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-_..,

THESTS .

_ "ll””TENN/TIM!!!”Wing/1mp K   _ ,

AN EVALUATION OF POLICE TRAINING STRUCTURES AND PROCEDURES
IN THE INVESTIGATION OF SEXUAL-ASSAULT CASES IN
UNITED STATES CITIES WITH POPULATIONS
OF 500,000 OR MORE
presented by

Isaiah McKinnon

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Ph.D. degree in Administration and
Higher Education

“.”./Wt

Major professor

Date I‘ If {2'

MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771

 

OVERDUE FINES:
25¢ per day per item
RETURNING LIBRARY MATERIALS:

,\ ~:‘-.,,, 1 Place in book return to remove
\ “V” ‘ charge from circulation records

 

(fifi‘a‘ r'

.n‘

 

 

 

 

 

 

Copyright by
ISAIAH MCKINNON
1981

AN EVALUATION OF POLICE TRAINING STRUCTURES AND PROCEDURES
IN THE INVESTIGATION OF SEXUAL-ASSAULT CASES IN
UNITED STATES CITIES WITH POPULATIONS

OF 500,000 OR MORE

By

Isaiah McKinnon

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of Administration and Higher Education

1981

ABSTRACT

AN EVALUATION OF POLICE TRAINING STRUCTURES AND PROCEDURES
IN THE INVESTIGATION OF SEXUAL-ASSAULT CASES IN
UNITED STATES CITIES WITH POPULATIONS

0F 500,000 OR MORE

By

Isaiah McKinnon

The purpose of this study was to evaluate existing training
programs and to provide a better understanding of the law enforcement
officer's role and response to criminal sexual conduct.

The study consisted of an historical analysis of the police
view of rape, some of the causal factors of rape, and the status of
police training structures as they relate to sexual conflict situa—
tions.

A questionnaire of 47 questions was developed as an instrument
to solicit the responses of the 27 most populous cities in the United
States of America. A two-judge panel was selected as a means of
developing a reliable instrument.

Responses to the questionnaire, including any printed mate-
rials, were solicited through both personal contact and correspondence
with the Chiefs of Police of the respective cities.

The objectives of this dissertation were threefold: first,
to provide for the reader an historical analysis of the police atti-

tudes of rape situations and the causal factors of rape; second, to

Isaiah McKinnon

evaluate existing training programs in this area; and more, to provide
police departments and others with data concerning the current status
of large police departments in the matter of sexual assault.

The findings revealed the inconsistent, nonexistent, weak,
and poor status of rape investigation, staff training, and record
keeping in the police departments in the major cities of the United
States. These findings support the need for improvement in the area

of sexual-assault investigation and staff training.

This dissertation is dedicated to my parents, Cota
and Lula McKinnon, who gave me my true education

and the will to persist.

ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The writer expresses sincere gratitude to a number of people
who aided in this endeavor. This project could not have been com-
pleted without the valuable assistance of the program directors
discussed here.

To Dr. Eldon Nonnamaker, Chairman of my guidance committee
and good friend, goes my sincere appreciation for his assistance in
time and effort, his painstaking analysis of my thesis, and his
overall interest in my academic progress, which contributed immeasur-
ably to a stimulating and rewarding experience.

Special thanks and appreciation are extended to guidance
committee members, Dr. Van Johnson, Dr. Howard Hickey, and Dr. Robert
Trojanowicz, for their guidance, encouragement, patience, and helpful
criticism.

To Audrey Martini, Lieutenant, Detroit Police Department, for
her encouragement, knowledge, and reviewing.

To David Simmons, Lieutenant, Detroit Police Department, for
his support, dedication, and friendship.

To Benny Napoleon (S.E.), Police Officer, Detroit Police
Department, for those long rides from Detroit to Lansing and his
continued support and friendship.

To my dear friend and brother, Dr. Carl Taylor, without whose

guidance I never could have completed this program.

iii

To Mrs. Murl Smith, who gave unselfishly of her time in the
preliminary typing.

Deepest appreciation is expressed to my dear wife, Patrice,
who labored with me and has given me so much encouragement during my
entire graduate program.

To my son, Jeffrey, who has been so long without a father,

I simply offer my heartfelt thanks and hope to do better in the future.

iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES ........................
Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION .....................

Statement of the Problem ..............
Importance of the Problem ..............
Limitations of the Study ..............
Definition of Terms .................
Format of the Study .................

11. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ...............

What Is Rape? ....................
Who Is the Rapist? .................
Why Does Rape Happen? ................
Attack Styles ....................
Psychological Theories ...............
Motivational Dynamics ................
Who Is the Victim? .................
The Statistical Picture ...............
Reactions of the Victim ...............
Myths ........................
Crisis Intervention .................
Innovations in the Police Handling of Rape .....

Training for the Investigators ..........
Summary .......................

III. METHODOLOGY ......................

Sample .......................
Development of the Instrument ............
Distribution of the Instrument ...........
Process for Analyzing the Data ...........
Summary .......................

IV. ANALYSIS OF DATA ...................

Introduction ....................
Analysis of the Data Supplied by the Questionnaire

n—l

Dmmfi \I GUT-p99)

Introduction

APPENDICES
ORIGINAL QUESTIONNAIRE
LETTER TO AGENCY FROM RESEARCHER

Population of the Cities .............
Racial Composition of the Cities .........
Strength of the Department ............
Racial Composition of Departments .........
Specialized Sexual-Assault Investigations .....
Racial Composition of Personnel in Unit ......
Rank Structure of Department ...........
Rank Structure of Personnel in Sexual-Assault Unit.

Job Experience of Personnel Assigned to the

Sexual-Assault Unit ...............

Determination of Existence of Rape-Investigative

Program .....................
Extent of Training Programs ............
Funding of Training Programs ...........
Specific Areas of Rape Investigation .......

Percentage of Class Involving Intervention,
Investigative Techniques, Victimology,

Psychology ...................
Length of Training ................
Criteria for Evaluating Officers .........
Selection Process .................
Program Evaluation ................
Program Presentation ...............
Specific Areas of Training Covered ........
Unit Work Schedule ................
Unit Specialization ................
Sexual-Assault Crisis Center ...........
Assault Victim Procedure .............
Evaluation and Benefits of Training ........
Evaluation of Police Officers ...........
Ongoing Training .................
Assignment Duration ................
Prevention of Burnout ...............
Uniform Crime Reporting Statistics ........

Content Analysis of Additional Materials

v. ‘SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS .......

Implications for Future Research

vi

Summary .......................

Conclusions .....................
Recommendations ...................

Page

C. LETTER FROM EXECUTIVE DEPUTY CHIEF JAMES BANNON . . . . 92
0. LIST OF 27 CITIES WITH POPULATIONS OF 500,000 OR MORE . 94
E. LETTER TO NONRESPONDING DEPARTMENTS .......... 96
F. LIST OF CITIES THAT ACTUALLY RESPONDED ........ 98

BIBLIOGRAPHY ......................... lOO

vii

Table

10.

LIST OF TABLES

City Population, Department Strength, and Racial
Composition of City, Department, and Sexual-

Assault Unit .....................

The Squad Rank Structure and Job Experience of

Personnel in the Sexual-Assault Squad .........

Existence of a Formalized Training Program, Whether the
Training Is Voluntary or Mandatory, How It Is Funded,
the Specific Area of Rape Investigation Covered, and
the Criteria for Selection to Work in the Unit

Who Presents the Training Program, the Kinds of
Presentations Used, the Specific Training Areas

Covered, and the Educational Levels of the Trainers . .

The Work Schedule of the Unit and Whether the Officers

Are Specialized in Rape Investigation .........

Existence of a Sexual-Assault Center and Procedures

for Victim Assistance .................

Whether Training Is Beneficial to the Department, How
the Training Is Evaluated, and the Victim's Response

Existence of Ongoing Training, Whether There Is a
Maximum Number of Years for Assignment to the Unit,

and How the Department Prevents Burnout ........

The Number of Rapes Reported, Substantiated, Cleared,
and the Relationships to the Victim in the Years

1978, 1979, and 1980 .................

The Uniform Crime Reporting Statistics for the 20

Cities Surveyed ....................

viii

Page

37

43

46

53

57

59

62

64

66

70

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Over the centuries lawmakers have brought numerous sexual
activities and situations under control. Today, the number
of sex crimes is as great as it has ever been, despite the
more permissive attitudes towards sex that have surfaced over
the last decade or so.

Historically, rape is a behavior that is as old as man, war,
and conquest. From the powerful Roman armies to the lusty plundering
Vikings, to practically every known military invasion, women have
suffered the pillages of rape as the spoils of war.

Traditionally, the role of the police in rape situations has
been to concentrate first on the truthfulness of the victim, that is,
whether she precipitated the incident. Once convinced of her lack of
culpability, the investigator would then focus on identifying, locat-
ing, and prosecuting the offender, thereby providing a solution to
the crime.

In the last decade or so, the public has become more concerned
about rape and rape victims, and the crime has been given more visi-
bility in the press and other news media. Accordingly, various monies

have been made available for rape crisis centers, victim-assistance

programs, and crisis-intervention training. The preliminary results

 

1H. Barlow, Introduction to Criminology (Boston: Little,
Brown and Company, l978), p. 337.

have been promising in an area that has heretofore provided investi-
gators with little insight into the complex scope of the sex-crime
victim.

Rape and our society's attitudes toward rape affect every
person in this country. Some police departments have developed
extensive training programs aimed at improving interactions between
law enforcement personnel and sexual-assault victims, thus hoping
to increase efficiency and effectiveness of sexual-assault investi-
gations. Other departments provide no special training for any of
their members in the handling of rape cases.

Many areas have not only sensitized their officers to the
special needs of the sexual-assault victims, but provide counseling,
medical treatment, and a system of advocacy. However, other areas
have remained stagnant, due to a lack of funds or a lack of interest
because so few cases are handled by their particular jurisdiction.

Police are usually the first officials to see the victims,
either at the crime scene or at a police installation, and often
these officers reflect the feelings of ambivalence that transcend
the call for necessary tact, understanding, and empathy. Research
studies with rape victims indicate that some women find police atti-
tudes of cynicism, contempt, disbelief, and suspicion to be more
common than sympathy.

It would appear that, in the past, law enforcement Officials
and police educators who were capable of making positive contributions
in this area neglected their task. However, these same officials and

educators may have been legitimately resfipicted from undertaking such

.\\

:7. , '\Vb

a task because of their professional responsibilities. Speaking on
the topic of domestic violence and the causal factors in the lack of
police response, Executive Deputy Chief James Bannon of the Detroit
Police Department stated,
Those of us who are the first official representative of govern-
ment to respond to violence are socialized in precisely the same
manner as the citizen we are expected to protect. Policemen,
as are most males, are taught self-reliance, a fight your own
battles philosophy from the cradle. Similarly, we are social-
ized into the conscious perceptions of masculine-feminine roles.
In our society, this process translates into dominance-submission
terms.

There exists a plethora of books and articles authored by
numerous writers depicting various discrepancies in law enforcement
roles in the handling of sex-crime investigations. The majority of
the publications are devoted specifically to delineating the police
officers' lack of concern and knowledge of the victim's plight. How-
ever, for all the literature available on the police or criminal
justice community's lack of concern or understanding, nowhere is
there any substantiation that this movement to show an empathy for
sexual-assault victims or the existence of rape crisis centers has

improved the efficiency or effectiveness of the law enforcement

Officer's investigative task.

Statement of the Problem
In this study, 27 cities with a population of 500,000 or

more people were surveyed to evaluate the effectiveness of the various

 

2James Bannon, "Law-Enforcement Problems With Intra-family
Violence," paper presented to the International Soc1ety for Advance-
ment of Humanistic Studies in Gynecology, March l979.

procedures and structures of sexual-assault investigations. Further,
this study attempted to determine if a particular type or amount of
training reflects an increase in a department's sexual-assault-case

investigation clearance and/or conviction rate.

Importance of the Problem

Although there have been many studies focusing on the subject
of forcible rape, the distinctive and unique characteristic of this
study is that there have been no previous surveys into this particu-
lar area. It is anticipated that this study will provide criminal
justice policymakers, social service agencies, and the public with an
in-depth look into the necessity for creating both specialized units
and training programs within police departments for handling forcible

rape cases.

Limitations of the Study

 

This study consisted of an analysis of police training records,
police crime statistics, and pertinent data gathered from correspond-
ence with directors of police sexual-assault units in the targeted
cities. The limitations of this study resulted from three major
factors: (I) deviation in response, or a respondent answering a ques-
tion in an effort to make his/her department look favorable; (2) pro-
vincial and geographic differences, which may not adequately be
reflected in the questionnaire; and (3) the fact that the study was

limited to those cities surveyed.

Definition of Terms

In an effort to clarify and prevent any misunderstanding of
terms often used interchangeably in the fields of education and
criminology, several pertinent definitions are provided.

