RETHINKING PARENTAL ENGAGEMENT: PERCEPTIONS OF SINGLE AFRICAN AMERICAN MOTHERS By Tracey L. Jones A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Special Education-Doctor of Philosophy 2016 ABSTRACT RETHINKING PARENTAL ENGAGEMENT: PERCEPTIONS OF SINGLE AFRICAN AMERICAN MOTHERS By Tracey L. Jones Federal law stresses shared accountability between schools and parents for high student achievement. Yet, there is minimal regulation regarding what parental engagement programs must actually look like. As a result many school districts fail to consider nontraditional constructs of parental engagement that honor the available cultural capital, human capital, and social capital of families with divergent structures. Marginalized parents are often described as -headed households, in particular, have been linked with poverty, limited English proficiency, decreased supervision, and low educational attainment. While research has established the benefits of parental engagement fewer studies have This phenomenological study uses in-depth interviews to explore the phenomena of parental engagement from the perspective of 10 single African American mothers of elementary school age children with or without disabilities. Findings suggest that regardless of education, wealth, and or cultural background parents have an innate desire to help their children succeed practices around parental engagement were analogous to framework for six types of engagement that include 1) parenting 2) communicating 3) volunteering 4) learning at home 5) decision making 6) collaborating with the school community. However, practiceacquired through socialization rather than through formal learning. This study adds to strengths based narratives that support setting policy and practice that move away from the one-size fit all model of parental engagement. Copyright by TRACEY L. JONES 2016 v For Joseph, Joshua, Jeremy Thank you for giving me the courage to succeed, and believing in me when I doubted myself. Your words of encouragement, unwavering support, and enduring understanding have allowed me to grow both personally and professionally. For, it is your love that has allowed me to realize this goal. Love Always, Tracey vi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This researcher would like to thank all of the people that have traveled with me from beginning to end during this long journey. To Dr. G. for being a mentor, friend, and supporter who inspired me to take this road. I hope that you are watching from above. To Dr. Troy Mariage and Dr. Susan Peters for making this experience one of the most memorable journeys I will ever take. Your support, friendship, and tireless energy are a true inspiration. Thank you for never losing faith in me. To my parents, Don and Gwen, for helping me to become the person I am today. Your positive examples have been a guiding principle in my life. To my moms, Patricia and Ailean, for accepting me as your child, surrounding me with love when I needed it most, and watching over me over the years. Your kind deeds and unshakable faith have been worth more than you will ever know. Finally to my committee members, Dr. Dorinda Carter Andrews, Dr. Calabrese Barton, Dr. Summer Ferrari, and Dr. Sonya Gunnings-Moton for choosing to use their time and energy to actively participate in my life. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES ...............................................................................................................x LIST OF FIGURES .......................................................................................................... xi CHAPTER 1 ......................................................................................................................1 INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................1 Pilot Study ...........................................................................................................................3 Statement of the Problem ....................................................................................................5 Purpose of the Study ...........................................................................................................5 Research Questions .............................................................................................................6 Rationale for Qualitative Methods ......................................................................................7 Significance of the Study ....................................................................................................7 Assumptions ........................................................................................................................9 Conceptual Framework .......................................................................................................9 Methodology .....................................................................................................................10 Definition of Terms ...........................................................................................................11 Organization of the Study .................................................................................................13 CHAPTER 2 ....................................................................................................................14 REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE ...................................................................14 The History of Women and Educational Activism in Black and White ...........................14 Parent Engagement as a Resource for Student Success ....................................................17 Parent Engagement as a Reflection of Educational Equity and Accountability ...............24 A Framework for Social Reproduction: Impact of Capital on Parental Engagement and Student Success among Urban Divergent Families ...................................................27 Parental Engagement in the Context of ..............................................30 Summary ............................................................................................................................37 CHAPTER 3 ....................................................................................................................40 METHODOLOGY .........................................................................................................40 Participant Description ......................................................................................................41 Participant Setting-Subjectivity Statement .......................................................................41 Participant Selection .........................................................................................................43 Data Analysis ....................................................................................................................44 Analysis from the Field .....................................................................................................47 Validity and Trustworthiness ............................................................................................48 Informed Consent ..............................................................................................................55 Data Storing Methods .......................................................................................................55 Delimitations .....................................................................................................................56 Limitations ........................................................................................................................56 Summary ...........................................................................................................................58 viii CHAPTER 4 ....................................................................................................................60 SITUATING THE SAMPLE .........................................................................................60 Mothers of Children with Disabilities ...............................................................................61 Mothers of Children without Disabilities .........................................................................69 Summary ...........................................................................................................................76 CHAPTER 5 ....................................................................................................................79 FINDINGS .......................................................................................................................79 Emergent Themes of Parental Engagement ......................................................................79 Navigating Adverse Conditions ................................................................................79 Mediating Community ..............................................................................................85 Intergenerational Foot-Printing ................................................................................. 89 ........................................93 Resiliency ..................................................................................................................97 Personal Efficacy .....................................................................................................102 Cultivating School Readiness ..................................................................................106 Establishing High Expectations ...............................................................................109 Relationships with Family, Friends, and Stakeholders ...........................................113 Providing Basic Needs ............................................................................................117 CHAPTER 6 ..................................................................................................................120 DISCUSSION ................................................................................................................120 Discussion Overview ......................................................................................................121 .................................................................................................121 Discussion of Findings ....................................................................................................122 Summary of Discussion of Findings ...............................................................................126 ............128 Engaging Parents of Students with Disability ................................................................131 Implications for Policy, Practice, and Research .............................................................132 Implications for Policy ....................................................................................................133 Implications for Practice .................................................................................................135 Recommendations for Building New Parental Engagement Frameworks .....................136 Implications for Research ...............................................................................................138 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................140 APPENDICES ...............................................................................................................142 Appendix A: Phone Script .......................................................................................143 Appendix B: Consent Form ....................................................................................146 Appendix C: Demographic Questionnaire .............................................................149 Appendix D: Discussion Questions ........................................................................151 Appendix E: Initial Formulated Meanings .............................................................154 ix BIBLIOGRAPHY .........................................................................................................157 x LIST OF TABLES Table 1 Phenomenological Data Analysis Process. ..........................................................50 Table 2 Selected Examples of Significant Statements ......................................................51 Table 3 Characteristics of Sample. ................................................................................... 77 xi LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 Ten Themes as Expressions of Available Capital ............................................134 1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Parental engagement (PE) provisions as prescribed by the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB, 2002) stress shared accountability between schools and parents for high student achievement. These provisions include the development of local parental engagement plans that are intended to addreeducational outcomes. Central to NCLB is the notion that when parents are meaningfully involved children do better in school. Parents of students receiving Title I services are required by law to be involved in the development of district and school policies. Local school districts and schools are encouraged to engage in conversations that aid in developing policies and practices that support and facilitate community specific parental engagement. Parental engagement policies include a number of actions and processes. Epstein (2009, 2011) developed six levels of parental engagement that are often used as a framework to develop parental engagement strategies at the local level. The levels include 1) basic parenting obligations 2) school-parent communications 3) parental engagement in school volunteering 4) parental engagement in school decision making 5) parental engagement in home-based learning, and 6) parental engagement in school community collaborations. In an effort to involve all families, effective parental engagement programs attempt to provide activities that address each of these levels, as growing data supports a positive correlation between parental engagement and the rate of educational attainment regardless of ethnic or socioeconomic background (Epstein, 2009, 2011). Based on mounting evidence, researchers and reformers alike, have exalted parental engagement as a remedy to the academic ills associated with students at risk for nearly twenty 2 years. Yet teachers and principals often describe low income or ethnic minority parents as being Lynn, et. al. 2010; Wilkerson & Kim, 2010; Sturges, 2005). These stereotypic perceptions may lead to fewer meaningful parent- school interactions, and thwart efforts to create parental engagement programs that support mutual respect (Christianakis, 2011, Harry, 2008). Although parental engagement programs are mandated there is minimal regulation regarding what the programs must actually look like. Hence, traditionally marginalized families may still be subject to peripheral participation in family engagement programs. Ultimately this lack of attention to differentiation among families may tacitly support school failure (Munn-Joseph, 2008; Bryk &Schneider, 2004). For example, over the last two decades there has been a decline in two-parent families across all racial and ethnic groups in the United States (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2002, 2014). Urban children, in particular, often live in single parent headed households that are disproportionately affected by growing poverty in the United States. Likewise, dominant discourses link single parent families with poverty, limited English proficiency, decreased supervision, and low educational attainment (McLanahan, 2010). While low educational attainment has traditionally been