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a#A+#6#"1'!!!!"#$%#&"''())**#&+,(-.!@1A$B&C"&$D)#"CC>$F!*!KGDGDCGK!;BK!E=EFE?N!DGGFE=@Z!E=!)GCKB?K9!STUb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d=EGNNGZ!9;B!@GF!LMGIE?N!DG=FE;=!O;K!9;BK!GOO;KFL!E=!?LLELFE=@!DG!E=!F!%MM?KG=FN9Z!*!LFENN!!!"#$%#$56#7-(*324.#D4,C$E1&55&Z!;BK!OEL!&;B!;MG=GH!9;BKLGNOZ!9;BK!<;DGZ!?=H!9;BK!EHG?Le!9;B!GJG=!F;;X!F!8;FF;D!NE=GZ!9;B!!1!!HJ"=,"C$K4)**"CZ!WG!W?NXGH!;=F;!F!$!#?KN9!;=Z!9;B!J?NBGH!F!&;B]JG!CGG=!MGKLELFG=F!E=!9;BK!JELE;=!F;!D?XE=@!LI<;N?KL!&;B]JG!CGI;DG!;=G!;O!D9!HG?KGLF!OKEG=HL!?=H!*]D!@K?FGOBN!F;!!1;!D?=9!D;KG!9G?KL!;O!OKEG=HL!!%)-7"1*0C$O&,()-Z!W!*]D!L;!@N?H!9;B!HEH>!*]JG!F<;K;B@!1!6;LF!;O!?NNZ!F!!@)0.$+641&0*-&.C"Z!WG]JG!GDC?KXGH!;=![;BK=G9L!;O!E=FGNNGIF!?=H!;O!F!$EF!&;B!MN?9GH!?!XG9!K;NG!E=!I;=JE=IE=@!DG!F;!I;DG!F;!6'-!O;K!D9!H;IF;K?N!LFBHEGLe!*]D!@N?H!*!NELFG=GH>!*!N;;X!O;KW?KH!F;!?!NEOGFEDG!;O!I;=FE=BGH!I;=JGKL?FE;=!?C;BF!NEOG]L!D9LFGKEGL>!!B&1,&$!)2)5-'Z!*!HGGMN9!?MMKGIE?FG!!&;B]KG!GOOEIEG=FZ!9;B]KG!D;FEJ?FGHZ!?=H!9;B]KG!XE=H>!$G!FG=H!F;!!JEEE!;MGK?FG!;=!F!&;B]JG!CGG=!D9!?II;B=F?CENEF9!M?KF=GKZ!D9!I;NN?C;K?F;KZ!?=H!!1!*!<;MG!WG!@GF!F;!W;KX!F;@GF!!!3)-,(4&$E1)#7'Z!9;B!E=LMEKG!DG!E=!L;!D?=9!W?9L,!F!(=G!;O!D9!@KG?F!KG@KGFL!EL!F!&;B]JG!CGG=!;=G!;O!F!1!!I"($:0564,-()-Z!WG]JG!!$!1!*!N;;X!O;KW?KH!F;!9;B!D?XE=@!W?JGLf!$G!!!!!"#$%#8-")+*-4.#3&4",;$B'"1(Z!9;B]JG!CGG=!WEF!&;B!?=H!*!!&;B]KG!;=G!;O!F!1!$!!!!E\!H1,6$I,77,6=Z!WG!@;!C?IXgW?9Z!W?9!C?IX>!%=H!*]NN!?NW?9L!<;=;K!F!&;B!?KG!D9!CGLF!OKEG=HZ!D9!CGLF!D?=Z!?=H!FKBLFGH!@BEHGZ!I;DG!!$G]JG!CGG=!;=!?=!?HJG=FBKG!;K!FW;!F;@GF!1!*!F!1!@&7Z!F!P7&C,7&Z!F!%=HZ!F!B,.0"CZ!F!I,JZ!F!1!1!!!!"#$%#:";4.!6?E?!?=H!6GHBL?Z!9;B!;OOGKGH!DG!I;DM?=9!W!!!!####!!\!1%8a#!()!2("1#"1'!!!2>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!U!!!!!8?IX@K;B=H,!AGOE=EFE;=L!3!2N?KEOEI?FE;=Lggggggggggggggggggg>!!i!'GFFE=@!F>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!Ub!R?KFEIEM?=F!.GIKBEFDG=F!>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!ST!'GFFE=@!F>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!SS!!*"1#.a-A#!>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!Sj!!2>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!SV!(KEG=FE=@!aE=GL!>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!bU!$<9!'F;KEGLh!>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!bk!.GN?FE;=?N!%II;B=F?CENEF9!3!.>>!bi!'F;K9FGNNGK!*=FK;HBIFE;=L!>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!kV!!*"1#.a-A#!>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!jl!!2>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!mU!1K?=LO;KD?FE;=?N!'F;K9FGNNE=@!>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!mb!!!!!!.GDE\E=@!*HG=FEF9,!8G9;=H!F>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!VT!1K?=LO;KD?FEJG!'F;K9FGNNE=@!>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!Vi!!!!!!'F;K9FGNNE=@!RK?IFEIGL,!#DM;WGKDG=FZ!%IFEJELDZ!?=H!%HJ;I?I9!>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!ik!!!!!!*=!1>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!ii!!*"1#.a-A#!>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!lS!!2>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!lk!(=!'M?FE?NEF9!3!aEDE=?NEF9!>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!lm!*=FGKE;KL!?=H!#\FGKE;KL,!1K?JGKLE=@!A;D?E=L!>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!UTT!!!!!"G@;FE?FE=@!2KGHECENEF9gggggggggggggggggggggggg>>>g>>>UUU!!!!aEDE=?NEF9Z!RGKIGMFE;=Z!RGKO;KD?=IGgggggggggggg>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>UUi!!*"1#.a-A#!>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!USm!!2>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!USi!1<;B@>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!UbS!*DMNEI?FE;=L!E=!F>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!Ubi!'GGE=@!F>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!Ukk!*DMNEI?FE;=L!3!)BFBKG!'FBH9!>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!UkV!!$(.7'!2*1#A!>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>!UjS!!!U!&+,<)*-#=.