A STUDY OF THE CAREERS OF AMERICAN COLLEGE AND UNIVERSITY PRESIDENTS Thesis for the Degree of D. B. A. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY MICHAEL RICHARD FERRARI, JR. 1968 Plantain fW-P' -:.4is..:j;nnr--"' I") LIBRA R Y III/W I/ g bv’IiClIIggn 3.31.6 3 12 I - 93 10458 3517 . .. or ,:L Ulti'v \ISlry M - 5-— ... we; _. .p' . a; This is to certify that the . thesis entitled II.A STUDY OF THE CAREERS OF AMERICAN COLLEGE AND UNIVERSITY PRESIDENTS presented by MICHAEL RICHARD FERRARI, JR. has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for D.B.A. dmpeein PERSONNEL-HUMAN RELATIONS [L/ . A [42g]. 4/ Vt‘gx/L/AA/ Date Novembe I 0-169 .3, BINSING BY ‘5 II HUN; a SDNS' . " “”‘LKDINDERY NCI ABSTRACT A STUDY OF THE CAREERS OF AMERICAN COLLEGE AND UNIVERSITY PRESIDENTS BY Michael Richard Ferrari, Jr. Statement of the Problem This study investigates the social origins, educa- tional preparation, career patterns, and some career motiva- tions of the presidents of accredited four-year colleges and universities in the United States. In addition to producing an analysis of the careers of these leaders, the study pro- vides intensive comparisons of the careers of academic pres— idents with the careers of business and government executives. Methodology and Procedures The research was designed to fall within the theoret- idal and methodological framework developed by W. Lloyd Warner and his colleagues through research on vertical occupa- tional mobility among other specific elite occupations (big business leaders and federal executives) in an emergent Amer- ican society. This framework permits examination of those in specific elite occupations and gives insight into the rela- tive fluidity or rigidity of this society in filling key leadership positions with individuals from all occupational and geographical origins. Michael Richard Ferrari, Jr. A twenty-three item questionnaire was mailed to the presidents of 1,118 four-year accredited colleges and univer- sities and yielded a 68 per cent usable return. The 760 presidents in the sample were highly representative of the total population based upon the types, locations, and sizes of institutions. The questionnaire, a modification of the Warner instrument, was the principal means of data collec- tion but was supplemented by written personal statements of career motivations and philosophies of education and a small number of personal interviews. Six major subgroups were established to analyze the questionnaire items: (1) types of institutions, (2) locations of institutions, (3) sizes of institutions, (4) sex of the respondent, (5) multi-institu— tion presidents, and (6) president's tenure in office. Major Findings The fathers of academic presidents came from all occupational levels, although a disproportionately higher number were in professional and executive levels rather than lower level laborer or white collar occupations. While presidents of non-Catholic institutions came primarily from rural areas or small towns, the presidents of Catholic institutions came more frequently from large urban communities. Occupational succession from the presidents' grand- fathers to the fathers was characterized by a general move- ment from the farm to the city and from lower—level business Michael Richard Ferrari, Jr. positions to higher level business and professional posi— tions. Extensive data are given which detail the occupa- tions and education of the parents, grandparents, and wives' fathers. About three-fourths of academic presidents have earned academic doctorates with the most prominent areas of study in the humanities and education. Profiles are pre- sented which show where presidents received their education and their fields of study at each degree level. Nearly all presidents had college teaching experi- ence with a large proportion attaining the rank of professor. Over three-fourths of the presidents moved directly to the presidency at an average age of forty-five from the general field of education. Business and government fields directly supplied only 5 per cent of all presidents. Portions of the presidents' careers as college teachers and academic adminis- trators are closely examined. In a content analysis of over 400 written statements by presidents of why they chose careers in academic adminis— tration, six major interrelated dimensions prevailed: ser- vice orientation; social influences; professional opportuni- ties; personal factors; developmental process; and acciden- tal circumstance. Actual quotations given by presidents show the importance of these dimensions. Descriptive career profiles are given for presidents of different types of institutions as well as the composite Michael Richard Ferrari, Jr. profile used in comparing the careers of academic, business, and government leaders. The study provides additional evidence that in the higher education elite the society is not rigid nor closed to those of lower occupational origins, a conclusion simi- larly reached in the business and government leader re— searches. A STUDY OF THE CAREERS OF AMERICAN COLLEGE AND UNIVERSITY PRESIDENTS BY Michael Richard Ferrari, Jr. A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION Department of Management 1968 C: Copyright by MICHAEL RICHARD FERRARI, JR. 1969 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This research has benefitted from the assistance and encouragement of a number of people. Without these valuable contributions the study most certainly could not have been conducted. Special gratitude is extended to the Michigan State University faculty members who contributed to various aspects of the research design, study, and writing. Invalu— able criticism and recommendations have been given by: Professor W. Lloyd Warner, University Professor of Social Research; Dr. Dalton McFarland, Professor and Chairman of the Management Department; Dr. Edward Blackman, Professor of Education; Dr. Floyd Reeves, Distinguished Professor of Edu- cation; and Dr. Stanley Stark, Professor of Management. In particular, I am greatly indebted to Professor Warner who not only provided through his distinguished career, the theory and methodology adapted to the present study, but whose life of scholarship, intellectual curiosity, and genuine concern for others has served as an inspiration to those having the good fortune of working with him and learning from him. I count myself among those who have had such good fortune. Professor Warner also made this study possible by a generous fellowship through the Ford Founda— tion. Dr. McFarland has steadily given encouragement and assistance throughout the entire project and his help has been greatly appreciated. My friends who are fellow members of Professor Warner's research assistant team are also thanked for their collaboration: Mrs. Carolyn McManaman, Mr. Morey Villareal, and Miss Priscilla Overman. Finally, I owe a very Special gratitude to my wife, Janice, who gave the necessary encouragement, patience, and sense of humor that made the research more fun than work. ***** ii Chapter I. II. III. IV. V. TABLE OF CONTENTS THE PROBLEM . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Need for the Study . . . . . . . . . . . Purposes of the Study . . . . . . . . Theoretical Framework for the Study . . . Overview of the Study . . . . . . . . . . REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE AND RESEARCH HYPOTHESES O O O O O C O C I O O O O O 0 Historical Perspective to the Non- Research Writings of the Academic President . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Research Studies of the Academic President . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Research Studies of the Big Business Leaders and Federal Executives . . . . Discussion of the Research Hypotheses . . RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY . . . . . . Definition of the Population and Sample . Methods of Data Collection . . . . . . . Returns of the Questionnaire Mailings . Procedures for Analysis of Questionnaire Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . OCCUPATIONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL ORIGINS OF ACADEMIC PRESIDENTS . . . . . . . . . . . Occupational Origins . . . . . . . . . . Geographical Origins . . . . . . . . . . Urban and Rural Origins . . . . . . . Summary and Conclusions . . . . . . . . . INFLUENCES OF THE FAMILY . . . . . . . . . Occupations of the Paternal Grandfathers Occupations of the Maternal Grandfathers iii 15 28 31 38 45 45 50 54 56 63 65 65 89 98 103 107 108 116 Chapter Page Education of the Father and Mother . . . . 118 Wives of Academic Presidents . . . . . . . 121 Summary and Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . 125 VI. EDUCATION OF THE ACADEMIC PRESIDENTS . . . . 128 Extent of Higher Education Received . . . . 129 Programs of Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137 Institutions Where Education Was Received . 144 Major Universities Where Doctorates Received . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 Presidents Who Are A1 mni of Their Present Institutions . . . . . . . . . . 156 Summary and Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . 158 VII. CAREER PATTERNS OF ACADEMIC PRESIDENTS . . . 161 Career Patterns of All Presidents . . . . . 163 Career Patterns for Types of Presidents . . 167 Tenures in Office . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175 Some Crucial Avenues to the Presidency . . 182 Extent of Association with Other Colleges . 206 Administrative Experiences Prior to the Presidency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 208 Multi-Institution Presidents . . . . . . . 210 Summary and Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . 213 VIII. CAREER MOTIVATIONS OF ACADEMIC PRESIDENTS . . 218 A Perspective for Studying Career Motivations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218 Alternative Careers Considered by Presidents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225 Academic Presidents Express Their Career Motivations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228 Discussion and Summary . . . . . . . . . . 246 The Academic President As Scholar, Administrator, and Businessman . . . . . 250 IX. A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE CAREERS OF ACADEMIC PRESIDENTS, BIG BUSINESS LEADERS, AND FEDERAL EXECUTIVES . . . . . . 254 Occupational Origins . . . . . . . . . . . 255 Geographical Origins . . . . . . . . . . . 262 Family Influences . . . . . . . . . . . . . 264 Higher Education Received . . . . . . . . . 266 Career Patterns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 268 Summary and Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . 274 iv Chapter Page X. THE GENERAL SUMMARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . 277 Review of the Research Design . . . . . . . 278 Summary of the Careers of Academic Presidents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 279 Career Profiles of Types of Academic Presidents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 288 Implications of the Findings for the Theory and Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . 299 Need for Future Research . . . . . . . . . 307 A Personal Note . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 310 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 312 APPENDIX A. The Questionnaire and Cover Letter . . . . . 315 B. The Pilot Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 326 C. Academic Presidents' Use of Time and Involvement in Boards of Directors Outside the Institution . . . . . . . . . . 330 D. Supplementary Tables . . . . . . . . . . . . 337 10. ll. 12. 13. LIST OF TABLES Distribution of population by the type of institution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Distribution of population by geographical region . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Distribution of population by student enrollments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Questionnaire returns of the pilot study and two national mailings . . . . . . . . . Distribution of total non-usable question- naires . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Types of institutions represented by presidents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Geographical locations of institutions in the sample 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Student enrollments of the sample institu— t ions 0 O O I 0 O O O O O O O O O O O I O 0 Distribution of male and female academic presidents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Distribution of respondents who have been presidents of other colleges or universities Academic presidents' tenure in present pos itions O O I O O O O O O O O O O O O O O Occupations of the fathers of university presidents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Occupational distribution of the fathers of university presidents and the United States male population for 1940 . . . . . . vi Page 48 49 49 55 55 57 58 59 60 61 62 66 72 Table 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. Ratio of proportion of fathers in occupa- tional group to proportion of occupational group in adult male population in 1940 . . . Occupations of the fathers of liberal arts college presidents, 1968 . . . . . . . . . . Occupational distribution of the fathers of liberal arts college presidents and of the United States male population in 1940 . . . Ratio of proportion of college presidents' fathers in occupational group to the pro- portion of occupational group in adult male population in 1940 . . . . . . . . . . The professions as sources of college and university presidents . . . . . . . . . . . Occupational origins of academic presidents Distribution of 1968 United States-born college and university presidents by region of birth and the 1920 adult census popula- tion by region of residence . . . . . . . . Distribution of United States-born college and university presidents by region of birth and the percentage of four—year colleges and universities by nine census regions . . . . Size of birthplace of university presidents and size of community of residence of the 1920 population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Size of birthplace of liberal arts college presidents and size of community of resi— dence of the 1920 population . . . . . . . . Ratio of size of birthplace of college and university presidents and size of community of residence of 1920 pOpulation . . . . . . Occupations of paternal grandfatehrs and fathers of university presidents . . . . . . Occupations of paternal grandfathers and fathers of liberal arts college presidents . vii Page 73 77 82 83 85 88 93 96 100 101 101 109 112 Table 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. Summary of occupations of paternal grand— fathers and fathers of all academic pres— idents in the sample . . . . . . . . . . . . Occupations of paternal grandfathers and maternal grandfathers of college and university presidents . . . . . . . . . . . Extent of formal education of the parents of college and university presidents . . . . Occupational origins of the non-Catholic institution presidents and their wives . . . Highest academic degrees earned by academic presidents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Highest academic degrees earned by different college and university presidents . . . . . Highest degree earned by male and female presidents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Highest degree earned by the location of the institution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Highest degree earned based upon tenure in Office I O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O Undergraduate programs of study for academic presidents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Master's degree level curricula for academic presidents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doctoral level curricula for academic presidents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Other degrees earned by academic presidents Types of institutions where academic pres— idents received their undergraduate degrees Distribution of college and university presidents by region where bachelor's degree received . . . . . . . . . . . . . . viii Page 113 118 119 122 130 131 134 135 137 138 140 142 143 146 149 Table 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. Types of institutions where university and college presidents received their master's degrees 0 O O O O . O O O C O O O O O O O 0 Types of institutions where university and college presidents received their doctoral degrees 0 I O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O Sixteen universities granting the most academic doctorates to academic presidents . Percentage of presidents who earned an aca— demic degree at their present institution . Career sequence of college and university presidents for a twenty-year period . . . . Career sequence for female academic pres idents O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Average ages when presidents assumed their present positions . . . . . . . . . . . . . Present ages of academic presidents . . . Average number of years in present positions Average number of years the presidents in various regions have held their present pos it ions 0 O O O I I O O O O O O O O O O 0 Percentage of presidents with and without college teaching experience . . . . . . . . Highest faculty rank attained by presidents Total number years college teaching experience . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Academic department affiliations of academic presidents while faculty members . . . . . . Leading academic departments of academic presidents prior to becoming presidents . . Presidents who came to their present posi— tions from within (internally) or without (externally) the institution . . . . . . . . ix Page 150 150 154 157 164 176 178 179 180 181 184 187 188 190 191 197 Table 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. Positions held by academic presidents immediately prior to assuming the presidency Prior educational positions held by pres- idents based upon tenure in office . . . . . Number of colleges that academic presidents have been full-time faculty members or administrators (including their present institutions) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Extent of experiences as full-time educa— tional administrators prior to assuming present position . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Current academic presidents who have pre— sided over another college or university earlier in their careers . . . . . . . . . . Percentage of presidents who considered a career outside education . . . . . . . . . . Alternative careers seriously considered by presidents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Presidents' opinions on the most crucial background eXperience needed in the contemporary academic president . . . . . . Occupational origins of business, govern- ment, and higher education leaders . . . . . Ratio of proportions of fathers of business, government, and academic leaders in occupa- tional group to the proportion of occupa- tional groups in the adult male population . Ratio of proportions of fathers of business, government, academic leaders in professional fields to the proportion of the adult male population in the professions . . . . . . . Ratios of business, government, and academic leaders for region of birth to the residence of the adult population at the time of the leaders' births . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Page 199 204 206 209 211 225 226 251 257 259 260 262 Table 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. Ratio of size of birthplace of business, government, and academic leaders and size of the community of residence of the United States population . . . . . . . . . . Three generations of occupational mobility among business, government, and academic leaders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Top ten universities of business, govern— ment, and academic leaders . . . . . . . . . Career sequence of 1952 business leaders . . Career sequence of 1959 federal executives . Career sequence of 1968 academic presidents Relative rankings of time—consuming actiVities O O O C O O O O O C O O O O O O 0 Average (mean) time spent with persons associated with the institution . . . . . . Percentage of presidents holding board of trustee membership outside the institution . Official titles used by chief administrative officers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Number of honorary doctorates received . . . xi Page 263 265 267 268 269 270 332 334 335 337 337 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure Page 1. Map of the United States divided into nine federal census regions . . . . . . . . . . . 