associated with cultural and cognitive deficits among minorities, recent research identifies income related factors as one of the main influences. The current educational reform legislation neglects to consider the implications of demanding parental engagement (Jenson, 2013). Coleman the effective functioning of the family and community. What makes some ghetto schools 3 function poorly is that the communities and families they serve are weak, lacking the social capital Developing an understanding of how inner city single parents perceive parental engagement is vital to understanding the complexity of requiring all parents to participate in the business of schooling (Kozol, 2005). Pilot Study Numerous studies have supported the theory that constrained choices may act as a barrier to education for urban students (e.g., Lareau & McNamara Horvat, 1999; Bourdieu, 1998; Wilson, 1996; Stanton-Salazar & Dornbush, 1995). Yet the literature to support the idea that urban students can achieve against the odds is comparatively limited (Ream & Palardy, 2008; Milne & Plourde, 2006; Meier, 2004; Peacock, 2002; Snowman & Biehler, 2000, Lezotte, 1992). Coleman (1988) found that immigrant Asian mothers with limited education were able to and Palardy (2008) found a positive association between Parents Help Student, a construct of parental social capital in which parent-child conversations surrounding what their child does in school and what their child is studying produced positive educational outcomes regardless of social class. These seminal studies motivated me to conduct an exploratory pilot study to examine the effects of social factors on mother-child relationships that exist in urban settings, and to discover how the mother-academic success in an urban context. One mother from a mother-only household, whose child attended an urban public school (Bentler Academy) situated in the heart of a small transient community located in Northwest Detroit, was selected for a series of in-depth interviews. The 4 mother was an unmarried female parent with no live in male/female companions, and at least one child between 8 and 11 years old. The child had been enrolled at the third grade level during the 2007-08 school year, and had attended Bentler Academy during the previous school year as well. Using information gathered through the National Survey of Families and Households (NSFH) and the Harvard Family Research Project, a semi-structured question format was used to conduct four interviews with each lasting one to one and a half hours in length. The interviews took take place over the month following the 2007-2008 school-year. constraints and how or whether these constraints affected her parenting practices in relation to to spend quality time with your child, i.e. completing homework?) Questions also focused on life events that contributed to or detracted -being or psychological capital (e.g. What other dependable adults help to care for your child when you are not available?).s Life events were defined in terms of disruption in employment, death, illness, social supports, psychological resources and or support networks. Findings indicated that available human capital. Thus, this study raises another pertinent question: If federal laws demand shared accountability between parents and schools, how can strong responsive family school relationships be fostered in the current context of changing family structure and economic challenge? 5 Statement of the Problem I have been an educator in an urban setting for over twenty years servicing students in grades kindergarten through eighth grade. In that time I have had the opportunity to observe the phenomena of parental engagement through the lens of teacher, researcher, child study coordinator, strategic planning facilitator, and parent. Hence, my numerous roles in education have made me privy to several changes in the population that I service: 1) decreased numbers of students being raised in two parent families; 2) increased numbers of students with chronic numbers of students dependent upon free and reduced lunch; 5) decreased numbers of parents attending scheduled parent teacher conferences; and 6) increased numbers of students with chronic absenteeism. In brief, there appears to be a need for educational communities servicing students at risk for failure to mediate the effects of poverty and to empower divergent families by broadening the context of family- school relationships Purpose of the Study Current educational policy institutionalizes the utility of parental engagement in effecting individual student achievement. Yet despite mounting research, parental engagement has not been shown to be successful in counteracting minority group failure, raising educational standards and improving general outcomes for all (Wilkerson, 2010; Abdul-Adil, 2006; Gonzales DeHass, 2003; Bourdieu, 1998; Wilson, 1996; Stanton-Salazar & Dornbush, 1995). These outward signs of inequity in education are often thought to be the result of parental apathy, especially among ethnic and/or divergent families. However, most of the literature that supports the benefits of parental engagement is based on the lived experiences of middle and upper class 6 families with little attention being given to the struggles of families with divergent structures and or families with low socioeconomic status (SES). In order to understand the effects of single parenting and/or limited resources it is important to give a voice to parents who are marginalized by current parental engagement constructs. What is desperately needed is a phenomenological study that more fully understands the construct of parent engagement from the perspective of minority, low income, single-parents. fail to support a reciprocal relationship between all families and schools; insights gained from parents will also shed light on ways to develop nontraditional constructs of parental engagement in addition to gaining a better understanding of the perceived or actual paucity of parent participation. Research Questions In order to explore this phenomenon this case study will address the following questions: 1. What are African American single urban perceptions and practices surrounding 2. interacting with schools? 3. What factors do African American sinobstacles mediating their parental engagement? 4. What are the resources or hidden strengths that are available to African American single urban mothers that may not be apparent to schools yet affect student outcomes? 7 Rationale for Qualitative Methods The purpose of qualitative research is to gain understanding of a given topic from the perspective of the local population. The strength of qualitative research is its ability to extract complex textual descriptions of a particular phenomenon. The researcher uses these thick descriptions to paint a complex picture of a human problem. Thus by using qualitative methodology the researcher will be afforded an opportunity to delve into the phenomena of parental engagement from the perspective of the urban parent, giving life to voices that have been silenced in the literature and bringing marginalized families to the forefront of the discussion on educational policies and practices. Significance of the Study Why is this research important to American society? It has been a consensus among many critics that education is a means to do away with poverty. Education that began as a dually market (Labaree, 1997). However, public school systems often fail to educate students from the most impoverished communities (Lynn, 2010, Darling-Hammond, 2008, 2009). There is a need connect with families in meaningful ways that effectively address the pursuit of educational and social equity. Historically, meritocratic ideals have driven American life, supported market capitalism and a burgeoning middle class. Yet, modernization and cultural changes have left Americans scrambling to redefine their role in society. Many sociologists believe that this shifting balance between socioeconomic modernization and tradition has the ability to shape human values and to 8 determine how these values affect political institutions. This human development sequence can polarize a society and create an increased emphasis on survival values or broaden humanistic values that tend to nurture social justice perspectives (Inglehart, 2005). Research that supports a context of social justice is vital to maintaining American values. Public education in its purest form was created to ensure an educated citizenry that would be better equipped to participate in democracy. Early reformers envisioned a united society with limited crime and poverty as public schools systems would meet the challenge of educating students from the most impoverisequalize . Unemployment rates that exceed the national average have devastated many urban communities causing large urban districts to consistently lose students to suburban and charter schools. Accordingly, state aid has also continued to decline due to decreased enrollment, meaning that there is less funding to deal with populations that tend to need more rather than fewer services (St. John, 2005). Thus, in order to meet the rigorous standards of NCLB there is a need for urban districts to maximize resources, and develop parallel accountability reforms that address the specific needs of the populations they service. 9 Assumptions It is assumed that all families regardless of socioeconomic status possess valuable capitals (social capital, cultural capital, and human capital), and that all parents want educational and socioeconomic success for their children. It is also assumed that schools currently operate under an educational system that serves to recreate social inequalities; devaluing the capitals and capabilities of divergent families and mandating parental engagement without attention to the ability of all families to meaningful participate in the actions and processes that currently define parental engagement. Conceptual Framework We have a strong tendency to affirm that what is different from us is inferior. We start from the belief that our way of being is not only good but better than that of others who are different from us. This is intolerance. It is the irresistible preference to reject differences. The dominant class, then, because it has the power to distinguish itself from the dominated class, first, rejects the differences between them but, second, does not pretend to be equal to those who are different; third, it does not intend that those who are different shall be equal. What it wants is to maintain the differences and keep its distance and to recognize and emphasize in practice the inferiority of those who are dominated. Freire, 1998 This is a phenomenological qualitative inquiry. Qualitative research has several unique aspects that lend it to studying the phenomena of parental engagement. Qualitative research allows the investigator to understand the feelings, values, and perceptions that underlie and influence the behavior(s) of the respondents. This is accomplished through careful observing, recording, and interpreting of both verbal and non-verbal communications. Participants can be 10 more actively engaged than is normally found in quantitative research methods. In addition, the result of qualitative research is descriptive as opposed to dogmatic. Husserl, often regarded as , rejected the belief that objects in the external world exist independently and that the information about objects is reliable. He argued that people can be certain about how things appear in or present themselves to their consciousness. To arrive at certainty, anything outside immediate experience must be ignored, and in this way the external world is reduced to the contents of personal consciousness (Fouche, 1993 as cited in Groenewald, 2004; Eagleton, 1983). Methodology This study utilizes a qualitative phenomenological approach to explore the phenomena of parental engagement from the perspective of 10 African American single mothers who had at least one school age child between 4 and 11 years old with or without disabilities. The primary data source in this phenomenological study of parent engagement was an extensive interview of each of the 10 parents. Interviews generally lasted in excess of 1 hour. A phenomenological data analysis was used to make meaning of the transcript data. The data was transcribed in whole highlighting sentences and or quotes that embody an understanding of how participants experience the phenomena. Clusters of meaning were developed into themes from identified significant statements. Textual and structural descriptions provide context and illuminate part This allows the researcher the flexibility to describe variations within and across groups, , as well as the social context of the target population. These in-depth interviews are effective for obtaining abstract factors such as social norms, socioeconomic status, and belief systems, in 11 addition to illuminating the complexity and, often, counterintuitive nature of the human side of an issue (Glesne, 2011; Creswell, 2009, 2007; Groenewald, 2004; Moustakas, 1994). Definition of Terms The following terms were used in this study Cultural capital- The properties that are transferred from one individual to another through time, tradition and socialization. Socialization being the process by which usually family passes on the attitudes, values, and social norms considered appropriate or desirable within a particular culture. Cultural capital also identifies a resource capital that may be transmitted from one generation to the next that can take on three forms or states: 1) the embodied state or competence (incorporated in the mind and body), 2) the institutionalized state or credentialing (educational qualifications), and 3) the objectified state or cultural goods (personal artifacts or objects that can be used or consumed); (Bourdieu,1986) Divergent family- Any family configuration that does not include two biological parents and a biological child/children; a diverse family (Moen & Forest, 2013, p634, p637). Parental Engagement Participation in any of the following levels of actions and or policies: 1) basic parenting obligations 2) school-parent communications 3) parental engagement in school volunteering 4) parental engagement in school decision making 5) parental engagement in home-based learning, and 6) parental engagement in school community collaborations (Epstein, 1992). Generational poverty- A person or persons living in poverty for at least two generations and or persistently poor beginning in childhood carrying over into adulthood (Payne, 2005) 12 Human capital- The education or schooling that is obtained as an investment good. The acquisition of education is a personal investment made by the individual to facilitate higher productivity or earning potential, higher wages (Becker, 1964) Intergenerational poverty-Individual or family that experiences chronic poverty (Payne, 2005) Single mother headed household- A household headed by an unmarried female parent with no live in male/female companions, and at least one child of elementary school age. Situational poverty- A lacks of resources due to a particular event (ie. divorce, death, chronic illness (Payne, 2005). Social capital- The relationships formed inside and outside the family that facilitate access to the elements of mainstream culture. Social capital comes into being as a result of relationships with persons that facilitate action. Family relationships can be a vehicle for the creation of human and social capital, a resource to achieve goals and interests (Coleman, 1988) 13 Organization of the Study The remainder of this dissertation will be organized into five chapters. Chapter II presents a review of literature regarding current parental engagement standards framed against the history of women and civic