Law enforcement: Refers specifically to municipal, village,
county, and state investigatory agencies having police powers.

Police officer: A full-time member of a police force, depart-
ment, or organization of a city, county, village, or state who is sworn
to uphold the laws of that community and is responsible for the pre-
vention and detection of crime and the enforcement of laws.

Part One rape offense--Federal Bureau of Investigation:

A. Rape by force--Sexual intercourse with an unwilling female

 

by force or threat of force.

B. Attempts to commit forcible raper-Any attempt to force to
have sexual intercourse with an unwilling female by force
or threat of force.

59395; A person accused of criminal sexual conduct.

Victim; The person alleging to have been subjected to crimi-

nal sexual conduct.

Sexual penetration: Sexual intercourse, cunnilingus, fella-

 

tion, anal intercourse, or any other intrusion, however slight, of any
part of a person's body or of any object into the genital or anal
openings of another person's body, but emission Of semen is not

required.

Format of the Study

This study is organized into five chapters. The introduc-
tion included the statement of the problem, objectives of the study,
limitations of the study, and definition of terms. The review of
the related literature is found in Chapter II. Chapter III includes
the presentation of responses to the survey and programs in the
targeted cities. This chapter outlines the methodology that was used
in the study. The analysis of the data is contained in Chapter IV.
The final chapter is a brief summary of the data and recommendations

for change.

CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

This purpose of this chapter is to provide a foundation for
better understanding the law enforcement officer's role and his/her
response to criminal sexual conduct. To accomplish this, it is neces-
sary to review pertinent literature relating to the historical views
of rape, what rape is, why it happens, different rape styles, psycho-
logical theories, motivational dynamics, who the victim is, victim/
assailant relationships, reactions of the victim, and the current

status of training programs in the area of conflict situations.

What Is Rape?

 

What constitutes a rape? Webster tells us it is the "illicit
carnal knowledge of a woman without her consent, effected by force,
duress, intimidation, or deception as to the nature of the act."
However, due to a recent court decision which recognizes sexual
assaults against males as well as females, this definition should be
updated. Therefore, a revised, shortened version could read, "Any
sexual intimacy forced on one person by another." Rape differs from
acceptable sexual relations in a very basic, concrete way--one person

is unwilling and must be forced into the act.

Who Is the Rapist?

 

The sex offender who physically assaults women is usually
outwardly indistinguishable from other men. Unfortunately, there is
no portrait Of a rapist, no stereotype. Some of them are clean cut;
some of them aren't. The days are gone when, like in the movies, you
could tell the bad guy by his glittering eyes. Today, he fits right
into any neighborhood. In fact, a study conducted by Menachen Amir
concluded that even in psychological tests, convicted rapists didn't
differ from ordinary men. Some had a slight tendency to express anger
more openly, but sexually and in all other ways they were average.1

It has also been widely confirmed that three out of five rapists are

married, have girlfriends, children, and lead otherwise normal lives.

Why Does Rape Happen?
Why, then, does rape occur? To quote Ruth Herschberger,
Rape is in a sense a mirror-image of our ordinary sex folkways.
Two basic beliefs in these folkways are the natural sexual
aggressiveness of man and man's natural physical superiority
over women. Put these two beliefs together, set up competition
for masculine prowess such as we have today, and no one should
be surprised by the incidence of rape.
Perhaps the most common reason for rape is that a man sees an
opportunity to have intercourse with a woman, under circumstances
where she is unlikely to tell anyone about it or she is unlikely to

be believed. For instance, one woman reported that she was raped

 

1Menachen Amir, Patterns in Forcible Rape_(Chicago: Univer-
sity of Chicago Press, l97l).

2Medea and Thompson, Against Rape_(New York: Farrar, Strauss,
and Giroux, l972).

while trying to arrange an illegal abortion. The rapist knew that she
would not report him for fear that information about her abortion

would come out. So he took advantage of the situation.3

Attack Styles

 

This is only one of many con games the rapist can use on his
victims. However, Burgess and Holstrom, two counselors at Boston
City Hospital, did observe and classify the way assailants gained
access to their victims into two principal styles of attack:

THE CONFIDENCE RAPE: A subtle attack, but yet one in which the
person obtains sex under false pretenses by using betrayal,
deceit, and violence or the threat of violence. Interaction
occurs between the victim and the assailant prior to the assault,
either immediately before the attack or at another time and at
another place. Like a "con man," this person encourages the
victim to trust him, and he betrays that trust. He attempts to
establish some kind of relationship with the victim under the
pretext that is acceptable to her. For example, he offers to
accompany her to her destination to protect her from the alleged
would-be attacker who is following her; or he arrives at her door
as an investigator. In attacks in which the assailant is known
to the victim--a neighbor, an acquaintance, a relative, or a
friend--he uses the relationship to justify his being in the
situation and then betrays the victim by not respecting the
bounds of the relationship.

 

THE BLITZ RAPE: This style of attack occurs suddenly, unexpect-
edly, and without prior interaction between the victim and the
assailant. The victim has no explanation for the assailant's
presence. The classic example is the case of the woman who is
walking along a street while her assailant is looking for some-
one to attack; she happens on the scene, and then becomes the
victim of the assault.

 

 

3National Crime Panel, "Criminal Victimization Surveys in the
Nation's Five Largest Cities" (U.S. Department of Justice, Information
and Statistic Service, April l975), p. ll.

4Dorothy Bodden, "Rape: An Assault on Human Dignity," Police
Work, Police Science Department, Milwaukee Area Technical College,
April 1976, p. 3.

lO

Psychological Theories

To the dismay of all who know better, there are still many
professional and lay people who view rape simply as a potential in
every male, although only acted on by the minority. The remark of a
Philadelphia psychiatrist is typical: "Rape? I've seldom had a male
patient who didn't have rape fantasies. The rapist is only acting
out what other men dream about."5 A New York analyst called rape
"just an exaggerated form of the normal sex act."6 Even more
startling is the comment of a man responsible for the care and cure of
sex criminals, Dr. Ralph F. Garofalo, Deputy Director of the Center
of Diagnosis and Treatment of the Dangerous Persons at Bridgewater,
Massachusetts. Garofalo told a reporter, "I don't think there's a man
worth his salt who hasn't seen some chick walking by and wanted to
screw her."7

Fortunately, an opposing Opinion is held by some concerned
men, such as Dr. Edward H. Weiss and his associates on the District
of Columbia Mental Health Committee. These more enlightened physicians
investigated rape in Washington and concluded that forensic psychi-
atric experts consider the rapist a potential murderer, whose primary
purpose is humiliating and physically assaulting a woman, the sexual

act being secondary to the wish for violence against women.8

 

5Gager and Schurr, Sexual Assault: Confronting Rape in America
(New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1973).

6

 

Ibid.
7

8

Ibid.
Ibid.

ll

Dr. Charles R. Hayman, who spent years helping thousands of Washington,
D.C., rape victims under the Department of Human Resources, commented,
"In general, our observations support the hypothesis that rape is not
so much an expression of sexual drive as of aggression and violence."9
William Pendergast, a psychologist at New Jersey's Rahway

State Prison, considered the rapist a sociopath:

His whole behavior is anti-social--but he's not necessarily

sick in the psychiatric sense. And it's not because he doesn't

have available sex. He rapes simply because he feels tremen-

dous contempt and hostility for the women, and that is his way
of expressing it.

Motivational Dynamics

 

The preceding opinions support the theory that there are two
dynamics operating in a rape--hostility, which includes such emotions
as rage, hatred, contempt, and the desire to humiliate, and gratifi-
933193, A rape may be motivated entirely by one or the other, but it
is much more often a combination of the two.H

The rape in which hostility is the main motivating factor is a
very dangerous and frightening situation. Here sexual release is
secondary, perhaps even a negligible factor. This type of rape is not
necessarily characterized by brutality, but includes it more frequently
than others. In any case, whether actual brutality is involved or not,

the act is essentially one of violence. The subjugation of the victim

is basic to the rapist's satisfaction. The hostile rapist is a man

 

9Ibid.

'olbid.

nGager and Schurr, op. cit.

12

who buys the John Wayne brand of masculinity. Ideally, the qualities
we call masculine and the qualities we call feminine should balance
in an individual. When they are out of balance, the result is a
monster.

The personality traits that society has labeled as masculine
include strength, independence, aggressiveness, self-control, and
rationality. The feminine ideal is soft, sensitive, accepting,
intuitive, and loving. These are all positive terms, but to see what
horror can result from an imbalance in either direction, we should
view the negative terms. Society would see a woman as hard, bull-
headed, pushy, cold, and calculating if she took on masculine traits.
A man, on the other hand, would be weak, spineless, stupid, and a
sissy if he took on feminine traits. A result of this cultural con-
ditioning is that it incapacitates women for an independent existence,
making them dependent on men for protection, and it makes men adhere
to a code of chivalry in protecting women, or the opposite, in vic-
timizing them. If this sort of man wants to vent his hostility, even
a general, nonspecific hostility, he sees women as the victim author-
ized by society. The code of chivalry decrees that only a coward
would hit a woman, but millions of men beat their wives, hit their
girlfriends, and sometimes rape strangers on the street. This leads
me to believe that only certain women, under certain circumstances,
are protected by that code. It makes the rest of womankind more, not
less, likely to be attacked.

The circumstances surrounding a rape in which sexual gratifi-

cation is the primary intent, however, are more ambiguous and more

l3

confusing to the woman and to the people she turns to for help after-

wards.12

In this instance it is not likely that the rapist will go so
far as to brutalize the woman to gain what he wants, for the brutality
itself is not particularly appealing to him. He will threaten, over-
power, and blackmail but will not kill or beat her to get what he
wants. He simply sees women as objects. He sees sex as something

he has to pay for, manipulate for, work for, perhaps marry and support
a family for. He has been taught that no woman really wants to have
sex and that he will have to bargain for it. When this man rapes, he
is simply taking sex without paying for it. In his mind, he is not
degrading the woman or humiliating her, he is simply getting the best
of her. He does not hate her, or even especially lust for her, since
almost any vaguely attractive woman would suit his purpose.

In addition to the two previously discussed motives for rape,
pornography has also beem mentioned as a causative factor. However,
studies against its connection are as numerous as those in support
of it.

The difficulty of trying to define pornography is apparent to
anyone who has investigated it, including the United States Supreme
Court. Critics run the risk of being labeled puritanical and intoler-
ant. But pornography, which has been studied at great length by many
men and women, is a rightful concern of all since females figure so
prominently as the chief sex objects and the chosen victims in the

class of material.

 

”Ibid.

T4

The President's National Commission on the Causes and Preven-
tion of Violence decided in T969 that violence portrayed by the media
can induce aggression. But a year later, the Commission on Obscenity
and Pornography gave pornography a clean bill of health, saying there
was "not sufficient social justification for the enactment of broad
legislation prohibiting the consensual distribution of sexual mate-
rials to adults." The Commission concluded that its "empirical"
investigation provided "no evidence that exposure to, or use of
explicit sexual material plays a significant role in the causation
of social or individual harms." In simpler terms, the Commission
found no connection between sex crimes and pornography, a point of
view that has been echoed by hosts of reputable psychiatrists, psy-
chologists, and sociologists. A viewpoint expressed by Drs. Phillis
and Eberhard Kronhausen (Pornography and the Law [1943], p. 424),
stated that:

Instead of the comics, "lewd" magazines, or even hard core
pornography causing sex murders and other criminal acts, it

is so far more likely that these "unholy" instruments may be
more often than not a safety valve for the deviate and poten-
tial sex offender. This is not only our own view, but that of
many other experienced clinicians, especially those who have
worked with more severely disturbed patients and delinquents.

An opposite conclusion was reached by Gladys Denny Schultz,
who following numerous interviews with sex offenders at Waupun Prison
and California's Atascandero State Hospital for sex offenders and
the criminally insane, concluded that perpetrators of sex-linked

crimes invariably had been extensive users of pornography, especially

during their younger years.

15

It appears that a distinguishable relationship exists between
pornography and sex crimes, especially for offenders whose major
exposure to sexual material during adolescence is pornographic.
The methods graphically portrayed in porno materials usually
involve violence and aberrant behavior in which females are both
willing and unwilling participants, with explicit descriptions
of brutality and physical abuse of females.

According to Dr. Frederic Wertham, a leading authority on sex
crimes and consultant at New York's Queen's Hospital,

Sex combined with violence--the whole mind pollution with
violence that is so prevalent in this country--is what causes
problems. The trend in pornographic literature is toward sad-
ism, toward brutality. . . . This reinforces pre-existing sadis-
tic impulses and suggests enjoyment of sadism. . . . Sadistic
pornography is definitely contagious. . . . Many men who commit
violent acts not only read pornography, they collect it. . . .
There have been cases of sadistic murder where it was proved in
the courtroom that the murderer used sadistic pornography as a
textbook.

