Preference Scale, the researcher's adaptation of the Barth-Shermis
Social Studies Three Traditions Checklist, was used to determine the
respondents' philosophical positions. The multivariate analysis of
variance and Scheffe two-group comparison techniques were used in
analyzing the data.

It was concluded that the respondents positively endorsed all
four models, though in varying degrees. The teacher educators and
school inspectors more favorably endorsed reflective inquiry and so-
cial criticism and action models than did the teachers. This seems
to suggest that the models were not mutually exclusive. Therefore, it

was recommended that they should be used for evaluating citizenship

 

education programs to ensure that selection of content and methods are
based on a theoretical rationale. I

The variables of grade level taught and teaching qualification
made more significant difference in teachers' perspectives than did
teaching experience and age. Teachers with higher qualifications and
those who taught at secondary level reacted more positively toward

reflective inquiry and social criticism and action models.

Copyright by

PETER SAKA ORIMOLOYE

1983

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The author wishes to thank the following members of his doctoral
committee for their help and encouragement during the preparation and
writing of this dissertation: Dr. Cleo Cherryholmes, Dr. Gary Mason,
and Dr. Janet Alleman-Brooks. Special thanks go to the chair, Dr.
William w. Joyce, for assistance, time, encouragement, and counsel
freely given.

The author is, indeed, appreciative of the assistance and time
given by the Office of Research Consultation, especially Khahlil
Elaian, in the College of Education, for the statistical analysis of
the data.

The author is exceedingly impressed with the cooperative attitude
of Oyo State Chief Inspectors of Education (CIES), Primary and Teacher
Training, and Secondary Schools, and thankful to the teacher educators,
school inspectors, and teacher participants in the study.

A special thanks and debt of gratitude are extended to the Univer-
sity of Ibadan for its financial assistance and to the author's wife,
Caroline, whose patience, understanding, and love made this assignment

possible.

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Tables .........................

CHAPTER I: BACKGROUND AND THE PROBLEM .............

Introduction .......................
Statement of the Problem .................
Purpose and Significance of the Study ..........

Basic Assumption ..................
Research Question ....................
Basic Hypotheses .....................
Limitations of the Study .................
Definition of Terms ...................
Summary .........................

CHAPTER II: SOCIO-POLITICAL BACKGROUND ............

Ethnicism and Regionalism ................
Consequences of the Crisis of National

Integration ...........

Traditional Political Culture in Nigeria .........
The Fulani-Hausa ..................

The Ibos ......................

The Yoruba .....................
Discontinuity in Political Socialization .........
Trends in Political Socialization in Nigerian Schools,
Content of Courses .................
Other Government Policies in Citizenship Education . . . .

Political Socialization/Education in Nigerian Context

Summary .........................

CHAPTER III: REVIEW OF LITERATURE AND RESEARCH ........

Concepts of Citizenship and Citizenship Education
Conceptual Frameworks for the Social Studies/

Citizenship Education ......

Four Models of Social Studies/Citizenship Education

Citizenship Transmission Model ...........
Social Science Model ................
Reflective Inquiry .................
Social Criticism and Action Model ..........
Summary .........................

iii

CHAPTER IV: METHODS AND PROCEDURES .............. 85

Design .......................... 85
Sample .......................... 86

The Setting of the Study ............... 86

Social Studies Educators ............... 89

Teachers ....................... 90

School Inspectors .................. 9l

Teacher Educators .................. 9l
Instrumentation ...................... 93
Social Studies Preference Scale ........... 93

Measure of Content Validity ............. 94

Analysis of Data ..................... 96
Summary .......................... 97
CHAPTER V: THE DATA AND RESULTS OF ANALYSIS .......... 99
Description of Respondents ................ lOO
Respondents' Perspectives Toward Citizenship Education . . l02
Hypothesis l ..................... lO3
Hypothesis 2 ..................... l06
Hypothesis 3 ..................... llO
Hypothesis 4 ..................... ll4
Hypothesis 5 ..................... ll7
Discussion ........................ l20
Summary .......................... l26
CHAPTER VI: SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS ..... l29
Summary ........ , ................. l29
Conclusions ........................ l34
Recommendations ...................... l37
APPENDICES ........................... 143
LIST OF REFERENCES ....................... l6O

iv

LIST OF TABLES

Sample by School, Teachers, and Other Educators ...... 92
Item Structure of Social Studies Preference Scale ..... 94
Respondents' Distribution by Professional Status and

Qualifications ...................... 100
Teacher Respondents by Grade Level and Qualifications . . . 101

Summary of Teacher Respondents' Age and Years of
Teaching Experience: Mean, Standard Deviation, and Range . 102

Multivariate and Univariate f-Tests of Educators'
Responses to Models of Teaching by Professional Status . . 104

Scheffe Test of Two Group Comparisons of Educators'
Responses to Models of Teaching by Professional Status . . 105

Means, Standard Deviation of Educators' Responses to
Teaching Models by Professional Status .......... 106

Multivariate and Univariate f-Tests for Teachers'
Responses to Models of Teaching by Grade Levels ...... 107

Scheffe Test for Two Group Comparison of Teachers'
Responses to Teaching Models by Grade Level ........ 109

Mean and Standard Deviation of Teachers' Responses to
Teaching Models by Grade Level .............. 109

Multivariate and Univariate f-Tests of Teachers'
Responses to Models of Teaching by Level of Teacher
Education ......................... 111

Scheffe Test of Two Group Comparison of Teachers'
Responses to Models of Teaching by Level of Teacher
Education ......................... 112

Mean and Standard Deviation of Teachers' Responses to
Models of Teaching by Levels of Teacher Education ..... 113

Multivariate and Univariate f-Tests of Teachers' Re-
sponses to Teaching Models by Years of Teaching
Experience ........................ 114

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

Scheffe Test of Two Group Comparison of Teachers'
Responses to Teaching Models by Years of TNaching
Experience ........................

Mean and Standard Deviation of Teachers' Responses to
Teaching Models by Years of Teaching Experience ......

Multivariate and Univariate f-Test of Teachers'
Responses to Teaching Models by Age ............

Scheffe Test of Two Comparison for Teachers' Age
of Models of Teaching ...................

Mean, Standard Deviation of Teachers' Responses to
Teaching Models by Age ..................

vi

116

118

119

CHAPTER I
BACKGROUND AND THE PROBLEM

Introduction

 

Social studies as an area of Nigerian school curriculum is pre-
cisely 20 years old (1963). It was one of the earliest signs of the
influence of American education on the Nigerian education system.
Social studies was introduced to the Western Region of Nigeria as part
of the curriculum of the first Comprehensive High School at Aiyetoro,
which a team of educators at Ohio State University helped to establish
in 1963. It was meant to replace the teaching of history, geography,
and civics as separate subjects in the lower classes (forms 1 and 2,
12-14+ year olds). It was introduced into the elementary level curric-
ulum in the 19705. The earliest work in social studies in Nigeria, as

in America, showed a great dependency on materials drawn from geography,

history, and the social sciences. However, some of the potentials of
the "new" social studies lie in its concern with the training of citi-
zens knowledgeable about their physical, cultural, economic, and poli-
tical immediate and distant environments and equipped with skills and
attitudes for effective participation in and contribution to the poli-
tical and socio-economic development of a democratic society (NCSS,
1979). Even though other subject areas like English, mathematics,
physics, etc., also claim some of these roles, their contribution is,

at best, tangential, if not incidental.

The concept and prospects of the "new" social studies which
seemed to be gaining acceptance in Africa in the 19605 were finally
adopted by the African educators who met in Mombasa, Kenya, in 1968.
They observed that the traditional social studies--geography, history,
and civics--they inherited from their different colonial masters

. reinforce a tendency in the whole educational
system to alienate the African child from his/her environ-
ment and society . . . focus the attention of the African
child on a few abstract ideas that are usually unrelated
to the economic activities, social aspirations, and poli-
tical goals of his/her own people (C.A.E., 1968, p. 6).

It was against this background that Nigeria initiated a comprehensive
reform in its education system at all levels in 1969 (Adaralegbe,
1969). The effort culminated in the production of a national policy
on education for Nigeria in 1977.

The policy was based on the desire that Nigeria should be a free,
just, and democratic society, a land replete with opportunities for
all citizens, able to generate a great and dynamic economy and growing
into a united, strong, and self-reliant nation (NPE, 1977, p. 4). In
order to realize fully the potentials of the contributions of education
to the achievement of these objectives, greater emphasis was placed on
citizenship education as an integral part of social studies education
at the primary and lower secondary school levels. More specifically,
Nigeria intends to prepare its citizens "for effective participation
and contribution to the life of the society" (NPE, 1977, p. 14c) and
"personal contribution to the creation of a united Nigeria" (NERC,
1973, p. 263), as well as A i

. . to raise a generation of people who can think for
themselves, respect the views and feelings of others, respect

the dignity of labour, and appreciate those values specified

under our broad national aims and live as good citizens (NPE,
1977,18e).

L.)

These goal statements had guided efforts toward developing new cur-
ricula for primary and secondary schools and teacher education in
social studies (Grade 11 Teachers' Syllabus, 1974).

As in the United States, Nigeria has a lack of clear direction
for the purpose, method, and contenttrfteaching social studies. Some
believe the goal is to pass on cultural heritage, some believe the
main purpose is to teach children how to think critically, and others
think it is to prepare students to be "good" citizens. The social
scientists and historians who see social studies as an intruder in the
school curriculum claim that those goals are no different from the
goals of other disciplines. The problem is aggravated because, as in
the United States, the majority of Nigerian teachers had their initial
training in some of the social science disciplines and "caught" the
idea of social studies through methods courses in college or inservice
training.

Shaver (1967) believes that the ”WesleV' tradition" of the early
19005 has delayed the formation of a rationale for the social studies
by emphasizing the social science disciplines as the basis for teach-
ing social studies. Jwardeh and Baker (1973) believe that the lack of
direction for social studies is due to the multi-disciplined nature of
the subjects commonly called social studies: history, geography,
economics, anthropology, sociology, social psychology, and political
science.

Barth and Shermis (1970) believe social studies teachers need a
framework to identify the premises from which they operate. In order

to teach students citizenship or how to think, it is their contention

that teachers need a coherent idea of what citizenship is or how
thinking occurs. Barth and Shermis argue that a coherent theory
does not result from mixing philosophical positions that define pur-
pose, content, and method differently.i

In order to resolve the objectives-content paradox, Barth and

Shermis shared the view of Shaver (1967) that the central purpose of

social studies is citizenship education. In Barth and Shermis' (1970)
definition of social studies, they reject the view that it is a par-
ticular course, curriculum sequence, set of prescribed or sequential
content<n~core curriculum. Instead, their definition referred to a
set of goals that describe how the content of social studies

is to be selected, organized, and taught. Barth and Shermis perceive
social studies not as a single definition but, rather, a trichotomy
of competing traditions: social studies as citizenship transmission,
social studies as social sciences, and social studies as reflective
inquiry. If citizenship education is the overriding goal of social
studies education, a fourth tradition that has had and is beginning
to increase its influence on social/political education in the United
States (Cherryholmes, 1981, 1982; Giroux, 1980; Michaelis, 1980) and
the continent of Europe should be considered. This fourth tradition
is social studies as social criticism and action. Each of the
traditions is rooted in a philosophical point of view. Each is
defined later in this chapter along with the other terms used in

the study and is expanded upon in detail in Chapter III.

Statement of the Problem

The mere articulation of citizenship as the overriding goal of
social studies education does not of itself ensure the achievement of
the objective. Without the knowledge of how teachers view the in-
structional goals of their teaching, the educational process of cur-
riculum improvement may be misdirected or incomplete. The need to
know teachers‘ perspectives about citizenship education becomes more
pertinent when it is known that objectives can be nebulously stated
and are seldom listed by importance (McClendon, 1960, pp. 7-8).
Whenever objectives are stated in such general terms as they are for
citizenship education, they are likely to be of little practical use
to or misinterpreted by teachers, curriculum supervisors, and devel-
opers.

In spite of the drawbacks in the manner in which objectives are
stated, little is done to find out how teachers interpret them to make
decisions about the purpose, content, and method of their teaching.
Knowing the direction of one's teaching can bring consistency between
the dichotomy of what one believes should be done and what methods are
actually used. When one's purpose for instruction is not supported
by appropriate teaching strategies, students become confused and
teaching suffers (Barth & Norris, 1976).

Research related to social studies teachers' perspectives on their
teaching of social studies, and particularly of citizenship educationiri
Oyo State of Nigeria, has not been done to the knowledge of this re-
searcher. The only known effort in this direction is the study done by
Barth and Norris (1976) of 55 preservice teachers at Ahmadu Bello Univer-

sity Zaria in Kaduna State of Nigeria. Their study, which attempted to

find out teachers' perspectives about social studies, was limited to
their three traditions and to preservice teachers who had little or no
experience on which to base their perspectives. Universities andteacher

colleges in Oyo State in collaboration with the State Ministry of Educa-

tion regularly service the public school teachers in the State without

a thorough knowledge of their clientele. Through regular college pro-

grams and inservice training, teacher educators and school inspectors
teach methodology in social studies. But no one has attempted to

determine the philosophical perspectives or the professional attitudes
of these social studies teachers who laborously try to translate prin-

ciples and theories into practice in their classrooms.

The present study investigates social studies educators‘ perspec-
tives toward citizenship education. Hopefully, the knowledge of their
perspectives will indicate what they believe about and how they teach
citizenship education. The investigation is limited to social studies
teachers in primary class five and secondary forms two and four (com-
parable to U.S. grades 5, 9,11, respectively) as well as other edu-
cators--teacher educators and school inspectors--who indirectly influ-
ence the teachers' classroom practices. Without some consensus among
educators on their perspectives of citizenship education vis-a-vis the
stated objectives, the articulation of a citizenship objective would
be mere intention. Lack of consensus among them can lead to confu-
sion as regards the purpose and method of teaching citizenship.

Also examined is the relationship of certain variables to teaching
philosophy such as college experiences, age, and teaching experiences
that may interact to influence one's teaching philosophy. The knowledge

of practicing teachers' philosophical characteristics as well as other

factors that may influence one's philosophy can provide the basis for
baseline data. Knowledge of such data would be of immense value to
those who wish to change teachers' perspectives of instructional goals
to construct appropriate intervening strategies to effect change.

Purpose and Significance
of the Study

 

The purpose of this study is to describe and explain social
studies teachers and other social studies educators' perspectives
on citizenship education at the primary and secondary levels in Oyo
State of Nigeria. The objective is to determine which philosophical
position about teaching citizenship is dominant, if any. The study
also investigates the relationship between some variables and the
philosophy the educators hold.

By investigating whether a population of teachers fits one
description or another, curriculum planners can work toward developing
materials and introducing methods that can accommodate and modify a
specific philosophical viewpoint. Identifying variables that may ex-
plain differences in philosophy can aid researchers who wish to study
further the factors that influence teaching philosophy.

It is h0ped that the description and analysis of the various
traditions of teaching social studies would contribute to better
understanding of Nigerian schools and at the same time furnish a list
of promising practices in citizenship education that may be adapted
to Nigerian aspirations--the preparation of intelligently active
citfizens committed to democratic practices and the socio-economic and

political growth and development of Nigeria as a united nation.

Since the purpose of research is to determine what i§_rather than
what ought to be, the study does not pass any judgment on which posi-
tion is better. Further research is needed to investigate the rela-
tionship between the position teachers profess to believe and the

materials and strategies they use in their classrooms.

Basic Assumption

 

The basic assumption in the current study is that the most impor-
tant factor in the school curriculum decision-making process is the
classroom teachers. S/He is the one who translates principles and
theories into learning activities. The character of the curriculum
that is taught, therefore, should be determined, to a large extent, by
how a teacher perceives society, the type of citizen appropriate for
the society, and the content and methods that might best attain that

type of individual.

Research Question

An analysis of four models in social studies as vehicles of citi-
zenship education reveals at least two distinguishable approaches
(and sub-approaches in each). The first is the search for a common
core of civic and political values derived from tradition and/or from
a body of objectified knowledge to be inculcated (citizenship trans-
mission and social sciences traditions). The second approach is an
attempt to influence civic and political values directly or indirectly
(with or without action) with emphasis on critical analysis and'
avoiding methods that might appear to indoctrinate, especially in the

pejorative sense of the word.

In Nigeria, as in many countries, the learning of values, either
civic, political, or moral, is likely to be influenced by many factors
that are outside the control of educators. Such factors may originate
from national culture, sub-culture, economic structure, and unique
historical events. Three of such factors were considered for the pur-
pose of this study. In Nigeria traditional political authority was
overthrown during the colonial era shifting official political author-
ity from elders to the educated younger generation. However, age/
seniority and status, sanctified by heredity and ancient custom, still
have their influence on how and what decisions are made. Such deci-
sions at times demand uncritical acceptance by the younger generation.
For example, according to Fadipe (l970),among the Yoruba authority is
usually derived from seniority (age factor) and from what he called
decorum. The Hausa-speaking emirate of Borno in Nigeria placed high
value on heredity (Brenner, 1974) Among the Ibo-speaking people, a
form of egalitarianism has been reported in the pure, unacculturated
state where acephalous societies existed (Bagden, 1971; Meek, 1950).
Some of these practices are in some way contradictory to Western qual-
ities of leadership (or authority) that are primarily derived from def-
erence to the office as opposed to the person, a characteristic of the
ideal-type of the rational/legal authority system (Punit, 1973) on
which Nigeria aspires to base the foundation of its political culture.

In terms of school learning, teachers, by virtue of their
authority positions, might continue some aspects of traditional prac-
tices by perpetuating basic assymetry in social relationships in their
classroom interactions. Thus, the school might not be able to provide

an atmosphere for critical analysis of issues and, consequently,

10

achieve meaningful participation and contribution of the students to
the life of the school as well as the larger society.

The second factor relates to the existence of incompatibilities
between what seem to be positive goals and approaches stressing rote
learning and ritual. Although students might be made to go through
the ritual of learning how to participate and initiate action, less
attention, if any, is likely to be given to the actual practice.

This is because practice of participation skills does not form part of
the examination package that still determines the success of the educa-
tional system. Consequently, both students and teachers are most
likely to place greater emphasis on factual, theoretical learning,
which is more compatible with the learning and teaching of social
sciences. Also, teachers are likely to be more comfortable with the
social sciences because of their initial training in them.

The third factor is dependency of teachers and the schools on,
and, consequently, their control by, the dominant interest group.
Education in Nigeria has virtually become a political issue rather than
a social service. For example, by the federal government policy, edu-
cation is free throughout the country only at the primary level. How-
ever, in five of the 19 states controlled by a political party other
than that of the federal government, education is proclaimed as free
at all levels--primary through university. In circumstances such as
these, encouragement of social criticism and action involving demon-
stration for or against a demand from the authorities or for a change
would hardly be an integral part of citizenship education. Such an
approach might "encounter enormous resistance and even endanger one's

job" (Giroux, 1982, p. 49). Rather, such a situation might encourage

11

schools or teachers in particular to be less critical and more suppor-
tive of or indifferent to the happenings in society, even when they
are inconsistent with their beliefs. (A detailed background of evolv-
ing political culture and process of political socialization in
Nigeria is given in Chapter II.)

In spite of these alleged constraints, if the schools and their
personnel are expected to achieve the stated objectives of citizenship
education, it is pertinent to ask those who directly or indirectly

influence school and classroom practices what their perspec—

tives of citizenship education are. In this regard, the present study
specifically sought answers to the following three major questions.

1. What are the perspectives of social studies' educators
in Oyo State toward citizenship education within the
context of four conceptual frameworks identified in
this study?

2. Do classroom teachers, teacher educators, and school
inspectors differ in their perspectives toward citi-
zenship education?

3. What is the effect of selected demographic variables
such as level of teacher education, grade level taught,
years of teaching experience, and age on the perspec-

tives of teachers toward citizenship education?

Basic Hypotheses ‘
Hypotheses derived from the research questions and tested in this

study follow.

12

1. There is no significant difference in philosophical
position regarding the instructional goal of citi-
zenship education among educators divided into groups
based on professional position--teachers, teacher edu-
cators, and school inspectors.

2. There is no significant difference in philosophical
position regarding the instructional goal of citizen—
ship education among teachers divided into groups
based on grade levels they teach.

3. There is no significant difference in philosophical
position regarding the instructional goal of citizen-
ship education among teachers divided into groups
based upon levels of teacher education.

4. There is no significant difference in philosophical
position regarding the instructional goal of citizen-
ship education among teachers divided into groups
based upon years of teaching experience.

5. There is no significant difference in philosophical
position regarding the instructional goal of citizen-
ship education among teachers divided into groups

based upon age.

Limitations of the Study
The scope of this study was limited to a sampling of Opinions
through questionnaires. Many writers (Abelson, 1972; Katz, 1976;
Brickman, 1971) have cautioned against equating expressed attitudes
lNTth potential behavior. This creates a major concern as to the

validity of the responses. Only those Nigerian educators who had

13

formal training in social studies education were involved in the study.
Since they were assured that their responses would be treated in an
anonymous manner, it was hoped that they would reSpond honestly to
make their responses generalizable. I

Other limitations contained in the instrument are related to its
length and the timing of its administration. In addition to personal
data, the questionnaires contain 60 items which required an average of
45 minutes to complete. Whether respondents would spare that much
time to complete the questionnaire was another concern. This concern
was probably justified because the questionnaires were administered
toward the close of the school year--mid-June to mid-July, l982--when
schools were preoccupied with examinations (internal and external). To
alleviate this concern the questionnaires were personally delivered to
individual teachers with the permission of the head-teachers/principals
of the selected schools. With the help of two paid research assis-
tants, efforts were made to collect the questionnaires personally from
the teachers over a period of four weeks. After three or four unsuc-
cessful calls at prospective respondents' schools and/or homes, it was
assumed the respondents were not willing to complete the questionnaires.

The sample is limited to Oyo State, which has unique socio-
political characteristics and because of its higher advancement in
education than other states. Therefore, the findings of this investi-
gation cannot be generalized to other states of Nigeria.

Owing to financial constraints and limited time available to tra-
vel the long distances around the three selected educational zones in
the state, the size of the sample was limited to 300 randomly selected

classroom teachers drawn from three grade levels--primary class five

14

and secondary form two and four, all social studies teacher-educators
in the state, and 22 school inspectors (see Table l in Chapter IV).
Whether differences in philosophy about citizenship education are
related to school location, size, and age is not examined in this study
Because the teachers operated within the same homogeneous socio-
political milieu and were exposed to virtually common training pro-
grams at the different levels of teacher education in the state,
their views could be assumed to be representative of those of teachers
in the state. Therefore, the relatively small size of the sample may
not diminish the generalization of the findings of the study to the

whole state.

Definition of Terms
Certain terms, owing to their specialized use in this study, re-

quire definition. These terms are defined below.

Social studies. For the purpose of this study, social studies is
defined as the study of human beings and their relations with other
human beings and their environments. It calls for the selection of
knowledge, skills, and attitudes from many fields, especially the
social sciences: geography, political science, anthropology, sociol-
ogy, history, economics, social psycholbgy, and related current issues.
It is conceived as a regularly scheduled portion of primary and
secondary schools' day with a prescribed number of periods and minutes

allocated to its study.

Citizenship education. This is defined as the instruction and

 

subsequent learning about political institutions, actors, politics, and

15

their impact on the socio-economic life of a community. It is an
integral part of social studies education through which individuals
acquire political knowledge, political skills, political participa-
tion skills, and political attitudes. The type of citizenship educa-
tion individuals receive determines to a great extent the way the
individuals perceive and practice their civic and political roles in
the community. This includes the social and ethnical objectives of

citizenship education.

Political education. This term is used interchangeably with
citizenship education in the study. It is defined as that process of
education in which the individual is equipped with political knowl-
~edge, participation skills, and attitudes to challenge what is
restrictive and support actions aimed at just and equitable distribu-

tion of power and resources in the society.

Political socialization. Although some have defined political
socialization broadly as the way society transmits its political cul-
ture from one generation to another, for the purpose of this study,
Easton and Dennis' definition is adopted. Political socialization is
defined as those "developmental processes through which persons
acquire political orientations and patterns of behavior in and out of
school systems." Other out-of—school agents of political socializa-
tion include the family, the peer group, the mass media, religious

groups, etc.

16

Primary classes. These refer to elementary grade levels. There

 

are six primary classes beginning from the age of six and going to age

twelve in Nigeria; i.e., a six-year elementary education program.

Secondary classes/forms. These refer to post-primary classes or
grade levels. Before September, 1982, secondary education was a five-
year course with five classes or forms. The new secondary education
program in Nigeria is a six-year course divided into three years of
junior high school and three years of senior high school (NPE, 1977).
This is of interest to the study because the teaching of social studies
would move up one grade level; i.e., to the third year of secondary

education, after which social studies is taught as separate disciplines:

history, geography, economics, and political science/government.

Citizenship. This term is defined as the actions, the rights,and

 

the duties of individuals in a democratic society. To many, it is
also considered as good conduct or "good" behavior. Thus, it has
non-political as well as political connotations. The political conno-
tation can be active or disengaged. The political connotation is the

definition adopted in this study.

Traditional values. As used in the study, traditional values
refers to local values found within the various cultures of Nigeria
in their unadulterated form. Although it is recognized that no cul-
ture is static, it is generally accepted that traditional values are
often more relatively stable (less fluid) than what are called modern

values. Therefore, the use of the word unadulterated is a reference

 

to those traditional values in their most stable form.