engagement and the return to a middle and upper class educational agenda. The review will also explore structural inequalities, educational equity, and the disparity between mandates and current practice. Chapter III provides a detailed description of the methods used for collecting and analyzing the data for this study. Chapter IV presents a description of the context and a demographical sketch of the respondents. Chapter V presents an analysis of the practices and beliefs of single urban African American mothers surrounding parental engagement in and out of school. The dissertation concludes with a discussion of the findings and implications for current practice and future research in Chapter VI. 14 CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE This review of related literature is divided into five areas: (1) literature discussing the history of women in educational activism; (2) parent engagement as a resource for student success; (3) parent engagement as a reflection of educational equity and accountability; (4) impact of capital on parental engagement and student success among urban divergent families; and (5) parental engagement in the context of the new family. A brief review of the rise of role in family school collaborations. Parental engagement as a resource will be addressed as a means of illuminating current educational reform efforts intended to address shared accountability between schools and parents for high student achievement. Literature addressing equity and accountability will focus on structural inequalities that may impact parental engagement programs in addition to exploring materials associated with issues of culture and class that will consider barriers and obstacles that may influence the degree of parent participation in traditional forms of parental engagement activities. The History of Women and Educational Activism in Black and White The true aim of female education should be, not a development of one or two, but all the faculties of the human soul, because no perfect womanhood is developed by imperfect culture. Frances Ellen Watkins Harper, 1859 15 arriage and motherhood and transforming black k community was for the betterment of the entire race. Every educated black person was morally obligated to challenge the economical, educational, and social conditions of free as well as enslaved blacks (Perkins, 1983). In 1895, Josephine St. Pierre Rufpublished by and for black women, issued a call for a national meeting of Colored Women to take place in Boston, Massachusetts. Following this initial meeting, Pierre, organizer of the National Federation of Afro-American Women, merged with the National League of Colored Women to form the National Association of Colored Women's Clubs, Inc. (NACWC), in July merger enabled the NACWC to function as a national umbrella group for local and regional http://www.nacwc.org). moting self-help among women and social responsibility. During the early years of the organization, the largely educated and middle-class constituency supported temperance, positive images of women through moral ting the word ladies in their titles to dispel the stereotype of black women as immoral. The NACWC saw their organization in terms of gender 16 NACWC saw the struggle for suffrage as the right to vote not just for women, but also for black men still disenfranchised through the political maneuverings of mainstream society (Perkins, 1983; Woyshner, 2009; Retrieved October 19, 2010 from http://www.nacwc.org). The late nineteenth century also brought major social and economical advances that would thrust married middle and upper class white women into the political spotlight. Technology had created leisure time for upper and middle class white mothers moving them from hoof women to change the moral, religious, and social welfare of women and children. The resulting maternalistic politics would eventually unite mothers of differing races around core democratic ideals such as the belief in public education, volunteerism, civic engagement, and the responsibility of parents to play a role in shaping schools and school curriculum. In 1897, Frances Ellen Watkins Harper, of the NACWC, addressed the National Congress of Mothers (NCM) to make a public appeal to unite all mothers in the quest for educational equity. Considered to be a non-was well received by her elite white contemporaries: I do ncannot touch with our hands, the ideal things that cannot be measured with a line nor bodies, but do not crush out self-respect from our souls. If you want us to act as women, treat us as women. regardless of race, color or condition. Yet, just one year earlier the U.S. Supreme Court had upheld the constitutionality of state laws requiring racial segregation under the doctrine of Plessy vs. Ferguson would prove to have 17 devastating consequences for what could have paved the way to true educational equity. By the membership by the white Parent- Teacher Association (PTA). The racist policies of local, state, and federal government were beginning to overshadow the racially inclusive policies of NCM-PTA., in many ways solidifying the contrasting educational ideologies among black and white women that existed at the beginning of the century and perhaps continue to pervade school reform policies even today (Woyshner, 2009; King, 2006; Perkins, 1983). In general, women used educational activism to wield moral influence over their own and with the reality of needing to protect twith parallel school reforms became the norm until 1970 when the National Congress of Colored Parents and Teachers (NCCPT) disbanded after a long and bitter struggle to abolish the Jim Crow laws of the American South. Organizations like the NACWC and the NCCPT, which had been founded to address specific social issues that plagued the Black community sought to improve the socioeconomic condition of the race by pushing a middle class agenda. For over two hundred years mothers have believed that their own education as well as the education of their families is the gateway to a better life (Woyshner, 2009; King, 2006; Perkins, 1983). Parent Engagement as a Resource for Student Success Thus the accent of the family school relationship has been historically shaped by the perspectives of middle and upper class Americans both black and white. Accordingly, the educational policies of today have not moved away from their roots mandating one-size fit all parental engagement model(s), ignoring the fact that divorce and unwed mothers have become 18 very commonplace. Claims that parental engagement increases the likelihood of student success do not go unfounded, as vast research exists to legitimate these assertions. al. -socioeconomic status could not provide direct or autonomy support for mathematical homework implications for improving parental efficacy for parents of low-SES, which has been positively linked with parents supporting homework practice. Hence parents with limited resources can have an impact on achievement through establishing high expectations Fan (2001) investigated several hypotheses, one being the effects of parental engagement on the academic growth of high school students. The data revealed a positive correlation attainment during the four- year period regardless of ethnic or socioeconomic background. Perhaps one of the most compelling studies in this area is the work of Henderson and Berla (1994regardless of income, education level or cultural background, all families can and do contribute to their ess. Schools that have engaged parents benefit from increased support from families, fewer special education placements, higher graduation rates, improved teacher morale, ies (p.1, p.14). Rapp & Duncan (2011) also identified parental engagement as a key factor in student parent-community of practice positively influenced student outcomes. Recommendations were made to 19 experiences and on-going feedback. This highlights cultural reciprocity as a key factor in developing a positive learning environment. Pasek & Burchinal (2006) examined the effects of sensitive and responsive care-giving over time in relation to language and academic outcomes for children aged six months to six years. Findings showed that children who received parenting that was increasingly stimulating and responsive over time showed higher levels of expressive language and academic achievement (Nurmi & Aunola, 2005; Hart & Risley, 2002). Hypothesizing that positive home environments can impact student success, Kyle (2011) conducted a follow-up study of families with low SES to determine if family engagement had had an impact on the academic development of children participating in a statewide reform. Families were originally tracked from 1996 to 2000. Feelings at the time were that parents possessed expert knowledge that would best inform educational practices. Feedback from the original family interviews was used to help develop strengths based instructional practices and to gain knowledge around ways to meaningfully engage parents. Findings from the follow-up completing high school. Steinburg et. al. (1992) studied 6,400 high school students from diverse ethnic and socioeconomic backgrounds, establishing parent practices as a preeminent dynamic of student performance. In this study parental engagement was operationally defined as 1) helping with g school programs; s in extracurricular activities; 4) helping to select courses; 20 point averages in four core subject areas (math, English, social studies, and science) over a period of four years in culmination with other propitious effects such as increased effort, concentration, and attention span. Beauregard, Petrakos, & Dupont (2014) examined the parenting practices of families immigrating to Quebec, Canada (Latin-American, Maghrebi/Northwest African, and Central African) Constructs of parental engagement emerged that were consistent with findings in the United States that included parent-school communications, engagement in homework, participation in decision making and advocacy. While culture and parent experiences may have desire to influence student outcomes. Egbert (2013) believes that expectations for success can be traced to the mindset of a child. Parents that promote a growth mindset foster the tools necessary to respond to challenging situations Irrespective of differences in race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and cultural background, Mapp (2004) also found that parents expressed an innate desire to help their children succeed academically. Nieto (1999) maintains that high expectations can be a leading criteria for improving overall academic achievement, which may contribute to the likelihood of success in a climate of high-stakes reform. Coleman (1988) found that immigrant Asian mothers quality study time with them. Miano (2011) found similar effects when conducting an ethnographic study of Mexican immigrant mothers who utilized family literacy networks to support and shape student outcomes. Literacy and service exchanges were made in order to reinforce learning in school and at home even when mothers possessed varying levels of formal education. Mothers served as role models 21 and mentors to their children by attending bilingual courses to improve parent efficacy, in addition to demonstrative acts of advocacy, such as participation in community protests. Accordingly, Coleman (1998) and Bourdieu (1998,1973) believe that family background is one of the strongest predictors for student success, as values and behaviors are both mediated and replicateand Bourdieu also believe that educational success is related to the quality of the relationships developed inside and outside of the home, recognizing the limitations associated with certain demographic characteristics. This line of thought brings into question the extent to which family socioeconomic status can mediate the impact of parent participation on student performance. Research in this area has focused on the influence of family processes and family interactions with schools in relationship to student achievement. In a study by Lee and Bowen (2006) students not living in poverty and students whose parents had more educational attainment also had increased academic achievement, and while parental engagement has been shown to be positively related to academic success it may also be attenuated by inequalities in the opportunities available to parents across demographic groups. The findings of Magnuson and McGroder (2002) who conducted the Welfare to Work study of welfare mothers with young children, in three cities, suggest a causal relationship between maternal education and employment, and school readiness. William H. Jeynes (2005) conducted a meta-analysis on parental engagement and student achievement that drew from 77 studies, comprising of over 300,000 students from elementary and secondary schools. Two facets of parental engagement emerged in the findings as having the greatest impact on student achievement. One being activities such as reading and communicating 22 style and expectations. Both require a large investment of time from the parent, but collectively had a greater impact than more demonstrative activities such as attending parent-teacher conferences.. Chubb and Moe (1990) examined the relationship between school performance and parents with limited education. Mothers with children in low performance schools on average had about a year and a half less education than mothers with children in high performance schools. Consequently mothers with children in top performing schools were two and a half times more likely to have a four-year degree. In both situations mothers are the main monitors of educational goal or choice that is often passed on from generation to generation. Research suggests that families from low performing schools have fewer cumulative educational experiences making them less likely to directly encourage their children to learn and or to participate in traditional parental engagement activities. (Hart & Risley, 2002; Bourdieu, 1998). Yet, most of the available research that supports the benefit of parental engagement implicitly assumes a typically middle class single model of family with two parents and a full time mother. This illustration of family has several problems that deserve careful consideration. For example, the current economic challenges being faced by many American families are often met through maternal employment, taking the mother out of the home and school environment which can reduce opportunities for providing parental supervision, academic support, and or volunteerism. Likewise, the one size family model pays little attention to family differences in social, cultural and economic capitals that may translate into advantage or disadvantage in school settings (Bourdieu, 1998). Current educational reform efforts view parental engagement as a 23 symbolic form of capital that is intended to serve as an extension of the curriculum. In doing so, the home becomes an open replica of the classroom, jeopardizing the ideology of cultural Are reformers advocating for shared or shifted accountability since certain expressions of parental engagement demand that the parent become the teacher. This line of thinking often gives absolution to underperforming schools and often overlooks the professional status of educators by presuming that parents can play the role of teacher at home, thus diverting the educational focus from the classroom to the home (deCarvalho, 2009). Public schooling in the context of a Democracy was intended to function as a formalized change agent for the development of vocational, academic, social and personal competencies. No parents required. However, the reality of many comprehensive school reforms (CSR) is that the school must take on the responsibility of reeducating parents as a precondition of student success. Many