Albert Fish, who was one of the worst sex criminals in the
history of the United States, murdered l5 children and molested
and tortured more than a hundred more. Fish confided in inter-
viewing doctors that he had a vast collection of sadistic clip-
pings in which he stated that he learned from them what he hadn't
known before, and decided to act them out.14

And from Dr. Hilde Mosse:

Mass hypochondriasis in order to create a teenage market. . . .
Now there are teenage porno comic strips. Sex organs are drawn
in abnormal size and the grotesque is typical. . . . There are,
of course, erotic paintings of value, some are great art, but
this is not what is shown to children and the adolescents now.
The stress is on ugliness, crudeness, distortion, and sadism.

. . Tenderness, subtlety, romance do not exist. This gives
youngsters peculiar ideas about what goes on between their
parents and creates child-parent difficulties.15

 

‘3Gladys Denny Schultz, How Many More Victims? Society and
Sex Criminals (New York: l973).

14Frederic Wertham, The Rapist (New York: Harper and ROW.
I974), p. 265.

15

 

Ibid.

l6

Anthropologist Margaret Mead also lent credence to the link
between pornography and sex crimes in her emphasis on the dehumaniz-
ing effects of the pornography culture, in which people become things
and audiences are exhorted to be callous and insensate, devoid of com-

passion and sensibility.16

Who Is the Victim?

 

Like all crimes of violence, rape is on the increase. Some
authorities lay part of the blame for the rise to the increasing
freedom of women to go out alone at night and go where men congregate.
The fact that more women are living alone, are going to work at odd
hours, and just their general vulnerability accounts for some of the
increase in the number of attacks. Some of the rise, of course, can
also be attributed to women's greater willingness to report the crime.

Who, then, are the most likely victims? Here again, as in
trying to present a portrait of the sex offender, there is no standard
profile. Last year, out of 1,804 reported sexual assaults in Detroit,
over 75 percent were between the ages of 13 and 30, and 90 percent
were black. Nearly one-half the attacks occurred between casual
acquaintances, one-tenth between close friends and relatives, and the
rest between strangers. However, we know from experience that rapists
have no respect for age, or race, or sex, so everyone must be aware of
and alert to the possibility of it happening to them.

In forcible rapes, more than any other crime, the personal

relationship between the victim and the offender is of prime

 

16Ibid.

l7

importance. Whether or not the victim of rape consciously or uncon-
sciously created the situation culminating in her own victimization
by her relationship to the offender and her behavior requires dis-
cussion for several reasons. From the legal point of view, it is
usually more difficult to prove the use of force or threat of force
where she and the accused were on friendly terms and she willingly
participated in lovemaking short of sexual relations. From a prac-
tical point of view, it should be noted that situations of this type
may lead to dangerous consequences. In a study conducted by Menanchen
Amir in Philadelphia in 1971, he found that relationships between
assailants and victims fell into seven separate categories:

1. STRANGER--No previous contact existed, and no acquaintance-

ship established before the offense.

2. STRANGER, BUT GENERAL KNOWLEDGE--Offender was known visually
to the victim; no other contact existed between them.

3. ACQUAINTANCE--Offender became known to the victim just before
the offense, or she had some prior knowledge about his resi-
dence, place of work, name or nickname.

4. NEIGHBOR--Close neighbor, or victim saw the offender before
and crossed his way many times.

5. CLOSE FRIEND OR BOYFRIEND--Offender was often in victim's
house or dated with her or had close, direct, or frequent
relationships with her.

6. FAMILY FRIEND--0ffender was a friend of one of victim's family
members, often at her home, and trusted.

7. OFFENDER IS A FAMILY RELATIVE-~Offender related by consan-
guinity or legal affinity, but not husband-wife, or incestuous
relationship.

 

17Amir, op. cit.

I

18

The Statistical Picture

 

Assimilating all the available information from my resource
material, the following summary presents an accurate synopsis of what
is known statistically about rape:

1. RELATIONSHIP OF OFFENDER AND VICTIM: 52 percent of rapes
committed are stranger to stranger.

2. AGE OF OFFENDER: 61 percent of those arrested for forcible
rape were under the age of 25.

3. AGE OF VICTIM: 56 percent were between the ages of 18 and 30.

4. RACE: 47 percent of those arrested for rape were black;
51 percent were white, and all other races comprised the rest.

5. PREVIOUS RECORD OF OFFENDER: 49 percent of the Philadelphia
offenders had previous records; in Denver, 21 percent.

6. LOCATION: In Philadelphia, it was found that 82 percent of
the offenders and victims lived in the same area, in Chicago
it was 82 percent, and the same basic figures throughout the
country.

7. TIME FRAME: The majority of rapes occur in the warmer months,
and between the hours of 6:00 P.M. and 6:00 A.M.

None of these statistics are conclusive, although they do
indicate trends, especially the continuing youthfulness of assailants,
an increasing frequency of friend-to-friend rapes, and a dispropor-
tionate involvement of blacks as both rapists and victims. Even less
is known about national or regional patterns, gang rapes, modus
operandi, extent of force, and the educational and socioeconomic

background of the assailants.

Reactions of the Victim
To the victim, the consequences of rape encompass a process

of reorganization, both physical and psychological. Reactions range

19

from deceptive apparent lack of concern through mild annoyance,
intense anger, or depression. At the far end, the severest emotional
disturbances may lead to suicide attempts or actual suicide. The two
major physical disasters that occur with frequency are venereal dis-
ease and pregnancy. Other physical reactions include a general feel-
ing of being dirty, soreness over the entire body, disorganized sleep
patterns, loss of appetite, and severe stomach pains.

Variations in the reactions to rape are related to the presence
of violence or threats of violence, the age of the victim, her cul-
tural background, personality, and previous sex experience. An indif-
ferent attitude may hide very great feelings that might not appear
until weeks or months later. Myths offer us a stereotype of rape
that indicates that the main reactions of women are shame and guilt.
However, in the Burgess/Holstrom study, it was found that in the
majority of victims there existed the primary feelings of fear of
physical injury, Inutilation, and death. Most victims felt that they
had had a close brush with death and were fortunate to be alive.18

Drs. Malkah T. Notman and Carol C. Nadelson, both of the
Harvard Medical School, observed a striking phenomenon in rape vic-
tims' initial reactions. Although fear, anxiety and shame were
exhibited, little or no gigggt_anger was present. They felt that:

1. Since rape may evoke memories of childhood threats of pun-
ishment for misdeeds, the victim may feel that she is being
punished or is in some way responsible. Her anger may be

repressed and experienced as guilt and shame, despite her
concomitant feelings of helplessness and vulnerability.

 

18Bodden, op. Cit.

20

Most of the angry feelings appear later in recurrent night-
mares, explosive outbursts, and displacement of anger as the
woman attempts to master the assault.

2. Expression of agression in women has been highly conflic-
tual because of cultural restrictions and expectations of
passivity and greater compliance for women. Women have Often
tended toward a masochistic orientation, in which anger is
transformed into culturally supported patterns of self-blame.
Identification with the aggressor, a mechanism that serves
as an attempt to gain mastery, may also make it difficult to
acknowledge anger towards [the] rapist.

3. The socially reinforced suppression of aggression in women
has a possible adaptive function, since women are usually
smaller and physically weaker than men. Therefore, not
responding with a counterattack may prove beneficial. This
is an important consideration in understanding the concept
of consent. In the past, legal expectations included evi-
dence of force or a struggle in order to establish rape.
Current laws accept threat of force as sufficient, recogniz-
ing that a woman may submit in fear rather than risk fighting
and being overcome. 9
Despite the varying circumstances of rape and the different

degrees of violence, surprise, and degradation involved, guilt and
shame are virtually universal. Society's tendency to blame the vic-
tim, thereby assigning responsibility to her, fosters guilt and pre-
vents her from adequately working through the crisis. It is common
for a rape victim to feel that she should have handled the situation
differently, regardless of the appropriateness of her actual response.
Concerns about the amount of activity or passivity that might have
prevented the attack or the rape are frequent. The assumption is

that the woman should or could have handled the situation better, that
her unconscious wishes perhaps prevented more appropriate assessment

and more adaptive behavior.

 

19Malkah Notman and Carol Nadelson, "The Rape Victim: Psycho-
dynamic Considerations," American Psychiatry 133 (April 1976).

21

The guilt of the victim is further increased by focusing on
the sexual rather than the violent aspect of the experience. Although
aggression is most prominent in the victim's perception, society
regards rape as sexual. Since long-standing sexual taboos still
persist for many people, even an unwilling participant in a sexual
act is accused and depreciated. The popular adage that advises women
who cannot avoid rape to "relax and enjoy it" misconstrues the attack
as a sexual experience. In reality, the rape experience is deper-
sonalizing and dehumanizing. The woman is Often a faceless object
for the rapist's expression of hostility, and the victim feels
degraded and used. Furthermore, since women are expected to exert
impulse control in sexual encounters, the rape victim's sense of
failure in setting limits, impossible though this may have been, con-
tributes to her guilt.

While undoubtedly there are unconscious fantasies in which
rape plays a part, and some women do have fantasies in which submis-
sion to a stronger man may be linked with forbidden oedipal wishes,
on the conscious level, the woman knows she is submitting because
any other behavior would result in real danger to her life. However,
this is not so clearly differentiated in the unconscious. Drs. Notman
and Nadelson said that the universality of rape fantasies certainly
does not make every woman a willing victim or every man a rapist.

The unconscious fantasy does not picture the actual violence of the
expression. Rape involves an overwhelming confrontation with another

individual's sadism and vulnerability. This challenges the woman's

 

22

confidence in her ability to maintain her defenses and control.20

As said earlier, most women expect men to be their protectors and
providers, as well as relating to them sexually. Men may also be
seen as potential aggressors and exploiters, and the experience of
rape confronts the woman with this violent potential. The betrayal
by the supposed protector has a profound effect. Almost all rape
victims say they trust men less after the rape.

As mentioned before, the victim is not the only one affected
by her assault. Her family, especially her mate, must also deal
with this trauma.

Men often feel indignation and sometimes identify with both
the victim and aggressor. Detroit's studies show that they feel
their masculinity is violated by both the attack on a woman who is
felt to "belong" to him, and by his own helplessness deriving in part
from feminine identification as well as from his actual failure to
prevent the attack.

A man whose daughter, girlfriend, or wife has been raped may
react by becoming overprotective, partly as a result of a sense of
guilt for not being protective enough. However, it may also evolve
as a defensive means of handling his anger at the attacker or "his"
woman for having allowed herself to get into that position. A com-
plex series of feelings about his own sexual impulses may evolve,
and a man may find himself unable to be supportive or helpful to the

woman after the rape, despite a previously close relationship. He

 

2olbid.

23

may withdraw from the woman as a result of his anxiety. The woman
who is deprived of support from a man who is important to her is
particularly vulnerable to adverse reactions after a rape. The man
may be totally unaware of not being supportive, since denial operates

to minimize the experience so it can be forgotten.

Myths

After being confronted with the aforementioned problems, a
woman must also contend with the numerous myths and adverse reactions
society circulates about rape and its victims. Before proceeding
any further, some of these MYTHS should be EXPLORED and EXPLODED:

A. MYTH: WOMEN ASK FOR IT.

FACT--Some persons may do things that are negligent, stupid,
or irresponsible (leaving keys in your car, doors unlocked, hitch-
hiking, or letting strangers in your home); however, this does not
erase the responsibility of the person who took advantage of the
opportunity and committed a crime.

B. MYTH: ONLY YOUNG, ATTRACTIVE WOMEN GET RAPED.

FACT--Rape is not a selective crime. There have been rape
victims ranging in age from 18 months to 88 years. Rape victims are
rich, poor, blacks, Mexicans, whites, single, and married.

C. MYTH: WHITE WOMEN ARE RAPED BY BLACK MEN.

FACT--Statistics prove that nine times out of ten, black men

rape black women, and white men rape white women. Rapes crossing

color lines are in the definite minority.

24

D. MYTH: RAPISTS ARE DEGENERATE, SEX—CRAZED MANIACS.
FACT--Studies show that the majority of rapists are not
pathologically sick or perverted men. Most are married and live
normal sex lives at home. In fact, they are healthy, young men,
primarily between the ages of 17 and 30.

E. MYTH: WOMEN CRY RAPE TO GET EVEN WITH A MAN OR TO PROTECT
THEIR REPUTATION.

 

FACT--The process of reporting a rape is a long, tedious, and
often humiliating one and therefore makes a very unsatisfactory means
of revenge. In addition, many law enforcement authorities request
rape victims to take polygraph examinations before proceeding with
the rape complaint. Most law enforcement agencies agree that the
percentage of false rape reports is very low; some say less than
10 percent.

