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'imx.um.-— J vw— This is to certify that the dissertation entitled "SQUATTER SETTLEMENTS AS A TRANSITIONAL ADJUSTMENT PHASE IN RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION: THE CASE OF TABRIZ, IRAN" presented by Housain Banifatemeh A100chi has been accepted towards fulfillment ' of the requirements for Ph . D. degree in Socioiogy é; Major professor Z s Date 14 September 1982 MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0- 12771 MSU LIBRARIES RETURNING MATERIALS: Place in book drop to remove this checkout from your record. FINES will be charged if book is returned after the date stamped below. "SQUATTER SETTLEMENTS AS A TRANSITIONAL ADJUSTMENT PHASE IN RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION: THE CASE OF TABRIZ, IRAN" By Housain Banifatemeh Aloochi A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology 1982 ABSTRACT "SQUATTER SETTLEMENTS AS A TRANSITIONAL PHASE IN RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION: THE CASE OF TABRIZ, IRAN" by Housain Banifatemeh Aloochi This study explores squatter settlements, a widespread phenomenon involving rural-urban migrants in the Third World. The study was con- ducted in a squatter settlement on the outskirts of Tabriz, one of the large and industrialized cities of Iran, during the summer of 1979. One hundred and sixty-eight households were randomly selected from a master list compiled from data obtained from the Tabriz Central Sta- tistical Department and Survey conducted by Tabriz University. Infor- mation was obtained from structured interviews of the heads of each household by specially trained interviewers. The results indicate that a majority of these squatter families came from rural areas in Iran. They left their villages because of poverty and economic hardship prevailing in rural Iran. Furthermore, we found that movement into the squatter settlement can be attributed to high rentals, shortage of housing in the city, and the hope of acquiring one's own home. Our findings reveal that the rate of employ- ment is very high among the squatters; at the time of this study, l979, everybody who could work was employed. Most of the sampled household heads are satisfied with their current living conditions compared with what they left behind in the villages. Housain Banifatemeh Aloochi The results of this study were compared with three similar studies made elsewhere in the world. Comparisons were made with Gecekondu in Istanbul, Turkey; Baja Vista in Monterrey, Mexico; and Favela in Rio, Brazil. The result of these comparisons indicate that there are striking similarities in many aspects between the squatter settlements in Tabriz and those in different parts of the world. Therefore, we conclude that the squatter settlement is not unique to Tabriz, rather it is part of a world-wide phenomenon. To: Adeleh and Darush ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express my sincere appreciation to the following individuals for their assistance and encouragement during the prepara- tion of this work. A special thank you is extended to all the members of the guidance committee. I am grateful to Dr. J. Allan Beegle, Chairperson of the Committee, whose direction, suggestions and encouragement eased the pain of trying moments; to Dr. Harry Schwarzweller for his constructive criticism and suggestions; and to Dr. Christopher Sower and Dr. James McKee, for their guidance during the preparation of this dissertation. I wish to thank those friends with whom I have had vivid discus- sions and those who have encouraged me to proceed with my graduate studies. Among these are Gloria, Jalil, Aziz, Yosef, and Khosrov. I am also grateful for the encouragement received from Dr. Ali Safamehr and other sociology professors at the University of Tabriz. A special word of gratitude is due Mrs. Maria Olivia Mejorado for her skillful typing of the various drafts and final manuscript. Lastly, and most importantly, I thank my parents and my brother, Darush, for their unceasing love and emotional support. PREFACE One of the most difficult tasks confronting most graduate students is that of selecting a major area of interest upon which to devote his or her time, energy and effort, and which ultimately leads to a thesis or dissertation. Such a decision is frequently complicated by alturis- tic feelings and a genuine desire to conduct research that will in some way benefit humankind. After a long deliberation period, during which I weighed such issues as my prior research interests, their compatibility with my long range life goals, and the actual feasibility of the project, I decided to conduct my research on the squatter settlements in my native city of Tabriz, Iran. The rationale for this decision is as follows: First, ever since I was a student at the University of Tabriz, I have had an interest in the study of squatter settlements which have sprung up around the city. The dissertation requirement provided an “ideal opportunity to conduct a research concerning a long standing area of interest. Secondly, having been born and reared in Tabriz city, I am very familiar with the people as well as geographical features of the '|<)cale. More importantly, I know and understand the folkways, mores, iirwd norms of the people. Simply stated, my language is their language, T“)! culture is their culture. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................ i PREFACE ............................. ii LIST OF TABLES ......................... vi LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS (FIGURES) ................. ix CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION: THE PROBLEM SETTING, METHODS AND PROCEDURES .................. l The Problem Setting .................... l The Research Focus ..................... 3 Perspectives on Squatter Settlement from the Literature 5 A Comparative View and Expected Findings .......... 17 Methods and Procedures ................... 22 Site Selection .................... 23 Formulating the Questionnaire ............. 24 The Sample ...................... 25 Conducting the Interviews ............... 25 CHiAPTER TWO: SOCIAL, ECONOMIC, AND GEOGRAPHICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF IRAN ............... 28 Geographic Characteristics of Iran ............. 28 Demographic, Social and Economic Characteristics of the Iranian Population ................... 32 Geographic and Political Characteristics of Tabriz ..... 42 (CHAPTER THREE: URBANIZATION AND MIGRATION ........... 55 The Process of Urbanization ................ 55 Demographic Consequences of Urbanization ....... 61 Social Organizational Consequences of Urbanization . 63 iii Urbanization in Middle Eastern Countries ....... 64 Urbanization in Iran ................. 67 Rural-Urban Migration in Iran ............. 74 CHAPTER FOUR: THE CHARACTER AND GROWTH OF THE SQUATTER SETTLEMENT . . . . ................ 88 The Genesis and Nature of the Squatter Settlement ..... 88 Housing Construction, Ownership and Size .......... 9T Migrant Origin and Expectations .............. 97 Prior Work Experience ................. 99 Kin Contacts ..................... 101 Reasons for Migration ................. 102 Reasons for Squatting ................. I04 CHAPTER FIVE: SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS OF SQUATTERS .................... 108 Household Composition ................... 108 Extended Households .................. H0 Family Structure ...................... 174 Education ......................... 118 Occupational Change and Employment ............. 123 Economic and Occupational Structure ............ 128 Squatter Earnings ..................... 131 Social Organization and Class ............... 137 CHiAPTER SIX: THE TRANSFORMATION PROCESS: VILLAGER TO URBANITE .................... 143 The Urbanization Process .................. 143 iv Satisfaction with Life in the Squatter Settlement ..... I44 Adaptation to Urban Life .................. 148 Relations with City Dwellers ................ lSl Aspirations ........................ 153 CHAPTER SEVEN: SUMMARY AND POLICY IMPLICATIONS ......... 156 Summary .......................... 156 Policy Implications .................... 160 Limitation and Needed Future Research ........... 167 FOOTNOTES ............................ I71 BIBLIOGRAPHY .......................... 186 APPENDICIES ........................... 192 Appendix A. Table l .................... 193 Appendix B. Table 2 .................... I94 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 3.1 3.2 13.3 ‘3.7 3.8 LIST OF TABLES Population Growth of Iran, 1956, 1966, 1976 and Estimated Population, 1980 ............... Population of Iran, by Age Groups, 1956, 1966, 1976, and Sex Ratio, 1976 ................... Population Distribution of Iran, by Residence and Sex, 1956, 1966, and 1976 .................. Religious Affiliation of the Iranians, 1956 and 1966 Population of Tabriz, 1900 - 1976 ............ Population of Iran's Largest Cities, 1956 and 1976 Time of Migration to Squatter Settlement, Tabriz Estimated Percentages of Urban Population (as nationally defined) ................... Urban and Big-City Population (in millions) ....... Annual Growth Rate of Population, 1950 to 1960, and 1960 to 1970 (percent) ................. Percent Distribution of Urban Population in Iran, 1956 and 1966 ...................... The Number, Size and Growth of Iranian Towns, 1956 - 1966 ....................... Percent Population Change and Percent Migrant, Non-Migrant Composition ................. Population and Occupation Change in Iran, 1956 - 1966 . . Area, Population, and Occupational Distribution of Iranian Provinces: 1956 - 1966 ............. vi Page 34 35 41 48 49 52 56 57 66 68 71 73 75 76 3.9 Occupation of Rural-Urban Migrants Before and After Migration, 1964 ..................... 79 3.10 Birthplace of Population of Iran, 1966 ......... 81 3.11 Urban and Rural Migrants: Their Reasons for Migration, 1964 ....... ' .............. 83 4.1 Construction Materials Used in Bui1ding Houses, Squatter Settlement, Tabriz ............... 92 4.2 Home Ownership Among Squatters in Tabriz and Istanbul ........................ 94 4.3 Number of Rooms in Each Household, Squatter Settlements of Tabriz and Istanbul ........... 95 4.4 Origin of Migrants in Squatter Settlements, Tabriz, Istanbul, Monterrey, and Rio .............. 98 4.5 Occupation of Household Head at Time of Migration, Tabriz and Monterrey .................. 100 44.6 Reasons for Migration among Squatters, Tabriz, Istanbul, and Rio .................... 103 ‘4 .7 Reason Given by Household Head for Moving to Squatter Settlement, Tabriz ............... 106 55- 1 Household Types in Squatter Settlements, Tabriz and Monterrey ...................... 111 5 - 2 Number and Percent of Families by Size, Squatter Settlement, Tabriz ................... 115 5.23 Marital Status and Sex of Household Heads, Squatter Settlement, Tabriz ................... 117 vii Literacy Among Squatters in Tabriz, Istanbul, and Rio . . Employment of Household Head, by Literacy, Squatter Settlement, Tabriz ................... Occupation Among Squatters (Household Heads, Tabriz; Males Household Heads, Monterrey; Males, Istanbul and Rio) ........................ Employment Status of Household Head in Tabriz, and of Males in Istanbul, Among Squatters .......... Monthly Income in Rials of Household Heads, Squatter Settlement, Tabriz ............... Monthly Income in Pesos of Household Heads, Squatter Settlement, Monterrey ............. Individual and Household Income in Cruzeiros, Squatter Settlement, Rio (N = 600) ........... Living Conditions of Household Heads, Compared with Those in Villages, Squatter Settlements, Tabriz and Istanbul ...................... Time of Arrival of Household Heads in Squatter Settlement, by Satisfaction, Tabriz ........... Use of Media and Recreational Facilities by Squatter Settlement Residents in Tabriz, Istanbul, and Rio . . . . I\PPENDIX TABLE A. Age Structure of the Sampled Squatter Settlement in Tabriz, 1979, and that of Iran, 1976 ................. APPENDIX TABLE B. Personal and General Optimism of Squatter Settlement, Rio .............. viii 120 126 133 147 149 193 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 3.1 3.2 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS (FIGURES) Map of Iran ....................... Map of East Azarbyjan Province ............. Map of Tabriz City ................... Partial Map of Tabriz Illustrating the Location of Squatter Settlements .................. The Growth of the World's Urban and Rural Population, 1800 - 2000 (in million) ................ Iranian Cities over 20,000 Population in 1966 ...... ix Page 30 46 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION: THE PROBLEM, METHODS AND PROCEDURE This chapter begins with a brief description of the world-wide situation in which the problem of this dissertation is found. This description is followed by a statement of the research focus, objec- tives of the study and major questions examined. Some attention is then given to the perspectives on squatter settlement based upon the literature and a general statement of research methodology employed is outlined. The Problem Setting Migration is one of the chief means whereby a spatial redistribu- tion of the population occurs. In the Third World, urban populations often are increasing through migration as well as through an excess of births over deaths. The rate of growth often exceeds that of the rural lbopulations. Indeed, the problems of Third World cities have often taeen attributed to the prevalence within them of large numbers of per- sons who are only lately acquainted with the demands of urban life. T‘hat more than half the residents of Third World cities were born out- side those cities should not surprise us, for the cities can only be sarowing as rapidly as they are by attracting many newcomers. Many 17 ‘Third World cities grow at from 5-10 percent per year.-' Since natural 'increase is at most about three percent a year, migration often ac- counts for one—half, or even more, of the annual growth. In the developing countries there has been continuous mass move- ment from rural areas to the urban centers in reCent decades. This is 1 evident when we compare the increasing numbers of people living in cities in most of the Third World regions with the more developed world. Rapid improvements in health, education, employment opportu- nities, social affairs and other amenities characterizing the new modernization in the major cities and towns of the Third World have motivated rural people to migrate. Few of these services have yet reached the village 1eve1._' All over Asia, Africa, and Latin America, people are flocking to the cities at an unprecedented rate. In the last ten years, an esti- mated 200 million people moved from the countryside to the cities of these three continents.§/ In the Third World many cities are growing at rates so high that they double their populations every 10 to 15 years.fl/ This rural to urban migration constitutes one of the most important migrations in human history. Yet there is little understand- ing of the social, cultural, economic and political consequences for the migrants, the cities, and the larger society. The rapid expansion of squatter settlements on the fringes of cities takes on added meaning in light of insufficient expansion in the absorptive capacities of these areas. Few if any major cities in devel- oping nations are growing fast enough in terms of job opportunities, urban services, infrastructure, facilities, and governmental capabili- ties to absorb current population growth. This disparity in which urbanization outpaces industrialization and the creation of adequate urban gnstitutions is known as "overurbanization" or "hyperurbaniza- tion"._' Because standard housing is so scarce relative to need, and because even the least expensive dwelling units cost so much more than the low-income family's ability to pay, vacant lands in and around the central city become natural squatting grounds for thousands of migrant families. The first major wave of rural-urban migration in Iran after land reform (1963) led to a rapid growth in squatter settlements. An abrupt fall in world prices for Iranian agricultural products depressed the already low standard of living of many rural areas. Here, the decline in agricultural productivity and the attraction of towns were essential factors in propensity to migrate. Simultaneously, the govern- ment stressed the development of industries to supply internal markets. A resulting increase in new factories created a concomitant demand for a labor force in a manner reminiscent of the classic "industrializa- tion first" model. These events were paralleled by, and probably con- tributed to, a rapid rise in construction costs and land values. Hous- ing became scarce and expensive. Urban services, including transport from surrounding suburban areas, were primitive. New migrants search- ing for homes were joined by many city dwellers no longer able to afford the rents. Squatting on hillsides around the central cities, with the dual advantage of being rent free and centrally-located, became the best solution for many. Consequently, they invaded the land at the outskirts of the city which was without benefit of public servi- ces, and built their own crudely constructed houses. The Research Focus The primary objectives of this study are: (a) to examine the pro- cess and motivations for migration from rural areas to Tabriz; (b) to analyze the process of squatter settlement formation in that city; (c) to explore selected dimensions of adaptation to squatter settle- ment and integration into city life at the fringe of a large city; and (d) to systematically compare the experience in Tabriz with similar squatter settlements in other parts of the world. Based upon the liter- ature as well as personal observation on the movement of rural popu- lation into Tabriz and the growth of the squatter settlement around the city, the following are among the major questions posed in this study: 1) What are the origins of those residing in the squatter settle- ment? 2) What were their motives for migration? 3) Why do migrants now reside in the squatter sections of the city? 4) What type of jobs do the squatters hold? 5) What is the role of relatives in determining place of destina- tion? 6) Are residents of the squatter settlement integrated into the city life in the urban area? We believe that the establishment and formation of squatter settlements is not unique to Tabriz, rather it is part of a worldwide phenomenon of "squattments" which occurs in different parts of the world. Therefore in order to be able to strengthen the findings of a single case, namely Tabriz, we will compare the results of our study with three similar studies elsewhere in the world. Comparison will be made with Gecekondu in Istanbul, Turkey; Baja Vista in Monterrey, Mexico; a Favela in Rio, Brazil where definitions and variables are sufficiently comparable. Perspectives on Squatter Settlement from the Literature The terms "squatter" can be defined as the illegal occupation of public and private land or buildings. Charles Abrams describes it as a "Trespass of Desperation." The settlements that squatters in the various cities build are known by different names. The United Nations prefers to refer to them as "informal" settlements, a term that auto- matically carries prejudicial legal connotations. In Bogota they are called "barrios clandestinos," or just "barrios;' in Rio de Janeiro and in Sao Paulo, "favelas;' in other Brazilian cities, such as Recife, they are called "mocambos," while in Port Alegre, they are called, "Canticos." In Mexico City they are known as "barrios de los paraci- distas, colonias populares, veciendades, jacales, or tugurios,'l In »Lima, they are known as "barriadas;“ in Caracas, "ranchos;" in Santiago, "callampas;" in Panama City, "ranchos;" and in San Salvador, they are known as "champas." In Delhi, Bombay, Calcutta, and Karachi, they are termed "bustees," "jhoupris" and "jhuggis;" in Manila "abrung-barongs;" in Djakarta and Kula Lumpur, "kampungs;” in Amkara and Istanbul, "gece- kondus;" in Lagos and Ibadan, "the slums;" in Tunisian cities they are termed "gourbivilles;" and in Casablanca and other Moroccan cities, "bidonvilles."