parents, especially those of lower socioeconomic status (SES), do not participate in traditional forms of parental engagement that may include fulfilling basic obligations, (ie. helping with homework), volunteer opportunities, school community collaborations, school decision making, and school-parent communications (Epstein, 2009). Consequently, administrators and teachers academic performance. While many low-income and minority parents do feel that they lack educational competence, it does not diminish the desire for their child to be successful. With this in mind, many parents from diverse backgrounds prefer to allow school personnel to handle school-related issues and are reluctant to participate in activities that are directly aligned with the curriculum; parents who perceive themselves as being less capable or out of touch with school culture will 24 often opt for more informal parent-ity that creates a non-threatening environment for the parent. The pressure to provide parents with educational experiences actually amplifies the scope of obligation of the school. In contrast, parents that are better positioned to advocate for their children often find themselves in disagreement with teachers and administrators by challenging educational standards may serve to mediate the concept of shared decision- making, collective power, and the responsibility for educational accountability (deCarvalho, 2009; Laureau, 2000). Parent Engagement as a Reflection of Educational Equity and Accountability t equality as a fact and a result, Lyndon B. Johnson, n.d. Interestingly, America has seen the more conservative No Child Left Behind Act of 2002 replace the social assistance model of schooling that was associated with the Goals 2000 legislation. Renewing meritocratic ideals of schooling that support global competitiveness, school efficiency, and standardization. This current model of educational reform once again illuminates the responsibility of the parent to participate in demonstrative ways, but is all participation created equally as issues of culture and socioeconomic status continues to shape conversations surrounding the ability and or desire of all parents to actively participate in the business of schooling. Assessing the actual impact of parent engagement on student success has presented a formidable challenge to the educational communityreleased that would dramatically influence the educational reform movement(s) for several decades to come. The Equal25 in 1966 to evaluate the availability of equal educational opportunities to children of different race, color, religion, and national origin. This iconoclastic study gathered data from more than 645,000 respondents including students and teachers in more than 4000 schools. Findings concluded that family and peers were likely to have a greater impact on a in school as opposed to class size, school facilities, and teacher salaries; signaling to legislators that increased funding for impoverished communities could not counteract the inherent moral deficiencies of certain types of families. The Moynihan Report, published in 1965 indicated that higher rates of poverty experienced among Blacks were ultimately caused by an inferior family structure. The Negro family was branded as deficient based on the rising trend of single-parent homes. While the change in family structure was affecting America as a whole, the Moynihan Report succeeded in renewing the discriminatory practices of earlier decades. groups from receiving an equitable education was not uncommon. Tyack et al. (1995) notes that during the mid-twentieth century progress for all groups was made in relationship to public education, and while Americans believed that public education would raise the potential of the individual as well as society as a whole, inequalities in the system stemmed from race, income, gender, place of residence, family occupation, and from physical and mental handicaps. The quantification of cultural differences effectively released reformers from their responsibility of providing equal schooling opportunities. In effect, these shaping reports concluded that inequities due to cultural differences could not be resolved through educational 26 reforms. Accordingly, the people who suffered the most were poor Blacks, working class immigrants, females, and the disabled at the hands of a closed educational system run by prominent White males (Gillborn, 2006; Grant, 2006; Kozol, 1991; 2005). The backdrop for these seminal studies was the Civil Rights Act of 1964, a controversial piece of legislation that attempted to move America toward an egalitarian society that would value the principles of equality and human rights; in theory, positioning all families to have the ability to affect change. According to Nieto (1999) development and learning are mediated by culture and society. Educational reformers that take a naive approach to the impact of culture on learning may fail to recognize the individual, social, cultural, economic, and political context in which learning takes place. Consequently the crucial issue surrounding cultural diversity and student performance is the relationship between minority cultures and mainstream American culture, so discussions surrounding diverse communities and learning tend to encompass family structure, parent educational attainment, family finances, and the amount of time and effort devoted to parental engagement. In the current economic climate many parents are often preoccupied with providing basic family needs which may lead to a decrease in quality time for parents, usually mothers, to devote to working with their children in order to increase academic success (Milne & Plourde, 2006; Ram & Hou, 2003). Research that has supported and or perpetuated a culture of pathology among divergent families has been used historically to justify educational inequalities. Policies that continue to enmesh student success with a one size family model may appeal to Conservatives, but fails to In, 2007, the National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS) reported nearly 40% of all U.S. births were to unwed women, a trend that has been seen 27 in the birth patterns of industrialized countries throughout the world. As of 2013 the National Vital Statistic report estimates that 44.3 % of children are being born to unwed mothers. This continued change in family structure highlights a decrease in hegemonic families. If the key indicators for single parent families are changing, is it educational reform or reflection that is needed? Reform implies that our schools are faulty. Perhaps the relationship between democracy, schooling, top-down authoritarian power structure, renewal is local, holistic, organic, and rooted in the . Notably in this changing economic climate public attitude regarding social justice and personal happiness is waning in relationship to the purpose of schooling, but democratic values should shape the perceptions of people being serviced within a community. A Framework for Social Reproduction: Impact of Capital on Parental Engagement and Student Success among Urban Divergent Families knowledge base surrounding educational disparities among children from differing social characteristics of economic capital. In the United States economical capital is strongly linked with a formal education system. Cultural capital provides resources that are often monopolized by certain groups or classes, and under suitable circumstances there may be an intergenerational transmission of these resources that promote class privilege (Devine-Eller,2005; Laureau & Weininger, 2003). The theory posits that cultural capital exists in three forms: the embodied form, the objectified form and the institutionalized form. The embodied form, cultivated dispositions are acquired by the individual through socialization and are expressed through 28 competence and or skills. The objectified form may be actual objects that one possesses or cultural artifacts that may act as concrete manifestations of embodied capital. The institutionalized form makes reference to ecompetencies or skills. Operating from a cultural deficit model subjugates capital that is acquired outside of the realm of formal learning. Likewise, forms of parenting that are different from the dominant classes are often presumed to be deficient as well. In fact, these symbolic forms of capital may be enacted in the educational community to the detriment of minority families. Students of parents from minority or low-socio economic backgrounds may lack the embodied capital to assimilate with the dominant culture. As a result these students are often seen as different or threatening, especially in the case of African American males (Hrabowski, III, et. al., 1998). Many researchers hypothesize that this is due in part to the clash between the institutionalized culture of school and the culture that students-at risk bring to the school setting. This lack of cultural capital results in limited access to academic opportunity, resources, and social supports. Resulting in marginalization of the families that are most in need of school support (Delpit, 2002; Laureau, 2000). Objectified capital includes those goods that are concrete or abstract expressions of embodied capital, which in most instances are acquired either directly or indirectly through The Bell Curv(1994) purport table genetic flaws that are passed on from one generation to the next developing ideals that support intergenerational themes of failure, and the notion that certain groups are somehow more worthy of opportunity. As a result of such controversial bodies of work and institutional practices related to schooling, persistent beliefs that undermine real 29 changes in educational policies and practices have not occurred. Parents that lack the language of school may be unable to facilitate the interpersonal social exchanges necessary in building trust between parents, children, and school communities (Payne, 2008; Lightfoot, 2003; Bryk & Schneider,2002; Laureau, 2002; Delpit, 2002). ideology of individualism. Historically, meritocratic ideals have driven American life, supported market capitalism, and a burgeoning middle class. Individuals that find themselves outside of this hub are often silenced by their inability to participate in a democraticized system of education. Ostensibly to some, individual merit (innate abilities, hard work, optimism) alone determines the ability to be successful (McNamee & Miller, 2004). In contrast, primary goal. For the oppressors, what is worthwhile is to have morealways moreeven at the cost of the oppressed having less or having nothing. For them, to be is to haveFor them, (p. 58). Although conceivably unintended, this scenario is played out in districts that service large numbers of high minority/ high poverty students across America. These are the students that traditionally lack access to objectified capital on the basis of their limited embodied capital. Thus, formal credentialing frequently becomes an obscure notion for parents as well as students that are not privy to these hidden rules of the middle and upper class. previous cultural and or social experiences it may be difficult for certain parents to see the value of formalized participation. (Epstein, 1992; 2009). Parenting, a symbolic form of capital, often 30 the schooling practices and decisions that most affect student success which almost inherently ignores individual student ability and or potential (Laureau, 2000). Educational proponents often , families a more relevant question may be what is the role of families? If more schools need to provide physical, emotional, social, moral and academic direction to the children and families that are serviced it may be time to take a closer look at the division of family- school educational work. Many existing family- school relationships lay the groundwork for blame by identifying a lack of parental engagement as a major cause of school failure. This rhetoric in turn blurs the boundaries of the roles and responsibilities of both educators and parents. Is it perhaps a discriminatory practice to mandate the use of capital that is limited or nonexistent in many families? This is not to say that schools should not be responsible for the less fortunate however could educational policies be more responsive to the social experiences of non-traditional families. Schools that fail to value the existing capital of divergent families may miss the opportunity to form the rich relationships that can truly affect student outcomes. Parenamily The shifting dynamics that affect the interactions between teachers, schools, and parents must be explored through an inclusive approach that utilizes a strengths based model as opposed to a model of deficincreasingly likely that the idea of parental engagement will need a comprehensive overhaul as well. Traditional parental engagement frameworks view parenting as a means of setting home conditions that support children as students. Schools often develop comprehensive parental engagement programs that take the position that this aspect of parenting must be taught as 31 opposed to accessing the household and community resources that strategically connect to instruction. Moll et. al. (1992) found that the parenting practices of families from the border region of Mexico and the United States innately taught connections related to construction, economics, medicine, science, as well as other relevant occupations. Changing and often difficult social and networks. Current Common Core State Standards (CCSS) call for educators to use this type of integrated learning, which transforms a trip to the grocery store into a critical thinking activity correlating planning, reading, estimation, and math computation into rigorous pedagogy. Still many educators negate the fact that this is a daily practice for many children living in non-traditional families. perspectives and practices around a strengths-based approach (SB) approach. Four interconnecting sets of practice: recognizing students- in context, critically engaging in strengths and positivity, nurturing democratic relations, and enacting creative and flexible pedagogies were used to renegotiate the language around students deemed to be at risk of failure. Their findings concluded that SB social justice practices require educators to know their students teachers as gatekeepers of knowledge. In order to critically engage in strengths and positivity, educators thoughtfully developed egalitarian relationships with students. Negotiated power allowed students to become experts in their own lives and their own learning. Creating a positive school environment where students were involved in and responsible for making decisions around their education. Respecting rather 32 than making judgments about students allowed teachers to nurture democratic relations. The hierarchical power struggle was diminished through fostering student voice, self-efficacy, and relational trust. Central to reshaping deficit dialogues is the ongoing commitment from educational stakeholders to create options and opportunities for families experiencing ative strategies and success of flexible pedagogies is the delicate balance between standardized accountability and the enacted curriculum. A SB social justice approach supports a rigorous curriculum that is dynamic and accessible within the constraints of normalized practices. facet of parental engagement that lends itself to the social justice conversation. Programs that meet the needs of changing family structures understand that demonstrative parenting practices are mediated by the constraints of institutionalized schooling practices and the reality of parelived experiences. engagement through the narratives of 15 racially and linguistically diverse teachers who worked with mostly African-American, Latino, and Asian students at an inner-city school in Northern California. While local manifestations of parental engagement continue to evolve, the parent-teacher partnership model and the parent empowerment model dominate parent engagement definitions. Volunteerism takes on a middle class perspective when viewed through the lens of a traditional partnership model often emphasizing asymmetrical power between parents and teachers. Empowerment models seek to position parents as educational stakeholders that are involved in the creation of schooling policies, practices, and pedagogy and are often more successful at creating democratic relationships between parents and teachers. However, 33 implications from this study are that in order for sustained change to take place parents and served by developing a parent alliance model of parent engagement that employs a multidimensional understanding of volunteerism where parents and teachers lobby for systemic changes that meet the needs of divergent families. that dispels misconceptions regarding single female-headed households is still limited in comparison to the numerous studies that espouse hegemonic families and traditional forms of parental engagement as the norm. Although debates continue around the effects of single-parent households, little by little research that supports strength based perspectives are emerging. Temple-Journiette (2011) explored resilience in single African American mothers of children with disabilities. The findings from this qualitative study illuminate how resilience positively contributes to child rearing, school collaborations, and interactions with staff during Individualized Education Plan (IEP) meetings. According to the data, once parents were able to Altering their own lives if necessary to meet the challenges of finding the appropriate treatments for their child. Parents acknowledged original feelings of emptiness but concluded that education support groups, networking with other parents of children with disabilities, and informational resources helped them to regain self-efficacy. The ability to boldly rebound from life-changing events is a form of capital that supports parents in advocating for their child regalevel. 