17

Attitude. Attitude refers to a generalized response to a parti-
cular object, group, institution, or concept along a favorable-

unfavorable dimension (Sax, 1974).

Instructional goals. This term refers to the aims of one's
teaching as delineated by the purpose, method, and content one selects

to teach.

Philosophical teaching position. One's perspectives, beliefs, and

behaviors regarding the purpose, content, and method of teaching.

Citizenship transmission position. This refers to the view
that social studies should be taught with the sole aim of trans-
mitting basic aspects of our history and cultural heritage. These
basic aspects are identified and transmitted to the young. It is
believed that responsible citizenship grows from a thorough under-

standing of the best of our cultural heritage.

Social science position. This position is favored by those who

 

believe that the social studies content and method of study should be
drawnihxmithe social science disciplines (Barth & Shermis, 1970). To
the protagonists, effective citizens can use basic concepts and meth-

ods drawn from the social sciences to resolve issues and problems.

Reflective inquiry position. Decision-making about problems is
reflective inquiry. Its aim is to develop thinking and decision-
making skills needed to improve society. Effective citizens can use
models and processes of thinking and decision-making to solve problems

and resolve issues (Barth & Shermis, 1970).

Social criticism and action position. This refers to the develop-
ment of knowledge and skills needed to improve society. Responsible
citizens critically examine the existing world and its constructs in
relationship to a "possibly better society." For this purpose, appro-

priate action is taken (Habermas, 1970; Cherryholmes, 1981).

Summary

Through American influence, social studies has become an integral
part of Nigerian school curriculum. As in America, the perennial
problem for social studies educators has been the imprecision of
the field. Although there'Hsmuch agreement that citizenship education
is a proper goa1--perhaps the_proper goal--of social studies and much
effort has been put into training teachers in its methods and
materials, no study has been conducted to date in Oyo State of Nigeria
that examines the phi1050phical position educators, especially
classroom teachers, hold about the instructional goals of citizenship
education or social studies in general. It would seem more appropri-
ate to determine philosophy before selecting materials and methods,
since one's perspective gives direction to practice. For the purpose
of this study, citizenship education is viewed from four philosophical
positions: citizenship transmission, social sciences, reflective in-
quiry, and social criticism and action.

The purpose of determining social studies educators' perspectives
of citizenship education and, subsequently, their concept of citizen-
ship-can serve two primary objectives. First, such an investigation
would provide information that would assist educators who service

teachers at the Ministry of Education, university, and college of

19

education levels in planning the learning strategies and experiences
their clients will respond to best. Second, researchers who investi-
gate the inter-relatedness of teachers' philosophical positions or
personalities to certain factors can begin to understand the variables
that affect the position held. Thus, this study is important in a
practical and theoretical sense.

The broad questions addressed in this study are, first, what per-
spectives about citizenship education do Oyo State primary and secon-
dary schools' social studies educators hold? and, second, to what
extent do selected demographic variables of level of teacher education,
years of teaching experience, grade level taught, and age influence

teachers' perspectives about citizenship education?

CHAPTER II
SOCIO-POLITICAL BACKGROUND

The purpose of this chapterwas twofold. First, it seeks to de-
scribe the diversity in the pre-colonial and present political culture
in Nigeria. Second, the chapter seeks to describe political socializa-
tion in Nigerian schools. Major topics to be explored include (a)
ethnicity and regionalism and their consequences on political and
economic development in Nigeria, (b) the heterogeneity of the tradi-
tional political culture, (c) discontinuity in political socialization,
and (d) patterns of political socialization through the formal education

system.

Ethnicism and Regionalism

 

The Federal Republic of Nigeria was a British colonial territory
until 1960 when it became independent. Before the advent of the
British, the geographical territory which later became Nigeria was
occupied by different organized people in cohesive units such as the
Sokoto Caliphate, the Benin and Songhai empires, and the kingdom of
Oyo. Thus,within its artificial boundaries, Nigeria has an extremely
large number of ethnic and linguistic groups. Although figures vary,
the Nigerian government places the number of ethnic groups at 235

(Nigeria: A Guide to Understanding, undated, p. 6),and almost 400

 

languages are estimated to exist (Hansford et al., 1976)..

20

21

Another major divisive factor is religion. The population and
society in the north of the country are mainly Islamic; the middle
belt and the west contain a mixture of believers of African tradi-
tional religion, Muslims, and Christians; and the east is predomi-
nantly Christian. Hence O'Connell (1967) rightly observed that when
these various groups and entities were amalgamated into a nation in
1914 under Lord Luguard, "no other colonial territory grouped people
so large and diverse as the British did in Nigeria" (p. 132).

Rather than unite the country under one administration after the
amalgamation of the Northern and Southern protectorates, the British
administered the north and south separately. The adminis-
trative arrangement expressed in Arthur Richard's constitution after
1946 promoted the concept of regionalism. Three separate regional
councils were established for northern, western, and eastern provinces.
Each region was dominated by each of the three major ethnic groups.
Having been raised in this way, even some of the leaders of the various
groups did not believe in the unity and immediate integration of Nigeria
as a nation. For example, Chief Awolowo, the Yoruba leader, observed
that "Nigeria is only a geographical expression of various 'nations' of
ethnic groups who live within the territory" (1947, p. 47). The Hansa-
Fulani position in relation to the remaining ethnic groups in Nigeria
was summarized by Abubakar Tafawa Balewa who later became the first
prime minister of Nigeria.

Since the amalgamation of the southern and northern pro-
vinces in 1914, Nigeria has existed as one country only on

paper. It is far from being united. The country is

inhabited by peoples of different ethnic groups; who speak

different languages; who have different religions, different
customs and traditions, and entirely different historical

backgrounds in their ways of life; and who have attained

different stages of development (Nigerian Legislative Coun-

cil debate, 1947, p. 208).

No wonder, therefore, that the political parties that developed in
the 19505 did so along ethnic/religious lines: Action Group (AG) party
for the Yoruba group in the west, National Council of Nigeria and
Cameroun (NCNC) party for the Ibo in the east, and Northern Pe0p1e's
Congress (NPC) for the Hausa-Fulani in the north. As it was officially
recognized, "the only common factor that united them was the struggle
for independence"(Federal Republic of Nigeria Official Publication,
1967).

This pattern culminated in communal conflicts in Nigerian politics
with violence among the various ethnic groups. At the national level,
the conflicts are among Hausa-Fulani, Ibo, and Yoruba; while at the
regional level, it is between various small ethnic groups that con- —
stituted regional minorities on one hand and the major ethnic groups on
the other. Thus a situation which Coleman and Rosberge (1964) termed
'a crisis of national integration“was precipitated. There are at least
two dimensions to national integration. One of them is what they
termed territorial integration which "refers to the progressive
reduction of cultural and regional tensions and discontinuities . . .
in the process of creating a homogeneous political community" (p. 9),
and it is a situation which exists when a significant proportion of the
members of'a political system does not identify with the political
community (Easton, 1957). In the Nigerian context, according to
Kamanu (19 75) .

. the challenge of political integration is twofold:

first, how to create mutual trust among members of the di-
verse etthnic, linguistic, cultural, religious, and regional

23

groups within Nigeria so that they can accept their neigh-

bors as compatriots; and, second, how to transfer the ulti-

mate political loyalties of the members of these various

groups from primordial political communities to the more

inclusive Nigerian political community" (p. 86).

The other dimension of national integration is political integra-
tion which "refers to the progressive bridging the elite-mass gap on
the vertical plane in the course of developing an integrated political
process and a participant political community" (Coleman & Rosberg,
1964, p. 9). At this second level, a crisis of national integration
exists when the political system fails to engender and maintain the
belief in its members that the regime, defined as the constitutional
order, is the most appropriate one for the society (Lispset, 1967) or
when the members of the system do not regard the political authorities
as having the right to rule them (Kamanu, 1975). This is evident in
Nigeria where the southern urban areas or elites believe they deserve
the right to rule the nation because of their higher level of Western
education than the people from the northern area, with Islamic educa-
tion, who have, since independence, produced the political leaders of

the country. Nduka (1976) captured the mood of the country when he
noted that

. . . much of Nigeria's subsequent social and political
history, right up to and after the civil war, has turned on
the attempt of various groups to narrow or eliminate the
gaps in economic and political power between those with

earlgsaccess to Western education and the late starters
p. .

Consequences of the Crisis
6? National Integration
Apart from making the cultivation of a common "secular political

culture" (Almond, 1956, pp. 391-409) difficult in Nigeria, the crisis

24

of national integration limits the "input and output" functions of the
political system (Easton, 1957, p. 390).

According to Easton, the input functions consist of interest
articulation, interest aggregation, political recruitment, political
socialization, and political communication, all of which constitute
"the raw material out of which finished products called decisions are
manufactured" (p. 390). The input functions constitute demands which
are fed into the political system and are converted into decisions and
policies which are "output functions" (p. 400). The output functions
consist of extractive, distributive, regulative, symbolic, and respon-
sive capabilities of the political system (Almond & Powell, 1966, p.
27). Four of the components of the output functions are highlighted
here as examples of areas of low capabilities of the Nigerian politi-
cal system.

A political system lacks adequate support of the people and the
means of generating their support when its extractive capability is low
(Almond & Powell, 1966). This is exemplified in the case of Nigeria
where various taxes and other levies are not only unwillingly paid by
the majority of the people, but the system lacks adequate means of
assessing and collecting them. Thus the system has low capacity of
searching and exploiting its natural (and even human) resources for
its support. Consequently, the distributive capability of the system
is curtailed (Ofiaja, 1979, p. 105).

The system's distributive capacity is measured in terms of the
provision of goods and services such as health, social welfare,
employment opportunities, and infrastructures like construction of

good roads and provision of good water and electricity. Considering

25

these in relation to Nigeria, the distributive capability can still be
described as low except in the area of education (Ofiaja, 1979). The
provision of these goods and services are not only inadequate, but
they are unevenly distributed and, in most cases, along ethnic and/or
political lines; hence, the endless agitations for more states in the
country (West Africa, 1982). In each state the minority groups still
believe they are not having their own fair share of government output.

Nigeria's regulative capability can be described as low. A poli-
tical system that exercises effective control over the interacting
behavior of its individuals, groups, and subsystems is said to have
effective, regulative capability. It is only the regulative capability
of the political system that makes compliance to the national standard
possible. For example, in the United States:

. the political system regulates many sectors of

economic life--it protects consumers from monopoly pricing

and dangerous food handling, businessmen from unfair prac-

tices, unions from suppression, and so forth. Not only

are such clearly deviant social activities as murder and

assault regulated, but property rights and certain types of

interpersonal relationships such as marriage and parental

responsibility may be regulated. The whole realm of con-

tract which underlie so much of economic and personal

interactions may be government regulated (Almond & Powell,

1966, p. 196).
Almond and Powell's summary of the regulative capability of Nigeria in
1966 can be said to be true to a great extent in the 19805. They noted
then that

. the regulative capability of Nigerian system
remains relatively underdeveloped and decentralized.
In northern Nigeria (most of the northern states), formal
and informal coercion is a prevalent pattern when the
traditional elites are faced with many threats to their
position, but freedom of communication and association
are being maintained in the southern states (p. 298).

PLEASE NOTE:

Page 26 is missing in numbering only
as text follows.

27

The responsive capability of a political system can be said to be
a function of a relationship between inputs and outputs. The political
system must be responding to some set of internal and external pres-
sures and demands of the people. While responsive capability of the
political system in Nigeria can be said to be relatively positive at the
state level, it is still in general negative at the federal level. The
general low responsive capability is not only due to differences in
levels of development (particularly in education) in the country, but
also to what Almond and Powell rightly noted as

. the divisiveness of ethnic and community ties,

excessive expectations aroused by politicians seeking elec-

toral support, the low level of capabilities to meet even

a moderate flow of demands from an aroused populace, and

the resistance of the traditional . . . (and businessmen/

civil servants) elites to widespread socioeconomic change

placed the Nigerian system in a position where it could

not respond effectively to the pressure placed upon it

(p. 298).
The foregoing brief analysis of systematic output functions of extrac-
tive, distributive, regulative, and responsive capabilities of the
Nigerian political system highlights some of the agenda of political

or citizenship education to be considered if Nigeria is to fulfill its

stated objectives of citizenship education (NPE, 1977). In doing this,
the social educator will not only need to know the "new" common poli-
tical culture to which the student is being oriented, but s/he must

. also have an understanding of the socio-political milieu in which the
student is being raised. This is particularly necessary in Nigeria
where the educational system is being used to desocialize students from
the many fragmented political cultures in the society. A description

of the main traditional patterns is given in the next section.

28

Traditional Political
Culture in Nigeria

 

 

Political culture can be defined as the pattern of individual
attitudes and orientations people have toward politics within their
political system. In their five nation study, Almond and Verba (1963)
established a typology in which they showed distinction among partici-
pant, subject, and parochial political cultures. According to them,
general participant culture, with positive correlated orientation
toward high socioeconomic status, higher education, and a certain
social attitude such as a basic faith in people leads to political
stability.

Although political culture cannot be the same throughout the entire
population of a political system, a nation could be said to have a homo-
geneous political culture whenever there is a high degree of agreement
in the attitudes toward general classes of political objects or behav-
ioral patterns that are supportive of the political system. Differ-
ences in the political cultures between the different groups in Nigeria
have contributed to the instability in the political system in the
nation.

The fragmentation of the Nigerian political cultures correspond
mainly to the three major ethnic groups within each of the formal three
regions. Secondary patterns are also discernable among the various
small ethnic groups. Lack of faith in people has contributed much to
the political and cultural differentiation among the Ibos, Yorubas,
and Fulani-Hausa. For example, because of insecurity in their develop-
ment, the northern leaders delayed attainment of independence (Chapman,

1968).

29

Apart from the influence of education, the traditional political
system among the three major ethnic groups accentuated the differences
in the political orientations of the pe0p1e. These are described

breifly below.

The Fulani-Hausa

 

The Fulani—Hausa operated a relatively centralized, authoritarian
political system which contributed to the formation of a typical, paro-
chial political culture in the typology of Almond and Verba. In the
system the common people in the Fulani-Hausa emirates have little con-
tact with the central political system and have no awareness of it.
Their link with the system is through the chief of the village, and
they do not view political authority to be amenable to influence or
control. Like the will of Allah (God), all the political decisions of
the emirs must be obeyed and endured (Ofiaja, 1979). The pe0ple's
political culture is, therefore, parochial based on patron-client
relationships (Almond & Verba, 1963).

The colonial administrators recognized the feudal stratification
of the Fulani-Hausa emirates. Lord Lugnard capitalized on it and
successfully established a system of indirect rule. Under the system
the Muslim emirs were used as agents for the implementation of the

British colonial policy.

The Ibos

In contrast with the Fulani-Hausa, the Ibos have a sense of parti-
cipation in politics. The Ibos who lived in hundreds of autonomous
village communities prior to the imposition of colonial rule have

dispersed rather than centralized political authority. According to

30

Almond and Verba's typology, the Ibos can be said to have the necessary
orientation for participant political culture. The Ibos were known

for their aggressive competition, their struggle for achievement, and
an enterprising spirit (Levine, 1966).

Among the Ibos, however, government at the village level was exer-
cised with direct democracy. This is what Inkeles (1969), in his study
of participant citizenship in six countries including Nigeria, called
"village" or "mangotree" democracy. Village organization is based on
family units rather than central authority and flourishes in conjunc-
tion with traditional values. The orientation is not directed to
national purpose. Each village assembly is led by people concerned
with legislative, judicial, and administrative functions (Uchendu,

1965).

The Yoruba

 

The Yoruba ethnic group is comprised of several clans of which the
chief among them are the Oyos, the Egbas, the Ifes, and the Ijebus.
Others include the Owus, the Ijesas, the Ekitis, and the 0ndos. The
majority of the inhabitants of Lagos State are also of Yoruba origin.

The Yoruba political culture is midway between the Ibo partici-
pant and the Fulani-Hausa parochial cultures. Traditional leaders in
ancient Yoruba kingdoms were divine with prestige and ritual status
far exceeding their political power. A council of hereditary chiefs
and representatives of major territorial and associational groups in
towns were the main decision-making organs. Though hierarchical,
the Yoruba political system was not autocratic. Instead, power was

dispersed among partly self-governing segments with relatively little

31

concentration at the center. The Yoruba natural-rulers-in-counci1
played active politics. While the masses were relatively passive, they
had a great awareness of the central political authority (Ofiaja, 1979;
Although they were politically aware of their rights within the politi-
cal system, they could not strongly articulate their demands on the
system. Thus they developed a less involved or non-involvement form of
political culture. Because of their higher level of education, more
than the other major ethnic groups, their political culture turned out
not to be parochial as the Fulani-Hausas, but, rather, "subject" in the
terms of the Almond and Verba typology. Their great awareness of the
central political system is mainly the concept of "divisible benefits"
(or equity) (Ofiaja, 1979).

Discontinuity in
Political Socialization

 

From the foregoing analysis, it can be seen that Nigeria has no
homogeneous or fusional political culture. The lack of homogeneous
political culture was accentuated during the colonial period. The
colonial era was a period of rapid social change during which African

political institutions and symbols were put on the defensive and

political norms and institutions of the colonial conquerors became sym-
bols of progress and modernity and points<rfreference for the acquisi-
tion of new political orientations (Kamanu, 1975). Schools and
churches and later the mass media became rival agents of socializa-
tion against the family.

Political lessons or attitudes learned under the colonial rule did
not anticipate the requirement of future political roles of citizenship

in an independent Nigeria. According to 'Kamanu (1975), a conspicuous

32

. feature of the political process during most of
the colonial period in Nigeria was the exclusion of Africans
from meaningful participation either as voters or decision-
makers . . . . Admittedly, the Legislative Council had been
in existence and had had African representation for a much
longer time, but it was essentially a debating forum without
effective legislative powers. Its Complete subserviance to
the British governor was very reminiscent of the relation-
ship between the legislature and the executive in authori-
tarian systems (p. 96).

Thus, through various institutions, "subject roles" were inculcated in
Nigerians.

The oppositional attitudes acquired by Nigerian elites in the na-
tionalist struggle against the British were no longer relevant to the
requirement of governmental responsibility after independence. The
nationalist movement aimed at effecting a "mental emancipation" of
Africa. In the words of Azikwe (1937):

This includes education of the sort which should teach
African youth to have faith in his ability, to believe that
he is the equal of the people of other races of mankind--
mentally and physically; to look at no man as his superior
simply because that man comes from the Antarctic or Arctic
region. It means the renascent Africa must be rid of the
inferiority complex and all the trappings of hat-in-hand
Uncle Tom-ism (p. ii).

Like its anti-colonial counterparts elsewhere in the world, the move-
ment fought to politicize the p0pulation by linking the grievances of
all groups to the politics of the colonial government. Talking about

the African nationalist press in general, Thomas Hogkins (1961) noted

that the press

. made it its function to fasten on the specific
grievances of particular section of the community and
localities--farmers, clerks, teachers, ex-servicemen, unem-
ployed, marketwomen, railway workers, miners, secondary
school pupils-~and, by relating these grievances to a
reasonably coherent body of anti-colonial doctrine to
stimulate the kind of political awareness that leads to
action (p. 33).

33

This strategy was very successful in arousing the pe0p1e. It had the
unintended consequences of inculcating in the people a value orienta-
tion to politics in which it is legitimate to inject an almost unlim-
ited variety of demands into the political process, creating a condi-
tion Easton has referred to as "demand input overload."

Since independence, things have changed. As in many African coun-
tries, the Nigerian elites can be characterized as elite in competition.
According to Ofiaja (1979), "the African elite are most incoherent,
heterogeneous, and highly competitive for the acquisition of political
power" (p. 58). These characteristics can be deduced from the remarks
of a high bureaucratic elite in Nigeria who said that:

. all the political offices are filled by these

people whose standard is acquisitive. Could this be due

to something inherent in the colonial rule? The British

officers lived well, in good homes, had servants, cars,

long vacations, and all the rest of it. Nigerians watched

all this, and no doubt came to the conclusion that people

in power should do the same thing as a right; that since

the British did it when they were the masters, then this

must be the thing to do once one gets into authority

(Smyth and Smyth, 1960, p. 133).

The aim of the elites, therefore (even in the 19805) is to do well for
themselves, no matter the fate of the nation. Because the elites
ostensibly represent their various ethnic groups or regions, the above
remarks summarize the characteristics of_intra-ethnic strife, competi-
tion, and lack of cooperation among the different political units--
ethnic regions--in Nigeria.

When the military entered into active politics, they thought the

structural problem that militated against successful nation-building

in Nigeria was extreme regionalism under the old four-region formula

in which the northern region was bigger than the three southern regions

34

(Adebanjo, 1968). Within the regions the minority elements complained
of domination by the major ethnic groups. Hence, the demand for crea-
ting more states. As a cure for political problems of Nigeria, in 1967
General GOwon decreed 12 states and stated,

The federal military government is irrevocably committed
to the new federal structure of twelve states because it is
convinced that this arrangement is basic to the building of
a stable nation . . . . This is a new union of twelve autono-
mous and equal states in which no one state can be in posi-
tion to try to dominate (Daily Times of Nigeria, 1968).

 

The states have been increased to 19 (1976) since the overthrow of
General Gowon by General Muritala Muhammed (1975), and there are
demands for even more states. The proposal to increase the states to
40 is before the current session of the Nigerian parliament (West
Africa, 1982). What all this means is that an average Nigerian contin-
uously becomes disoriented politically, and his/her picture of Nigeria
may begin and end with his/her state. Thus, whether or not the crea-
tion of more states will contribute to stability and successful nation—
building is an open question.

The discontinuities in political orientation or socialization
continues. The 13 years of military authoritarian rule in Nigeria
(1966-1979) was not only succeeded by civilian rule, but also by the
practice ofainew form of government. The military set aside the British
parliamentary system bequeathed to Nigeria at independence and intro-
duced the American-style presidential system with a three-tiered system
of government--national, state, and loca1--which has been on trial
since the return to civilian rule. The primary purpose is that it will
bring government closer to the people and will involve the "grassroots."

Ironically, since the return to civilian rule, there has been no

35

election to the local governments! The demand for more local govern-
ment confounded the whole issue.

The demands of the new system can be great and different. In-
dividual citizens need not only be aware of the political, social, and
economic processes operating at each level of government in order to
know how they influence and control their lives, but they also need to
know how they can negotiate their rights at different levels of govern-
ment. Most importantly, how should citizens distribute their alle-
giances among the three levels? In order to offset the subnational
affiliations encouraged by religious and/or ethnic groups, Nigeria
turns to the latent political socialization/education its educational

system can provide.

Trends in Political Socializa-
tion in Nigerian Schools

 

 

Nigeria's confidence in its educational system as an agent of
political socialization can be justified because studies have shown
that schools are still regarded as the most important agent of poli-
tical socialization: Hess and Turney (1967) found this to be so at the
elementary level, Almond and Verba (1963) see schools as next to the
work group in fostering feelings of civic competency, and Huff (1974)
found that schools have a positive effect on political efficacy. Com-
paring the importance of various agents of political socialization in
the new (developing) countries and in highly developed political sys-
tems, Langton (1969) concluded that the political socialization of
school systems in developing countries is probably higher than in the

United States because, according to Langton, there is a high redundancy

36

of information at the secondary level in the United States. Therefore,
he concluded that
In societies at different stages of development from the

United States . . . traditional norms often clash with the

modern values promoted by the political elites. Under these

conditions where information redundancy is low, policy makers

may lean heavily on the formal curriculum as an agent of

change (p. 77)
to separate children from their traditionally-oriented families or eth-
nic groups in order to immerse them in the new values. In line with
this rationale, one can expect Nigeria through its educational programs,
especially citizenship education programs, to be involved in "counter-
socialization" to lure its citizens away from old chauvinistic loyal-
ties and spread critical acceptance of political symbols, national cul-
ture, and loyalty to the country and its institutions.

Until recently the Nigerian educational system has never had the
opportunities to serve as a truly national agent for creating political
attitudes. During the colonial era, the small amount of direct civic
course available hardly stressed a mass political consciousness which
would make the colony harder to govern for the colonizers. Naturally,
colonial Nigeria discovered that "history" meant the history of Britain
and her empire, not of Nigeria, that "heroes" were British, and that

English was the language of educated people (Ogunseye in Coleman,

1965).

Educational decentralization also hindered the development of a
Nigerian political culture by widening the gap between the north and
south in terms of progress. As Arikpo rightly remarked about the

federalized, constitutional system of Nigeria after 1939, ". . . in

37

no sphere of governmental activity was the principle of diversity pur-
sued to the same extent . . . as in education" (1965, p. 104).

Specific factors hindered the growth of a Nigerian focus in the
curriculum content. Secondary education certificates were earned by
passing an examination tiedixiBritish curriculum, and textbooks were
produced by English commercial publishers. Perhaps most important is
the fact that Nigeria's universities ". . . are not Nigerian universi-
ties; they are British and American, where Nigerians can take good
degrees having international currency without knowing anything about
Nigeria" (Lewis, 1965, p. 101). This situation changed in 1962 when
Nsukka, Lagos, and other universities were established. The above
factors resulted in Nigerians' inability to produce teachers who could
inculcate students with values relevant to the new nation's problems,
even after several years of independence (Ogunseye, 1965, p. 134).

In order to reverse the trend, nine years after independence (1969),
a national curriculum conference was held where a philosophy for Niger-
ian education was formulated. This has since been translated into
national policy on education (1977) and reviewed in 1981. In harmony
with the national objectives, the philosophy is geared

. . . toward self-realization, better human relation-

ship, individual and national efficiency, effective citi-

zenship, national consciousness, national unity as well as

. . . social, cultural, economic, political, scientific,

and technological progress (NEP, 1981, p. 7).