92 xii CHAPTER I THE PROBLEM As colleges and universities have an increasing impact upon American society and the world, there is a grow- ing need to identify and provide for the professional devel— opment of individuals who are qualified to administer the many and diverse institutions of higher education in the United States. The institutions are diverse in philosophy, objectives, size, complexity, form of control and financial endowments, and yet each faces the difficult task of staff- ing its administrative offices with individuals capable of leading and adapting the institution to an ever-changing environment. Our huge public universities are confronted with problems of administering the complex arrangements and great numbers of students and faculty set in vast, physical and technical plants, and from strained relations with state legislatures regarding objectives and budgetary allocations. Our large private universities face similar administrative prdblems and are faced with rapidly rising tuition rates to help defray the costs of educational operations. The public and private liberal arts colleges are virtually fighting for their very survival in an atmosphere of intense competition for capable faculty, students, and administrators, and the necessary funds for successful operation. In each type of institution, competent high-level administrators are essen— tial. Presently, we know relatively little about the men and women who head the nation's 2,200 colleges and univer- sities. What we do know about the college presidents regard- ing their career patterns, roles, personalities, and socio- economic characteristics has come largely from the personal essays, speeches, and memoirs of former presidents. Although there have been empirical investigations of the careers of those who head the Federal government and American big busi- ness, few studies with any degree of scientific sophistica- tion have been directed toward giving greater understanding of the careers of persons who head the important higher educational institutions in American society. Need for the Study Research on the backgrounds, educational preparation, and career patterns of college and university presidents is needed for a number of reasons. First, amidst the obvious growth and effects of higher education in this society, the academic president is the individual charged with resolving a myriad of conflicts within and without the institution. For example, governmental and community relations, institu- tional autonomy, and faculty—student demands for increased roles in significant areas of decision—making such as curric- ulum, experimental programs, policy formulation, and general .—- I . governance of the institution are only a few of the more pressing problems that require and test the leadership of the academic president. There is a need to know more about the careers of men and women who must function at the center of often divergent interests and publics. Second, the study will be of value in learning more about the careers of aca- demic presidents as contrasted with their counterparts in business and government, and will contribute to filling in the gaps in knowledge of occupational mobility among elite positions in American society. It will answer such ques— tions as: What differences and similarities can be noted in the career patterns, prior administrative-academic training and experiences of college and university presidents? What is and has been the extent of their involvement in govern- ment activities and private enterprise? How do the careers of academic presidents compare with the careers of chief administrators in our big businesses and Federal government? What do we know of the occupational and intergenerational mobility of these men and women? Finally, systematic knowl- edge of the social-personal characteristics and career pat- terns of these presidents might assist institutions of higher education forecast and plan for their future administrative needs by becoming more aware of the backgrounds of persons presently in such positions and those likely to be attracted in the years ahead. Iv: Purposes of the Study It is the primary purpose of this study to investi- gate the social origins, professional training, career pat- terns, and some career motivations of the presidents of the accredited, four-year liberal arts colleges and accredited universities in the United States. The research is intended to produce: (1) an accurate analysis of the career patterns, occupational mobility, and social—personal characteristics of these leaders; (2) cross-comparisons of these presidents on the basis of public and types of private universities, and public and types of private liberal arts colleges; and (3) intensive comparisons of the careers of academic pres- idents with the careers of business and government execu- tives. This study examines a number of specific questions that support the primary purpose. First, who are the pres— idents of American colleges and universities? How did they get to these positions? How long did it take to get there? What seem to be the techniques and avenues of mobility? Are persons with certain backgrounds found in one kind of insti— tution rather than another? Second, what are the ages of these men and what do we know about their families? What were the occupational backgrounds of their fathers, paternal grandfathers, maternal grandfathers, and wives' fathers? What were the educational backgrounds of their parents? Where were the presidents and their wives, parents, and grandparents born? Third, where were the presidents edu- cated and what were their fields of interest? Fourth, why did these persons choose the careers they did, eSpecially college and university administration? What other career alternatives were seriously considered and why were the alternatives rejected? Finally, are there pronounced dif- ferences between and among the careers of academic presi- dents themselves and with the careers of business and gov- ernment executives studied by W. Lloyd Warner and his col- leagues using methods similar to the ones used in this research? Theoretical Framework for the Study The study was conceived to fall within the same theoretical and methodological framework which brought forth research on vertical occupational mobility among other spe— cific elites in American society. W. Lloyd Warner and James C. Abegglen developed and operationalized an approach to the scientific inquiry of the business elite, and their theories on occupation and family structure in this society serve as the fundamental underpinnings of the study of academic pres- idents. This particular framework was chosen largely because: (1) it has been extended with much success and has deepened our understanding of other occupational elites such as gov- ernment executives and large farmers and ranchers in America, indicating high potential adaptability; (2) it would allow for many rich comparisons between and among certain key occupational groups; and (3) it would hopefully give addi— tional insights into critical aSpects of occupational mObil- ity in the society at large and would enhance the sociolog- ical knowledge of occupations in the emerging social struc- ture. A brief review of the major theoretical contribu- tions stated by Warner and Abegglen are presented at the outset to provide a perSpective that will permit critical evaluation of the types of questions raised and the findings obtained.1 Pivotal concepts in the theory of occupational mObility are occupatignal succession and the theory of family structure. Occupational succession refers to: . . . the ordered process by which individuals succeed each other in occupations. The study of occupational succession, therefore, consists of examining the cir- culation and movement of personnel through positions, and of determining the regularities and uniformities which have to do with entering, holding, and leaving a given status. . . . More particularly, this investi- gation of occupational succession is concerned with how this society orders and determines which men, through the changing generations of individuals, shall occupy certain occupational statuses. 1Material reviewed in this section has been taken from W. Lloyd Warner and James C. Abegglen, Occupational MObility (Minneapolis: Minnesota Press, 1955), pp. 4—36. 2Ibid., p. 4. The notion of family structure is interrelated with occupa- tional succession as it encompasses the process that ". . . men are born to fathers who are at given occupational levels, they grow to maturity, learn and follow a particular profes- sion in life, marry, sire sons who are reared to maturity and work at their own trades or professions."3 Warner and Abegglen found that the movement or lack of movement among occupations can be measured time-wise by the use of the birth cycle or the unit of time between an individual's own birth and the birth of his child. The occupational movement of fathers and sons can be identified and measured by noting the particular occupational status held by each and the amount of occupational movement between the generations. When such a movement is combined with the age of the partic- ular leader when he achieved his present position, the veloc- ity of movement as well as the direction and amount can be determined. In addition, it is possible to interrelate the occu- pations of different generations through studying the occupa- tion of the wife's father. A study of the wives' social origins helps determine whether: (1) leaders moved into a particular occupational level, whether it be business, gov- ernment, or higher education, by marriage and possibly acquired it without earning it; (2) leaders achieved elite 3Ibid., p. 4. positions and then married a woman at the newly acquired rank; or (3) leaders married either at their level of origin or someone along the way to high position. It is for these reasons that Warner and Abegglen and the present research examine the occupation of the wife's father. In American society, it has long been recognized that occupation, marriage, and descent are interwoven into what has been called a single "status-giving system" and such a phenomenon indicates whether the social system is open, allowing vertical status movement, or closed such as a caste system, or somewhere between. For the earlier studies based on this theory, two major types of persons were found at the elite levels: the birth elite (those born into the particular status level) and the mObile elite (those often born into lower levels who achieved the high positions by movement into it). The theory summarized thus far offers the framework that will be used to study the careers of men found in key academic administrative posi- tions. For example, were they born to high educational positions based upon their father's occupations or if extend- ed another generation back, to the grandfathers' occupations? Did they move into their present positions from other--lower, higher, lateral--occupational levels? Did they marry at the same level, above or below in terms of occupational status? It must be mentioned that Warner and Abegglen were concerned about whether American society was more or less Open in 1952 (when the big business leader study was con- ducted) than from an earlier study by Taussig and Joslyn in 1928.4 The existence of the earlier study gave a valu- able time interval to assess the dynamics of societal fluidity that strengthened the theoretical and methodolog- ical base of occupational succession. In addition, it per- mitted many insights for nearly a century in American busi- ness leadership. There is no earlier, comparable base-line study for the research on the careers of academic presidents that will yield similar comparisons. However, it is assumed that the results of the present study will give further implications for the existing fluidity in this society when seen through another occupational hierarchy. Interrelated propositions dovetailing with the general notion of occupational succession deal with other features related to the mobility of elites. Territorial origins or those geographic regions which tend to "supply" the various numbers of individuals in the occupational group is a central concept in the theory. It was assumed and later substantiated by Warner and Abegglen that the size of a man's birthplace and the region in which he was born play a part in occupational mObility. In addition, it was found that the degree of spatial mobility and circulation of these . 4F. W. Taussig and C. S. Joslyn, American Business Leaders (New Ybrk: Macmillan Company, 1932). 10 men in the course of their careers was important and the corollary that "men who are mobile through social space are also mobile through geographic space" found empirical sup— port. For the purposes of the present research such a frame— work has relevance for the understanding of territorial and geographical mobility of academic presidents. For example, are they representative of certain regions and communities rather than others? Have they moved physically from one place to another and if so, what was the nature of the move- ment? The theory of occupational mobility among elites holds that the amount and kind of education one receives is critically related to successful mobility. Obviously, col- lege and university presidents provide leadership within educational institutions and can be easily assumed to be very well-educated. However, it might be asked whether a particular kind of education at particular institutions is seemingly related to their success and how their entrance into education might be linked to social origins. Mobility as a concept is also important when consid- ering if these men moved up an educational hierarchy or if they had prior positions outside the field of education, e.g., in business, government, farming, or other occupations. This idea has relevance in exploring the whole notion of career patterns as it relates to a theory of occupational succession. That is, how did the presidents move within 11 their own careers? How long did it take to move from the. first full-time position to the presidency? What career routes were formed along the way by such movement? The present study must be viewed as an intensive investigation of occupational mobility into higher educa- tional administrative leadership. It is assumed that mObility into the academic administrative elite is a func- tion of more general social factors. Therefore, the results of the study may be related to occupational mobility in the other occupational hierarchies. It is believed that the research design, found in Chapter III, operationalizes the theoretical framework and will allow comparative analyses. It should be kept in mind that the research does not deal with the specific problem of social class mObility, although it has been recognized as being tied to occupational mobility. In short, selected key features of the theory devel- Oped and tested by warner and Abegglen have been adapted to the study of academic presidents in a way that will: (1) shed light on the presidents as an occupational elite them- selves; (2) permit comparisons with other elite groups; and (3) contribute to the theory of occupational mobility in the ever-changing, emerging social system of American society. Overview of the Study In this chapter, consideration has been focused upon the need, purposes, and theoretical framework for the study 12 of the social origins and career patterns of academic pres- idents. In Chapter II, literature pertinent to the study is reviewed and related to the research hypotheses. The research design will be presented in Chapter III, including a discussion of the selected methodology and instrumentation that operationalizes the theory. The results of the research are found in Chapters IV through VIII, and the findings have been ordered in a manner to allow comparisons between and among the different types of university and college pres- idents. In Chapter IV, descriptive profiles of the occupa- tional and geographical origins and regional-community back— grounds of academic presidents are given. The focus of Chapter V is on the potential influences that others in the family have had on their careers. Chapter VI builds upon their social origins and family influences by examining the extent and nature of their formal undergraduate and graduate education. In Chapter VII an analysis is set forth that delineates the basic career patterns of the presidents of American colleges and universities in the study sample. In Chapter VIII, attention is directed toward an understanding of some of the personal and professional motivations that seemed to be important factors in the careers of these indi- viduals. Intensive comparisons of the social origins, edu- cation, and career patterns of academic presidents, govern- ment executives and big business leaders is highlighted in Chapter IX. Chapter X, the final chapter, summarizes and 13 discusses the results of the research and its relation to the general theory of occupational mObility in American society. Descriptive career profiles of academic presidents who head particular types of institutions are also given. The chapter concludes with suggestions for future research that might extend the knowledge of academic presidents' careers and other key positions in the United States. A review of the relevant literature for the research and discussion of the major research hypotheses that are rooted in the theory and prompted by the literature review itself are presented in Chapter II. CHAPTER II REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE AND RESEARCH HYPOTHESES There are at least three types of materials that appear most pertinent in the literature review for this study. First, most writings of the social and educational backgrounds, personal qualities, careers, and the general development of the academic president are in the form of memoirs, speeches, historical accounts, essays, biographies, and collections of observations, evaluations, and recommenda- tions that have been written primarily by college and univer— sity presidents. Such publications are generally well done, and they offer a number of insights from different perspec- tives into the careers of educational administrators. Second, a few recent publications provide a more systematic, research analysis of various aSpects of the role, selection process, or careers of selected groups of college presidents. Third, knowledge of W. Lloyd Warner's findings in the busi- ness and government executive researches are essential for the comparative study of occupational mobility among elites. In short, all three dimensions will be examined: (1) the 14 15 "non-research" writings, (2) the "research" studies, and (3) the career profiles of business and government execu— tives. Historical Perspective to the Non-Research Writings on the Academic President It is virtually impossible to review meaningfully the essays and general writings related to the career and role of the contemporary college president without having some frame of reference within American higher education. With this in mind, the review of the non-research literature has been placed within an historical perSpective beginning with the president in the colonial college through present times. The Academic President in the Colonial College From the founding of Harvard College in 1636 to the eve of the American Revolution, the colonies brought forth a total of nine colleges, largely patterned after England's Oxford and Cambridge.1 The general image of the colonial college was a small, religious-oriented institution shaped by and intended to serve the more aristocratic elements of lHarvard was joined by William and Mary in 1693, Yale in 1701, Pennsylvania in 1740, Princeton in 1746, Columbia in 1754, Brown in 1764, Rutgers in 1766, and Dartmouth in 1769. 16 colonial society.2 It had been estimated that in 1776, there were only 3,000 living graduates of the American colleges.3 The position and title of the American college pres- idency began with Henry Dunster at Harvard in 1640.4 Other titles had their beginnings in the colonial colleges as well, e.g., Yale had a rector for nearly fifty years and Penn had a provost. The title chancellor was adopted later by a num— ber of private institutions and is still widely used to identify a college or university's chief administrative officer.5 The growth of the college presidency was spurred by two main factors according to Ralph Prator: In colonial times, the control of colleges increasingly fell to a board of men chosen from outside the profes- sorate, an idea taken from the Scots. It meant, how- ever, that the board was forced to rely heavily on the president to assume executive-type responsibilities. The board's authority came to be essentially centered in the presidential office; and Also in colonial times, the teaching staff members were seldom permanent and had little professional cohesive- ness. Often, the president was one of few permanent 2Frederick Rudolph, The American College and Univer- sity: A History (New York: Vintage Books, 1965), p. 18. 31bid., p. 22. 4Charles F. Thwing, The College President (New York: The MacMillan Company, 1926), pp. 1-2. 5For a more detailed discussion of the European origins of the titles, see Charles F. Thwing, ibid., pp. 4-9. 17 members of a college staff. The only secure and sustained professional office in American collegiate education was that of the college president himself. George Schmidt maintains that the office of the pres- ident is uniquely American, even though it was modeled on English precedents: . . . the president was a more important figure than the presidents or principals of the colleges of Oxford and Cambridge, who though their powers were eXpanding, were primarily the senior fellows; and his functions were much broader and more varied than those of the rectors and Chancellors of the large European univer- sities. Schmidt goes on to say that ". . . the most important indi- vidual in the early college was the president. He was the leader of a comparatively uncomplicated institution." In fact, many early colleges were often portrayed as "length- ened shadows of the president."8 The colonial college president has been pictured in the literature as rather autocratic and often despotic in his leadership style, and as patriarch as well as chief administrator in his purpose. The most essential qualifica- tions for the early president included: (1) he must be a clergyman, (2) he must be an excellent speaker, and (3) he must be able to raise money and direct the administration of 6Ralph Prator, The College President (Washington, D.C.: The Center for Applied Research in Education, Inc., 1963), p. 9. 7George P. Schmidt, The Liberal Arts College (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1957), pp. 103-104. 