34 McKenna and Millen (2013) interviewed eight mothers with three quarters defined as low were African American and three mothers were Caucasian. Using grounded theory methods emotional needs. Data revealed that parents held high expectations for their children and the belief that educators should hold their children accountable for academic outcomes as well. Parent engagement was defined combining two models developed from the data, the Parent Voice Model and the Parent Presence Model. A comprehensive model that honors the nuances of parent engagement considering cultural norms, a factor that is usually overlooked in traditional models of parent engagement. Preston (2008) sought to discover the ways in which ten single African American ion. The case study revealed that all mothers saw the benefit of acquiring an education and recognized the relationship between student success and spending quality time with their children. Even those parents with negative schooling experiences wanted a home -school connection. Respondents contended that engagement would increase if they were able to participate in the decision making process coupled with varying engagement strategies. Relationships built on reciprocity help to solidify stakeholder commitment. Conventional wisdom has always identified social contexts as a predictor of student with classroom expectations. Brody,G., Dorsey, S., Forehand, R., and Armistead, L. (2002) self-regulation and adjustment. A sample of 277 single African American mothers was selected 35 from viable African American communities in the South. Most of the mothers were of low socio-economic status and possessed varying levels of education ranging from less than a high school diploma to some college; 62% were employed. The study presented data to support the interconnectedness of the two social contexts, homes and classrooms. According to the data, environments that were organized, predictable, and affirming benefited African American children, ages 7 to 15 years old. Ideally these indicators should be available to students at home and school. However researchers found that one environment could act as a stabilizer for the other when either context was compromised. Hall-Chambers (2005) interviewed eleven single middle- class African American mothers to reveal perceptions surrounding Three protective factors, education/occupation, support from family and friends, and religion helped parents cope with perceived or actual life challenges. Mothers had an understanding of how working affected quality time with their children as well as their ability to have time to themselves. However, these feelings were balanced by their ability to provide certain privileges afforded to middle class families. Fictive kinships supported mothers with child care responsibilities and financial needs. Affiliation with the church created positive influences in times. Educational successes gave parents a sense of self efficacy, which translated into high academic expectations for their children. This work of Archer-Banks & Behar-parents of children in grades 6th to 8th grade. Middle school parents formed two focus groups that were comprised of male and female parents with differing marital status and varying levels of education. Six parents were single, two were divorced, and one was married. Educational 36 iploma. Five themes emerged from the data that supported the importance of parental engagement. However, several themes revealed that parents felt that the level of participation was mediated by family structure and socio-s expectations for African American children as well as the policies and practices of school personnel. al experiences? Cooper-Butler (2005) sought to identify past and present experiences that may hinder mothers parental engagement. The researcher interviewed 10 African American non-professional mothers that were employed at an Ohio based specialty care facility. Eight of the 10 mothers had high school diplomas and four of the 10 had state tested credentialing for their positions. Each parent had an elementary age child attending Ohio public schools. Using a phenomenological approach the researcher used 30 minute interviews with each parent to discover the essence of the experiences and attitudes that influenced their parental engagement in school activities. Parental engagement was defined as the engagement of parents in the educational process in or to promote academic and social success. Parents partner with school administrators and teachers through various at home and at school activities in order to create environments conducive to learning and succeeding (Ritblatt, Beatty, Cronan, & Ochoa, 2002, p 51 as cited in Cooper-Butler, 2005, p 9 ). Critical race theory (CRT) was used as a lens to interpret the data. Results indicated that mothers did not let past negative experiences hinder their ability to engage in parental engagement activities. Rather parents demonstrated resiliency and a willingness to behave in a manner that was both supportive and encouraging to support student success. 37 Summary Woman have always played a major role in forming relationships inside and outside of the home that help to further the education of their children and raise the status of the family, especially in the case of African American women. Traditionally, African American women nd dispositions of mainstream America through her matriarchal role in the home and community. African American women used educational activism as a vehicle for racial uplift. In doing so, women of all races were able to utilize their existing capitals in several ways. The acquired credentialing, embodied capital and shared experiences of womanhood transcended the political and racial aftermath of the Civil War. engagement continued to play a key role in the educational outcomes of children. Educational policy continued to be shaped by the views and opinions of the rising Middle and Upper class. Seminal studies focused on the benefits of parental engagement illuminating the impact of limited capital on families and student success. The academic gains made by children appeared -parent family with a stay at home mother became a symbol of thlinking divergent families with school failure. Tempered by racial rhetoric comprehensive perceived inherent flaws within minority families gave credence to the deficit model of education. Consequently, the complexities of cultural habits and dispositions became a focus of 38 are believed to be vital to student success, which include the embodied form, the objectified form and the institutionalized form. The embodied form, cultivated dispositions acquired by the individual through socialization and expressed through competence and or skills. The objectified form, objects that one possesses or cultural artifacts that act as concrete manifestations of embodied capital. The institutionalized form makes reference to educational credentialing that skills. Families that are limited in these capitals or possess capital that has been acquired outside of formalized settings are often marginalized. However, the family -usually the mother, to conform to existing school norms. When there is a disconnect between the school culture and the culture that students bring to school the result is often detrimental to ne size fits economy. Family stressors, work schedules, and limited financial resources are having an impact on the educational work of schools, as they seek to respond to the needs of the families they service. Formalized parenting has been embedded within standards based reform(s) to further bridge the family-school partnership in raising student achievement. A humanistic approach to educational reform that is rooted in social justice has the responsibility of honoring the capital of divergent families. Schools that fail to value the capital of all families create an environment of exclusion and maintain an imbalance of power, the antithesis of parental engagement activities. One of the fastest growing groups among divergent family structures is the single femaleheaded entions are to involve all families in the 39 conversation of how to engage 40 CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY To better understand why some parents choose forms of parental engagement that are less visible to the school community, qualitative in-depth interviews with 10 single African American mothers (Gantt & Greif, 2009; Creswell, 2007; Moustakas, 1994) were conducted. This phenomenological study is driven by four central research questions: 1. practices surrounding their role in their 2. round interacting with schools? 3. obstacles mediating their parental engagement? 4. What are the resources or hidden strengths that are available to African American single urban mothers that may not be apparent to schools yet affect student outcomes? The goal of the in-depth-phenomena of parental engagement. Lester (1999) asserts that the essence of the phenomenological approach is to describe specific experiences and or personal perspectives of the individual. Likewise, this research is respond to current parental engagement practices as they do. What are their perceptions surrounding parental engagement and how does this within group variation replicate or reject the current constructs of parental engagement. The study is guided by a conceptual framework that supports a strengths-based approach to working with youth and families; shifting the focus away 41 from deficit models that emphasize problems and pathology. Families are then free to be recognized for their unique set of skills, talents and life events in the context of academic development. Participant Description Informants were 1) unmarried females with no live in male/female companions 2) of African American ethnicity 3) a parent of at least one child of elementary school age attending Brightside Prep (pseudonym). Parents of children being raised in single female- headed households where the female parent is not biologically related will be excluded from the study. Participant Setting-Subjectivity Statement I am indigenous of this urban setting as I have lived in Detroit all of my life and attended schools within the same district as a child. My father was an educator and administrator within the same district and from childhood stories of the children that he had the opportunity to teach have been an integral part of our conversations. While I have grounded my research in the literature I acknowledge my participation in the community that I attempt to study and I researcher. Brightside Prep was selected for the study based on two factors: 1) access and 2) academic accountability. For five years, I have served as an Instructional Coach for Brightside Prep, which has allowed me to become familiar with the school culture and establish myself as an insider. Access to Brightside Prep has come in the form of participation in School Improvement planning, offering parent workshops, reading program facilitator as well as serving as the coordinator for the Child Study Team (RCT). Visibility and direct contact with members of the school community improves my ability to build relationships with parents. 42 As a participant-observer, I bring to this project over twenty years of working in an urban setting. I have dealt with many single mothers and on occasion a few have seemed more like close friends, having shared with them tears, hugs, laughter, and personal stories about my own children. As a classroom teacher, I became very familiar with the individual struggles related to being a single mother, as well as, the often harsh criticism that single mothers receive at the hands of the very people that have vowed to serve and value their children. As a married mother, I have stood in awe of the resiliency and courage that it takes to be a single mother, all the while being sometimes baffled by the choices and decisions that some single mothers seem to be manifest in the form of early pick-ups, late arrivals, chronic absenteeism, lack of personal grooming, and the perceived inability to complete and return homework on a consistent basis. While Brightside Prep Plan has continued to include action steps to address the lack of parent participation in traditional activities such as parent conferences, educational workshops, and volunteer opportunities. African American with a high percentage (99%) of children eligible for free and reduced lunch, where Adequate Yearly Progress (AYP) goals are affected by absenteeism (Kozol, 2005). However, in recent years Brightside Prep has been considered high performing, scoring in at least the proficient category in academic areas of the Michigan Educational Assessment Program (MEAP) during the 2009-2011 academic school years and after a decline in standardized test scores for the 2011-2012 school year Brightside Prep rebounded showing signs of stable academic growth despite changes in MEAP cut scores and new achievement gap standards, pending the introduction of nationally recognized Common Core Standards. 