§/ Finally in Iran they are known as "hashieh nashin" or "Zageh nashin." Squatter areas have traditionally been seen as areas of social breakdown, delinquency, and alienation. Since most squatter areas are also "slums" (i.e., areas of substandard housing), Marshall Clinard's generalizations about slums reflect the prevailing attitude toward squatters: Slums vary from one type to another, but certain general patterns of slum life are universal. Although the slum is characterized by inadequate housing, defi- cient facilities, overcrowding, and congestion, it involves much more than these elements. Sociologically, it is a way of life, a subculture with a set of norms and values, which is reflected in poor sanitation and health practices, deviant behavior, and characteristic attributes of apathy and social isolation. People who live in slum areas isolated from the general power structures and are regarded as inferior, and slum dwellers, in turn, harbor suspicions of the outside world.21 An example of the assumed connection between living conditions and social organization is provided in the following description of a squatter settlement in Colombia by Mangin. He states that: It is the rudest kind of slum, clustering like a dirty beehive around the edges of any principal city in Latin America...living almost like animals, the tugurio's residents are overwhelmed by animality. Religion, social control, education, domestic life 8/ are warped and disfigured._- Even sophisticated scholars have taken up the "disease" image of slum and squatter communities, all too readily assuming that these areas are socially disorganized and their people the rejects of progress. Thus, for Daniel Lerner, "the flooding of great urban centres by people who have no work there" is evidence of "the contemporary urbanization and industrialization," as well as "the modernization of most countries of the Third World."2/ In support of this conclusion, Lerner says: Every student of development is aware of the global Spread of urban slums -- from the ranchos of Caracas and favela_of Rio, to the gecekondu of Ankara, to the bidon- villes and "tin can cities" that infest the metropolitan centers of every developing country from Cairo to Manila. The point that must be stressed in referring to this suffering mass of humanity, displaced from the rural areas to the filthy peripheries of the great cities, is that few of them experience the "transition" from agricultural to urban-industrial labour called for by the mechanism of development and the model of modernization. They are neither h0used, nor trained, nor employed, nor serviced. They languish on the urban periphery without entering into any pro- ductive relationship with its industrial operations. These are the "displaced persons," the DPs, of the developmental process as it now typically occurs in most of the world, a human flotsam and jetsam that has been displaced from traditional agricultural life without being incorporated into modern industrial life.19/ Since the 1960's, most writers have rejected the view that squat- ter areas are characterized by disorganization, anti-social activities, and crime, and serve no meaningful social purpose. On the basis of their work in Lima, John Turner and William Mangin argue that squatter settlements in Latin America are "solutions to difficult problems rather than...problems in themselves;" squatter settlements are "a process of social reconstruction through population initiative."ll/ Other sociologists and anthropologists working in Africa have consistently seen purpose, organization, and community in urban slums.lg/ A recent lengthy study of a squatter village in Nairobi comes to the following conclusion: Nathare Valley village is a relatively well- integrated political community in which residents share a sense of community and a set of community- wide political institutions which help to provide orderly management and peaceful resolutions of political and social problems.l§/ Similar findings have been reported by T.G. McGee in a study of a Mali squatter settlement,lfl! in studies of slum and squatter communi- ties in Manila,l§/ and by Janice Perlman in an interview study of Rio de Janeiro in 1968-69 and again in 1973. Perlman's study gives a clear and well-documented account of the social, cultural, political and physical conditions of the squatter population: The favela provides a community where friends and neighbors can be counted on for mutual favors. There is always someone to leave the children with, an ac- commodating neighbor with a refrigerator where the baby's milk can be kept fresh in the summer heat; someone whose sewing machine can be borrowed for repair work. Also, food and staples can be purchased on credit from local merchants so that even when there is no income, families can be fed. This level of sharing may be trivial, but it is of absolute importance to those living on the margin of subsis— tence. Lacking government attention, it provides a minimal, community-sponsored, social security and family welfare system. Furthermore, because it is the outcome of many incremental decisions based on human needs, the favela is, in fact, well-designed. Friends and families live close together, walkways are distri— buted where the need requires, public spaces emerge and recede according to use, and tacit agreements not to develop certain areas are obeyed. A cer- tain degree of pride is derived from the fact that most of the families built the homes they live in and that most public amenities are the result of 161 communal efforts. 10 The squatter, with the help of relatives and friends, usually builds tiny shanties out of impermanent and salvaged materials, discarded pieces of plywood or lumber, rusty galvanized iron sheets, stones and broken bricks gathered here and there, even tin cans and cardboard boxes. But somehow they manage. And even though they come to the cities before the cities have the jobs to employ them and thus produce the phenomenon of urbanization outrunning industrialization, most migrants create their own employment, doing little jobs for little money. Some do find jobs in the city a short time after their arrival through relatives, friends, or acquaintance and because many employers are ready to take advantage of the opportunities presented by the in- flux of large number of cheap and willing workers.lZ/ Harry Anthony indicates that, throughout the cities of Latin America squatters are found doing jobs as sellers of tortillas, spices, leaves, sweet buns, papajas or pineapples-n-all frivolous and precarious jobs. He states that the children, aged two or three to ten or eleven, work as boot polishers in street corners and plazas, selling chewing gum or matches, or cleaning windshields when cars stop at traffic lights. Even these small children contribute their meager earnings to the family income.l§/ Here is how Barbara Ward describes, in almost poetic terms, this world- wide economic phenomenon: There is immense resourcefulness in finding employment in the city's so-called "informal sec- tor." The squatters are often the men who provide low-cost transport on tricycles and jitneys in 11 Jakarta. They are the office cleaners and mes- sengers, the street sweepers, bootpolishers, and garbage sorters; there are 40,000 ragpickers in Calcutta. They set up streetside food stalls, even in a city as "formal" as Singapore you can go from booth to booth around the parking lots and markets, choosing a different course from each cook with his own speciality. They mend and repair. They run tiny laundries and car- pentry shops. And if economists of the more rigorous sort see in all this proliferation of service little net benefit to the economy-which is, of course, a stupid miscalculation since the tiny services are needed and paid for-we can add the thousands upon thousands of mini- businesses. Tailors, cabinet makers, manufac- turers of household goods (often fashioned from cast off materials) grow up in the shanty towns, find unused corners of warehouses or rooms in rundown property in the city, and add a usually uncalculated flow of goods to the output of the city and goods which the poor can afford to buy.12/ Practically unknown before the Second World War, squatter settle- ments have by now become a common feature of all major cities in the developing countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America. Their cheap, quickly improvised, poorly constructed shacks house anywhere from 12 twenty-five to fifty percent of the urban populations of the burgeoning cities of the fast urbanizing, underdeveloped nations of the world.gg/ According to Kenneth L. Karst, most of the squatters come to the major cities from the rural areas in developing countries. Some come from the smaller cities nearby.gl/ They do not come to see the big city's lights; they do not come because of the services and ameni- ties the big cities offer; they do not come to find better housing or better health and recreation facilities; they do not come because they dislike the countryside._ On the contrary, their main concern is employ- ment. The principal reason they abandon their rural homes and come to the big cities is to find jobs and produce incomes. They come because job opportunities are perceived to be greater and because they view the city as the place where dreams of a good life come true. Even though, quite often, their dreams are transformed into night- mares, their hope for a better future for themselves and their children remains strong as long as they live in the city. They come because they were unemployed, permanently underemployed, or only seasonally employed farm workers, never earning sufficient money to eat well, buy clothes, and to make ends meet, never having hope that their children would some day have a better life on the farm. Others come because they were tenant farmers, working for very little money under difficult conditions with primitive tools, living in bad dwellings with no electricity, no clean drinking water, no sanitary facilities, completely non-existent medical care, and very short life expectancy. Even though all family members were contributing their hard work to the production of agricultural goods, their total family 13 22/ income could not provide anything but a miserable living. Anthony says: "Squatters come mainly because of a strong desire and fervent hope to avoid the essential and gravest pro- blems of the rural poor in the countryside, which are unemployment, underemployment, or only seasonal employ- ment."g§! Rural underemployment is now present in all of the less developed countries of the world. It is the result of the rapid population growth experienced in the twentieth century as a consequence of rela- tively constant birth rates and declining death rates. While up to the end of the nineteenth century high infant mortality and mortality from sickness, disease, and epidemics compensated for high birth rates, the present century's discovery of drugs, improved medical care, and public health services have dramatically reduced death rates world- wide. As a result, underdeveloped countries have extremely high rates of population increase. Here is how the United Nations in 1976 des- cribed this situation: On the basis of all available evidence, the coming decade will see the problems of human settlements assume an overwhelming importance in most of the developing countries. The total growth of population and human settlements in the remaining quarter of this century will be even greater than the massive growth which has already taken place in the 30 years since the Second World War. There is no escaping this enormous change, 14 which is building up, in almost all countries in the developing world. An unprecedented proportion of their populations soon will be in their child-bearing years. The result will be an explosive growth of human settlements, both from the natural growth of their own residents and from the inmigration of youthful rural families who will not be able to find economic opportunities in traditional rural activi- ties. The implied needs for administrative capaci- ties, financial resources, technical and social infrastructure and national economic development demand measures of, almost literally, revolutionary character, and above all a firm commitment, without which no sustained action is possible.gfl/ It should be pointed out that, as with every migration, not every- body leaves. For example as Anthony indicates, during the Latin Ameri- can rural-to-urban migration of the past thirty to thirty-five years, many stayed where they were, on the farms and the villages, subsisting when crops were good and suffering in misery when they were not. Those who migrate to seek economic opportunity and to start a new life in the city are, generally, the most enterprising, courageous, ambitious, and adventurous of the rural residents.g§/ A sensitive observer of human settlement, Otto H. Koenigsberger, describes them as "urban pioneersz" a self-selected group of men and women at the peak of their working power who have taken a deliberate decision about their own future. In Koenigsberger's words: 15 Like the pioneers who developed the American West, they have broken with a past that holds no hope. Like the 19th century pioneers, they are moving to seek a better future -- if not for themselves then for their children and grandchildren. They do not expect an early success and an easy life. On the contrary, they are prepared "to rough it," to work hard for low wages and save patiently for a better future.g§/ The tenacity of the squatters, the determination they have to stay and work in the big city, their almost unanimous refusal to go back to the country even though the odds for success in the urban environment would seem to an outside observer to be so much against them, all prove that squatters are hard-working people who are full of hope and hold strongly to the conviction that their only chance for a better life for themselves and their children is in the city. It is this hope and this conviction that make them see as still attractive and desirable the city's services and amenities that to others may appear so badly dete- riorated. And it is this hope and this conviction that make squatters, soon after their arrival, organize themselves and prepare to fight and to make all kinds of sacrifices for what they fervently want and need, for the secure tenure of a piece of land, for a place to call their own.gZ/ As long as squatters are subject to harrassment and constant threats of eviction, their houses are little impermanent shacks and ugly hovels. Indeed, the walking paths are unpaved, there are no trees or bushes planted anywhere, and sewage runs in open channels. The one 16 or two water taps at the bottom of the hillside must serve everyone, and makeshift electrical connections supply only a few of the shanties with electricity. However, once land tenure has been secured through governmental action, fights in courts, time purchase, or, quite often, frightening the absentee landlord into abandoning his property -- the squatter settlements change. They build larger and more permanent houses, sometimes two stories high which are often built of concrete blocks or bricks and are covered with solid roofs. Flowers and trees are planted outside, some streets become paved and lighted, and most homes have electricity, piped water, and sewer connections. The squatter community itself is usually organized, and, in the case of Tabriz through some governmental help and the weekend work of all of its members, it achieves improvements throughout, including the provi- sion of some basic social services, such as schools and play areas for the children. Thus, squatter settlements gradually become much like the legal residential areas inhabited by people of the other working classes in other sectors of the city. It is security of land tenure, more than anything else, that transforms unsightly, spontaneous settlements into integrated urban neighborhoods and produces for the city high returns in terms of improved housing stock and a more responsible and depend- able citizenry.g§/ Therefore, squatter settlements are to be viewed as being markedly different from slums or depressed urban neighbor- hoods. Squatter settlements are located at the periphery of a city, possess social organization and solidarity and have been formed through the invasion of land on which homes are then built. Squatter 17 settlements appear as the by-product of rapid economic development and industrialization. They are not the result of communal or psychologi- cal disintegration in the village or in the city. Squatter settlements should not be confused with the slums in the industrially developed nations or in Third World cities. A slum is usually regarded as a thickly populated street marked by wretched living conditions. Some scholars regard the slum as characterized by rundown housing, high crime rates, divorce, violence and alienation, strife with the conven- tional world, detachment from other city dwellers, family disintegra- tion, loss of identity, and child neglect. Few of the features ascribed to the slum are applicable to the squatter settlements. Indeed, aside from low income, drab-looking houses, and lack of the normal city facilities, few squatter towns show any symptoms of social or psychological disintegration, moral deprav- ity, and crime. As we mentioned earlier (Perspectives on Squatter Settlements, Chapter 1), Mangin views the squatter settlements not as a problem but as a solution to a problem. In the squatter settlements there is poverty but no culture of poverty. A Comparative View and Expected Findings The squatter settlements inhabited mostly by country people are part of a basic process of rural migration and urbanization in many developing countries in the Third World. The problems deriving from the dislocation of rural people from their small towns and villages, their settlement in larger towns and cities, and their eventual urban- ization -- accompanied by occupational, sociocultural, and political 18 change -- are reflected in these squatter settlements. Urban forms of association and activity are extended to the people in the countryside, while rural people adopt new occupations and life styles by moving into cities, which in turn are altered structurally and functionally by the new economic and political forces represented in part at least by the migrants themselves. These cities still retain their role as centers of power and decision, and as models of development setting socio- economic standards and goals. At the same time they are subjected to intensive socioeconomic change by the very forces that were awakened in the countryside. A substantial part of newcomers, mostly of rural origin, lives in dwellings rated as shantytowns or squatter settlements. In India, in the late 19505 and early 19605, 24.1 percent of the population of Ahmedabad was reported to live in houses below standard, while 16.6 percent lived in shantytowns. Half of the population of Bombay, or about three million people, lived in slums and shantytowns.gg/ In Brazil the population of Belo Horizonte grew by 68 percent in a matter of a few years and it reached 812,000 people in 1966. How- ever, 15 percent of that population lived in favelas. By 1960, more than 10 percent of Rio de Janeiro's population was officially declared as favelados (squatter settlement dwellers).§9/ In Turkey it has been estimated that the urban population of towns with 10,000 or more increased by 409 percent from 1927 to 1965. The rate of increase in the Turkish cities with populations over 100,000, however, was greater than that in the smaller localities. 19 The Turkish Ministry of Reconstruction and Settlement estimated, according to a survey carried out in the early 19605, that about 64 percent of the dwellings in Ankara, 48 percent in Adana, and about 40 percent in Istanbul, qualified as squatter settlement areas.§l/ In Iran, the urban population which was 31.4 percent of the total, rose to 39.0 percent in 1966 and 46.9 percent in 1976. The percentage of the urban population in cities of 100,000 and more has increased from 51.3 in 1956 to 60.6 percent in 1966. The population of Tehran, which was 1,512,082 in l956,reached to 4,530,223 in 1976. Tabriz, which had a population of 289,996 in 1956, doubled its population by 1976. According to an unofficial report, 30 percent of the population of Tehran and 10 percent of the population of Tabriz lived in slums and squatter settlement areas.§g/ The shantytowns, squatter settlements, uncontrolled settlements (as the United Nations labeled them) in the Third World usually, though run: exclusively, are inhabited by migrants from villages and rural towns, and therefore represent a strategic group for the study of the transformation of a rural group into an urban one. John F.C. Turner has viewed squatter settlements in the light of four hypothesis: first, as a manifestation of normal urban growth under historically abnormal conditions; second, as vehicles for social change; third, as the product of the difference between the popular demand for housing and that demanded and supplied by institutional society, and fourth, as a phenomenon that could be controlled by the encouragement of popular initiative through the government servicing 33/ of local resources._—' Thus, it is clear that rural migration into 20 cities in the Third World results in squatter settlements that are as a whole part of a total process of social change, in the form of urbanization and modernization. They are mostly the product of inter- nal migration and should not be confused with other forms of population movements.§&/ The outstanding features of squatter settlements seem to be, first, that they are found in nearly all the cities of Third World countries, and, second, that they are similar to each other in terms of their evolution and their relations with the city. Consequently, it is desirable to compare the results of the study of the squatter settlement in Tabriz with the similar settlements elsewhere in the world. Comparison will be made with the following three studies of squatter settlements: §§/ The Gecekondu: Rural-Urban Migration, edited by Kemal Karpat: This study was conducted in 1968 in a squatter settlement at the pe- riphery of Istanbul, Turkey. Karpat surveyed 949 individuals based on questionnaires. He interviewed each squatter above the age of 16. From the total 949 sample size, 430 were married women, 393 were married men, 89 unmarried boys, and 37 unmarried girls. That is, roughly 80 percent of the squatters above the age of 16 were subjected to interviews lasting from one and a half hour to four hours. Settlers of Baja Vista, edited by James Hopgood:§§/ This study was conducted in 1971-72 in a settlement bordering Monterrey, Mexico. Two interview schedules (the "surveys") were given to all consenting 21 household heads in the settlements. These surveys collected basic social and demographic data, such as household statistics, place of birth, migration, reasons for migration, intra-Monterrey residential movements, and so on. The basic research technique, however, was participant observation of daily household activities, local associa- tions, and fiestas. Structured and semi-structured interviews and directed conversations were conducted with key-informants on major research themes. _3_7_/ The Myth of the Marginality,_edited by Janice Perlman: This study was conducted in 1968-69 as the research for her doctoral dis- sertation. It was done in three types of squatter settlements in the Greater Rio de-Janiero Metropolitan Area: (1) a favela on a hillside in the midst of an upper-class residential and commercial area; (2) a favela in the industrial periphery of the city; and (3) a suburbio - a group of neighbhorhoods in an outlying satellite, or ordinary city. In each of these communities, 250 people were interviewed. Two-hundred of them were chosen at random from men and women 16 to 65 years of age, and 50 were community leaders chosen on the basis of positional and reputational sampling techniques. We expect that the similarities exhibited by the four cases of squatter settlements will greatly exceed the dissimilarities exhibited by them. The similarities with which we are concerned include the act of land invasion, the manner in which squatters take possession of the land, plan and build their dwellings, and the development and expan- sion of settlement. We also are concerned with economic status, occu- pations and type of jobs held, mutual assistance, sense of belonging, 22 the basis for common political and civic action to secure the settle- ment's physical survival, and bonds of solidarity. It should be obvious that each case of squatter settlement is unique in many ways, as for example, the particular set of conditions in rural areas lead- ing to migration, the time the settlement was formed, and the rate of industrial growth characterizing the cities. Nevertheless, we expect to find broad similarities in all cases in regard to characteristics of the squatters, reason for migration, social and economic structure of the household, family structure, education, occupation, satisfac- tion from living conditions in the squatter settlement and so on. Methods and Procedures This section seeks to set forth the methodological foundation of the study of marginal residents or squatters in Tabriz, conducted in 1979. Most of the families interviewed for this study are illegal in vaders of the land they live on and they occupy small pieces of land. The sampling procedures were devised for shanty town, located on top of a hill, without any telephone service, paved streets, public services and for which maps and directions were, for some parts, non- existent. The only available official information sources for the area and population under study were the enumeration of the squatter settlements undertaken by the Central Statistics Department in 1977, and a survey conducted by the Research Department in Tabriz University in 1974. 