Translated into curriculum terms, greater emphasis was given to African
issues and problems, particularly those of Nigeria, and how they affect
and are affected or influenced by the outside world. For example,

among the goals of social studies was the "development in children of

a positive attitude to citizenship and a desire in them to make a

38

positive personal contribution to the creation of United Nigeria" (NERC,
1973, p. 263) and the development of people who can think for them-
selves and live like good citizens. To achieve these objectives and
others, a five year social studies program for elementary school teach-
ers and for secondary school was developed by the NERC in cooperation

with selected social studies educators (Grade II Teachers' Syllabus, 1974).

Content of Courses

The social studies' program for teacher trainees and secondary
schools is planned for five years. The course for each year is divided
into Themes, Sub-themes, and Units. Below are the course content out-

lines from Year 1 to Year 5, stating only the topics that make the

themes:
YEAR I
Theme 1. Man in his environment
" 2. Living together
" 3. The story of what we eat
" 4. The story of what we use
" 5. The things we do
YEAR II
Theme 1. The story of man in society
" 2. Family, kinship, and marriage
“ 3. Science and technology
" 4. Political structure and organization in Nigeria
5. Economic structure and organization
" 6. Social and cultural systems

YEAR III

Theme 1. Living together in our national community
" 2. Living with other international neighbors

39

The story of transport and communications
The story of our public utilities

The story of our religious institutions
The story of social change

0101-900

YEAR IV

1 Socialization of man
2 The unity and diversity of man
" 3. Flexibility and adaptability of man
4 Man's psychological needs
5 Man's concern for others (voluntary organizations)

YEAR V

Man's need for association and expression
Man and his social rules and sanctions

l

2

" 3. Man's use and conservation of resources

4 Man's relations with his physical environment
5

Man's concern for others

The specific objectives for each primary grade level were spelled
out as follows:
Primary I and II

To introduce young children to their cultural heritage
through stories, topics, and legends, to their ancestors
and create in them an understanding and appreciation of
their achievements. To understand moral values and the
usefulness of living in a community as well as the respon-
sibility of each member of the family in the community.

Primary III

 

To develop a sympathetic appreciation of the diversity
and inter-dependence of all members of the local community
through the studies of various activities in the pupils'
district and division.

40

Primary IV

 

To create an awareness and an understanding of the
evolving social and physical aspects of the nation--its
rural, man-made, cultural and spiritual resources,
together with the national use and conservation of these
resources for development. And to link these aspects
to those elsewhere in Africa.

Primary V

To create in the child clear elementary ideas of
physical geography; and an understanding of how Nigeria
has evolved politically, socially and economically, and
thereby developing in him a positive attitude toward
citizenship and a desire in him to make a positive con-
tribution to the creation of a united Nigeria.

Primary,VI

 

To develop in children an outlook to events and life

in other countries, especially in Africa. And to bring

the world closer to the child through the studies of

various world organizations, and to create an awareness

in him of the nation's role--by virtue of its size and

potentialities--in an association with these organisa-

tions.

However, studies have shown that many factors seem to militate
against the realization of the new social studies objectives. In par-
ticular, instructional materials such as books and teaching aids were
found not only to be inadequate in number (Dahunsi, 1979), but also
unsuitable (Salawu, 1982). Salawu also found out that class and lec-
ture methods were favored by the majority of teachers at the secondary
level in Ibadan. In his study of the teaching of social studies in se-
condary schools in Ile-Ife division in Oyo State, Okoh (1979) found
that there were few trained personnel for the teaching of the "new"

social studies and that the majority of the teachers appeared not to

understand the meaning and purpose of integrated social studies.

41

Another factor which seems to be undermining Nigerian educational
objectives is the great emphasis on examination at all levels. For
example, Salawu (1982) and Okoh (1979) revealed that the teachers
attributed students' lack of interest in social studies to its not
being examined at the secondary level like other subjects (except for
different social science disciplines, social studies has not been in-
cluded in the secondary school examinations). Implied in the schools'
emphasis on examination is the likelihood of putting more stress on
knowledge acquisitionand/or rote learning.

Other Government Policies
in Citizenship EdUcation

In addition to the formal curriculum, there are a number of govern-
ment policies directed toward the achievement of goals of citizenship
education. In regard to the national goal of developing Nigeria into
a "just and egalitarian society," a nation-wide, universal, primary
education (UPE) was launched in September, 1976. The government has
planned to give it a priority in its Fourth National Development Plan
(1981-85) on the grounds that it:

--(is) one of the most important social policy instru-

ments for redistributing wealth and opportunities
in the long run

--increases individual awareness as to alternative oppor-
tunities in economic, social, and political matters

--(is) increasingly regarded as part of human rights
for a citizen (p. 71).

In line with national objectives, education through citizenship
training is expected to foster national unity through its administra-

tion. The national policy (1977) requires that

Every secondary school should function as unity school
by enrolling students belonging to other areas or states

. since the federal government is already subsidizing
secondary education in the states (and expects) . . . all

schools to reflect the heterogeneous nature of the com-

munities in the population (p. 12).

Two federal government colleges (secondary schools), by policy, were
established in each of the 19 states and were required to admit students
"on strict basis of equality from each state." It is believed "that

by growing up together the children (students) of different ethnic
groups will become acquainted with one another and understand one
another" (p 12).

Ironically, while the colleges are meant to promote national unity;
they help to create social class. They are very expensive (about $1448
Nigerian money per child in 1976-7) and, therefore, are becoming elit-
ist. A riot in 1977 in which students organized themselves almost
entirely along ethnic lines gave rise to doubt over the extent to which
the institutions can foster a national outlook (Cooner, 1979, p. 37).

Emphasis on effective citizenship training did not end at the pre-
college level. There is a national policy which requires all univer-
sity, polytechnics, and advanced teacher college graduates to spend a
compulsory year of national service on completion of their courses.
The main objective of the scheme is to "develop common ties among youth
and promote national unity" (FRN, 1973, p. 181). In more
specific terms, the directorate of the National Youth Service Corps
(NYSC) spelled out its objectives as follows:

1. to gear the training of the youths to the concrete

national objectives of national consciousness,
discipline as reliance and development;

43

2. to expose them to those attributes of social norms
that will influence their character and moral
training and will lead to the development of sound
attitudes;

3. to aid the preparation of the youths for useful
living within the society by raising a generation
of people who are conscious of and will respect
the nation's culture; and

4. to emphasize training in citizenship through prac-
tical exercises by inculcating qualities of public
spiritedness, voluntary service, sense of responsi-
bility, self-sacrifice, etc.

As Makinde (1978) rightly observed,"many of the things which the
directorate wished to accomplish on an ad hoc basis could be better
done on a permanent basis by the teaching of social studies in the
schools" (p. 36). The directorate could not agree less with Makinde
when he suggested that .

. . the program envisioned a restructuring of the

syllabus for social studies in the school curriculum.

It is also expected that . . . teachers will cultivate

the habit of relating their teaching to action and ser-

vice.

This highlights the central purpose of citizenship education in social
studies curriculum. The youth corps members were usually posted to
states other than those of their origin.

In addition to their main assignments, i.e., working

in different areas related to their fields of study, they

are also involved in some manual community services such

as road, school, or health center construction (NYSC,

1973).

In this way it is hoped that Nigerian youth would cultivate a sense
service and responsibility as well as loyalty to their country and the

local community.

44

Political Socialization/Education
in Nigerian Context

 

In concluding this chapter, it must be noted that the standard
definition of political socialization is inadequate for understanding
the task of the school or other agents of political socialization in
Nigeria. The standard definitions of political socialization assumed
that (a) it is a process whereby the ongoing political culture of a
society is transmitted from older to the younger generation or (b)
it fulfills a system-maintaining function. Hence, Langton (1969)
defines it broadly as "the way society transmits its political culture
from generation to generation" (p. 4). Sigel (1970) defines it as "the
process by which people learn to adopt the norms, values, attitudes,
and behaviors accepted and practiced by the ongoing system." Almond
(1960) had earlier defined it as "the process of inducting into the
political culture" (p. 27).

Nigeria has no collective national political culture except a
foreign model political system which has been grafted to the
fragmented socio-political systems. Thus both the older and younger
generations have to be socialized to the new political culture. The
assumption of intergenerational transmission of political orientations
can only have limited validity in a transitional society like Nigeria.
Children of school age in Nigeria are likely to acquire modern politi-
cal orientations more easily than their parents since they are better
educated and have greater exposure to modernizing influences besides
not having to unlearn old ways. What happens under this condition is
that children in Nigeria are more likely to act as agents of resociali-

zation for their tradition-bound parents. Therefore, the schools have

45

a crucial role to play in shaping the political orientation of the

country. The type of political orientation or culture that emerges

will depend to a large extent on the type of political skills, politi-
cal knowledge, political participation skills, and political attitudes
the schools foster. Also the schools through the teachers' practices,
will reflect their philosophical positions regarding the instructional
goals of citizenship education.

Viewed against the Nigerian background, a working definition of
political socialization should be broad enough to accommodate the
development of political attitudes that are both intergenerational and
intragenerational. For this purpose Easton and Dennis' (1969) defini-
tion of political socialization is more appropriate. They define it as
"those develOpmental processes through which persons acquire political
orientations and patterns of behavior" (p. 7). This definition does
not only avoid the system-maintaining culture bias of other definitions

but also avoids prejudging the character or end product of the process.

The emphasis here is on political education rather than political
socialization. Bay (1972) aptly describes the purpose of political
education when he says that it "aimed at liberating the individual from
blinders of conventiOnal wisdom, from political totems and taboos so
that s/he may make the basic choice of how to live and of political
ideals as an independent person with optimal critical powers." Expanding
the definition and purpose of political education,Pranger (1968) says that
in contrast to political socialization,a broad political education empha-
sizes the "artificiality of political order and the citizen as creative ac-
tor within this order." In Entwistle's point of view, political education

should help youngsters learn to question basic assumptions of their poli-

tics and'u:consider alternatives. Such should be the purpose of citi-

zenship or political education in Nigeria.

Summary

This chapter describes the socio-political background of Nigeria
in order to put the task of political/citizenship education in Nigeria
in proper perspective. Divisive factors such as ethnicism, religion '
among the people and, subsequently, regionalism perpetuated by the
British colonial rules accentuated socio-political disunity in Nigeria.
Also differences in the traditional political culture of the different
ethnic groups makes the case of forging a common national political
culture difficult.

The lack of unity, which bred distrust among the people, has not
only lowered the "input and output" capabilities of the political sys-
tem, but has also led to discontinuity in political socialization of
its people. While the first republic (1960-1966) practiced the parlia-
mentary system, the military authoritarian system that followed (1966-
1979) was succeeded by American-style presidential system in October,
1979. It is still on trial.

In order to cultivate or forge a national political culture,
Nigeria looks to its educational system. The schools are required to
revamp their programs, especially citizenship education programs, to
deal with Nigerian issues and problems as well as desocialize its
citizens so that they can transfer their ultimate political loyalties
from primordal political communities to the more inclusive Nigerian
political community. In the Nigerian circumstance, the schools have a

crucial role to play in the political educaiton of its citizens as the

47

process would be more intragenerational than intergenerational. The
extent to which the schools carry out their role will depend on social
studies educators, especially teachers', philosophical positions

regarding the goals of citizenship education in Nigeria.

CHAPTER III

REVIEW OF LITERATURE AND RESEARCH

The purpose of this chapter is to present a discussion of repre-
sentative literature and pertinent research related to this study.
The review of literature encompasses three areas: first, citizenship
as an objective of education and particularly social studies education
in which the concepts of citizenship and citizenship education were
examined; second, an examination of attempts to develop a conceptual
framework for the social studies; and third, a thorough analysis of
four conceptual frameworks for viewing the purpose, content, and
method of teaching social studies with citizenship education as the
overriding goal. The four conceptual frameworks are citizenship
transmission, social science, reflective inquiry, and social criti-
cism and action.

Concepts of Citizenship
and CitizenshipiEdfication

 

The objective of citizenship education is one of the most
common objectives listed in educational policy, professional litera-
ture, and textbooks in education, regardless of place or time. Byer
and French (1965) probably expressed the United States' view of
citizenship education in the 19605 when they stated that:

Certainly one of the most fundamental purposes of any
education system is to enable a society to perpetuate itself.

This requires more than a transmission of knowledge and
the structure and methodology underpinning that knowledge.

48

49

It requires also the development in youngsters of the

traits of good citizenship in the most active sense.

Earlier, Lane showed that this has been the view of the role of
education. In his study Lane (1962) found that between the years 1890
and 1920 the demand for improved citizenry led to an elementary cur-
riculum change with greater emphasis on citizenship education.

In his study of the years 1900-1950, Best (1960) indicated that
citizenship education developed as an essential part of the role of
the school. Most professional groups in the United States shared the
same view. Among them was the American Association of School Adminis-
trators that stated in 1954 that, "In this country education has
always been expected to make a substantial contribution to good
citizenship" (p. 11). The group's concern went beyond national dimen-
sions. They called forlanew emphasis to meet the threats of world
tensions and to resolve complex world problems.

In their study of civic education in 10 nations, Torney and her
associates (1975) found that in each of these countries (Federal
Republic of Germany, Finland, Iran, Ireland, Israel, Italy, the
Netherlands, New Zealand, Sweden, and United States), "the schools
carry out a systematic teaching program aimed at producing well-
informed, democratically active citizens" (p. 17).

In Nigeria,as hinnny African countries, the expectation of the
contribution of education to good citizenship is no less. In this
-respect, Nigerian Philosophy of Education (1972) stressed that

The content of education must reflect the past, pre-
sent and future of the dynamic Nigerian society in terms

of the role the individual is expected to play in the
present modernization process.

50

In specific terms, it affirms that "Nigerian education should be
geared towards self-realization, better human relationships . . .
effective citizenship, national unity, social and political pro-
gress . . . " (p. 212).

Based on this philosophy, the Nigerian National Policy on Educa—
tion (1977) stressed, among other primary goals of education:

. citizenship education as basis for effective parti-
cipation and contribution to the life of the society; charac-
ter and moral training and the development of sound attitudes;
development in the child the ability to adapt to his chang-
ing environment (pp. 7, 14¢, d, e).

To this end, the government maintained that a conscious effort should
be made to teach the tenets of good citizenship at all levels of edu-
cation and in every discipline.

However, while general agreementexisted regarding the development
by schools of "good citizenship," much less agreement was found as to
the specific elements that comprise good citizenship and citizenship
education (Cleary, 1965; Oliver, 1977). Summarizing a portion of
the problem, Cleary observed that "for too long many educators have
failed to come to grips with the basic problems of political educa-
tion." There has been too much emphasis upon factual minutiae and
not enough emphasis directed toward major purposes: "The development
of citizens who are more than passive observers, citizens who under-
stand the working of American democracy and can actually help pre-
serve it" (pp. 445-6).

Citizenship is a very difficult term to define, and the terms

citizenship and being a_good citizen are phrases of generality. In

 

The Encyclopedia of Educational Research (Third Edition),Dimond(1950)

 

51

posited that educators regard citizenship as being concerned with the
moral, ethical, social, and economic aspects of living. The charac-
teristics of a good citizen are:
1. awareness of the importance of meeting basic human
needs and concern for the extension of life to more
individuals;
2. showing allegiance to the concepts we call democracy;

3. practicing the human relationships found in a demo-
cratic society;

4. recognizing and endeavoring to solve social problems
facing the community; and

5. possessing and using the skills, abilities, and knowl-

edge to facilitate the process of democratic living
(p. 205).

In his analysis of some concepts of citizenship education based
on an examination of various programs and projects on citizenship
education, Lewenstein (1953) found that four distinctly different
concepts of citizenship were held by the educators.

For some, citizenship represents worthy membership in
society. For others it is a political role; it is a par-
ticipating membership in the democratic state. Citizen-
ship is also used to refer to a social role; it is behavior
involving service to any social group and participating in
determining and carrying out its policies. The final usage
of the term is to identify it with characteristics of per-
sonal behavior such as character, virtue, or simply socially
desirable behavior (p. ii).

In conclusion, he stated that "if the term citizenship is going to be
used to label only one objective or closely related groups of objec-
tives in the classification of educational goals, it should refer to
the political role."

Patterson (1966) seemed to share Lewenstein's view when he stated
that citizenship is more than "good civic behavior . . . democratic

citizenship and democratic institutions are inseparable." Man must

52

maintain his institutions, encourage individual liberty and social
justice, and create new institutions when needed. Other characteris-
tics of citizenship, according to Jerolimek andWalsh (1965) are clear.
thinking, understanding, and appreciation of group relationships, as
well as recognition and fulfillment of political and social responsi-
bilities:
The good citizen has respect for property for work and

workers, for the rights and opinions of others; a sense

of responsibility to his community and nation; respect for

all races, nations, and cultures; admiration for worthy

leaders, past and present; appreciation for our cultural

geritage, and loyal to American ideals and institution (p.
Further comments on the concept of citizenship were that'titizens
must not only capably select their leaders, but also be respon-
sible for the consequences of their actions and be able to study
the values,.goals, and expectations of the members of society"
(Miller, 1958, pp. 65-86). Citizenship means "the relations of the
individual to his government and, in addition, to other members and
groups in a democratic society"(Dimond, 1953, p. 36). Rights and
obligations are implicit in citizenship and are not only learned, but
won over and over again (Patterson, 1963, pp. 18-23).

Peterson's perspective on citizenship seemed to reflect the class-
ical Greek definition of the term. In the Greek context, the citizen
has freedom and can initiate,through participation,dynamic action. The
relationship between the individual and society was based on a con-
tinuing struggle for a more just and decent political community

(Wolin, 1960; Habermas, 1973; Iglitzin, 1972). The cognitive aspect
of this concept was affirmed by Harvard (1980) when he noted:

53

Political education in the classical sense has as its
approximate end the cultivation of mind that enables one
to make judgments about the nature of society and the pro-
per means to the fullest realization of its possibilities

p. 937 .

Summarizing images of citizenship, Newmann (1977) noted that if
civic education were seen as a montage of various approaches, the
ideal citizen should be at one time a scientist; a jurist (or at least
a defender of the rule of law); an objective,introspective, social
critic; a moral philosopher; an activist; and a good "scout“ (pp. 8-9)

Two patterns of motivation underlying citizenship education seem
to emerge from literature. While the first stresses acquisition of
skills, knowledge, and attitudes to survive in a complex, changing
world through adaptation and effective role playing, the other points
to possibilities of changing the society. Her Majesty's inspectors in
Britain addressed this problem when they recognized that:

Education has two distinct and yet independent roles

in relation to society. First,the education system is
charged by society . . . with equipping young people to
take their place as citizens and workers in adult life
and to begin to form attitudes to the prevailing patterns
in standards of behavior . . . . Secondly, there is the
responsibility for educating "the autonomous citizen,"

a person able to think and act for himself or herself to
resist exploitation, to innovate, and to be vigilant in
the defense of liberty (Department of Education and
Science, 1977).

They go on to conclude that this socialization element requires us to

. . . have in mind the "virtuous citizen," probably
living as part of a family, in a largely urban technology-
based society (rural community or developing society),
with minority cultures, working in general towards a social
harmony which can accommodate changes and differences.

Thus, they envisage a changing, pluralistic society (Brown & Townley,

1981,4p. 30).

S4

Implied in all the foregoing notions of citizenship is that a
citizen is not only being educated for meaningful participation in
public acts, but also for enhancing his/her personality attributes.
Accepting this view, Ian Kershaw's (1981) definition of social and
political education seems to be more comprehensive for citizenship
education as:

. . the lifelong process of developing those attri-

butes, critical skills and mode of behavior which will

enable the individual in whatever social context he finds

herself or himself to be active constructively in molding,

improving and changing that society (for the better) . . .

(p. 305).

By this definition, citizen education programs cannot be limited
to the school, nor can citizenship be equated with "schools and
schooling.“ In addition to the effort of the school, this definition
recognized a significant part of the educational efforts of the other
sectors which Remy (1978) identified as governmental institutions, the
work situation, the mass media, voluntary affiliations, and primary
groups—-the family and peer group. According to him, these sectors
function both as "settings where individuals confront daily the task of
citizenship" and as "sources of knowledge, skills, attitudes, and ex-
periences we acquire in the process of citizen development" (p. 43). On
this basis, Remy called on social studies educators to redefine their
interests in citizenship education by undertaking educational activi-
ties in each of the sectors involved in citizenship education. This
raises the issue of cooperation between school and society in achiev-
ing citizenship objectives. Justifying his proposition, Remy believed
that such a broadening and redefining of social studies educators' in-

terest would be consistent with recent efforts to define the social

55

studies as "an integration of experiences and knowledge concerning
human relations for the purpose of citizenship education" (Barr, Barth,
& Shermis, 1977, p. 69). Remy's proposition regarding the role of
social studies educators is based on the assumption that they do not
only accept citizenship education as the primary purpose of social
studies, but also have some consensus regarding conceptual frameworks
for teaching it. Literature, however, reveals a plethora of ap-
proaches, but there is no agreement as to how to achieve citizenship
as the primary objective of social studies. The next section of this
review deals with the different approaches.
Conceptual Frameworks for the
Social Studies/Citizenship Education

While the field of social studies has suffered from inadequate
definitions and a lack of conceptual framework, a majority of social
studies educators today would likely agree that the primary concern of
social studies is citizenship education. "Responsible citizenship is
one of the primary purposes of social studies" (Furman, 1963, p. 93),
and the objective according to Grannis (1963) was to meet the needs of
today's society. In redefining social studies, Shaver (1967) pointed
to citizenship education as the "central purpose" of social studies.
A review of the evaluation of the field recently concluded that "there
is now general agreement that the primary, overriding purpose of
social studies is citizenship education" (Barr, Barth, & Shermis,
1977, p. 67). This view was endorsed by the Board of Directors of the
National Council for the Social Studies when it called for social

studies to be defined and presented in terms of citizenship education

56

and for special efforts to be made by the Council to improve citizen-
ship education (Claugus, 1975; NCSS, 1976). The 1979 revision of the
NCSS Curriculum Guidelines asserts that the basic goal of social
studies education is to prepare young people to be humane, rational,
participating citizens in a world that is becoming increasingly
interdependent. Within a social studies curriculum, there should be
a reservoir of facts, data, ideas, concepts, theories, and generali-
zations which, in combination with thinking, valuing, and social
participation, can be used by students to function rationally and
humanely. It is further stated that the curriculum cannot and should
not be value-free. Rather, the social studies curriculum should con-
front students with opportunities to explore divergent values and to
make decisions regarding social issues of current concern. Lastly,
the practices of school should provide for active and systematic
student participation (Haas, 1981).

To translate the citizenship objective of education into school
programs, the Nigerian Educational Research Council (NERC), the high-
est educational body responsible for providing educational guidelines
for all levels of education, holds that citizenship education should
be the major goal of social studies education. "Through social
studies, the students are expected to develop perspectives, insights,
understanding, values and skills necessary to the conduct of affairs
in our society . . . " (Adaralegbe, 1978).

The following themes have been suggested as the central focus of
citizenship education by some social studies educators: knowledge

from the social science disciplines (Berelson, 1962); the knowledge,

57

abilities, duties, freedoms, and ideals of a democratic citizen (Mar-
tin, 1980); commitment to democratic values (Butts, 1979); analysis

of public issues (Oliver & Shaver, 1966); examination of controver-
sial issues--closed areas (Hunt & Metcalf, 1968); understanding global
perspectives (Mendlovitz, Metcalf, & Washburn, 1977); decision making
(Remy, 1976); competence in group governance (Turner, 1980); "just
relation between individual and social institutions" (Foshay & Burton,
1976); and influencing public policy (Newmann, 1975).

This lack of agreement among social studies educators regarding
how to achieve citizenship objectives can be attributed to inadequate
definitions and lack of a conceptual framework. Murro and Wesley'(l96l)
earlier noted that this was due to the fact that the aims of social
studies have undergone limited research, a fact recently corrobo-
rated by Lantz (1973) and Shaver and Larkin (1973). Although red
search may not determine objectives, Gross and Badger (1960) believe
that synthesis of opinions, analysis of social trends,and description
and classification can be significant and influential. Haas (1977)
reiterated a familiar theme to social studies educators regarding
lack of direction; he observed that through the innovations of the
national curriculum projects of the pre-l960s to the present, the same
questions of definition, scope, and sequence reappear.

Shaver and Larkin (1973) believe that most of social studies re-
search is carried on without a theoretical basis for teaching the
social studies. Because the field is vaguely defined, Metcalf re-
ported he had great difficulty in ascertaining what research has been

done in social studies (1963).

58

These summary statements regarding social studies educators'
viewpoints about citizenship and citizenship education are but
guidelines for the social studies teachers; they lack conceptual
clarity. Within the past 30 years, attempts have been made to provide
some conceptual frameworks for viewing the teaching of social studies
which have implications for citizenship education. Joyce (1965)
classified the goals of social studies into three dimensions: (a)
humanistic education helping the student comprehend his/her experi-
ence and to find meaning in life, (b) citizenship education preparing
the child to participate effectively in the dynamic life of his/her
society, and (c) intellectual education acquiring the analytic ideals
and problem-solving tools developed by scholars in the social sciences.

By 1972 Joyce incorporated many ideas from his earlier work in a
second statement. In this second statement he substituted "social
education" for "citizenship education" and replaced "humanistic edu—
cation" with the term "personal education." He maintained that the
three categories are compatible with each other and with activities to
teach social studies.