43 demonstrative parental engagement, supports the notion that parents may be participating in a broad spectrum of parental engagement practices; as academic success and parental engagement have been consistently linked in the literature. Hence, the research participants as well as the site have been chosen based on their perceived ability to purposefully inform an understanding of the central phenomena in the study. Participant Selection Study participants or co-researchers (Moustakes, 1994) were selected using a random purposeful sampling strategy (Patton, 1990). The membership secretary for the school provided a list of all registered students in grades K-4, which included students from both the general education and special education population(s). Five candidates from each population were identified to represent families from the entire student body. Potential parents or co-researchers were contacted by telephone or by face to face contact to request an interview that would take e, and or a designated anonymity venue to address the parenwas used during the screening process to eliminate informants that did not fit the criteria and or to identify those individuals that were not interested in participating in the study. This process continued until 10 parents who met the criteria were identified. Participation in the study was voluntary. Informants were reimbursed for transportation and childcare costs if necessary for participating in the interview(s). Two instruments were used with all co-researchers. A basic demographic questionnaire captured background information about each parent and in-depth interviews were conducted using an interview protocol of discussion questions that allowed parents the opportunity to illuminate their personal parenting experiences in detail. An in-depth interview was conducted 44 with each mother and lasted between 1.5-2.5 hours (Huang, 2007; Sleigh, 2005). The interview protocol focused on examining how single African American mothers make meaning of parental engagement based on their previous cultural and or social experiences (Epstein, 1992; 2009; National Survey of Families and Households (NSFH) and the Harvard Family Research Project, 2007, 2013). The crux of this phenomenological research was exhaustive contextual description of the phenomena of parental engagement. A form of cultural capital was revealed which is understandings were shaped by the intergenerational transmission of resources that can be perceived as valuable within the context of schooling, class, and privilege (Devine-Eller,2005; Laureau & Weininger, 2003; Moll, 1992). In-depth discussion questions focused on the following topics (See Appendix D): Parent Engagement Experiences Parent Child Interactions Data Analysis s (2007) abridged version of the Stevick-Colaizzi Keen method served as the framework for this study and consisted of the following six-steps or phases, which are: 1) Bracketing (epoche) 2) Delineating the units 3) Clustering the units of meaning to form themes 4) Writing a textural description (what was experienced by the participant) 5) Writing a structural description (how the experience happened) 45 6) Writing a composite description (unique themes from all interviews) 1. Bracketing- The researcher set aside her personal experiences with the phenomena (as much as is humanly possible) so that the focus became the lived experiences of the participants in the study. 2. Delineating the units A list of statements were developed about how the individuals experienced parental engagement and engagement. Horizontalization of the data occurred as each statement was given equal worth and a list that is non-repetitive and non-overlapping was developed. 3. Clustering the units of meaning to form themes The significant statements were taken and grouped into larger units of meaning or themes. The following verbatim excerpts represent a sampling of units that were grouped into a sub-theme of parent as encourager. Participants credited their parent, typically their mother for being their inspiration to meet I feel myself helping them with homework which she (my mother) was like And my mom used to just look at me like, well if you can do that (help others with for you. And if you go one semester and you don mom. 46 4. Writing a textural description erienced in relation to the phenomena was written using verbatim examples. 5. Writing a structural description was written where the inquirer reflected upon the setting and context in which the phenomenon was experienced. 6. Writing a composite description - A description of the phenomenon was written incorporating both the textural and structural descriptions. The essence of the experience was brought to life within this culminating passage. The internal validity was maintained through pattern matching among meaning units and through addressing rival explanations. External validity or transferability was accomplished habitus, and sense of efficacy (Bourdieu, 1998). Finally, reliability was maintained through using the framework of a case study protocol, purposeful random sampling, semi-structured interview questions, and substantiating findings through similar literature. As a final measure to insure validity and reliability, Polkinhhorne, (1989, p. 57 as cited in Creswell, 2007) identifies five questions that researchers must ask themselves to unearth issues of validity: 1. s in such a way 2. Is the transcription accurate, and does it convey the meaning of the oral presentation in the interview? 3. In the analysis of the transcriptions, were there conclusions other that those offered by the researcher that could have been derived? Has the researcher identified these alternatives? 47 4. Is it possible to go from general structural description to the transcriptions and to account for the specific contents and connections in the original examples of the experience? 5. Is the structural description situation specific, or does it hold in general for the experience in other situations? Analysis from the Field Individual participant profiles were created using the information acquired from the demographic questionnaire. A table was created that displays the age of the mother, marital status (divorced, widowed, never married), educational attainment, employment status, gender of the child/disability where appropriate, and the age of the child (Table 3) is proceeded by a narrative discussing the similarities and differences between participants (Elliott, Fischer, Rennie, 1999). From the in-depth interview data 52 horizons were lifted from 154 pages of verbatim transcript that were then clustered into 10 emergent themes. The interview data analyses occurred in four phases, including (1) transcribing the data for analysis; (2) listening to recordings and reading through all the data simultaneously; (3) coding all statements and then of the phenomena and; 4) grouping significant statements into themes and then integrating results into a thick description (Glesne, 2011;Creswell, 2007; Lewins, Taylor & Gibbs, 2005; Moustkas, 1994; Strauss & Corbin, 1990). A summary of the data analysis process is offered in Table 1. Using a phenomenological approach, I was charged with setting aside my own experiences around parental engagement ranging from perspectives of childhood, mothering, and educational stakeholder. This was done in order to understand the phenomena through the lived experiences of the participant. 48 The verbatim transcript of each co-researcher was read and listened to simultaneously in its entirety before any coding took place. This initial data review took between one to two hours for each transcript depending on the length of the interview. During the second and or third reading significant statements that identified examples, context, causes, and settings related to the phenomena were labeled (Lewins, Taylor & Gibbs, 2005). At this stage each sentence, phrase, or word was given equal value. Verbatim statements were labeled with a formulated meaning or horizon. Table 2 includes examples of significant statements with their formulated meanings. For each hour of data, two to four hours was devoted to coding. Once preliminary coding was complete, a list of formulated meanings or horizons was lifted from the texts that represented significant moments of parental engagement for the participants. The horizons were then clustered into non-hierarchical themes eliminating irrelevant, repeated, and or overlapping topics. This process took approximately two hours. Using only relevant themes in addition to verbatim examples from the interview transcript, demographic profiles were written using participant data. In the final stage, in-depth theme descriptions were written using the experiences of the entire co-researcher group. Recordings or transcripts were reviewed as needed during the writing of descriptions. Validity and Trustworthiness To begin the process, a dissertation committee member experienced in phenomenological research reviewed the interview protocol. Feedback was given to assist in phrasing/rephrasing questions to draw out full descriptions of the phenomena (Curry, 2008; Sleigh, 2005; Patton, 1999). In order to illuminate potential opposing views, two critical friends (one male and one female) participated in a feedback loop. Both were educational professionals that had worked as 49 a teacher, curriculum specialist, and administrator before retiring after more than 30 years of service in an urban district. The female critical friend also shared the characteristic of being a divorced single African American mother. Each read two transcripts, one transcript of a parent with a child with a disability and one transcript for a parent with a child without a disability. Their perspectives with the phenomena. Ultimately, the task of the critical friend was to raise questions and critique the conclusions drawn by the researcher as horizons emerged from the parents' interview transcripts. Initially, a phone conversation was held with the educational stakeholder to allow time to ask questions around the research and to clarify the context of the research. Subsequent conversations were held via phone, face to face, or email communications. Each critical friend was asked to provide feedback on the emerging interpretations of categories and themes by identifying The researcher took notes during debriefing sessions. If differing perspectives could not have been verified through discussion of the verbatim transcript, the researcher reserved the right to review information with parents as needed. The researcher was also given on-going feedback on drafts by the dissertation committee chair. Questions were posed that elevated the researcher's thinking, offered differing perspectives, and or that confirmed conclusions. Advice on reorganization helped to highlight data improving the overall quality of the dissertation, as it was important to demonstrate that there was enough evidence to substantiate descriptions of the phenomena and to ground them in empirical data. 50 Table 1 Phenomenological Data Analysis Process Data analysis process Rationale The researcher will simultaneously listen to the audio tape and read the transcribed individual interviews. Broad themes identified. Read transcripts to find most descriptive topics and examples of the phenomena until saturation takes place. Phrases and theme headings are read/reread to clarify the themes and exemplars. Phrases that represent the phenomena are highlighted using verbatim examples from narrative. This allows the researcher to get a sense of the whole experience or provides a greater understanding of the e phenomena. Cluster similar themes emerging from the data. Enhance the distinction between exemplars that do and do not represent the phenomena. Validate the appropriateness of the exemplars and parent experiences. Integrate individual descriptions of the meanings and essences of the experience. 51 Table 2 Selected Examples of Significant Statements of Single African American Mothers Perspectives of Parental Engagement and Related Formulated Meanings Significant Statements Formulated Meanings think that I have a lot of things that bothers me and it's not even about being a parent, it's just things that happened that I just need to get off and I don't know how to. Like a lot of stuff I haven't even told my mom - I haven't told her that I was gs in the socket. I'm gonna hit you 'cause you're running in the street. I'm gonna hit you 'cause you're slamming the door. I'm gonna hit you - not - you're gonna know why. And then you're going to go in your room and you're going to sit until you understa - like to take my frustration out on my children. And like I told my mom, I'll tell you the same thing. I know it might be very improper - I do, I understand how these parents can harm their - not a long time. Just a little time. And let them go, have fun Personal health challenges accompanied with a need for emotional support. Forms of discipline for managing behavior and setting behavior expectations. Controlling emotions and coping with the stressors of parenting. Desire for children to be self- 52 d) they come back and tell you that they had fun and you can tell them, "Well, yes. I did, too by just sitting down!" slow. They're gonna learn slow because they were preemies and the doctor already let me know that that's the process of however you have babies born too early. So, I'm happy that they are focusing, they are sitting still, they are learning, they are reading. So, I'm happy with that progress home at the beginning of the week, the end of the week, but thing. So I just started to do it. I changed a whole lot of regimen around because my first grader he reads fourth grade level, so why is he still doing this pen and pad stuff that the rest of the first graders are doing, preparing him for the next level. I mean, because when I spoke to Ms. D. about being promoted or a group of kids thaconcept where they just know, give them a time that they can go Accepting the challenges of disability while maintaining expectations for academic growth. Lessons of self-efficacy, advocacy, and the importance of education/college. 53 to have information for parents Itparent is looking for. What do they need for their child? You need a good, almost want to say to gather a database of But she knows stuff from working with inside. So she knows that she just constantly tells ether you know about Pinterest trying to think of, I guess I nsome ideas on how to make learning fun because my old I look for. If I walk into this office, somebody says hello. If I or is administrative staff, teachers, maintenance men, lawn people, if they can take responsibility for their actions when something goes wrong, or even when something is right, then I feel more comf Managing educational challenges related to disability through problem solving/seeking treatment/networking. Seeking knowledge to cope with challenges of being a single parent and feelings of inadequacy associated with supporting academic success. nurturing, safe) 54 me, as well, so she signed my little book, the book she gave me, and I knew it, that God was listening, I need to stop and just hear everything that God says, so that has been my new thing for my theory, and on my Facebook, a lot of times people will play around with Facebook, that is my thing, that is on my phone, that is my motto when you go on my page, it takes less to be Religion and relationships used as a coping mechanism for stressful situations 55 Informed Consent To ensure that ethical research practices are followed, an informed consent was presented to participants prior to data collection. This document protects informants against human rights violations, lowering or alleviating any potential risk to vulnerable populations. The consent form contained the following elements: (Sarantakos, 2005 as cited in Creswell, 2009 p 89) Identification of the researcher Identification of the sponsoring institution Identification of the purpose of the research Identification of the level and type of participant engagement Identification of the risks and benefits of participating Guarantee of confidentiality to the participant Assurance that the participant can withdraw at any time Each element was explained to the informant at the beginning of the interview. Informants that decided to not sign the consent were not be pressured to do so, and were immediately dropped from the study. Data-Storing Methods The informant was reminded that the interview would be recorded. Recorded interviews were saved on the computer as an Mp3 recording. It was important to record conversations to ensure accuracy of informant comments. Informants that did not wish to be recorded were advised not to participate in the study. All personal information and the recordings were confidential, and only the researcher(s) used the information for this study. Each interview was -of interview, and the year of interview. Each recording was labeled with the corresponding 56 interview code. Directly after each interview, the recording was reviewed and notes were taken. Key words, phrases, and statements were transcribed to expose the voice of the interviewee. After reviewing the recordings the recording device was stored in a locking file. Within one year will be much as the law allows. Field notes as secondary data sources were treated in the same manner as the primary sources described above. Learning is not attained by chance; it must be sought for with ardor and attended to with diligence. Abigail Adams, 1780 Delimitations This study does not cover the perceptions of single mothers from other ethnic backgrounds with and without students with disabilities. Nor does it attempt to include the perceptions of other types of divergent families. Issues surrounding parenting experiences that may be a direct result of differences in class are not considered to be a focus of this study and any data that sheds light on these factors is unintentional. This study is also delimited in its use of phenomenological research as opposed to analyses of large scale quantitative or mixed methods data in order to shed light on the lived parental experiences of urban divergent families. Limitations Qualitative research uses an inductive approach. Inductive reasoning or induction is the result of collecting facts, identifying patterns, inferring generalizations about the relations between facts, and if necessary, confirming the inference through further observation. It is presumed that each of these stages is conducted meticulously and without bias on the part of the researcher. Thus, research quality can be jeopardized when the individual skills of the researcher are in question (Creswell, 2009; Yin, 2003). 