#03#>3)-"2?1)("3#! In recent years, the phenomenon of human trafficking has garnered increasing attention by researchers. The involvement of scholars situated within the humanities has played and continues to play an important role in more deeply understanding how to define, interpret, and address this significant social and human rights issue. Relevant literature in this area primarily addresses legislative analysis, activist strategy, policy implications, and other related high-level concerns.1 Examples of representative work include2: Rachel GongÕs examination, in 2015, of the connection between emotion and anti-trafficking digital activism; Letitia CampbellÕs and Yvonne ZimmermanÕs criticism, in 2014, of sexual emphases in trafficking awareness campaigns; Rhacel ParrenasÕ questioning, in 2011, of the binaries of choice and consent in anti-trafficking policies; and Jo DoezemaÕs exploration, in 2010, of the rhetorical construction of victimhood in trafficking-related legal discourse. In 2009, Marie Segrave advocated for pro-rights approaches to anti-trafficking agendas; and, in 2007, Jackie Pollock critiqued the ways in which anti-trafficking activist strategies could impact sex workers. While such work is valuable, and plays an essential role in helping us better theorize the limits of contemporary human trafficking discourse, the current literature tends to be defined by a breadth and focus on high-level concerns that lend themselves to oversimplification about an issue that is frustratingly complex, multidimensional, and !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!U!89!_!!!"!'BI!!!S!ultimately rooted in lived human experience. Existing scholarship on human trafficking largely centers on the implications of extant culturally situated concepts while failing to interrogate the underlying processes of cultural uptake (i.e., how/why those concepts enter into broader discourse). More than that, existing scholarship Ð much of it rooted in and oriented by the colonial mindset Ð has operated in a top-down manner, thereby suggesting frameworks for policy development, legislation, and activism without fully considering the informative value of survivorsÕ lived experiences. Resultantly, to date, researchers have not seriously examined the ground level, everyday discursive spaces3 relevant to nuanced inquiry around human trafficking. Indeed, as Erin Kamler Ð who works at the intersection of feminist social justice and the arts Ð argues, we need to better account for the complexities of human trafficking by listening to unheard stories, particularly those that fail to align with the dominant narrative (74).4 This dissertation situates itself within this lacuna Ð indeed, no academic work has yet addressed the ways in which specific individuals who have been trafficked rhetorically frame the problem of human trafficking; nor has any significant work considered survivor stories as providing alternative rhetorical strategies and frameworks !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!b!6EI!*O!?!HELI;BKLG!EL!?!@K;BM!;O!LF?FGDG=FL!CGN;=@E=@!F;!?!LE=@NG!L9LFGD!;O!O;KD?FE;=Z!F!69!IN?ED!F!!!!k!1!1!!!b!through which to view the issue. In that sense, this dissertation is an attempt to open space for voice and to show embodied stories as empowering and counterhegemonic. Some academic work has hinted at such approaches. Most notably, Denise Brennan, in her book Life Interrupted, used brief first-hand survivor accounts to examine the global economic inequities that lead to trafficking. Other examples: Laura Murphy edited a collection of trafficking escape stories to complicate notions of rescue and victimhood; Carolyn Hoyle conducted structured interviews with survivors to examine the relationship between agency and victimization; and Kevin Bales and Zoe Trodd conducted an oral history project compiling stories about the experiences and challenges of trafficking survivors to foster greater public awareness. However, no effort has actively analyzed what rhetorical practices survivors engage in, why they engage in those practices, or how those practices frame their experiences, particularly in comparison to the dominant narrative. Further, while many scholars have criticized the contemporary discursive framework of human trafficking, no studies have contemplated how survivors and survivor stories might inform the development of alternative ways to articulate, or see, the problem.5 By actively listening to the stories told by those most involved and most impacted Ð and valuing lived experience and storytelling as the project centerpieces Ð this endeavor seeks to begin the work of reorienting and reframing our understanding of human trafficking by looking first to those who have lived it (Royster and Kirsch 5). In so !