81bid., p. 103. 18 the college.9 Schmidt found that there was not a single lay president in the entire colonial period, i.e., they were all ordained ministers.10 And, later writings had indicated that only a few non-clergymen were selected for the academic presidency well into the nineteenth century. The early president was indeed more concerned with teaching--he himself taught subjects usually oriented to Christianity--rather than research. With a relatively youth- ful college population, he was also more involved in the development of a student's character.11 The Academic President: 1776 to 1900 The stable, quiet, passive era of the colonial college gave way to the exciting and dynamic social, economic, and political changes in America following the Revolutionary War. The climate of America which included the cultivating of a national pride and a more critical appraisal of how valuable a staid group of "gentlemen-scholars" would be in creating cities out of the wilderness, forced reform and reaction to the traditional, classical college curriculum. In 1780, there were only nine colleges, but at the outbreak of the Civil War, the country had a total of 182 colleges-- 9Prator, The College President, p. 6. 10As reported in Prator's The College President, p. 6. llPrator, The College President, p. 7. 19 while over 400 institutions opened and failed during this period.12 In the last half of the nineteenth century, however, there were extraordinary changes that affected the presi- dency and higher education. The founding of Johns Hopkins and the University of Chicago and the many state institu- tions across the nation assisted by the Morrill Act altered the face of education. There was a steady move from a religious to a secular emphasis in college curriculum; from a simple to complex form of academic organization; from a more classical curriculum to a vocation-utilitarian curric- ulum; from a philosophy of education for the few to educa- tion for the many; from simple literary societies to a great growth in extra-curricular activities; and for the increased development of coeducational institutions, professional and graduate programs, and research activities due to the influ— ence of the German university on American higher education.13 It is interesting to note that the variety of profes- sions from which college presidents were chosen became more numerous after the Civil War. 12For a discussion of this era in American higher education, see Prator, College President, pp. 12-13; Schmidt, Liberal Arts, pp. 113-123; and Rudolph, American College, Chapter VI. l3Edward Blackman, Professor of Higher Education, Michigan State University, in a speech given at that insti- tution, OctOber 11, 1967. 20 The clergyman president went into discard because he lacked skill in the ways of the world, because his commitment to the classical curriculum stood in the way of the more practical and popular emphasis which commended itself to the trustees, and because the world in which the colleges and universities now moved was more secular, less subject to religious influences. The Academic President in the Twentieth Century The growth of the university had taken some prece- dence over the older and smaller independent or sectarian college at the beginning of the twentieth century. Larger enrollments, standardization of practices, diversification of functions, and the effects of the theory of evolution and the elective system again altered the course of higher educa- tion.15 Along with these changes, the colleges and univer- sities required a new kind of executive officer, new methods of financing, and new areas of administration. Rudolph notes that academic presidents began to recognize themselves as belonging to a society of professionals. The office, in Veblen's phrase, called for a "captain of erudition," a man- ager "who could perform for higher education those functions which elsewhere in.American society were being performed by the captains of industry and the captains of finance."16 14Rudolph, American College, p. 419. 15Schmidt, iiberal Arts, p. 182. l6Rudolph, American College, p. 418. 21 The academic president also became more of an "off- campus celebrity." Many writers mark this time as surely the end of the "old-time president." The capacity to lead now assumed a tremendous importance in college and university affairs. In contrast with the modern university, the old college was a place where nothing happened and where the president by a kind of indifference or remoteness or even superiority to mun- dane matters performed an effortless role, in seeing to it that nothing did happen. The new era, however, demanded men who knew what they wanted and, better yet, what their various publics wanted, men who were prepared to try the impossible task of being the "reconciler of irreconcilabilities," the leader to students, faculty, alumni, and trustees. . . . The collegiate or university organization was, at best, a delicate balance of inter- ests, a polite tug of war, a blending of emphases, a disunity that found unity only through the refinements, the habits, the certainties of organization.17 All observers were not equally impressed with the lofty goals and image of the academic president. Upton Sinclair described the "new" university president as "the most universal faker and the most varigated prevaricator that has yet appeared in the civilized world."18 In the early 1900's there was increasing emphasis upon wooing alumni, benefactors, and foundations for funds. Many benefactors found their way on college boards of trust- ees and by using techniques that worked so well in their roles of entrepreneurs, they often alienated the profes- sional faculty. The gap between the faculty and governing 17Ibid., p. 423. 18Rudolph, American College, p. 423. 22 board grew steadily in many institutions and has persisted to the present. By the beginning of the First World War, the apparatus of the organized institution was complete. On one assembly line the academicians, the scholars, were at work . . . above them, around them were the managers-- the white-collared, chief executive officers and their assistants. The absentee stockholders were the alumni. 19 At the present time diversity has become the leading characteristic of institutions of American higher education, in terms of the type of institution, control, size, and objectives. Increasingly, and especially during the past fifteen years, the Federal government has developed many- faceted relationships with colleges and universities and their faculties, administrators, and students. All these relationships and events are far too numerous and beyond the immediate purposes to include here, but suffice it to say, the multifarious institutions have called for various pat— terns of careers, training and roles of college and univer- sity presidents. A number of authors, who were former col- lege presidents have written on various aspects of what is known of the contemporary academic president. A small sam- pling of their thoughts will give greater understanding into the prOblems and perceptions of the modern college presi- dent's career. Henry M. Wriston reflects upon his years as presi- dent of Lawrence College and Brown University and discusses lgIbid., p. 423. 23 the ways in which the effective president must maintain sound relations with the trustees, the faculty, the adminis- tration, the students, and the public. Wriston is a strong proponent for the academic president being a scholar first: "I cannot deny that ministers, lawyers, military officers, bankers, and businessmen, and others have occasionally done well. But the sound rule is that the president should be a scholar; all the other essential attributes should be pres- ent, but secondary."20 Harold Dodds maintains that the president's prime function is educational leadership, no matter how large or complex the institution. Dodds holds that ". . . today the need for educational statesmanship is so compelling that 50 per cent of presidential time should be spent on strictly educational matters."21 However, others emphasize the need for a skilled and competent administrator in handling the complex institution of today. Harold W. Stoke notes that higher education has become more secular than religious ". . . and the sheer bulk of its property, population, eXpenditures, and responsibil- . . . . . 22 ities has become an 1nextr1cable part of national 11v1ng." 20Henry M. Wriston, Academic Procession (New York: Columbia University Press, 1959), p. 16. 21Harold W. Dodds, The Academic President: Educator or Caretaker (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1962), pp. 60-61. 22Harold W. Stoke, The American College President (New Ybrk: Harper and Brothers, 1959), p. 2. 24 He believes that the transformation of colleges and univer- sities reflects itself in the position of the president, ". . . and has brought to that position men whose training, interests, and skills are far different from those of their predecessors."23 The college president as the Man of Learning has been giving way to the Man of Management, although the chang34has not taken place without strain and conf11ct. Herbert Stroup looks at the great effects of the bureaucratic form of organization upon the total educational process in the United States. Such an analysis views the formal structure of the organization from the president on down as conforming to long-held principles associated with authority and reSponsibility, span of control, specializa- tion, unity of command, direction, supervision and control. Stroup's work reinforces Stoke's image of the president as a man of management.25 Other writers have looked at the president from different perspectives. Clark Kerr offers the thesis that the president of the large, complex university system, or to use Kerr's term, the multiversity, must be a "mediator—inno- vator" rather than an "educator—leader." The president must increasingly mediate between and among the communities in 23Ibid., p. 3. 24Ibid., p. 3. 25Herbert Stroup, Bureaucracy in Higher Education (New York: The Free Press, 1966), Chapters IV-VII. 25 which various groups, such as students, faculty, adminis- trators, and the public legitimately compete for dominance and influence.26 In a similar vein, Demerath, Stephens, and Taylor give an account of the modern university as a "managed orga- nization." The authors indicate that two broad streams of power exist in the academic institution: bureaucratic (associated with the usual line-authority relationships) and collegial (dealing with the interrelations of components of university government: faculty, students, and administra- tors). The authors note that the type of president needed for an institution depends upon the educational circumstances of the university, current administrative needs, and experi- ences with previous holders of the office. The heads of uni- versities act in two theatres: one is inside their institu- tions (financial organization, endownments, budget, faculty relations, student relations), and outside their institutions (public relations, fund—raising, participation in state— national affairs, ceremonial head, alumni relations, legisla— ture relations). The effective president is the one who is sensitive to both the bureaucratic and collegial aspects related to crucial decisions and policy making and one who 26Clark Kerr, The Uses of the University (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1963). 26 is able to serve the institution internally and externally as necessary.27 Presenting a statement of the kind of person needed for a given type of institution is Ralph Prator. Prator notes that ". . . the requirements of the college dictate the kind of man needed for the job . . . the qualifications for presidencies differ greatly from institution to institu- tion and from one period in history to another."28 For example, scholarship, research, and teaching achievement may be secondary considerations in the preparation and eXperi- ence of the president of the urban—commuter college; the state college is more likely to want a scholar in the educa— tion field, and often eXperience in public education admin— istration; the private church—related college president often is prominent in that particular denomination, whereas the secular college may desire a noted scholar for president. Often the college's most recent eXperience or problem can be an important determinant as to the qualifications desired in its president. In view of this diversity (in kinds of institutions in American higher education), it is unlikely that presidential qualifications will ever fall within a limited pattern. If collegiate institutions were devoted simply to excellence in teaching and the 27Nicholas J. Demerath, Richard W. Stephens, and R. Robb Taylor, Power, Presidents, and Professors (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1967). 28Prator, College President, p. 82. 27 search for truth, presidents who could lead the institutions toward these two goals might have many similar qualifications. But the great range of interests, aims, states of growth and development and cultural orientations, as well as the differences in geographic location among American colleges, are reflected in the wide span of qualities required and represented in their presidents. An attempt has been made to survey the writings related to the careers of the academic president through an historical prOSpective of American higher education. Although the survey has been brief, it should be recognized that often the background, style, and role of the president over the past 300 years have been tied to the changing social, political, economic and educational climate and pressures of the environment. At other times, the presi— dents have drawn largely upon their own capabilities and have been influential in moving their institutions innova— tively against an often resistant society. Some would say that today the heroic university or college president image is gone only to be replaced by the institution's image and influence. Although there has been a general demise of the Great Man or Hero Theory in educational administration (as in business and government administration), there is evidence that this explanation should not be totally discarded. The style of administrative-educational leadership shown by an academic president-~as evidenced in the literature and in the daily newspapers--has had much to do with an institution's 29Prator, College President, pp. 84-85. 28 success and ability to lead, adapt, and even survive, and thus the president's potential leadership is still great indeed. Research Studies of the Academic President Frederick de W. Bolman has offered a systematic analysis of the selection process of American college pres- idents° He has given observations on the position of the presidency as well as on the means used to select men for such positions. Bolman has found from a survey of 116 presidents of non-parochial, four-year colleges and univer- sities--presidents who were chosen for their positions during the period l959-l962--that the average tenure of college presidents is between ten and eleven years. This means some 200 of America's colleges and universities must seek new presidents each year. Bolman found the following regarding the careers and backgrounds of the presidents in his sample: 1. Nearly all universities insist that the president have an earned doctorate. Of the 116 recently appointed presidents, 83 per cent held earned doctorates, 61 per cent had Ph.D's, 11 per cent had Ed.D's, and 11 per cent had other earned doctorates. Another 11 per cent had only earned the master's degree. Four per cent had the graduate Bachelor of Divinity degree, and only 2 per cent held the Bachelor's degree. The doctorate is particularly important at institutions which themselves grant the Ph.D. 2. Nearly a1 universities want the president to be a skilled administrator and fund-raiser, but this varies among institutions. 3. Personality traits are important in the selection process as many institutions wanted presidents who 29 could improve their institution's image, or better the relationships with members of a state legislature. 4. Several tax-supported institutions in the South had a special requirement: it would be helpful if the new president held acceptable views on racial inte— gration. . . . 5. Most presidents are married and the wife must be a "good'I wife. No matter how well qualified a candi- date is in other respects, if he has an "unaccept— able" wife he is seriously handicapped. 6. Most presidents are Protestants and there seems to be about an even split in terms of those belonging to the two major political parties. In another study, John Corson found that the role of the academic president focused around six essential activ- ities: student affairs, educational program, faculty selec- tion, finance, physical facilities, and public-alumni rela- tions. As for the president's use of time, Corson found that presidents devote approximately: 40 per cent of their time to financial—budget matters 20 per cent of their time to public-alumni relations 12 per cent of their time to physical facilities 10 per cent of their time to general administration 18 per cent of their time to educational matters.31 Less than one-fifth of the president's time was spent on educational matters-—a finding not even close to Harold Dodd's suggested 50 per cent. 3OFrederick de W. Bolman, How College Presidents Are Chosen (American Council on Education, Washington, D.C., 1965), pp. 20-30. 31John J. Corson, Governance of Colleges and Univer- sities (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1960), pp. 58-71. 30 The most scientific and far—reaching study of the college and university president was recently conducted by John Hemphill and Herbert Walberg for the New YOrk State Regents Advisory Committee on Educational Leadership. Their study examines the position and demands of the academic president, the background and preparation of the New York presidents, the effectiveness and ineffectiveness of pres— idents, and the recruitment and selection processes used by colleges and universities. Because parts of the research relate directly to the focus of the present study, a sub— stantial portion of Hemphill and Walberg's summary is given here. It will then be possible to determine if the perti- nent findings of the New York study do in fact hold on a national level. . . . 61 per cent of the presidents indicated that "to take initiative in shaping the purposes of the institu- tion" is their most important responsibility. An addi— tional 21 per cent felt that "to stimulate and facil— itate the work of the faculty" is first in importance. These choices imply educational leadership in contrast with image making, fund raising, or administration. However, presidents much less often (29 per cent) reported "the development of purpose and direction" as their greatest area of accomplishment. Physical growth, image making and efficient administration were more frequently reported. Concerning the background and preparation of presidents, the most frequent undergraduate majors of the presidents were in the humanities, followed by social sciences, engineering, physical sciences, and education. In grad- uate work the most frequent majors were education, humanities, and social sciences. Many presidents have participated in in-service training programs for college presidents sponsored by Harvard University, the American Management Association, or other groups, and generally find these activities useful. During the interviews, 31 many presidents commented favorably on internships for the development of talented college administrators. The findings seem to indicate the beginning of professional preparation for the presidency, and a recognition of its desirability. Most of the presidents held administrative positions in higher education immediately before becoming president, but more than a third held other positions, either as faculty members, as school superintendents, in state education departments, or outside the field of education. Greater administrative eXperience, especially in higher education, is associated with higher effectiveness and more satisfaction in the role of president. Greater teaching eXperience leads to higher effectiveness but, if extensive (more than ten years), to less job satis- faction. Presidents with much teaching eXperience appear to retain an identification with teaching and regret that they have so little time for scholarship. The qualifications for the presidency most often men- tioned were administrative eXperience and college teach- ing eXperience. Other qualities, including physical energy, health, leadership talent, flexibility, open- mindedness, sense of humor, and the ability to combat frustration, were mentioned. Presidents were divided in their Opinions about the relative desirability of_ considering internal as well as external candidates.32 Research Studies of the Big Business Leaders and Federal Executives As noted in Chapter I, the present study was designed to fall within the theoretical and methodological framework developed by W. Lloyd Warner and his colleagues on vertical occupational mobility among Specific elite occupations in American society. And because one of the major purposes of 32John K. Hemphill and Herbert Walberg, An Empirical Study of College and University Presidents in the State of New York (Princeton: Educational Testing Service, 1966), pp. 71—73. 