Brubaker and Thomas (1971) proposed four dimensions for viewing
social studies: (a) reconstructionist versus conservationist--
reconstructionists are persons who view the role of social studies as
causing social change while a conservationist maintains the status
quo; (b) inquiry versus authority, the inquiry person refuses to ac-
cept at face value what s/he is told while the authority person ac-
cepts what is told without question; (c) social analysis and/or social-
ization--social analysis means skill in identifying social phenomena

while socialization means adopting attitudes and actions approved and

59

encouraged by society; and (d) knowledge and/or action--knowledge
advocates believe the school is not a training center for present or
future while the social action proponents consider immediate social
behavior an essential part of the social studies program.

Recently, Brubaker, Simon, and William (1977) proposed a five-
part model of viewing the teaching of social studies. Their frame-
work included (a) social studies as knowledge of the past as a guide
to good citizenship, (b) social studies as student-centered tradition,
(c) social studies as reflective inquiry, (d) social studies as struc-
ture of the discipline, and (e) social studies as socio-political
involvement.

Having reviewed the trends in social studies teaching, Barth and
Shermis (1970) theorized that three traditions exist for viewing
social studies. These are citizenship transmission, social sciences,
and reflective inquiry. Of these, Barth and Shermis seem to be in
favor of reflective inquiry which assumes that students must engage in
reflecting upon social problems as a means of preparing them for citi-
zenship. In addition to Barth-Shermis' three traditions, Michaelis
(1980) added two other approaches, specifically, social criticism and
action and social studies as personal development. The social criti-
cism and action position does not stop at reflecting upon social
problems; it assumes that students must make a critical analysis of
society and acquire the knowledge and skills to improve it.

Barth-Shermis' three traditions and the social criticism and
action positions seem to summarize ways of viewing the instructional
goals of social studies as each of them has ideological and philoso-

phical underpinnings. The next section examines each position

6O

regarding its purpose, content, and method of achieving one of the
most important, if not the main instrucitonal goal of social studies;
i.e., citizenship education.

Four Models of Social Studies/
Citizenship Education

 

 

Citizenship Transmission Model

 

The citizenship transmission model is basically conservative.
Its primary interest, as a structural-functionalist approach, is how
social norms and values are transmitted within the context of the
schools. It highlighted how schools socialize students to accept
unquestionably a set of beliefs, rules, and dispositions fundamental
to the function of the larger society (Giroux & Penna, 1979). Haas
(1977) believes the position represents the status quo in the schools
in transmitting selected aspects of the cultural heritage that
support the view of dominant groups in society and foster nationalis-
tic loyalties. He called this dominant position "Conservative Cul-
tural Continuity" (CCC). Some critics of this position, such as Hunt
and Metcalf (1968), assert that almost every social studies teacher
believes preservation of the cultural heritage is one of his/her
chief purposes.

Despite the position taken by the Committee on Social Studies in
1916 which endorsed a reconstructive role, Cox (1974) writes that
citizenship teaching in the 20th century has become conservative and
doctrinaire. Engle (1971) agrees that social studies instruction has
been used "to unite and nationalize a people around certain preferred
values" (p. 282). Morton (1957) repeats similar views regarding

societal pressures for values inculcation when he says that ". . . the

61

schools are, of course, the official agency for the passing on of the
prevailing values . . . " (p. 137). ‘Bereday and Stretch (1966) gen-
eralize the value indoctrination of education systems to all societies.'
In their analysis of American and Russian schools, for example, they
concluded that both countries' schools devote a great deal of time to
political indoctrination. The citizenship transmission approach is
alive as well in Britain where citizenship education is favored impli-
citly "as a means of socialization into the status quo" with great
emphasis on what Whitty (1981) calls Crown, Constitution, and Capi-
talism which is similar to CCC. Nigeria seems to be taking
a similar position in its attempt to reform its educational programs
at all levels. For example, among other things the government pre-
scribes the curricular activities that include "the stygy_of social
norms and values of the local community and of the country as a whole
through civics and social studies" (NPE, 1977, p. 7--sec. 2) and to
"foster Nigerian unity with emphasis on the common ties that unite
us in our diversity" as well as "develOp and project Nigerian cul-
ture, art and the world's cultural heritage" (p. 10--sec. 18, d & f).
Barth and Shermis believe that the teaching position for citizen-
ship transmission is a mixture of description and persuasion. Hence,
ends are affirmed rather than explained as a social reality. The
teacher's function is to describe events, people, phenomena, and ideas
thought worthy of being learned by all future citizens. Characterizing
this position, they said:.
The purpose of Citizenship Transmission is that a par-
ticular conception of citizenship shall be both learned
and believed. Teachers begin with a set of assumptions,

beliefs, and expectations about their own society. The
teacher knows the important philosophical goals; knows how

03
P.)

people ought to relate to each other, what is considered

desirable behavior, and what the culture rewards and pun-

ishes; and, finally, knows what the culture considers the

best form of social participation . . . . A Citizenship

Transmission teacher knows precisely what is required of a

good citizen and attempts to transmit it; that is, to teach

this conception in such a way that students become loyal

believers (Barr, Barth, & Shermis, 1977, pp. 59-60).

The approach ostensibly shows that schools provide a functional,
valuable service in training students to uphold commitments and to
learn skills required by society (Parson, 1959; Dreeben, 1968). More
importantly, it shows that schools do not exist in precious isolation,
removed from the interest of the larger society, but reveals how
schools perpetuate the status quo through the implicit curriculum and
social control through the manner that knowledge is acquired (Giroux
& Penna, 1979).

The Barth-Shermis citizenship transmission position views the
storing of facts, principles, beliefs, and themes as the principal
means of training citizens. It is based upon the idea that the mind
is an empty vessel, the teacher pours in facts, the students store the
data for use later. Knowledge, in this view, is situated above and
beyond the social realities and relationships of the people who pro—
duce and define it. It is fixed and unchanging in the sense that its
form, structure, and underlying normative assumptions appear to be
universalized beyond the realm of historical contingency or critical
analysis. Teachers and students within this context are expected to
be either passive consumers or transmitters of knowledge, rather than
negotiators of the world in which they work or act (Giroux, 1980).

Wingo (l966)views cultural transmission as part of the conservative

tradition closely related to the educational ideology of essentialism.

0’)
(I)

For the essentialist, the curriculum is a core of essential subjects
and skills and values that must be transmitted to the young. This
parallels the Skill's model in Britain where the aim is to enable
students to fulfill their adult roles (Brown & Townley, 1981). Advo-
cating a more radical notion of citizenship education, Herbert Mar-
cuse (1969) claims that

. . . if "education" is to be more than simply train-

ing for the status quo, it means not only enabling man

(student) to know and understand the facts which make up

reality, but also to know and understand the factors that

establish the facts so that he can change their inhuman

reality (pp. 122-3).

Regarding its socio-political dimensions, the citizen transmis-
sion model neither recognizes nor responds to social and structural
dysfunctions; instead, social and institutional failings are trans-
lated into personal ones. As Jean Anyon (1979a) says:

This concept of individual culpability . . . is em-

bedded in educational evaluation and psychological find-

ings that attribute to "lack of student interest,“ low

"ability," "different or deficient family language or

culture," or to "teacher indifference" what may, in fact,

be economically compatible with failure to provide all

groups or social classes successful pedagogy and/or

"complete personal development" (p. 52).

As a result, it downplays the notions of social conflict and stresses
consensus and stability.

Studies have shown that schools are supportive of this view.
Hess and Torney (1967) infer from their study of elementary school
youth that the school is the most influential political socialization
agent with respect to attitude about good citizenship: compliance with
rules and authorities, attachment to symbols and institutions, and

independence from partisan politics. Levenston (1972) analyzed the

64

school's contribution to the learning of participatory responsibility
in secondary settings. He found that teacher beliefs were predicated
on an orientation of obedience and the avoidance of controversial
issues' discussion and criticism of government officials (institu-
tions). Thus teachers' very limited views of a "participating good
citizen" were being transmitted to their students. This confirms
Henry's (1957) earlier work in which he demonstrated that the class-
room atmosphere and teacher play significant roles in the development

of societal attitudes among students.

Social Science Model

 

The social studies education as social science is seen as an
improvement over the citizenship transmission. It attempts to rescue
students as active and critical thinkers. Among the earliest advo-
cates of this rationale are Wesley and Wronski (1958) who consider
the social studies as the social sciences simplified for pedagogical
purposes. But Bruner (1960) gave this rationale increased credibility.
To him the essence of learning lies in understanding the basic prin-
ciples governing the structure of specific academic disciplines. He
believed the structure could be taught in some intellectually honest
form to students of all ages. He believed that "grasping the struc-
ture of a subject is understanding it in a way that permits many
other things to be related to it meaningfully" (p. 7). In addition,
he perceived the structure of the discipline as the best means of

resolving social problems.

65

Advocates of the "new social studies" as social science based
their theses on a number of assumptions. These include (a) a claim
to high status knowledge and equality with other academic disciplines
based upon a firm commitment in the social sciences, (b) a claim to the
"truth" based upon a view of social science knowledge as "correct" in
a relatively unproblematic way, (c) support for an epistemology based
on reflectionist notion of learning in which the mastery of specific
social science knowledge and skills would offset the half-truths and
mystifications inherent in "common sense knowledge," and (d) support
for a hierarchical view of knowledge and a concomitant view of social
relationships (Giroux, 1980, p. 339). Experts provided the knowl-
edge and teachers and curriculum developers "helped" students
"discover" the answers to pre-designed curricula and the problems they
posed (Gleeson & Whitty, 1976). In sum, textbook writers
and teachers continued the practice begun by social scientists: they
determined the social problem for students, defined it, provided the
relevant data, and very possibly pointed to a "correct" solution
(Shermis, 1982). Hunt and Metcalf (1968) and Shaver (1968) criticized
the discovery approach employed by social scientists as merely a means
directed toward discovering truths already determined by academic
scholars or someone else.

The writers who support the social science rationale fall into
two major camps. One seeks to integrate, synthesize, or orchestrate
the disciplines. Among these people are Lowe (1969), Senesh (1971),
and Kuhn (1971). Representing the view of this group, Lowe maintained
that the structure of the disciplines gives the social education cur-

riculum a theoretical focus and sets intellectual priorities for

66

teaching. As he puts it, "The basic purpose of the school should be
the intellectual development of its citizens . . . (p. 51).

Members of a second group focus on their particular disciplines
as the most important basis for social education. Advocates of this
view include Wiggens (1972), Morrissett (1967), Morrisett and Stevens
(1971), Krug (1967), and Bestor (1969). Representing the "history"
perspective, Bestor argues that students must learn to function in
an uncertain future. "They must accordingly understand the inescap-
able fact of social change which (only) history can really teach"

(p. 183). While he accepts the view that the purpose of the social
studies is "civic training," he sees this as practically synonymous
with training in history, the end result of which is "the raising up
of a loyal, well informed, thoughtful citizenry . . . " (p. 183).

As one of the strongest proponents of the social science ration-
ale, Keller (1968) went even further than Lowe. Keller would exclude
all efforts by social studies educators to train students in citizen-
ship because, in his estimation, we do not know what "good citizen-
ship" means. By focusing on the basic ideas, concepts, and generali-
zations of the disciplines and by promoting inductive thinking, we
will teach students how to think. It should be left to them to form
their own conclusions.

In analyzing social studies as social science, Barth and Shermis
(1970) discussed the position in terms of purpose, method, and con-
tent. The purpose is to acquire knowledge, knowledge that is self-
justifying and self-validating. Regarding method, the attempt is to

have students emulate the social scientists, not only by grasping the

67

structure of the disciplines, but also learning the mode of inquiry
characteristic of certain disciplines (pp. 746-8).

However, according to Stanley (1981) and Giroux (1980) while the
proponents of social science model attempted a more rigorous defini-
tion of social education knowledge, the model failed in a number of
ways to live up to its claim as a pedagogy for improved citizenship
education. Stanley believed that the social scientists do not share a
-common interest regarding which problems should be investigated or
how their findings should be incorporated into social education.
Ironically, Bruner (1971) has significantly revised his earlier views
and now feels that the structure of knowledge would be better learned
by studying social problems. Giroux (1980) believed that the social
science model provides limited possibilities to question the condi-
tions under which knowledge is socially constructed because it ignores
both the social constraints that distort knowledge and the connection
between knowledge and social control. Thus knowledge is depoliti-
cized and objectively fixed.

This model of citizenship education easily fits Ardorno's (1967)
critique that "social concepts are taken 'as such' and then classified
according to general concepts. In the process social antagonists
invariably tend to be glossed over" (p. 38). As in the citizenship
transmission model, the normative, political, and historical land-

scapes that give social science its meaning are lost.

Reflective Inquiry

 

The reflective inquiry approach is traceable to both John Dewey

and the 1916 NEA Report on the Social Studies. Both encourage the

68

development of critical thinking capacity and the rejection of the
assumption that students need merely to receive and absorb what is
passed on to them about the society. As expressed by Barr, Barth,
and Shermis (1977), the purpose of reflective inquiry is "citizenship
defined primarily as decision making in a socio-political context.
The assumption is that democracy imposes a unique burden; we cannot
escape the requirement of decision making" (p. 64). In this ap-
proach, therefore, students are encouraged to explore their values
and either to define problems within the context of their experi-
ences or to relate social problems to the day-to-day texture of their
lives (Barth & Shermis, 1979).

The discussions of reflective thinking in the literature have
developed in two directions. One viewpoint, represented in the work
of Hullfish and Smith (1961) and Hunt and Metcalf (1968), emphasizes
reflection in contrast to decision making. Hunt and Metcalf rely
upon Dewey's characterization of reflective thought to guide their
work: "Active, persistent and careful consideration of any belief
or supposed form of knowledge in light of the grounds that support it
and further conclusion to which it tends constitute reflective
thought" (1933, p. 9). Hunt and Metcalf see no difference between
reflection and scientific inquiry.

The second direction the reflective inquiry took was that of
being equated with decision making. Others who shared this part of
Barr, Barth, and Shermis' interpretation of reflective inquiry in-
clude Engle (1960L.Engle and Longstreet (1972), and Remy (1980). In
this notion of inquiry, less attention is paid to the examination of

values and ethics (Cherryholmes, 1981). Emphasis seems to be on the

69

decision making process and not what the decision is about or the
effect of the decision.

Applying their own version of reflective inquiry approach to
social education, Hunt and Metcalf (1968) began with the assumption
that society is beset by much uncertainty, disorganization, and lack
of consensus on dominant social values. As a result, many individuals
are confused by competing political, economic, and social beliefs, all
of which have resulted in interpersonal and intrapersonal conflicts.
They also assume that the teacher, through his/her program of social
education, can influence the individual in fundamental ways and thus
can affect society as well (Palmer, 1981). It is believed that social
studies teachers can determine the long term resolution of these dif-
ficulties by helping students understand and come to terms with them-
seleves and society.

Therefore, Hunt and Metcalf determine that areas of conflicting
beliefs, values, and behavior which are closed to rational analysis--
areas such as race, social class, sex, religion, morality, and
political power--should be the focus of social education content.

Such problems that emerge for discussion should not only be perceived
and internalized by the:$udents (Barr, Barth, & Shermis, 1977), but
should be examined in an intellectually rigorous, permissive, and
non-threatening atmosphere (Palmer, 1981).

In a response to Barr and his associates' critics who denied
any substantial difference between social science and reflective
inquiry (White, 1982), Shermis brought to bolder relief the tenets
of the reflective inquiry position. According to him, applied to

personal and social problems,

7O

. . . for reflection, a problem is not a problem un-
less an individual senses it as such; it follows that the
shape, nature, character and label of any problem awaits
definition by individuals who are inquiring into it.

Neither individual nor social problems come prelabeled

(1982, p. 49).

He went further to explain:

. . . from an R.I. reference, a social problem arises
because the culture is full of unresolved conflicts and
incompatible patterns; whereas from the 5.8. reference,
problems arise because individuals within a discipline have
been unable to resolve certain persistent issues (p. 50).

With greater emphasis on social problems, Oliver (1957) outlined
the major trends of the reflective inquiry position and put his ideas
into practice in the Harvard Social Studies Project. Oliver believes
tha the goal of social studies instruction is to "increase the stu-
dents' ability to deal effectively with broad social issues which con-
front all citizens of our society" (p. 271). Oliver rejected the
purpose of social studies as the inculcation of values and the cul-
tural heritage. The purpose of social studies is to attempt to so
educate students that they have the maximum opportunity to choose what
they should be in a society dominated by diversity rather than uni-
formity. In the project, students deal with problems and conflicts
that will exist in society for some time.

As did Hunt and Metcalf, Oliver based his work on an analysis of
the society and assumed that it is important to base any program of
social education on such analysis. In his proposition and practice
in the project, the classroom procedures assume a high degree of
rationality and critical skills on the part of the participants.

Shaver (1967) has presented a concise analysis of the reflective

inquiry position. Rejecting social studies as simplified social

71

science, Shaver redefined the field as "preparation of citizens for
participation in a democratic society." It should be general educa-
tion that prepares students to analyze contemporary controversies by
reflective thinking. According to him, social science data are impor-
tant for the problem solver only as they are relevant to understand-
ing specific issues facing the society (p. 589).

Considering the reflective inquiry position as a pedagogical tool
in social, political, or citizenship education, it is not without
faults. From the radical reconstructionists' view, Stanley (1981)
believes the proponents of reflective inquiry have no defined vision
of the "good society" and neither do they suggest clear guidelines for
a preferred future, even though it is obvious they are not satisfied
with the status quo. Therefore, the examination of social problems or
"closed areas" within the extant culture and institutional arrange-
ments may lead to emphasis "on how to adjust our present institutions
to help ameliorate these problem" (p. 80) rather than change them.
Like Cherryholmes, Stanley believes that by treating institutions
within which decisions are made as unproblematic (Cherryholmes, 1981),
the root cause of such problems blunts the reflective inquirer's
commitment to social criticism.

Another drawback of the reflective inquiry approach lies in its
relativistic notion of knowledge. "In celebrating the notions of
intentionality in the exploration of human behavior, it failed to
move beyond a relativistic notion of knowledge" (Giroux, 1980, p. 343):
Although the reflective inquiry sees through the arbitrary division
between objective and subjective forms of knowing, it does not analyze

the history of this division or develop a form of critique that is

72

capable of revealing the ideology embedded in it. As Cherryholmes
(1979) has rightly pointed out, in this view there is "no clearly
identifiable position regarding knowledge claims" (p. 28).

The reflective inquiry approach as applied by Hunt and Metcalf
(1968) and Oliver (1957) can be said to parallel what in Britain Brown
and Townley (1981) called the Issues/Problems Model. In the model,
issues/problems are defined as disagreements over goals, values,
methods, and results. But they noted that there is a tendency for
students to learn only about situations in which disagreement is pre-
sent, while little time is given to discussing political processes
that prevent disagreement or to exploring routine aspects of social
and political life that limit and contain disagreement. Highlighting
the problems that might be associated with basing social/political
education on issues/problems, they noted the dangers of:

--deriving the content of the course from the agenda of

public debate or encouraging the acceptance of "official
definitions" of issues rather than the recognition of
alternative definitions;

--allowing the discussion (as a method) of issues to de-

generate into exchange of slogans and conventional wis-
dom, in the absence of informed resources--"knowledge

claims";

--neglecting the processes which create stability and order
while crisis and conflict are seen as endemic; and

--treating most of the time only issues and problems which
are ethnocentric and ahistorical (Brown & Townley, 1981,
pp. 46-7). ,
To alleviate these fears, radical reflection in terms of knowledge and
ideological claims are necessary if social and political education is
to be true to the nature of social and political phenomena and the

autonomy of students (Cherryholmes, 1981). It is this concern that

73

forms the central thesis of the social criticism and action model that
is treated as the fourth emerging approach to teaching social and poli-
tical or citizenship education. The analysis of the theoretical frame-
work will be followed by its implications and drawbacks to education.
The extent of reflective teaching is not firmly established,
even though teachers exhibited a more positive endorsement of the
position when they were asked to indicate their preferences among
Barr-Shermis' three traditions (Bonar, 1977). Barth and Norris (1976)
reported similar results with preservice teachers. Shaver (1965)
found, in reviewing textbooks, that reflective thinking is not en-
couraged on the secondary level. Later Shaver (1967) noted that the
project social studies curriculum materials, with emphasis on social
sciences, diverted attention away from establishing a basic rationale
for the social studies. His prediction that social studies will con-
tinue to be dominated by the social sciences may prove to be pro-

phetic, especially with the thrust of the back-to-basics movement.

Social Criticism and Action Model

 

In his definition of social studies regarding the various ap-
proaches to the development of citizenship, Michaelis (1980), in
simple terms, identified the social criticism and action approach with
the view "of the reconstructionists who believe that the central aim
of social studies is to develop the knowledge and skills needed to
improve society." According to them, "responsible citizens can make
critical analysis of current issues and problems and take action" (p.
31). But according to the critical theory of society to which the

social criticism and action approach owes its origin, the purpose is

74

more than mere reconstruction-~it includes criticism. According to
Connerton (1976), while the former refers to "the rational reconstruc-
tion of the conditions which make language, cognition and action
possible" (p. 18), the latter as another form of critique refers to
. . reflection on a system of constraints which
are humanly produced: distorting pressures to which

individuals or a group of individuals or human race as
a whole submit in their process of self-formation

(p. 18).

The emphasis of social criticism and action is aimed at emancipation
by criticizing that which is restrictive and oppressive while, at the
same time, supporting action in the service of individual freedom and
well-being (Giroux, 1980).

Distinguishing the purposes of three types of social theories,
Furman (1979) explained that (a) exact sciences stress certainty and
control, (b) hermeneutic sciences (the basis of the reflective in-
quiry) emphasize the extention of intersubjective understanding
(thereby legitimizing truth or objectifying knowledge), and (c) criti-
cal sciences (critical theory of society) have an emancipatory inter-
est (p. 212).

Horkheimer (1972) also argued that the critical theory was di—
stinct from other traditional social theories. First, critical theory
did not pretend to be without political convictions. According to
him, although all theories of society contained political motivations,
critical theory was superior because it was explicit about this.
Second, he believed critical theory not only analyzed societal contra-
dictions, but also sought to become a "force within it to stimulate

change" (p. 215). Third, it is the task of critical theory to show

75

"the idea of reasonable organization of society that will meet the
need of the whole community as immanent in human work that is not cor-
rectly grasped by individuals or by the common mind" (p. 213). In the
latter task, critical theory has a speculative notion of society--the
projection of a better future as yet unfulfilled. Finally, critical
theory does not commit itself to the proletariat as the Marxists do be-
cause its interest is to promote critical consciousness in the masses
and not to align with any class. "The critical theory has no in-
fluence on its side except concern for the abolition of social injus-
tice“ (p. 242). V

Most importantly, critical theory based its stance on two value
judgments that appear unassailable. It takes as axiomatic that human
life is worth living. Second, that in a given society, "specific pos-
sibilities exist for the ameliorating of human life and specific ways
and means of realizing these possibilities" (Marcuse, 1964, p. x). In
other words, the proponents of critical theory refuse and negate any
social theory that stresses the passive moral-political nature of the
human species. They are not so much interested in what man is present-
ly like, but focus on the potential of the species. Although they are
aware that there are determinant structures in the world, they believe
these can be altered because they are human creations (Furman, 1979).

'Habermas (1974) identified three conditions which can effect ac-
tual mediation of theory and practice: (a) freedom to conduct theore-
tical discourse without threat or violence, (b) commitment of social
groups unhesitatingly to dialogic communication that follows the model
of therapeutic discourse, and (c) that all decisions of consequence

emanating (from political struggle) will depend on the practical

76

discourse 0f participants (pp. 32-34). Habermas suggests that to have
a critical science, we must base it on a theory of communicative compe-
tence (1970, 1971b). According to Habermas, discourse as a form of
communication guaranteed pluralistic participants that

. . themes and contributions are not restricted except

with reference to the goals of testing the validity claim in

question; that no force except that of better argument is

excercised; and that, as a result, all motives except that

of the co-operative search for truth are excluded (1975, pp.

107-8).

In summary, critical theory doubts that science--empirical/analy-
tic--"should be allowed to proceed indifferently given the world we
have created" (Habermas); "instrumental-reason" (Harkheimer) is not in
a position to investigate relationships adequately. Rather, critical
theory is concerned with investigating the relationships between the
individual and the social whole, seen as being "reciprocal." In the
philosophical tradition of Kant, Hegel, and Marx, it stresses the
desire for independence and emancipation. For the critical theory,
discourse or free dialogue about the rationalization of norms and
interests is a means to knowledge.

The way critical rationalization and critical theory of society
employ the concept of criticism differentiates them from each other.
For the former, "criticism" means that the result of scientific re-
search must always be subject to scrutiny to falsifying something pre-
viously held to be correct. For critical theory, "criticism" means
that the existing world and its constructs are to be examined in rela-
tionship to a possibly better society (Hilligan, 1981). Critical
theory is not concerned with correctness per se, because it is by no

means clear that "the test of the truth of a judgment is the same as

the test of its importance to human life" (Horkheimer, 1972, p. 3).

77

Critical theory of society and citizenship education. The aim of
social criticism is not "to fit" students into the existing society;
instead, its primary purpose is to stimulate their passion, imagina-
tions, and intellects so that they will be moved to challenge the so-
cial, political, and economic forces that weigh so heavily upon their
lives and those of others (Giroux, 1980). Implied in this is that
students should be educated to display what Heller (1967) called
"civic courage" which should make them "think and act as if they were
in a real democracy" (p. 53).