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!j!69!I<;EIG!!1!*=!F!!!k!doing, this project seeks to more deeply understand how the stories such individuals tell about their survival, resistance, identity, and renewal, can help change the broader conversation. I look to survivor stories to theorize new ways of defining, framing, and addressing particularized human rights concepts. Embracing the notion that survivorsÕ lived experiences are powerful, educational, and revolutionary, this dissertation applies Ð and practices Ð cultural rhetorics to explore how their stories and storytelling practices constellate to make new meanings, navigate complex experiences, and construct unique discursive spaces that are relevant to the work of reframing, or re-seeing, the issue of human trafficking. As IÕve traversed the academic landscape, IÕve become increasingly concerned by what seems to be, as John Chernoff has described it, Òa limited capacity to comprehend the significance of storiesÓ that are rooted in lived experience, especially as it relates to this topic (6). The stories circulated on the topic of human trafficking Ð in media, in public awareness campaigns, across law enforcement public relations, and by activists Ð overwhelmingly tend to be stories about others.6 In this sense, we might identify a core problem of anti-trafficking discourse as being one of imposing pre-defined assumptions onto lived experiences. Such discourse operates top-down rather than bottom-up by placing a framework around the issue of human trafficking first rather than !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!m!";F!;=N9!F!1!1!'GI;=HZ!_LF?FELFEIL!?KG!DG?=E=@NGLL!WEF<;BF!F!*=!F?XE=@!FG>Z!F!!!j!constructing it from the stories that are told by those most involved and most impacted. An alternate approach Ð the approach that I adopt and model in this dissertation Ð might more closely consider and account for the stories that individuals tell about their storytelling practices, the stories that survivors tell about their lived experiences, and put those into conversation with the stories that institutions put forward about human trafficking. Such stories Òare alive and powerful, and we can be listening to, thinking about, and learning fromÓ them (Lee 111). In recent years, scholars have repeatedly highlighted the confusing, biased, and highly problematic human trafficking framework currently deployed across cultural discourses and legal structures. In response to such concerns, some scholars7 have called for the creation of new communication spaces and rhetorical frameworks with which to more accurately address the complexities and multidimensionality inherent to human trafficking. The framing problem remains unresolved. As such, this dissertation seeks to build on and contribute to ongoing interdisciplinary conversations by offering an example of what might be described as a radical approach to rhetorical inquiry around human rights issues generally, and human trafficking in particular, arguing that listening to the stories of those who have lived the experience should be the central focus and foundational starting point for any new ÒframingÓ project; a claim which has potentially significant implications for broader discussions around human rights rhetoric. This dissertation seeks to fill a research gap that has yet to be addressed in any of the literature, whether in the humanities or social sciences. While Òsurvivor rhetoricÓ has !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!V!6;LF!=;F?CN9Z!A;GYGD?!4STUT5Z!0B?!4STUU5Z!7?K?!4STUj5Z!?