32 the research is to compare academic presidents' careers with their counterparts in big business and government, a brief review of the findings of the Warner studies will be pre— sented. An advantage of locating the review at this point in the thesis is to clearly focus what the academic pres- ident study is essentially about and how the theoretical framework is to be operationalized. The review, specifi— cally, will be of some of the more important findings rele- vant to the social origins, occupational succession, and educational preparation of business and government execu- tives.33 Some 8,300 big business leaders (those high—level policy makers from chairman of the board down to treasurer and secretary of the firm) and about 13,000 government lead- ers (including military leaders holding the ranks of general, admiral, and colonel plus the civilian leaders occupying positions down to the GS-l4 level in the Federal Government) were subjects for the studies. Profiles of these leaders follow. 33A paraphrase of the summaries noted in The Amer- ican Federal Executive by Warner and others, pp. 10—23, was most useful for the specific discussion in this section. Sources for the full development and presentation of these research projects are: W. Lloyd Warner and James C. Abegglen, Big Business Leaders in America (New York: Harper and Broth- ers, 1955); and W. Lloyd Warner, Paul P. Van Riper, Norman H. Martin, and Orvis F. Collins, The American Federal Executive (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1963). 33 Profiies of the Big Business Leaders The average business leader was found to be nearly 54 years of age, and it took him nearly 24 years to reach his present position after entering business at the age of about 21. The sons of major business leaders, small busi- ness men, professional men, and minor business managers tended to be over-represented in the business elite when compared to what one would eXpect from their proportion in the society. On the other hand, the sons of clerks and salesmen, skilled laborers, and farm tenants and owners were found in less proportions than eXpected in the business elite. The geographical regions of the nation "produced" business leaders in varying patterns. The region ranking first was the Middle Atlantic followed by the New England states and the Pacific Coast states. The regions under- represented among the group were the southern states, includ- ing the East South Central, West South Central, and South Atlantic regions. Most of the business leaders were born in big cities and only a few were from small town or rural back- grounds. It was found that the territorial circulation, i.e., spatial mobility, of business leaders was more significant to the pattern of upward occupational mObility than their territorial origins. 34 The business leader was found to be very well edu— cated, 76 per cent having attended college and 57 per cent having graduated from college. Those executives whose fathers held high level occupations attended and graduated from college in higher proportions, but business leaders from all occupational levels went to college. This finding was the basis for Warner's conclusion that education had become one of the principal avenues to business leadership—- that mobile men from all levels used education in their drives upward. Warner learned that business leaders married women from their own occupational level more than from any other level. And, in general, the status of the wife had little accelerative effect upon the career of the business leader. Profiles of the Civilian Federal Executiyes The civilian federal executives, mainly men, were born in all major regions of the country with the South Central region somewhat lower and the Mountain states and the West North Central states somewhat higher than would be eXpected from the representation of these areas in the gen- eral population. Although they came in greater than eXpect- ed proportions from high prestige occupations, especially the professions and executive levels, many came from lower levels as well. Like business leaders, they came from big cities in unusually high proportions, and they came from 35 small towns in quite low prOportions. Over 90 per cent were United States-born and about 20 per cent had foreign—born fathers. Education was the principal preparation for upward mobility as 90 per cent had some college training and 80 per cent were college graduates. Many executives earned advanced degrees as one—fourth earned master's degrees, one-tenth received doctorates, and one—tenth received law degrees. Only ten universities granted some 20 per cent of all B.A. degrees (Minnesota, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Ohio State, Berkeley, Washington, George Washington, City College of New Ybrk, and Harvard). For doctoral level training, Harvard, Chicago, and Wisconsin led American universities. Three major categories of civilian executives were studied: the career civil service executive, the politically— appointed executive, and the foreign service officer. Among all three types, more similarities were found than differ- ences. The average ages of the leaders was around 49, and it took about fifteen years to arrive at their present posi- tions after beginning their careers. Profiles of the Military Executiyes The military officers like the civilian federal executives were drawn from all regions of the country. The occupations of the fathers of military leaders were similar to civilian executives, but more military leaders had fathers in the uniformed service (about 9 per cent). Five general 36 occupations were over-represented in the backgrounds of military leaders: business executives, owners of large businesses, uniformed and other government occupations, professional men, and foremen and owners of small businesses. About 90 per cent of military leaders had an under— graduate degree, 24 per cent had master's degrees, and only 1 per cent earned doctorates. Over three-fourths went to technical institutions or United States academies, one— fourth went to public colleges and universities, and about one-tenth went to private colleges and universities. The average age of the military executives was fifty, and they started their careers at the age of twenty-three. Most had been in the uniformed service for about twenty—five years. Conciusions 9f the Warner Studies In the broadest sense, Warner found evidence that American society was not becoming more caste-like.34 The society had become more flexible and more mobile with more families in social motion rather than less flexible or less mobile. Nevertheless, there was equally strong evidence that the effects of high birth in the selection of American business and government elites did provide more advantages to the birth elite than to those at lower levels. The 34W. Lloyd Warner and James C. Abegglen, Occupational Mobility, pp. 35-36. 37 system was status-bound in that fathers at elite levels were able to give their sons greater Opportunity, but in business and government, the phenomenon was decreasing. Sons of lower level occupational origins were increasingly moving into high places of prestige and influence. Relevance of the Literature Review to the Study The historical perspective and research studies of the American academic president and the government and big business leaders have all made contributions to the develop- ment of various aspects of the instrument and methodology used in the present research. First, the historical approach to the college president writings raised questions such as: Have the social origins and preparations of college presi- dents changed over time as Prator, Schmidt, and Rudolph suggest? Is it more important that the president be a scholar as maintained by Wriston, an effective educational administrator as stated by Dodds, or a man of management as held by Stokes and Stroup? Second, the research studies raised questions such as: How would presidents compare and contrast in social origins and career patterns by different types, regions, and sizes of institutions? And, as a secondary issue related to the role of presidents: How do they tend to use their time in working with a variety of publics and organizations? 38 Third, the research studies of business and govern- ment executives raised questions such as: How do academic presidents as an occupational elite compare with the careers of business and governmental leaders? How do their social origins and community—regional backgrounds contrast? What are the differences in educational training and occupational mobility? The literature review of this chapter interwoven with the theoretical and methodological framework in Chapter I have also made it possible to generate research hypotheses that were tested in the present study. Discussion of the Research Hypotheses The general topics of the research hypotheses center upon the occupational origins, geographical origins, family influences, formal education, career patterns, and career motivations of academic presidents. (The research findings are presented in that topical order in Chapters IV through VIII.) It was initially eXpected that although academic presidents would represent a variety of occupational origins, they would be On the same occupational level as their fathers. Such a hypothesis found support not only in Warner's studies of business and government leaders, but earlier sociological studies such as Natalie Rogoff's where it was held that "the father's occupation is the most likely destination of his 39 son."35 Thus the fathers of the academic president elite would most likely be professional men, many of whom'would be in the field of education. There was reason also to eXpect that these men had geographical origins Spread throughout the country in a variety of Sizes of hometowns, but undoubtedly there would be a tendency for many to come from regions with greater population and number of colleges. The presidents of larger institutions were assumed to be Similar to government and business executives by coming from larger cities in greater proportion than small towns, while the presidents of small colleges were more likely to have small-town origins. Based primarily upon Warner's studies and Bolman's findings that the presidents must have an acceptable wife, it was assumed that academic presidents tended to marry women from their own occupational levels more than from any other group. It was also believed that the grandparents of the presidents would be primarily from farming occupations, reflecting the agrarian nature of American society in the latter 1800's. There seemed to be no question but that academic presidents as a group would be well-educated persons, with a majority possessing academic doctorates, as found by Bolman. And based upon Hemphill's works, it was hypothesized 35Natalie Rogoff, Recent Trends in Occupational MObility (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1953), p. 107. 40 that the New York college and university presidents would closely typify many presidents throughout the nation. At the undergraduate level, it was expected that many studied humanities, social science, engineering, physical science, and education. At the graduate levels, most probably studied education, humanities, and social science. It also seemed likely that the presidents of Catholic institutions were "products" of Catholic education at all levels, while presidents of public and other private institutions were representative of American higher education in general. Since Warner learned that there were a few colleges and universities that trained a great percentage of business and government executives, it was eXpected that a few major uni- versities were responsible also for the academic presidents' education, especially at the graduate levels. The usually highly regarded private universities in the Ivy League, public and private universities in the Midwest, and a few universities in the Pacific Coast would most likely have been attended by a very large percentage of these presidents. As for their career patterns, Hemphill also provided the most illuminating empirical prospect, and it was there- fore assumed that the presidents would have come primarily through the field of higher education to the presidency. Most probably began as faculty members and then moved up the academic hierarchy to the presidency. However, since writ- ers like Wriston had postulated that many presidents came 41 from business, government, and the military, it was also believed that a relatively large percentage would come from outside education, especially if the college president had become, in Stoke's words, ”a man of management." Prator had suggested, however, that different types of institutions had presidents with different types of back- grounds and this led to an hypothesis that career patterns, social origins, and education would undoubtedly vary by the type Of the president's institution. This made clear the necessity to analyze the results by the type of institution the president headed to test Prator's statement. It was early realized that why a man would decide on a career in higher education or academic administration as Opposed to business or government was a complex problem that could not be resolved within the methodology of this study. However, based largely upon the memoirs and essays of many presidents, it was believed that a variety of motivations were involved. Many presidents would say they chose educa— tion because they felt it was a calling similar to the min- istry. Others would see business or government as too cut- throat or competitive. Some would have a bent for adminis— tration and practical affairs and would see it as a great challenge. Some would emphasize they like to work with youth. In Chapter IX, there will be comparisons of the careers of academic presidents with the careers of business .r .o. A . 42 and government executives. It was eXpected that the educa- tional elite would closely resemble the elites in business and government in social and geographic origins, and family influences, although the college presidents would be better educated. In addition, the academic presidents' career lines would largely run through the educational hierarchy and be a far different story from their counterparts in business and government. Since academic presidents spent more time in pursuit of academic degrees, it was expected that they reached the educational elite at somewhat later ages than in the other elites. It was hypothesized that academic presidents were mobile men in the sense that the business leaders were found to be, and this would be re- flected in the location of the institutions where they were educated, where they taught, and ultimately, where they assumed the presidency. In order to clarify and more sharply delineate the major research hypotheses discussed in this section, a summary list of the hypothese is given below. Based upon the theoretical framework and literature review, it is hypothesized that: 1. The fathers of academic presidents will be primarily professional men, and many will have careers in the field of education; 2. Academic presidents will have geographical origins in all parts of the country with heavier representa— tion in the regions with the greater population per— centages; 10. 11. 12. 43 Presidents of larger institutions will have been born primarily in larger urban areas in greater proportion than smaller urban or rural areas; presidents of smaller institutions will have small— town origins; Academic presidents will have married women from their own occupational level more than from any other occupational group; The grandfathers of academic presidents will have been engaged predominantly in farming occupations; Academic presidents will constitute a very well educated group with a majority possessing academic doctorates; Academic presidents will most likely have received formal undergraduate education in humanities, social science, physical science, and engineering, and formal graduate education in education, humanities, and social science; Presidents of Catholic institutions will most likely have been educated in Catholic institutions as Opposed to public or non—Catholic, private institu- tions; A substantial percentage of presidents will have earned formal academic degrees at relatively few institutions; The career patterns of academic presidents will indicate that most rose to the presidency through faculty and administrative positions in the higher educational hierarchy; however, a relatively large percentage will have come from outside education, usually from executive statuses in businesses and government; Presidents of various types and sizes of institu- tions will reflect quite different social origins, educational preparation, and career patterns; Presidents chose careers in educational administra- tion for a variety of reasons, but the major reasons were: (a) educational administration was seen as a calling Similar to the ministry; (b) educational administration was less competitive or cutthroat than business or government; (c) educational admin- istration was challenging work; (d) educational ad- ministration offered a satisfying style of life; 44 13. Academic presidents will closely resemble the elites in business and government in social origins, but the presidents will be better educated; 14. Academic presidents will have reached their high statuses at somewhat later ages than did the busi— ness and government leaders; and 15. Academic presidents will reflect mobile career and life patterns similar to their counterparts in business and government. Examination of the major research hypotheses will be highlighted in succeeding chapters along with other hypoth- eses that grew from the analyses in the course of the study. However, before moving to these results, it will be necessary to review in Chapter III, the study's research design. It is the purpose of the design to Operationalize the hypotheses by weaving together the various dimensions in the literature and the relevant theory. The final aim, of course, is to further the knowledge and understanding of the career patterns of academic presidents. CHAPTER III RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY The central problem is to determine the social origins, education, career patterns and career motivations of America's four—year college and university presidents, to compare these characteristics among the presidents them- selves and with those of business and government executives, and to relate these characteristics to the general framework of occupational mobility in a modern emergent society. Definition of the Population and Sample The research on presidents of American colleges and universities presented no Significant problems in universe definition and sample selection. It was evident that a com- plete list of all four—year institutions was of primary importance in obtaining the names of the chief administra— tive officers. The American Council on Education publishes a semi-annual directory of all institutions of higher educa- tion in the United States that are accredited by the nation's 45 46 six regional accrediting associations.1 The September, 1967, issue of Accredited Institutions of Higher Education listed 1,259 such institutions along with the following information: 1. Type of control (public or private, with religious affiliation, where appropriate); 2. Type of institution (university, liberal arts col- lege, teachers college, technological institution, military academy, junior college, seminary, pro- fessional school); 3. Type and enrollment of students; 4. Type of accreditation; and 5. Name of the chief administrative officer. The complete listing of institutions was carefully reviewed, and it was then arbitrarily decided to exclude certain types of institutions that were accredited only as specialized professional schools not always possessing a base of liberal studies. It was believed that to include such four-year institutions might distort certain data about the career patterns, and Since such institutions represented a very small fraction of students, faculty, and national resources, their omission for the purposes of this study would not be a serious limitation. With this in mind, four major categories of institutions were dropped at the outset: 1American Council on Education, Accredited Institu- tions of Higher Education (Washington, D.C.: September, 1967). For a discussion on the meaning and use of accredi- tation, see pp. xiii-xv. 47 1. Private and public specialized professional schools, e.g., art institutes, music academies, graduate schools for the professions such as foreign service or medical specialties; 2. Private seminaries existing for the sole purpose of training persons for a particular religious order or denomination; 3. Four—year institutions that have only been accred- ited as two-year programs by the respective accredit- ing (regional) association; and 4. Multi-campus institutiops presided over by the same administrative officer. Applying the criteria against each institution was a relatively simple task because the formal accreditation specifically indicated whether the institution would fall in an exempt classification. Some 141 colleges were identified as exempt; this left 1,118 institutions as the universe for the study. Table 1 gives a breakdown of the institutions of the academic presidents that composed the relevant population.3 2For example, St. John's College of Maryland and St. John's College of New Mexico have the same president. To count both colleges in the study would be to duplicate the career data about the president and thereby distort the results. Only the major campus or in the St. John's case, the largest and oldest was used in the regional analysis. 