Social action is needed, but it must be preceded by those subjec-
tive preconditions that make the need for such action intelligible.
Therefore, Giroux (1980) suggested that social awareness represents
the first step in getting students to act as "engaged“ (or intelli-
gently active) citizens willing to question and confront the struc-
tural basis and nature of the larger social order. In the process
students should be made aware of the complex nature of power. As
Foucault (1979) says, this will include awareness of the political,
economic, institutional regime of the production of truth.

Therefore, students should learn that social institu-

tions exist by choice; they are the intentional or uninten-

tional products of human behavior, products of history and

culture. To study social institutions without reflecting

on them as historical and cultural products and without

considering their valuative obligations and commitments is

to distort them (Cherryholmes, 1981, p. 86).

In terms of the content of .citizenship education, the conflicts and
contradictions in our political, social, and economic processes and

institutions must be studied and analyzed by teachers as issues to be

problematized and used as points for classroom discussion and vehicles

78

for connecting classroom practices to larger political issues (Giroux,
1980).

The social criticism and action approach to citizenship education
rests on a number of pedagogical assumptions and practices. First,
the active nature of students' participation in the learning process
must be stressed. Classrooms should be organized so that interpreta-
tion and criticism are fostered. One generalized model can be found
in the word of Habermas (1970) on communicative competence. Cherry-
holmes (1980b, 1982) has spelled out a set of necessary conditions for
classroom discourse based on Habermas (1970, 1973). These include:

1. Symmetry in social relationships; that is, all parties to
the discourse may initiate comments, challenge assertions,
and question not only theoretical formulations but meta-
theoretical and meta-ethnical frameworks as well. These .
norms are designed to eliminate constraints that would bias
arguments and conclusions. '

2. The teacher's understanding of the argument underlying criti-
cal discourse and his/her commitment to it. Most important in
this regard is the avoidance of the basic assymetry in social
relationships in the classroom; discourse must be completely
symmetrical and non-dominated.

3. Need for appropriate information as well as the skill to
study it. Because it is only when there is a background of
information, even if problematic, can the validity of truth
claims be called into question.

4. All of those who engage in discourse must be qualified to
participate. In achieving this the interaction should
neither become competitiverun~conflictive in order not to
inhibit student participation. Rather the teacher must
create a social atmosphere that students can feel safe
in expressing their beliefs and feelings (pp. 66-69).

Secondary students must be taught to think critically or dialecti-
tically. That is, rather than being enslaved to the concrete, to the
fact, they must learn to move beyond issues in isolation, but "within

the network of connections that give them meaning" (Giroux, 1980, p.

79

358). As Green (1978) says, students must learn an epistemology that
allows them to draw from different subject areas and to "engage in a
new kind of dominated human world" (p. 59).

Third, along with the critical mode of reasoning, Giroux also
says that

. . students must not only learn how to clarify

values, they must also learn why certain values are in-

dispensible to the reproduction of human life and be

aware of how values are embedded in the very texture of

human life . . . and what interests they support regard-;

ing the quality of human existence (p. 359).

The social criticism and action approach is not without some
drawbacks. First, while the proponents' ideas provide a major contri-
bution to educators who want to play a role in helping students think
and struggle in the interest of a better world, they failed to develop
a compehensive, theoretical approach for dealing with the pattern of
contradictions and conflicts that existed in various cultural spheres
and the notion of dual consciousness. That is, the contradictory
modes of thinking that characterize the way most people view the world
were not explored adequately, nor were such modes of thinking analyzed
carefully enough with respect to the value they might have for develop-
ing counter-hegemonic struggles. As such, the notion of resistence was
underplayed by the Frankfurt school (Giroux, 1982). Second, the ap-
proach requires a mode of "radical pedagogy that might encounter enor-
mous resistance and even endanger one's job" (p. 49).

Third is the danger of expecting too much too soon from the ap-
proach (p. 50). In doing so, one may attempt to abstract it from the

context in which it is to be used and be unable to deal with the way

in which such a context might resist or alter the nature of such a

80

theoretical approach. In light of this danger, the approach of those
German social studies educators who associate social education with
independent thinking and problem solving might be considered. While
they are opposed to the existing political system, they want to im-~
prove it, by gradually changing it into a more democratic system
(Lange-Ouassowski, 1981). Newmann's suggestion of starting social ac-
tion at the local community where there may be greater probability of
success can be a possible way of reducing the force of resistance when
applied in a wider social context.

Although there have been no direct studies regarding the use of
social criticism and action approach in the classroom, the application
of some of its propositions can be gleaned from citizenship/political
education studies. Billings' study of black activists seemstxisupport
the critical theory of society by emphasizing "conscience raising"
similar to what Crick and Porter (1978) referred to as political lit-
eracy or what Paulo Freire did in developing critical consciousness
via adult literacy programs in the third world (Porter, 1979). Bill-
ings found that black activists exhibited more sensitivity to the
realities of the system; that the traditional institutions within the
school do not bring about change. They realize that change comes as a
result of aggregation and interest articulation-—a principle that
scholars of political behavior and system change have firmly estab—
lished, a principle which constituted an integral part of what Easton
(1957) called "input capability of a political system." Through the
process, which, at times results in group punishment and painful ex—
periences, they soon found out that confrontation politics--against

the teachers, the administrators, and generally the oppressive whites

81

--worked. They soon realized that a small group of committed activ-
ists have the potential to bring about change. Although Billings does
not deal directly with this, he seemed to suggest that the distinguish-
ing feature of the black activist (as opposed to the white activist)

is a sense of efficacy, the belief in the ability to control one's
destiny and influence one's own future (Massialas, 1972).

Of particular interest to the social criticism and action ap-
proach, Long's (1980) study suggests what the educational system can
do to counter feelings of alienation among (American) adolescents.
Regarding inequality in the socio-political sphere, he suggested that
"the educational system should stress the societal bases for discrimi-
nation, the historical and economic roots, and how and why it is per-
petuated and how discrimination and inequality might be eradicated."
Second, he suggested that students should be better informed about the
impact of socio-political system on their daily lives and of lives of
others. Finally, the constraints on their extreme demands on the
socio-political system should be brought to their attention and irra-
tional bases of such demands and standards could be indicated and mod-
ified (p. 40).

In line with critical theory belief, Long believes that adole-
cents' feelings of political disaffection should be capitalized upon
by the educational system. Such feelings indicate students' awareness
of public affairs, mature critical ability and sophisticated applica-
tion of evaluative standards to the political performances of both
leaders and institutions. Further, such feelings appear congruent
with one variant of the "good citizen" role; i.e., the skeptical citi-

zen, ever vigilant, distrusting, cautious in reaction to the behavior

82

of politicians and in responding to the influence attempts of the
political system (p. 41).

At the elementary level, one of the most significant findings
in Glenn's study is the transfer value of school participation.
Elementary students' attitudes of political trust, political effi-
cacy, and political change were measured and quantified. The findings_
reveal that children who participated in classroom activity, as op-
posed to those who did not, feel more politically efficacious them-
selves or perceive their families and neighbors to be able to influ-
ence the governmental machinery. These findings are in line with so-
cial criticism approach, which suggests that feelings of efficacy (po-
litical courage) and participation within the school system may bring
about feelings of participation or actual participation in the larger

political system starting from the local community.

Summary

The purpose of this chapter was to present a discussion of repre-
sentative literature and related research. The literature reveals a
consensus among writers that citizenship is the main purpose of social
studies education. Yet there was no agreement as to what "good" citi-
zenship is and how to achieve it.

Attempts at conceptual frameworks for viewing social studies/
citizenship education are rather recent and varying in comprehensive-
ness. Some educators regard citizenship education as being concerned
with the moral, ethnical, social, and economic aspects of living,
.others feel it is mostly concerned with acquisition of social science
knowledge, and others still feel it is mostly concerned with only the

social and political aspects. Barth and his associates theorized that

83

the purposes, methods, and content for social studies' teaching can be
categorized into three traditions. The research findings based on
their models are few and sketchy and reflect the thinking of preservice
teachers.

Within the context of social studies education, four perspectives
of viewing citizenship education were examined. These include Barth
and Shermis' three traditions--citizenship transmission, social
sciences, reflective inquiry--and a fourth emerging model, social cri-
ticism and action.

The citizenship transmission model represents a conservative and
traditional function in social studies education that parallels the
education philosophy of essentialism. The goal is to transmit simul-
taneously information about and commitment to social institutions and
the norms of society, but in an unreflective manner. Various studies
have confirmed that teachers pass on cultural goals to their students
and thus perpetuate the status quo.

Social science model is based on the assumption that educating
students in the knowledge and methods of the social sciences will
equip them with ability to solve social problems and make them good
citizens. By great emphasis on data collection and analysis, it ob-
jectifies the social phenomena focused upon. Research shows that ac-
ceptance of new social studies by teachers has been minimal while the
extent of social science teaching is assumed to be great.

The reflective inquiry model stresses the solution of societal
problems by using social science data as well as other sources. It is
directed at looking at social values, but reflection is often in the

context of decision-making and value clarification. However, such

84

reflection excludes fundamental criticism of the social institutions
that give meaning to legitimize the social values. Although the ex-
tent of reflective teaching in the schools in unknown, some studies
indicate that teachers place a high priority on problem solving.
Whether teachers' predelictions are translated into teaching is not
firmly established.

The social criticism and action position examined social problems
and investigates the underlying causes of such problems. Critical
appraisal of social issues undertaken are often linked with the study
of the larger society and related to a notion of social justice. The
focus is on how certain unjust social structures can be identified and
replaced. The belief is that authentic involvement of citizens in the
improvement of the society is desirable and possible. The application
of this model is fraught with problems because of social and political
constraints. Although no research has directly applied the principles
of this model, it is believed that symmetrical social relationships
in the classroom and encouragement of students' participation in and
out of school activities will help to achieve the purpose of citizen-

ship education taught as social criticism and action.

CHAPTER IV
METHODS AND PROCEDURES

The purpose of this chapter is to present a discussion of the
design of the study, the sampling procedures, the description and
administration of the instruments, and the steps used in analyzing

the data.

25191

The major purpose of this study was to describe and explain the
perspectives of social studies educators--c1assroom teachers, teacher
educators, and school inspectors--toward citizenship education. The
basic design of the study is descriptive rather than experimental. It
described social studies educators' perspectives and examined the
relationship between selected variables rather than establish causes
and effects.

In order to achieve the purpose of this study, a demographic
approach to the determinants of opinions was appropriate. A
demographic approach accounts for variance in results by means of the
various demographic subdivisions of a sample. A correlation is looked
for between Opinions expressed and the demographic characteristics of
the sample. Brewster and associates see opinion as inseparable from

the rest of personality (Brewster et al., 1956).

The questionnaire used consisted of two parts: personal data of

sample and the Social Studies Four Models Checklist to collect

\

85

86

information regarding the educators' philosophical positions towards
citizenship education.

The data collected were examined to determine whether there were
differences among the educators relative to the variables of profes-
sional status, years of teaching experience, level of college/inser-
vice training, grade level taught, and age.

With the permission of the Oyo State Ministry of Education
(Appendix I), the questionnaire was administered to school teachers,
teacher educators in post-primary teachers' colleges, and school in-
spectors. Social studies educators in colleges of education and uni-

versities were contacted through their heads of departments.

Sample
The Setting of the Study

Of the 19 states in Nigeria, Oyo State, the second largest in
population (next to Kano) at 7.3 million, was selected as the data
gathering location in this study for a number of reasons. It is one
state with which the researcher is most familiar and, therefore, most
convenient for him to gather relevant data. Apart from personal rea-
sons, Oyo State was chosen because of its unique socio-political
characteristics and its lead in educational advancement now and as
part of the former Western region (1954-1963) and Western state (1967-
1976) of Nigeria.

Along with Ondo and Ogun States, Oyo State belongs to the old
Western state. The three states belong to one homogeneous ethnic
group, Yoruba, which is one of the three major ethnic groups in Ni-

geria. Others are Ibo in the east and Hausa-Fulani in the north. As

87

part of the old western state, at present Oyo State is noted for its
political activities. Its capital Ibadan, after Lagos, the national
capital, is the most closely associated with national political
output.

Almost all the major political problems and conflicts that beset
Nigeria started in the Western state before engulfing other ethnic
groups, and Oyo State has been the main “actor." The conflict between
its two political leaders, which began iri 1962, led to a declaration
of emergency in Western Nigeria and suspension of the latter's govern-
ment. The State was involved in the boycott of Federal elections in
1964 by two major southern political parties and the communal riots and
the breakdown of civil authority in the western region following a
flagrantly-rigged election in the region in 1965. .All these cul-
minated'Himilitary coups in 1966 and the subsequent secession of east-
ern Nigeria in May, 1967 which ended in a 30 month civil war (1967-
1970).

Many attributed all these manifestations of political agitation--
better, instability--to its early start in education. Free primary
education which started in the state (as part of the old western
region) in 1955 did not become a federal government policy until
1976. It is also one of the five states in Nigeria in which education
is claimed to be free at all levels, primary through university, since
the return to civilian rule in 1979. At least one thing is certain--
that education is free at the primary and secondary levels.

With regard to higher education and teacher education programs,
the state has two universities-~Ife and Ibadan (though federally con-

trolled and financed)--four campuses of a college of education and

88

17 post-primary teachers' colleges. No other state in Nigeria has
as many higher education institutions servicing its school systems.

Ideally, the school and its personnel are expected to respond to
the happenings in the larger society. One way of responding may be
manifested in its social studies programs, particularly citizenship
purpose, content, and methods,. It must be remembered that social
studies as an area of the school curriculum was first introduced to
Nigeria through the old western state of which Oyo State was an
integral part. Therefore, a study of educators' perspectives toward
citizenship education in Oyo State would be of significance to curric-
ulum developers in the state and a basis for looking at similar pro-
grams in other states and the whole federation.

Three of the four educational zones in the state were selected
for this study. Because of the homogeneity of the socio-cultural and
political milieu in which the schools are located, the findings of
the study can be generalized to the whole state.' The zones selected

are Ibadan, Oshogbo, and Ile-Ife/Ilesha.

Grade Level

 

Primary class five (10+ year olds) and secondary forms two (13+
year olds) and four (16+ year olds) teachers were used as units of
analysis, although schools were randomly selected from the three edu-
cational zones. The purpose of selecting subjects across grade levels
was to find out the pattern, if any, in citizenship education programs
at both primary and secondary school levels.

Although social studies is taught beginning from primary class

one (age 6), it is not until primary class four that a more discrete

89

work is done. Therefore, primary class five used in the study is the
second year of more discrete work in social studies at the primary

level.

Secondary form two (13-14 year olds) is the last year (now
form three) that social studies is taught as an integrated course,
while form four (16-17 year olds) is the second year of the study of
social sciences as separate disciplines. Educators' experiences with
and expectations forthese grade levels would undoubtedly be reflected
in their philosophical positions regarding the models of citizen-

ship education practiced in Oyo State schools.

Social Studies Educators

The educators involved in the study have not only had one form
of training or another in social studies/social science education,
but also are engaged in the teaching and/or learing of social studies/
social science education. Therefore, it is reasonable to assume
that they would be familiar with some or all of the principles or
ideas espoused by each of the four models. More importantly, most
of the educators would have been involved in the teaching of
similar programs, especially at the primary level, as there are
separate but common national social studies' programs for post-
primary teachers' colleges and primary and lower secondary schools.
At the secondary level, although integrated social studies is
not taught because the teachers prepare students for a common
final school examination and use common programs in all subjects

including social sciences, the students are most likely to have a

similar orientation regarding citizenship education. The common

90

program in social sciences claims to have some elements of citizen-
ship education included in its curriculum (West African School

Certificate Syllabus and Examinations).

Teachers

As in many Nigerian schools, four categories of teachers are
involved in teaching in Oyo State. At the primary level the majority
of the teachers have completed either a two-year post-secondary or
a five-year post-primary teacher education. This category of
teachers hold the Grade Two Teacher Certificate. The next category,
holding the Grade One Teacher Certificate, can teach both at the
primary (especially as head teachers) and lower secondary levels.
They earn their certificates or associate diplomas in education after
successful completion of one-year post-grade two courses in a uni-
versity's institute or faculty of education.

The last two categories--college of education and university
graduates--are specially trained to teach at post-primary institu-
tions. The college of education graduates earn the National Certi-

ficate in Education (NCE) after successful completion of three-year

post-secondary teacher education courses in which they major in two
related subjects, e.g., history and geography; math and physics,
etc., in addition to taking courses in education. They are profes-
sionally described as "well-qualified non-graduate (i.e., not uni-
versity) teachers." In the early 19605 when the program began, they

were meant to teach Only at the lower secondary schools, but due

to a shortage of teachers, they also teach at the upper secondary

school level.

91

The university graduate teachers who teach at the secondary
schools and teachers' colleges either major in two teaching subjects
in addition to education courses or earn diplomas in education in
addition to their degrees in major disciplines. These courses take
four years of post-secondary education.

It was among these various categories of teachers that 300 so-
cial studies teachers were randomly selected to participate in this

study.

SchOol Inspectors

The qualifications of school inspectors range from grade one
certificate in education to Ph.D. in education. They are eXpected
to be well qualified in at least one area of the school curriculum.
Those who were involved in this study were those knowledgeable in
social studies education, either through formal training or inservice
training. Because of the limited number of school inspectors, only
six each were selected from two of the three educational zones and
81 were selected from the third zone. The average number of estab-
lished positions in each zone is 12 (Ministry of Education, Oyo

State, 1982).

Teacher EdUcators

Teacher educators used in the study were those involved in the
teaching of social studies education methods and/or content. These
were drawn from all of the 17 post-primary teachers' colleges, four
colleges of education, and two universities in the State. These
(institutions supply over 75% of the teachers employed in the State.

Details of the samples used in the study are drawn in Table l.

92

Table 1. Sample by School, Teachers, and Other Educators

 

Zone Ibadan Ile—Ife/Ilesha Osogbo

 

Prim. Secondary_ Prim. Secondary 'Prim. Secondary
V II. 1.1. v u .11 v .I_I _I_v_

 

School 15 10 10 6 10 5
Classes* 60 4O 36 40 24 18 40 24 18
Teachers 136 82 82
School
Inspectors 8 6 6
Teacher
Educators
Primary teachers' college (17) 20**
College of education ( 4) 6**
University ( 2) 4**

(Number in brackets indicates number of institutions.)

1"An average of four teachers per grade level per school.

** The whole population of social studies teacher educators was
involved.

93

Instrumentation

 

A questionnaire was the main instrument used in collecting data
in this study. The questionnaire consists of two parts: personal
data of subjects regarding age, teaching experiences, grade/class
taught, and level of training; and the Social Studies Preference
Scale on which subjects were expected to rank statements regarding
the four models in social studies/citizenship education under study.
The description and administration of instruments used are given below.
A copy of the questionnaire and cover letter used in the study can

be found in Appendix 1.

Social Studies Preference Scale

The Social Studies Preference Scale (SSPS) used in this study
is an adaptation of the fourth and most current edition of the Barth-
Shermis scale (1977). It is composed of 45 Likert-type items on
which possible responses ranged from 1 (strongly agree) to 5 (strongly
disagree). However, while the original instrument was concerned with
three dimensions of conceptualizations in social studies, the present
study added a fourth dimension. The original three dimensions are.
social studies as citizenship transmission, social sciences, and
reflective inquiry (Barth & Shermis, 1977). The fourth dimension
is social studies as social criticism and action (Newmann, 1975;
Michaelis, 1981; Cherryholmes, 1979, 1981, 1982; Giroux, 1980).

Each of the four dimensions was represented by a discrete set
of 15 items randomly intermingled. Of these 15, five items refer to
purpose, five to method, and five to content. The structure of the

60 item scale is presented in Table 2.

94

Table 2. Item Structure of Social Studies Preference Scale.

 

 

Social
Criticism
Citizenship Social Reflective and
Transmission Science Inquiry Action
Purpose 5 items 5 items 5 items 5 items
Method 5 items 5 items 5 items 5 items
Content 5 items 5 items 5 items 5 items

 

Measure of Content Validity

 

Content validity of the instrument was imperative for a number
of reasons. According to White (1982), " . . . the original instru-
ment, though it has been used for nearly five years, has not been
validated" (p. 3). Therefore, White measured the external construct
and content validity of the scale. He correlated it with the Rokeach
dogmatism scale. He found a significant positive correlation of .38
(p .001) between the dogmatism scale and the score on the citizen-
ship transmission dimension and a positive correlation of .27 (p .05)
between the dogmatism scale and the social science dimension, but the
negative relationship expected between dogmatism and reflective in-
quiry was not found. However, regarding item-to-tradition fitted-
ness, judged by nine experts, he found a strong to moderate agreement
which ranged from 1.25 to 3 (M = 1.55, SD = .37) and a r = -.61
(p .001) "indicating good panel consistency in evaluating the tradi-
tion dimensions" (p. 93). Another reason for this occurrence is the

addition of the fourth model as well as the retouching of some of the

statements of the original instrument to include familiar terms and

examples for Nigerian teachers.

95

A panel of five social studies experts including three professors
of social studies education, political science, and geography with
special interest in social studies education, one doctoral student
with special interest in citizenship education, and a State Department
of Education curriculum expert in social studies education took part
in the validation of the instrument. Each of the panelists was pro-
vided with a copy of a short description of the tenets of each of the
four models. The panelists were asked to sort the 60 items into four
categories, one for each model. Because the major concern of the
study was not to ask subjects to differentiate among statements of
purpose, content, and methods, the panel was not asked to judge the
correctness of the statements in that regard. Rather the panelists
were only asked to place each item under a tradition as they deemed
fit.

Prior to analysis, a minimum level of agreement among experts was
established (four out of five) below which an item would be judged
inappropriate or weak in content validity; i.e., a validity coeffi-
cient of .80. Spearman rank order, inter-judge rating, statistical
analysis was performed. There was the greatest agreement on citizen-
ship transmission with a validity coefficient of .98 followed by
social sciences at .87, reflective inquiry at .86, and social criti-
cism and action at .80. Following this result, some of the items
were rewritten for clarity and appropriateness and placed under the
tradition for which they were intended.

To ensure that the statements were meaningful to the subjects,
three teachers from each grade level, two teacher educators, and two

school inspectors representative of those to be involved in the study

96

were asked to react to the statements. Each of them was asked to
mark statements which were not meaningful to him/her. None of them

had difficulty in Understanding or interpreting the statements.

Administration of the SSPS. Copies of the questionnaire were

 

personally delivered to the three groups of subjects--teachers,
teacher-educators, and school inspectors--and were collected with the
assistance of two paid researcher assistants on a school-to-school
basis for a period of four weeks--June/July, 1982.

The subjects were given instructions on how to complete the ques-
tionnaire. On the SSPS, using Likert-type items, each potential
respondent was asked to signify the degree of his/her agreement/
disagreement with each statement related to citizenship education as
it applies to his/her class (in the case of teachers) or as it is
related to citizenship education in Nigerian schools (in the case

of other educators).

Analysis of Data

 

The primary purpose of this study was to determine the perspec-
tive(s) of Nigerian social studies educators toward the instructional
goals of citizenship education. The respondents' ratings of the
Social Studies Preference Scale was analyzed to determine the models
of citizenship education endorsed by them. Composite scores for each
of the four models--citizenship transmission, social sciences, reflec-
tive inquiry, and social criticism and action--were computed. The
multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) and Scheffe test of two

group comparison were used. The Statistical Packages for Socalstudies

97

(SPSS) MANOVA package program was employed on the CDC Cyber 750 com-
puter at the Michigan State University Computer Center.

The multivariate analysis of variance was used to test the over-
all hypothesis of no significant difference in mean ratings of the
models by the different groups. The univariate test was investigated
to explain on which criterion variables--that is, the models--the
differences occurred (Bock, 1975; Finn, 1974; Timm, 1978). Each
F-test that reached the specified alpha level of .05 was considered
significant. In order to control for experimental error, the nominal
alpha (.05) was divided by the number of variates (the models) when
the univariate tests were considered. That gives -</p; i.e., .05 % 4
= .0125 (Harris, 1975). As a follow-up analysis, the Scheffe test of

two group comparison was used to determine the contribution of each

sub-group to the differences that occurred. For this purpose, se-
lected sub-groups within each of the main groups based on variables of
professional status, grade level, years of teaching experience, level
of teacher education, and age were compared in pairs. The next chap-

ter presents the results of the analysis.

Summary

The basic design of the study was descriptive rather than experi-
mental. The purpose was to describe and explain social studies educa-
tors' perspectives toward citizenship education. Also examined was
the relationship between selected variables of professional status,
years of teaching experience, level of college training, grade level

taught, and age, and their perspectives.

98

The sampling unit for the study was primary class five and second-
ary forms two and four teachers of social studies and teacher educa-
tors and school inspectors in the field in Oyo State. The sample in-
cluded randomly selected 300 teachers, 30 social studies teacher edu-
cators, and 22 school inspectors. As a result of personally delivered
and collected questionnaires, 255 subjects, 72.8% of the population,
were included in the analysis.

The instrument used was an adaptation of Barth, Shermis, and
Norris' Social Studies Preference Scale that quantified respondents'
perceptions for each of the three positions in their conceptual frame-
works. The present study contains four different frameworks for
viewing the instructional goal for citizenship education.