=H!7?DNGK!4STUb5>!!m!been explored across a range of contexts and for myriad purposes, the rhetorical practices of individuals who have experienced human trafficking remain largely unexamined and, considering the social importance of the issue, meaningfully studying such practices Ð particularly the ground-level, everyday lived experiences of survivors Ð may have far-reaching implications not just in policy, legal, and activist contexts, but also for service providers and those engaged in the work of supporting survivor transitions. As a result, this project presents a unique contribution to knowledge that has the potential to inform ongoing conversations across a range of disciplines and fields of practice. $EF!*=!L;!H;E=@Z!*!PBGLFE;=!?=H!F!69!LMGIEOEI!KGLG?KI!%L!LBI!*=!!(BK!FGKDL!;O!KGOGKG=IG!?L!KG?HGKL!DE@!);K!LI<;N?KN9!WKEFGKLZ!;=G!FGI<=EPBG!GDMN;9GH!F;!!4V5!';Z!*]NN!LMG=H!L;DG!FEDG!?HHKGLLE=@!G?I!8BF!*!H;!L;!WEF!$!*=HGGHZ!;=G!;O!D9!MKED?K9!;CLGKJ?FE;=L!Q!F!2;=LEHGKE=@!F!%L!2!%L!?!MK;[GIF!F!!';Z!L;DG!M;E=FL!;O!IN?KEOEI?FE;=>!0BD?=!FK?OOEIXE=@!EL!?=!BDCKGNN?!NG@?N!FGKD!Fi!*=!?!IBNFBK?N!I;=FG\FZ!Fl!aG@?NN9Z!F'>!AGM?KFDG=F!;O!'F?FG5>!$!*=!F!RKE;K!F;!F!2?LGL!WGKGZ!E=LFG?HZ!F?IXNGH!F!!!l!1K?OOEIXE=@!?=H!LDB@@NE=@!?KG!HEOOGKG=F!NG@?N!I;=IGMFLZ!F<;B@!$!)E=?NN9Z!*!H;!=;F!HGMN;9!F!%!LBDD?K9!;O!D9!?K@BDG=FL!?@?E=LF!F!j>b!4STUm5>!!!UT!F<;LG!?KELE=@!;BF!;O!F!%L!8?KC?K?!'F;NY!=;FGLZ!_F!!%L!NG@?N!LI<;N?K!6;!);KIGH!N?C;KZ!FK?OOEIXE=@!WEF!4USjT5!!1!'I<;N?KL!LBI!1!1!!UU!*DM;KF?=FN9Z!F!*F!EL!F!RNENG9Z!?!!RBCNEI!HELI;BKLG!?K;B=H!MK;LFEFBFE;=!Q!LMBKKGH!C9!W;DG=]L!KE@!RNENG9!HGD;=LFK?FGL!F!1!RNENG9!;BFNE=GL!<;W!0GKCGKF!0;;JGK!?=H!!RNENG9!O;IBLGL!;=!F!1!!%=FE^FK?OOEIXE=@!N?WL!!2;=IGMFE;=L!;O!UT!!$G!DBLF!KGI;@=EYG!F!#JG=!L;Z!EF!L<;BNH!CG!?IX=;WNGH@GH!F!$EFUU!1!a9==!$GCGK]L!U-7"1(5&-7,-.$3&6">$KC&((>$S"-7"1>$&-7$+"G0&C,5'/$Q$K)-6"L50&C$O1&;"#)1=!MK;JEHGL!L;DG!F;;NL!O;K!?LLELFE=@!F!!!UU!'GG!1K9K;=!$;;HL]!W;KX!E=!+011).&5"$+"C2"(Z!W<;!WKEFGL,!_2;=LEHGKE=@!$GLFGK=!L;IEGF9]L!C?LEL!E=!F!1`!4USk5!!Ub!LG\!FK?OOEIXE=@>!.?F!1!!5*))(3;#)+*#51*3*.#C?',3#>3)*-*4)#5)"-(*4#B#)+*#:"'(3,3)#D,--,)(E*#!*!!(=!?!CK;?HGK!NGJGNZ!*!DE@!*=!F!*=HGGHZ!D?=9!;O!F!!';Z!F;;Z!EF!EL!LF;K9!?C;BF!DGZ!F!*F!W;BNH!CG!G?L9!F;!KGD;JG!D9LGNO!OK;D!F!*=HGGHZ!F!8BFZ!?L!?!LI<;N?K!W<;!LEFB?FGL!D9LGNO!?L!?!60C501&C$14"5)1,6,&-Z!*!F!89!EDM?KFE=@!D9LGNOZ!*!<;MG!F;!N?9!C?KG!D9!M;LEFE;=?NEF9!?=H!F;!G=I;BK?@G!?!I;=JGKL?FE;=!?C;BF!;KEG=F?FE;=L!F;!KGLG?KI!$EF!!I think it important to offer a brief background about what I mean when I refer to the Òculturally dominant narrativeÓ about human trafficking, since IÕve invoked the phrase !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!US!'!!!!Uj!repeatedly already, and will continue to do so. My belief had long been that discourse around the issue of human trafficking operated in a distinctly colonizing manner, rendering silent the voices of those most impacted; the very same voices I believed to be the most impactful. Much of this belief was rooted in my own experience working in government, particularly during a two-year period, from late 2010 through the end of 2012, where I oversaw the day-to-day operations of a wide range of programs stemming from the Trafficking Victims Protection Act and the Violence Against Women Act. In that role, I found myself actively involved with the Department of Homeland SecurityÕs (DHS) Blue Campaign, a department-level initiative to develop a Òunified voiceÓ for anti-trafficking efforts that sought both to expand public awareness and to enhance Òcollaboration with law enforcement, government, non-governmental and private organizationsÓ (Blue Campaign). When I started this work, the Blue Campaign was merely months-old, its framework still undeveloped, its scope of mission not fully defined, and its materials and operations still in a nascent stage. At the time, I recall a sense of urgency to increase the DepartmentÕs public presence on the issue, as it lagged far behind the attention being paid to human trafficking in the media and by non-governmental organizations. One of the early points of conversation in this effort centered on the importance of stories. The refrain that we needed Òhuman interestÓ stories was a recurring point in those early meetings. But it was also abundantly clear that not just any stories would do; rather, they had to fit specific parameters Ð they had to fit within a dominant narrative. One of the observations that I made at that time Ð and have continued to observe !Um!in public awareness campaigns about human trafficking Ð is that regardless of setting, stories about