Who or what can be blamed for perpetuating these twisted
attitudes that allow the victim to be further brutalized by question-
ing her innocence? History? Culture? Custom? According to the
newspaper, "Freedom From Rape," published in Ann Arbor, Michigan, in
1973, the community must take responsibility for the conditions that
nurture rape. The paper went on to accuse the community of perpetuat-
ing the aforementioned myths; refusing to change the laws concerning
rape; failing to teach women how to defend themselves physically and
mentally; perpetuating a husband's right to rape his wife; combining
and confusing sex hostility; failing to provide sufficient, inexpen-

sive, good mental health care for all; refusing women their right to

25

control their own lives; teaching women to be passive; teaching men
to be aggressive; and not listening to women who have been raped.
Although these charges have some validity, the author feels
that some steps have been taken in reversing these accusations,
especially through the passage of a new Criminal Sexual Conduct Code
for Michigan. In addition, there are yet greater strides to be made

by the public, the courts, and the police.

Crisis Intervention

 

Many police departments have adopted a policy of close rela-
tionship with victim-assistance programs. In fact, a number of pro-
grams that were developed to assist rape victims use both police
personnel and professional consultants. In addition, in those areas
where the victim-assistance centers are removed from the police, many
departments have secured lists of community resources for victim
referrals.

A recent study by the Center for Women's Police Studies indi-
cated that police departments have followed two approaches for victim
assistance:

1. Specialized investigative units with female police

officers and victim advocates, and

2. Specialized training to sensitize the officer to the trauma

of the victim and the proper evidentiary procedures. The

approaches have not necessarily been mutually exclusive;

26

however, the training approach has been far more wide-
spread than the development of specialized units.2]

Rape crisis or counseling centers are a true byproduct of
the women's movement. The success in bringing the spotlight to the
victim's cause is probably due to a number of factors:

1. the credibility of the women's movement

2. the interest by the news media

3. the eye- and ear-catching topics of sex and violence

that always stir interest.

It is Obvious that the victim in rape situations needs sup-
port and reassurance about the way in which she/he handled the encounter
and their efforts to cope with the situation afterwards. It is impor-
tant that he/she have the opportunity for constructive catharsis with

a caring and empathic person.

Innovations in the Police Handling of Rape
As a police official and past commanding officer of the
Detroit Police Department's Sex Crime Unit, the author became aware
very early that when reported crime rates increase, police adminis-
trators are placed under heavy pressure to respond. The classic
example of this was a person in Detroit who was referred to as the

22

"week-end rapist." The title came from his propensity for commit-

ting his crimes on Saturday or Sunday mornings. Once it became public

 

2lBurgess and Holstrom, Police Interview of the Victim--Rape
Crisis and Recovery_(Bowie, Md.: Robert J. Brady Co., 1979).

22Brian Flanigan, "Week-end Rapist," Detroit Free Press,
June 6, 1979.

 

27

knowledge that this person was operating in this fashion, there was a
loud hue and cry for increased patrols, better investigations, and in
general a more concentrated effort by the Detroit Police Department.
As a result of the crimes committed by that person and pres-
sure brought on the police department by neighborhood groups, officers
from various areas within the department were able to pull together
their resources and eventually solve the crime. Some of the most
significant changes to come out of this and other major rape cases
were the inclusion of experienced male investigators in the sex-crime
unit, investigative aids such as tracking dogs, evidence technicians,
surveillance teams, helicopter patrol, and a better working relation-
ship with other departmental units that helped to increase the work

productivity of the unit and department.

Trainingifor the Investigators
Police are on the side of the victim perhaps more than
any other professional group. They are the one solid group of
professionals who see case after case and observe what happens
to victims as they go through the legal process. Many actively
want to get convictions on rape cases.
Traditionally, whatever the size, usually very few of the investigators
were trained. The training program as it existed in the Detroit
Police Department during 1975-1978 consisted of the following:
1. Training that involves the officer practicing in an

almost-real setting (role playing).

 

23Burgess and Holstrom, op. cit.

 

28

2. Training the officers in developing and collecting all
case materials related to rape.

3. Updating all police academy training related to rape.24

Summar

The literature showed a definite void in terms of available
material in the area being studied. A great deal of the information
available deals specifically with the topic of making and getting men
to understand that there is such a crime as rape. In April of 1974, a
new Criminal Sexual Conduct Law, Public Act 266, took effect in Michi-
gan, which eliminated possibly many of the aforementioned problems.
Even though the law is the most progressive in the country on the
subject, explanation, and prosecution of rape, it has been the author's
experience that the law is useless unless work and understanding are
put forth by all those involved in the Criminal Justice System. The
obstacles encountered in rape prevention, investigation, and prosecu-
tion are severe but not insurmountable. The author believes a program
that integrates police, prosecution, and community along with victim
support and public education will result in the desired goal of

reduced rape and increased prosecution.

 

24Training procedures implemented by the writer, 1976 Detroit
Police Sex Crime Unit.

CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY

The major purpose of this study was to obtain responses from
the broadest possible representation of large law enforcement agencies
dealing with the problem of criminal sexual conduct in the United
States. An instrument was developed to facilitate the achievement of
the objectives of the study as stated in the first chapter.

This chapter outlines the methodology that was used in the
study. This includes (1) population selected, (2) the development of
the instrument, (3) how the instrument was utilized, and finally

(4) how the data were analyzed for similarities and differences.

Sample

The total sample for the police survey consisted of all 27
cities in the United States with a population of 500,000 or more.
These cities were selected because they are the major cities in the
United States with large police departments which possibly have estab-
lished special criminal sexual conduct investigative units.

The sample respondents included the chief of police, or his
equivalent, in each city contacted, and in 18 instances a backup
contact was made to a personal contact of the writer in the depart-

ments of:

29

30

1. San Diego, California

2. San Francisco, California
3. Los Angeles, California
4. New Orleans, Louisiana
5. Indianapolis, Indiana

6. New York, New York

7. Cleveland, Ohio

8. Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania
9. Memphis, Tennessee

10. Houston, Texas

11. Baltimore, Maryland

12. Miami, Florida

13. San Antonio, Texas

14. Boston, Massachusetts
15. Seattle, Washington

16. St. Louis, Missouri

17. Kansas City, Missouri
18. Denver, Colorado

Development of the Instrument

 

A questionnaire was developed for the study. It included a
cross-section of questions designed to evaluate the status of police
rape investigative units in the United States. There were 47 ques-
tions developed for the survey.

The original questionnaire was given to the doctoral committee

chairman on May 5, 1981. (See Appendix for original questionnaire.)

31

After meeting with the committee chairman for suggestions to improve
the questionnaire, the writer solicited the assistance of Lieutenant
Audrey Martini of the Detroit Police Department. Lieutenant Martini
is the author of the book Criminal Sexual Conduct, published in 1978,

1 After meet-

and a squad leader in the department's Sex Crime Unit.
ing with Lieutenant Martini, the questionnaire was modified and again
submitted to the doctoral committee members on May 14, 1981, for their
review.

A cover letter was prepared to accompany the questionnaire
(see Appendix). The purpose of the letter was to explain to the
respondents in each department the reason for the study. Attached
also was a letter from Executive Deputy Chief James Bannon of the
Detroit Police Department (see Appendix C). Chief Bannon felt that
this letter would assist the study by (l) clarifying its purpose,
goals, etc., and (2) insuring a greater return of the questionnaire,
appealing to the law enforcement agencies that would receive it. The
letter from Chief Bannon explained that information would be very
helpful for the Detroit Police Department and law enforcement in gen-
eral in its effort to improve the knowledge of rape investigations.

Some of the questions were written to be answered in a fill-in
or completion format, while others were multiple choice, and some
asked for comments by those answering. The final approved question-

naire was distributed on May 16, 1981.

 

1Michigan's Criminal Sexual Conduct Statute, 1978, Audrey Z.
Martini.

32

Distribution of the Instrument
The questionnaire and instructions for its completion were
distributed by the United States mail to the respondents in 27 cities
on May 16, 1981. Each of the 27 police chiefs was sent a complete
questionnaire package including the cover letter as well as a stamped

self-addressed envelope. As indicated before, in 18 of the cities the

 

 

writer sent a second letter with a similar questionnaire to a personal

contact which had been established by the writer while attending the

 

National Academy of the Federal Bureau of Investigation in Quantico,
Virginia.

The deadline for returning the questionnaire was June 15, 1981.
Twenty questionnaires and two letters declining participation were
returned by June 15, 1981. On June 22, 1981, a follow-up letter was
sent to the remaining respondents in the six cities which had not
returned the questionnaires (see Appendix E). The deadline for the
follow-up letter was July 15, 1981. As of July 14, 1981, the researcher

had received no additional responses from the six.

Process for Analyzing the Data
Analysis of the data was done in two parts. First, all
materials sent to the researcher from the various departments which
were relevant to this study were analyzed for content. Seven of the
20 responding departments supplied the writer with extensive data
outlining standard operating procedures for their respective sexual-

assault units. The seven are:

33

San Diego, California
Chicago, Illinois
Memphis, Tennessee
Baltimore, Maryland
Dallas, Texas

Miami, Florida

Kansas City, Missouri

Ofthoseseven, the following departments have rape investi-
gative units similar to Detroit's, the primary differences being in
total number Of personnel assigned, the number of females, and other
minorities assigned as investigators (Miami, Memphis, and Kansas
City).

To obtain some degree of reliability with respect to the
content analysis, the researcher secured the services of a two-judge
panel currently involved in the matters of training in criminal

sexual conduct:

1. Ms. Althea Grant, Director, Detroit Rape Counseling
Center

2. Lieutenant Audrey Martini, Squad Leader, Detroit Police
Sex Crime Unit

The content analysis, as developed by the researcher and after being
reviewed by the two-judge panel, was then presented in terms of
similarities and differences of the various police departments.
Second, responses to each of the 47 questions on the questionnaire
were analyzed. The various responses were tabulated and then, where

appropriate, were reported.

W6

in

34

Summar
The sample, the design of the instrument, how the instrument
was distributed, and how the data were processed have been described

in this chapter. Chapter IV contains the analysis of the data.

CHAPTER IV
ANALYSIS OF DATA

Introduction

The data presented in this chapter were gathered through a
nationwide survey of selected police departments for rape-investigation
information. A mailed questionnaire was used to collect information
concerning existing rape-investigative units.

The data were analyzed in two parts. First, responses to
each of the 47 questions on the questionnaire were analyzed. The
various responses were tabulated to determine differences and simi-
larities among regulatory programs. Second, all materials sent to
the researcher from the various regulatory agencies which were rele-
vant to the study were analyzed for content. In order to obtain some
degree of reliability with respect to content analysis, the researcher
secured the services of a two-judge panel (Ms. Althea Grant, Director,
Detroit Rape Counseling Center, and Lieutenant Audrey Martini, Squad
Leader, Detroit Police Sex Crime Unit) currently involved in the
matters of training in criminal sexual conduct. The content analysis,
as developed by the researcher and after being reviewed by the two-

judge panel, was presented in terms of similarities and differences

among the various police departments.

35

36

Analysis of the Data Supplied by
the Questionnaire

 

Responses to each of the 47 questions on the questionnaire
were analyzed. The various responses were tabulated and then, where

appropriate, were reported.

Population of the Cities

The first question consisted of one part, that being the veri-
fication of the fact that the population of the surveyed city was over
500,000. It may be observed from Table 1 that the population varied
from 7,071,030 in New York, New York, to 518,131 in Jacksonville,

Florida.

Racial Composition of the Cities

The second question was in four parts and asked for the racial
composition of the city. The question asked for the (a) total number
of whites, (b) total number of blacks, (C) total number of Spanish,
and (d) total number of others. Twenty cities responded, and all but
Indianapolis, Indiana, provided a breakdown of the total racial com-
position of their communities. This information appears in Table 1.

The total population of all responding cities is 25,362,042.
For racial-breakdown analysis, a lower total population figure of
24,991,091 was used since Indianapolis, Indiana, did not provide
these statistics. Therefore, the racial composition of the respond-
ing cities had a population of 13,707,631 white (55%), 7,262,937
black (29%), and 4,020,523 (16%) Spanish and other.

37

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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39

Strength of the Department

Question 3 requested the total strength of the surveyed
department. TWenty cities again responded, and it can be seen from
Table 1 that departments varied in size from 29,746 in New York City
to 970 in Indianapolis, Indiana. An interesting note here is that in
a comparison of the cities' total populations to police population,
New York City has .42081% police of the total population while

Indianapolis, Indiana, has .0013% police of its total population.

Racial Composition of Departments

The fourth question requested the racial composition of the
surveyed department. This question also requested composition in
terms of male and female to better understand the total make-up of
the department. Once again, as illustrated in Table l, the minute
number of females presently employed by major police departments in
the United States is graphically displayed. In the Others category,
which would include all those races not listed in the above groups,
the 20 responding departments have a combined total of 577, and none
of these are assigned to any rape-investigation unit. (See Table 1.)
0f the 20 responding cities, the total strength Of all the departments
was 82,667 (33%) of the total population. The total white police
population of the surveyed cities is 63,775, which is 77% of the total
strength. The total black, Spanish, and others populations are 14,243
(17%), 4,064 (5%), and 558 (1%), respectively. The conclusion to be
drawn from these data is that an overwhelming majority of the police
personnel in the surveyed cities are white, with blacks, Spanish, and

others, in that order.