3Note: Colleges and universities are either public or private in the form of control. Virtually all Public institutions are supported by the various states but a few depend primarily upon municipal or Federal support. For Private institutions, the colleges and universities are either supported by the Roman Catholic Church, supported to varying extents by a Protestant religious organization or denomination, or the private institutions are Independent and not supported to any important extent by a religious organization. In all cases, the notation that accompanied the formal accreditation was used to code institutions as 48 Table 1. Distribution of population by the type of institu- tion Type of Institution Number Per Cent Public universities 134 12.0 Private universities 111 9.9 Catholic (28) Protestant-related (30) Independent (53) Total universities 2 5 21.9 Public liberal arts colleges 232 20.7 Private liberal arts colleges 600 53.7 Catholic (177) Protestant—related (311) Independent (112) Technological institutions 41 3.7 Total colleges 873 78.1 Total 1,118 100.0 The breakdown by geographical region using the nine basic census regions (see Table 2) was also useful and further defined the pOpulation. either public, Catholic, Protestant-related, or independent. All technological institutions have been kept sepa- rate in the analysis. This category also includes four military academies that have accredited engineering and technical programs. I The categorization of all institutions is based upon the instructions in this note, and it is followed throughout the paper. 49 Table 2. Distribution of population by geographical region Region of Institution Number Per Cent New England 100 8.9 Middle Atlantic 187 16.7 South Atlantic 174 15.6 East South Central 87 7.8 West South Central 98 8.8 East North Central 176 15.7 West North Central 141 12.6 Mountain 48 4.3 Pacific 107 9.6 Total 1,118 100.0 Finally, the relative sizes of the institutions pro— vided another important profile of the institutions of the presidents (see Table 3). Table 3. Distribution of population by student enrollments Number of Studentsa Number of Institutions Per Cent Under 1,000 students 323 28.9 1,000 to 2,499 376 33.5 2,500 to 4,999 150 13.4 5,000 to 9,999 145 13.0 10,000 to 14,999 52 4.7 15,000 to 19,999 28 2.5 20,000 to 24,999 14 1.3 25,000 to 29,999 11 1.0 30,000 to 39,999 8 0.7 Over 40,000 students 11 1.0 Total 1,118 100.0 aEnrollment figures were taken for each institution in Accrediied institutions of Higher Education and Table 3 was developed by analysis. 50 It was decided to include the presidents of all 1,118 selected four—year institutions in the research design itself, and thus the sample and the universe were identical. This method was adopted primarily to allow for enough responses from each type, region, and size of institution throughout the nation so that comparisons, patterns, and analyses could be developed not only for the national sample but for different subdivisions of the whole. Methods of Data Collection Questionnaires Questionnaires served as the principal means of data collection about the presidents' careers. The research instrument developed by Warner for the business and govern- ment executives was modified to apply more directly to the college and university presidents while some sections were kept virtually the same to allow for eventual comparisons among the elites. The questionnaire went through a series of changes, at each stage being subjected to critical eval- uation by a number of scholars in educational administration and social research. Finally there was a pilot test of the instrument with a sample of college presidents. 4Special thanks go to Professor W. Lloyd Warner, University Professor of Social Research; Dr. Edward Blackman, Professor Of Higher Education; and Dr. Dalton McFarland, Professor and Chairman of the Department of Management, all of Michigan State University, for their assistance and sug— gestions related to the questionnaire development. 51 The questionnaire in its final form can be found in Appendix A along with a brief item-by-item analysis of the instrument itself. In addition, the cover letter used in the mailing is given in Appendix A. In Appendix B, the format and results of the pilot study are provided. Collection of Written Personal Statements of Career Motivations and Philosophies of Education An Open-ended question answered by nearly 400 pres- idents asked why he “chose" an educational career over any other career. It was aimed at exploring some of the stated and conscious motivations and values that might have played roles in the respondent's career path. A request was also made on the last page of the questionnaire for any Speeches, reprints of articles, sources of books, or personal state- ments that outlined the president's philosophy of education and/or educational administration. Nearly 250 such state- ments of philosophy were sent by presidents of all types of colleges from all parts of the nation. Most statements mentioned numerous problems, frustrations, and satisfactions that accompany the modern academic president's role and gave an added depth of understanding to the person, his career motivations, and the demands of the position. Reference to these philosophies will be given when they are pertinent to the discussion of career choices of the presidents. 52 Interviews The studies of business and government executives made use of the Thematic Apperception Test in understanding the "private" worlds of these men, but no projective test was used in the present study. Nevertheless, interviews were conducted with a small number of college and university presidents. Some questions asked were elaborations of a few questionnaire items while the majority were developed to understand the respondent's views of his career, himself, and the world in which he Operates. At the heart of the interviews was the problem of determining what motivates these individuals to a career in academic administration, i.e., what values and ideologies led to basic career deci— sions? What patterns of professional attitudes character- ized the college and university president? The interviews, although small in number, complemented well the open-ended responses critically given by presidents to the question of career motivations found in the questionnaire. The results are incorporated in Chapter VIII, "Career Motivations Of Academic Presidents." Supplementary Sources of Data Selected reference works assisted in the collection of data regarding the president's type of college or univer- sity and the president's career. The 1967 College Blue Book lists a variety of information about every college and uni- versity in the country, including: the president's name, 53 the date of his inauguration, the degrees offered at the institution, faculty-student ratios, resources and endow- ments, annual income, and volumes in the library.5 College catalogues and college guidebooks provided further valuable information about the institutions relevant to this study. All such data were coded and later arranged to give breadth to the understanding of the complexity and diversity in American higher education. What was gained in the process has been synthesized, and is eXpressed indirectly in the writing of this study. Since the majority of college presidents were in- cluded in the latest issue of Who's Who in America (1968), that volume served as a sourcebook for many facets of the president's life and career.6 Who's Who was considered to give a satisfactory account of data regarding place and date of birth, formal education, marital status, teaching posi- tions, administrative positions, awards, societies, publica- tions, board memberships, and possible experiences in busi- ness, government, and the military. Similar biographical data found in college public relations newsletters and news- paper and magazine articles were helpful in data verifica- tion. The primary purposes of this information were: 5The 1967 College Blue Book (New York: Yonkers-on- Hudson, 1967). 6Who's Who in America, Vol. XXXV (Chicago: A. N. Marquis Company, 1968-69). 54 (l) to provide accurate data about the careers of non- respondents to the mail questionnaire, and (2) to provide necessary data about the small number of presidents who, when completing the questionnaire, left some items blank (e.g., formal education, birthplace, publications), specif— ically directing that such information be taken from Whgis Who. Returns to the Questionnaire Mailings Questionnaires were mailed with stamped-return envelopes to the 1,068 presidents of the selected American colleges and universities, i.e., the population of 1,118 minus 50 questionnaires sent in the pilot study. Daily records were kept on the returns and after one month, 589 questionnaires or 55.1 per cent were received, of which 565 or 52.9 per cent were found usable. It was then decided to send the second mailing to those not responding to the first national mailing as well as to the non—respondents to the pilot study. By two months later, a total of 809 question- naires were received or 72.4 per cent, of which 760 or 68.0 per cent were found usable. Table 4 gives the complete breakdown of the returns of the pilot study and the two major mailings. Table 4 shows that a total of 49 returned question- naires were found non-usable and excluded from the study. -- 55 Table 4. Questionnaire returns of the pilot study and two national mailings Number Number Per Cent Number % Mailing Mailed Received Received Usable Usable Pilot 50 32 64.0 58.0 First 1,068 589 55.1 565 52.9 Second 497 188 37.8 166 33.4 Total 809 72.4 760 68.0 In over one-half the cases, the presidents were either serv— ing as acting or interim presidents or the completed ques- tionnaires arrived after the final deadline when computer programming with keypunched cards began. Table 5 gives an accurate accounting of the non-usables and the reasons for not being counted in the tabulation of results. Table 5. Distribution of total non-usable questionnaires Reasons Why Non-Usable No. % Respondent was acting or interim president 16 32.7 Respondent had no time to complete 9 18.4 Respondent had formal policy of not com— pleting questionnaires 7 14.3 Respondent was either ill, recently resigned 3 6.1 Respondent was on leave, away from campus 2 4.1 Respondent headed military institution and felt most questions did not apply to his Situation 1 2.0 Institution recently merged and person no longer president 1 2.0 Completed questionnaires received after final deadline when data cards were placed in computer 10 20.4 Total 49 100.0 56 As with the pilot study an analysis was conducted on a sample of the non—respondents to the major mailings. There was no evidence that elements in the non-respondent's career pattern accounted for his refusing to answer the questionnaire. Procedures for Analysis of Questionnaire Data The total sample included in the analysis consisted of the 760 questionnaires or 68.0 per cent of the universe. Subgroups of the 760 presidents were established both to check how representative the sample was of the universe and for purposes of analysis of the questionnaire items. Exami- nations of these subgroups at this time will give a clearer understanding of the sample as well as the type of analysis used with the questionnaire responses. The first three sub- groups presented below relate to the types of institutions the presidents represent, and the last three, to the presi- dent himself. The Presidents by the Types of Institutions The questionnaire responses of the presidents were contrasted by nine major classes as shown in Table 6. By comparing Table 6 with Table 1 (page 48), one is able to determine the representativeness of the sample obtained. For example, 67.9 per cent of the nation's public univer- sities presidents are included in the sample of 760; 57 Table 6. Types of institutions represented by presidents Type of Institution Number Per Cent Public universities 91 13.0 Catholic universities 20 2.6 Protestant—related universities 21 2.8 Independent universities 29 3.8 Public liberal arts colleges 153 20.1 Catholic liberal arts colleges 131 17.2 Protestant-related liberal arts colleges 210 27.6 Independent liberal arts colleges 75 9.9 Technological institutions 30 3.9 Total 760 100.0 71.4 per cent of Catholic university presidents; 70 per cent of Protestant-related university presidents; 54.7 per cent of independent university presidents; 65.9 per cent of public liberal arts college presidents; 74 per cent of Catholic liberal arts college presidents; 76.5 per cent of Protestant- related liberal arts college presidents; 67.0 per cent of independent liberal arts college presidents; and 73.2 per cent of the technological institution presidents. Thus, there is a proportional representation of public university presidents; a Slight overrepresentation of presidents of Catholic and Protestant-related universities, Catholic lib- eral arts colleges, and technological institutions; and a slight underrepresentation of presidents of independent universities, public, Protestant-related, and independent liberal arts colleges. It is believed that the sample 58 proved highly representative of the universe based upon the types of institutions of the presidents. The Presidents by Geographical Locations of the Institutions Contrasts of questionnaire data were made by regional classifications of the colleges and universities to determine if geographical factors related to aSpects of the academic president's career. The distribution is given in Table 7. Table 7. Geographical locations of institutions in the sample Region of Colleges and Universities Number Per Cent New England 63 8.3 Middle Atlantic 107 14.1 South Atlantic 103 13.6 East South Central 61 8.0 West South Central 62 8.2 East North Central 133 17.5 West North Central 117 15.4 Mountain 37 4.9 Pacific 77 10.1 Total 760 100.0 By comparing this table with Table 2 (page 49), one can assess the representativeness by virtue of the location of the institution. Again, there was a very satisfactory fit for five regions, but the Middle Atlantic and South Atlantic states were slightly underrepresented in the sample (about 2 per cent), and the East North Central and West North 59 Central states were slightly overrepresented by a similar percentage. The Presidents by Student Enrollments of the Institutions This analysis compared the data about presidents based upon the relative Sizes of their institutions using ten classes of student enrollments. This was done to deter— mine if specific patterns of presidents' careers seemed to be associated with different sizes of institutions. Table 8 shows the distribution of the sample using student enroll— ments. Table 8. Student enrollments of the sample institutions Number of students Number of Institutions Per Cent Under 1,000 214 28.2 1,000 to 2,499 260 34.1 2,500 to 4,999 102 13.4 5,000 to 9,999 98 12.9 10,000 to 14,999 41 5.4 15,000 to 19,999 16 2.1 20,000 to 24,999 8 1.1 25,000 to 29,999 9 1.2 30,000 to 39,999 5 0.7 40,000 and above 7 0.9 Total 760 100.0 When using the size of the institution to evaluate the repre- sentativeness of the study sample (and appropriateness as a tool of analysis), it was evident that there was an excellent 60 proportional distribution for each class of institutional size. A scanning of the per cent column in Table 8 with the per cent column of Table 3 (page 49) Shows the close parallel in institutional size in the universe and the sample. Sex of the Respondent It was felt desirable to undertake an analysis of the respondents' careers to determine if there were differ- ences in the careers of women and men. In Table 9, the men and women have been categorized by type of institution in order to demonstrate that the 84 women presidents in the sample were associated with colleges, not universities, and the vast majority were Catholic colleges. The 676 men on the other hand were found in all types of institutions. Table 9. Distribution of male and female academic presidents Males Females Total Type Of Institution NO. %. NO. % No. % Public universities 91 13.5 0 0.0 91 12.0 Catholic universities 20 3.0 0 0.0 20 2.6 Prot.-related universities 21 3.1 0 0.0 21 2.8 Independent universities 29 4.3 0 0.0 29 3 8 Public liberal arts colleges 152 22.5 1 1.2 153 20.1 Catholic liberal arts 58 8.6 73 86.9 131 17.2 Prot-related liberal arts 205 30.3 5 6.0 210 27.6 Independent liberal arts 70 10.4 5 6.0 75 9.9 Technological institutions 30 4.4 0 0.0 30 3.9 Total 676 100.0 84 100.0 760 100.0 61 Respondents Who Have Been Presidents of Other Institutions There was some interest in contrasting the careers of those who had been presidents of at least one other institution with those who had never served any other insti- tution as an academic president. Of central concern was the question: How many presidents had moved from another col- lege presidency to their present positions, and was there anything markedly different about the backgrounds of these men that would be revealed in the questionnaire analysis itself? Table 10 gives an accurate distribution of the 12 per cent of college and university presidents who had pre- sided over at least one other institution prior to assuming their present positions. Table 10. Distribution of respondents who have been presi- dents of other colleges or universities i 1 Number Who Were Presidents of One Other Two or More No Other Type of Institution College Other Col. College Public universities l6 6 69 Catholic universities 2 0 18 Prot.-related univ. 2 2 17 Independent univ. 4 2 23 Public lib. arts col. 21 2 130 Catholic lib. arts 0 1 130 Prot.-related lib. arts 21 3 186 Independent lib. arts 7 0 68 Tech. institutions 0 1 29 Total number 73 17 670 %Tin each group 9.6 2.2 88.2 62 President's Tenure in Piesent Position Analyses of questionnaire responses were conducted based upon six major categories reflecting the number of years the president has held his present position. It was assumed that differences could be found between new presi— dents and those with successively longer periods of tenure. A complete distribution by institutional type is given in Table 11. However, in the actual analysis of questionnaire items, the ninety presidents who had served as presidents of other institutions were excluded. (Although a person might only have been in his present position three years, he might have held a prior presidency for fifteen years. To look upon him as being a relatively new college president would be an error and would affect the accuracy and meaning of the analysis by tenure.) Table 11. Academic presidents' tenure in present positions Number of Years in Present Position Under Over Type of Institution One 1—4 5-10 11-15 16-20 20 Public universities 8 32 32 9 7 3 Catholic universities 3 8 6 2 l O Prot.-related univ. 0 7 5 1 2 6 Independent univ. 5 ll 10 2 1 0 Public liberal arts 8 54 42 24 16 9 Catholic liberal arts 15 49 41 15 7 4 Prot.-re1ated lib. arts 15 69 61 31 20 14 Independent lib. arts 3 24 25 9 7 7 Technological inst. 4 9 ll 2 l 3 Total number 61 263 233 95 62 46 Total per cent 8.0 34.6 30.7 12.5 8.2 6.1 63 The table above Shows that about 8 per cent of all college and university presidents in the sample were new to their positions this year, and over 70 per cent of college and university presidents had been in their positions ten years or less. Only 46 presidents (or 6.1 per cent) had been in office for more than twenty years. This concludes the definition and discussion of the study sample and the six major classifications that were used in the analysis of various items among the question- naire responses. Summary In Chapter III, a systematic review of the research design and methodology used in the research has been pre— sented. The relevant population for the study included the presidents of all four-year, accredited colleges and univer- sities in the United States (with the exception of Special- ized professional institutes and religious seminaries). The sample selected for the research was the same as the popula- tion and questionnaires were mailed to the 1,118 academic presidents. The principal means of data collection were provided by a twenty-three item questionnaire, written personal state— ments of career motivations, and interviews. Supplementary reference books on the institutions and the presidents were also beneficial. A pilot study and evaluation were utilized 64 to further refine the questionnaire and led the way to the two general mailings to the national sample. The total returns for the research proved very satisfactory in that a 72.4 per cent response was obtained. After excluding some questionnaires for reasons noted in the chapter, 760 questionnaires or 68 per cent of those distrib- uted were found usable for the analysis. The group formed by the usable questionnaires was found to be highly repre- sentative of the total national population in terms of the institutions of the presidents by type, location, and rela- tive sizes. Six major subgroups were established to analyze the various questionnaire items: (1) types of institutions, (2) geographical locations of the institutions, (3) student enrollments of the institutions, (4) sex of the respondents, (5) respondents who had been presidents of other institutions, and (6) presidents' tenures in their present positions. It is now appropriate to turn to the actual findings of the study. An examination of the occupational and geo— graphical origins and regional-community backgrounds of the college and university presidents is provided in Chapter IV. CHAPTER IV OCCUPATIONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL ORIGINS OF ACADEMIC PRESIDENTS Occupational Origins The question of occupational succession gives the initial focus in reviewing the research findings. Of cen- tral concern is whether college and university presidents in general tend to come from Similar or different occupational origins. For example, do the occupational origins of public university presidents differ from the private university presidents or from the origins of public and private liberal arts college presidents? Moreover, it can be learned whether the fathers of academic presidents seem to be representative of the various occupational groups in the general population in the society or whether the fathers come largely from the more elite occupations and occupational levels. Occupatipnal Origins of University Presidents Table 12 on the next page classifies seven general occupations subdivided into twenty Specific occupations of 65 66 .mcofiuwmom wofi>uom HM>MO haflumfiwum Q .MHOGBO .HO WHQMHO3 EHMM HHM mOCSHUCHM o.oma o.m~ o.o~ o.o~ 0.5m Hogans Hmuoa o.ooa o.ooa o.ooa o.ooa o.ooa ucmu Hum Hmuoa 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 H.H uonuo m.m 0.0 0.0 o.m >.m QDGQECHO>OO 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 H.H humuflaflz o.m o.o o.o o.m m.