A composite mean score was calculated for respondents' ratings
for each of the four models--citizenship transmission, social sciences,
reflective inquiry, and social criticism and action. The multivariate
analysis of variance (MANOVA) and Scheffe test of two group comparison
were employed to analyze the data. For the overall hypothesis of no
significant difference in mean ratings of the models by the different
groups and the comparison between groups, the calculated F-value which
reached .05 level was regarded as significant; for the univariates
regarding each model, .0125 was the level of significance; i.e.,

.05 e 4 in order to control for experimental error.

CHAPTER V

THE DATA AND RESULTS OF ANALYSIS

The primary purpose of this study was to determine the perspec-
tives of Nigerian social studies educators--classroom teachers,
teacher educators, and school inspectors--toward citizenship educa-
tion in Nigeria. This chapter presents the data collected in this
study and the results of analysis. These are reported in three sec-
tions.

The first section presents demographic data on the respondents.
It describes the respondents' professional positions or status,
grade levels taught, levels of teacher education, years of teaching
experience, and ages.

The second section reports analyses of the respondents' ratings
of each of the four models represented in the Social Studies Prefer-
ence Scale. Data relating to each hypothesis are presented in tables
and tested for overall significant difference, followed by the
univariate F-test to determine on which variable or model(s) the
difference(s) occurred. Next the Scheffe tests of two group com-
parison are interpreted to explain the contribution of the groups
to the differences. Finally, the respondents' mean ratings of the
models are used to further explain group differences.

The third section deals with the discussion of the findings in
relation to theory and the review of literature related to this

study.

99

100

Description of Respondents
As indicated in the last chapter, 350 questionnaires were
distributed to potential subjects. The number of returned question-
naires totaled 275 or 78.6%. Twenty or 7.3% of the total returns were
found to be unusable and therefore were eliminated. The total
number of completed and usable responses was 255 or 72.8% of the total

number distributed.

Table 3
Respondents' Distribution by
Professional Status and Qualifications

 

 

 

Qualifications
Professional Grade Grade
Group II I N.C.E. BA/BSC M.A. Ph.D. N %

Teachers 87 44 42 42 215 84.3
Teacher-

Educators lO 9 4 23 9.0
School

Inspectors 7 4 6 17 6.7
TOTAL N: 87 51 46 58 9 4 255
TOTAL %: 34.0 20.0 18.0 22.0 3.5 1.6 100.0

 

Table 3 shows the distribution of the 255 respondents by profes-
sional status and level of teacher college education. Regarding pro-
fessional positions, 215 or 84.3% were teachers, 23 or nine percent
were teacher educators, and 17 or 6.7% were school inspectors. In
terms of level of teacher college education (or teaching qualifica-
tions), 87 or 34.1% were grade two teachers, 51 or 20% were grade one;

46 or 18% had the National Certificate in Education (N.C.E.), while

101

58 or 22.7% were holders of Bachelors' degrees in education or Bache-
lors' degrees plus diplomas in education. Of the remaining 13 who
were teacher educators, nine or 3.5% had Masters' degrees, and four
or 1.6% had Ph.D. degrees in education.

Table 4

Teacher Respondents by
Grade Level and Qualifications

 

 

 

Qualifications

Grade Grade Grade 19331
Level II I N.C.E. BA/BSC N %
Primary

Class V 87 14 101 47.0
Secondary

Form II 30 24 8 62 28.8
Secondary

Form IV 18 34 52 24.2
TOTAL N: 87 44 42 42 215
TOTAL %: 40.0 20.0 19.5 19.5 100.0

 

Table 4 shows that the majority of the teachers, 101 or 47%, were
elementary class five teachers. Eighty-seven of these were grade two,
and only 14 of them were grade one teachers. 0f the 62 or 28.8%
secondary form two teachers who responded, 30 were grade one, 24 had
National Certificates in Education (N.C.E.), and eight had Bachelors'
degrees. Fifty-two or 24.2% of the respondents were secondary form
four teachers of whom 18 were N.C.E. holders and 34 were holders of
Bachelors' degrees. In all, Of the 215 teachers who participated in

this study, 87 or 40% were grade two, 44 or 20% were grade one, 42 or

102

19.5% were N.C.E. holders, and 42 or 19.5% had Bachelors' degrees.
The summary of the ages and years of teaching experience of the
teachers are reported in Table 5.
Table 5
Summary of Teacher Respondents'

Age and Years of Teaching Experience:
Mean, Standard Deviation, and Range

 

 

 

Range
Standard .
Variable N Mean Deviation Maximum Minimum
Age 255 35-40 ' 1.581 55+ 21-25
Teaching 255
Experience '14.7 7.8 33 2

 

Table 5 shows that the teachers' age ranges between 21 and 55
years, with an average within the age group of 35-40 years. The
average teaching experience of the teachers was 14.7% years with a
range of 31 years. The teachers' responses are described according to
the year groups in which they belong in terms of teaching experience
and age in each data table.

Respondents' Perspectives
Toward Citizenship EducatiOn

This section deals with social studies educators'--teachers,
teacher educators, and school inspectors--perspectives toward citi-
zenship education. These were gleaned from their agreement or dis-
agreement with 15 representative statements describing each of the
four models (CT, SS, RI, and SCA) in terms of method, purpose, and
content of teaching social studies with the overriding purpose of

citizenship education.

103

The Likert-type rating scale of one (1) to five (5) with one
being strongly agree and five strongly disagree was employed in the
study. The neutral score was three, thus the composite scores for
each mode1 ranged between 15 (minimum) and 75 (maximum). A positive
direction toward any particular model was, therefore, found between
15 and 45 and a negative direction between 45 and 75.

The following research hypotheses were tested to determine
if there were significant differences among respondents in regard to
their perspectives toward the instructional goa1 of citizenship edu-

cation.

HYPOTHESIS 1: There is no signficant difference in
philosophical position regarding the
instructiona1 goal of citizenship edu—
cation among educators divided into
groups based on professional status--
teachers, teacher educators, and schoo1
inspectors.

The multivariate analysis of variance was applied to test the
first hypothesis of no sigificant difference among the three groups
of educators regarding their perspectives toward citizenship education.
As Table 6(a) indicates, the overa1l F-test with 2,252 degrees
of freedom was 10.81237 which was significant at .05. .This shows that
there were significant differences at .05 among the responding educa-
tors regarding their perspectives toward the instructional goal of cit-
itizenship education when they were grouped by their positional status.
The univariate F-tests were investigated to find on which model the

differences occurred. The univariate F-tests were significant on

104

Table 6
Multivariate and Univariate f—Tests
of Educators' Responses to Models
of Teaching by Professional Status

 

Sources of Approx. Degrees of
Test Variance f Freedom P

 

(a) Multivariates Professional

(Ni1ks) Status 10.81237 2,252 .00000'*
(b) Univariates Teaching
Models
CT . 21.30665 2,252 .00000 *b
SS 1.49935 2,252 .05625
RI 28.45681 2,252 .00000 *b
SCA 33.95636 2,252 .00000

* significant at P< .05 '
*b significant at .0125

 

citizenship transmission, reflective inquiry, and social criticism and
action models at .0125 (.05 5 4), but not on social science model as

shown in Table 6(b) above.

The Scheffe test for two group comparison was explored to further
investigate the significant differences among the groups (see Table 7)

Table 7 reaffirms that there was no significant difference among
the three professional groups on social sciences model for teaching
citizenship education when they were compared in pairs.

Table 8 examines the means and standard deviations of educators'
responses to teaching models by professional status. The lowest
recorded total mean scores was 32.18 for social science, followed by

citizenship transmission with a total mean score of 32.75. 0f the

105

Table 7
Scheffe Test of Two Group Comparisons
of Educators' Responses to Models
of Teaching by Professional Status

 

 

(DF 1,252)
Source of T
Contrasts Variance Value P
Teachers and teacher
educators CT -5.6878 .000*
SS 1.5971 .111
RI 6.5859 .000*
SCA 6.8414 .000*
Teachers and school
inspectors CT -3.6707 .000*
SS .8013 .424
RI 4.2208 .000*
SCA 5.1538 .000*
School inspectors and
teacher educators CT 1.0099 .313
SS . - .4643 ' .643
RI - .1925 .234
SCA - .6329 .527

* significant at P: .05

 

three contrasts in Table 7, there was no significant difference be-
tween the school inspectors and teacher educators on a11 the four
models. They were both more favorably predisposed to social criticism
and action and reflective inquiry, but 1ess positive toward citizen-
ship transmission. when the teachers' mean ratings were compared with
those of teacher educators and school inspectors separately, they were
significant differences for citizenship transmission, reflective in-

quiry, and social criticism and action. For example, while teacher

106

Table 8
Means, Standard Deviation of Educators' Responses
to Teaching Models by Professional Status

 

 

 

Models
Socia1
Citizenship Social Reflective Criticism
Transmission Sciences Inquiry and Action
Gm" N M so M so M so M so
Teachers 215 31.70 5.70 32.36 4.44 34.64 5.09 36.93 6.55
Teacher
educators 23 38.80 4.29 30.91 1.90 27.69 3.36 27.69 3.10

Schoo1

inspectors 17 37.75 6.08 32.52 1.50 29.52 1.23 28.94 2.88

TOTALS: 255 32.75 6.08 32.18 4.15 33.67 5.30 35.56 2.90

 

educators and school inspectors recorded means of 27.69 and 28.94
respectively, the teachers recorded 36.93 for social criticism and
action. Also, it was found that the teachers were the most favorably
disposed toward CT with a mean score of 31.7. On the basis of all
these findings, the null hypothesis that there is no significant dif-
ference in philoSOphical position regarding the instructional goal
for citizenship among social educators divided into groups based on

professional status cannot be accepted.

Since the concern of this study is more related to school teach-
ing of citizenship education, greater emphasis was placed on class-
room teachers. The remaining hypotheses were explored to investigate
the contribution of teacher variables-~grade level taught, level of
teacher education, years of teaching experience, age--to their perspec-
tives toward citizenship education.

HYPOTHESIS 2: There is no significant difference in
philosophical position regarding the

107

instructiona1 goal of citizenship educa-
tion among teachers divided into groups
based upon grade levels they teach.

The multivariate analysis of variance was used to test the above
hypothesis. In applying the multivariate analysis of variance, the
value of the overall F-tests for grade level as independent variable,
with 2,212 degrees of freedom, was F = 27.00192 which was significant
at .05 as shown in Table 9(a).

Table-9
Multivariate and Univariate f-Tests

for Teachers' Responses to
Models of Teaching by Grade Levels

 

 

Source of Approx. Degrees of
Variance f - Freedom P
(a) Multivariates Grade
(Wi1ks) Level 27.00192 2,212 .000 *
(b) Multivariate Teaching
(f-test) Models
CT 37.44597 2,212 .000 *b
SS 14.37839 2,212 .000 *b
RI 51.31329 2,212 .000 *b
SCA 67.46555 2,212 .000 *b

* significant at .05
*b significant at .0125

 

The univariate f-tests were employed to find on which model(s)
the differences occurred. The univariate f-tests at .0125 (0.5 a 4)
show that there were significant differences among the teachers
divided into grade levels on citizenship transmission, reflective

inquiry and social criticism and action models as shown in Table 9(b).

108

In further analysis, the Scheffe test for two group comparisons
was applied to investigate which group(s) contributed to the differ-
ences (Table 10). This interpretation was carried out with references
to the mean ratings of the groups as indicated in Table 11.

Table 10 shows there were significant differences between the
scores of primary class five teachers (7 = 32.60) and secondary form
two teachers (7'= 34.06) for social sciences at .032. But there was
no significant difference between secondary form two teachers (Y'=
34.62) and secondary four teachers (7'= 34.36) for citizenship trans-
mission at the .05 level. The differences between each of the two
contrasts were significant for all the other models. The differences
between primary class five and form four teachers were significant at
the .05 level for all the four models--citizenship transmission,
social science, reflective inquiry, and social criticism and action.

As shown in Table 11, on the whole, the primary class five
teachers were most positive toward citizenship transmission (Y = 28.68)
and least positive toward social criticism and action with a mean
score of 40.74, followed by reflective inquiry with a mean score of
37.22. Secondary form four teachers were the most positive toward
social criticism and action (7'= 30.65), followed by form two teach-
ers (Y = 35.98). In view of these differences among the groups and
between each of the contrasts, the null hypothesis that there was no
significant difference in philosophical position regarding the in-
structional goal of citizenship education among teachers divided into
groups based upon levels they teach cannot be accepted. Thus it would

seem that the grade levels at which teachers teach make a difference

109

Table 10
Scheffe Test for Two Group Comparison of
Teachers' Responses to Teaching Models by Grade Level

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

(df = 1,212)
Sources of .
Controls Variance T-Value P
1. Primary class five teachers and
secondary form two teachers CT - 7.4770 .000*
SS - 2.1608 .032*
R1 4.2629 .000*
SCA 5.7327 .000*
2. Primary class five teachers and
secondary form fourteachers , CT 6.7545 .000*
SS 3.8028 .000*
RI 10.1081 .000*
SCA 11.4884 .000*
3. Secondary form two and secondary
form four teachers CT .2845 .776
SS 3.8028 .000*
RI 5.5172 .000*
* significant at P< .05 SC" 5-509‘ '000“
Table 11
Mean and Standard Deviation of Teachers' Responses to
Teaching Models by Grade Level
Grade Level CT SS RI SCA
Models/
Variables N M SD M SD M SD M SD
Primary
class five 101 28.68 3.32 32.60 4.45 37.22 4.76 40.74 5.90
Secondary
form two 62 34.62 5.65 34.06 4.41 34.33 3.59 35.98 4.88
Secondary
form four 52 34.36 6.40 29.88 3.68 29.98 3.65 30.65 3.55
TOTALS: 2.5 31.77 5.70 32.36 4.44 34.64 5.09 36.93 6.55

110

in the way they perceive the instructional goal of citizenship edu-
cation.

HYPDTHESIS 3: There is no significant difference in

philoSOphical position regarding the
instructional goal of citizenship educa-
tion among teachers divided into groups
based upon levels of teacher education.

To test the above hypothesis, responses were considered according
to the effect of respondents' levels of teacher education on their
perspectives toward citizenship education as revealed in their pre-
ference(s) for four models of teaching social studies.

The multivariate analysis of variance test in Table 12(a) reveals
that there was significant difference in the way responding teachers
with different levels of teacher education perceived the instructional
goal of citizenship education. The value of the overall f-test with

degrees of freedom 3,211 was f = 21.31500 which was significant at the

.05 level. The univariates f—tests were all significant for each of
the four models at .0125 as indicated in Table 12(9)-

In order to investigate the contribution of each group to the
differences, further analysis using Scheffe test two group comparison
was performed. The result is shown in Table 13. To interpret the
results of the analysis, references were made to the respondents'
mean ratings of each model as indicated in Table 14.

The result of the Scheffe test of two group comparison in Table
13 shows that there were significant differences between grade two

teachers and teachers with Bachelors' degrees on all the four models.

The differences between these two groups were greatest on social

111

Table 12
Multivariate and Univariate f-Tests of
Teachers' Responses to Models of
Teaching by Level of Teacher Education

 

 

Sources of Approx. Degrees of
Tests Variance f Freedom P
(a) Multivariates Level of
(Nilks) Teacher
Education 12.31500 3,211 .000 *
(b) Univariate CT 21.69217 3,211 .000 *b
SS 6.33813 3,211 .000 *b
RI 25.12626 3,211 .000*b
SCA 31 .09948 3,211 .000 *b

* significant at P< .05
*b significant at P< .0125

 

criticism and action and citizenship transmission models. The grade
two teachers were more favorably disposed to citizenship; transmission
(7'= 28.64) and less to social criticism and action (7': 40.58), while
the teachers with Bachelors' degrees were more positive toward social
criticism and action (7 = 30.83) and slightly less toward citizenship
transmission (7'= 32.88). The comparison of grade one and NCE teach-
ers' responses showed that there were no significant differences in
their perspectives toward social science, reflective inquiry, and
social criticism and action except for citizenship transmission at
.016. Both groups recorded almost equal means for each of the three
models as shown in Table 14. Grades two and one teachers recorded no
significant difference in social science and reflective inquiry models.
There was significant difference on citizenship transmission and
social criticism and action. There was significant difference between

BA/BSC and grade one teachers on citizenship transmission at .030 and

Scheffe Test of Two Group Comparison of Teachers'
Responses to Models of Teaching by Level

112

Table 13

of Teacher Education

 

 

(df = 1.211)
Sources of T
Contrasts Variance Value P
Grades two and one
teachers CT -4.8090 .000 *
SS -5.5964 .655 NS
RI 1.8959 .059 NS
SCA 3.5958 .000 *
Grade two and NCE
teachers CT -4.5147 .000 *
SS - .5964 .552 NS
RI 3.3436 .001 *
SCA 4.9735 .000 *
Grade two and
BA/BSC teachers CT -4.4883 .000 *
SS 3.6903 .000 *
RI 8.5817 .000 *
SCA 9.4484 .000 *
Grade one and
NCE teachers CT -2.4213 .016 *
SS - .1358 .892 NS
RI 1.2864 .200 NS
SCA 1.2483 .213
Grade one and
BA/BSC teachers CT 1.2147 .030 *
SS 3.5979 .000 *
RI 5.8488 .000 *
SCA 5.1459 .000 *
NCE and BA/BSC
teachers CT 2.6058 .100 NS
SS 3.6910 .000 *
RI 4.5102 .000 *
SCA 3.8530 .000 *

* significant at P< .05

113

Table 14
Mean and Standard Deviation of Teachers'
Responses to Models of Teaching by
Levels of Teacher Education

 

Models

 

Qualifi- -
cations N CT SS RI SCA

 

Grade II 87 28.64 3.12 32.78 4.36 36.88 3.97 40.58 5.21

Grade I 44 33.11 5.26 33.13 4.71 35.34 5.90 36.93 7.38
NCE 42 35.73 7.00 33.26 4.34 34.11 4.22 35.45 4.63
BA/BSC 42 32.88 5.59 29.80 3.52 29.78 3.49 30.83 4.44
TOTAL: 215 31.77 5.70 32.36 4.44 34.64 5.09 36.93 6.55

 

at .05 level on all the other models-~social science, reflective in-
quiry, social criticism and action. Also, there was no significant
difference between BA/BSC (7'= 32.88) and NCE teachers (7'= 35.73) on
citizenship transmission, but there were differences between them on
social science, reflective inquiry, and social criticism and action.
Grade two and NCE teachers were not significantly different in
their preferences for social science, but there were significant dif-
ferences between them on reflective inquiry at .001 level and on
citizenship transmission and social criticism and action at .05 level.
Thus, it could be concluded that levels of teacher education made
significant differences in the way teachers perceived the instruction-
a1 goal of citizenship education. This was particularly revealed in
the responses of grade two teachers on reflective inquiry (36.88) and
social criticism and action (40.58) when compared with those of Bache-
lor degree holders--ref1ective inquiry (29.78) and social criticism
and action (30.83). Therefore, the null hypothesis three cannot be

accepted.

114

HYPOTHESIS 4: There is no significant difference in
philosophical position regarding the
-instructional goal of citizenship edu-
cation among teachers divided into groups
based upon years of teaching experience.

To test hypothesis four, the multivariate analysis of variance
tests were applied to determine if there were significant differences
in the perspectives of teachers divided into groups based upon years
of teaching experience regarding model(s) of teaching social studies
with the overriding purpose of citizenship education.

Table 15

Multivariate and Univariate f-Tests of Teachers'
Responses to Teaching Models by Years of Teaching Experience

 

 

Source of Approx. Degrees of
Test Variance f Freedom P
(a) Multivariates
(Nilks) Years of
Teaching
Experience 2.78797 . 5,209 .000 *
(b) Univariates CT 3.88357 5,209 .002 *b
SS 1.708449 5,209 .134 NS
RI 2.94729 5,209 .014 NS
SCA 2.44743 5,209 .035 NS

* significant at P <.05
*b significant at P< .0125

 

Table 15(a) shows that there were significant differences among

the groups in the way they perceived the instructional goal of citi-

zenship education. The value of the overall F-test for teaching

experience as an independent variable with df = 3,212 which was

2.78797 was significant at .05.

The univariate F-test in Table 15(b) showed that there were sig-

nificant differences at .0125 but at .002 for citizenship transmis-

115

sion, at .014 for reflective inquiry, and at .035 for social criticism
and action among the teachers when they were divided into groups of
years of teaching experience. But there was no significant differ-
ence among them regarding years of teaching experience for social

science model.

In order to find the distribution of the differences among the
groups, the pairwise comparison using Scheffe test was employed. The
following pairwise contrasts were selected: those teachers with 1-5
years and 11-15 years, those with 6-10 years and 16-20 years, those
with 11-15 years and 21-25 years, and those with less than six years

and those with more than 25 years of teaching experience as shown in

Table 16.

Table 16

Scheffe Test of Two Group Comparison of Teachers' Responses to
Teaching Models by Years of Teaching Experience

 

 

(df = 5,209)
Contrasts
(Years of Teaching Source of - T
Experience) Variance Value P
1. 1-5 and 11-15 CT 3.0572 .003*
SS -1.7857 .076
RI 2.5652 .011*
SCA 1.7063 .089
2. 6-10 and 16-20 CT 1.8134 .071
SS - .6045 .546
RI - .0292 .977
SCA 1.6381 .103
3. 11-15 and 21-25 CT .0367 .971
° SS .6473 .518
R1 .5307 .596
SCA .6717 .503
4. 1-5 and 26+ CT -2.4292 .016*
SS 1.2447 .215
R1 - .4683 .640
SCA - .5443 .587

* significant at P< .05

116

Table 17
Mean and Standard Deviation of Teachers' Responses to
Teaching Models by Years of Teaching Experience

 

 

Teaching

Experience N CT SS RI SCA
1-5 41 28.65 4.62 30.82 4.03 36.26 4.80 38.04 6.04
6-10 43 31.48 5.57 32.86 3.58 34.62 3.19 38.58 6.61
11-15 39 32.43 5.79 32.58 4.92 33.41 5.24 35.58 5.79
16-20 44 33.63 5.79 33.43 4.20 34.65 5.26 36.31 6.41
21-25 31 32.38 6.27 31.90 5.67 32.79 5.70 34.51 6.63
26+ 17 32.52 4.43 32.41 3.74 36.94 6.23 39.05 7.93
TOTALS: 215 31.52 5.70 32.36 4.44 34.64 5.09 36.93 6.55

 

With the exception of the fourth contrast, there was an average
of 10 years between groups in each contrast. An examination of the
contrasts in Table 16 revealed that teachers with 1-5 years and those
with 11-15 years of teaching experience were significantly different
in their perspectives on citizenship education at .003 on citizenship
transmission and .011 on reflective inquiry. The former group (1-5)
was more favorably disposed toward citizenship transmission (X'=
28.65), while the latter (ll-15) was more favorable to reflective
inquiry (7’= 34.62). When those with 1-5 years were compared with
those with the longest number of years of teaching experience (26+),
the difference between them on citizenship transmission was signifi-
cant at .016. Strangely enough, those with 1-5 years were more posi-
tive toward citizenship transmission (7': 28.65) than those with 26+
years (7'= 32.52). There were no significant differences between the
contrasts of those with 6-10 and 16-20 years and those with 11-15 and
21-25 years of teaching experience on all models. However, an exami-

nation of the means in Table 17 reveals that there was a general

117

decline in positive disposition from citizenship transmission to
social criticism and action among all the groups. For example, while
those with the longest years of teaching experience recorded mean
ratings of 32.52 on citizenship transmission and 39.05 on social
criticism action, those with 6-10 years of teaching experience re-
corded 31.48 and 38.58 on the two models respectively. Although years
of teaching experience makes significant difference in the way teach-
ers perceive the goal of citizenship education, the relationship

between their perspectives and teaching experience was weak.

HYPOTHESIS 5: There is no significant difference in
I philosophical position regarding the
instructional goal of citizenship edu-
cation among teachers divided into
groups based upon age.

To test hypothesis five, the multivariate analysis of variance
technique was used to determine if there were significant differences
on the perspective of responding teachers regarding the instructional
goal of citizenship education when they were divided into groups based

upon age. The result of such tests is presented in Table 18.

The data reported in Table 18(a) reveal that significant F-value
at .019 was reached among the groups according to age for all the
teaching models considered together. Thus, by testing the univariate
F-tests, results showed that significant differences occurred on
reflective inquiry at P (.05 and on social criticism and action at
P<’.030, as shown on Table 18(b).

To find in which age group the differences occurred, the Scheffe

test of two group comparison was employed. Table 19 revealed that

118

Table 18
Multivariate and Univariate f-Test if Teachers'
Responses to Teaching Models by Age

 

 

Source of Approx. Degrees of
Test Variation f Freedom P
(a) Multivariate
. (Nilks) Age 2.04669 3,211 .019*
(b) Univariate CT 1.66520 3,211 .176
SS 1.14806 3,211 .331
RI 3.83752 3,211 .011*

SCA 3.67064 3,211 .030
* significant at P .05 '

 

significant differences occurred only in three contrasts; first, be-

tween 20-25 and 36-45 year age groups on citizenship transmission at

the .038 level; second, between 26-35 and 46-55 year age groups on
reflective inquiry at .008 level and on social criticism and action at
.022 level; and, third, between 36-45 and 46-55 year age groups on re-
flective inquiry at .002 and on social criticism action at .003 level.
Thus, the null hypothesis that there is no significant difference in the
philosophical position regarding the instructional goal of citizenship
education among teachers divided into groups based on age cannot be

accepted. However the relationship between age and the teachers'

perspectives is weak and rather inconsistent with age.