human trafficking tend to be structured in very specific, identifiable ways. In a cursory review of such stories Ð whether deployed by government agencies, activists, or non-profit organizations Ð we can see complex lived experiences slip into an overly simplified narrative framework and value system that fails to account for the importance of the humanity of those who lived what is being described. The dominant narrative may be identified by the following specific attributes: 1) a reduction of complex individuals into simple actors within binaries13 Ð moral/immoral, criminal/noncriminal, victim/agent, 2) an emphasis on the work of institutional actors in rescue and/or prosecution, 3) a use of the language of victimization and vulnerability, and 4) a de-emphasis on the voice of the individual who has been subjected to trafficking. In other words, the stories about human trafficking that enter into cultural discourse almost always follow the same format. Ralph Cintron tells us that such simplifications of the complex represent a Òdesire for a power that enacts a kind of cleansing that washes outÓ knowledge (149). This washing out repeatedly appears in human trafficking discourse, deploying the language of victimization and heroic rescue (Buckland 47). As such the dominant human trafficking narrative operates as a fiction that orders a topic that is rife with contradiction and complexity, thereby fulfilling the human Òpsychological need to navigate complexity and uncertaintyÓ (Kamler 89). !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!Ub!2;N;=E?NELD!Q!?=H!$GLFGK=!DGF?M<9LEIL!Q!EL!C?LGH!;=!CE=?K9!;MM;LEFE;=L!?=H!;MGK?FGL!E=!CE=?K9!=?KK?FEJGL,!'GNOc(F!1!!UV!As a way of contextualizing my claim about what constitutes the dominant narrative, I look back to the Blue CampaignÕs Òhuman interestÓ stories because they rigorously follow this format, thereby exemplifying the dominant narrative. The same format and themes emerge when looking at any other organization, whether governmental or nongovernmental, that does work in and around the issue. I refer to the Blue Campaign here to both illustrate my point and because of personal familiarity; it connects with my own story. In writing this chapter, I revisited the Blue Campaign website to see what stories were being told now, more than three years since I had departed. The very first Òhuman interestÓ story on the website is comprised of a single paragraph that briefly describes a ÒvulnerableÓ girl who is forcibly taken by a gang-member and sex trafficked. Her story is told in a mere two sentences. The emphasis Ð demonstrated by the majority of the content of the paragraph Ð is on law enforcementÕs Òcollaborative effortsÓ to Òrescue the victim.Ó As I read this, I was struck by the ways in which this narrative simplified what was very likely an incredibly complex, multi-faceted series of experiences. Notably, the individual who is the centerpiece of the story, has no voice. She has no identity, not even a pseudonym, other than that of being ÒvulnerableÓ and a ÒvictimÓ in need of rescue. And, importantly, there is no real closure: the story ends with law enforcementÕs act of rescue. We are given no sense of what happened to the human at the center of their Òhuman interestÓ story. The remainder of the human interest stories on the Blue Campaign website are constructed identically: a few sentences describing the trafficking scenario followed by detailing the rescue and criminal prosecution. In none of these do we hear the voices of the individuals who had !Ui!been trafficked, have any sense of their identities other than their status as Òvictims,Ó nor do we know what became of them following their Òrescue.