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Specialized Sexual-Assault
Investigations

In the fifth question, the cities were asked if their depart-
ments had a unit or section that specialized in sexual-assault inves-
tigations. Of the 20 responding departments, 19 (95%) did have a
unit that specialized in sexual-assault investigations. However, in
some instances this detail was only one segment of a total assignment,
which also included being responsible for homicide and child-abuse
investigations. The two cities that did not have a unit or section
specializing in criminal sexual-assault investigations did have sec-
tions or bureaus that incorporated rape investigations into a total
bureau. In particular, Chicago, Illinois, has an investigative-
services unit where detectives are trained to handle a multitude of
complaints. Likewise, in Dallas, Texas, sexual-assault investigations
are part of the Crimes Against Persons Section, which is divided into
an Assault Unit, a Robbery Unit, and a Homicide Unit. (Question 5
is included in Table 1.) One may conclude that the majority of the
surveyed departments have established sexual-assault units.

Racial Composition of
Personnel in Unit

Question 6 requests the racial composition of the personnel
assigned to the rape-investigative unit. Once again, as in Question 4,
the request is separated both racially and sexually in terms of whites,
blacks, Spanish, and others. As illustrated in Table 1, the majority
of personnel assigned to police sexual-assault units are white males,

a few blacks, a total of seven Spanish investigators, and no others

41

in the surveyed cities. (See Table 1.) Based on the data supplied

to this writer, of the total of 84,039 personnel assigned to the police
departments in the surveyed cities, 381 are assigned to sexual-assault
units. Three hundred eight of those are white, 64 are black, 9 are
Spanish, and the category of others totals none. Of the 308 white,

110 (35%) are white females; the remaining 198 (65%) are white males.
One may conclude that the majority of the personnel assigned to sexual-

assault squads in the surveyed departments are white.

Rank Structure of Department

Question 7 was concerned with the rank structure of the sur-
veyed departments. Eleven of the departments had a top-ranking
executive with the title of Chief of Police; other departments varied
in the title of their chief executive, but all did have a top executive.
Other common ranks included Assistant Chief, Sheriff, Deputy Chief,
Captain, Major, and Superintendent. The ranks that were common
throughout all the departments were Lieutenant, Sergeant, and Police
Officer.

Rank Structure of Personnel
in Sexual-Assau1t unit

 

 

Question 8 asked for the rank structure of the personnel
assigned to the sexual-assault squad. There are a total of 381 per-
sons assigned to the special assault squads of the respondents. Two
hundred forty (63%) of those are Police Officers. Seventy-one (18%)
are Sergeants and 22 (.057%) are Lieutenants, while the remaining 48

are various unnamed ranks. Racially and sexually, there are 208 (55%)

l_‘.lr _

42

white male police officers, 30 (.O7%) black male officers, 87 (23%)
white female officers, and 34 (.08%) black female officers. It was
the writer's belief that it was necessary to distinguish between the
sexes and races in terms of the total composition of the unit. The
majority of the personnel assigned to these areas were white male
officers who functioned as the investigators. The majority of the
supervisors (sergeants and above) were also white, and none of the
surveyed departments had any minority personnel above the rank of
sergeant working in any capacity. (See Table 2.)
Job Experience of Personnel Assigned
to the Sexual-Assault Unit

Question 9 asked for the amount of job experience of the per-
sonnel assigned to the unit. This request was made in median years of
race and sex. As indicated in Table 2, the average experience of the
white male was 10.56 years as compared to 7.4 for the black and 1.6
for the Spanish. An interesting comparison in this area is that the
females who are assigned to their respective sex-crime units have an
average of 11.58 total years service as compared to 9.58 for their
male counterparts. This difference in time can probably be accounted
for because of the small number of women in the sample. (See Table 2.)

Determination of Existence of
Rape-Investigative Program

 

Questions 10 and 11 asked if there was a formalized rape-
investigative program operating in the surveyed city, and, if so, who
developed it and when. Of the 20 responding cities, 6 (35%) have

formalized programs that include training. The remaining 14 cities

43

Table 2.--The squad rank structure and job experience of personnel in
the sexual-assault squad.

 

Squad Rank Structure

Job Experience

 

 

Location (Average in Years)
M F W B S M F W B S
Phoenix, P.O. 4 2 5 - 1 12 - - - 8.
Arizona Sgt. l - - - - - _ - _
Lt. - - - - — - - - -
San Diego, P.O. 13 4 13 l 3 14. 10.0 10.2 14 11
California Sgt. 3 l 4 - - - - - - -
Lt. 1 - l - - - - - - -
San Francisco, P.O. 7 2 6 l - 18. 19.0 21 O 26
California Sgt. 3 - - 3 - - - - - -
Lt. l - - l - - - - -
Denver, P.O. - - - - - - - - - -
Colorado Sgt. - - - - - - - - - -
Lt. - - - - - - - - — —
Det. l 6 - - - 15. 10.0 14.0 10. -
Jacksonville,
Florida HOMICIDE UNIT N/A
Miami, P.O. 7 2 - - - 9. .0 9.4 13 6.
Florida Sgt. - - - - - - - - - -
Lt. — — - - - - - - - -
Chicago,
Illinois N/A N/A
Indianapolis, P.O. 1 5 5 1 - - - - - -
Indiana Sgt. 1 1 2 - 3. 6.0 14.0 6 -
Lt. 1 - l - - - - - - -
New Orleans, P.O. 6 4 7 3 - 8. 5.0 7.0 5 -
Louisiana Sgt. 3 - 3 - - - - - -
Lt. 1 - l - - - - - - -
Baltimore, P.O. l l - - - - - -
Maryland Sgt. - - - - 26. 22.0 26.0 22. -
St. 1 - l - - - - - - -
Detroit, P.O. 13 15 18 10 - 15. 9.6 13.6 9.
Michigan Sgt. 8 2 7 3 - - - - - -
Lt. 3 3 6 - - - - - - -

 

44

Table 2.--Continued.

 

 

 

Job Experience
Location Squad Rank Structure (Average in Years)
M F W B S M F W B
Kansas City, P.O. - - - - - - - - -
Missouri Sgt. 2 - 2 - - lO 0 4.0 9 O 4 O
Lt. 1 - 1 - - - - - -
Det. 7 2 8 1 - - — - -
St. Louis, P.O. 9 6 11 4 - - - - -
Missouri Sgt. 1 - 1 - - 10 0 O 10 O 5 O
Lt. - - - - - - - _ -
New York, P.O. 35 21 47 7 2 - - - -
New York Sgt. 5 - - - - 11 O 12 5 12 5 12 5
Lt. 2 - - - - - - -
Columbus, P.O. 7 3 8 2 - - - - -
Ohio Sgt. 1 - 1 - - 15 0 12 O 15 O 9 O
Lt. - - - - — - - - -
Philadelphia, P.O. 36 24 36 24 O - - - -
Pennsylvania Sgt. 3 1 4 - - 8 O 6.0 9 O 8 0
St. - - - - - - - - -
San Antonio, P.O. - - - - - - - - —
Texas Sgt. 2 - 2 - - 2 0 9.0 5 O -
Lt. l - 1 - - - - - _
Det. 3 l 2 - 2 - - - -
Dallas,
Texas N/A N/A
Houston, P.O. - - — - - - - - -
Texas Sgt. - - - - - 1 8 4.0 2 5 -
Lt. l - 1 - - - - - -
Det. 9 4 l3 - - - - - -
Memphis, P.0. - 2 1 l - - - -
Tennessee Sgt. 19 1 - - 1 16 O 12 0 18 0 8 0
Lt. 2 — 2 - - - - - -
Capt. l - 1 - - — - - -

 

IINI

 

Key: P.O. = police officer; Sgt. = sergeant; Lt. = lieutenant;
Capt. = captain; Det. = detective

M = male; F = female; W = white; B = black; 5 = Spanish

45

(65%) either had none or they were in the process of being developed.
Those individuals or groups responsible for the development of the
existing programs included the St. Louis Board of Police Commissioners,
the Chief of Detectives in New York, and various anonymous individuals.

(See Table 3.)

Extent of Training Programs

Questions 12 and 13 asked for the specific number of hours
officers received in the training program and whether this training
was voluntary or mandatory.

Ten (50%) of the 20 responding citiescficlhave classroom-type
training in rape investigation where officers were expected to com-
plete a required number of hours. The remaining 10 departments either
had no special requirements or satisfied departmental requirements by
on-the-job training (OJT), either for a limited or an indefinite
period of time. However, as emphasized in Question 13, the limited
amount of training that is provided was mandatory. The training
schedule ranged from four hours in Baltimore, Maryland, to 480 hours
in Kansas City, Missouri. Several of the departments included on-the-
job training as part of their training schedule. The interesting
parallel here is the small amount of time devoted to training in San
Diego, California, in comparison to the 480 hours in Kansas City,
Missouri. Second, even though only six of the surveyed cities stated
that they had a formalized program for sex-crime investigators, 13
(65%) of the 20 departments confirmed that some of their officers
were required to attend some form of mandatory training related to

sex—crime investigations. (See Table 3.)

46

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49

Fundingiof Training Programs

Question 14 inquired into funding of the training. Of the
20 responding cities, 12 (70%) of the programs were funded by city
finances. Only one of the programs was privately funded, and the

remaining cities failed to respond to this question (Table 3).

Specific Areas of Rape Investigation

Question 15 asked for the specific areas of rape investigation
covered in the particular training program. Eleven (55%) of the 20
respondents include all areas of sexual assault in their training,
with child abuse as an added feature (Table 3).
Percentage of Class Involving,

Intervention, Investigative
Technique§,,Victim6TOgy, Psychology

 

Question 16 asked for the percentage of the class training
involving crisis intervention, Victimology, investigation, and psy-
chology of the victim. According to the data, the greatest percentage
of the officers' time is involved in investigative techniques, with
minimal time in the other areas.

Eleven (55%) of the responding cities stated that their
departments covered general rape investigation, child abuse, and all
sexual assaults. The remaining nine did not respond to this question.
Seven of the 11 responding departments answering this question also
stated that their departments spent an average of 3% of their time
on crisis intervention, 25% on investigative techniques, 25% on victim-
ology, 25% on psychology of the defendant or victim, and 22% on others.

One may conclude that the majority of the departments do cover the

50

area of sex-crime investigations. However, there were 14 departments
that do not include any training in crisis intervention, investi-
gative techniques, Victimology, or psychology of the victim as part

of their investigative program.

Length of Training

Question 17 asked for the length of training in areas of
crisis intervention, investigative techniques, Victimology, psychol-
ogy of the defendant or victim, and any other area. Of those depart-
ments responding to this question, in seven or 35% only minimal time
was spent on any area of training. As indicated in Table 3, the
greatest percentage of the officers' training time is involved in
investigative techniques and very little in crisis intervention, vic-
timology, psychology of the victim or defendant, or any other area

of victim services (Table 3).

Criteria for Evaluating Officers

Question 18 asked for the criteria used for evaluating the
Officers in the program. Seven or 35% of the 20 respondents stated
that their evaluation was based on the performance of the officer in
handling his job assignment. Three more or 15% stated that their
evaluations were based on written examination. The remaining ten
or 50% did not respond to this question. The conclusion to be drawn
here is that the evaluation of the officers must be based on some

areas other than performance and written examinations. (See Table 3.)

51

Selection Process

Question 19 asked for the criteria used for selection to work
in the sexual-assault unit. Seventeen of the responding departments
answered this question, even though only 6 of the 20 had formalized
programs. Fifteen of the 17 (88%) stated that the number-one criterion
for selection to work in the unit was sensitivity (maturity, stability)
followed by seniority (41%), education (29%), and sex (17%). Accord-
ing to the data submitted, race and sex were least important in selec-
tion to work in the unit. Traditional arguments have been that female
or minority investigators would be more sensitive to the needs of a
victim of their sex or race. According to a study conducted by the
Battelle Research Corporation for the National Institute of Law
Enforcement and Criminal Justice, "the percentage of female investi-
gators handling rape cases was related to victim dropout, at least
during the actual investigation stages Of the case. In those agencies
where the percentage of female investigators was highest, victims were
less likely to drop out during the investigation."1 The conclusion to
be drawn here is that the majority of the responding departments do a
responsible job of selecting the personnel assigned to the sexual-
assault units. That is a willingness to work in the unit and being
sensitive to victims, in addition to taking into account the education

of the participant and also the seniority. (See Table 3.)

 

1National Institute of Law Enforcement and Criminal Justice,
Forcible Rape: A National Survey of the Response by Police, Vol. 1
(Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, L.E.A.A., 1975),
p. 37.