An examination of the mean ratings of the responding teachers in
Table 20 revealed the differences that occurred in groups and between
contrasts. Between the 20-25 and 36-45 age groups, it was revealed
that the older group (36-45) was more positively oriented tOward so-
cial criticism and action (Y=35.74) than the 20-25 age group with a

mean of 38.14. However, the younger group (26-35) had more a positive

119

Table 19
Scheffe Test of Two Comparison for

Teachers' Age of Models of Teaching
(df = 3:211)

 

 

Contrasts Source of T
(Age Groups) Variance Value P
1. 20-25 and
26-35 CT 1.0509 .295
SS 1.2703 .205
R1 1.2087 .228
SCA .6992 .485
2. 20-25 and
36-45 CT -2.0843 .038*
SS 1.5735 .117
R1 1.7915 .075
SCA 1.7317 .085
3. 20-25 and
46-55 CT -1.8989 .370
SS -1.5735 .107
RI -1.6509 .100
SCA -1.6255 .106
4. 26-35 and
36-45 CT -1.4475 .149
SS - .4036 .689
R1 .8029 .423
SCA 1.4540 .147
5. 26-35 and
46-55 CT - .2593 .796
SS - .9051 .336
RI -2.6990 .008*
SCA -2.3097 .022*
6. 36-45 and
46-55 CT - .4536 .651
SS - .7127 .447
RI 3.1161 .002*
SCA -3.0454 .003*

* significant at p < .05

 

approach than the older group (46-55) on social criticism and action

with means of 37.15 and 41.75 respectively and on reflective inquiry

120

Table 20
Mean, Standard Deviation of Teachers' Responses
to Teaching Models by Age

 

 

Age N CT SS RI SCA
20-25 28 30.07 5.04 31.10 4.25 35.82 5.61 38.14 7.17
26-35 82 31.37 5.91 32.34 4.24 34.50 4.09 37.15 6.47
36-45 93 32.62 5.77 32.61 4.66 33.89 5.32 35.74 6.08
46-55 12 31.83 4.44 33.58 4.39 38.66 6.37 41.75 7.04
TOTALS: 215 31.77 5.70 32.36 4.44 34.64 5.09 36.93 6.55

 

they had means of 34.50 and 38.66 respectively. Similarly, the 36-45
age group recorded more positive means on social criticism and action
(11' = 35.74) and reflectiveoinquiry (7 = 33.89) than the 46-55 age
group with means of 41.75 and 38.66 on social criticism and action and
reflective inquiry respectively. Table 20 also reveals that there was
a general decline in positive approach from citizenship transmission

to social criticism and action in the different age groups.

Discussion

 

A four-model formulation was advanced as a means of describing
philosophical positions and teaching practices in the field of social
studies, with citizenship education as the overriding purpose. The
expectation was that educators would be consistent in their choices
of particular model(s) without mixing positions or practices that de-
fine content, purpose, and method differently (Barth et al., 1977,
1978). The results of this study did not support this view. It
would appear that classroom teachers, teacher educators, and school

inspectors in Oyo State endorsed all four models (citizenship

121

transmission/social sciences/reflective inquiry/social criticism and
action), although in varying degrees.

The results of the present study tend to match those of earlier
ones based on Barth and Shermis' three traditions (citizenship trans-
mission/social sciences/reflective inquiry) (Bennett, 1980; Bonar,
1977). Bennett found that supervisors and college educators in
Virginia endorsed these three traditions. When high school teachers
in West Virginia were sampled, Bonar reported similar results, but
claimed that the teachers "leaned more favorable toward the reflective
inquiry tradition" (p. 75). When preservice teachers in Ahmadu Bello
University, Zaria, Nigeria, were sampled by Barth and Norris (1976), a
énfilar result was reported: "46% of the Nigerians (n = 55) responded
favorably toward all three traditions simultaneously" (p. 37). These
results may suggest that either many of the social studies educators
are unsure of their own teaching positions or the models are not com-

pletely independent.

Other factors might have contributed to social studies educators'
eclecticism, especially teachers. One of these may be the varigated
demands ofthe National Policy on Education. In Nigeria the policy
demanded "the study of social norms and values of both national and
local communities," most of which encourage uncritical obedience of
law and authority. At the same time, the schools were expected to
"produce students who can think for themselves and apply inquiry
skills" (p. 14), as well as prepare them to participate in the im-
provement of the society. Another factor may be the background of
the educators themselves which was first in the social sciences and

the lack of or inadequate appropriate texts in the "new" social

122

studies (Salawu, 1982). They are, therefore, likely to be more com-
fortable teaching what they know. It is probable that educators'
endorsement of some of the tenets of reflective inquiry and social
criticism and action derive from their awareness of the political and
"ethical incongruity between Nigeria's conceived values and those
which appear to be manifest, emerging practices--that of a disorient-
ing transition from former values to those of increased materialism,
greed, and money-consciousness" (of political, economic, and reli-
gious leaders) (Haglund, 1982, p. 366). Thus, they appear to believe
that schools can fulfill the demand of the policy to prepare students
to think reflectively and participate in the improvement of the soci-
ety. All these seem to exercise some influence on the educators and
how they perceive their role and the goals of citizenship education.
In this study the significant differences between the perspec-
tives of both teacher educators and school inspectors on one hand and
the teachers on the other support the contention that practicing
teachers perceive the purpose of social studies as different from
those of experts (Godwin, 1967; Saunders, 1968; Armitage, 1967; Joyce,
Alleman-Brooks, & Orimoloye, 1982). Using the Q-sort comparison,
Armitage found that while experts ranked the social studies goal "to
exercise critical judgment" first in importance out of 20 goal state-
ments, the teachers ranked the same goal seventh. The greatest
disparity was on the goal "to know and appreciate the contributions of
great Americans." Teachers ranked it fourth, and experts placed it in
seventeenth place. When Joyce and his associates asked teachers,

school administrators, and teacher educators to rank five definitions

123

of social studies, theyfound that while teacher educators ranked re-
flective inquiry first, the teachers placed it in third position.

In this study experts tended to take more radical views, being
more favorable toward reflective inquiry and social criticism and
action, while teachers were more favorable toward citizenship trans-
mission and social science. This difference might be traceable to the
extent of the closeness or familiarity of the two groups of profes-
sionals to the socio-political milieu or reality in which schools
exist. According to Giroux (1982), "the development of mode of radi-
cal pedagogy (like social criticism and action) might encounter enor-
mous resistance and even endanger one's job" (p. 49), especially
where there are structural and political constraints. The fear of
such constraints might account for teachers being less favorable to
both reflective inquiry and social criticism and action. In Nigeria
the appointments, promotions, and transfer of teachers are well known
to be indirectly or directly influenced or controlled by politicians.
‘Another reason for the differences might be due to the differences in
exposure to literature on different models and/or lack of systematic
teaching about the four models.

Regarding the perspectives of teachers according to grade level,
secondary teachers were more favorable toward reflective inquiry and
social criticism and action, while primary teachers were more favor-
able toward citizenship transmission. The assumption here, it would
appear, was that 10 year olds have ability to consume traditional
values, develop power of loyalty to the country, group, or family,
but no power of intelligence or ability to learn to analyze critical

issues of society. Understandably, the elementary teachers might have

124

been influenced by the level of intellectual develOpment of their stu-
dents and preoccupied with the fact that they need to learn some basic
cultural values and social processes which are immediate. Their en-
dorsement of the other models, especially reflective inquiry and so-
cial criticism and action, suggests that the teachers believe that
critical thinking and inquiry skills and attitudes are tools for ef-
fective citizenship in later life. For example, Hess and Torney
(1967) point to the enormous capacity of children and adolescents to
understand and critically analyze the world around them. Also, as
Bloom indicates, since most of the power of intellect is developed at
a very early age, it is indefensible to exclude even those under nine
years of age from serious discussion of the role of the citizen (Mas-
sialas, 1972). The result of this study matches Torney and Hess'
finding in which elementary teachers pay more attention to students'
compliance to rules and authority and independence from partisian
politics, all of which are in consonance with citizenship transmission
tenets.

The corresponding general decline in positive approach to radical
pedagogy--RI and SCA--in citizenship education with a decrease in the
level of teacher education as revealed in the current study tends to
support the view that the more schooling (education) an individual
has, the more effect this is likely to have on his/her capacity for
reasoned analysis. ‘Dacob (1957) confirmed this view, based on the
findings of his survey of the impact of college education on attitudes.
He found that college graduates tended to be less dogmatic, more
flexible in their beliefs, and more open to different points of view

than they were when they entered college. He also found that they

125

acquire greater capacity to reach judgment by reasoned thought instead
of blind opinion or on the basis of someone's unchallenged authority.
Usually those with higher education are more articulate on socio-
political issues in Nigeria. This was evident in more frequent demon—
strations by university students and in the nationalist movement of
the pre-independence of Nigeria. This finding does not only have im-
plications for the qualityirfteacher education,but also the quality of
education most Nigerians who might not go to college can get.

The effects of age and teaching experience were not as clear as
those of grade level and level of education. But strangely enough,
the younger teachers (20-25) and the oldest ones (46-55) had virtually
equal less positive approaches toward RI and SCA and more positive
attitudes toward CT. The same applied to teachers with
fewer years of teaching experience. This seems to contradict the
general belief that older people are more likely to be more dogmatic,
traditional, and, therefore, more likely to be more supportive of
citizenship transmission model than the younger ones. In the case of
Nigeria, this seemingly strange phenomenon can be explained in terms
of when and how the teachers acquired their education. It is not
uncommon in Nigeria that an individual can have three or four types
of teacher education at four different times in four different col-
leges, and there is no age limit. These trainings are usually carried
out on a sandwich basis. For example, a grade two elementary teacher
was required to teach for at least five years before s/he could pro—
ceed to a grade one college or a one-year diploma course in a univer-
sity. Until recently, an NCE teacher was required to have taught for

at least two years before s/he could be admitted into a degree program.

126

More importantly, many of the grade two and one teachers, through
external examinations like the General Certificate of Education (GCE,
O/L or A/L), still find their way to the university or college of
education after many trials. Also high school graduates can finish
their education in any teachers' college or university, depending on
their grades and admission opportunities. Thus, the different cate-
gories of teachers consist of teachers of different age groups and

different years of teaching experience.

Summary

Chapter V reports the data and analysis of the results. Five
hypotheses of no significant difference in social studies educa-
tors' perspectives about citizenship education were tested. (The
variables of professional position, level of teacher education, years
of teaching experience, grade level, and age were examined. Using
the multivariate analysis of variance technique (MANOVA), each null
hypothesis posed in Chapter I of this study was tested. The Scheffe
test of two group comparison was employed to determine the contribu-
tion of sub-groups to the differences among groups based upon the
variables mentioned above. The mean ratings of the different groups
were employed to explain the differences among the gorups.

On the basis of the results obtained, none of the five main
hypotheses tested in this study can be accepted. That is, all the
selected variables make significant differences in the way social
studies educators perceive the instructional goal of citizenship edu-
cation li§7aryj§_the four models--citizenship transmission, social

science, reflective inquiry, and social criticism and action.

127

The major results from data analysis show that educators are
eclectic in their perspectives, that there is a lack of agreement
between teacher educators/school inspectors and teachers and that
level of teacher education and grade level make significant differ-
ences in teachers' perspectives toward citizenship education.

The educators' eclecticism regarding their teaching philos0phy
were confirmed by previous studies. This suggests the educators are
either unsure of their teaching positionscn‘the models are not com-
pletely independent. However, in Nigeria, other factors such as in-
consistency in the demand of the national policy on education, the
educators' previous training in the social sciences and their aware-
ness of and reaction to the spate of social injustice in Nigerian
society might have contributed to the mixing of their philosophical
positions.

The lack of agreement between teachers and experts were also con-
firmed by previous studies. This might be due to the differences in
the amount of contact they have with the social and economic reality
in which schools exist. Probably because of social and political con-
straints, teachers were less positive to radical pedagogy and, there-
fore, perpetuate the status quo in order to amintain their jobs. Also
the practice of assymetrical social relationships in Nigerian society,
especially among the Yoruba, might have influenced teachers' perspec-
tives and, therefore, the tendency to endorse the citizenship trans-
mission mode1.

Teachers with higher education and who incidentally teach at the
secondary level reacted more positively to radical pedagogy about‘

citizenship education. This has implications for quality of education

128

at pre-secondary education level. Regarding the variables of age and
years of teaching experience, the pattern of teacher education which
allowed re-entry at different levels seems to have weakened the effect

of years of teaching experience and age on teachers' perspectives.

CHAPTER VI

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Summary

Literature, research studies, and policy on education are replete
with statements claiming that citizenship training is one of the main
purposes of education. The area of the school curriculum that is
charged with the greatest responsibility for achieving this objective
is social studies. This is reflected in the general consensus among
social studies educators that citizenship is the overriding purpose
of the field.

There seems to be considerable disagreement, however, as to what
"good" citizenship is and how to achieve it. Some educators regard
citizenship education as being concerned with the moral, ethical, so-
cial, and economic aspects of living, while others feel it is mostly
concerned with the social-political aspects. The assumption in this
study is that the most improtant factor in determining the curriculum
is the classroom teacher and, to some extent, those who influence him/
her--all those who hold particular assumptions or views about society,
citizenship, and pedagogy. Investigating what attitudes and perspec-
tives these educators hold toward philosophical teaching positions for
citizenship education would provide a basis for planning teacher educa-
programs on the university, college, and state ministry of education

levels.

129

130

In line with this rationale, the purpose of this study was to
determine the perspectives held by social studies educators in Oyo
State of Nigeria about the instructional goals of citizenship educa-
tion. Oyo State was chosen as the locale for the study because of its
advancement in educational and political activities in Nigeria. Citi-
zenship or political education as an integral part of education in
Nigeria is believed to have the potential of socializing students into
a common political culture and preparing them to be active citizens.

It was postulated in this study that, within the context of so-
cial studies education, one can view citizenship education from four
perspectives. These include Barth and Shermis' three traditions--
citizenship transmission, social sciences, and reflective inquiry--
and a fourth emerging model, social criticism and action. Each posi-
tion represents a certain philosophical view toward the purpose, con-
tent, and method of promoting citizenship education. The few studies
reported that deal with the philosophical position of social studies
teachers tend to support the contention that practicing teachers per-
ceive the purpose of citizenship education or social studies as dif-
ferent from those of the experts (Goodwin, 1967; Armitage, 1967; Saun-
ders, 1968; Joyce, Alleman-Brooks, & Orimoloye, 1982). But no study
to date in Nigeria has attempted to ascertain the teaching philosophy
of practicing social studies teachers regarding citizenship education.
Research directly employing the Barth-Shermis conceptual frameworks
dealt with preservice teachers in the United States and Nigeria (Barth
& Shermis, 1976) and practicing teachers in West Virginia (Bonar,

1977). Both studies revealed that the reflective inquiry position was

131

more favorably endorsed by U. S. teachers than Nigerian-preservice
teachers, most of whom were eclectic in their positions.

Basically, the citizenship transmission model explicitly intends
to transmit simultaneously information about and commitment to social
institutions and the norms of society, but in an unreflective manner.
Social reproduction and the perpetuation of the status quo are the
goals.

Citizenship and/or political education taught as the social
sciences, on the other hand, often objectifies the social phenomena
focused upon. It deals with problems identified by scholars in the
social science disciplines and employs social science methods to solve
them.

Reflective inquiry is a step in the direction of looking at so-
cial values, but such reflection is often in the context of decision-
making and values analysis and clarification. Such a reflection ex-
cludes fundamental criticism of the social institutions that give
meaning to legitimize the social values.

The social criticism and action position not only examines so-
cial problems, but also investigates the underlying causes of such
problems. Critical appraisal of social issues undertaken are often
linked to the study of the larger society and connected to a notion of
social justice. The focus is on how certain unjust social structures
can be identified and replaced. The belief is that authentic involve-
ment of citizens in the improvement of the society is desirable and
possible.

The sample units for this study were social studies educators.

This includes randomly selected primary class five, secondary forms

132

two and four social studies teachers, school inspectors, and teacher
educators in three of the four educational zones in Oyo State.

The instrument selected for this study was an adaptation of Barth
and Shermis' Social Studies Three Traditions Checklist. The author
modified the original instrument and added a fourth model. In an ef-
fort to make the instrument more useful in data collection, it was
essential to validate it. Five experts in social studies' education
were involved in the validation of the 60-item checklist. Inter-rater
agreement among the experts on each model was .98 for citizenship
transmission, .87 for social sciences, .86 for reflective inquiry, and
.80 for social criticism and action. The perspectives of the educa-
tors toward the instructional goals for citizenship education were
measured by asking them to rate representative statements about each
of the four models on a five-point Likert scale (1—5).

The educators' ratings of teaching positions or models were eval-
uated in relation to the variables of professional positions/status
(for all) and of grade level taught, level of teacher education, years
of teaching experience, and age (for the teachers only).

The basic hypotheses tested by this study were the following:

1. There is no significant difference in philosophical

position regarding the instructional goals of citi-
zenship-education among social studies educators
divided into groups based on professional position/
status.

2. There is no significant difference in philosophical
position regarding instructional goals of citizenship
education among teachers divided into groups based on
grade levels taught.

3. There is no significant difference in philosophical
position regarding instructional goals of citizenship

education among teachers divided into groups based on
levels of teacher education.

133

4. There is not significant difference in philosophical
position regarding the instructional goals of citizen-
ship education among teacher divided into groups based
on years of teaching experience.

5. There is no significant difference in philosophical
position regarding the instructional goals of citizen-
ship education among teachers divided into groups
based on age.

Data were collected using personally delivered questionnaires to
a total population of 350 social studies edUcators. Analysis of the
data was conducted on the basis of 255 respondents, approximately 73%
of the population.

Using the mean composite scores for each group on each model, the
multivariate analysis of variance technique was applied to test the
significance of the differences among the mean scores for the variable
of professional position/status, grade level, years of teaching experi-
ence, level of teacher education, and age. The Scheffe test of two
group comparison was used to make comparisons between groups. The
calculated F-value at the .05 level was regarded as significant.

The result of the analysis of data revealed that teachers, teacher-
educators, and school inspectors in Oyo State were favorably disposed
toward the four models. Therefore, they were eclectic in their philo-
sophical positions regarding the goals of citizenship education.
Generally, the teacher educators and school inspectors were more favor-
able toward the more radical views--reflective inquiry and social cri-
ticism and action--than the teachers who favored citizenship transmis-
sion. There was no significant difference in the way the educators
perceived social science as_a model of teaching citizenship education.

The variables of teaching experience, level of teacher education,

grade level taught, and age did make significant differences in the way

134

the teachers perceived the goal of citizenship education. Generally,
there was a decline in the educators' positive endorsement of the four
models from citizenship transmission to social criticism and action.
By mixing philosophical positions of teaching citizenship, the
educators might have been influenced by a number of factors. These in-
clude the inconsistency and/or lack of analysis of national objectives
for citizenship education and the educators‘ previous training in the
social sciences. The more positive endorsement some teachers gave the
citizenship transmission model might be a response to the social and
political constraints in the communities in which they word as well as
their concern for the developmental level of their students. The un-
clear and weak relationship between the variables of age and years of
teaching experience and the educators' perspectives about citizenship
education might be due to different levels of teacher education that

allow reentry regardless of age or years of teaching experience.

Conclusions

 

1. The analysis revealed there were significant differences in
the way social studies' educators in the Oyo State of Nigeria perceived
the instructional goals of citizenship. However, the univariate F-test
revealed that there was no significant difference among them on the
social science model. They seemed to believe in the dominant contribu-
tion of the social sciences to citizenship education. The teachers
exhibited a more positive endorsement of the citizenship transmission
model and reacted less positively toward the social criticism and ac-
tion model. The teacher educators and school inspectors, on the other
hand, were most positive toward reflective inquiry and social criticism

and action.

135

Discussion. The result seems to suggest that the teacher educa-

 

tion programs at all levels neither emphasized nor explained the dif-
ferences among the models as tools for examining content, method, and
purpose of citizenship education or social studies.

2. The analysis revealed that, despite the differences in the
educators' perspectives, they positively endorsed all the four models.
Their composite mean scores did not reach the 45 neutral mid-point.

Thus, they were eclectic in their teaching positions.

 

Discussion. This result may suggest that many of the educators
were either unsure of their teaching positions or lacked an understand-
ing of the fundamental underlying differences among the models. On
the other hand, their eclecticism regarding choice of models may seem
to suggest that each of the models has some contributions to make to
citizenship education. The evaluation of such contribution each can
make is left for further research.

3. The null hypothesis of no significant difference in philoso-
phical position regarding the instructional goals of citizenship educa-
tion among teachers divided into groups by grade level taught cannot be
accepted. Primary class V (10+ year olds) teachers were most favorably
positive toward citizenship transmission and less favorable toward re-
flective inquiry and social criticism and action models than the secon-
dary form two and, especially, secondary form four teachers.

Discussion. This result tends to suggest that primary teachers

 

considered acquisition of basic knowledge, values, and norms more ap-
pr0priate to the age of the children although not without the develop-
ment of critical thinking and inquiry skills. The fact that secondary

form four teachers had positive attitudes toward reflective inquiry and

136

social criticism and action seemed to augur well for the teaching of
citizenship education if emphasis could be placed on the teaching of
citizenship at that level. However, their greater positive attitude
toward social sciences than that of any other group probably reflected
the pressure or demand of the educational system. The subjects are
examination-oriented and are required for admission to higher education

4. The level of teacher education the teachers attained made a
significant difference in the way they perceived the instructional
goals of citizenship education. Thus, hypothesis three was rejected.
Teachers with higher levels of education tended to be more positive
toward radical views of citizenship education (reflective inquiry and
social criticism and action). A

5. The analysis did not permit accepting the null hypothesis that
there were no significant differences in philosophical position regard-
ing the instructional goals of citizenship education among teachers
divided into groups based on age and years of teaching experience.
Strangely, teachers with few years of teaching experience (1-5 years)
and those within the age group 21-25 years reacted more favorably to-
ward citizenship transmission than those who were above 46 years of
age and those who had taught for more than 26 years.

Discussion. Considering that 30-35% of the sample were within

 

this group, it would appear that both preservice and inservice teacher
education might not have been geared toward a careful analysis and
achievement of the stated national objectives for citizenship educa-
tion--deve10pment of critical thinking and inquiry skills and ability

to contribute to the improvement of society-~vis-a-vis the choice of

137

content and methods. The objectives imply some transformation rather
than mere transmission of the status quo.

6. From the foregoing, it would seem logical to conclude that
citizenship education programs in the schools cannot be said to be
based on any of the philosophical positions. It is, therefore, diffi-
cult to determine the extent the practices in schools are in conso-

nance with the stated national objectives.

Recommendations

 

Experience with the present study has indicated possible interven-
ing strategies and several areas for further research. The following
recommendations are suggested for consideration.

1. Consistent with the findings of this study and those of earli—
er studies that social studies' educators, particularly Nigerian edu-
cators, were eclectic in their perspectives on citizenship, it is re-
commended that the models (citizenship transmission, social science,
reflective inquiry, and social criticism and action) be used as a means

of analyzing and evaluating acitizenship education programs rather than

 

for organizing (Barth & Shermis, 1979) the field. Such analysis must
include an appraisal of cultural values to be transmitted or trans-
formed or replaced; a systematic study, through reflective inquiry and
criticism, of some aspects of what is available in the disciplines
that can contribute to the resolution of social and personal problems;
and what and how, in light of current issues, can be done to ensure
social justice. A unified and synthesized approach being suggested
here takes one far beyond the question of passing judgment as to

whether the models are mutually exclusive, into the essential matter of

rationale building.

138

It is further suggested that a rationale for

citizenship education in a society in transition like Nigeria should

be predicted on the concepts of continuity and change and/or trans-

formation and stability.

Such a rationale should be derived from the

analysis of society, especially its social, economic, and political

institutions and practices.

In a schematic form, topics or themes to be dealt with could be

examined as follows:

Type of
Knowledge

Related information
from trandtion and/
or the disciplines

Specific informa-
tion relevant to
particular issues
or problems (de-
rived from current
and a variety of
sources)

Analysis and
Explanation

 

To address what,
why, and how of .
issues or problems
as they relate to
students' lives and
the larger society

To develop con-
cepts and generali-
zations relating

to socio-political
issues

Actions and
Implications

 

By whom and how and
for whose benefit

Emphases on the
role and rights of
individuals and
institutions in the
socio-political
system

 

Purpose: to de-
velOp knowledge
that students would
need for effective
involvement

Purpose: to de-
ve10p intellectual
skills and political
knowledge and poli-
tical attitudes

Purpose: to de-
velop participation
skills and politi-
cal attitudes:
e.g., efficacy

 

 

2. The study reveals that teacher educators and school inspectors

who service the teachers have more radical perspectives on citizenship

education than the teachers.

It is therefore recommended that teacher“

education programs--preservice and inservice-gshould include provision

for analysis and critique of the different models in relation to stated

objectives of citizenship education in Nigeria.

Analysis and critique

139

should focus on the type of political knowledge, intellectual skills,
political participation skills, and political attitudes that need to
be developed in relation to objectives stated in more specific terms.