Ó Edward Snadjr writes, ÒAnti-trafficking accountsÉalmost always include simple binaristic themes and easily interpretable symbols of morality and immorality, murky, malevolent characters, and unsuspecting and ultimately helpless protagonistsÓ (238). Organizations that use such accounts tend to couch their practices in rhetorics of rescue and liberation, offering up a Òcompelling yet problematic vision of the liberated slaveÉas a figure who literally moves from darkness to light, from animal to humanÓ (Govindan 514). In the stories about human trafficking told by the Blue Campaign, we see both of these moves at work and each of these stories represents the dominant narrative about human trafficking, which breaks down the lived experiences of individuals along simplified lines: the victim has no agency Ð and, as such, no voice Ð and law enforcement rescues or saves the victim from an immoral criminal actor. Considering this, then, we may describe the dominant narrative of human trafficking as rooted in and oriented by the colonial mindset Ð operating in a top-down categorizing manner, talking about rather than with, and not fully considering the informative value of survivorsÕ lived experiences. As Julie Cruikshank has observed, the colonialist mindset Òmove[s] forward by devising and reinforcing categoriesÉÓ (7). In devising and reinforcing these categories, those with power and privilege monopolize and control the human trafficking narrative while marginalizing and silencing Ð i.e., writing out Ð the voices of those who have experienced it. In other words, the dominant narrative operates as a Òparticular languageÓ that belongs to Òthe historical process of colonizationÓ by silencing the !Ul!individual who has been trafficked (Spurr 1). In this sense, the individual of the Òhuman interestÓ story, is rendered as a colonized ÒotherÓ who is used discursively for the purposes of reinforcing agenda-laden categories. This project questions the discursive othering that occurs in the dominant narrative by shifting focus from that narrative and instead focusing on the stories told by those typically identified as Òother.Ó Put another way, this project centers on two individuals who have been Òwritten outÓ of the narrative and seeks to explore the ways in which they tactically Òre-writeÓ themselves, both into the narrative and into new discursive spaces. This leads us to shift into considering what it means to include, to emphasize Ð indeed, to listen to Ð the stories of those who have lived these experiences, and what those individualized stories do to our understanding of the issue of human trafficking. One might articulate this project, then, as an effort that seeks to confront discourses that silence, that render absent, that de-value Ð that discursively exploit Ð the lived experiences of individuals who have already endured physical exploitation. As Malea Powell has written: If dominant narratives only attain dominance through imagining themselves whole in contrast to other/Other narratives, then we must imagine those narratives differently, imagine ourselves in a different relationship to them. The challenge, then, is to imagine an alternative, not an Alternative, one that confronts differenceÉand empire, in the very discourses that bind us. (Powell, ÒGhosts,Ó 18). In this then, it is worth noting that within the space of this dissertation I am centering on !ST!the storytelling practices of my research participants and the ways in which they interact with, use, and disregard the dominant narrative for their own purposes. In this, I seek to listen for the alternatives that may arise, that can Ð and do Ð confront difference. By listening to my participants, I believe that we can begin to imagine some alternatives to the dominant narrative of human trafficking. F,-)(1(<,3)#G*1-?()'*3)##!!!1!*!!%OFGK!KG?I!:?=G]L!@BEH?=IGZ!LBMM;KFZ!?=H!@G=GK;LEF9!G=?CNGH!DG!F;!E=FGK?IF!WEF!1!$Uk!1!8;F!%=H!C;F!aECGKF9]L!E=FGKLGIFE;=!WEF!!!(K?N!!8GI?BLG!;O!F!1;!G=LBKG!F!'EDMN9!LF?FGHZ!*!!1;!OBKF!*F!KGONGIFL!?!MGKIGEJGH!KG?NEF9!;O!F<;LG!W<;!OGGN!GDM;WGKGH!F;!LMG?X!?=H!F<;LG!W<;!H;!=;F>!1!1!!!SS!I;=LBNF?FE;=!WEF!1!%=HZ!F;!G=LBKG!F!!5*))(3;#)+*#5),;*.#7-"'#$*)+"2"9";%#)"#03,9%4(4#)"#7(32(3;4#! In the following pages, I will make several moves. I set the stage in Chapter Two with an examination of my own positionality, how I came to engage with this project. In so doing, I discuss my process of learning how to listen as a centerpiece of my research practice and lay out a methodological framework that deploys a cultural rhetorics approach informed by feminist, indigenous, and decolonial theories. By combining these theoretical approaches, I construct what I refer to as a methodology of care. In these pages, I also introduce Deb and Liberty and describe how this methodology of care manifested in the interview and analytical portions of this project. In Chapter Three, I shift from discussing methodology to analyzing Deb and LibertyÕs stories and storytelling practices. From this analysis, I demonstrate that Deb and Liberty create transformational and transformative Òscenes of recognition.