23 The following section describes the site selection, the initial questionnaire construction, the sampling procedures, and the interview techniques. Site Selection: One of the first steps of the study was to go to the Tabriz Statistical Department to discover how many families live on the marginal section or squatter settlement area of the city. The information received from them revealed that there were 1,700 house- holds living in the squatter area. This information was based on an enumeration conducted in 1977 by that department. A similar survey was also conducted by Tabriz University's Research Department in 1974. The northwest sector, the location of squatter settlement of Tabriz, is two to four miles from the center of urban social and economic activities. Because of the mountainous topography of the region, flanked by Mount Oan Ebnali, the government did not spend its limited resources to bring public services such as running water and electricity, etc., to the area. The task (for example, pumping running water up hill) is difficult and very costly. Because of this, the area was uninhabited for years. When the peasantry began its migration to the city, they were faced with the problem of finding a place to live. Since they were unskilled and for the most part unable to afford living within the city proper, they invaded this uninhabited land and began building their domiciles at the foot of the hill, the closest available area to the city. As more and more migrants arrived, they, too, set up their residences at the base of the hill. Once all the land at the base of the hill was occupied, newcomers built their houses in a staircase-like 24 fashion up the sides of the hill. Such is the nature of the area in which a sample of squatters were interviewed. Formulating_the Questionnaire: After review of related literature on squatter settlement and discussions with long-time residents, lead- ers, newcomers and others, I was ready to make a list of items which were interesting or important. These items became the pre-test version of the questionnaire. The pre-test questionnaire was designed to minimize the effect of my own preconceptions and to maximize the consideration of issues as defined by the squatters. The intent was to allow the manner in which those residing in the settlement structure their own world to determine the form and content of the final questionnaire. The pre-test questionnaire was extensive and every question was open-ended. It took from two to four hours to administer and often demanded two or even more sessions to complete. During the second week of July, 1979, some of the pre-test questionnaires were administered in the squatter settlement by the leaders, long-time residents, newcomers, and shop— keepers, as well as by several sociology professors, fellow students in Tabriz University, and finally by officials in the City Hall and Central Statistical Department of Tabriz. For each question, the answers were tabulated on separate sheets and then classified into several categories derived from the entire range of responses. This was a crucial step in order to insure that the terms of reference for the study were an appropriate blend of local reality and scholarly concerns. Those questions which were ambiguous, hard to understand, too politically sensitive, or which did not discriminate among the 25 population were revised or dropped, as those that seemed most remote in terms of measuring the underlying objectives being sought. The final product of this effort was a revised questionnaire with most items in closed form. The Sample: A master list containing the names and addresses of the household heads located in the squatter settlement was compiled from the data obtained from the Tabriz Central Statistical Department. According to these official sources, as indicated previously, there were 1,700 households located at the periphery of the city. Because of time and economic constraints, we decided to limit the sample size to 10 percent of the total number of households. One hundred and sixty-eight households were randomly selected from the master list. The selection criterion for inclusion in the sample consisted of selecting every tenth household on the list. This procedure does not violate randomization because the master list was not compiled in alphabetical order and consequently all members of the population had an equal chance of being selected. Conducting the Interviews: Due to the time constraints, it was evident from the beginning that I could not administer the 168 questionnaires alone. Therefore, I went to the Sociology Department at the University of Tabriz (the department from which I graduated), to obtain help. This was facilitated by the fact that I already knew some of the students and professors in that department. I proposed my plan of study and requested technical aid. Eight students, five of whom I knew as fellow students, volunteered to help me in administering the qubstionnaire. 26 I first instructed them on all the items, as well as the type of responses we wished to obtain or elicit from each item. The next step was to go to the squatter settlement in order to have some idea about their location and characteristics. We then started to interview using the questionnaires. There were nine interviewers, eight sociology students and myself. The interviewers were divided into three teams consisting of three members in each. Each of the three teams was res- ponsibile for completing fifty-six questionnaires. That is to say, each team had to interview fifty-six household heads. There was a fairly high turnover rate among the interviewers when the novelty of the experience wore off and they realized the difficulty of the task. The difficulty of the task is accentuated when one consi- ders the limited accessibility of many of these household heads. As an interviewer, it was easy to become discouraged when the household was located on the top of a high hill. Aside from this, it was almost imperative to conduct most of the interviews during weekends in order to obtain information from those who worked day and night during week- days. It was very hard to ask interviewers to sacrifice their weekends to work on data collection. Upon first entering a household, interviewers were instructed to state their purpose briefly. Some of the residents were already aware of the study, so little explanation was necessary. Interviews were conducted at the appropriate scheduled times in order to eliminate (or reduce) the likelihood of absentees especially when households were economically dependent on the work of both husband and wife. 27 The interviewers were very well received and the interviewing was conducted without any serious problems. In general, this was attributed to our prior conversations with local residents and in particular, the informal association which interviewers had with the squatter settlements. Lastly, it was due to native friendliness. Fortunately, most of the sampled household heads understood the items of the questionnaire, however, a few family heads did not understand and these were categorized as "not ascertainable." Each interview took from half to one hour, with forty-five minutes being the mean interviewing time. Interviews conducted with those who were literate took considerably more time because persons had more to say on each item and demanded greater explanations. Three-quarters of the families interviewed were found at home, and interviewed on the first attempt. The remainder of the sample was interviewed on the second or third visit. It was interesting that some of the families wanted to be interviewed alone. This was due to the cultural and political orientation of these people. Eastern people do not want to expose their historical and their personal background and feelings to outsiders. The overall refusal rate was remarkably low among the respondents. CHAPTER TWO SOCIAL, ECONOMIC, AND GEOGRAPHICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF IRAN The purposes of this chapter are threefold: first, to clarify geographic and socio-economic attributes of Iranian society that give rise to squatter settlements; second, to describe briefly the city of Tabriz, a large, industrial city which served as host for the squatter settlement studied; and third, to outline the process of land reform and industrialization leading to migration and squatter settlement. Geographic Characteristics of Iran Iran is the largest of the southeast Asian states.§§/ Its area of about 628,000 miles is slightly smaller than that of Mexico and about one-fifth the size of the United States. It lies between 25 and 40 degrees north latitude, approximately the latitude of Monterrey, Mexico, and Denver, Colorado, respectively. It is located between 44 degrees and 64 degrees east longitude, a spread equivalent to that of Reno, Nevada, and Abilene, Texas.§2/ Iran, today, is bounded on the north by the Caspian Sea and the Soviet Union, on the south by the Gulf of Oman and Persian Gulf, on the west by Iraq and Turkey, and on the east by Afghanistan and Pakistan. In a sense, the Iranian Plateau stands as a bridge connect- ing three continents -- Asia, Europe and Africa. Because of this geo- graphic location, it has always had a significant position in the political and sociocultural strategies of East and West. According to land conditions, climate, water, and population density, Iran has been divided into seven geographical regions as 28 29 follow: (See Figure 2.1). 1. Northern and North Central Region. This region, which in- cludes the Elburz Mountains and Caspian Plains, has moderate tempera- ture, high rainfall and excessive humidity. Its abundance of water, rich soil, and pleasant climate has made this the most developed and productive agricultural region of Iran. The region consists of the provinces of Gilan and Mazandaran-Gorgan, and the northern part of Khorasan and Central Province. 2. Northwestern Region. This part of Iran, with an average of sixteen inches of rainfall, ranks second in agricultural production. It is characterized by "a series of fault-block ranges and valleys, has a considerable area that can be cultivated, and although dry-farm- ing and irrigation normally must be practiced, the supply of water is better than in most of the country."flg/ This region consists of the provinces of East and West Azarbyjan. 3. The Central Plateau. This region, with an average of less than five inches of rainfall, is the largest but agriculturally one of the least developed and productive areas of Iran. The lack of suffi- cient water for irrigation and the scarcity of cultivatable land are two major factors retarding the agricultural development of this area. Most of the southern part of central province falls into this region. 4. The Eastern Highland and Basin Regions. This area is as underdeveloped as the central plateau. Population and agriculture are scanty and spotty since water is scarce and unevenly distributed. There are a few relatively large areas of cultivation but in most of the region there are only small basins and valleys in which cropping 30 1.11.. ‘3. 8 VJ. IEEN; 7"-I‘ I'D.) 3611.11.11! Min.- 1“] 1.7).: gig ill-$1.11.}...rfl. Ii .1 qflW . .fl-llui“. .. .’.9.\-s~ \\ .l.‘ ., x a .1 ‘i. ' “8......“ O . . . .H r i i. , . .~\.\..\ .Idfihfzr \ ._<.—.(=~/f ‘ I O . o 1 . 5.5.5.. z:\ x . . .a. x, 5:... i‘zu .II..\I(...,. \ . V x. A .. . . . \ 23.5.22: lit... A? .. -f .. I Q... Q 11:3: marl-.8 I... II: n . . In...) — r '-‘.4.— h I . . . c a. _ a = < m 3H,! 1.. . . . . . ’3 U 3 \ :rr gi‘ -39 .<Ow I .23. \ I..:: .‘44. 3- .3.1. 7457...; . .s I. . u . an» 7/ u 5 haiku: Its-(g I III. . pl DI .cmLH mo no: . . .32.:5523zlvirfi/o1/Ihg' , . x . - s it o---ani. 'l’ Eats: \ .1...“ \ if .I. .. .55., .. .. ¢ . .. . . , is». . .3... 3. 3.5.5.5.... 3 1‘ u . .. a . H ea .1\¢Ur. I — .7. 5 , . s, 5......» ’- \l 553—9... .2 23: 31 can take place. This region contains most of Khorasan Province. 5. The Central and Southern Zagros. This region is described as a series of mountain ranges, generally running in the northeasterly- southwesterly direction, is separated by valleys and basins, some of which have interior drainage.fll/ It is an important area of crop pro- duction and best known for its pastoral activities and the production of livestock. The distribution of cultivated or cultivatable lands in this region is uneven. The northern and southern sections contain rich soil, but not the central section, which has a large proportion of ranges and mountains and quite narrow valleys. The northern part also has a series of valleys and basins, but most of them are agriculturally well developed. This region not only produces sufficient quantities of food for local consumption, but has some surplus food for export.flg/ The provinces of Kermanshahan, Kordestan, Isfahan-Yazd and Fars-Bandar are located in this region. 6. The Makran Region of Southeastern Iran. This region, which is part of the southern coastal area, is hot. Temperatures rise to 125 degrees in the summer, and winter is frost-free. The total rain- ful in this area ranges from five to ten inches. Dates are the major food crop, but cereals are also commonly grown beneath the palms. Generally this region is poorly watered and its agriculture amounts to little. This region contains the provinces of Kerman and Baluchestan- Sistan. 7. The Southwestern or Khoozestan Region. The plain of Khoozestan covers all the southwestern section of Iran. The surface of this region is composed of river silts deposited by five Iranian 32 rivers. Today the lands that are cultivated in this region are those that lie close to the river bank where water is available. It is esti- mated that all the land of Khoozestan region could be irrigated by the construction of one major system of irrigation.fl§/ Demographic, Social and Economic Characteristics of the Iranian Population According to the last national census taken in November, 1976, the population of Iran was 33,662,176 (Table 2.1). About 17,337,175 were males and 16,325,007 were females, or 106.2 males per 100 females (Table 2.2). The population was largely concentrated in the North Central, Northwestern, Southeastern, Central and South Zagros regions. the most agriculturally developed areas in Iran. The annual growth rate of the Iranian population has been general- ly increasing since the early part of the century. In 1966, the annual growth was 3.2 percent, while in 1976 it reached 3.4 percent. However, the estimated rate of increase in 1980 was 3.0 percent (Table 2.1). Three major characteristics of Iran's population are indicative of an underdeveloped country. These include: (1) a very low annual per capita income, estimated at $85 U.S.; (2) a high proportion of illi- teracy, estimated to be more than 60 percent of the population aged 10 years or over; and (3) a heavy dependence upon agricultural indus- tries, in which about 60 percent of the population are engaged.&£/ Slightly more than half (53%) of the Iranian population lives in rural areas (Table 2.3). The majority of rural people are illiterate, have poor sanitation, and live at a very low socio-economic level. 33 Table 2.1. Population Growth of Iran, 1956, 1966, 1976 and Estimated Population, 1980. Year Numbers Growth (Millions) . (Percent) 1956 18,954,704 - 1966 25,078,923 3.2 1976 33,662,176 3.4 1980* 37,694,900 3.0 *Estimated population (July 1, 1980). Source: National Census of Iran, November, 1956, 1966 and 1976. 34 Table 2.2. Population of Iran, by Age Groups, 1956, 1966, 1976, and Sex Ratio, 1976. AGE TOTAL TOTAL TOTAL SEX RATIO GROUPS 1956 1966 1976 1976 All Ages 18,954,704 25,078,923 33,662,176 106.1 Less than 5 Years 3,347,714 4,436,921 5,403,718 108.3 5 - 9 2,822,953 4,106,158 5,353,080 107.0 10-14 1,822,499 3,017,250 4,301,231 110.7 15-19 1,420,529 2,129,036 3,609,084 101.9 20-24 1,497,170 1,682,161 2,808,756 93.2 25-34 2,904,189 3,317,718 3,807,421 94.0 35-44 1,947,458 2,739,289 3,291,021 109.2 45-54 1,446,434 1,584,447 2,714,349 120.1 55-64 987,081 1,097,838 1,288,026 119.4 65 years . and Over 758,671 968,105 1,185,489 112.1 Source: National Census of Iran, 1956, 1966 and 1976. 35 .mnmfi vcm .mmmp .ommp .cmLH-Mo mamcmo Pacowwm "mama mo mucaom - o.mop - m.oop - «.mop ovumm xmm m.mm mmo.oow.m F.mw me.¢mm.m o.oo— moo.mmm.op mmpwswu .IIII. m.~m mnw.eoo.m ~.uv wom.mmm.w o.oop mm~.nmm.np mmpmz .ommp F.mm me.emw.up m.o¢ mmm.nmm.mp o.oo~ mn_.mmo.mm mmxwm :pom - m.mop - ¢.mop - m.~o~ ovumm xmm N.—m mom.mmm.m w.mm www.mmo.¢ o.oo~ www.mao.mp mmpmsmm .IIII. N.oo Ppo.mww.n m.mm cmm.omcxm o.oo~ mwo.~wm.mp mmpwz .oomp o.Po nnm.vmm.m~ o.mm o¢m.emn.m o.oo~ mmm.m~c.w~ mmxwm :uom - m.~op - «.mop - m.mo~ omumm xmm o.mo mem.omv.o o.Fm ¢P¢.mww.m o.oo_ ocn.mom.m mm—msmm .IIII- N.wm mmn.¢nm.m w.pm me~.o~o.m o.oop wvm.e¢o.m mmpwz .mmmp o.wm P¢P.Poo.m_ v.~m mom.mmm.m 0.09? wom.¢mm.w— mmxwm spam ucmogma consaz pcmugma consaz pcmocma consaz xmm .Jmmmm .mflmmm .JmHQH nz< m .mnm— use .momp .mmmp .xwm ccm muchwmmm Xn .cmLH mo cowuzowgummo cowpmpzaoa .m.~ mpnmp 36 Almost all of the rural population is engaged in agricultural and live- stock production. Most of the rural people live in very small villages. However, a minority are nomadic tribes who do not have permanent resi- dence and migrate from one place to another. An Iranian village is typically small in area and population, and has very little contact with the outside. It usually consists of a cluster of mud houses which are occupied by several extended and joint families. Practically all the villagers are cultivators but a few of them may occupy traditional artisan positions such as blacksmiths, car- penters, and barbers. Most products of the village are produced and consumed locally, and therefore the village is self-sufficient in most respects.&§/ Before land reform (1963), all the villagers were characterized by large land-holdings which involved three types of property owner- ship: private ownership, mosque ownership, and state ownership. Three types of private landholders could be distinguished, namely, the large landholders, the medium landholders, and the petty landholders. Along- side the landholders, there was a large amount of peasants, village middlemen, and traditional agricultural laborers. The big landholders, i.e., those with more than five villages each, owned a total of 19,000 villages in Iran (38% of the total). This category contained thirty- seven families. The medium landholders, i.e., those with between one and five villages, owned a total of 7,000 villages (14% of the total). The petty landlords, i.e., those with less than one village each, owned about 15,000 villages (30% of the total). Almost all of these three types of landholders were absentee landholders. Religious institutions 37 owned a total of 6,000 endowed villages (12%). Finally, the state itself owned over 3,000 villages (6%).5é/ According to governmental statistics for 1956, before land reform, the total number of peasant families were 1.8 million (59% of all rural families). Only seven percent (130,000 families) of the 1.8 million families (four percent of all rural families) owned their own land which averaged about three hectares each. The remainder (93% of 1.8 million families or 55% of all rural people) did not own land, but had only the right to culti- vate it. In traditional speech, they were called Nasagh.holders.flZ/ The village middlemen were those who indirectly participated in pro- duction. They did not own the land, the means of production, and they were shopkeepers and other occupational groups related to farming. F’inally, the traditional agricultural laborers were those who worked orI the land for the Nasagh_holders for a return in kind. In the tradi- ‘tiional classification of the rural population, village middlemen and tncaditional agricultural laborers formed a stratum called Khoshne- .§lljg,&§/ This group comprised 1.25 million families (41% of all rural families). The middlemen families formed a relatively small proportion (TE the Khoshzshins (their numbers did not exceed a few hundred thou- _4_9_/ sand persons). Through the implementation of land reform (1963), half of the iuiral population acquired land and the other half did not. Indeed, the latter lost even the partial access to cultivating and work rights they had before land reform. Side by side with the creation of a new rural Propertied class came the creation of a new landless class, with 59/ nottring to sell but their labor power. 