3. Recent studies (Salawu, 1982; Dahunsi, 1979; Okoh, 1979)
showed that many of the instructional materials, especially textbooks,
were inadequate and inappropriate for the new social studies' instruc-
tion promoted at the state level in Nigeria. It is therefore recom-
mended that research be undertaken to analyze social studies content
textbooks in order to guide their selection with a view to achieving
the goals of citizenship education and social studies in general. Such
analysis should consider, among others, the language in relation to
grade level, the treatment of power relations in different settings,
the duties and rights of good citizens, conflicts over beliefs and
values, explanation and interpretation of principles and practices of
socio-political and economic institutions as well as historical con-
flicts and unresolved socio-economic political problems in Nigeria--at
school, local, state, and national levels--as well as the world at
large.

4. As in other states of Nigeria, the teachers in Oyo State not
only have different levels of education, but some are also requested
to teach grade levels other than the ones they are specifically trained
to teach. This is due to a shortage of qualified teachers. In this
circumstance, it is crucial to update teachers' knowledge of new ap-
proaches to social studies education. It is therefore recommended that
teacher colleges and universities, under the auspices of the Nigerian
Education Research Council, should undertake studies or projects on

citizenship education to develop and try out new instructional materials

140

in schools as guides to teachers. In order to acquaint teachers with
the results of such projects, in addition to weekend courses, it is
recommended that the Social Studies Association of Nigeria and inter-
ested academic organizations should own official journal(s) that would
provide a forum for communication between researchers and practitioners.
The projects and communication between colleges and schools will ac-
quaint the former with the realities of classroom and society and the
latter with the content, method, and purpose of citizenship education.

5. Since the present study is the first of its kind in Nigeria,
it is recommended that similar studies be conducted in other settings--
grade level or state--to determine teachers' perspectives toward citi-
zenship education. The results would give national perspectives on
citizenship education. The findings would be of particular value in
effecting changes in the national curriculum for the schools and
teacher education programs.

6. Since the present study shows that teachers lean positively
toward all the different models, it is recommended that the teaching
behaviors of social studies teachers be directly observed to see if
they are quite as eclectic in the classroom. Such a study would focus
on the type of political knowledge, intellectual skills, political par-
ticipation skills, and political attitudes teachers emphasize. The
implication of classroom climate research for teacher selection and
training have potential for improving education.

7. Since there are formal as well as informal aspects of curricu-
lum associated with citizenship education, research could be done to
determine the contribution of the school environment. Such a study

could address questions such as:

141

a. To what extent does the quasi-political school
culture provide impetus for political attitude
formation and change during the schooling pro-
cess? Political attitudes to be considered may
include predisposition to political loyalty,
trust, political participation, and political
efficacy.

b. What school organization types have been linked
to student political attitudes? School organi-
zations that have been identified include elite,

bureaucratic, coalitional, and participant

 

(Ehman & Gillespie, 1975; Siegel, 1977; Metzger,
1978; Wittes, 1972). These categories can be
examined along the dimensions of political
efficacy, trust, social integration, and par-
ticipation.

8. It is recommended that studies be conducted where interaction
effects among variables are examined. The four variables posed in this
study, for example, could be paired in a number of ways, such as:

Age and education

Teaching experience and education

Age and teaching experience

Grade level taught and teaching experience, etc.
Again, the implications of the interaction effects among variables have
potential for the selection and training of both preservice and inser-

vice teachers.

142

9. Investigating the effects of other variables, like location--
urban or rura1--age and population of schools, sex of teachers, etc.,
could provide useful data for determining factors that affect teachers'
general perspectives toward citizenship education. This has implica-
tions for teacher education in the adaptation of programs to different
situations; e.g., rural-urban, small, and large schools.

10. The purpose of the current study--investigating social studies
educators' perspectives toward citizenship education--might also have
been achieved if the educators had been asked to rank statement of
qualities of "good" citizenship. The statements should derive from
the tenets of the four models--citizenship transmission, social
sciences, reflective inquiry, and social criticism and action--as they
relate to the type of political knowledge, intellectual skills, poli-
tical participation skills, and political attitudes that each would
emphasize. Broadly, the analysis of the educators' responses might
allow their classification into groups of those who emphasize (a)
politically active citizenship (social criticism and action), (b)
political awareness (reflective inquiry), (c) politically disengaged
(social science/citizenship transmission), and (d) non-politically
minded (citizenship transmission and system maintenance with an empha-

sis on social behavior).

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

CORRESPONDENCE

9146 Cherry Lane
East Lansing
Michigan 48823
U.S.A.

May 10, 1982

The Permanent Secretary

(Primary, Secondary, and Teacher
Training Divisions)

Ministry of Education

Ibadan, Oyo State

Nigeria

Dear Sirs:

RE: Request for Permission to Conduct Research in
Citizenship Education

I am currently a doctoral student in the Department of Administration
and Curriculum, College of Education, at Michigan State University in
East Lansing, Michigan.

I hereby request your permission to collect data from social studies
teachers in primary and secondary schools, school inspectors, and
teacher educators in respect to my study from the beginning of June,
1982. My research focuses on citizenship education in Oyo State
primary and secondary schools.

Your support is requested in the form of a letter of introduction to
provosts/principals and head teachers. I hope my study will be of
great significance to the state, especially its educational system.

Sincerely,

fif;7rfi~af{
‘Péter S. 0;;gzioye

 

143

144

Telephone: mom 62330-38
Telegram: moat

MINISTRY OF EDUCATION
PRIMARY AND TEACHER TRAINING DIVISION
IBADAN - 0Y0 STATE OF NIGERIA

Your Ref. No --
All Mentions to be address:
to the Pernument Secretary quoting

Our Ref. No ................................. Dan: 14 June, 1982,

 

 

To:-
The Provos t/Principals/fiead teachers

Advanced Teachers Colleges
Secondary Schools

Teacher Training Colleges
and Primary Schools

Ibadan Zone

Ileana/Ire Zone

Oshogbo Zone

Oyo State.

Research in Citizenship Eduation

This is to say that the bearer Mr. Peter S. Orimoloye who is a
Doctoral Student in the Department of Administration and Curriculum,
College of Education, at Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan
U.S.A. has been permitted to visit schools in Oyo State for thepurpose of
collecting data for his doctoral thesis. It will be appreciated if you
give him your full cooperation.

_ .. / /
\.~ \ e .4
Q J’fiV-vwwj.

\\.-

(s. 1*. mm)‘

for Permanent Secretary,
Department of Education.

APPENDIX B

QUESTIONNAIRE FOR 0Y0 STATE
PRIMARY AND SECONDARY SCHOOLS'
SOCIAL STUDIES EDUCATORS

QUESITONNAIRE FOR 0Y0 STATE
PRIMARY AND SECONDARY SCHOOLS'
SOCIAL STUDIES EDUCATORS

The following statements are designed to provide information on
how one feels regarding citizenship education. You may see yourself
agreeing with some of the statements, disagreeing with others, and
being uncertain about still others.’

There is no right or wrong answer to any statement. Your response
to each statement can range from strongly agree to strongly disagree,
as follows: 1 = strongly agree (SA), 2 = mostly agree (A), 3 = un-
certain (U), 4 = mostly disagree (0), 5 = strongly disagree (SD).

Please circle the response that describes your feelings towards

each statement (teachers only: in respect to your class) in Part II.

 

 

 

 

 

my.

1.0 Please complete as appropriate:

1.1 Name of school/college/university

1.2 Present position

1.3 Class or form taught (teachers only)

1.4 Highest teaching qualification

1.5 Years of teaching experience

1.6 Age (circle the appropriate age bracket):
Below 21 30-35 45-50
21-25 36-40 51-55
26-30 41-45 Above 55

145

1.7
1.8
>,

EB

:0)
on:
5.3.
44:»
m<
1 2
1 2
1 2
1 2
1 2
1 2
1 2
1 2

Sex

146

 

Educational zone

Strongly
Disagree

.5
m l

4 5
4 5
4 5
4 5
4 5
4 5
4 5

 

Part II

Teacher should help students assess personal
and social value conflicts.

Students who have the benefit of studying
problems arising out of the different social
sc1ence disciplines--e.g., geography, history,
econom1cs, government, etc.--are more likely
to become 1ndependent and objective in their
analy51s of social problems.

Students' understanding of the scientific
method can best be developed if they are
directly involved in the analysis and inter-
pretation of data (e.g., by use of research
methods like interview, observation, ques-
tionnaire to college data, analyze them, and
draw conclusions).

Students should become citizens who have moral
courage to defend our traditional social sys-
tem although imperfect--i.e., be lOyal and
patriotic. '

Students should recognize that teachers and
curriculum developers are best qualified to
identify the important problems from our
heritage.

Social science concepts and the scientific
method should be used to develop disciplined
behavior in the citizenship education.

Evaluate students on their abilities to
identify and analyze problems and evaluate
their choices of solutions in resolving per-
sonal and social problems.

Giving students regular practice in applying
decision-making skills about social issues

will help them develop more disciplined be-
havior (e.g., decisions regarding school rules,
use of public utilities, allocation and use of
resources, etc.).

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

147

Students can organize their knowledge about
social problems best by using the research
procedures and findings of social sc1ence.
authorities.

Although of limited immediate relevance, stu-
dents should recognize that knowledge of spe-
cifics and values which are traditional will be
needed in later life (e.g., extended family
life, authority relations in society).

Students' loyalty should be directed at acquir-
ing knowledge and skills to criticize and eval-
uate social and political institutions and
individual behavior in order to effect social
justice (e.g., education system, police, Nigerian
Electric Power Authority--NEPA, etc.).

Teachers should use students' ideas to illus-
trate and strengthen the traditional themes
and values which support the best elements of
our heritage.

Students' loyalty should be directed only to a
process which emphasizes reflection upon stu-
dents' own needs and interests (and not to a
particular value or institution)

Students should accept the inherent logic
of beliefs, attitudes, and values which have
molded our society.

Teachers and students should rely on knowledge
derived from a critical evaluation of a
variety of sources of information-~political,
social, economic-~relative to problems they
set out to solve;

———..

Teachers should use student ideas to promote
free discussion of controversial issues to give
the students better understanding of their
communities (village, town, local community,
state, nation, and the world).

Students should have moral courage to explore
their beliefs, preserve or alter their decision
based on valid evidence.

Help students have moral co
ura e to def
and rely on the methods of socgal scienggd

' investigation even when the results obtained

19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

148

h uld have the moral courage to explore
5:15:25? :afie stands on issues and make the1r
feelings known to authority (e.g., through .
demonstratons in support for or against an 1ssue,
petition, or protest, voting, etc.).

Students should be evaluated on their ability
to identify.recall and recognize bas1c 1nfor-.
mation and values which are cons1dered essent1al
by society.

Relevance of content in solving student—
identified problems can best be judged by
students themselves (e.g., when they apply

skills to identify and investigate personal
and social problems).

Teachers should help students acquire and
apply skills of initiating and participating
in finding solutions to personal and social
problems (through meaningful participating

in class, school, community, national affairs).

Teachers' questioning strategies should focus
students' attention on recalling important
information and values which are essential for

becoming a participating adult member of our
society, ’ ‘

Students' capacity to become more logical will
improve as they sense and identify personal and
social problems and reflect on the decision-
making process in resolving them (e.g., demo-
cratic principles).

Students should recognize and accept the prin-
ciples, generalizations, and values Wh1Ch are
essential to the continuance of society.

Students who understand their values and con-
sequences of their decisions will be prepared

to formulate responsible solutions to personal
and social problems.

Students who understand the differences be-
tween the stated and actual human rights (as
well as legal and moral issues) can better be
prepared to accept the consequences of the

actions they take to resolve personal and
social problems.

28

29

30

31

32

33

34

35

36

37

149

What and how students know should arise from
analyzing and evaluating information to make
judgments about personal and social problems
derived from students' needs and interests.

Students should place their loyalty in the
objective and analytical processes of the
social sciences rather than mere understanding
and feelings or emotions of average people.

Students should be helped to recognize and
accept the fact that their independence is
subject to limitations imposed by their
social heritage.

Students should be helped to acquire the analy-
tical thinking skill and logic used by social
scientists to solve rational, personal, and so-
cial problems.

Question strategies should aim at helping
students criticize, test, and evaluate their
beliefs about social issues (e.g., criti-

cism of relationships among individuals,
groups, institutions, and nations, like em-
ployees and employers, men and women, developed
and undeveloped nations). '

Evaluate students on their ability to apply
problem-solving skills, judge alternative
courses of action, and make choices.

Students who had acquired the skills to dif-
ferentiate, analyze, and evaluate personal and
social problems should become independent in
their choice of means of resolving them.

Help students see and perceive problems as
arising from conflicts within their own be-
liefs and value systems.

Students should develop skills in solving
problems which social science scholars have
agreed are appropriate for students to pur-
sue. '

Students should learn the basic obligations
and responsibilities of good citizenship from
their teachers and society (e.g., pay tax,
obey law, be patriotic, vote, etc.).

38

39

4O

41

42

43

44

45

46

47

150

Teachers should use student ideas in formulat-
ing and conducting stud1es Similar to those
done by social scientists (e.g., local studies--

history and geography, trade pattern--national
and international, etc.).

Teacher and students should recognize as sources
of authority textbooks, writers, scholars who
have selected the most important and enduring
values and content for citizenship education

or social studies.

Constantly giving benefit to students to exer-
cise their rights and responsibilities can
make them more able to defend their rights and
liberties as well as those of others (to pro-
mote disciplined behavior or good citizenship).

Teachers should clarify both the generalization
and process of social sciences for students who
will perceive their importance in the future
(e.g., understanding operation of federalism,
location of industries, etc.).

Students should engage in reflection on problems
of their own choosing and learn to be indepen-
dent in their thinking and actions.

Questioning strategies should help to clarify
social science concepts and generalizations
(e.g., regional differentiation regarding human
activities).

The validity and relevance of content of citi-
zenship education can best be judged by stu-
dents themselves (when it enables them to ac-
tively participate in effecting changes in so-
cial, economic, and political institutions and
to have confidence in their ability to effect
chanqe>in their own lives and society).

Students should become loyal to those ideals

from our heritage like unquestioned respect
for elders, authority, etc.

Meaningful problems can only arise if students

(sense and realize the impact of conflicts within

their own beliefs and value systems (societal
values).

Teachers should present the concepts and metho-
dologies of the social science discipline so

that students can apply them to solve selected
social problems.

48

49

50

51

52

53_

54

55

56

151

What and how students know and the subsequent
action they decide to take should arise from
investigating problems which affect their in-
terests and needs as well as those of their
communities (e.g., problem of interpreting
aspects of the constitution dealing with
election procedures, provision of amenities,
distribution and location of facilities, etc.)

Teachers should guide students to clarify their
thinking through reflection about issues which
concern them and their community.

To guarantee the continuation of our prized
heritage, teachers should clarify for students
the traditional beliefs upon which our society
was founded (e.g., decision about how to

solve problems is best made by an elder).

Teachers should use students' ideas about social,
political, and economic processes to help them
initiate and participate in finding solutions to
social problems (e.g., joining others to make
demands of the authority, participate in raising
funds to build health centers or roads, etc.).

Students should discipline their behavior to
conform with certain basic information and
values.

Students who use social science concepts and-

methods will probably formulate and propose
responsible solution to resolve social problems.

Questioning strategies should aim at helping
students criticize, test, and evaluate their
beliefs about social issues (e.g., identify-
ing, critizing, and evaluating sources of
information about social issues like corrup-
t1on, ethnicism, etc.).

By internalizing the concepts and methods of
the social sciences, students should be able
to develop a disciplined mode of analytical
thinking--identifying problem, thinking of
solutions, gathering data, analyzing, drawing
conclusions, and evaluating conclusions.

Reliance should be placed only on knowledge
derived from critical analysis of social and
personal problems sensed by teachers and
students. - .

57

58

59

60

152

Student progress can best be assessed by how
well they apply social science concepts and
methodology to problems novel to them (e.g.,
reading and interpreting maps, graphs, pic-
tures, etc.).

Students should be helped to clarify their ideas
about society through free discussion of con-
troversial issues-~social, political, economic,
etc. (e.g., corruption, profeteering, religion,
ethnicism) to guide their choices of solutions
to them.

Teachers should organize their classrooms for
the task of acquiring basic information and
values.

Students' capacity to become more logical will
improve as they sense, examine, and evaluate
causes of conflicts among groups in society
(social, political, religious, ethnic groups)
and reflect on their impacts and the possible
ways of resolving them.

CITIZENSHIP TRANSMISSION MODEL

Students should be helped to recognize and
accept the fact that their independence is
subject to limitations imposed by their
social heritage.

Students should learn the basic obligations
and responsibilities of good citizenship from
their teachers and society (e.g., pay tax,
obey law, be patridtic, vote, etc.).

Students should become loyal to those ideals
from our heritage like unquestioned respect
for elders, authority, etc.

Students should become citizens who have moral
courage to defend our traditional social sys-
tem although imperfect--i. e. , be loyal and
patriotic.

Students should accept the inherent logic
of beliefs, attitudes, and values which have
molded our society.

To guarantee the continuation of our prized
heritage, teachers should clarify for students
the traditional beliefs upon which our society
was founded (e.g., decision about how to

solve problems is best made by an elder).

Teachers should use students' ideas to illus-
trate and strengthen the traditional themes
and values which support the best elements of
our heritage.

Teachers' questioning strategies should focus
students' attention on recalling important
'information and values which are essential for
becoming a participating adult member of our
society.

Teachers should organize their classrooms for
the task of acquiring basic information and
values.

153

1O

11

12

13

14

15

16

17_

18

19

154

Students should be evaluated on their ability
to identify.reca11 and recognize basic infor-
mation and values which are considered essential
by society.

Teacher and students should recognize as sources
of authority textbooks, writers, scholars who
have selected the most important and enduring
values and content for citizenship education

or social studies.

Students should recognize and accept the prin-
ciples, generalizations, and values which are
essential to the continuance of society.

Students should discipline their behavior to
conform with certain basic information and
values. '

Students should recognize that teachers and
curriculum developers are best qualified to
identify the important problems from our
heritage.

Although of limited immediate relevance, stu-
dents should recognize that knowledge of spe-
cifics and values which are traditional will be
needed in later life (e.g., extended family
life, authority relations in society).

SOCIAL SCIENCE MODEL

Students who have the benefit of studying
problems arising out of the different social
science disciplines--e.g., geography, history,
economics, government, etc.--are more likely
to become independent and objective in their
analysis of social problems.

Students who use social science concepts and
methods will probably formulate and propose
responsible solution to resolve social problems.

Students should place their loyalty in the
objective and analytical processes of the
social sciences rather than mere understanding
and feelings or emotions of average people.

Help students have moral courage to defend
and rely on the methods of social science
investigation even when the results obtained
run counter to popular opinion.

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

28

29

Students should be helped to acquire the analy-
tical thinking skill and logic used by social
scientists to solve rational, personal, and so-
cial problems.

Teachers should clarify both the generalization
and process of social sciences for students who
will perceive their importance in the future
(e.g., understanding operation of federalism,
location of industries, etc.).

Teachers should use student ideas in formulat-
ing and conducting studies similar to those

done by social scientists (e.g., local studies--
history and geography, trade pattern--national
and international, etc.).

Questioning strategies should help to clarify
social science concepts and generalizations
(e.g., regional differentiation regarding human
activities).

Teachers should present the concepts and metho-
dologies of the social science discipline so
that students can apply them to solve selected
social problems.

Student progress can best be assessed by how
well they apply social science concepts and
methodology to problems novel to them (e.g.,
reading and interpreting maps, graphs, pic-
tures, etc.).

Students can organize their knowledge about
social problems best by using the research
procedures and findings of social science.
authorities.

Students' understanding of the scientific
method can best be developed if they are
directly involved in the analysis and inter-
pretation of data (e.g., by use of research
methods like interview, observation, ques-
tionnaire to college data, analyze them, and
draw conclusions).

Social science concepts and the scientific
method should be used to develop disciplined
behavior in the students.

Students should develop skills in solving
problems which social science scholars have
agreed are appropriate for students to pur-
sue. '

30

31

32

33

34

35

36

37

156

By internalizing the concepts and methods of
the social sciences, students should be able
to develop a disciplined mode of analytical
thinking--identifying problem, thinking of
solutions, gathering data, analyzing, drawing
conclusions, and evaluating conclusions.

REFELECTIVE INQUIRY MODEL

Students should engage in reflection on problems
of their own choosing and learn to be indepen-
dent in their thinking and actions.

Students who understand their values and con-
sequences of their decisions will be prepared
to formulate responsible solutions to personal
and social problems.

Students' loyalty should be directed only to a
process which emphasizes reflection upon stu-
dents' own needs and interests (and not to a
particular value or institution) (e.g., choice
of friendship,belonging to a group or choosing
a career).

Students should have moral courage to explore
their beliefs, preserve or alter their decision
based on valid evidence.

Students' capacity to become more logical will
improve as they sense and identify personal and
social problems and reflect on the decision-
making process in resolving them (e.g., demo-
cratic principles).

Teachers should guide students to clarify their
thinking through reflection about issues which
concern them and their community.

Teachers should use student ideas to promote
free discussion of controversial issues to give
the students better understanding of their
communities (village, town, local community,
state, nation, and the world).

38

39

40

41

42

43

44

45

46

157

Questioning strategies should aim at helping
students criticize, test, and evaluate their
beliefs about social issues (e.g., identify-
ing, critizing, and evaluating sources of
information about social issues like corrup-
tion, ethnicism, etc.).

Teacher should help students assess personal
and social value conflicts.

Evaluate students on their ability to apply
problem-solving skills, judge alternative
courses of action, and make choices.

Reliance should be placed only on knowledge
derived from critical analysis of social and
personal problems sensed by teachers and
students.

Giving students regular practice in applying
decision-making skills about social issues

will help them develop more disciplined be-
havior (e.g., decisions regarding school rules,
use of public utilities, allocation and use of
resources, etc.).

What and how students know should arise from
analyzing and evaluating information to make
judgments about personal and social problems
derived from students' needs and interests.

Help students see and perceive problems as
arising from conflicts within their own be-
liefs and value systems.

Relevance of content in solving student—
identified problems can best be judged by
students themselves (e.g., when they apply
skills to identify and investigate personal
and social problems).

SOCIAL CRITICISM AND ACTION MODEL

Students who had acquired the skills to dif-
ferentiate, analyze, and evaluate personal and
social problems should become independent in
their choice of means of resolving them.

APPENDIX C

THE FOUR MODELS

47

48

49

50

51

52

53

158

Students who understand the differences be-
tween the stated and actual human rights (as
well as legal and moral issues) can better be
prepared to accept the consequences of the
actions they take to resolve personal and
social problems.

Students' loyalty should be directed at acquir-
ing knowledge and skills to criticize and eval-
uate social and political institutions and
individual behavior in order to effect social
justice (e.g., education system, police, Nigerian
Power Electric Authority--NEPA, etc.).

Students should have the moral courage to explore
beliefs, take stands on issues and make their
feelings known to authority (e.g., through
demonstratons in support for or against an issue,
petition, or protest, voting, etc.).

Students' capacity to become more logical will
improve as they sense, examine, and evaluate
causes of conflicts among groups in society
(social, political, religious, ethnic groups)
and reflect on their impacts and the possible
ways of resolving them.

Students should be helped to clarify their ideas
about society through free discussion of con-
troversial issues--social, political, economic,
etc. (e.g., corruption, profeteering, religion,
ethnicism) to guide their choices of solutions
to them.

Teachers should use students' ideas about social,
political, and economic processes to help them
initiate and participate in finding solutions to
social problems (e.g., joining others to make
demands of the authority, participate in raising
funds to build health centers or roads, etc.).

Question strategies should aim at helping
students criticize, test, and evaluate their
beliefs about social issues (e. g. , criti-

cism of relationships among individuals,
groups, institutions, and nations, like em-
ployees and employers, men and women, developed
and undeveloped nations).

54

55

56

57

58

59

60

159

Teachers should help students acquire and
apply skills of initiating and participating
in findin solutions to personal and social
problems ?through meaningful participating

in class, school, community, national affairs).

Evaluate students on their abilities to
identify and analyze problems and evaluate
their choices of solutions in resolving per-
sonal and social problems.

Teachers and students should rely on knowledge
derived from a critical evaluation of a
variety of sources of information--political,
social, economic--relative to problems they
set out to solve.»

What and how students know and the subsequent
action they decide to take should arise from
investigating problems which affect their in-
terests and needs as well as those of their
communities (e.g., problem of interpreting
aspects of the constitution dealing with
election procedures, provision of amenities,
distribution and location of facilities, etc.)

Constantly giving benefit to students to exer-
cise their rights and responsibilities can
make them more able to defend their rights and
liberties as well as those of others (to pro-
mote disciplined behavior or good citizenship).

Meaningful problems can only arise if students
sense and realize the impact of conflicts within
their own beliefs and value systems (societal
values).

The validity and relevance of content of citi-
zenship education can best be judged by stu-
dents themselves (when it enables them to ac-
tively participate in effecting changes in so-
cial, economic, and political institutions and
to have confidence in their ability to effect
change in their own lives and society).

LIST OF REFERENCES

LIST OF REFERENCES

Books

Adaralegbe, A. (Ed. 1 A hiloso by for Ni erian education. Ibadan:
Heinemann Educational BSoEs, 1972.

Adorno, T. W. Prisms. London: Spearman, 1967.

 

 

Almond, G. A.. Introduction: A functional approach to comparative
politics. In G. A. Almond, & J. S. Coleman (Eds.), The
politics of the developing areas. Princeton, NJ: PFTficeton
University Press, 1960.

 

Almond, G. A., 6 Powell. Comparative politics, a develogment
approach. Boston: Little Brown, 1966.,

 

Awolowo, 0. Paths to Nigeria's freedom. London: Faber and Faber,
1947.

 

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