Ó 'MGIEOEI?NN9Z!*!KGJG?N!<;W!AGC!?=H!aECGKF9!JEGW!F In Chapter Four, I build on my exploration of these scenes of recognition to argue that Deb and Liberty G\!1!*=!G\?DE=E=@!F In Chapter Five, I summarize the findings of the previous two chapters and discuss implications to policy, research, and demonstrate how listening to the stories of Deb and Liberty can help us see human rights rhetoric in new ways, moving us away from colonizing and colonized discourses around particularized human rights concepts. I further demonstrate how these stories can help us visibilize the unseen and speak the unspeakable, MK;JEHE=@!BL!WEF!)E=?NN9Z!*!;BFNE=G!M;FG=FE?N!OBFBKG!?KG?L!;O!LFBH9>! As I emphasize in Chapter Two, this dissertation is a multi-vocal production. The nature of a dissertation is such that my voice is prominent; I engage in framing, theorizing, and analytical commentary. But my orientation to research also requires that my participants Ð Deb and Liberty Ð have their own space within these pages to centerpiece their voices, in their own words. To that end, between chapters, IÕve included interludes, excerpts from our interviews where Deb and Liberty tell pieces of !Sk!their own respective stories. Their words can and do stand on their own. I urge you to listen. 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dear reader, I invite you to listen closely to what they have to say, to acquaint yourself with their nuances, their idiosyncrasies, and their rhetorical prowess. Within these pages our storytellersÕ voices are prominent, taking center stage. 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listening to the tellings of Deb and Liberty, we witness a conscious re-imagination and, literally, refigurement of the self; it is this use that I argue transforms their object status within the colonial discourse of human trafficking into a subject status, !Vm!a presence instead of an absence (Powell, ÒSurvivance,Ó 396). 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stories told by Deb and Liberty, then, are consciously and unconsciously designed to navigate identity in self-defined legitimate spaces and exteriorities through the creation of frontiers and bridges (de Certeau 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applying cultural rhetorics to a significant human rights issue Ð in this case, human trafficking Ð this project has the potential to show how communally situated meaning making can construct unique !Ubi!discursive spaces that are relevant to a deeper understanding of and focus on the human in human rights. >'<9(1,)("34#(3#)+*#:(41(<9(3*#"A#G+*)"-(1#B#M-()(3;#! I want to pause, for a moment, on the above emphasis on human rights. I do so because that specific term holds within it, I think, some of the implications this project has for the study of rhetoric. As a discipline, ours is increasingly concerned with and interested in the role that rhetorical scholarship can play in explicating and (re)defining human rights issues and frameworks. Despite this interest, academics engaged in rhetorical scholarship have mostly ignored the issue of human trafficking as an area of academic inquiry. Considering the facilitative role that rhetorical scholarship can play in inter/multi- disciplinary research, as well as the unique insights that rhetoric scholars can bring to human rights inquiry, this project encourages and invites others in the discipline to actively participate in research relating to the human trafficking issue while also moving rhetorical scholarship on human rights issues away from the ÒtraditionalÓ textual analyses that predominate. It is my contention that this projectÕs emphasis on individual and localized meaning-making and storytelling practices teaches us something about the ways in which we might reconsider disciplinary conversations around human rights. 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