38 Consequently, land reform has created and rearranged rural classes and strata in relation to prOperty in the form of land. Only 570,000 families received enough land, which along with 130,000 previously better-off peasants, became a total of 700,000 well-off peasant families. Over one million peasant families received less than one hectare of land. The majority of these families joined pre-reform rural agricultural laborers because of the insufficiency and undesirability of the distributed land.§l/ The pre-reform agricultural laborer still remained landless because according to land reform regulations, only Nasagh_holders were eligible to acquire the land. In sum, then, we can talk about the polarization of the rural population. On the one side, a minority of well-to-do peasants (700,000 families), and, on the other side, a majority of poor peasants with less than one hectare of land, and finally the landless agricultural laborers. The social control of the village is usually maintained by the authority of a headman who is generally the wealthiest and most influen- tial member of the village. Furthermore, he very often represents the government. The villager is generally suspicious of the values intro- duced from the outside and prefers to follow established traditions. Consequently, most of the tools and techniques of transportation, cul- tivation, and home industries have remained primitive. Iranian cities, in contrast to the villages, are quite similar to those of modern societies since their economic, political and socio- cultural structures have been considerably influenced by western indus- trialism, urbanism, and modern technology. About 46.9 percent of the 39 Iranian people lived in urban communities in 1976 (Table 2.3). Lite- racy in cities is considerably higher than in the villages and the socio-economic status of the population, especially those of the upper and middle class, is highly advanced as compared with the rural popula- tion. Most of the urban labor force is engaged in non-agricultural occupations, working in small and large factories, commerce, transpor- tation, construction, government and private services. Three social classes may be identified in the urban populations of Iran: 1. The upper class, or elite, estimated to number from two hundred to one thousand, consists of the most powerful, prestigeful, and wealthy persons in Iran. The members of the upper class are large-scale manufacturers, clergymen, top government and mili- tary leaders, and prominent Western-educated pro- fessionals and intellectuals.§g/ 2. The middle class, which has largely emerged in the last few decades and is rapidly growing, is com- posed of skilled factory workers, educated white- collar workers, small industrialists, bankers, small businessmen, and old-time artisans, shop- keepers, and small traders. 3. The lower class, which is composed mostly of rural migrants who came to the cities to find jobs or to visit relatives and remained. This class con- sists occupationally of unskilled day laborers, personal servants, porters, peddlers, and other 4O low-status occupations. Many members of this class live in squatter areas of the city. The gap between city life and village life, while extremely great, is slowly closing as a consequence of the diffusion of urban and indus- trial ideology through modern education, communication, and contact between urban and rural populations. The inhabitants of Iran have neither racial nor linguistic unity, but over 98 percent profess to be Moslems (Table 2.4). The most impor- tant ethnic groups are the Persians, accounting for nearly three-quar- ters of the total population, the Turkish, Baluchi and Arab elements. There is a considerable number of Armenians, and a small number of Jews, Assyrians, Brahuis and Hazaras. Out of the total population of 25.07 million in 1966, 24.8 million were Moslems of whom 90 percent were Shi'a, which is the official reli- gion of the state. The Shi'a Moslems became the majority group under the Safavid kings; prior to this time the Sunni Moslems were the domi- nant group.§§/ Christians form the largest non-Moslem religious minority group in Iran (Table 2.4). Armenians number approximately 190,000. Most of the Armenians live in Tehran, Julfa (Isfahan), Tabriz, Rezaizeh and Rasht where they have been important in commerce and the development of industry.§fl/ The Jews are found in most of the major citiesééj and in 1966 numbered 60,683 (Table 2.4), but their numbers have been greatly reduced by the migration to Israel of approximately 45,000 members since 1948, and especially after the 1979 Iranian Revolution. 41 Table 2.4. Religious Affiliation of the Iranians, 1956 and 1966. RELIGIOUS 1956 1966 GROUPS Total Percent Total Percent Moslems 18,654,127 98.4 24,771,922 98.80 Christians 114,528 0.6 149,429 0.60 Jewish 65,232 0.3 60,683 0.23 Zoroastrians 15,723 0.1 19,816 0.08 Others and not reported 105,094 0.6 77,075 0.29 TOTAL 18,954,704 100.0 25,078,923 100.0 Source: Adapted from firSt National Census of Iran, op.cit., Vol. 2, p. 146 and National Census of Population and Housing, op.cit., Vol. CLXVIII, p. 13. In Population of Iran, edited by Momeni, 1977. 42 The languages native to Iran are Persian, spoken by a majority of the population and the official language of the country, and various languages closely akin to Persian which are spoken north of Elburz in Gilan and Mazandaran and by Lur and Bakhtiari tribesmen. Kurdish and Baluchi are related languages of the Indo-European group and are spoken in the rural areas and towns where these tribal groups are still an important entity. Arabic dialects are spoken by some two million people, particularly in Khoozestan, along the Persian Gulf and by some of the nomadic tribes in Fars Province. Turkish dialects, unrelated to Persian or Arabic, are spoken by approximately four million people: the Azeri in Azarbyjan, the Qashqai, some of the Khamseh tribes in Fars, and the Turkomen in Khurasan.§§/ Geographic and Political Characteristics of Tabriz Tabriz, one of the largest and most industrialized cities in Iran and one of its former capitals, lies in a valley to the north of the long ridge of Mount Sahand. This valley opens out into a plain that slopes down gently to the north and to Lake Rezaieh, forty-two miles to the West. By virtue of its situation and its altitude of 4,600 feet, Tabriz has an agreeable summer climate, but the cold in winter is severe. The nearest points on the Soviet and Turkish frontiers are, respectively, 60 and 100 miles from the city. Owing to its proximity to Russia and Turkey as well as to the fact that it is in an earth- quake zone, Tabriz has had a very eventful history. The name Tabriz has been popularly derived from Tab-riz, meaning in modern Persian "fever-dispelling," but its origin is more likely to 43 be found in the much older Pahlavi roots tap-riz (or tav-riz), signi- fying "causing to flow", a possible allusion to the numerous springs of mineral water that rise in the slopes of Mount Sahand.§Z! Tabriz was probably taken by the Arabs about A.D. 642, but it was then and for long after merely a small town, being completely over- shadowed by the much larger and more important cities of Ardabil and Maraghehég/ (two cities located in Azarbyjan Province). In A.D. 858 Tabriz was totally destroyed by an earthquake, the first of a number of disasters caused by the forces of nature that it was to suffer. It was, however, soon rebuilt, and a little over a century later it was a walled town and was described as a "small borough, pleasant and prosperous."§2/ When the Mongols overran Persia in 1220-21, their armies twice appeared before the walls of Tabriz, but on each occasion they were induced to spare the city by the prompt payment of a large ransom. Not long afterwards, however, it fell into their hands. Later in the century, Hulagu Khan, the first of the Mongol rulers of Persia, made Maragheh his capital, so Tabriz was once again relegated to a sub- ordinate position. Ghazan Khan, who became II-Khan in 1295, made Tabriz his capital in place of Maragheh; thus the former city became the chief administra- tive center of a vast empire that stretched from the Oxus to the bor- ders of Egypt and from the Caucasus to the Indian Ocean.§9/ With the fall of the Mongol dynasty, Tabriz entered upon a very confused and troubled period, as it became a "bone of contention" between the rival dynasties of the Jala'irs and the Chubanids. 44 In 1501 Shah Isma'il, the first of the Safavi rulers of Persia, occupied Tabriz, where he was crowned; soon afterwards, he made the city his capital in place of Ardabil. At that time the population of Tabriz was between 200,000 and 300,000,§l/ of whom two-thirds were Sunis. Notwithstanding the preponderance of the later, Shah Isma'il forced them all to adopt the Shi'a form of belief. In 1721 the city was once more devastated by an earthquake, which, besides destroying the walls, is said to have caused the death of 80,000 people. In the following year, so fatal for Persia, the Rus- sians under Peter the Great invaded the country on the pretext of help- ing the existing system.§g/ By the beginning of the nineteenth century, Russia had become as grave a menace to Persia as Turkey had been, and Tabriz, being situated so near to her frontiers, was made an important military center.§§/ In 1827, in the course of the second of the two disastrous wars that Persia waged with Russia in the early part of the nineteenth century, the Russian forces captured Tabriz. The city was, however, restored to Persia by the Treaty of Turkomanchai which was concluded in the following year. During the Second World War, Tabriz once again was occupied by Soviet troops. Although under a treaty obligation to withdraw from Persia within six months of the conclusion of the state of hostilities with Germany and her allies, the Russian troops remained in Tabriz and other occupied parts of Persia for some months after the stipulated period. When they left, Tabriz was under the control of the so-called Democrats until they were driven from the city by regular Persian 45 63/ troops some months later. At the present time, Tabriz is the capital city of Azarbyjan Province with a population of 597, 976, an annual growth rate of 4.8 percent (Table 2.5). It is one of the most important industrial and commercial centers which constitutes one of the major metropolitan areas in Iran (Figure 2.2). Although it is the fourth largest city in population (Table 2.6). Tabriz has a wide range of primary and fabricating industries, includ- ing textiles, a tractor factory, car manufacturers, a cigarette company, chemical products, paper, construction materials, appliances, plastics, and foods. The city is the hub of a transportation and communications network, various local and government services, financial interests, and education (Figure 2.3). These industries have added to the econo- mic well-being of the city and have also served to propel an influx of potential laborers (a characteristic of big cities in developing countries) into the city and surrounding areas. A number of local, national, and international developments con- tributed to Tabriz's industrialization. Railroads to Tehran, to Jolfa at the border of Russia, and to Turkey, improved transportation and communications. It is worth noting that the railroad network has been the most fundamental factor in the modern growth of the city. There are other factors which have been essential in the industrialization process in Tabriz. These factors are as follow: a) favorable state laws granting certain tax exemptions to industries; b) availability of moderately trained local labor; 46 Figure 2.2. Map of East Azarbyjan Province. one-“Ins“ fault-Dov..- GHAFGHAZ LF KHOMA.RLOO KE‘HI Jo ‘ .E gonna-u. . ,‘ ‘ ”BS-{i ““ “banned M :7 "0:15:33 "“3 '.‘.L‘¢~ , ....... 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Hunt 1 - ‘1' ' YW ‘ IBAYDJAN AS? 1! :nu 111111 i ‘u u :0. ”nuns. 5" ‘19 I '1 L U: u a l b I I) 47 .. 1333?..353 .. .- but ..._.u_. _o_fiehfi_47qanwfl¢d¢m3 "hymn" 92:22:29.3. ‘ .Q . .141... 1A“! \Q coo . 43.1.1. .lfltii-‘Am... . o “K133123111..L@ - on \ o x) Iain? . . 111...: 3.1% z... .n: “5.17.243: .2. .. .z .2. 5. .2. ,2... ........m.. 3.2.3:. «535...! 1:0 thrl... E. ... 3.. :Ell5v. a 3.333333 ...51:..... .3... 1:... .55; fl . 9. 4 3.... A 5)... : inn-Si . ~39“; .9323 5:09.55 \Daam 31:3... 1. .fs. guy . .111 :u...:.. 1...."142... 1121!. is! . — a ”.7.wa yo. 6... Juikir .19....r3xu; r .1421: III lllyD oo-¢b V3.” $111....) 3. Inimfiiz‘ ‘(Illl v1 : . . H: I “A. Belg NEmo vcm com F mom, coop omop mmmp .cmng: Pouch .mmwuwu .cmnc: quoh .mmwpwu mucmmzogh cm mummmpu mo acmugma 4o consaz mo ucmucwa 4o gmnsaz mmmmmpo mo mNFm mo consaz .momp new mmop .caLH cw cowpmpsaoa cant: Lo gawuznaagmmo ocmuama .¢.m mpnmp 69 Figure 3.2. Iranian Cities over 20,000 Popu1ation in 1966. 0 100 200 300 N o - “ 0 0 Q . 0 . Tehran "0:1...“ 0 . .‘.gsfahan ‘0‘. 1. o ' ‘ Ahval . 19‘6“ . ‘5‘“,‘1. ’ . . . Kerman ‘. TI TI Popu1ation in Thousands O 20 to 49 so to 99 a 100 to 499 500 and over 70 It has been ca1cuTated that in 1900, 21 percent of the popu1ation 1ived in urban areas.22/ This percentage persisted untiT the 1940's a1though the number of urban dweTTers increased from 2.07 mi11ion to 3.20 mi11ion. The Tatter part of this period coincides with the period of reform and deve10pment of motor transport. This increased mobi1ity probab1y accounts for some of the migration to the towns during the period, but the fact that the urban-rura1 ratio remained the same during those forty years may partTy be exp1ained by the need for the agricuTturaT sector to produce more food for a growing rura1 and urban popu1ation and by an increase not on1y of cu1tivab1e 1and but aTso of the Tabour force.2§/ This pattern changed 1ater. As I mentioned earTier, the urban popu1ation increased to 31 percent in 1956 and 39 percent in 1966. In 1956-66 intercensaT period the number of sett1e- ments with more than 5,000 inhabitants increased by 37.22! The most striking point is the correTation between urban sett1ements and areas of high rura1 popu1ation densities. With the main roTe of many urban centers being the performance of higher order functions for rura1 areas, it is not surprising that the greatest networks of towns and cities are found in Azerbyjan, north and south of the E1burz, and in basins a10ng the Zagros mountains. Many of these sett1ements are on the historic trade routes, such as the SiTk Road,199/ and this route network is again being re-emphasized by current road-budeing programs. Tab1e 3.5 shows that the percentage of the urban popu1ation in cities of 100,000 and more has increased from 51.3 in 1956 to 60.6 in 1966. The Towest annuaT growth rate has been in towns with a popu1a- tion of 50,000 to 99,999. An ana1ysis of intercensaT growth in a11 71 .omop .cowua~p:omgo cape use ommp .Lowcou=_ we xgum_=_z ”name Go mugaom po.o o.oo. o.oc— m- o.oo_ c.oop amp 4L=m epogmmzo: mgu An umumswumm mm mpcmgmwz mo ucmogmm .4. .Acmgnv comp ecu ommp mo mamcmu pmcompmz "muczom P.op+ ~.opu ~.~+ m.n+ m.~- m.mm+ mmcmcu x m.mm e.oe an.m_ ~.wm m.Po mmm.m~ mmmp m.m¢ 5.0m o.- ¢.Pm m.me emm.wp mmmp Apcmugmav Apcmugmmv mgappauwgmm mes» -coz cw -onwgm< cw Aucmogmav Aucmugmmv Aucmugmav ooc.p cw me> comumngoa :omumpznom m>wuu< m>mpo< mucmgmwz cane: ngzm cowumpsaom cowumpaqoa a .momp . mmmp .cmg~ cw omcmcu comumaauuo ccm cowumpaaoa .~.m «Fame .1 76 .mmmp - omm— «eee_ we memeeu peeevuez "eugeem .meeemeezu em. ea e.ee m; 5 we. 552333 2 m.~m «:3 ed A.“ 9.2 wwmwlcasmHmH ~— e.w_ m.mm o.o_ v.0 p.op cemegezx pp a.v~ m.~e e.e m.m ~.mp casemx op ~.o_ ~.eo m.c m.m o.m Leecem-mgem o e.cp m.mm ~.m m.sp _.~ eeumm~eegx w ~.w v.ao m.~ e.op —.~ :eummegex N e.m N.mm m.~ ~.m~ o.m cogenmceseox o m.~ o.—o m.e e.o~ _.~ eenzeege~< .3 m e.¢~ ~.om m.op _.m~ m.e :ewxeege~< .m e m.o c.eo —.m m.op e.m emce=e~ez m m.pp o.~e o.m m.mm o.m eep_w N m.o~ ~.mp m.m_ ~.e¢ ~.m —egueou . m.m_ ~.oe tho.mm m.—~ ammmp neg. —eHOF coop comp .mgeu .meweeu -Peumem< comp -ueeeeez cw :_ new» :_ new» ome. waxm mee_>eee geese: :epuepeeee -epeeee ee -epeeee xummeea :_ eme< we acmugme ueeueee aeeueee comes—:eee aeougwe .mem—-ommp "meee_>eee seweeg_ we ee_e=eweumwa —eee_uee:ueo eee .cepuepeeee .eeg< .m.m opeeh 77 Province (in the extreme southeast), to 44.7 persons per square ki10- meter in the CentraT Province in 1956. Data on occupationaT mobi1ity of Iranian migrants shows possibTe jobs opened to the migrants in the cities and vi11ages (Tab1e 3.9), yet there is evidence that many migrants add to the unemp10yed urban popu1ation. The survey of manpower in 1964 indicated that about 62% of the migrants who came to cities in order to find a job faiTed to do so and remained unempToyed. Furthermore, a majority of those who found a job or changed jobs were engaged in occupations such as services, trade, transportation, and communication. Low-skiTTed jobs such as shoe poTishing, carpet and house cTeaning, and particuTarTy petty trading are frequentTy taken by the newcomers.19§/ A1though manufac- turing and production doubTed their migration absorption share, they are far behind the services and trade absorption rate. The former economic sectors are not dynamic enough to absorb the avai1ab1e Tabor force. Zachariach's findings in this vein Ted him to advocate that this is a symptom of the underdeveTopment in the Asian urbanization process in this century. According to Zachariach: ...reason for the aTTeged Tack of baTance between urbanization and urban deveTopment in Asian countries is the inabiTity of the urban indus- tries in these countries to absorb the ever- increasing migrant Tabor force. Compared with European countries during a corresponding period of economic deveTopment, the urban Tabor force 78 in these countries consists of a re1ative1y sma11 proportion of factory workers and a 1arge proportion of workers empToyed in occu- pations as misceTTaneous, usuaTTy meniaT, 196] unskiTTed services. Under such circumstances, migration may not be a response to the actuaT demand for Tabor in the cities. Sti11, in spite of a11 its probTems, city 1ife is preferred because of the poor quaTity of rura1 1ife in the Tess-deveToped countries. In the past, there has been a tendency to think of migration as a simpTe rura1-to-urban move.lQZ/ Bharier has shown that in Iran the movements are far more comp1ex, and that the concept of a rura1-urban continuum is on1y part of the pattern.lg§/ By taking the totaT urban popu1ation increase, which was 105 percent between 1900 and 1956, he argues that any individua1 town or city which had an increase above that figure had net in-migration. For the period from 1956 to 1966, Bharier using simiTar techniques as in the earTier period, ca1cuTates that there has been a sharp rise in the amount of rura1-urban migration as a percentage of totaT migra- tion. It now amounts to 90 percent as compared to 39 percent in the earTier period.192/ Information on p1ace of birth is given as a sum- mary, as shown in Tab1e 3.10. Of the totaT popu1ation, 86.9 percent were born in the shahrestan of enumeration, compared to 89 percent in 1956, a1though shahrestan boundaries have been aTtered between the two censuses. The percentage of the urban popu1ation born in the shahres- tan_of enumeration was 37.6, and of the rura1 popu1ation, 95.4. 79 Tab1e 3.9. Occupation of Rura1-Urban Migrants Before and After Migration, 1964. Percent Urban Percent Rura1 OCCUPATION Before After Before After Migration Migration Migration Migration Tota1 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Out of Tabor force 68.0 59.5 64.2 59.2 Seeking work 5.6 3.3 1.9 0.7 TechnicaT and professionaT 1.5 2.3 1.0 1.3 Management and administrative 0.5 1.2 0.2 1.3 CTericaT 1.6 3.3 0.4 0.6 Trade 2.2 6.0 1.3 2.4 Farming 10.2 1.3 22.6 24.7 Transportation and communication 0.9 2.8 0.5 1.0 Manufacturing and productivity 5.1 11.8 3.6 5.0 Services 1.9 7.1 1.8 2.9 MiTitary 1.1 1.2 1.0 0.8 Others 1.4 0.2 1.5 0.1 Source: Househon SampTe Survey, 1964. 80 Contrasts between different ostans (provinces) and urban and rura1 1.1.0! areas are shown (Tab1e 3.10). As Tab1e 3.10 shows, over ten per- cent of the urban popu1ation in most provinces were born in a different ostan or shahrestan. Reasons for these migration figures are many, and a1though TittTe research has been done on causes of movement, many of the cTassic features operating in deveToping countries can be seen.lll/ Movement from the 1and has been caused by a re1ative decTine in agricuTturaT productivity, some increase in mechanization and 1and reform with re- distribution of 1and, 1eaving a group which no Tonger can find empToy- ment in rura1 areas. Rura1 unemp10yment resuTted when the farm produc- tion techniques coqu not accommodate aTT workers and when there are no aTternative sources of non-agricuTturaT empToyment. Mechanization of agricuTture drove peasants off the 1and and at the same time was unabTe to absorb rura1 wage Taborers. Because of faiTure of both the agricuT- turaT and non-agricuTturaT sectors to provide empToyment, the rura1 farm Taborers are faced with unemp10yment. The estabTishment of agri-business has created both the probTem of rura1 unemp10yment and decTine of agricuTturaT production. The "fer- tiTe region" for agri-business industries used to be found around the hydro-eTectric dams. They denied the growing rura1 popu1ation access to 1and and contributed to the spread of the wage-earning rura1 cTass and consequentTy increase of rura1 unemp10yment. Not on1y casuaT Tabourers, but even many with a cTaim to specific pieces of 1and, are being driven out. In Khoozestan, an estimated 17,000 peop1e had been E31 TabTe 3.10. BirthpTace of Popu1ation of Iran, 1966. 