> mcofiummsooo umsuo o.wH m.m 0.0m o.o m.ma mumEumm m.m 0.0 0.0 o.m h.m Hmnuo 0.0 ¢.m 0.0 0.0 0.0 ucmpflmmnm mmoaaou m.H 0.0 o.m 0.0 0.0 ucmpwmmumloow> HO comp mmwaaou m.H 0.0 0.0 0.0 m.m huHDUMM ommaaou H.m m.o 0.0 0.0 m.w Honommu humpcouomlmumucmamam 13 92 0.3 0.0 m6 :QSSCHO ¢.® m.MH o.o o.m h.m Hm>3mq p.~ In 8m 06 m.~ 838cm m4 Em 0.0 0.0 m.m c303»: H.mm h.¢v o.o¢ o.oa o.mm so: HmuOHmmOmoum m.o m.ma o.o o.mH ¢.m mmmcamsn mmumq N.@ 0.0 o.m o.m m.ma EMHMIHHMEm m.¢a m.ma o.m o.o~ o.wa HOGSO mmmcflmsm o.m n.0H o.m 0.0m m.o m>wusowxw uOnmz o.m m.ma o.m o.ma m.o O>Husooxo MOSHE .SMEOH0m o.mH H . ¢N o.o.H 0. mm m.ma O>Hudomxm mmwcwmflm N.m 0.9 o.m 0.0H o.o anamoamm .xumau Hmaaoolmpflzz To 0.0 o6 0.3 0.6 3.859: 633% m.m ¢.m o.m 0.0H m.~ poaafixmwamm .pmaaflxmcs ~.0H ¢.m 0.0H o.om m.oa Houonmq Hmuoa ucmpcwmmch poumamml.uoum uwaonumo Deanna Hmnumm Onu MO coflummsooo mmwuamum>wca mo mucmpwmoum mood .mucmpammum huamuo>ch mo mumnumw on» no Aucoo Mom cw. mSOwummaooo .NH wanna 67 the fathers at the time when the presidents began their full time occupational careers.l In Table 12, it is seen that the fathers of univer- sity presidents represented all types and levels of occupa— tions, but in varying patterns and proportions associated with the presidents' type of institution. Professional occupations of fathers are generally more prevalent with the exception of the fathers of Catholic university presidents. More Specifically, from 33 to 45 per cent of the fathers of public and private, non-Catholic university presidents were engaged in professional work at the time their sons began full-time careers. A brief discussion of the fathers' occupations related to the presidents' type of university follows. Among the public university presidents in the study, over 50 per cent of their fathers were either professional men or farmers, and about 30 per cent were either business 1Since the methodology for this study was purposely kept similar to the Warner studies, these general categories were taken from that research, and information on the fathers of academic presidents was reorganized to permit cross-comparisons. To show contrasts among the presidents, the occupations of the fathers are correlated with the type of institution the president heads, and then a composite profile of all types of presidents is Shown in tabular form. This particular style of presenting data by institutional type is followed throughout much of the report and will be complemented by other categories (e.g., sex of respondent,‘ size of institution, regional location of the institution) whenever additional insights are made possible by such an exposition. 68 executives or business owners, with a larger concentration in minor executive and small business ownership positions. About 10 per cent of the fathers were in the general laborer category, a majority being skilled workers. It is interest- ing that not onefather was a white—collar worker, i.e., clerk or salesman, and only a few were in military service or civil service positions. The fathers of Catholic university presidents stood out markedly from the others when occupational positions were considered. Only 10 per cent were found in the profes- sional category, and none of these were in the field of edu- cation. Over 50 per cent were either business executives or business owners, and a majority were major executives or owners of large businesses. In comparison to the fathers of public university presidents, a larger percentage of the fathers of Catholic university presidents were engaged in the laborer and white-collar categories (almost 30 per cent). No farmers were represented by the fathers and this fact was important because farming backgrounds were quite prevalent for the non—Catholic university presidents. Clearly, the occupational origins of Catholic university presidents represent all levels of the business sector in greater pro- portions than is true among all other presidents. In fact, 85 per cent of the fathers of Catholic university presidents were employed in the general business area. 69 The presidents of Protestant-related universities appeared similar to public university presidents when noting their fathers' occupations. The professional sector and farming category again engaged the work activities of the fathers, and it was found that 70 per cent of the fathers were in these two occupations. A striking aspect of this analysis was that about 30 per cent of the fathers were clergymen, the largest representation among any Single group of university presidents. None of the fathers were in the military or government civil service and only a small per- centage were business owners, business executives, white— collar workers or laborers. A total of 30 per cent were spread over the various levels of the business hierarchy. Among the presidents of private independent univer- sities, the fathers were especially found in professional fields (nearly 45 per cent) and the business executive cate— gory (24 per cent). Only 3 per cent were unskilled or skilled laborers while nearly 25 per cent were either major executives or large business owners. None of the fathers had careers in military or government civil service and only 7 per cent were farmers. In developing a profile of all university presidents, public or private, about one-third came from professional origins, led by clergymen, lawyers, and elementary-secondary teachers. The second general category in relative impor- tance for all university presidents was business executives 70 followed by farming and business ownership. About 10 per cent of all fathers were laborers, the majority in skilled work, and only 3 per cent were in white-collar employment. As a general category, only 5 per cent of the fathers were in military or government civil service. Thus, there was a predominance of professional origins for all university presidents, with the exception of Catholic university presidents whose fathers were largely engaged in business activities. For all, there was a rela- tively small number and percentage who were engaged in educa- tion, especially at the college level. Out of all the uni- versity presidents in the study, only one reported that his father was a college president and only about 3 per cent had fathers who were college faculty members. Even though it is interesting to review the above statistics in Table 12, it is possible to gain an even greater insight into whether the occupational origins of university presidents are truly representative of American society, and if not, the nature and extent of the deviations. The question becomes: Are forces at work within the society that give certain occupational groups a greater share of higher educational top leadership than their proportion in the general population? To answer this question, the follow— ing methodology was used. (A similar technique was used by Warner in his studies.) 71 The average age of the academic presidents was found to be approximately 53 years of age in 1968, and it has already been stated that Table 12 gave the occupations of the fathers at the times the sons began working full-time. Since most of the presidents attended college for a varying number of years and academic degrees, the average age of beginning full—time work was estimated to be about 23. Therefore, the occupations of the fathers are given, again on the average, for about 1938, or close to the 1940 census of population. Any comparisons then would be between the occupations of the adult male population in 1940 and the fathers of the academic presidents. Table 13 summarizes this methodology. Although one can compare the percentages for each type of university president against the United States census categories, it is instructive to compare the last two columns at the right in Table 13. Such a comparison pro- vides evidence of the underrepresentation or overrepresenta- tion of ten basic occupational groups among university pres- idents. (The structuring of the table was necessarily devel— oped to account for the way the 1940 United States census data were categorized and caused some reorganization of the occupations given in the questionnaire.) By contrasting the column that summarizes all univer- sity presidents with the United States male population, it can be seen that while about 31 per cent of the 1940 male 72 .Omume .mm .H .Ho> .OOOH .OOOH .msmcmo map 60 ammusmn .mumczo mmmcflmsn momma paw Hanan paw mo>flusomxm mmOCgmoQ Honma mopsaoch OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH Heme Ame Hmuoe H H O O O H Amauo H H O O O H SumuHHHS a g o o m @ ucmficum>ow mm OH e OO O Om Amaumm m mm me OO OH mm HmconmOLOAm OH em ON OH Ow mm muoumHAmoum .Hmmmcme ..Ome m 0 OH m ma h Gmfimuom ma m b m 0H 0 mmamm .meHO OH o o m CH m umuonma pmaaaxm Hm O m m OH m umnoan OOHHmeaO ogma mucmpflmmum unopcmmmch ucmummuoum OHHOSDOO oaafldm SOHOMQSUOO .comumHsmom HHa mo Daupd mamz ucmo Mom mucmpwmmum .>HGD mo mumnumm mo ucmo Hem .m.p Hmuoe mo ucOO Hem OED pcm mucmpflmoum xuflmum>wco mo mumnumm may mo Godusnfluumap Hmcowummsooo OOOH How coHumHOmom mHme mmumum OmuHcp .MH OHQmB 73 population were unskilled or semiskilled laborers, only 4 per cent of the university presidents were the sons of unskilled or semiskilled laborers. However, while only 5 per cent of the United States male population were consid- ered in the professional category, some 33 per cent of the university presidents were sons of professionals. AS Warner noted in his studies and as is readily apparent here, the difference in these comparative proportions is a measure of the underrepresentation of the sons of laborers and the over- representation of the sons of professionals. A Simple ratio Of the proportion of each occupational group among the uni- versity presidents to that in the male population of 1940 gives an exact measurement of which groups are over— and under-represented (Table 14). Table 14. Ratio of proportion of fathers in occupational group to proportion of occupational group in adult male population in 1940 Occupation Ratioa Rank Order Unskilled or semiskilled laborer 0.13 9 Skilled laborer 0.43 7 Clerk or salesman 0.23 8 Foreman 4.50 2 Executive, manager, proprietor 2.40 4 Professional man 6.60 1 Farmer (all classes) 0.73 6 Government service 4.00 3 Military service 1.00 5 aProportional representation = 1.00. 74 Table 14 shows what has been emphasized earlier, namely, the percentage of university presidents whose fathers were in professional fields was nearly seven times the proportion of that group in the general United States male population. The most underrepresented group was the unskilled or semiskilled laborer with a ratio of only 0.13, meaning that there seemed to be very limited mobility of the sons of the unskilled to the university presidency. The next most underrepresented occupational groups were the white-collar workers (0.23), Skilled laborers (0.43), and farmers (0.73), while there was a perfect representation among those in military service (1.00). The overrepresented groups included business executives, managers, and propri— etors (2.40), those in government civil service (4.00), foreman (4.50), and professional fields (6.60). Thus, the 1968 university presidents (with some variations depending upon the type of institution of the president) were in large part the sons of men of fairly high occupational status, such as the sons of professional men and business managers, but they were also the sons of men of lower occupational status, such as foremen and minor executives in business and government. While there is evidence for most mObility to be across the long—held professions into higher education, there is still an element of movement upward from the lower occupa— tional classes to higher education administration. Although 75 five occupational groups are overrepresented and four are underrepresented, all are found among university presidents. Catholic university presidents generally Showed more distance covered in upward mobility than the total group. Specially formulated ratios for the fathers of Catholic uni- versity presidents showed the same four groups underrepre- sented, but not by nearly so much--e.g., unskilled or semi— skilled laborers, 0.32; skilled laborers, 0.71; white-collar workers, 0.77; while there was no mobility with farmers, 0.00. For those overrepresented, foremen led rather than professionals with a ratio of 7.50; government civil service, 5.00; business managers, 4.00; and professionals were reduced to a ratio of 2.00.2 2Note: The reader is advised that it will be neces- sary at times to separate the data of presidents of Catholic institutions from the others only in order to accurately represent the careers of these presidents and all others. It Should be recognized (and will be given more elaboration in later chapters) that all heads of Catholic institutions in the sample were not only educators but also members of the priesthood and various religious orders. For purposes of this study, their educational leadership position in the society has been the central concern, and any discussion of social origins, education, and career patterns has hopefully been focused upon and related essentially to their educa- tional position and career, not to their intricately bound missions and careers as priests or Sisters. Obviously, this has not been an easy task to accomplish, but it has been an objective. 76 Occupational Origins of Liberal Arts College Presidents The same presentation of the general and specific occupational groups is given in Table 15, but now attention is focused upon the occupations of the fathers of the indi- viduals who head the nation's liberal arts colleges. Before proceeding, however, it should be kept in mind that of the nearly 600 liberal arts college presidents in the study, about 14 per cent (or 84) are women, the great majority of whom are found in 73 women's Catholic liberal arts colleges. This will have some bearing later in trying to understand the career patterns of Catholic liberal arts college pres— idents as well as assess the meaning of their occupational origins; no attempt was made in Table 15, however, to dif- ferentiate by the sex of the president. It is Shown in Table 15 that liberal arts college presidents represent all occupational origins, although as was true with university presidents, there are variations with the presidents of different types of colleges. Ini— tially, it should be seen that the professional category is well represented among most liberal arts college presidents as it is among university presidents. An examination of the occupational origins of each type of liberal arts college president provides more details. 77 0.0em 0.0m 0.0n O.mO~ 0.0NH 0.00H menace Hmuoe 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H ucmo Mme Hmuoe m.O 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 porno ~.O ¢.m H.O 0.0 0.0 O.m unmScAm>oo N.H ~.OH O.H O.O O.H S.O SAmOHHHz O.m 0.0H m.m m.m N.e 0.0 mcoHummwuuo Amnuo O.OH 0.0m O.HH 0.0H 0.0 m.H~ Hmmmwmm ~.O O.m ~.m v.m 0.0 m.~ “mapo m.H ¢.m b.~ o.~ 0.0 ¢.H unopamoum mmOHHOU w.H 0.0 h.m m.H 0.0 m.~ pampflmmum OOH> HO comp mmmaaoo ¢.H 0.0 m.m m.H 0.0 0.0 avasomw mmmHHOO m.m m.m o.o m.v 0.0 o.m Honomou humpcoommlmumucOEOHm H.HH O.m O.OH O.- O.O O.O cmssmumHo O.H 0.0 H.¢ 0.0 0.0 O.H AOSSMH O.m 0.0 O.H O.~ N.m N.O Ammchem S.H 0.0 O.O m.H O.O e.O cmHuHmsam 0.0m 0.0m m.ev m.Om m.~H m.O~ cm: Hmaonmmuoum H.~ O.m H.O 0.0 O.O m.m mmmchsa mmuma H.HH O.mH ~.m 0.0 m.~H O.mH SAHO HHmsm «.mH O.>H m.~H m.m ~.mH 0.0H mezzo mmmchsm m.o o.o o.m m.m 0.0 m.o O>flusooxw Honmz m.o m.o O.N m.m o.~a m.m O>Husomxo MOSHE .Smfimuom O.NH 0.0 m.~H m.HH 0.0H 0.0 o>Husomxm mmmaHmsm anamoamm .xuoao 0.0 0.0 O.H O.m 0.0 «.4 AMHHOOumanz 0.0H v.m H.O ~.OH O.OH «.mH oHcmaome .OmHHme O.O O.m m.m O.O O.mH ~.e OmHHmeHsmm .OmHHmeOO 0.0H 0.0 0.0 H.6H 0.0m O.RH “muonmq Hmuoa HmuflmoHocsoma ucmpcmmmch ucmumwuoum Owaosumo Oflansm Monumm mnu mo SOwummsouo mommaaou wand Hmuoan mo mucmpflmmum mmma .mucmpwmmum omOHHOO muum ammonaa mo muonumm ecu mo Aucmo mom Swv mnoflummzooo .ma OHQMB 78 Professional and farmer categories account for more than 45 per cent of the occupational origins of the presi— dents of public liberal arts colleges. A fairly large per- centage of fathers are also found in the laborer class (17 per cent) with more than two—thirds being skilled workers. Fathers who were business managers and owners comprise about one-fourth of the public college presidents, with major executive statuses and ownership in small rather than large businesses being the rule. The small entrepreneur category is well represented among the origins of public college presidents. Of those fathers who were professional men, over 10 per cent were in education, split about evenly at the secondary and college levels. Catholic college presidents (56 per cent of whom are women) come more frequently from laborer occupational ori- gins, equally from the unskilled and skilled occupations. To the 28 per cent of fathers in the laborer class were added 9 per cent in white collar clerical and sales occupa— tions. Fathers who were business executives and owners were also represented among the Catholic college presidents. It is important to note, however, that a majority of executives were foremen or other minor executives while over 85 per cent of the owners were found in small or medium-Sized busi— ness firms. As was true with Catholic university presidents, a relatively small percentage of fathers of the college pres- idents were in professional fields, about 13 per cent, and 79 none were in education. Also, a small percentage of fathers were farmers or involved in military and government civil service. In comparing the fathers' occupations between the men and the women who head the Catholic liberal arts col- leges, no significant differences were found. The men and women had similar occupational origins. Among the many presidents of private, Protestant- related liberal arts colleges, there was a large number of fathers from professional fields (40 per cent). And as with the Protestant-related university presidents, many fathers were clergymen (22 per cent). Another 10 per cent of the fathers were in education, equally divided in elementary- secondary ranks and in colleges. About 16 per cent of the fathers were laborers, a majority being Skilled, and another 4 per cent of the fathers were clerical and sales employees. Business executives and owners accounted for 20 per cent of the occupational origins of the presidents, with virtually all business owners found in small or medium—sized businesses. Almost 17 per cent of the fathers were farmers and only 3 per cent were in government civil service. The strongest proportional representation of the professional category was found among the fathers of the private, independent liberal arts college presidents (also corresponding to the high percentage for presidents of pri- vate independent universities). Nearly half of these pres- idents had fathers who were engaged in professional endeavors. 