52

Program Evaluation

Question 20 asked who evaluates the program and how. Only
6 of the 20 responding cities answered this question (33%); of those
six, three were evaluated by the trainer, one by written examination,
and two had no evaluation at all. The conclusion to be drawn here is
that the overwhelming majority (66%) of the departments obviously did
not respond to this inquiry and therefore probably did not have or
are not in the process of evaluating their sexual-assault training

programs. (See Table 3.)

Program Presentation

In Question 21, the request was to identify who presents the
programs, their educational level, and their police experience. Nine
or 45% of the 20 responding cities answered this question, with all
having a combination of police instructors with an average of 16.1
years in police service. In addition, these instructors all have an
associates, bachelors, or masters college educational level.

In those departments that combine police and civilian instruc-
tors, the educational level varied from bachelors to doctorate; how-
ever, the job experience was only 12.1 years. (See Table 4.)

Question 22 asked for the kinds of presentations that are
used, specifically: (a) lecture, (b) discussion, (c) film, (d) role
playing, and (e) other.

The kinds of presentations varied from lectures to discus-
sions to films and role playing. Of the ten responding departments,

all used lectures, discussions, and films. However, Chicago, Illinois,

53

 

 

 

 

 

 

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56

and Kansas City, Missouri, did no role playing. There was no par-
ticular reason given for their lack of involvement in this one
particular area.

In regard to some of the specific areas covered in the train-
ing, 100% of the ten respondents cover the area of investigative
techniques, Victimology, and psychology of the victim or defendant,
and 80% of the responding departments cover crisis intervention. The
conclusion to be drawn here is that, based on the experience of the
personnel assigned for training purposes, the departments that are
presenting programs appear to have qualified personnel, both police
and civilian, involved. However, as indicated in the response earlier,
only 8 or 40% of the 20 departments responded to this particular

question. (See Table 4.)

Specific Areas of Training Covered

 

Question 23 asked for the specific training areas covered in
crisis intervention, investigative technique, Victimology, psychology
of the victim or defendant, and any other area of training covered.
Of the 20 responding departments, 9 or 45% covered all of the above
areas while 2 did in: training in crisis intervention. The remain-

ing departments did not respond to this question.

Unit Work Schedule

 

Question 24 asked for the work schedule Of the specialized
unit. Seventeen of the 20 departments responded (85%). As indi-
cated in Table 5, only seven (35%) of those responding have units

that operate on a 24-hour basis. One of the 17 is operational for

 

57

Table 5.--The work schedule of the unit and whether the officers are

specialized in rape investigation.

 

Department

Hours of
Operation

Specialized in Rape
Investigation

 

A B C D E

Special- Other
ized Assign.

 

Phoeniz, Arizona
San Diego, Calif.

San Francisco, Calif.

Denver, Colorado
Jacksonville, Fla.
Miami, Florida
Chicago, Illinois
Indianapolis, Ind.
New Orleans, La.
Baltimore, Md.
Detroit, Michigan
Kansas City, Mo.
St. Louis, Mo.

New York, New York
Columbus, Ohio
Philadelphia, Pa.
San Antonio, Texas
Dallas, Texas
Houston, Texas
Memphis, Tennessee

Total

N/A

XXXXXX

N/A

N/A

><><><><><

XX

N/A

X><><><><><><><

N/A

N/A

 

 

9 l 2 3 3

 

l6 1

 

24 hours
16 hours
8 hours
on call
none

Key:

moon!)

58

16 hours and on call for 8; four have officers on duty for 8 hours and

not on call at all.

Unit Specialization

Question 25 asked for the officers specialized in sexual-
assault investigation and whether there is an amount of time spent
on other assignments. Eighteen of the 20 surveyed departments (90%)
responded to this question. Seventeen (85%) stated that the officers
presently assigned to their sexual-assault unit were specialized in
the investigation of rapes. The interesting point here is that the
two cities without specialized sex-crime units (Dallas, Texas, and
Chicago, Illinois) stated that their officers, although not assigned
to a specialized sex-crime unit, were specialized in sex-crime inves-
tigations. The conclusion to be made here is that obviously the
majority of the larger departments have made an effort to see that
their officers are specialists in the area of rape investigation and
have narrowed the amount of time these officers spend on other

details. (Details are shown in Table 5.)

Sexual-Assault Crisis Center

 

Question 26 asked if there was a sexual-assault crisis center
in the surveyed city. Nineteen of the 20 surveyed cities (95%)
stated that there was a crisis center located in their city. The
only city without a center was St. Louis, Missouri. No particular

reason was given. (See Table 6.)

DI. S S E J U.

C I a...” :u

Table 6.--Existence of a sexual-assault center and procedures for

59

victim assistance.

 

Department

Crisis Center

Where Victims Taken

 

Counseling

 

 

Yes No Hospital Center Police

Phoenix, Arizona x Depends on Case
San Diego, Calif. x l 3 2
San Francisco, Calif. x 2 1 3
Denver, Colorado x l 3 2
Jacksonville, Fla. x l 2 3
Miami, Florida x 1 2 3
Chicago, Illinois x l 3 2
Indianapolis, Ind. x l 2 3
New Orleans, La. x 2 3 1
Baltimore, Md. x 1 2 3
Detroit, Michigan x l 3 2
Kansas City, Mo. x 2 3 1
St. Louis, Mo. x NO Procedures
New York, New York x l 3 2
Columbus, Ohio x 1 3 2
Philadelphia, Pa. x l 3 2
San Antonio, Texas x 1 3 2
Dallas, Texas x l
Houston, Texas x 1 3 2
Memphis, Tennessee x l 2

Total 19 1

 

 

 

Assault Victim Procedure

In Question 27 the writer attempted to determine the respec-

tive departments' priorities in terms of the victim's immediate care.

 

60

Each department was asked to list the facility where the victims were
conveyed following an assault: (a) hospital, (b) crisis center, or
(c) police department.

Twenty of the surveyed departments responded to this question;
only St. Louis, Missouri, did not have any formalized procedure. As
indicated in Table 6, 15 (79%) of the departments convey the victim
to the hospital. The victim would then be conveyed to the police
department (52%) and then to the crisis center. Two of the departments
(10%) have procedures where the victims are first conveyed to the police

department, then to the hospital, and finally to the crisis center.

Evaluation and Benefits of Training

 

Questions 28 through 30 asked if the training proved benefi-
cial, how the response of the victim differed when handled by a trained
officer as compared with an untrained officer, and how the victims
evaluated the crisis situations handled by the trained officers. Ten
(50%) responding to the questionnaire stated that the training had
been overwhelmingly successful and beneficial to their department.

The responses were that not only are the officers more enlightened,

but there are fewer complaints as to the officers' demeanor, their
conviction and clearance rates have increased, and there is more public
appreciation of the jobs that are being done.

Seven of the responding departments stated that the difference
noticed in the handling of cases by trained versus untrained officers is
centered on public confidence, and the fact that these officers appear

to be better able to recognize the problems of the victim and they are

61

more understanding of her situation. In addition, with these officers
receiving more information through better conversations with the
victims, the warrants increase and the case clearance rates increase.

(See Table 7.)

Evaluation of Police Officers

Question 31, in which respondents were asked if there was a
process by which the officers could evaluate the effectiveness of the
unit or themselves, received 16 (80%) responses. The officers were
rated on their total work, which included clearance rate, conviction
rate, lack of complaints against him/her, favorable victim response,
and supervisor ability.

0f the 16 responding departments, 2 (2%) stated that their
departments had no process by which their officers could evaluate the
effectiveness of the unit or themselves. The remaining 14 (70%) stated
that the officers could evaluate the effectiveness of the unit and

themselves by the victim response, total arrests, warrants secured,

 

the successful prosecution rate, and semi-annual performance-evaluation

reports. (See Table 7.)

Ongoing Training

 

Thirteen (65%) of the 20 surveyed cities stated that their
departments had ongoing training or follow-ups for the officers par-
ticipating in their present program. The remaining seven (35%) stated
that their departments had none. The 13 departments answering affir-

matively stated that their ongoing and follow-up training are weekly

62

Table 7.--Whether training is beneficial to the department, how the
training is evaluated, and the victim's response.

 

Is Training

Beneficial to

 

How

Response of Victim

 

 

 

Department Your Department Evaluated to Officer
Yes No Trained Untrained

Phoenix, Arizona x N/A N/A
San Diego, Calif. x Victim Positive

response response
Denver, Colorado N/A N/A N/A
San Francisco, Calif. N/A N/A ‘ N/A
Jacksonville, Fla. x N/A Positive
Miami, Florida N/A N/A N/A
Chicago, Illinois N/A N/A N/A
Indianapolis, Ind. N/A N/A N/A
New Orleans, La. N/A N/A N/A
Baltimore, Md. x N/A N/A
Detroit, Michigan N/A N/A N/A
Kansas City, Mo. x N/A N/A
St. Louis, Mo. x N/A N/A
New York, New York x Yearly by N/A

commanding

officer
Columbus, Ohio x N/A N/A
Philadelphia, Pa. x N/A N/A
San Antonio, Texas x N/A N/A
Dallas, Texas N/A N/A N/A
Houston, Texas N/A N/A Positive

Total 10

 

 

 

 

63

in-service, daily ongoing, and the attending of seminars whenever

possible. (See Table 8.)

Assignment Duration

 

Question 33 asked if there was a maximum number of years
that an officer was to work in the sexual-assault unit. Nineteen
(95%) of the 20 departments stated that their departments had no maxi-
mum time an Officer could work in the unit. Memphis, Tennessee, was
the only city that responded that their department did have a limit

but did not elaborate as to the reasons why or the maximum time.

Prevention of Burnout

Question 34 asked how the individual department handled burn-
out in their officers. Fifteen (75%) Of the surveyed departments have
a system whereby Officers are transferred either voluntarily or invol-
untarily when their effectiveness is lost through burnout, incompe-
tence, or whatever might be the reason. Other departments have
flex-time, where officers can adjust their hours to suit the case.
In other areas the supervisors review the cases with the officers and
have general discussions to determine the officer's handling of it.
Only in New Orleans, Louisiana, did the respondents not have "burn-

out" in that department. (See Table 8.)

Uniform Crime Reporting Statistics
Questions 35 through 47 related to the cases that departments
report to the Federal Bureau of Investigation for their yearly Uniform

Crime statistics as to Part One Rapes and Attempted Rapes:

 

64

Table 8.--Existence of ongoing training, whether there is a maximum
number of years for assignment to the unit, and how the
department prevents burnout.

 

Maximum Number

 

 

 

Ongoing . How Do You
Department Training °ftleigikAfiili"Ed ggggggg,
Yes No Yes No

Phoenix, Arizona x x Flex time

San Diego, Calif. x x Supervisors review
cases

San Francisco, Calif. N/A N/A N/A

Denver, Colorado x x Transfers, seminars,
rotate shifts

Jacksonville, Fla. x x Transfers

Miami, Florida x x Transfers

Chicago, Illinois x N/A N/A

Indianapolis, Ind. x x Discussions

New Orleans, La. x x Don't have burnout

Baltimore, Md. x x Transfers or retire

Detroit, Mich. x x N/A

Kansas City, Mo. N/A x N/A

St. Louis, Mo. x x Has not had any

New York, New York x x Training sessions

Columbus, Ohio x x N/A

Philadelphia, Pa. x x N/A

San Antonio, Texas x x Transfers

Dallas, Texas N/A x N/A

Houston, Texas x N/A Rotated by request
after six months

Memphis, Tenn. N/A x Transfers

Total 12 4 l 16

 

 

 

 

 

65

 

a. Rape by Force--Sexual intercourse with an unwilling
female by force or threat of force.

b. Attempts to Commit Forcible Rape--Any attempt to force

to have sexual intercourse with an unwilling female by
force or threat of force.

The intent of Questions 35 through 47 was to act as a measur-
ing factor to determine if there has been a change in the rate of
specific areas such as clearance rate, relationship of victim to perpe-
trator, and substantiated offenses, that would be considered measure-
ments of effectiveness. For example, if the clearance rate increases
it may generally be assumed that the police are doing an effective

job. (See Table 9.)

Unfounding a report of forcible rape.--On1y nine or 45% of

 

the surveyed cities replied that their jurisdiction had guidelines
under which their department would unfound a rape. The Uniform Crime
Report guidelines state that an offense can be unfounded if "the

' The

investigation shows no offense occurred nor was attempted."
overwhelming majority of the respondents claimed to adhere to UCR
guidelines by not unfounding reports for lack of victim cooperation,
for too much time between the offense and initial police report, and
if the victim refused to submit to a polygraph examination.

Guidelines for clearance rates.--The respondents were first

 

asked to indicate if their respective departments had procedures for
clearance of rape cases. Ten (50%) of the departments had guidelines,
many of which followed UCR procedures. The agencies were also asked

about the circumstances which their departments required for clearance

 

21bid., p. 17.

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68

of the charge of forcible rape. Six of the respondents said an
Egggst would be sufficient. (See Table 9.) Identification of the
offender was the most frequent clearance aid, followed by confession
of the offender, and other circumstances as the victim knowing the
perpetrator, physical evidence, or lack of prosecution.