1 Ostan, Governora 1 Percentage born Percentage born in 1 T te of ' in Shahrestan of other Shahestan of i Percentage born in FarmandarikoT )__ Enumeration Ostan of Enumeration { other Ostan T . T j Tota1 Urban RuraT Tota1 Urban Rura1 i Tota1 Urban 1 Rura1 1 CentraT 1 65.1 54.5 90.4 11.3 13.9 5.0 ‘ 22.8 T 30.5 1 4.5 GiTan 95.0 g 86.7 97.4 2.7 7.5 1.4 2.2 1 5.5 1.2 T Mazandaran 83.5 74.5 86.4 4.0 5.9 3.4 12.3 E 19.3 10.1 East-Azerbayjan 96.2 90.5 98.5 2.5 6.3 0.9 1.2 i 3.0 T 0.5 West-Azerbayjan 92.4 T 82.0 96.0 $ 3.4 6.3 2.3 4.2 ) 11.5 5 1.6 ’1 1* 1 , 7' Kermanshahan T 90.8 T 83.4 94.9 T 4.0 5.3 3.3 4.5 g 11.1 g .3 ' ' . I Khoozestan i 79.5 69.6 92.1 8.5 11.0 5.3 11.7 E 19.0 E 2.5 Fars 93.5 89.3 96.4 3.2 4.8 2.2 3.2 T 5.8 i 1.5 ‘ g ' T T 1 Kerman { 95.1 T 88.3 97.5 T 2.6 6.1 1.4 3 2.2 g 5.5 ' 1.1 r 1 . ’ ' Khurasan g 92.5 81.6 96.9 § 5.4 T 11.3 L, 2.4 I 2.6 « 6.2 0.5 l i 0 i I . 1 . T 1 V ,' Isfahan f 95.9 T 94.2 97.6 i 2.0 g 2.6 1.4 i 2.0 ; 3.1 1 0.; T f . . ‘ SiStan and 1 1 3 i 1 BaTuchestan 93.7 69.1 98.3 1 2.7 12.2 0.9 3.4 1 18.1 3 0.7 “1” 3 1 Kordestan 94.8 85.3 96.7 1.6 4.3 . 1.1 3.3 E 10.3 f 1.9 g 1 Hamadan ; 97.3 93.9 98.4 0.9 1.4 0.7 1.8 g 4.6 5 0.9 ' 1 CharmahaT 97.9 96.7 98.4 0.2 0.2 0.2 1.9 1 3.1 : 1.4 I Lorestan 94.7 84.6 97.9 1.5 4.6 0.5 3.7 10.7 i 1.5 11am 95.8 89.0 96.9 0.4 0.8 0.3 3.6 9.9 2.5 KohkiTuveh 94.2 58.9 97.9 0.4 1.2 0.3 5.3 39.6 E 1.7 ' I Ports and Isiands I : Persian Gqu T 1 IsTands 94.3 81.0 98.0 1.2 3.6 0.6 4.3 i 15.0 ; 1.3 Ports and Isiands I ’ Oman Sea 94.9 78.7 97.8 1.3 4.5 0.7 3.7 f 16.4 , 1.3 T . Semnan 93.2 87.0 97.5 1.5 2.9 0.6 5.1 T 9.9 T 1.9 Note: Source of Data: P1an Organization, 1966. Momeni, J.A. Percentages do not add up to 100 as persons born in foreign countries are exCTuded. "Popu1ation of Iran," 1977. 82 11 / driven out by 1974. Their vi11ages have been buTTdozed away. As a consequence, persons had to Teave the rura1 areas and go to the cities. The attraction of the cities, whether it be reaT or imagined, is the prospect of a job for those unemp10yed, better wages for those a1ready empToyed, the avai1abi1ity of better heaTth and educationaT faciTities, and a be1ief that standard of 1iving can be improved. Since the city is the center of change, economic deveTopment and cuTturaT diffusion attract potentiaT migrants.ll§/ As Tong as urban 1ife has its advantages over rura1 1ife, this process may be expected to continue. This is strongTy refTected in the Iranian migration data gathered as a part of a manpower sampTe survey which is presented in Tab1e 3.11. In 1964 about han of the totaT migrants (49.2%) stated that their main reason for migration was to find a better job. An additionaT 11.2% moved because of unemp10yment. Therefore, more than 60% thought of migration as a means of finding a job or to improve their job status. AgricuTturaT occupations are usuaTTy 10w paying and consequentTy have 1ess prestige. Thus, it is not surprising that about 41% of a11 the migrants seeking a better job went to the cities. In the same manner, more than 41% of unemp10yed maTes and 36% of unemp10y- ed femaTes chose the cities as a favorite pTace for seeking empToyment (Tab1e 3.11). A concentration of educationaT institutions and training opportu- nities in the urban centers aTso intensifies the pu11 force of the cities. ATmost a11 of the migrants who moved for educationaT reasons went to the cities (98.7% as shown in Tab1e 3.11). 83 .NmeLHv comp .xe>cem epmamm Lezeaeez ”mugeem m.o_ mcemeem emcee Po. No. om.mm om.~o m.~ compeueem No. No. om.ne om.me w.w apmsem cwecmgmmfimfiee om.~m No. om.em Po. m.op emewcgez oe.mm oo.om cm.nm om.op 5.5 Lewmcech om._~ oo._~ om.mm oo.pe N.FF xcez mewxemm om.mm oe.mm pp.mp om.m~ «.me new gmuume e mcwxmem Aueeeceev Apeeucmev Apeeuemev Auemecmev Aueeegmev m4we2 .Ao.mv peeewmmewege .Ao.mv Peegem new: .Ao.mov zgeueeEe—m-peeeeumH “Ao.ov Feecem new: .Ap.~mv xgepcesepm .Am.FNV eeuxez-~wceek "wepeeem ece meFeE neweepecm Xeeceump 4e Fm>m4 umpez k. .uwe.ee .eespgwe m.uwe.ee .peecex “meeeem coo wmp z o.oop o.oo_ o.oop o.oop o.oop peach o.pm o.mm o.o_ m.m~ e.~m epegepwppH o.mo o.Fm o.em N.m~ o.mm aeueceuwe Augmecmev Apeeeemev Apcmecmev Apcmegmev Apemegmev mexem :aem epesed epez emeeem ewe: zeeceewe ewm Pencepmfi Neceeh .emm eee .PeecepmH .cheeh e? mceppeeem mees< aeegmuwe .e.m mpeeh 121 and offers a variety of insurance benefits, it is considered better than construction or other seasonaT work, despite the occasionaT higher wages paid by the Tatter. In the figure cited in Tab1e 5.5 for squatters, I have not at- tempted to controT educationaT attainment for age. A preTiminary exa- mination of survey data indicated that the younger the fami1y head, usuaTTy the more educated he wi11 be. This was expected as it is the case for Iran as a whoTe. Karpat's findings in study of Gecekondu aTso support this cTaim. He indicates that 17 men in the ages 16 to 35 age group were i11iterates; whiTe the number was higher -- about 45 among those 36 years of age and over.1521 The re1ationship between age and education has been cTearTy demonstrated as we11, among an 811- migrant sampTe in Monterrey, and CedraT in Mexico.l£§/ As shown in Tab1e 5.4, the Titeracy rate among the women is Tow-- (Tabriz, 26.2 percent; IstanbuT, 31 percent). The Tow rate of Titeracy among women is the consequence of traditionaT discrimination and Timited exposure to the outside wor1d. The reasons for women's high rate of i11iteracy wou1d incTude: the tradition that girTs shoqu be kept home to remain whoTesome; parents' ignorance and conservatism in accepting a Tow status for daughters in the fami1y; the need for some- one to take care of brothers and sisters; poverty of the fami1y and the need to earn a 1iving; and migration to the city. The i11iterate men and those who did not pursue studies beyond the first few years in eTementary schooT cited the foTTowing as pre— venting their study: poverty of the fami1y and the need to heTp 122 Tab1e 5.5. EmpToyment of Househon Head, By Literacy, Squatter Sett1ement, Tabriz. Tota1 EmpToyed UnempToyed Literacy Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Literate 122 100.0 110 90.2 12 9.8 ITTiterate 46 100.0 30 62.2 16 34.8 Tota1 168 100.0 140 83.3 28 16.7 123 either by working on the 1and or as a worker outside the vi11age; continuous migration; death of parents; faiTure of parents or them- seTves to appreciate the vaTue of education; and discrimination in favor of town boys in the case of those who sought admittance to higher schooTs. In genera1, it seems that the faiTure to pursue further education was due, in addition to the economic causes, to the impracticaT nature of education offered in the vi11age. Hence the squatters Tacked interest in education whiTe in the vi11age. But contact with the out- side wor1d, and with the city in particuTar, made them appreciate better the vaTue of education, yet, poverty prevented them from study- ing beyond grade schooT. OccupationaT Change and EmpToyment Urbanization for the migrant means a spatiaT move from the vi11age to the city as we11 as an occupationaT change. Through the move to the city, a viTTager's "determination of his socia1 status shifts from its basis in a kin group, to an occupationaT change."lflg/ Indeed, the migrants' most profound break with the vi11age and the first major step toward urbanization is caused by occupationaT change. There's no other singTe fier of activity that seems to affect the migrants' persona1 and socia1 1ife as much as occupationaT change. As Tab1e 4.5 indica- ted, the majority of migrants (71.4 in the case of Tabriz and 70.4 per- cent in the case of Monterrey) had agricuTturaT occupations at the time of migration. These percentages, as wi11 be discussed Tater, changed to zero in both cases after migration (Tab1e 5.6). Whether a watchman 124 .Ao.nv Leppou mews: .Ao.ev ememeseo .Ao.mv eexcez ce>e21ewm m8.3 eewepeeemca .Ao.mv wee» upeemcmew o.m o.np m.mp “.mp Ameee=m> peecpmv mepwew o.m o.- N.@ m.m Leeeexeeem o.ep o.np m.e_ —.op emppwxm o.ee o._e m.mm _.mm mgexgez emppwxm -wsmm Le eeppwxmee . 0.0 1 m.e_ ece mem>eeuuwwmweu Aueeegmev Aueeeeeev Auemegeev Aueeegeev e—ez epez ewe: xpmseu epez ewe: mewgemeueo emm Peeeepma xeeeeucez ~Pgee» .Aewa eee PeeeeumH .mepez “Aeggmpcez .meew: epesemee: meFez m~wceep .meee: epezemeezv mceuueeem mees< eewueeeeeo .o.m epee» 125 or a factory worker, the migrant no Tonger performs agricuTturaT work but a more or Tess specia1ized function requiring some skiTTs acquired on the job, or in a speciaT p1ace. He keeps reguTar work hours, receives his pay in cash, and spends it in the market. The re1ative1y Tow skiTTs required for services as weTT as their wiTTingness to take any kind of job, works to their advantage. Moreover, rura1 migrants in Iran and in Latin America tend to be upwardTy mobiTe, usuaTTy through occupationaT mobi1ity, rura1ity being no impediment to advance. The most important reason for the mobi1ity is the amount of time spent in the city, which usuaTTy is used for the purpose of specia1ization and socia1ization.1§9/ The rate of empToyment is very high in nearTy a11 the squatter sett1ements studied as weTT as in some other cities in India, North Africa, and Latin America. In Tabriz, 83.3 percent and in IstanbuT, 93 percent of the maTe squatters, were empToyed (Tab1e 5.7). In Lima, Peru, a bariada had 99 percent empToyment among the men and in Caracas, VenezueTa, 72.5 percent of the men were empToyed. In DeThi, India, which is known for its high rate of unemp10yment, 81.2 percent of the busti_dwe11ers had jobs. A19erian bidonviTTe dweTTers had 92 to 94 percent empToyment. In Buenos Aires, Germani found a1most no unemp10y- ment among squatters. The same high rate of empToyment prevaiTed among the squatters in Rio.l§L/ In a1most a11 of the cases mentioned earTier, unemp10yment was genera11y high among women, but this must be attributed to the same socia1 and cuTturaT norms affecting higher cTass women as we11. NearTy a11 squatters seem to harbor a fairTy Targe 1 26 Tab1e 5.7. EmpToyment Status of Househon Head in Tabriz, and of MaTes in IstanbuT, Among Squatters. Tabriz IstanbuT Categories Number Percent Number Percent I. EmpToyment Status EmpToyed 140 83.3 355 93 UnempToyed 28 16.7 27 7 Tota1 168 100.0 393 100.0 II. Status of EmpToyed Permanent 87 62.2 290 79 Temporary 32 22.8 76 21 SeasonaT 18 12.8 - - Unspecified 3 2.2 - - Tota1 140 100.0 366 100.0 I Source: Karpat, op.cit. 127 number of sma11 entrepreneurs, watchmen, seTf-empTOyed cab drivers, and peddTers, and so on, whose economic ambitions and innovative spirit is enhanced by a powerfuT drive to achieve higher socia1 status through the on1y channeT of mobi1ity open to them, nameTy, economic achievement. ConsequentTy, the squatters' occupations show such a great variation as to defy a meaningfuT cTassification: in Rabat, for instance, Chene found 22 categories. Squatters may be found in any sector of the economy that offers empToyment usuaTTy in Tower—paying jobs. In Tabriz, 61 percent of the empToyed maTes interviewd in this study her jobs in construction, technicaT occupations, and crafts (carpet weaving), whiTe the rest were empToyed in a score of privateTy- or pubTicaTTy-owned enterprises. SimiTar findings in IstanbuT indi- cates that 64 percent of the empToyed maTes her jobs in construction, technicaT occupations, agricuTture and trade (Tab1e 5.6). In ATgeria and Morocco (about 74 percent empToyed) the squatters work in sugar, cement, and tobacco factories, but aTso cTean and main- tain parks. In DeThi, India, they appear as textiTe workers, masons, cTerks, machanics, hawkers, petty shopkeepers, taiTors and carpen- ters.l§g/ On the other hand, many squatters, even those who have re1ative1y high-paying jobs, seem eager to open their own businesses and work for themseTves. In fact, when the opportunity arises, many squatters open, wherever possibTe, sma11 repair and grocery shops -- in Tabriz, 5.9 percent; in Monterrey, 8.2 percent; and in Rio, 6.0 percent. (Tab1e 5.6). In Tabriz, they often raise chickens in the backyard and se11 eggs, or engage in some other sma11-sca1e trade. 128 In some exceptionaT cases, they have devised their own sewing machines, or brought important innovations to the existing ones and become Targe-sca1e manufacturers. In DeThi, some huts were used for industria1 purposes. An area honing 13,158 famiTies had 92 such industria1 estabTishments. Economic and OccupationaT Structure The dominant roTe pTayed by economic factors in the formation, deveTopment, and eventuaT urban integration of the squatters has been stressed throughout this study. Occupation and occupationaT mobi1ity therefore have a centraT p1ace in the 1ife and transformation of the squatters. It has been mentioned that most squatters in Tabriz and eTSewhere appear to be unskiTTed, poverty-stricken, and unorganized Taborers and hence wiTTing to work Tong hours and to take jobs that the skiTTed and organized Tabor wou1d not ordinariTy accept. Conse- quentTy, as expected, empToyment among maTe squatters surveyed in Tabriz was high. As we have seen, 83.3 percent of the heads of house- hons were empToyed (Tab1e 5.7). Moreover, of the empToyed, 87 per- sons, or 62.2 percent, had permanent jobs, 22.8 percent had temporary jobs, and 12.8 her seasonaT jobs (Tab1e 5.7). SimiTar findings are presented by Karpat among Gecekondus in IstanbuT. He indicates that of a totaT of 393 maTe respondents, 93 percent were empToyed. Seventy- nine percent of those empToyed had permanent jobs, and 21 percent had temporary jobs (Tab1e 5.7). At the time of the survey of the squatters in Tabriz, 16.7 percent of the fami1y heads reported being unemp10yed. Reasons given for 129 unemp10yment were: Tack of work or cannot find work, 57.1 percent; iTTness, 28.6 percent; and suspended from work, 14.3 percent. The average time of unemp10yment of this group was three months to an unspecified period of time. At best this is on1y an indication of the nature and degree of unemp10yment. Quitting or switching jobs because of Tow pay or other difficuTties is common. Some jobs are of short duration and many men go for weeks between jobs. Many of the maTe squatters, as mentioned earTier, are doing a different type of work in Tabriz and e1sewhere, than they did before the move (TabTes 4.5 and 5.6). A Took at the Tist of occupations of squatters reveaTs that most are working in unskiTTed and semi-skiTTed type jobs. Among squatters unskiTTed or semi-skiTTed jobs were her by 35.1 percent in Tabriz; 37.3 percent in Monterrey; 41 percent in IstanbuT, and 47 percent in Rio (Tab1e 5.6). The jobs her incTude construction work, budeers, drivers, waiters, servants, cooks, masons, gas station workers, gardeners, bTacksmiths, watchmen, garbagemen, bus fare coTTectors, doormen, street cTeaners, car washers, repairmen and janitors. Such jobs, a1though their product is invisibTe, are in no sense a drain on the urban economy, nor are they for the most part -- artificiaTTy created. They are jobs which needed to be done, and which generate income that recircuTates throughout the economy. In Iran carpet weaving is one of the important traditionaT occu- pation among the viTTagers in generaT and Tower cTass peop1e in the cities in particuTar. As Tab1e 5.6 shows, 14.9 percent of househon heads mentioned their job as carpet weaving type. They work for 130 industria1 carpet buyers, who pay them either on an hourTy basis for making carpets in their own home, or for making carpet within a speci- fied time span at a set price. . Some of the occupations among squatters in Tabriz might be con- sidered skiTTed, such as auto mechanics, butchers, some factory workers, werers, and eTectricaT repairmen. Other skiTTed occupations incTude a photographer in the case of IstanbuT, and musicians in the case of Monterrey. Some of the skiTTed persons are assistants or heTpers and most have Tearned the trade through informaT means. The percentages of skiTTed workers among four squatter sett1ements are: Tabriz, 10.1 percent; Monterrey, 14.5 percent; IstanbuT, 17.0 percent; and Rio, 14 percent (Tab1e 5.6). There are aTso some seTf-empToyed persons among the squatters. These are shopkeepers or store owners, and street vendors. The shops were: grocery stores, coffeehouses in the case of Monterrey, Rio, and IstanbuT; teahouses in the case of Tabriz. There were aTso eating p1aces, barber and vegetabTe shops, a11 of which were privateTy owned and operated. According to Karpat, some of the shopkeepers among squatters in IstanbuT her jobs e1sewhere in the city, either because the income from the store was insufficient or in order to increase their capitaT. A11 served the sett1ements a1most echusiveTy. The street vendors coqu aTso be considered as seTf-empToyed and simiTar to those that go in daiTy search of work, except that they are seTTing products. Some of the squatters who are street vendors have push-carts from which they seTT fruit and vegetabTes. According to 131 Karpat, in Gecekondu, some street vendors have carts mounted on the fronts of bicycTes and seTT fruit, vegetabTes and other groceries. The contention that squatters contribute TittTe to the economy in terms of Tabor or consumption is not supported by the present study. We found that a1most everyone is abTe to work (Tab1e 5.7). They work in the service sector, as unskiTTed or skiTTed workers, as shopkeepers, government empToyees, and street vendors. OnTy very few of these squatters work within the TocaT community, whiTe a11 the others contribute their Tabor directTy to the "externaT city economy." Squatters not on1y bude the high-rise budeings in Tabriz, Monterrey, IstanbuT, Rio and in some other deveToping countries in which so much pride resides, but they aTso are the ones who maintain and cTean these budeings. Squatter Earnings It was difficu1t to obtain accurate information concerning the squatters' wages and annuaT income. There was an obstinate effort on the part of men to appear much poorer and more destitute than they actuaTTy were. The squatters feTt that appearing re1ative1y weTT-to- do wou1d be her against them and possibTy used as a reason for not granting them the titTe to the 1and or for forcing them to settTe e15ewhere. In part this refTected the traditionaT IsTamic understand- ing of charity and mutuaT he1p. whereby the rich have a moraT duty to assist the underpriviTeged in whatever way possibTe. The poorer one is, the heavier is the responsibiTity of those capabTe of aiding him. 132 Before considering the earnings of squatter fami1y heads, it shoqu be noted that the income figures need to be taken in Tight of the kinds of empToyment situations discussed above. That is, there is considerab1e variabi1ity from day to day, month to month, and season to season for some of the men. Tab1e 5.8 summarizes the monthTy income of househon heads in Tabriz. For purposes of comparison we wi11 divide the income of househon heads into three categories: Top third; middTe third; and bottom third. The top third incTudes from 18,000 to 21,000 or more riaTs; the middTe third ranges between 9,001 to 18,000 riaTs; and the bottom third incTudes the incomes under 9,000 riaTs.l§§/ About 42 percent of a11 monthTy income of househon heads faTTs within the bottom third; 34 percent of incomes is 10cated in the middTe third categories; and finaTTy seven percent is in the top third 1eve1 of income (Tab1e 5.8). In the case of Monterrey, the incomes are aTso divided into approximate thirds: from 2,001 to 2,900 pesos (top third), from 1,051 to 2,000 pesos (middTe third); and incomes between 151 to 1,050 pesos (bottom third). The greatest per- centages of incomes in the case of Monterrey, center in the bottom third of the income distribution (Tab1e 5.9). In the case of Rio, as Tab1e 5.10 shows, 17 percent of individuaTs in the random sampTe were unemp10yed, 26 percent were earning han the minimum wage or 1ess, and another 30 percent earned 1ess than one minimum wage (the U.S. equivaTent of the minimum wage at the time of survey was $40 per month). In sum, three-quarters of those gainfuTTy empToyed were 154/ receiving $40 a month or 1ess -- a maximum of $10 per week._—_' This 133 Tab1e 5.8. MonthTy Income in RiaTs* of Househon Heads, Squatter Sett1ement, Tabriz. Amount of Income Number of House- Percent CumuTative hon Heads of Tota1 Percentage 21,000+ 7 4.2 4.2 18,001 - 21,000 5 3.0 7.2 15,001 - 18,000 14 8.2 15.4 12,001 - 15,000 22 13.1 28.5 9,001 - 12,000 22 13.0 41.6 6,001 - 9,000 36 21.4 63.0 3,001 - 6,000 24 14.3 77.3 Less than 3,000 10 6.0 83.3 Nothing (unemp10yed) 28 16.7 100.0 Tota1 168 100.0 *Note: Currency and exchange rates (November, 1980). The minimum wage in Iran is 7,000 riaTs. JPT sterTing = 170.73 riaTs U.S. $1 = 72.10 riaTs 134 Tab1e 5.9. MonthTy Income in Pesos of Househon Heads, Squatter Sett1ement, Monterrey. Income (in pesos) Number of House- Percent of CumuTative hon Heads Tota1 Percentage 2,500 - 2,900 4 1.9 1.9 2,001 - 2,499 - - 1.9 1,551 - 2,000 8 9 5.8 1,351 - 1,550 11 .3 .11.1 1,151 - 1,350 29 14.0 25.1 1,051 - 1,150 17 8.2 33.3 951 - 1,050* 36 17.4 50.7 841 - 950 36 17.4 68.1 751 - 850 20 9.6 77.7 651 - 750 8 3.9 81.6 551 - 650 2.9 84.5 451 - 550 3.4 87.9 351 - 450 3.4 91.3 251 - 350 13 6.3 97.6 151 - 250 2.4 100.0 Tota1 207 100.0 100.0 Source: Hopgood, op.cit. *Note: The 1ega1 minimum daiTy wage for Monterrey of 37.20 pesos faTTs within this category. (This equaTTed U.S. $2.97 prior to the 1976 devaTuation of the peso.) 135 * Tab1e 5.10. IndividuaT and Househon Income in Cruzeiros, Squatter Sett1ement, Rio (N = 600). Income LeveT Percent of Percent of IndividuaT Tota1 Househon Income Income Nothing 17 - % minimum saTary or 1ess 26 3 %-1 minimum saTary 30 19 1-1% minimum saTaries 16 26 1% - 2 minimum saTaries 8 19 2 - 2% minimum saTaries 3 15 2% - 3 minimum saTaries - 7 3 - 4 minimum saTaries 1 6 4 - 5 minimum saTaries 9 2 5 minimum saTaries or more - 3 Source: PerTman, op.cit. * Note: One minimum saTary equaTs T60 cruzeiros or U.S. $40.00. 