57 Rigor can be defined by the thoughtfulness of method and can only be maintained when the research methods have been carried out systematically. Unfortunately, in qualitative research it is believed that the ability to maintain, assess and demonstrate rigor is much more problematic. Taking a qualitative approach requires the researcher to become the data- gathering instrument, as such it may be difficult to limit subjectivity given that the volume of data generated is more difficult to analyze and interpret. Another limitation of qualitative research is that data is collected from a small sampling of participants limiting generalizability to larger segments of the population. Because of this issue qualitative research is often recommended for earlier phases of research projects or pilot studies (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Atypical of many elementary schools located within this Midwestern urban school district, the selected school was not identified as a high priority school during the 2013-2014 school year in that students were progressing academically at an adequate rate. Also many elective and or specialized programs (e.g. technology classes, sports, and art) that have been shown to contribute to academic success remain a part of the curriculum at this Pre K-4 elementary school. As a final point, this study is a condensation a bias free analysis. Writing Up Qualitative Research (2008), he asks his audience are you a reader or a writer? As the reader I am passively positioned to receive second hand information. However, as the writer I am free to actively engage in seeing, pondering, hearing, increasingly pushed to the forefront of my mind as I begin to reflect on this seemingly simple question. At the onset of this project, I naively label myself as the researcher, which in my mind 58 fully signifies my objectivity and in and of the title itself separates me from the informant. In actuality I too am a gatekeeper of knowledge that must be in constant reflection reporting only the observed. Summary single African American female parents respond to current parental engagement practices as they do, their perceptions surrounding parental engagement, and how within group variation may replicate or reject current constructs of parental engagement. Qualitative in-depth interviews were conducted with 10 single African American mothers from a Mid-western urban district (Gantt & Greif, 2009; Creswell, 2007; Moustakas, 1994). Participants or co-researchers were selected using a random purposeful sampling strategy (Moustakes, 1994). The study focused on the central research question: How do single African American mothers of elementary school aged children make meaning of parental engagement? Data were collected using a demographic questionnaire and semi-structured interview questions. Informed consent was acquired from all participants prior to being interviewed. Interviews were recorded and verbatim transcripts were developed for use during analysis. -Colaizzi Keen method was utilized in the data analysis process consisting of the following six-steps or phases: 1) bracketing (epoche); 2) delineating the units; 3) clustering the units of meaning to form themes; 4) writing a textural description (what was experienced by the participant); 5) writing a structural description (how the experience happened); and 6) writing a composite description (unique themes from all interviews). According to Schramm (1971) the central tendency of all types of case study is that it tries to illuminate a decision or set of decisions, why they were taken, how they were 59 implemented, and with what result, which is the overarching intent behind this study as the researcher attempts to study the phenomena of parental engagement through the lens of the co- 60 CHAPTER 4 SITUATING THE SAMPLE Not all of us can do great things. But we can do small things with In general, this describes mothers who are typically responsible for most to all day to day responsibilities. Yet, researchers rarely focus on identified strengths that have been associated with single mothers. Studies are more likely to link children from single parent homes with academic failure and incarceration. In spite of this, single parent homes have been found to have strong parent-child communication, networks of community support, and children with high levels of autonomy (Barajas, 2012). According to Elliott, et. al. (1999) it is important to provide information that describes the participants and their life experiences in order for the reader to judge the range of persons and situations to which the findings might be relevant. For this reason, profiles were created from a demographic questionnaire to introduce the participants and to provide context for their lived experiences as well as illustrate how ten single African American mothers experience parental engagement and how they use available capital to impact their children. The sample consists of five single parents who have one or more children with disabilities and five single parents who have one or more children without disabilities (p. 221). All ten mothers lived within the boundaries of Brightside Prep, a public elementary school that is located in the Mid-western region of the United States. Nine of the mothers were born and raised in urban settings and one mother was raised in a suburban setting. The parents ranged in age from 29 to 57 years old. Two of the mothers were in their twenties, five of the mothers were in their thirties, one mother was in her forties, and two mothers were in their fifties. In terms of marital status, two mothers were divorced, five mothers 61 were never married, one mother was widowed, one mother was separated from her spouse, and one mother was single and engaged to be married. Educational levels varied as well ranging from less than a high school diploma to a four-year degree. Two mothers had between a tenth and eleventh grade education. One mother had earned a General Education Degree (GED), one mother had earned a high school diploma. Two mothers had earned college credits towards an associate degree. Three mothers had attained their associate degree and one mother had earned a Bachelors of Science (BS). At the time of the study, six mothers were employed full time, two mothers worked part time, one mother described herself as a student, and one mother was self-employed. All mothers held a head of household status and supported between one and six children under the age of sixteen. Four out of the five mothers of children with disabilities had more than one child with a disability. Reported disabilities included Asperger syndrome, autism, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), cerebral palsy (CP), learning disability (LD), and speech and language (SL) (Table 3). Mothers of Children with Disabilities Claudia, 57, divorced mother of twin boys age 8, an adult daughter that helps her run the family business, and an adult son that currently lives in a clinical setting. The twin has been diagnosed with autism. Claudia had a suspicion that the boys may be experiencing some learning challenges. In the case of Ronald, she noticed that he was struggling with speech, and Donald was having at school. Discovering that the challenges she would face would be ones that would last a lifetime catapult Claudia into action. 62 Wtalking. However, I got with how did I find out about that? I think it was through ______ so I signed him. (Claudia, 2013, p. 1) Here Claudia struggles to remember exactly how she connected with one of the first agencies to service the twins. Claudia began networking with friends, health care professionals, the school social worker, and academic development. Claudia believes that she learned to be tenacious from watching her mother. I think it was my mom. I think it was my mom because my mom was just one of those types of people who she was always helping somebody do something. She In other words, my spoke her mind. (Claudia, 2013, p. 11) This transfer of cultural and social capital positions Claudia to be an advocate for her children. As in the case of Claudia hearing that Brightside Prep was a good fit for the boys. It was during a time when her local school district was not approving any internal transfers. Claudia merely explains their move from School B to Brightside Prep as came about. But you know . Contacting the appropriate school personnel evoke a sense of power and position as a parent in the school setting through creating spaces or fields of communication. Paula works full-time and is raising an eight- year old twin boy and girl with special needs and/or characteristics. Her son has an Individualized Education Plan (IEP) and is classified as having a learning disability with ADHD characteristics. Her daughter has not been 63 was fact that her oldest son graduated from a college preparatory high school and is currently working on a college degree. As a 39 year- old divorcee, Paula feels that she does not have the energy and patience that she once had for child rearing and that having a child with unlimited been to develop supportive relationships inside and outside of school. While her day care relationship as strictly monetary and although Paula is not completely happy with her childcare situation she believes that it is more important for the twin to be with someone they know. . Here she : My gr grown, high school, finally, dropping out in the eleventh grade and electing to earn her General grandmother was her only source of support. She depicted her grandmother as a caring but unedu. Yet, Paula fondly remembers how her grandmother was able to spell words for her as she would work on her homework. Relationships with teachers were thwarted by the constant moving from school to school. As her schoolwork became 64 increasingly challenging, Paula strategized that completing her homework at school would allow her access to the necessary support. School success for her children is very important to her as she has tried to establish herself as a visible and informed parent by attending school wide events, communicating with staff, and working with school professionals to ensure that her children can take advantage of any related services that will support their academic performance. However, after reaching out to staff she has come to feel that the school does not understand the needs of families with children that have special needs. She believes that the school setting focuses on the typical child and believes strongly that she can make the greatest impact at home by spending more time with the twin. Paula struggles with the dichotomy of school policies and practices that identify students for academic support but fail to respond to behavior challenges in the general education setting. Benita is a 30-year-old never-married full-time mother of five. Her children range in age from 1yr to 10years old. She has three girls and 2 boys. Her oldest son (9yrs old) is classified as Otherwise Health Impaired (OHI) and also takes medication for ADHD characteristics. Benita believes that her oldest son has difficulty relating to authority so she has used school based uses the relationships that she has developed with staff to help with behavior modification. In her eyes, the school is a parenting partner that is in touch with the needs of her family. just at ease. I know 65 . (Benita, 2013, p. 3). Benita maintains her position within the school community by directly engaging with her that she is a single mother and that an effort is made to avoid suspension of her 9yr old even though he has a tendency to act impulsively. While her formal education ended in eleventh grade, she maintains a sense of efficacy around helping her children with schoolwork. One of her fondest memories of spending time often played a matriarchal role in her family. Taking on the role of parent, she consistently helped her siblings with their studies. She describes herself as a bright student that messing with this guyas shown resiliency as she uses her available resources to balance being a mother and a father. Her mother provides emotional support and strong discipline to the children. She sees her mother as playing the role picks up When Benita feels overwhelmed she relies on her mother to make sure that care for the children continues. Benita tries very hard to shield the children from life stressors as she admits that she does not discuss family finances with the chseeing her role as mother as her first priority. She believes that her major role is to help her children bring their dream of college to fruition. 