80 The leading professions were: clergymen with 16 per cent; college faculty, 8 per cent; and almost 3 per cent of the presidents had fathers who were college presidents. A relatively small share of presidents came from farming occupational origins (11 per cent) and 5 per cent had fathers in military and government service. Almost one- fourth of the fathers were business executives and owners, with a concentration in major executive positions and a larger Share were owners of smaller businesses. About 10 per cent of the fathers were laborers and another 1 per cent of the fathers were white-collar workers. The fathers of the presidents of the technological institutions were found in all occupational groups and about one—fourth were professionals. (In the professional cate- gory, almost 7 per cent were engineers and another 7 per cent were secondary teachers.) Another fourth of the fathers were farmers followed by 17 per cent who were busi- ness owners in primarily smaller business establishments. Stronger representation in military service origins was found among these presidents, owing largely to the fact that of the four military college presidents, two had fathers in military service. An equal percentage of fathers were found in laborer, white collar worker, and minor executive posi- tions. In view of the totals for all five types of college presidents, there is no question that professional 81 occupational origins dominated, 30 per cent of the fathers having such careers. Further down in order were laborers, 18 per cent; farmers, 16 per cent; business owners, 13 per cent; and business executives, 13 per cent. Catholic col- lege presidents, as a group, however, tended to appear quite different in occupational origins from their colleagues in the other colleges. Such differences were quite consistent with the origins of Catholic university presidents, except more lower level business occupations in smaller firms were found among the college presidents, and a larger percentage of college presidents came from farming backgrounds. Among all groups of college presidents only 8 per cent had fathers who were professional educators, and only nine presidents had fathers who were college presidents. Following the scheme devised earlier, Table 16 com- pares the occupations of the fathers of each type of college president with the male adult population of 1940, and Table 17 summarizes the now familiar ratio representations for all college presidents and the general population. In more exact terms, then, it is seen that the most disadvantaged groups in terms of representation among the liberal arts college presidents were unskilled or semiskilled laborers with a ratio of 0.23 followed by three other under- represented groups: white collar workers, 0.38; farmers, 0.73; and Skilled laborers, 0.79. Overrepresented groups were led by the professional fields with Six times the 82 OO Odo ucmo Hoe OOH mauomxo Hmuou Doc Op mcEsHoo OEOm .mmuomam mo mcflpcoou .ucmo Hem m.o cmnu muons H so so so «o H so HOQHO H H OH H O m H SHOOHHHS H O O O O O O ucmscnm>oo mm OH ON HH OH OH HO Amenmm O OO ON OO Om OH Om HOOOHOOOOOHO OH Om SH mm OH HO mm AOOOHAOOAO .ummmcma ..Ome N O S O O NH O OOSOAOO OH O A H O O O OOHOO .HAOHO OH HH O O OH OH OH AOAOHOH OOHHHHO Hm e O O O OH O .HsOm .OOHHHHOOO OOmH mucmoflmmum .SEOOB .mmch pamummuoum OHHOEOOU UHHQdm Gowummsooo .OOHOOHOOOO HHO Oo uH5©¢ mam: ucmo Hem mucmoflmmum mmOHHOU mo muwfiumm mo ucmu Mom .O.O Hmuoe mo ucOU mom OOOH OH OOHHOHOOOO OHme mmumum OOOHOO me» «0 OOO mucmpflmmnm ommaaoo muum HOHOQHH mo mumnumm OSD mo SOHDSQHHDOHU Hmcowummoooo .oa OHQOB 83 Table 17. Ratio of proportion of college presidents' fathers in occupational group to the proportion of occupa- tional group in adult male population in 1940 Occupation Ratio* Rank Order Unskilled or semiskilled laborer 0.23 9 Skilled laborer, 0.79 6 Clerk or salesmén 0.38 8 Foreman * 3.00 3 Executive, manager, proprietor 2.00 4 Professional man 6.00 1 Farmer 0.73 7 Government service 4.00 2 Military service 1.00 5 *Proportional representation = 1.00. representation than would be expected from the general popu- lation, followed by government civil service, 4.00; foreman, 3.00; and executives, managers, and prOprietors, 2.00. If the fathers of Catholic liberal arts college pres- idents are examined separately Since they tended to differ significantly frOm the others, only three occupational groups were disadvantaged, but not as greatly as in the total col- lege president group: unskilled or semiskilled laborers, 0.41; farmers, 0.45; and white collar workers, 0.69. The most overrepresented occupational groups among Catholic col- lege presidents were foreman with 6.00, followed by those in government civil service, 5.00; professional men, 2.60; executives, managers, and proprietors, 2.10; military ser— vice, 2.00; and skilled laborers, 1.00. In the Catholic 84 situation, there was again evidence Of more distance covered in upward mObility to higher educational leadership. In addition, although the non-Catholic college president moved over, in general, from professional origins, he also moved up from minor executive positions in business and government in greater proportion than would be expected on the basis of the general population. importance of Professional Origins of College and University Presidents It has been demonstrated that the professions have been important sources of leadership among the college and university presidents, and thereby deserve even more atten- tion. It is possible and desirable to compare the percent- age of the males in seven major professional groups in the 1940 census with the percentages found among the 1968 col- lege and university presidents elite and express the compar- isons by ratios to give a more exact ranking. Table 18 gives the pertinent ratios. Table 18 makes even more evident the extent to which the professions were sources of higher education leadership. In terms of the relative size in the general population, the Single profession of the clergy ranked higher with a ratio of 28.46 than any other occupational group, although elemen— tary and secondary teachers was not far behind with a ratio of 23.75. (Were this procedure used among more specific occupations in the other general categories, other 85 Table 18. The professions as sources of college and univer- sity presidents % of 1940 % of Fathers Male Adult of 1968 Academic b Professions Population Presidents Ratio Physician 0.46 1.8 3.91 Engineer 0.80 2.9 3.63 Lawyer 0.50 2.9 5.80 Clergyman 0.39 11.1 28.46 Elementary-secon- dary teacher 0.16 3.8 23.75 College faculty 0.74 4.1 5.54 Other professions 2.46 4.1 1.67 Total 5.51 30.7 5.57 aBureau of the Census, 1940, Vol. I, pp. 75-80. bProportional representation = 1.00. occupations might have an equal or higher ratio but census data were not organized to permit such comparisons. More- over if each institutional type was taken separately, there would be differences especially among Catholic institution presidents where the professions were not as important sources of leadership,yet there might still have been a more favorable comparison to the general population. Also the clergyman category was found important for some types of colleges and not others). Almost a third of all college and university presidents had fathers in professional fields, and the professional category was, in general, the single most important supplier of academic presidents. 86 It will be seen in Chapter VIII that a number of presidents' opinions about why they chose a career in higher education were based upon an idea of service to the institu- tion, society, church, and/or God. There is some likelihood that the fathers in professional fields where the concept of service is fully developed had early effects and reinforce— ments on some presidents' evolving career aspirations. This dimension will be mentioned again in later chapters, but is introduced at this point because of its seeming importance. Comparisons of Occupational Origins Among Academic Presidents There seem to be more similarities rather than dif- ferences when analyzing occupational origins between and among the various college and university presidents. In fact, when one considers groups that are most similar, it is not so much a question of the complexity of the institution, i.e., whether it be a college or university, but rather, of the form of control of the institution. Thus, the public university and college presidents as a group look very sim- ilar, as do the Catholic university and college presidents, the Protestant-related university and college presidents, or the private, independent university and college presidents. There is evidence--to be enlarged upon in later chapters—- that social influences and forces in the presidents' back- grounds have had prominent places in their selection or 87 choice Of the institutions where they were educated, where they taught, and where they became president. Comparisons of the rank orders of occupational groups found in Tables 14 and 17 and the prior discussion of the professions Show that after professional fields, four categories are in close representation: foreman, government service, and business executives, managers, and proprietors. There is evidence that high business positions have not been critical as sources of higher education leadership. The general avenue of higher education tended to be used as a means of upward mobility by those whose fathers were in minor executive positions, while for those whose fathers were professionals, higher education was a means of general lateral mObility. Fathers who occupied high status business positions are found among academic presidents, but to a lesser degree--suggesting, therefore, that movement to higher education might not have been the most attractive career goal for the sons of major or large business leaders. Among college and university presidents, there is evidence that the sons of skilled laborers and farmers (although at a proportional disadvantage) have had career opportunities in higher education and many did choose this route for upward mobility. And, even though the unskilled workers and white-collar workers are far down the line, it is clear that a career in higher education was not closed to the sons of these workers. This is even more clearly seen 88 when the occupational origins of Catholic college presidents are examined. Table 19 gives the occupational origins for all academic presidents in the sample. It includes the percent- ages of occupational groups represented by the presidents' fathers and the ratios formed when comparisons were made with the 1940 census population. The table reflects the discussion in this chapter of the relative Significance of professional backgrounds. Table 19. Occupational origins of academic presidents % of Academic Presidents, Ratio* Occupation of Father 1968 (1940 census) Unskilled, semiskilled laborer 6 0.19 Skilled laborer 10 0.71 Clerk, salesman 5 0.38 Foreman 7 2.50 Executive, manager, proprietor 21 2.10 Professional man 31 6.20 Farmer 16 0.73 Government service 3 3.00 Military service 1 1.00 Total per cent 100 *Proportional representation = 1.00. This concludes the analysis of occupational succes— sion—-that movement in the world of work between fathers and sons—-among college and university presidents. It is now time to look at the regions and communities where these men 89 were born to gain some insight into their geographical origins and where their occupational mobility began. Geographical Origins Americans have long held firm ideas related to the importance of local, state, and regional ties in their daily lives. Loyalty to and identification with a particular geo- graphical region or community have had an often profound, although subtle, effect on the development of views or life styles of the residents. The Warner studies researched this phenomenon as it related to the territorial origins of busi— ness and government executives to determine the extent to which certain regions or communities seemed to be associated with the number of individuals reaching executive positions. Did a region supply a proportionally higher number to busi- ness and government elite positions than would be expected on the basis of that region's percentage of population in the society? It was found that territorial origins as well as occupational origins played a part in the pattern of mObility of these executives. When studying the impact of higher education in the United States, one can hardly overlook the fact that state and regional concerns are also important here. For example, many institutions, especially public colleges and universi- ties, formally state as an objective not only the production, dissemination, and preservation of truth, but also service to 90 the people of the state, in the sense of educational and financial assistance programs in centers throughout the state. Furthermore, it is common for some state legisla- tures to hassle over whether out-of-state enrollments Should be held down to a given proportion or even if certain desig- nated states (for a variety of reasons) should have re- stricted enrollments. On the other hand, the private colleges and univer- sities tend to select more upon a national, regional, or religious basis, for students and often for faculty as well. Some institutions take great pride in the fact that the faculty and staff represent many regions of the country and world and thereby promote a more cosmopolitan educational climate. Others indicate a preference to build upon local talents and recruit those who are assumed to be sensitive to the needs of the people in the area. It is clear that some states and regions provide what appear to be large numbers Of private and public institutions of higher education while others provide few, sometimes reflecting population needs and sometimes not. Thus, there is reason to investigate the geographical origins of the academic presidents to determine if there is some relation between their origins and career mObility. Do these academic presidents originate randomly, i.e., as would be expected on the basis of population or the number of colleges and universities found in a given region? What can be learned-of the broad streams of physical mObility 91 of these educators across the country using data on their birthplaces and the locations of their present positions? DO any regions seem to be at an advantage in retaining educators at the expense of other regions? Obviously, much happens to a man between his birth- place and his position and residence fifty years later; such considerations will be discussed when education and career patterns are examined in Chapters VI and VII. However, here facts can be cited regarding where he began his life and the possible directions that might have been set in motion, facts that complement the analysis of occupational origins. The questionnaire asked the presidents if they were United States-born, and if so, in which state. And, by again turning to national census data for population statis- tics, it is possible to relate the population data to the presidents' birthplaces to learn if some regions or communi- ties did produce more college and university presidents than others. Since the presidents were born, on the average, around 1915, it was decided to use the census data for 1920 as a reasonable estimate of the distribution of the national population when the presidents were born. Because the census data divides the United States into nine census regions, these nine regions are used here as well (see Figure 1). Table 20 gives the percentages of academic presi- dents born in each region along with the respective ratios-- 92 .chHmmH OSOGOO Hmumpmm OGHG Onu OuaH OOOH>HU mmumum UODHGD OED mo mm: .H musmflm 45:23 5.25 .25..sz 5.50m 5w; (268/1.. I II! o 'I'-" (2934 :(341 “maz azjezm 32 17.5.23 FEB. 5w; 22.5592 0E 85“— 93 Table 20. Distribution of 1968 United States-born college and university presidents by region of birth and the 1920 adult census population by region of residence %»of All Academic %.of 1920 Ratio of Presidents Population Presidents Born in Living in Suppliedb Region Region Regiona by Region New England 7.3 7.0 1.04 Middle Atlantic 18.4 21.1 0.87 South Atlantic 12.3 13.2 0.93 East South Central 8.1 8.4 0.96 West South Central 9.4 9.7 0.97 East North Central 21.2 20.3 1.04 West North Central 16.1 11.9 1.35 Mountain 2.9 3.1 0.94 Pacific 4.3 5.3 0.81 Total per cent 100.0 100.0 Total number of presidents: 716 aBureau of the Census, 1920, Vol. I. bProportional representation = 1.00. computed in the same manner as those for occupational ori- gins-—that more exactly Show the extent that Specific regions have "produced" academic presidents. (In order to insure anonymity of all respondents, results are given for all academic presidents in each region rather than by institu- tional types.) It can be seen that states in the East North Central (21.2 per cent) and Middle Atlantic regions (18.4 per cent) produced the greatest percentage of college and university 94 presidents. And in these regions, only three states had supplied 170 presidents or nearly 24 per cent of the college and university presidents in the total sample: 63 presi- dents were born in Pennsylvania (which gave the most in the nation); 56 were born in New York; and 51 were born in Illinois. However, if one considers only the ratios in the far right column of Table 20, then it is apparent that only three regions supplied a percentage of academic presidents that were greater than their proportion in the United States population would suggest. The New England, East North Central, and West North Central states gave in greater proportions, but only the West North Central stands out among the three as giving an appreciable percentage more than their population percentage, with a ratio of 1.35.3 It can be seen that no region stands out very high or very low in terms of the percentage of presidents sup- plied and six of the nine regions have ratios within 0.07 of a perfect representation indicated by 1.00. Table 20 alone suggests that college and university presidents by and large came from a close representation of the general population 3The reader is cautioned that the figure might be biased upward somewhat since a higher proportion of respon- dents from the West North Central region are in the study than one would expect by chance. Although the West North Central region has 12.6 per cent of all four-year colleges and universities, some 15.4 per cent of the presidents in the study sample are from that region. 95 at the time they were born and only one region (West North Central) had produced what could be regarded as a relatively higher proportion of academic presidents. The argument can reasonably be made that certain regions have more colleges and universities than others, thus creating more professional opportunities for educa— tional leadership that retain and attract individuals across state and region boundaries. This fact might account for some of the variance and for the relatively high percentage in the West North Central region, irregardless of the per- centages in the sample. Therefore, rather than using census data, ratios should be developed based upon the percentage Of colleges and universities in each region. This adjust— ment would offer a more complete picture of the impact of territorial origins by interjecting a notion of professional opportunities as well. Table 21 presents a summary of this analysis.4 By developing a different approach to geographical origins, it is clear that three regions lead all others in the sheer number of four-year colleges and universities that needed and attracted (from within and without) academic 4The percentages given for colleges and universities were based upon the 1,118 four-year institutions that served as the population for the study, and not simply the 760 institutions represented by the respondents. The latter figure might have seriously biased the results. 96 Table 21. Distribution of United States-born college and university presidents by region of birth and the percentage of four-year colleges and universities by nine census regions ‘% of Academic ‘% of All Ratio of Presidents 4 Year Presidents Born in Colleges Supplied Region Regions in Regions by Regions New England 7.3 8.9 0.82 Middle Atlantic 18.4 16.7 1.10 South Atlantic 12.3 15.6 0.79 East South Central 8.1 7.8 1.04 West South Central 9.4 8.8 1.07 East North Central 21.2 15.7 1.35 West North Central 16.1 12.6 1.28 Mountain 2.9 4.3 0.67 Pacific 4.3 9.6 0.45 Total per cent 100.0 100.0 Total number of presidents: 716 Total number of colleges and universities: 1,118 presidents over a period of time. The Middle Atlantic states have 16.7 per cent of all four-year institutions, the East North Central states have 15.7 per cent, and the South Atlantic states have 15.6 per cent of all such institutions. The states that lead all others in the nation for institu- tions in the universe are: New York with 88, Pennsylvania with 78, California with 70, Massachusetts with 49, Ohio with 48, Texas with 47, and Illinois with 44. Now when one examines the ratios that were based upon the percentage of institutions available rather than national population statistics, a far different pattern emerges. The West North Central states still retain a high 97 rank among all regions, but the neighboring states in the East North Central region move a little ahead with a ratio of 1.35.5 The Middle Atlantic, East South Central, and West South Central states have a better representation while the Mountain and Pacific regions are definitely low with respec— tive ratios of 0.67 and 0.45. This would indicate: (1) these latter two regions at least had drawn upon a fair percentage of educational leaders born outside the regions to head their colleges and universities, and (2) such educa- tors had found the Opportunities in the Mountain and Pacific regions attractive enough to move in that direction. Table 20 indicated that our chief higher educational leaders came from all regions of the country in a fair rep- resentation of the general population, and no single region decisively seemed to provide any advantages over another. Table 21, however, suggests that the presidents in their careers have been mobile between regions. When the percent- ages of four—year institutions in each region are considered, there is evidence that academic presidents have been men in SAgain the reader is cautioned to review the data given in Chapter III on the exact percentages of colleges by regions that are a little under- or overrepresented in the sample. Whereas the institutions in the Middle Atlantic and South Atlantic regions were somewhat underrepresented in the sample, the East North Central and West North Central regions were somewhat overrepresented. 