136 group faTTs within the bottom third of the income distribution. According to Karpat, the median monthTy earnings of a working maTe squatter in IstanbuT was 612 Tiars and of a woman 459 Tiars. The annuaT earnings per fami1y was about 8,200 Tiars, which compares quite favorabTy with the nationaT gross per-capita income of 3,143 1iars.l§§/ As expected, those who genera11y earn the higher incomes are those empToyed in factories and/or those having contracts. Among those with contracts, the average monthTy income is 1,550 riaTs which faTTs in the middTe third of income range. Of the seven men in the highest income category (21,000+), six were government empToyees, and one was working as an operative in a factory. These persons faTT within the top third of the income distribution (Tab1e 5.8). It was aTso expected that those with more education wou1d genera1- 1y earn more. Among the men with a high schooT degree, the monthTy income ranges from 1,450 to 1,760 riaTs. The men reporting the Towest incomes, Tess than 3,000 riaTs, are some construction workers and street vendors. Many of these peop1e are advanced in years and are partiaTTy supported by their chderen or wives. Most of the construc- tion workers, semi-skiTTed and unskiTTed workers, factory and shop empToyees faTT into the middTe range of income (9,001 to 18,000). Store owners aTso faTT into the middTe range, a1though they were genera11y more uncertain or vague about their earnings. Those who reported have monthTy earnings in the 9,000 - 13,000 riaTs range. By Tooking at the monthTy income of squatters in four countries (Iran, Mexico, BraziT and Turkey), one may concTude that the squatters' earnings, a1though beTow the average for estabTished city dweTTers, 137 were substantiaTTy above that of many of their friends and re1atives Teft in the native vi11ages. An important deveTopment, the increase in 1iving standards, was technicaTTy the immediate consequence of occupationaT change and had profound effects on the squatters' positive attitude toward the city. SociaT Organization and CTass The attachments to the vi11age cuTture among squatters is strong, as is true among nearTy a11 rura1 migrants everywhere. However, the vi11age cuTture was not preserved intact in the squatter sett1ements but was constantTy changing in interaction with new conditions and forces in the urban environment. The residents of the squatter sett1e- ments surveyed appear in genera1 to be mobiTe and fTuid, and oriented toward eventuaT integration in the city. They did not have rigid, permanent institutions, but rather transitionaT patterns of organiza- tion and 1eadership estabTished to deaT with probTems confronting the sett1ement. The squatters did not have any forma1, integrated and cohesive form of organization but rather severaT informaT 1eadership sets that refTected both the migrants' vi11age cuTture, and the pro- bTems confronting them in the city. Three sets of conditions affect the organization and 1eadership of the squatters. First, there is the viTTage background, which ex- presses itseTf in adherence to prescribed vaTues and behavior toward friends, re1atives, and erers, based on a strong sense of community and a high regard for fami1y. Indeed, fami1y customs, forma1 respect for reTigion, the maintenance of a concrete identification with the 138 vi11age, and the priority given to the community over the individua1 stems from the vi11age cuTture. Leaders in the community are expected to see to it that attachment to the vi11age cuTture and vaTues are respected and maintained. Indeed, among the squatters some Teaders, usuaTTy reTigious men (MoTahs) or oner househon heads, are ranked in the community 1arge1y according to their roTes and functions as perpet- uators of the vi11age cuTture. Second, there is the maintenance of order and security within the sett1ement and its deveTopment and weTT- being. The men who bude the best house or open a shop -- that is, those who achieve a degree of success and estabTish some prestige in the sett1ement, regardTess of their vi11age background, beTong to this group of Teaders. Third, there is the practicaT consideration connect- ed with the reTations of the sett1ement with the outside wor1d, the city and the government. Thus, the first group of factors seems to be psychoTogicaTTy and sociaTTy usefuT, whereas the second and third groups of factors aim at securing the physica1 weTT-being of the squatters and at integrating it into the city and nationaT 1ife. In practice, the three basic functions often overTapped as did the roTes assigned to the three groups of Teaders. On baTance, or in case of confTict, the achievement-oriented 1eaders -- those who had estabTished their authority over the squatters and coqu best conduct its re1ations with the outside wor1d -- had the upper hand. In other words, the most successfuT Teader was the one who coqu harmonize the 01d with the new. The squatters' cuTturaT and group activities revoTved around the community, which in turn represented reTigious and socia1 identities 139 and attachments stemming from a variety of kinship associations, vaTues, and traditionaT socio-poTiticaT institutions. The identity of the Iranian vi11ages is assumed to be formed by his fami1y, ethnic group, and re1igion. The communaT identity in turn is a coTTective expression of the same. ReTigion among the squatters must be seen as on1y part of a broader vi11age communaT cuTture. WhiTe an overwheTming majority of squatters cTaim to be good MusTims, many confessed that they do not perform the rituaTs of IsTam, except perhaps fasting. OnTy one or two men among those interviewed cTaimed that their greatest ambition in 1ife is to become a MoTah (re1igious chief). Some re1igious men offer free re1igious education in the Koran to squatters' chderen but defend workers' rights and advocate the fuTT adoption of technoTogy, modern education, and science. Even in the squatters' vi11ages, some re1igious MoTahs or Imams, as they are ca11ed 10ca11y, turned into fierce advocates of democracy and urged their vi11age mates to parti- cipate in eTections and other community affairs. They aTso urge viT- Tage chderen to attend TaTabeh (cTergy) schooTs. Other MoTahs be1ieved that democracy began with ATi, since he instituted weTfare measures that are considered an inherent part of a democratic order. The reconciTiation of these diverse attitudes may be exp1ained partTy by the fact that to be a MusTim for the vi11ages and the squatters means first of a11 to be part of a community. In other words, re1i- gious affiTiation is part of a broader socia1 identification with a community, with the acceptance of communaT ethics and behavioraT 140 norms. ReTigion for the squatters is a concrete set of ruTes and reguTations connected with the reaTities of 1ife rather than an abstract system of ethics. The concrete expression of 811 these is the community. In the eyes of squatters, any individua1 who accepts the supre- macy of the community, as they understand it, is a member of the group. The fact that the community exp1ains and justifies its existence by re1igious, scientific, or poTiticaT principTes has TittTe importance as Tong as that justification and expTanation does not tend to cause a disintegration of communaT 1ife. SchoTars have defined MusTims' sense of communaT attachment as deriving from the Ummat, the ideaT IsTamic community that incTudes a11 be1ievers. The communaT 1ife pro- vides the squatters with a sense of psychoTogicaT security and be10ng- ingness, as we11 as group identity, which is his rationaTe for accept- ing the supremacy of the community. It must be stressed, however, that the concept of community among the squatters has been undergoing suthe changes under the impact of industria1 and urban conditions. I be1ieve that the idea of community, which is so much a part of modern Iranian society, and responsibTe for its cohesion, wi11 continue in some form despite these changes. The Gahvehkhaneh, or teahouse, may be regarded as a socia1 cTub where probTems are discussed and debated and informaT decisions are reached. ActuaTTy, the teahouse shoqu be regarded more as a communi- cation center rather than a socia1 institution. Though known for centuries in Iranian towns, it spread into Iranian vi11ages rather 141 recentTy as an answer to the increased need for a p1ace for communica- tion, gathering, and business transactions. Every major mahaTeh (dis- trict) in the squatter sett1ements has its own teahouse frequented usuaTTy by men from one region. There is aTso a major teahouse that functions as a centraT gathering pTace. Leaders and squatters meet in the teahouse usuaTTy in the evening to exchange views, settTe probTems, and make decisions. An outsider coming into the squatter area visits the teahouse to get information or to make poTiticaT propaganda. In the preceeding section we discussed the eTements of the tradi- tionaT vi11age cuTture that conditioned the socia1 organization and 1eadership among the squatters in Tabriz, whose main function was to maintain a vi11age type of community in the sett1ement. It is worth- whiTe to mention that the occupation of the squatters pTays an important roTe in determining their ranking in the sett1ement. The most presti- gious group consists of private successfuT entrepreneurs. The second group is made up of industria1 workers because their steady jobs, insurance benefits, and mechanicaT and technicaT skiTTs are considered a speciaT mark of achievement and abi1ity. The third group consists of craftsmen and shopkeepers. The fourth group is made up of service workers, a1though those working for the municipaTity or other respec- tabTe estabTishment rank somewhere between industria1 workers and the craftsmen. The 1eaders enjoy considerab1e prestige among squatters and re1a- tives coming from the same vi11age since their achievements symboTize the potentiaT achievements of a11 peop1e from the same vi11age. Often 142 a newcomer is TikeTy to give as reference the name of a squatter Teader from his own viTTage or men with weTT-estabTished occupations, a1though he does not know them personaTTy. He is sure, however, that they know each other's famiTies. In many cases the successfuT and professionaT squatter becomes a modeT and advisor as weTT as the yard- stick for measuring the success of the newcomers from the same vi11age. In the preceeding chapter we examined the socia1 and economic characteristics of squatters. We found that migrant squatters are better educated than those who stay at home. A majority of the squat- ters are doing a different type of job than they did before the move. They take jobs that skiTTed and organized Taborers wou1d not ordinar— iTy accept. The rate of empToyment was very high among the squatters studied. We be1ieve that the important deveTopment in empToyment, 1eve1 of income, and increase in 1iving standards was attributed to occupationaT change which had profound effects on the squatters' inte- gration into the city 1ife. How the squatters integrate and adjust to urban 1ife wi11 be discussed and exp10red in the foTTowing chapter. CHAPTER SIX THE TRANSFORMATION PROCESS: VILLAGER T0 URBANITE This chapter focusses on the mediating roTe of the squatter sett1e- ments in bringing the gap between vi11age 1ife and that of the urban area. It considers such questions as the satisfaction of squatters with 1ife in the sett1ement, the extent to which migrants adopt urban patterns, interactions with others outside the sett1ement, and aspira- tions for the future on the part of squatter residents. The Urbanization Process The current urbanization in Iran, as e1sewhere in the Third Woer, is regarded in this study as a consequence of rura1 to urban migration. In turn, migration and urbanization are considered to refTect both genera1 historica1 experiences common to a11 or most Third Woer nations and specific deveTopments invoTving on1y a region or a cuTture. In common with other Third Woer countries, Iran was affected in the nineteenth century by the deveTopment of a gTobaT market economy and demand for agricuTturaT commodities. These forces created a cor- responding urban growth and profoundTy aTtered the traditionaT socia1 structure. The specific factors affecting current urbanization in Iran invoTved, first, a historica1 and cuTturaT view of the city as the highest and potentiaTTy the most "virtuous" and comfortabTe form of 1ife, and, second, the tendency to equate modernization with urbaniza- tion. The reforms after 1963, which emphasized the deveTopment of cities and which turned them into symboTs of modernity and aspirations, strengthened further in the pubTic mind the correTation between 143 144 1.567 modernization and urbanization. The fact that Iranian viTTagers a1ready had positive views toward the city certainTy was a factor in their migration and wiTTingness to integrate themseTves into city 1ife. If conditions permitted, probab1y most Iranian viTTagers wou1d wiTTing- 1y settTe in the city. In this study, the modeT for anaTyzing the urbanization of squatters in Tabriz was not based on preconceived patterns but was deveToped through empiricaT observation and famiTiarity with the way the migrant regarded his own urbanization and how he carried it out. ConsequentTy, whiTe this study accepts the survivaT of the vi11age cuT- ture and modes of organization in the city, it aTso takes the view that the migrant adapts himseTf to urban conditions and gradua11y changes his physica1 1iving and cuTturaT outTook. He does so, as Ned Levine put it, by striking a "positive re1ationship between 01d cuTture con- tacts" and "new cuTture contacts" and seeking famiTiar peop1e whose contacts "wi11 heTp him to accuTturate. At the same time, maintenance of contacts with the vi11age shoqu give a reference point from which he can compare himseTf."l§Z! Thus, the squatter sett1ement is viewed as a bridge between vi11age and urban 1ife in the migrant's desire to adapt to a new environment. Satisfaction with Life in the Squatter Sett1ement As an index of the extent of adaptation to urban 1ife, squatter sett1ement residents were asked to compare 1iving conditions now with those in the vi11age prior to migration. A high proportion, 83.3 per- cent of the respondents surveyed said that their 1iving conditions were 145 very good or good as compared to the vi11ages; 8.9 percent considered their conditions as being fair; and 7.8 percent reported them to be unsatisfactory. RemarkabTy simiTar responses were found by Karpat among squatters in IstanbuT (Tab1e 6.1). The essentiaT factors in determining the degree of satisfaction were the Tength of time in the squatter sett1ement (the Tonger the Tength of time, the more satisfied, Tab1e 6.2), and the difference between the Tow standard of 1ife in the vi11age and the re1ative1y satisfactory 1ife in the sett1ement. The city is a better p1ace to Tive because a11 1iving faciTities devised by modern technoTogy are concentrated there. The expectation of a better 1ife in the future adds to this satisfaction. Many squatters were aware that they were handicapped by Tack of education and socia1 status. They reaTize that they started at a very Tow TeveT, but they be1ieve that they have come a Tong way. A simiTar situation is presented by PerTman with respect to FaveTados optimism in Rio. She says: "FaveTados, despite the diffi- cuTties of their circumstances, show a strong sense of optimism, partTy perhaps because it is a BraziTian characteristic in genera1, partTy per- haps because they need it to keep going.1§§/ (See Appendix B., Tab1e 2). In Tabriz, famiTies derive their satisfaction from having steady empToyment and better earnings, a house, however modest, or business of their own. In addition, they appreciate better food and cTothing, reguTar work hours, schooTs for their chderen, possibiTities for amusement, medicaT faciTities, and persona1 security. A minority of the heads who were dissatisfied (7.8 percent) with their 1ife in the city came from richer vi11age famiTies. They had 146 Tab1e 6.1. Living Conditions of Househon Heads, Compared with Those in ViTTages, Squatter Sett1ements, Tabriz and IstanbuT. Tabriz IstanbuT LABEL Head of Househon MaTe Head of Househon (Percent) (Percent) Very good 25.8 28.0 Good 57.5 61.0 Fair 8.9 6.0 Unsatisfactory 7.8 5.0 Tota1 100.0 100.0 N 168 370 Source: Karpat, op.cit. 147 Tab1e 6.2. Time of ArrivaT of Househon Heads in Squatter Sett1ement. by Satisfaction of Tabriz. Satisfaction Tota1 Satisfied Unsatisfied of Head Year of Migra- Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent tion Before 1963 25 100 23 92.0 2 8.0 Between 1963- 1970 85 100 75 88.2 10 11.8 Between 1971- 1979 58 100 42 72.4 16 27.6 Tota1 168 100 140 83.3 28 16.7 148 moved into the city in order to achieve a better 1ife but found them- seTves stranded in the squatter sett1ements. Others were dissatisfied because they came to the city with a hope of obtaining education but coqu not. A few were dissatisfied with the city because of unfuT- fiTTed romantic visions of Tuxury and amusement. Adaptation to Urban Life The squatters' adaptation to urban 1ife can be gauged by the ex- tent to which they adopt patterns associated with city 1ife, such as reading newspapers and magazines, Tistening to the radio, seeing movies, and participating in some form of organized recreation. Radio and newspaper have penetrated even the most remote vi11ages in Iran because of the avai1abi1ity of inexpensive radio sets and an efficient nationaT distribution of newspapers. The Tack of eTectricity in the squatter area, however, might be expected to render usage 1ess fre- quent among the squatters. In spite of the Tack of eTectricity, the high rate of Titeracy among squatters eventua11y Teads to the high percentage who report reading newspapers and books (Tab1e 6.3). More than two-thirds of a11 househon heads interviewed possessed radios and tuned in daiTy to various programs. In the case of Istan- buT, 7T percent,and in the case of Rio, 83 percent of the squatters had their own radios (Tab1e 6.3). The most popuTar programs consist of Mosic Azari (Azari music) which is foTkToric and is understood by about 98 percent of the peop1e 1iving in Azarbyjan province. OnTy a few per- sons said that they Tistened to the reading of the Koran on the radio. 149 Tab1e 6.3. Use of Media and RecreationaT FaciTities by Squatter Sett1ement Residents in Tabriz, IstanbuT, and Rio. Media and Tabriz IstanbuT Rio RecreationaT FaciTities (Percent) (Percent) (Percent) Owns a radio 63.0 71.0 83.0 Owns a teTe- vision - - 25.0 Reads a news- paper and/ or magazine 53.0 80.0 68.0 Reads books 16.0 38.0 - Goes to the teahouse 72.0 - - Goes to the cinema 47.0 64.0 58.0 Sources: Karpat, op.cit.; PerTman, op.cit. 150 The younger peop1e tend to go to the movies more frequentTy than their erers. Women in genera1 do not go to see movies due to the tra- ditionaT be1ief that women shoqu not frequent pubTic p1aces attended by men other than their husbands. This tradition is even safeguarded in the mosques, where the men and women must sit in separate sections. However, it is acceptabTe for women to accompany their husbands on the piTgrimage. A simiTar circumstance is presented by Karpat among squatters in IstanbuT. He indicates that "women in genera1 cTaimed that movie-going was not incTuded in their upbringing."l§2/ About fifty percent of a11 the Tabriz squatters interviewed stated that their major form of recreation consisted of gathering in the tea house, visit to the re1atives and friends, going to the parks and picnics. The rest pointed to reading, soccer, theater and card pTaying as the main form of recreation. OnTy 18 percent said that they did not engage in any form of recreationaT activity. In genera1, recreation among squatters was not weTT organized, but depended on avai1abi1ity and each individuaT's initiative and imagination. The TegaT weekend hoTiday in Iran begins Thursday after- noon and Tasts untiT Saturday morning. This free time provides the squatters with a weTcome respite from work that had been conspicousTy absent in vi11age 1ife. Many devoted their free time to improving their dweTTings, others used it to visit the city, see re1atives, and watch soccer games. The Tatter is a passionate partisan affair. The pTan made for the weekend, the speciaT cTothes worn at this time, and the cTusters of re1axed men in the tea houses on Friday evening shows 151 reguTar recreation had begun to become part of squatters 1ife. In contrast, in the vi11age, they either toiTed continuousTy in the sum- mer and sat idTy through the winter or wandered around the country in search for work. Making a distinction between work and rest, with speciaT time aTTotted for each, was an easy urban pattern to adopt. ReTations with City DweTTers A measure of the squatters' integration into the city is sug- gested by contact with the pe0p1e and business in the oner, estabTished sections of Tabriz. This contact and the resuTting exposure to different ways of thought, manners, and speech had a pro- found educationaT impact on the newcomers. The viTTagers' impressions of the city during their sporadic visits before migration are formed, if they do not have urban friends and re1atives, by the con, imper- sonaT, and often contemptuous treatment on the part of city foTks. These impressions are reinforced further by the viTTagers' be1ief that some townsmen may deceive and exp10it them.l§9/ The migrants therefore have to cope occasionaTTy with these preconceived ideas whi1e gradua11y discovering the "inner core" -- that is, the true personaTity, motiva- tions, and goaTs of the city peop1e and thus deveTop an empathy toward them. The squatters' contact with the city and desire to know its inha- bitants therefore pTays a significant part in their urbanization. If the rura1 migrants were echusiveTy an extension of the vi11age into the city or "urban viTTages", as many have described them, then the squatters wou1d keep their re1ations with the city at a minimum and 152 remain re1ative1y "cTosed". The attitudes of squatters in Tabriz con- cerning contact with the city do not support the view that the sett1e- ment is a cTosed community. An overwheTming majority of heads of househons, nameTy, 85 percent, cTaim that they visit the centraT city two to five times a week. (The remainder paid rare visits to the city. The frequency of the visits becomes even more striking if one considers the fact that most of the men were empToyed in the vicinity of the squatter sett1ement and not in the city proper. The centraT areas of Tabriz are 10cated two to four miTes from the sett1ement. The reasons for visits were -- in order of priority -- shopping, work, entertain- ment and recreation, and fquiTTment of various officiaT formaTities. The nature and scope of the squatters' re1ations with the city peop1e may be a good indicator of their desire to integrate and iden- tify