In addition, six respondents (30%) stated that they had no
guidelines for rape clearance, and in three of those instances deter-
mined that an arrest was sufficient for a clearance, followed by
victim identification of the offender and confession (Table 9).

Total number of rapes.--Questions 35 through 38 inquired about
the number of rapes, number of rapes substantiated, the number of
rapes cleared, and the relationship to the victim of the perpetrator.
The general trend in the years 1978 through 1980 was to have a yearly
increase in reported and substantiated rapes. (See Table 9.) However,
few departments maintain statistics on relationship of the victim to
the perpetrator. Only San Francisco, California; Indianapolis,
Indiana; and Detroit, Michigan, maintain such records.

Total number of rgpes cleared.--Question 38 inquired about the

 

number of rapes cleared in the years 1978 through 1980. Of the 17
departments providing these statistics, many showed an increase in
the second year that was followed by a decrease in the third year.
(See Tables 9 and 10.)

Twelve or 60% of the 20 responding cities reported that during
the period of 1978 through 1980 their city's rape-reporting increased
an average of less than 2%. Cities such as New York, Detroit, Phila-

delphia, St. Louis, Houston, Baltimore, and Indianapolis reported a

69

rise the second year and a decline the third year, which goes against

the present national trend. (See Table 9.) Twelve of the 20 respond-

ing departments also maintained records on their city's substantiated

rapes. The figures for the substantiated rapes closely coincide with

the reported rapes for the same period. Major cities such as New

York, Philadelphia, New Orleans, Kansas City, and Houston maintain no

records on the number of substantiated rapes for their cities. §
Along with the increase in the second year in both rapes (_

reported and substantiated, the number cleared maintained the same

pattern. The second year saw a mild increase in the number of cases

cleared; however, what has to be taken into consideration is the fact

that there were more rapes reported and substantiated. Eighteen of

the 20 surveyed departments responded to this inquiry; the two depart-

ments not maintaining these records were New Orleans and Columbus,

Ohio. According to the data submitted, none of the surveyed depart-

ments maintained information on the:

a. relationship of the persons in the substantiated offenses
cleared by the police

b. total number of offenses where a warrant was issued, and
the relationship of the persons

c. total number of warrant cases in which the accused was
found guilty, and the relationship of the persons

d. total number of situations in which the guilty party was
sentenced to some type of incarceration, and the relation-
ship Of the persons

Question 43 asked if the particular agency had written guide-

lines for unfounding a report of forcible rape. Nine (45%) of the 20

responding stated yes; ll(55%)responded that their departments had

70

 

 

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72

no particular guidelines for unfounding forcible rape reports. Those
departments responding (yes) adhere to FBI guidelines (Table 10).

In response to Question 44, which asked for the percentage of
victims who report a rape and withdraw their cooperation between the
time of the offense and the trial, none of the departments maintain
statistics on that question.

Question 47 asked what circumstances are required for clear-
ance of a forcible rape Offense in their particular agency. The
responding departments listed in order of importance (a) victim iden-
tification of the offender, (b) arrest of the perpetrator, (c) confes-

sion by the Offender, and (d) physical evidence (Table 10).

Content Analysis of Additional Materials

 

The materials sent to the researcher on police training in
sexual-assault cases was extremely limited. In fact, only 6 (30%)
of the 20 surveyed departments submitted various additional materials
concerning the question. The cities that did respond had well-
organized training programs that covered essentially the same areas
of sexual assault. Of the six departments, all had mandatory formal-
ized training programs with standardized procedures for selection to
work in the sex-crime units.

The most unique department in terms of training is Kansas
City, Missouri, where the number of hours training required in sex-
crime-related cases is 480 as compared with an average of 19.5 hours

for the remaining five cities.

73

The majority of the materials sent to the researcher were
very similar. In fact, the information received from Memphis,
Tennessee; Kansas City, Missouri; San Diego, California, and New
York City could have been interchangeable among departments. The
two-judge panel, upon reviewing the same materials, concurred with

the writer's analysis.

Summar

These findings represent national statistics gathered to
describe circumstances surrounding rape and the involvement of law
enforcement personnel in its investigation, prevention, and solution.

The ability of a police agency to properly investigate
sexual-assault cases depends on the level of training its Officers
receive. Some departments have developed extensive training programs
while others have not. In addition, in most jurisdictions, counsel-
ing centers and a definite plan of action for victim services presently
exist. As indicated by the survey data, legislation and funding are
usually at a local or private level, with the primary responsibility
relegated to the respective departments.

The major area of consistency is the lack of adequate records
maintained on the relationship of the victim to the perpetrator, the

classification of cases, and clearance rate and procedure of cases.

CHAPTER V
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Introduction

"Until recently the crime of forcible rape and its consequences
for the victim had received little attention. But with the growing
anxiety about all forms of violence in our society, the rising inci-
dence of rape has emerged as a problem of national dimensions."1
There is an increasing amount of money and research devoted today for
the training of public law enforcement personnel. As witnessed above,
the increasing crime rate has placed a great burden on law enforcement
personnel. Additionally, with public interest in the crime of rape
increasing, many cities have taken the initiative and improved their
already existing training programs or implemented new ones where none
existed.

The crime of rape should be precipitated by a "systematic"
approach and response by the local law enforcement personnel.2 There
should be put into motion a series of activities from within the unit
or department that are well rehearsed and professional in approach,

and expedient. In addition, the officers should be tactful, able to

collect good evidence and gain the confidence of the victim. More

 

1National Institute of Law Enforcement and Criminal Justice,
"Rape and Its Victim: A Prescriptive Package," p. 2.

21bid.

74

75

so than in any other crime, the investigation of rape cases should
center on the victim and his/her needs. Instead, as indicated in the
study, the questionnaire produced a proliferation of narrowly focused
efforts. Primarily with the establishment of special sexual-assault
investigative units for a particular department as a possible response
to outside group pressures or for whatever the reason, there is no
standardization or unification of efforts in an attempt to eradicate
the problems of rape.

As evidenced in the study, police departments vary widely in
a number of different areas that are critical to the victim's recovery
and the solving of the case. Although these variations are often a
matter of jurisdictional preference, the staffing, training, and
response to the crime should be consistent. As indicated in Chapter I,
research studies with rape victims indicate that some women find police
attitudes of cynicism, contempt, and disbelief and suspicion to be more
common than sympathy. The problem of ill-prepared personnel has
caused many departments to establish training programs within their
departments. In view of the above, this study was undertaken to deter-
mine what the various departments have in the training of their person-
nel. The 27 most populous cities in the United States were surveyed;

20 responded.

Conclusions

 

The major conclusions resulting from the findings in this

study are as follows:

76

1. Of the 20 responding cities, the total strength of all
the departments was 82,667, which was 33% of the total population.

The total white police population of the surveyed departments is
63,775, which is 77% of the strength. The total black, Spanish, and
other populations are 14,243 (17%), 4,064 (5%), and 558 (1%), respec-
tively. One may conclude from these data that an overwhelming majority
of the police personnel are white, with blacks, Spanish, and unknown
others in that order.

2. Of the 20 responding departments, 9 (95%) have a unit that
specializes in sexual-assault investigation. It may be concluded that
many departments are concerned about sexual-assault investigations
and have implemented units for investigation to remedy the ever-
growing problem.

3. Based on the data supplied to the writer, of the total of
84,039 personnel assigned to the police departments in the surveyed
cities, 381 are assigned to a sexual—assault unit. Three hundred
eight of those are white, 64 are black, 9 are Spanish, and no others.
Of the 308 whites, 110 (35%) are white females; the remaining 198
(65%) are white males. The conclusion drawn here is that the majority
of the personnel assigned to the sexual-assault units in the surveyed
cities are white males.

4. With regard to Question 24, which asked for the work
schedule of the specialized units, it was found that only as a result
of the increased reported rapes from 1978, 1979, and 1980, and the

reasonable belief that rape has no specific time of occurrenct, it

77

can be concluded that rape-investigation units should remain open on
a 24-hour daily basis.

5. Question 27 attempted to determine the respective depart-
ments' priorities in terms of the victim's immediate care. Nineteen
of the surveyed departments responded that their city had a crisis
center. Inasmuch as the overwhelming majority of the cities do have
crisis centers, one can conclude that the area of victim assistance
is one of concern to the cities and departments.

6. In the area of substantiated rapes, the relationship of
the perpetrator to the victim, the number of cases cleared, the num-
ber of perpetrators that plead guilty, the withdrawal of complaints,
and those unfounded for various reasons, the conclusion was made that
the major departments in the United States do not maintain statistics
in the above-listed areas.

7. Question 5 asked if the surveyed department had a unit
that specialized in sexual-assault investigations. Eighteen (90%)
of the 20 responding departments stated their department did, although
in Chicago, Illinois, and Dallas, Texas, officers at times were assigned
other investigations. The researcher concluded that the overwhelming
majority of the surveyed departments have established units that
specialize in sexual-assault investigations.

8. Question 12 requested information on the number of hours
of training required for the personnel assigned to the sexual-assault
unit. According to the data from 14 (70%) responding departments,
the scheduled training ranged from on-the-job training (OJT) in

Miami, Florida, and Indianapolis, Indiana, to 480 hours in Kansas

78

City, Missouri. The conclusion to be drawn here is that there is a
great disparity in the required training of sexual-assault inves-
tigators in the surveyed cities.

10. Question 29 requested information on how the victim
evaluated the trained and untrained officer in the handling of her
case. Four (20%) of the twenty surveyed departments responded to
this question, stating that the victim would usually respond with more
information and praise of the handling of the case to the trained
officer. Based on the data of the respondents, one could conclude
that the trained officer is more effective in the handling of sexual-
assault investigations. However, because of the limited number of
responses to this inquiry, one could also conclude that the depart-
ments that did not answer this question do not have evaluation pro-

cedures established in their departments for such a question.

Recommendations

 

The following recommendations are suggested, based on a
review of the literature, the returned questionnaires, and analysis
of the materials.

1. Based on the data reported in the study relative to the
work schedule of the sexual-assault units, and the fact that rape
statistics have steadily increased in the past three years, and
third, that rape has no specific time of occurrence, all of the sur-
veyed departments should maintain units that remain open on a 24-hour
basis.

2. As a result of the data in the study indicating that

there is a wide diversity in the types and length of training, it is

79

recommended that all patrol officers should receive minimal mandatory
training in the handling of rape cases.

3. Based on the number of minorities in the general popula-
tion and in the total staffing of police departments in the surveyed
cities, departments, and sexual-assault units, it is recommended that
sex and race be taken into consideration for staffing of sexual-
assault units.

4. As a result of the responding data and literature in which
19 of the 20 departments acknowledged that their city did have a
crisis center, but did not include this information within their
training programs, it is recommended that all information on crisis
intervention be included within the police officer training.

5. Based on the data supplied in response to Questions 35
through 47, a quality-control system should be established to monitor
the work of the unit. This is to ascertain whether the members are
adhering to regular departmental procedures, and to make recommenda-
tions when discrepancies or irregularities are uncovered.

6. This study revealed that there is no determined plan for
the length and quality of training in the majority of the surveyed
departments. This problem could be remedied with a sharing of infor-
mation between the cities and departments.

7. As revealed in the study, the various departments have
many different standards on the handling of officers in "burnout"
situations. To establish a better atmosphere not only for the vic-
tims but for the police officers as well, all cities should have

strict guidelines to adhere to in "burnout" situations.

80

8. Under program evaluation in Chapter IV of this study,
it was revealed that only 6 of the responding 20 departments have
evaluations of their training programs. Without a doubt such an
evaluation of these programs must be implemented to test the effec-

tiveness of the units.

Implications for Future Research

This study was successful in exploring the status of training
programs of police departments in cities with populations over 500,000
in the United States. After reviewing Chapter II and the findings of
this study, a number of questions were raised that point out the need
for further investigation. These are:

1. Effort is needed to update and increase training litera-
ture on criminal sexual conduct.

2. An in-depth look into the training program of cities with
smaller populations, possibly with 100,000, to determine the extent
of their problems.

3. There is a need to determine the best source of funding
for the implementation and training in sex-crime units.

4. There is a need to determine if the police should become
involved in the other problem of the victim that are a product of
rape, such as transportation to hospitals, police stations, and
court.

5. There is a need to evaluate the need for broadening the
police investigator's knowledge of the effects of the crime of rape

on the relatives and friends of the victims.

81

6. There is a need to define clearly to the victim and to
the public the reality of rape and its consequences.

7. Further study should be made into the effects of the rape
on the criminal-sexual-conduct investigator.

8. We know that there is a wide disparity in training;
efforts in the future will be required to determine to what extent

training is helpful in rape situations.