66 Patricia is a 46 -year old working class mother of ten who left high school after completing her tenth grade education. Three children remain at home ages 14, 12, and 9. She has never married but the father of the three children living at home is consistently involved in the Brightside Prep and has been retained twice in first grade and at the time of the interview Patricia was concerned that she was going to have to repeat the second grade. Patricia is no stranger to the IEP process as she reminisces about her 21- year old son that spent from 6th to 10th grade in special education before dropping out completely. She had noticed early on that her sowell as his peers. She describes his behavior as school teachers and school professionals. She demonstrated a sense of parental efficacy in continuing to advocate for her son inside and outside of school, and while the family physician had been hesitant to prescribe medication, Patricia persisted using her relationship with school professionals as leverage. The same tenacity is evident as she speaks about Emily and her progress in school. Patricia advocates for Emily by writing a letter to request a psychological evaluation. Even if it means an all- day placement in a separate classroom she would prefer that Emily be in her correct grade with age appropriate peers. Patricia follows the example of her mother in working with her children at home. She assists with homework and creates activities when the children do not receive practice lessons from the teacher. Emily has been avoiding her homework, but after a discussion with the teacher, Patricia, has begun to check the book bag daily to ensure that homework is completed in a timely manner. Through reading teacher she has learned that sh67 is reinforcing academic progress and encouraging Emily to graduate from college in order to be productive and self-sufficient. Debra is a 30-year old mother of six. Three of her children have been identified for special education services. Her nine -year old son and ten year-old daughter have been identified for learning disabilities with ADHD characteristics and her six year old son has been diagnosed with cerebral palsy. Debra divulges that she has been living with bipolar disorder and some of the challenges that have accompanied her condition. At the age of 18 Debra suffered what she describes as a nervous breakdown after being told that she would be unable to have children. According to her, her recovery took approximately two years. After having children, as a single mother she has had to struggle to pay bills and care for her ailing mother. Debra also describes a dark period in which she was accused of not providing a proper home for her children and being in trouble with the law. She and the children have also had to endure homelessness. However, through these hardships Debra has learned to advocate for herself and her children. She says her strength comes from her religious convictions as she uses the church teachings to shape the Debra is currently a student at a medical trade school. She believes that earning a medical certification will help her to better care for her mother and provide an income for the family. To achieve her goals Debra has created many relationships within the school community. She works closely with the attendance agent to learn about her rights under the McKinney Vento Homeless Assistance Act and Debra has also sought the assistance of the in-school Department of Human Services worker who supports her in maintaining an acceptable standard of living for her and the children. Debra has been able to maintain a stable home for three years with the support of these school professionals. Debra is consistently engaged in the school culture and 68 takes advantage of the resources available to parents like the Parent Center computers that she uses to do her homework, Family Math and Science Night, and Parenting workshops. She uses her social capital to find resources for her family. Wanting to give her two youngest children a head start on their education, Debra sought support from an in-home child development program nd provides learning lessons. When asked what We need shelter. We need a good area, as far as living, for a good community. We need always give something to us, but, even when they give it to us, we need, you know, like little ow, that help sometimes when we fall short on where to go to keep the kids up and, you know, just little activities. They took over all of the activities where our kids because there is really none left in the community centers and the schools. We lucky schools left. (Debra, 2013, p.8, p. 9) Debra recognizes the relationship between developing school and community partnerships and student success, and while it may be cliché to say it takes the village to raise a child, she understands that her children need resources that she alone is not positioned to provide. 69 Mothers of Children without Disabilities At the time of the study Lydia was a 30 year old, never married single mother with a two- year old son and two daughters aged 7 and 3. Lydia held a Bachelors of Science Degree and described herself as an entrepreneur as she had just started a case management business. As a parent Lydia felt that it was important for her to support her toddlers in acquiring primary level skills such as learning numbers, colors, and the alphabet. She felt that her previous experience as a preschool teacher supported her efforts in preparing her children for school, but admitted that it was a challenge to be patient with her own children. a preschool teacher so I had the Once her oldest daughter got to kindergarten she was able to redefine her role, moving from teacher to facilitator. Lydia was able to empower her child and to relinquish the feeling of needing full control plains her new role in this way, Kimea (daughter) this is Being involved whas made her aware that some of the instructional strategies have changed. Lydia believes that home. She also reports that she uses an iPad (applications/websites) and books at home to further taught at home in order for her children to function in the real world. Lydia feels some relief that Kimea finally made it to school age because this takes some pressure off of her and frees her up to switch roles but she also employs after school tutoring, As a mother it was important for her to support Kimea her 7 year-old who was struggling with reading. Lydia sought the assistance of an after school reading and math program 70 (KUMON) to help her child perform at grade level. This is perhaps a lesson that was learned from her mother as she describes her mother as a being an educational advocate who sent her mother has been her lifelong advocate for schooling as well as her emotional support. Lydia also shared a personal experience of promoting literacy through tutoring in the America Reads America Counts Program, in spite of the fact that she had initially rejected the idea of going to college. Davita is working full time and raising David, a six-year old on her own. At the time of the study she descriallow her to attend school activities that are scheduled during the day but she makes an effort to attend Parent Conferences and regularly communicates with the teacher through hand written notes. Time also presents a challenge in creating space for quality interactions. When Davita is working, a latchkey worker cares for David. Davita describes her frustration in this way: he daycare, not daycare, but feeding him. So by the time I got, and then I, let her know that I need her help with him (Davita, 2013, p. 1). Helping David at home with his homework has led Davita to believe that focusing is a challenge for him as well as maintaining concentration on work that he finds difficult. She is strict regarding homework and works with David to build stamina. Davita moves learning out of the school se71 Traditional methods of supporting instruction have included seeking outside tutoring programs, arranging support with the childcare worker, and reading books at home. Davita wishes her reading skills were stronger but she feels confident that practice will improve Davacademic performance. Employment demands on her time have placed constraints on the ways in which she can utilize her social capital in the school setting. There have been few opportunities to cultivate relationships that go beyond corresponding with classroom teachers. Davita describes even the morning routine as being somewhat stressful. She would like to drop David off earlier to facilitate arriving at work on time but has found the drop off process to be a challenge. She initially spoke of the administrator as being unapproachable in the parking lot but after reflecting Davita surmis Davita appears calm and personable and given fewer demands on her time would be positioned to have the conversations that mediate barriers. Rhonda is a 29 year old mother of three, ages 11, 7 and 4. She identifies herself as unemployed but she is also taking business classes at a local trade school. Rhonda is a very of her childhood. She admits that her mother struggled with alcoholism, but that she was always there. Well I liked the fact that when I was younger, my mother tried to be involved as much as she could be. Anytime I had any type of award ceremony, spelling bees, special 72 recognition, my mother was always there. She fought tooth and nail to be there. So she was in school, she always made a way to be there. So that stayed with me because if she could do it, I can do it (Rhonda, 2013, p. 1). Rhonda discloses that periodically health issues, transportation, and a nomadic lifestyle have inhibited her ability finds comfort in knowing that her oldest son has taken a position of empathy. He encourages his Rhonda sees her relationship with the children as being open. This allows her children as well as herself to express their feelings. Being a single incarcerated has often led to strong and varied emotions for the entire family. being strong about it and supporting each other as far as attitudes. Just emotions. I allow my children to express themselves wholeheartto cry, if they just want to talk. I allow it to come out at that time so they know that they mother, but I like the fact that we can talk and they feel comfortable talking to me (Rhonda, 2013, p. 2). taken advantage of parenting workshops that have helped to shape her perspective on how to interact with her children and how to deal with stress. Strategies to calm down and additional resources that support the family have been the most helpful topics. She believes that these 73 experiences help her to be a better parent as she alludes to the fact that she does not want her children to experience an abusive home-life. Rhonda also involves her children in church activities to help establish values. She shares that her oldest son dedicated his life to the church at the age of six. Rhonda feels that this experience will help him to be on the right path for life. When asked specifically about parental engagement, Rhonda offers the advice of being very detailed in your observations of your children. Rhonda feels that creating opportunities to communicate with your children around schooling in addition to discussing the world around them supports their academic performance. Confidence is built through developing social skills and the ability to engage in conversations around current events. In addition, Rhonda reports rich environment by keeping books, magazines and newspapers available for her children to experience. Sylvia is a 37 year old widow that works full time and is raising two boys ages 5 and 7. She recently earned an Associate degree and is hoping to return to school to become a social worker. Sylvia was raised in a two parent middle class home with a college educated father and a white -collar working mother. As a child her parents made it clear that education was not an option. Sylvia tries to instill this same message in her boys. Although the boys are young she is diligent regarding homework completion and in so far her parental engagement experiences have been very traditional. She attends parent conferences, dialogues with the teacher when necessary, and has chaperoned field trips. Sylvia utilizes cultural and social capital inside and outside of the school context. Before making her final decision to enroll her children in Brightside Prep she networked with surrounding neighbors, and took a tour of the school. Safety was a strong consideration as well as a courteous staff. 74 Sylvia acknowledges the importand makes an effort to provide a print rich environment for her children. She also believes that it is important for the aligned with the culture of school. She spoke with confidence as she mentioned a brief encounter with the principal, and is currently comfortable with her level of knowledge and skills in relation to helping her children be successful in school. However, she did admit that she has some concerns around the children not having a male role model in their lives. She believes that peer pressure could eventually cause the boys to stray away from the values that she is trying to establish. Her major source of emotional support is her mother who is in-charge of the children during non-school hours while she is at work. Social learning experiences include dinner around the table, family movie night, and visits to the amusement park and/or go-cart racing. Sylvia embraces her role as a single parent and believes that educational stakeholders should understand you had a mate Nicole, age 30, is raising her eight-year old son, Steven. It is evident that she is tenacious and bold in her perceptions around parental engagement. After becoming a single mother, Nicole decided to move to Georgia for a new start. She felt that in a new setting she would be unable to rely on her parents for support forcing her to embrace motherhood head-on. Faced with the harsh reality of race relations in the South, Nicole was positioned to have conversations with Steven around discrimination from both blacks and whites. Skin tone, cultural norms and her own value system became a source of conflict. Nicole stated that she felt devalued as a It was like being from a whole 75 . According to Nicole, teaching her young son survival skills became a top priority. Naive to racism or what Nicole describes as more aggressive standards of play, Steven was required to adopt the social interaction rule of , you hit them . or conversation which is backed by a willingness to take action within the school setting which may take on the form of volunteerism, parent activism, or event planning, working to be an integral part of the community while also acting as a change agent to shape school culture. So often in urban settings teachers and administrators are school community and all the key actors has been met with opposition and or indifference. abreast of his progress. Her dogmatic style of communicating caused what Nicole frames as H. developed a level of mutual respect. We went through it. We never stopped. No matter how weird it got. No matter how tense it got (Nicole, 2013, p. 5). Her willingness to challenge the status quo using traditional forms of social capital identified her as a among some staff and administration. She believes that being a mother is a full time job, so she has elected to take employment positions that have fewer time demands to insure that she can spend quality time with Steven. It is evident that she dotes on him and their mother-son bond is very strong. Nicole believes that choosing to have a child before she reached some of her professional goals has created setbacks for Steven. She believes that by having additional resources she could ensure that her child could benefit from all that life 76 has to offer, outside tutoring if Steven is struggling in school, a private education, exposure to arts, language, and music. Nicole views limited capital as a detriment to Steven reaching his full potential and embracing his true identity. Summary This basic descriptive data helps the reader to understand the lens that each participant uses to conceptualize their role as a single parent and how they make meaning of parental engagement. Thustrengths based approach to understanding the parental engagement experiences of these 10 single African American mothers of children with and without disabilities 77 Table 3 Characteristics of Sample of 5 Single African American Mothers of Children with Disabilities and 5 Single African American Mothers of Children without Disabilities ________________________________________________________________________ aracteristic Number of characteristics Parents of Children Parents of Children with disabilities without disabilities 20-29 1 1 30-39 2 3 40-49 N/A 1 50-59 2 N/A Marital status Divorced 2 N/A Never-Married 1 4 Widowed N/A 1 Married-Separated 1 N/A Engaged 1 N/A Educational level