themseTves with the city. A re1ative1y high percentage of squatters (45 percent) reported they had persona1 re1ations with new city acquaintances. The percentage having persona1 re1ations with re1atives or on friends from the viTTages was 35 and 17, respectiveTy. OnTy three percent indicated they had no friends and re1atives. More than two-thirds of the peop1e with whom the squatters had some re1a- tions 1ived either in the neighboring districts or in other areas of Tabriz. It must be stressed, however, that the urbanizing contact with city peop1e is effective on1y to the extent the squatters' economic and educationaT situation improves. The oner squatters who have 1ived a Tong time in the city seem Tess attached to their re1atives and show an increasing interest in new .. .1 01 (A, friends. When interviewed in depth, it became evident that oner squatters were becoming dissatisfied because of a series of obTigations and responsibiTities stemming from b100d re1ations. It wou1d seem that kinship re1ations pTay a dominant and usefuT part during the initiaT phase of migration and sett1ement, but 1ater, the vaTue of rationaT, interest-oriented re1ations with outsiders prevaiT over the need for re1atives. This interest goes hand in hand with the broadening scope of squatters professionaT, civic activities and with their tendency to judge other men on the basis of achievement rather than kinship ties. In fact, kinship obTigations and attachments diminish somewhat as heaTth and weTfare services in the city became avai1ab1e. For instance, most work p1aces empToying more than five peop1e must provide insurance for empToyees. In summary, the squatters in Tabriz show a cTear ten- dency toward attaching 1ess importance to distant re1atives, instead of treating a11 more or Tess as equaT as was often the case in the extend- ed househon in the viTTage. Aspirations ATong with the contention that pessimism perpetuates poverty is the coraTTary that Tow aspirations prevent squatters from striving to improve their own Tot or that of their chderen. The aspirations of squatters are supposedTy typicaT of the cuTture of poverty in that peop1e strive for intangibTe, traditionaT rewards rather than concrete goaTs that wou1d heTp break the poverty syndrome. We found this to be entireTy unsupported by the present study. When asked the open-ended question, "What do you want most in your 1ife?", 60 percent of the 154 squatters gave mobi1ity-re1ated answers such as money or materiaT pos- sessions. The remainder of the respondents mentioned education for themseTves or their chderen, professionaT fquiTTment and fami1y weTT- being. Of course, it is debatabTe whether the criteria are meaningfuT, since even if the entire sampTe had given more phiTosophicaT responses, it wou1d not necessariTy be true that squatters don't care about their job stabiTity or their chderen's education, or that they were unmoti- vated regarding socia1 mobi1ity. This is weTT-documented by Karpat in his study of Gecekondu in IstanbuT. He indicates that the potentiaT for occupationaT mobi1ity was high among squatters. An overwheTming majority of squatters wanted to have, if they coqu, better paying jobs or at 1east higher wages in order to further raise their 1iving stand- ards. Indeed, of a totaT of 382 maTe respondents, 86 percent said that they wanted to have a better job than the one her at the present.l§l/ Another indicator of aspirations among squatters is given by PerTman in Rio. She asked the foTTowing question: "What wou1d you do if you won in the Tottery?" To this, there were unanimousTy future-oriented answers, the most frequent (68 percent) concerning either buying a house or p10t of 1and, or improving their present dweTTing.l§g! Such are the responses of peop1e who vaTue modern forms of accom- pTishment, anxious to secure weTT-being for themseTves and their chderen, striving to be integrated into the society at 1arge. As Portes concTuded in his study of squatter sett1ements in Santiago, "in their totaTity, the aspirations of the 'squatters' do not differ 153/ from those of the middTe cTass." 155 ParadoxicaT as it may sound and miserabTy poor as they may be, the squatters are very frequentTy vitaT communities. Conditions may seem bad to outsiders but, for the migrant squatters themseTves, they are usuaTTy superior to the rura1 squaTor they Teft behind. The resu1ts of our study indicate that 83.3 percent in the case of Tabriz, and 89 per- cent in the case of IstanbuT report their condition very good or good as compared to the vi11ages. The squatters integrate into urban 1ife by contact with the peopTes and businesses in the 01d, estabTished sections of the city. In the case of Tabriz, an overwheTming majority (85 percent) of househon heads cTaimed that they visit the centraT city two to five times a week. This contact and the resu1ting exposure to different ways of thought, manners, and speech has a profound educa- tionaT impact on the newcomers. We aTso found these peop1e (squatters) very determined, decisive and concerned with their chderen's education and their fami1y's weTT being. They want to have better paying jobs, occupationaT mobi1ity and higher wages. That is why the squatters gra- dua11y estabTish a foothon in the urban economy and begin to invest in their sheTters and in their communities enormous amounts of manuaT Tabour as weTT as sma11 savings they may accumuTate. There is an extra- ordinary and admirabTe resourcefuTness in creating empToyment for them- seTves and improving the 1iving conditions for themseTves and their chderen. CHAPTER SEVEN SUMMARY AND POLICY IMPLICATIONS Summary The squatter sett1ements in Tabriz, as weTT as the three squatter areas that served as points of comparison, represent the by-product of rura1 to urban migration, on one hand, and a seTf-devised soTution by the migrants to the shortage of housing in the city, on the other. They are, of course, an essentiaT feature in the process of urbaniza- tion in the Third Woer. ConsequentTy, two sets of interreTated con- cTusions and impTications can be drawn from this study: one regarding the characteristics of the squatter sett1ements and their integration into the city, and the other regarding practicaT poTicies connected with Tow-cost housing, and other probTems necessary to ameTiorate the squatter probTem. The squatter sett1ements appear as transitionaT communities between the vi11age, town, and the city. The majority of the squatters are migrants who are drawn from a re1ative1y homogeneous cuTturaT fier, the rura1 areas. This fact reduces potentiaT probTems of adap- tation due to ethnic or cuTturaT differences. In the rura1 areas, poverty, Tow income, unemp10yment, and underemp10yment were the dominant factors which forced the squatters to Teave their vi11ages and come to the cities for what appeared to be opportunities for empToyment, higher pay, and better 1iving conditions. In Tabriz, as weTT as in the other squatter sett1ements examined, migrants are typicaTTy preceeded in their move by re1atives and/or friends. The majority of the 156 157 newcomers to Tabriz reported being preceeded by re1atives and/or friends. Househon forms were aTso examined for processes underTying their formation and modification. It seems that in the Third Woer, the city with its incipient technoTogicaT, industria1, and scientific orienta- tion, stimu1ates innovation and creativity. As a consequence, the migrant's capacity for emotionaT detachment, abstract thought, empathy and his abi1ity to create broader ties with individua1 and corporate entities gradua11y increases. Our study shows that the extended fami1y and kinship re1ations, a1though surviving in the squatter sett1ements, nevertheTess have been gradua11y repTaced by the nucTear fami1y which is decreasing in size. Some researchers of cityward migration have noted that migrants are better educated than those who stay at home and have concTuded that migrants are positiveTy seTected. Our findings support this cTaim. The educationaT 1eve1 among squatters in Tabriz, IstanbuT, Monterrey and Rio was markedTy superior to that in the vi11ages. The newcomers are usuaTTy unskiTTed workers, who take Tow-paying jobs and engage in many kinds of occupations and individua1 enter- prises. They take jobs that the skiTTed and organized Taborers wou1d not ordinariTy accept. ConsequentTy, as expected and as the findings show, the rate of empToyment among maTe squatters in Tabriz as weTT as the other three sett1ements examined is high.‘ The squatters' occupa- tions show such a great variation that they are found in any sector of the economy that offers empToyment. However, usuaTTy they are Tow— paying jobs. The type of jobs range from construction workers to 158 technicaT occupations and street vendors. The contention that squatters contribute TittTe to the economy in terms of Tabor or consumption is not supported by the present study. We found that a1most everyone who is abTe to work does work. We aTso examined the monthTy earning of the squatters. The greatest percentages of incomes faTT within the bottom third of income distribution. Those men genera11y earning the high incomes were those who were more educated and empToyed by the government and factories. The squatters studied appear in genera1 to be community- oriented, upwardTy mobiTe, and oriented toward eventuaT integration in the city. They do not have any cohesive and integrated forma1 form of organization but rather severa1 informaT 1eaders. Among the squatters in Tabriz, some 1eaders, usuaTTy re1igious men (MoTahs) or oner househon heads, were ranked in the community TargeTy accord- ing to their roTes and functions as perpetuators of the vi11age cuT- ture. Those who bude the best house or open a shop, regardTess of their rura1 background, are highTy respected among the squatters. In case of confTict, the achievement-oriented 1eaders -- those who had estabTished their authority over the squatters and coqu best conduct its re1ations with the outside wor1d -- have the upper hand. The tea- house is the most popu1ar and important Tocus for the discussion of probTems, where issues are debated and informaT decisions are reached. Every major mahaTeh or district in the squatter sett1ement has its own teahouse frequented usuaTTy by maTe househon heads from one region. There is aTso a major teahouse that functions as a centraT gathering p1ace. 159 WhiTe this study was not designed to measure changes in norms, vaTues, and attitudes over time, the evidence suggests an erosion of vi11age cuTture and modes of organization. The migrant appeared to be adapting rapidTy to urban conditions and to be genera11y changing his cuTturaT outTook. It has been noted that the avai1abi1ity of empToy— ment in the city, job mobi1ity, and high income are instrumentaT in raising the squatters' 1iving standards in the city and inducing them to adopt urban patterns of consumption. A11 this tends to give squatters an optimistic outTook on 1ife and a wiTTingness to accept the existing sociopoTiticaT condition as weTT as to deveTop confidence that 1iving conditions wi11 improve even more in the future. The sense of materiaT weTT-being and the psychoTogicaT satisfaction derived from the existence of a re1ative1y integrated fami1y and community appear to have enhanced among squatters a dynamic, creative, and innovative attitude that can be maximized and perpetuated as a permanent feature of the new urban growth. Our findings for Tabriz, which were supported by the studies com- pared, indicate that the majority of squatters are satisfied with their 1iving conditions and regarded them as superior to those in the vi1- Tages. The essentiaT factor in determining the degree of satisfaction wou1d seem to be the difference between the Tow standard of 1ife in the vi11age and the re1ative1y satisfactory one in the sett1ement. The squatters' contact with the city and the desire to know its inhabitants pTays a significant part in the process of becoming urban- ite. If the rura1 migrants were echusiveTy an extension of the vi1- Tage into the city, or urban vi11ages, as many have described them, 160 then the squatters wou1d keep their re1ations with the city at a minimum and remain a cTosed community. Our study of Tabriz does not support the view that the sett1ement is a cTosed community. An over- wheTming majority of househon heads cTaim that they visit the centraT city very often during the week. We found that a re1ative1y high per- centage of squatters had persona1 re1ation with new city acquaintances. It must be stressed, however, that the contact with city peop1e is effective on1y if the squatters' economic and educationaT situation improve further. PoTicy ImpTications The fuTT integration of squatters into the city appears to be the first major objective for any reaTistic poTicy maker. The success of such a poTicy depends on fuTTy understanding the nature of the squatter sett1ements. It is obvious that the positive aspects of rura1 migra- tion and the squatter sett1ements greatTy outweigh their negative aspects. In fact, the negative view of squatter sett1ements seems to derive from an impressionistic, subjective attitude on the part of a sma11 urban minority who, acting as seTf appointed defenders of the urban cuTture, have given the squatter sett1ements a bad name. Never- theTess, the squatters in Tabriz, and e15ewhere in the wor1d, remain an important urban probTem. The poTicy toward the squatters in Tabriz and simiTar sett1ements throughout the wor1d must begin by regarding them as key eTements in the deveTopment process and by enhancing their roTe in urbanization as we11 as vi11age deveTopment. Priority shoqu be given to ruraT deveTopment which wou1d be expected to retard the 161 migration from the countryside and prevent Tabor shortages in agricuT- ture. Some basic changes in the structure of the Iranian economy seem warranted if the economy is to deveTop as desired. The most heTpfuT course of action wou1d be to raise the TeveT of agricuTturaT production and the productivity per unit 1and and per unit of Tabor. It is cTaimed that 1and reform in Iran has raised the income of the farmers and consequentTy has sTowed down the rura1-urban migration.1§&/ How- ever, an observer has cast some doubt on the genera1 effectiveness of the agrarian reforms in the MiddTe East region, and particuTarTy their effectiveness in regard to migration in Iran.l§§/ The gap between rura1 and urban areas in their 1eve15 of income, education, sanitation, and their socia1 conditions needs to be narrowed in order to prevent vi11age depopuTation, overurbanization and their by- product, the squatter settTement. As far as the economic bases of urban centers are concerned, the emphasis shoqu be shifted from service and commerciaT activities to modern industria1 activities. Diversified manufacturing and production jobs must be provided for the migrants who are a1ready in the city, as weTT as for the ever-increas- ing number who are coming to the city. A comprehensive and coordinated nationaT and regionaT pTan is required, not on1y to promote a high rate of investment in urban industria1 growth, but aTso to improve rura1 1ife and to encourage vi11age deveTopment programs. The ItaTian regionaT p1anning experience (in Mezzogiorno), the Turkish regionaT 166/ p1anning experiences,'—_' and the Khoozestan regionaT deveTopment p1ans 162 may be re1evant to further individua1 Tocation and regionaT p1anning decisions in Iran. The educationaT system of the country must shift its emphasis from coTTege preparatory to vocationaT and job training curricuTa. C10se cooperation between the industria1 sector and educationaT insti- tutions wi11 better enabTe the former to utiTize the technicaT and professionaT skiTTs offered by the 1atter.l§2/ FamiTy p1anning and popu1ation controT poTicies must be expanded in both the rura1 and urban areas.l§§/ Iran, with a popu1ation growth rate of about 3.0, wi11 doub1e the number of inhabitants in Tess than 25 years. This rate wi11 probab1y affect the rate of the generaT eco- nomic deveTopment and retard the per-capita income, which is a1ready quite Tow.l§2/ Rura1-urban migration and overurbanization are viewed as the main causes of squatter sett1ement. We have outTined some recommendations considered to be effective in reducing the rate of rura1 migration to the urban areas with the speciaT emphasis on the big cities. The next step in our recommendations is to consider issues that re1ate to the squatter probTem once sett1ements in the urban peripheries of Iran and other nations have occurred. Some of the practicaT steps necessary to deaT with the squatter probTem, are the foTTowing: 1. The estabTishment of a nationaT agency to deaT with squatter sett1ements in the framework of rura1 migration, urbanization, and housing. 2. The preparation of inventories concerning the type of materiaT and construction p1ans, 163 utiTized by squatters in budeing their dweTTings. It shoqu be noted that the squatters have first hand practicaT knowTedge and experience about the 1east expensive TocaT construction materia1s and about their suitabiTity to the geographic and cTimatic conditions of the area. These are, in fact, "seTf-heTp," "Tow-cost housing projects" adapted to 10ca1 conditions and coqu provide usefuT information for devising inexpensive nationaT housing programs. 3. The adoption of precise, simpTe, and easy-to-carry-out reguTations concerning property rights, incTuding rapid acquisition of TegaT titTes to the 1and and dweTTing. SimiTarTy, standard TegaT provisions shoqu be drawn for the swift expropriation of 1ands suitabTe for con- struction designated for this purpose around urban areas. It must be stressed that the urban expansion in Iran has caused a dramatic rise in 1and vaTues and has created a cTass of rich but unproductive renters who have engaged in 1and specuTation and have opposed the adoption of Tow- cost housing and sett1ement projects. 4. Once security of 1and tenure has been achieved, a process of combined pubTic and com- munity action brings about improved housing and 164 urban infrastructure (i.e., water suppTy, sewers, eTectricity, streets, pedestrian waTks, and so on) in an a1most miracuTous way. WhiTe infrastructure is reaTTy the 1ife-support system, the goods and services distribution network of a city, most infrastructure systems in the cities of deveToping countries are characterized by extreme inequities. Those who suffer most severeTy from deficiencies in pubTic utiTities and services are genera11y the famiTies with the Towest income. As a first step in rectifying this situation, cities in deveToping countries shoqu reTax substantiaTTy the high quaTity standards they have adopted (again, as a resu1t of the infTuence of the affTuent few) for water suppTy, drainage and sanitary sewers, con- struction of streets, and so on. The squatters in shantytowns and the poor of the sTums have an urgent probTem of survivaT and cannot be expected to meet the high standards required of engineering approach- es. In Tight of the competing priorities for food, housing, cTothing, and education of chderen, it wou1d be more reasonabTe to consider providing a more modest standard for the water suppTy and sani- tation services to a much 1arger proportion of the popu1ation. A11 of the eTements of the urban infra- structure coqu be provided much more economicaTTy 165 if there is some p1anning preceeding the invasion by squatters. Since pubTic 1ands and those of absentee owners are most prized by the poor migrants, and these 1ands wi11 eventuaTTy be settTed on regardTess of the iTTegaTity of the action, municipaT governments shoqu attemt to keep one step ahead of the squatters. It wou1d require on1y common sense for officiaTs to as- certain ahead of time the probabTe Tocations of future spontaneous sett1ements. They cou1d then take the initiative to do some p1anning and pre- pare each site for use as a new residentiaT com- munity. This might invoTve 1and acquisition, some grading, subdivision into Tots and, at 1east, design (if not construction) of the infrastructure that wi11 be needed. Such practice wou1d certainTy provide the new residents with a head start in making a better 1ife for themseTves in the city. In addition, it wou1d give them a psychoTogicaT 1ift and the confortabTe feeTing that they are weT- come. 5. PubTic participation and invoTvement of squatters must be encouraged. The evidence indi- cates that the phenomenon of urban squatting is a progressive step, considering the squatters' pre- vious condition. A high degree of p1anning and 166 cooperation goes into preparing an "invasion" and budeing a new sett1ement overnight out of nothing. PoTiticaT action and a considerab1e amount of advocacy and bargaining go into secur- ing 1and tenure, pubTic services, and empToyment. It is weTT known by now that squatters reaTTy care for their communities and participate activeTy in their affairs. There are many exampTes of peasant newcomers who Tearned quickTy how to join with others to promote their own and their famiTies' interests coTTectiveTy and how to participate in managing their community demo- cratiCaTTy with their own sheTter and 1ive1ihood as incentives. The possibiTities are there for a new squatter sett1ement gradua11y to become a stabTe community, provided there is constructive support by the pubTic authorities. If such sup- port is not present, if participation and invoTve- ment of the poor peop1e in the affairs of their provisionaT sett1ements are thwarted rather than encouraged, the squatters change rapidTy from budding communities to sTums. PubTic authorities, at the nationaT and the TocaT 1eve1, shoqu take advantage of this new condition in urban affairs. The squatter sett1ement's socia1 structure, 167 cooperative in nature, with its reTiance on seTf- heTp, mutuaT aid, strong fami1y ties, seTf- management, and direct action, has a11 the ingre- dients of an incubator of democracy. It has the characteristics of what can deveTop into a good p1ace for peop1e to Tive: a community from where they wi11 1ater progress and participate in the pubTic affairs of the city at Targe and even in its overaTT decision-making process. With pubTic encouragement and support for their participatory