 

APPENDICES

82

 

APPENDIX A

ORIGINAL QUESTIONNAIRE

83

APPENDIX A

Regarding Training in the Handling of Sexual-Assault Cases

This questionnaire is regarding the evaluation of police structures
and procedures in the investigation of sexual-assault cases in United
States cities with a population of more than 500,000. Please circle
or check the appropriate response in question, and feel free to com-
ment where appropriate.

1.
2.

What is the total population of your city?

What is the racial composition of your city?

a. total number of whites

b. total number of blacks

c. total number of Spanish
d. total others

 

What is the total strength of your department?

What is the racial composition of your department?

a. total number of whites male female
b. total number of blacks male female
c. total number of Spanish male female

d. total others

 

DO you have a unit/section that specializes in sexual-assault
investigations? Yes No

What is the racial composition of the personnel assigned to
that unit?

 

a. total number of whites male female
b. total number of blacks male female
c. total number of Spanish male female

d. total others

 

Could you list a rank structure of your department?
(ex. captain, lieutenant, sergeant, etc.)

What is the rank structure of the personnel assigned to the
sexual-assault squad?

a. police officers____ma1e female___ black white Spanish___

sergeant___ male femETE;___black whitE—' Spahi§h____

b.
c. 1ieutenant___ maTE:;__female____blaEE:;__whitE:;__Spanish____
d. other_ male_ female_ black_ white__ Spanish—

84

 

10.
11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

85

What is the amount of job experience of the personnel assigned
to the unit?

Median times in years:
white black Spanish male female

If there is a formalized program, could you supply me with a copy?
Who developed the program and when?

If there is training, how many hours do your officers receive
within this program?

Is the training mandatory or voluntary?
mandatory voluntary

How is this training funded?
private city state LEEP other

 

(explain)

What specific areas of sex crimes or rape investigation are
covered? Explain:

What percentage of the class involves the following areas?

a. crisis intervention

b. investigative techniques

c. victimology

d. psychology of the victim or defendant
e. other

What is the length of training?

a. crisis intervention

b. investigative techniques

c. victimology

d. psychology of the victim or defendant
e. other

What are the criteria used for evaluating the officers in the
program? Explain:

What is the criterion used for selection to work in this unit?

a. seniority
b. education

c. sex
d. race
e. other (explain)

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.

86

Who evaluates in the program? How?

a. examination

b. trainer

c. classroom (self and peer evaluation)
d. none

e. other

Who presents the program?

a. civilians police others
b. What are the educational levels?
high school AA BA MA other

c. What is their police experience? Years

What kinds of presentations are used?

lecture

discussion

film

role playing

other (please specify)

(DQOU'D’

What are some of the specific training areas covered?

a. crisis intervention

b. investigative techniques

c. victimology

d. psychology of the victim or defendant
e. other

What is the work schedule of your unit?

officers on duty 24 hours

officers on duty 16 hours, on call 8 hours
officers on duty 8 hours, on call 16 hours
officers on duty 8 hours, not on call at all
other (please explain)

mQOU'Ql

Are these officers specialized in sexual-assault investigations?
a. specialized other assignments (explain)

 

 

b. amount of time on other details

 

Is there a Sexual-Assault Crisis Center located in your city?
yes no
Are assault victims taken to this crisis center, to a hospital,

or to the police department? Please specify procedure on this.
List in order according to your department.

A. B. C.

 

 

28.

29.

30.

31.

32.

33.

34.

35.

87

Has the training proved beneficial to your department? In what
way? How is this evaluated?

How has the response of the victim dealt with by a trained officer
differed from those dealt with by an untrained officer?

trained untrained

 

 

Comments:

How have the victims evaluated the crisis situations handled by
a trained officer?

Is there a process by which the officers can evaluate the effec-
tiveness of the unit and themselves? yes no

Explain:

Is there any ongoing training or a follow-up for the participating
officers? yes no

Explain:

Is there a maximum number of years set to work in this specialized
area? yes no

Explain:

How do you prevent burnout in sex-crime investigation in your
officers?

Classification Methods:

 

In order to better understand the nature of forcible rape in your
jurisdiction and how you classify your statistics, we need to have
information relating to the definitions and classifications you
use for recording rape cases.

The F.B.I. Uniform Crime Report defines forcible rape as "the
carnal knowledge of a female forcibly and against her will.
Assaults or attempts to commit forcible rape by force or threat

of force are also included; however, statutory rape (without force)
and other sex offenses are not included in this category."

35.

36.

37.

38.

39.

40.

41.

42.

43.

44.

Stranger

88

(continued)

The following questions relate to the cases that your department
reported to the F.B.I. for their yearly Uniform Crime statistics
as to Part I Rapes and Attempt Rapes.

1. How many sexual assaults were reported to your department
in the years:

1978 1979 1980 ?

How many of those reported offenses were substantiated in
1978 1979 1980 ?

How many of the sexual assaults were of the following variety?
stranger acquaintance related

How many of the substantiated offenses were cleared in
1978 1979 1980 ?

How many of the substantiated offenses cleared by the police were
stranger acquaintance related ?

What is the total number of offenses where a warrant was issued
and the persons were
strangers acquaintance related ?

What is the total number of warrant cases in which the accused
was found or plead guilty in which the persons were
strangers acquaintance related ?

What is the total number of situations in which the guilty party
was sentenced to some type of incarceration in which the parties were
strangers acquaintance related

Does your agency have written guidelines for unfounding a report of
forcible rape?

yes (please enclose a copy} no

 

Using the Chart below, approximately what percentage of victims
who report a rape withdraw their cooperation between the

TIME INTERVALS

Offense Initial Investigative Arrest of War. Trial/Plea
Occurs Report to Follow-Up Assailant 155. Date
Police

 

 

 

 

Acquainted

 

 

Related

 

 

 

 

45.

46.

47.

89

Under which of the following circumstances would your department
UNFOUND a report of forcible rape?

Lack of victim cooperation between time of initial report to police
and before investigative follow-up: yes no

Lack of victim cooperation after investigative follow-up:
yes no

Too much time between offense and initial report to police
yes (What is generally considered to be "too much time"?)
no

Offense automatically unfounded if not cleared after a specified
length of time

yes (What is the specified length of time? )

no

 

 

Victim refuses to submit to polygraph examination. yes
no other (please specify): ... etc.

 

Does your agency have written guidelines for clearance of rape
offenses? yes (Please enclose a copy) no

0f the following circumstances, which are required for clearance
of forcible rape offenses in your agency?

a. arrest

b. victim identification of offender

c. confession by offender

d. confession confirmed by polygraph

e. similar modus operandi

f. offense automatically cleared after a specified length of
time (What is that specified length of time?

9. other (explain)

In above question, if answer is a combination of more than
one, circle all those included.

APPENDIX B

LETTER TO AGENCY FROM RESEARCHER

90

 

APPENDIX B

Enclosed is a survey questionnaire regarding the evaluation of
police structures and procedures in the handling of sexual-assault
cases in the United States with a population of more than 500,000.

Ideally it should be filled out by the personnel who are either
in charge of or who would normally be assigned to handle complaints of
forcible rape made to your agency. I realize that completing this
questionnaire will take a good deal of time, and I sincerely appreciate
your cooperation.

Upon completion it is hoped that this study will be the landmark
work in the area of rape investigation and specialization. Thus, the
participation of your agency is important. If any questions should
arise, please contact me at the below-listed address.

I look forward to having you return my questionnaire by June 15,

1981.

Sincerely yours,

Isaiah McKinnon
Inspector
Detroit Police Department

7140 W. Fort
Detroit, Michigan (1-313-224-4040)

Copy of survey will be sent to your Department.

91

 

 

APPENDIX C

LETTER FROM EXECUTIVE DEPUTY CHIEF JAMES BANNON

92

APPENDIX C

Department of Police Coleman A. Young, Mayor
Detroit, Michigan 48226 City of Detroit

May 18, 1981

The attached survey is being sent to your department as part of
a research project being directed by Inspector Isaiah McKinnon, of
the Detroit Police Department.

The value and success of this study is directly related to the
thorough and accurate responses of the police agencies contacted.

I urge you, as one police official interested in the sharing
of knowledge and common goals, to make every effort to return the
survey questionnaire as soon as possible.

Thank you for your cooperation.

Sincerely,

James Bannon
Executive Deputy Chief

93

APPENDIX D

LIST OF 27 CITIES WITH POPULATIONS OF 500,000 OR MORE

94

 

APPENDIX D

New York, New York

Los Angeles, California
Chicago, Illinois
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
Detroit, Michigan

San Francisco, California
Boston, Massachusetts
Washington, D.C.
Cleveland, Ohio

St. Louis, Missouri
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania
Houston, Texas
Baltimore, Maryland
Dallas, Texas

Milwaukee, Wisconsin
Seattle, Washington
Miami, Florida

San Diego, California
Kansas City, Missouri
Denver, Colorado

New Orleans, Louisiana
Phoenix, Arizona
Indianapolis, Indiana
Columbus, Ohio

San Antonio, Texas
Memphis, Tennessee
Jacksonville, Florida

95

 

 

 

 

APPENDIX E

LETTER TO NONRESPONDING DEPARTMENTS

 

96

APPENDIX E

As of this date, the questionnaire regarding TRAINING IN HANDLING
OF SEXUAL ASSAULTS that was sent to you earlier has not been received.
Our research is continuing, and we would still like very much to have
your department included in our final sample.

Of the twenty-eight questionnaires sent out, we have received
over twenty returns. Based on the information from these agencies,
it requires approximately one and one-half hours to complete the ques-
tionnaire. I do realize, however, that this is no small demand to
be placing on the already crowded schedules of the law enforcement
personnel. However, let me stress that we are perfectly willing to
accept whatever statistical information you have conveniently avail-

MW...

Isaiah McKinnon

Inspector

Detroit Police Department
1364 Nicolet

Detroit, Michigan 48207

 

97

APPENDIX F

LIST OF CITIES THAT ACTUALLY RESPONDED

98

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.

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C O O O C C C O C O C

uooouowmhwm

APPENDIX F

Phoenix Arizona

San Diego, California

San Francisco, California
Denver, Colorado
Jacksonville, Florida
Miami, Florida

Chicago, Illinois
Indianapolis, Indiana

New Orleans, Louisiana
Baltimore, Maryland
Detroit, Michigan

Kansas City, Missouri

New York, New York
Columbus, Ohio
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
San Antonio, Texas
Dallas, Texas

Houston, Texas

Memphis, Tennessee

St. Louis, Missouri

99

BIBLIOGRAPHY

100

 

 

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Amir, Menachen. Patterns in Forcible Rape. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1971.

Bannon, James, Executive Deputy Chief, Detroit Police Department.
"Law Enforcement Problems With Intra-family Violence." 1979.

Barlow, H. Introduction to Criminology. Chicago: Little, Brown,
and Co., 1978.

Bodden, Dorothy. "Rape: An Assault on Human Dignity." Police Work.
Milwaukee: Police Science Department, Milwaukee Area Technical
College, April 1976.

 

Burgess and Holstrom. Police Interview of the Victim--Rape Crisis
and Recovery. Bowie, Md.: Robert J. Brady Co., 1979.

. Rape: Victims of Crisis. Bowie, Md.: Robert J. Brady
Co., 1975.

Flanigan, Brian. "Weekend Rapist." Detroit Free Press, June 6, 1979.

"Freedom From Rape." Ann Arbor, Michigan: Women's Crisis Center,
1973.

Gager and Schurr. Sexual Assault: Confronting Rape in America. New
York: Grosset and DunTap, 1976.

Medea and Thompson. Against Rape. New York: Farrar, Strauss, and
Giroux, 1972.

 

Martini, Audrey 2. Michigan Criminal Sexual Conduct Statute. 1978.

National Crime Panel. Criminal Victimization Surveys in the Nation's
Five Largest Cities. Washington, D.C.: UTS. Department of
Justice,TInfOrmation and Statistics Service, 1975.

 

 

National Institute of Law Enforcement and Criminal Justice. Forcible
Rape: A National Survey of the Response by Police, Vol. 1.
Washington, D?C.: U.ST‘Department of Justice, LEAA, 1975.

Notman and Nadelson. "The Rape Victim: Psychodynamic Considerations."
American Psychiat§y_l33 (April 1976).

 

101

 

102

Schultz, Gladys Denny. How Many More Victims? Society and Sex
Criminals. New York: 1973.

Stratton, John. "Rape and the Victim: A New Role for Law Enforcement."
1975.

Wertman, Frederic. The Rapist. New York: Harper and Row, 1974.

Panel of Experts in Data Analysis

Ms. Althea Grant, Director, Detroit Police Rape Counseling Center,
holds a B.A. and an M.A. in Sociology from Wayne State University in
Detroit, Michigan. Ms. Grant has been the Director of the Detroit
Rape Counseling Center for approximately five years.

Lieutenant Audrey Z. Martini is presently the Commanding Officer of
the Detroit Police Sex Crime Unit. Lieutenant Martini is a 14-year
veteran of the department and has a B.A. and an M.A. in Criminal
Justice from Michigan State University.