activities, the squatters who are at the heart of some urban probTems in Iran, Latin America, Turkey, and other deveToping countries are aTso the core of its soTution. OnTy their own invoTvement in the task of community budeing offers hope of definite and Tasting improvement. Limitations and Needed Future Research ConcTusions drawn from any study of this nature can on1y be as reTiabTe as the data input, which depends in part upon the techniques used to guarantee that errors are not added to the basic materia1s. The data sets used here are the aggregate resu1ts of a government cen- sus, the survey conducted in summer 1979 in Tabriz, Iran, and research done by others in different deveToping countries. Among the Timita- tions of this study are the foTTowing: First, as mentioned earTier, the data obtained in the study of the squatter sett1ement in Tabriz 168 were gathered in 1979. It wou1d have been usefuT to conduct foTTow-up interviews in order to obtain more information about the squatter sett1ement in Tabriz, especiaTTy changes that have taken p1ace since 1979. It wou1d have been interesting, too, to observe and study the impact of recent revoTution in Iran on the squatter sett1ement, and the effect of new government poTicies and programs to soTve the probTems facing squatters. But unfortunateTy, a foTTow-up study was not pos- sibTe due to the poTiticaT crisis in Iran and the risk of being unabTe to return if a foTTow-up study was attempted. Second, current census and survey data gathered by the government were unavai1ab1e and this fact created probTems especiaTTy in deaTing with economic deveTopment and urban growth in Iran. This probTem was magnified aTso by unrest and distrust on the part of the Iranian government of Iranian students who are/were studying here in the United States. FinaTTy, the Tack of comparabiTity in a number of respects between the data from the study of squatters in Tabriz with surveys conducted in different parts of the wor1d, constitutes a major Timitation. Since the studies used were not a part of a grand pTan to survey squatter sett1ements, it coqu not be expected that the interview questionnaires and therefore the data, wou1d be identicaT. Many facets of internaT migration, urbanization, as we11 as their by-product, squatter sett1ements in the deveToping countries in gene- raT, and Iran in particuTar, shoqu be investigated. One issue of importance, for exampTe, is whether or not the concTusions found on a provinciaT 1eve1 wou1d hon on a nationaT 1eve1. Comparative research on the squatter sett1ement pattern in different provinces of 169 Iran with speciaT emphasis on Targe cities is needed. In fact, the recent administrative and economic decentraTization efforts in Iran are shifting the migration streams toward regionaT growth poTes, such as Khoozestan,Shiraz and especiaTTy Isfahan where a steeT miTT was bui1t. LittTe is known about the probTems and prospects of these types of p1anned popu1ation redistribution and their effect on the economic deveTopment of the nation. Furthermore, the eradication and/or reTocation of squatter sett1e- ment residents by the government housing project deserves substantia1 attention. The possibiTity of being expeTTed from their houses and communities fiTTs most squatter sett1ement residents with dread. The Tocation of the squatters puts its residents within cTose range of the best job markets and affords muTtipTe opportunities for mutuaT support in times of unemp10yment or financiaT stress. It gives them a sense of being where the action is, which figures highTy both in their motivation and in their satisfaction with urban 1ife. With a11 of these benefits and advantages it wou1d be usefuT to study the desire and motives of squatters themseTves toward governmentaT housing pro- jects/or forced re10cation programs. ReTated to this issue are the foTTowing questions which need to be studied in future research: a) To what extent do squatters resist or weTcome governmentaT efforts to reTocate them in housing pro- jects? b) What is the impact of eradication of dweT- Tings and/or forced re10cation upon squatter sett1e- ment residents? 170 c) Does re10cation speed the process of urban- ization and integration into urban 1ife on the part of squatters? FOOTNOTES 1/ _'Janet Lughod and Richard Hay, Jr. Third Woer Urbanization. Chicago: Maarouca Press, Inc. 1977. g/ W. Kempinski. "Rura1-Urban Differences and the FamiTy," SocioTogi- caT Quarterly, 211: 70-73. March, 1961. _3_/ CharTes Abrams. Man's StruggJe for SheTter in an Urbanizing Woer. Cambridge, Massachusetts: M.I.T. Press. T966. 4] Joan M. NeTson. Migrants,_Urban Poverty and InstabiTity in Deve- Toping Nations. Cambridge,—Massachusetts: Harvard University Center for InternationaT Affairs. 1969. 5/ -'John Friedman and FTora SuTTivan. "The Absorption of Labor in the Urban Economy: The Case of DeveToping Countries," Economic Deve- 10pment and CuTturaT Change. V01. 22, No. 3, pp. 385-413. ‘ApriT, 1974. g/ Harry H. Anthony. The ChaTTenge of Squatter Sett1ement. Vancouver: University of British CoTumbia Press. 1979. ATso see, PerTman, Stren, and Lughod. Z_/ "STums and Community Deve10pment," The Free Press. Experiments in SeTf-HeTp, New York. 1966. g/ WiTTiam Mangin. "Latin American Squatter Sett1ements: A ProbTem and a SoTution." Latin American Research Review. Summer, 1967. 9/ _ DanieT Lerner. "Comparative AnaTysis of Processes of Moderniza- tion." In Horace Miner, ed. The City in Modern Africa. London: PaTT MaTT Press. 1967. 10/ Ibid., p. 24. ]__/ Mangin, op.cit. 171 172 121 Richard Stren. "Urban PoTicy and Performance in Kenya and Tanza- nia," JournaT of Modern African Studies, V01. 13, No. 2. June, 1975. l§l Josef GugTar (ed.). Urban Growth in Sub-Sahara, Africa. KampaTa: Makerere Institute of SociaT Research. 1970. w T.G. McGee. The Southeast Asian City. London: G. BeTT and Sons. 1967. 15/ ‘—'Laguian, Afrodicio. Rura1-Urban Migration and MetropoTitan Deve- Topment. Toronto: Methuen PubTications. 71971. 1_6_/ Janice PerTman. "GovernmentaT PoTicy Toward BraziTian FaveTa, DweTTers." BerkeTey: Institute of Urban and RegionaT Deve10pment, University of CaTifornia, Working Paper No. 243. 1974. III Jorge H. BaTan. "Are Farmer's Sons Handicapped in the City?" Rura1 SocioTogy 33, No. 2. 1968. T_8/ Anthony, op.cit. 19/ __'Barbara Ward. The House of Man. New York: W.W. Norton and Company, Inc. 1976, p. 206. 29/ Anthony, op.cit. 21/ __'Kenneth L. Karst. The EvoTution of Law in Barrios of Caracas. Los AngeTes: University of CaTifornia Press. T973, pp.—2, 25. 2_2/ Stren, op.cit. ATso see PerTman and Anthony. 2_3_/ Anthony, op.cit., p. 5. 247 "The RoTe of United Nations and the SpeciaTized Agencies in Human Sett1ements," Human Sett1ements. SpeciaT Habit Issue. New York: United Nations, May 1976, p. ii. 173 my Anthony, op.cit. 2y Otto H. Koenigsberger. "The Absorption of Newcomers in the Cities of Deve10ping Countries." United Nations Report No. 75-10459. May, 1975, p. 6. Q/ Anthony, op.cit. 28/ __'Gino Germani. "The City as an Integrating Mechanism: The Concept of SociaT Integration," in The Urban ExpTosion in Latin America, edited by GTenn Beyer. Ithaca, New York: CorneTT University Press. 1967. A1so see Anthony, Otto, PerTman, and Turner. 29/ . '__ "STum CTearance in India," in Gecekondu, edited by K. Karpat, Cambridge University Press. 1976. 30/ _ __'A1berta Car10s de Medina. "A FaveTa E O Demagogo," in The Myth of MarginaTity, edited by J. PerTman. BerkeTey: University of CaTi- fornia. 1976. On BraziT, see aTso G. De Menezes Cortes, FaveTas; and E. FischTowitz, "InternaT Migration in BraziT." The New York- Times, January 25, 1971. 31/ Cevat Geray. "Urbanization in Turkey," SiyasaT BiTgiTer FakuTtesi Dergin, 4, 1970, 158-159, in The Gecekondu: Rura1 Migration and Urbanization, edited by KemaT Karpat. CamEridge: Cambridge Uni— versity Press. 1976. 32/ There has been no officiaT data or survey which shows the number of peop1e who Tive in sTums or squatter sett1ements in Iran. But there are unconfirmed estimates about the number of squatter or sTum dweTTers. This Tack of information was due to poTiticaT factors during past and present governmentaT administrations. _3_3_/ John F.C. Turner. UncontroTTed Urban Sett1ement. EngTewood CTiffs: Prentice-HaTT. 1969. See aTso, “Lima's Barrifidas and CorraTones." 34/ '—— In Iran, despite the existence of some squattertowns popu1ated by migrants from abroad (refugees from Afghanistan and Iraq, whose poTiticaT orientations differ from those whose migration was caused by internaT factors), the buTk of the popu1ation, about 85 percent of the totaT number of squatters come from sma11 towns and vi1- 1ages in the interior. 174 _3_47 Karpat, op.cit. _3_6_7 James Hopgood. The SettTers of Baja Vista: SociaT and Economic Adaptation in a Mexican Squatter Sett1ement. Kansas University Ph.D. Dissertation. T976. 47_7 PerTman, op.cit. §§/ N. Ginsburg (ed.). The Pattern of Asia. New York: Prentice-HaTT, Inc. 1958, p. 767. §2/ H.H. VreeTand (ed.). Iran. New Haven, Connecticut: Human ReTa- tions Area FiTes. 1957, p. 28. 4_o7 Ginsburg, op.cit. 51! Ibid., p. 778. 42] Ibid., p. 780. 447 Ibid., p. 781. 44/ Ministry of Interior PubTic Statistics, Tehran, Iran. NationaT and Province Statistics of The Census of Iran, 1956, 1966, V01. 1, pp. xv-xx1x. 4.57 VreeTand, op.cit., p. 250. 447 G.O.P.F. Land Reform and Its Direct Effect in Iran. TransTated and pubTished binr n Committee (British Section). 1976. 47_7 Nasa h is ruTes of common Taw governing use of 1and and water in 1rr1gated and non-irrigated arabTe 1ands. Those peasants who have Nasagh rights on arabTe 1ands are Nasagh-honers. 175 48/ Khoshneshin, TiteraTTy "good sitter", is a vague term appTying both to those who are casuaT Tabourers and to the minority of those in the vi11age, such as shopkeepers and artisans, who do not work on the 1and. But the great majority are in the former, "poor", category. 42] M.A. Katouzian. "Land Reform in Iran -- A Case Study in the PoTiti- caT Economy of SociaT Engineering," The JournaT of Peasant Studies, V01. 1, No. 2. January, 1974. 50/ _— Fred HoTTiday. ”Iran: The Economic Contradiction," MiddTe East Report and Information Project, No. 69. 1978. 51/ Ib1d. g7 VreeTand, op.cit., p. 251. 53/ ‘__ Ferydoon Firozi. "Demographic Review, Iranian Census 1956, 1966: A Comparative AnaTysis," in The Popu1ation of Iran, edited by J. Momeni, PahTavi Popu1ation Center, PahTavi University. 1977. 447 H. Fier. "Contributions to the AnthropoTogy of Iran," AnthropoTo- gicaT Series, Fier Museum of NationaT History. 1939, p. 29. 55/ __'W.J. FischeT. "The Jews of Persia, 1795-1940," Jewish SociaT Studies. 1950. pp. 12, 119-60. 547 Momeni, op.cit. 57/ _— L. Lockhart. Persian Cities. London: Luzace and Company, Ltd., 1960, pp. 10-11. 237 Ib1d , p 10 5.9.7 I id.. PP. TO-TT 6_o_7 176 61/ Ibid. g7 Sir John MaTcon. The History of Persia, V01. 1. London: J. Murray, 1815, p. 504. §_3_/ H bid. 9.47 bid. 44/ KingsTey Davis. "The Origin and Growth of Urbanization in the Woer." The American JournaT of SocioTogy, LX. March, 1955, p. 430. H 44/ Ibid., p. 431. 517 Ibid., p. 431. 44/ Ibid., p. 437. 6_9_7 W.S. Woytinsky and E.S. Woytinsky. Woer Popu1ation and Production Trends and OutTook. New York: The Twentieth Century Fund. 1953, pp. 114-120. All Gideon Sjoberg. The Pre-IndustriaT City: Past and Present. GTencoe, ITTinois: The’Free Press. 1960, pp. 1-25. 71/ __'W.S. Thompson. nguTation ProbTem. New York: McGraw HiTT Book Company, Inc. 1953. 22! PhiTip Hauser (ed.). Urbanization in Asia and Far East. Ca1cutta: Research Center on the SociaT ImpTications of IndustriaTization in Southern Asia. 1957, p. 128. :47 Ibid. 24] H U" .40 Q. 177 _7__5_7 L. Wirth. "Urbanism as a Way of Life." American JournaT of Socio- Togy, XLIV, No. 6. JuTy, 1939, pp. 1—24. 247 Hauser, op.cit., p. 107. 7_9_/ Wirth, op.cit., p. 20. 80/ _—'Hauser, op.cit.. pp. 117-120. 817 Ibid., p. 161. 8_2_7 Ibid., p. 214. 432/ Wirth, op.cit., p. 20. §fl/ Ibid., p. 21. 85/ _—'K. Davis. nguTation of India and Pakistan. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. 1951, p.7127. 44/ Ira M. Lapindus. MiddTe Eastern Cities: A Sympgsium on Ancient, IsTamic and Contemporary MiddTe Eastern Urbanism. BerkeTey: University of CaTifornia Press. 1969. 87/ -_'Dan StanisTawski. "The Origin and Spread of Grid-Pattern Towns," GeographicaT Review, V01. 36. 1964, pp. 105-120. 88/ -_'Gideon Sjoberg. "The Rise and FaTT of Cities: A TheoreticaT Perspective,“ InternationaT JournaT of Comparative SocioTogy, V01. 4, September, 1963, pp. 107-120. 178 89/ __ This is weTT documented by schoTars interested in urban deveTopment in historica1 perspective. See, for exampTe, KingsTey Davis, "The Urbanization 0f the Human Popu1ation," Scientific American, V01. 213, September, 1965, pp. 40-53. 247 Brian J.L. Berry. "Cities as Systems Within Systems," Pa ers of the RegionaT Science Association, V01. 13, 1964, pp. 147-165. 91/ _—'Popu1ation Division, United Nations Bureau of SociaT Affairs, "Woer Urbanization Trends, 1920-1960," in GeraTd Breese, ed. Ihe_ City in New1y_Deve10pingACountries. EngTewood CTiffs: Prentice- HaTTZ ’1969, pp. 21-53. 92/ So far as it is possibTe to judge from the avai1ab1e data, there is no difference in the rate of naturaT increase between urban and rura1 areas in many Tess-deve10ped countries. A possibTe decTine in the birth rate in the cities seems to be concomitant with a decTine in the death rate. In rura1 areas, a high birth rate is usuaTTy modified by a high death rate, because of inferior sanita- tion and medicaT faciTities. 9_37 For functiona1 importance of a city in IsTam, see: Xavier De P1an- hoT, The Woer of IsTam. Ithaca: CorneTT University Press. 1959. 9_47 JuTian Bharier. "A Note on The Popu1ation of Iran, 1900-1966," Popu1ation Studies, V01. 22. 1968, pp. 273-288. 9_57 In the 1966 Census, a11 Shahrestan centers, regardTess of size and a11 p1aces of 5,000 or more inhabitants were considered as urban p1aces. These percentages are based on this definition of "urban p1aces." 96/ -_ For instance, Qazi Ahmad reported simiTar resu1ts for India. See, Qazi Ahmad, Indian Cities: Characteristics and CorreTates. Uni- versity of Chicago Department of Geography, Research Paper No. 102. 1965. 97/ _—-Ju1ian Bharier. "The Growth of Towns and ViTTages in Iran, 1900- 1966," MiddTe Eastern Studies, in press, 1970. 179 2§l B.D. CTark. ProbTems of Urban Research in Iran. I.B.G. Study Group in Urban Geography. 71967. 22! Ibid. B10! MaTcon, op.cit. TOT/ Bharier. A Note on The Popu1ation of Iran, 1900-1966, gp,cit., pp. 22, 273-9. 19.27 CTark, op.cit. 103/ ATbert O. Hirschman. ”InternationaT and InterregionaT Transmission of Economic Growth, RegionaT Deve10pment and P1anning," in John Friedman and WiTTiam ATonso (eds.). Cambridge, Massachusetts: The M.I.T. Press. 1965, p. 624. 104/ __—'During the 1950's the birth rate in Iran was high in both rura1 and urban areas. It was not untiT the earTy 1960's that the p1anned parenthood program came to the government's attention, and oraT and I.U.D. contraceptives were introduced. 0n the other hand, mortaT- ity rate, particuTarTy infant mortaTity, is Tower in the cities where free medicaT assistance and better sanitation faciTities are avai1ab1e than in the vi11ages. As a resu1t, naturaT popu1ation increase has been a significant part of urban popu1ation growth in the 1950's. 1.957 This is supported by Barbara Ward who describes in a1most poetic terms this woerwide economic phenomenon. See Perspectives on Squatter Sett1ements in Chapter 1. 106/ ‘_—'K.C. Zachariah. "Bombay Migration Study: A PiTot AnaTysis of Migration to an Asian MetropoTis," Demography, V01. 3. 1966, p. 382. 1927 CTark, op.cit. .199! Bharier. The Growth of Towns and ViTTages in Iran, 1900-T966, op.cit. 180 T_09_/ CTark, op.cit. 11 / Ibid. CT —lo 0. HoTiday, op.cit. 11 / Murphey Rhoads. "The City as a Center of Change: Western Europe and China," A.A.G., V01. 44. 1954, pp. 349-362. DJ For exampTe, see Mangin, op.cit., pp. 68-69; aTso The New York Times, September 24, 1968, for a case in Lima, Peru. 1 / —.l This exp1ains why squatter sett1ements are formed by peop1e from one region, often re1ated to each other, as was the case in the IsTa MancieT sett1ement in Buenos Aires. See Germani, "Inquiry into the socia1 effects of urbanization in working cTass sector of greater Buenos Aires," in Urbanization in Latin America, PhiTip Hauser, ed., New York: CoTumbia University Press, 1961. _a _a \ In Lima, Peru, squatters bui1t 100,000 housing units, whereas the Tow-cost housing authorities were abTe to bude on1y 31,000 units from 1958 to 1968, New York Times, September 24, 1968. In Ankara it had been estimated that a Gecekondu repTacement project bui1t on1y 700 units in three years, whereas the squatters bui1t at 1east 15,000 units during one year. For an exampTe see Robert North MerriTT, Toward a StructuraT Housing PoTicy. Ithaca: CorneTT Uni- versity.Press. 71971. 1.7 Karpat, op.cit., p. 29. ATso see Hopgood, op.cit., p. 37. 11 / M.R. Chene. Divided the bidonviTTes of Rabat into hygienic, anar- chistic, and briquette vi11ages. The 1ast is the best dweTTing and costs $10 or 50 dirhams, the square meter. The briquetteviTTe is regarded as a transitionaT sett1ement between the shantytowns and the urban districts. Chene, Marges Citadines. Thesis presented to E CoTe Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris, February, 1971, pp. 56-58, 80. 181 A A \ In the case of Tabriz, no crime was reported or observed during the survey. Montagne notes that in the ATgerian bidonviTTe there was a Tow crime rate. R. Montagne, "La Naissance," pp. 241-44 in the Gecekondu, by Karpat. See aTso the works deaTing with Latin America cited earTier. m7 Karpat, op.cit., p. 94. 1.2.1.7 Mangin, op.cit., pp. 342-343. 1.22.7 Brian Roberts, Organizing Strangers. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press, pp. 58-63. 123/ __—'Doug1as B. Butterworth. "A Study of Urbanization Process Among Mixtec Migrants from TiTantongo in Mexico City," in Peasants in Cities, edited by W. Mangin. Boston: Houghton-MiffTin. T970. Aiso see Mangin, 1961, p. 213; and Roberts, 1973, pp. 77—78. 1.2.47 Karpat, op.cit. 1.2.5.7 PerTman, op.cit. 1.2.6.7 Hopgood, op.cit. 1.2.7.7 PerTman, op.cit. 128/ '___ Hopgood, op.cit. A150 see Germani, 1961, p. 212. 129/ '-__ Karpat, op.cit. and PerTman, op.cit. m7 Karpat, op.cit., p. 89. 131/ '___ United Nations, MuTtiTigguaT Demography Dictionary. New York: United Nations, 1958, p. 4. 182 —__'Pau1 Bohannan. SociaT AnthropoTogy. New York: HoTt, Rinehart and Winston. 1963, p. 86. 1.3.5.7 May N. Diaz. Conservatism, ResponsibiTity and Authority in a Mexican Town. BerkeTey: University of CaTifornia Press. 1966, pp. 70475. 1.3.67 PerTman, op.cit. —-l \l \ On these points, see Joseph A. KahT, "Some SociaT Concomitants of IndustriaTization and Urbanization," pp. 53-74; aTso SociaT ImpTica- tions of IndustriaTization and Urbanization in Africa, South of Sahara; B.FT"Hose1itz and Winert E. Moore, eds. 1.3.8.7 Karpat, op.cit., p. 40. PerTman, op.cit. 142/ ___ StiTTman, Bradfier. "SeTectivity in RuraT-Urban Migration: Cross-CuTturaT Studies of Urbanization," in A. SouthhaTT, ed. New York: Oxford University Press. 1973, p. 362. A150 see Roberts, op.cit., pp. 63-65. 1.457 BaTan, op.cit., p. 144. 144/ '___ Sanchez Avendano. "La Migracion Interna..." in Hopgood, op.cit., pp. 104-106. 183 145/ Karpat, op.cit. 1&6! PerTman, op.cit. and Hopgood, Op.cit. __— Karpat, op.cit. —_— BaTan, op.cit., pp. 107-112. H.A. Goqu. "Some PreTiminary Observations Concerning the Anthro- poTogy of IndustriaTization," p. 139. CotTer notes, for instance, that in a group of Peruvian migrants, empToyment in agricuTture dropped from 39.5 to 1.2 percent after migration," in Mangin, 99, £13,, p. 120. In the case of Tabriz, and Monterrey, the migrants empToyment in agricuTture dropped to zero point in both cases. 1.597 0n occupationaT change see E. Winur Beck and S. Iutaka, "Rura1- Urban Migration and SociaT MobiTity: The Controversy in Latin America," Rura1 SocioTogy, 34, No. 3, pp. 343-355. 1.5.1/ On empToyment see for exampTe Germani, op.cit., p. 120; Medina, 99, 913,, pp. 57-66; and Mangin, op.cit., p. 75. 152/ In Ca1cutta, the wards of Cossipore and Sinthi had 13,588 peop1e of a11 ages. Of this 6,631 were cTassified as earners. Their occupa- tionaT distribution was the foTTowing: ordinary Tabor, 1,471; saTes, 1,397; handicrafts, 1,282; sma11 owners-managers, 664; pro- fessionaTs, 216; cTerks, 311; and the rest distributed among other occupations. Report on the Bustee survey in Ca1cutta, 1958-59, p. 11 in Karpat, op.cit.; for Rabat see Chene, Marges Citadiness, in Karpat, op.cit., pp. 118-38. 153/ __—'The TegaT minimum wage at the time of the survey was 7,000 riaTs which faTTs within the 6,001-9,000 riaTs category. 15.1.7 PerTman, op.cit. 155/ Karpat, op.cit., p. 106. 184 156/ __—'According to ATTan Schnaiberg, the determining factor in moderniza- tion is the nature of the community of earTy residence, that is, acceptabiTity of what he ca11ed modernism, rather than the time of migration. Though this study foTTows Sorokin, Zimmerman, and Sjoberg and postuTates differences between urban and rura1 organi- zation, it nevertheTess indirectTy stresses the impact of modernism on urbanism. The criteria of modernism according to this study was invoTvement in a broad information network, freedom from extended fami1y ties, invoTvement in an egaTitarian conjuaT union, freedom from intensive re1igious invoTvement, adaptive re1ation to an envi- ronment beyond the TocaT community, and invoTvement in a suprafami- TiaT economic system. Schnaiberg, "Rura1-Urban Residence and Modernism," pp. 71-85. T_57./ Ned Levine. "01d CuTture - New CuTture," in Karpat, op.cit., p. 357. 15.8.7 PerTman, o .cit., p. 146. A150 see Appendix, PersonaT and GeneraT Optimism ong FaveTados, Tab1e 2. 159/ - Karpat, op.cit., p. 148. m7 Some townsmen tend to think of the viTTagers as being naive, igno- rant, but aTso fuTT of guiTe. There are stories of bridges, street- cars, and squares in the city son to viTTagers by smart townsmen. 1.6.17 Karpat, op.cit., p. 111. 1.627 PerTman, op.cit., p. 149. 16.3.7 ATejandro Portes. "Los Grupos Urbanos Marginados," mimeographed (June, 1969), p. 11. 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