98 geographic motion, similar to their counterparts in business and government. Some regions such as the East North Central, West North Central, and Middle Atlantic seem to have pro— duced not only enough presidents for their own institutions but for others as well. The Mountain, Pacific, and New England regions, on the other hand, seemed to provide pro- fessional opportunities by their relatively larger numbers of institutions to draw upon educators born in other regions. (The attractability of the Pacific region has been under- scored as well by the great growth of the area in population and higher education over the past sixty years.) Although Chapters VI and VII will attempt to fill in the time gap between the starting place of the presidents (as given by their birthplaces) to their present positions, the present diSCussion already portends a view of geograph- ical mobility for a substantial percentage of these men across regional boundaries as they progressed through their careers. Urban and Rural Origins Earlier it was noted that not only states and regions provided loyalties and often shared experiences to individ- uals, but also that the types and Sizes of communities where one was born and acquired some fundamental views of his cul- ture provided such eXperiences. With this in mind, it was decided to investigate the local sizes and types of 99 communities of academic presidents' birthplaces to assist in evaluating another impact of geographical origins. Are these men representative of American society in terms of the communities where they were born and presumably reared? That is, to what extent were they big city boys, small town boys, farm boys? To assist in this analysis, 1920 census data were used to determine how representative the birth— places were. Tables 22 and 23 summarize the findings, in percentages, for university and college presidents, respec- tively, and Table 24 gives the results in ratio form for more exact comparisons. On the basis of the percentages and ratios found in Tables 22-24, there seem to be varied patterns of the types and sizes of American communities represented by the college and university presidents. About 40 per cent of all aca- demic presidents were born in rural communities of less than 2,500 population giving a ratio of 0.83, or somewhat under what one could eXpect on the basis of the general population at that time. However, it should be noted that there are variations that seem to be associated with the presidents' type Of institution. For example, presidents of public colleges and universities and private Protestant-related colleges and universities were fairly representative of 1920 America, whereas Catholic college and university presidents clearly were born in urban communities; to a lesser degree 100 Ham ”mucOpHmOHm mo HOQESE Hmuoe OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH ucmo AOO Hmpoe ON NO ON NH OO NH ON OOO.OOH AO>O NH OH ON OH ON OH OH OO0.00H on OO0.0N ON NH ON ON OH OH OH OOO.ON on OOO.N OO HO ON OO HN NO OO OOO.N Omnp OOOH no HOAOO OOOOOHOOAO .aaome .OOOOH .OOAO .Oumo OHHEOO Hx.OHO HuHcsssoo mo ONHO HHO OOOOOHOOAO OOOHHOO Ouum HOAOEHH Oo_x aonmmmOom EOHumaomom ONOH OED mo OOcOpHmOH mo MDHESEEOO mo ONHm paw mucOpHmOHm OmOHHOO muum HOHOQHH mo OOOHQEOHHQ mo ONHm .mm OHEOB .om .m .H .HO> .omma .msmEOO OED mo ammusmm HOH “muEOpHmOHm mo HOEEOO Hmuoa OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH ucmo AOO Hmpoe OO OO OH ON ON ON OOO.OOH AO>O NH NH OH OH NH OH OOO.OOH ou OOO.ON OH ON OH ON OH OH OOO.ON Op OOO.N OO ON NO O OO OO OOO.N swap OmmH Ho HOAOO OHOOO OOOOOOOOOOH ucmummuoum OHHOOOOO OHHOOO HS.OHO OuHasesoo Oo ONHO IHmOHm » EOHumasmom Had mucOpHmOHm uHmHO>HED mo uEOO HOm m .m.D coHumHsOom ONOH OOH mo OOEOUHOOH mo NDHESEEOU mo ONHO paw muEOpHmOHm NDHOHO>HES mo OUOHQEUHOQ MO ONHm .NN OHQOB 101 .mm USO mm OOHQOE mo mammamcm com: pOmmmm No.0 mm.H Oo.a mm.o Om.H 0O.o mm.H mn.o mo.m mm.o ooo.ooa HO>O oo.H oo.H oo.m o¢.a om.m om.H o>.H oo.a oo.H om.a ooo.ooalooo.mm mH.H oo.a om.H mm.H mw.o ma.H mN.H ma.a mN.H Om.o ooo.mm Ou oom.m mm.o mm.o mm.o No.0 O¢.o mH.H mm.o mo.H oo.o O0.H oom.m EOEu mmOH HO HOHDM muCOpHmOum .EUOB .mOpEH .uoum .Eumo OHHQSQ .mOUEH .uoum .Eumo OHHEOQ NOHESEEOO HH< mucOpHmOHm OmOHHOO muu< HOHOQHH muEOOHmOHm anamHO>HCD mo ONHm mcoflumaomom mOumum pOuHED omma mo OOSOpHmOH mo muHESEEOO mo ONHO pcm mucOomeHm NDHOHO>HES paw OmOHHOO mo OOOHQEOHHQ mo ONHO mo Owumm .ON OHQOB 102 the same can be said for the presidents of the private, independent liberal arts and university presidents. When the small town origins of 2,500 to 25,000 popu- lation size are considered, then it is found that the presi- dents across the board are fairly representative of these communities. In the cities of 25,000 to 100,000 residents, there is nearly a 60 per cent overrepresentation. While 10 per cent of the population were in these larger cities, nearly 16 per cent of the presidents were born there. In the large cities of over 100,000 people—-which comprised 26 per cent of the population-—some 24 per cent of all presi— dents are represented. However, again there are important variations depending upon the presidents' institution. For example, 70 per cent of the Catholic university presidents and 40 per cent of the Catholic college presidents come from large urban communities while there is a drastic drop in the relative percentage of public liberal arts presidents born in large urban areas. It can be said that the heads of public colleges and universities and Protestant-related colleges and universities are well-representative of the general population in coming from rural communities and smaller urban settings, while these presidents tend not to come from large metropolitan cities. On the other hand, Catholic institution presidents are definitely of urban geographical origins with a majority from the larger cities. 103 A word Should be mentioned here about the relatively small number of presidents who were born and raised outside the United States. Only 33 college and university presi- dents (or about 4 per cent, and nearly all, men) were foreign-born, and they were found in all types of institu- tions. Summary and Conclusions In the investigation of the occupational origins of academic presidents, it was found that the fathers represent all types and levels of occupations, but that there is some variation when presidents are grouped by different types of institutions. Among the non-Catholic university presidents, about 40 per cent of the fathers were professional men and another 16 per cent were farmers, and these occupations are the most prevalent. Among Catholic university presidents, occupational origins are found to a much larger extent at all levels of the business hierarchy with 20 per cent in the laborer category and 35 per cent in the major executive, large business owner categories. The non—Catholic liberal arts college presidents much like the university presidents are more likely to have professional and farming occupational origins. The Catholic liberal arts presidents resemble closely their university counterparts, except a greater per- centage of the college presidents' fathers were in lower level business positions. When the fathers' occupations of 104 college and university presidents were compared to the general male population of 1940, it was found that five occupational groups are in greater proportion (overrepre- sented), and four occupational groups are in less proportion (underrepresented), than the national population would sug- gest. The occupations most overrepresented are (in rank order): professional fields, foreman and minor business positions, government civil service, major business execu- tives, and military service. The underrepresented occupa- tional groups are: farmers, Skilled laborers, white-collar workers, and unskilled laborers. Among the college and university presidents with professional origins, fathers who were clergymen and elementary and secondary teachers were most prevalent. The examination of geographical origins of academic presidents revealed that geographical mobility characterizes the careers of many men as well as occupational mObility. Although proportionally representative of nearly all regions of the country, there is evidence that certain regions with relatively more institutions seemed to draw upon and appeared more attractive to persons born in other regions. This find- ing suggests that a percentage of the presidents had been physically as well as occupationally mObile in their careers. The chapters on education and career patterns will develop further the mobility aSpect that was uncovered in this chap- ter. The analysis of urban and rural origins revealed that 105 40 per cent were born in communities under 2,500 and another 20 per cent were from small towns under 25,000 people. While presidents of non-Catholic institutions more often came from rural or small towns, Catholic institution pres— idents came from large urban communities. Only about 4 per cent of the academic presidents were found to be foreign- born. Thus, more Similarities than differences were found among academic presidents in terms of their occupational and geographical origins. Although one might hypothesize that university presidents as a group would be different from liberal arts college presidents as another group, such was not found to be the case. If anything, the similarities were more pronounced when the form of control of the institution was used for analysis. For example, the public university gag liberal arts college presidents had quite similar occupa- tional origins that differentiated them from the others. The same can be said for the Catholic university Egg college presidents, the Protestant-related university agg_college presidents, and the independent university agg_college pres- idents. The greatest differences tended to arise between the presidents' institutions when form of control—-rather than complexity-—was the critical index. It appears likely that some social factors, probably related to social status, religion, or other elements, led OI attracted men to certain types of institutions, i.e., 106 public, Catholic, Protestant-related, or independent, and that this pattern was reinforced in the types of institu- tions where they were educated, where they taught, and where they assumed the presidency. Future chapters will reflect such patterns. The next chapter focuses upon the potential influence of the family on the president's career. CHAPTER V INFLUENCES OF THE FAMILY In attempting to understand the relationship between the social Origins of academic presidents and their career patterns, the occupational origins of these educators were examined. Next, the investigation focused on their geo- graphical and territorial origins by determining the regions Of their birth and the types and Sizes of communities of their birth. It is now the purpose to gain some understand— ing of the probable influences of key family members, in addition to the father, assisting movement to the top higher education administrative elite. In particular, the research looks at the grandfathers' occupations and places of birth and combines this with what is now known of the fathers' occupations. The results will Show the occupational dis— tance traveled by academic presidents as reflected in three generations. The Warner studies showed that a father's occupation influences the son, not only by giving him a particular status in the community, but also by providing him with particular role models and opportunities for social mObility. 107 108 This idea prompts an analysis of occupational succession beginning with the grandfather to father and finally to son. warner also hypothesized and found that the mother's father's occupation created its own influences on the occupational mObility of executives; hence a description of the mother's social origins in also warranted. After a discussion of the paternal and maternal grandfathers' probable influences, there is an inspection of the extent of education of the presidents' parents along with their places of birth. Finally, a survey of the occupations of the wives' fathers is conducted to determine if the presidents married up, down, or across in an occupa- Izional sense, and thereby learn how marriage might be related 'to their career mObility. Occgpations of the Paternal Grandfathers The comparisons of the occupations of the paternal SIrandfathers and fathers are found in Table 25. The data 'have been arranged on the basis of the different types of Enliversities headed by the presidents. Among all university presidents, except those head- ing Catholic universities, there is a definite movement away firom farming occupations when the grandfathers and fathers are contrasted. The general movement is from farming to the Professions and to minor and major positions in the business hierarchy. 109 OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH name MOO Hmuoe O O O O O O H O OAOOHHHS O O O O O O O OH Emanuel/O.O O HO OO OO O O ON NO AOEAOO OO OO OO HH OH O NO HN HOOOHOOOOOAO OH 0 o o mH o m H HOEBO mmOGHODQ OmHmH O NH O NN O ON OH O Awqgo OOOOHOOE HHOsO OH o m 0 ON O O H O>Husome Honmz OH O O O OH NH O O cmsmuom N O O O OH O O O OOHOO .HHOHO O OH O O OH OO O O AOOEOH OOHHHHO O O O O OH O N O AOAOEOH OOHHHEOOO .m .O.m .m .O.m .m .O.m .m .O.m COHHOQSOOO OOOOOOOOOOH OOOOHOOTOOAO OHHOOOOO OHHEOO mOHuHmuO>HED mo mucOpHmOHm muHmHO>HES mo mHOEumm USO OHOEummpEmum HOEHOOOQ mo mEOHummsooo HOEOO “Om EHV muEOOHmOHm .mm OHQOB 110 When the grandfathers' occupations are reviewed it is clear that few were in the laborer categories, except for the Catholic university presidents' grandfathers where one- third were Skilled workers. For the Catholic university president there is a continuation back through the second generation to the third generation of occupational origins in business. The fact observed earlier that Catholic univer- sity presidents had quite different occupational origins from other presidents extends back to the grandparents. For the public, Protestant-related, and independent university presidents, the continual occupational succession emanated largely from a farming and professional base with the grand— fathers. As their sons moved to the cities and colleges, the farming category reduces and the professional and higher level business classes grows. For the grandfathers in the lower level business positions, there is a general upward movement to executive levels for their sons. Thus, the roots of mobility extend back to the late 1800's, and it is evident that no occupational group was frozen from one generation to the other. In this occupa— tional movement over the generations there was a recognition and cultivation of the value of education and achieving that sprang from largely farming and professional origins. It undoubtedly had many direct and subtle effects on some uni- versity presidents' career goals. (Indications of these effects are reflected in Chapter VIII.) Support for the lll idea Of likely influences between generations is clearer in the case Of private, independent university presidents where one-third of the grandfathers were professional men and the positive regard for education had deep roots. In Table 26,attention is focused on the occupations Of the paternal grandfathers and fathers of the various liberal arts college presidents. As can be seen, the occupa— tional origins of liberal arts presidents beginning with the paternal grandfathers Show a general transition from the farm to the city Similar to the story for the university presidents. Among the non—Catholic college presidents, the movement is definitely from the farms to the colleges where a large percentage of fathers prepared for professional fields. Complementing this mobility is the general upward rise in the business hierarchy from the grandfathers who were found in the laborer classes to their sons in higher level executive positions. Table 26 shows that one-third of the grandfathers of the presidents of our independent universities were profes- sional men and the occupational succession of independent College presidents also was assisted by the large percentage Of their grandfathers who were professional men. And, again in the Catholic college president category, it is seen that while nearly 40 per cent of the grandfathers were laborers and another 40 per cent farmers, the fathers moved in 112 OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH uamo umm Hmuoe OH O H O H m N O H O OHOOHHHz O O O O O N O H O m ucmecum>oo Om OO HH Om OH OO OH Om mm OO “magma ON OH OO mm OO OH OH 5 ON O HmconmmOoum O o O m H o m o m H Hmczo mmwcflmsn momma OH OH O HH O O OH O OH NH Hmc3o mmmaHmsn HHOEO O O OH O O H O O O N O>Husomxm “ohms n O O O O H OH O O O swamuom O O H O O N O N O H OOHOO .xHOHo O O O HH OH O OH Om OH OH “muoan OOHHHxO mm O O O O O OH OH O OH HmuogmH OOHHHxOco .m .o.m .m .o.m .m .w.m .m .o.m .m .0.m cowummsooo .cnome .OmOaH .uoum UHHonpmo oHHnsO mommaaoo muu< Hmnmnflq mo muchHmmHm Aucoo mom :HV muqmpHmmum mmmHHoo muum HmnmnflH mo mumnumm pom mumzummpsmum Hmcumumm mo mcoHummsooo .Om magma ll3 significant numbers to higher level business positions as foremen, executives, and owners. In Chapter IV and in this chapter the place of pro- fessional and farming occupational origins of academic pres- idents have been repeatedly brought to light. Table 27 gives a breakdown of the percentages of the paternal grand— fathers and fathers of all presidents, and this table tells much of the story of continuity of occupations from grand- father to father to son. Table 27. Summary of occupations of paternal grandfathers and fathers of all academic presidents in the sample Per Cent of Per Cent Occupations Grandfathers of Fathers Professions 15 31 Physician 2 2 Engineer 1 3 Lawyer 2 3 Clergyman 6 ll Elementary—secondary teacher 1 4 College faculty 2 4 Other professions l 4 Farming 43 16 Laborers, clerks, sales 22 21 Business executives 5 13 Business owners ll 14 Other occupations 4 5 Total per cent 100 100 114 Even though there are differences in occupational origins of different groupings of academic presidents, Table 27 indicates that there is a broad occupational base in farming when the paternal grandfathers' careers are examined. About 43 per cent of the grandfathers engaged in agricultural vocations. Second in rank order were the lower level busi— ness occupations, primarily unskilled and skilled laborers (22 per cent) and third were professional men (15 per cent). Another 16 per cent were comprised of combined categories of business executives (5 per cent) and business owners (11 per cent). In the next generation, or among the fathers of academic presidents, the farming occupational base is sharply reduced, and there is a doubling of those in professional fields (31 per cent). Although all professions show in— creases between the father's father and the father, the per— centage increases in the clergy and secondary and higher education are most evident. The category of laborers and white collar workers stayed about the same, but a larger percentage of fathers moved up to skilled workers and white collar workers while only 6 per cent of the 21 per cent rep- resented unskilled laborers, the remaining being skilled. The combined business executive and business owner categories grew from 16 per cent to 27 per cent as there were fairly proportional increases in foremen, major business executives, small business owners, and large business owners among the fathers. 115 In consideration of the occupational origins of all college and university presidents it was found that a major- ity of the fathers and grandfathers were United States-born. About two-thirds of the paternal grandfathers were born in the United States and 85 per cent of the fathers were born in this country. The only significant variation in these percentages came from the Catholic college and university presidents where about 80 per cent of their fathers were born in the United States but only about one—third of their paternal grandfathers were born here. In all cases the fathers and grandfathers of the private, independent college presidents represent the largest percentage born in the United States, as 93 per cent of the fathers and 81 per cent of the grandfathers were United States-born. It would appear that the professional and farming occupational origins for many of the non—Catholic institution presidents are tied to the fact that their families have been in the country well back into the rural—oriented.America of the 1800's and have had a longer period of time to rise up through professional and business leadership. The Catholic institution presidents on the other hand represent primarily only the second generation born in this country and their rapid mobility stems from urban centers up through the busi- ness sector into religious life culminating in higher educa- tional leadership. ll6 Occupations of the Maternal Grandfathers As we began this chapter, the point was raised that presumably the maternal grandfather's occupation had some influence on the early life of the academic president, as well as his father's and paternal grandfather's occupations. An analysis of the mother's father's occupation will show: (1) the status of the mother when the president's father married her and how different or similar their statuses were, and (2) other probable influences translated from mother to son of certain values and career goals that resulted from her own earlier family life. Table 28 offers the comparison in occupations of the maternal and paternal grandfathers of all academic presidents. Table 28 indicates closely parallel occupational levels of the presidents' grandfathers in most categories. In the professional, farming, and lower-level business occu- pations, there are very similar occupational origins, and endogamy or marriages at the same occupational level are observed. Slightly more maternal grandfathers than paternal grandfathers are found in the business executive category, and in the business owner category, and about 4 per cent more of the mother's fathers were small business entrepre- neurs. For neither grandparents is there a strong indica- tion of involvement in education as such, but again the professions are strongly represented. In general, it can be said that the presidents' social origins as reflected in 117 Table 28. Occuptaions of paternal grandfathers and maternal grandfathers of college and university presidents Per Cent of Per Cent of Father's Mother's Occupations Father Father Professions 15 15 Physician 2 1 Engineer 1 l Lawyer 2 2 Clergyman 6 5 Elementary-secondary teacher 1 2 College faculty 2 2 Other professions 1 2 Farming 43 4O Laborers, white-collar 22 21 Business executives 5 7 Business owners 11 15 Other occupations 4 2 Total per cent 100 100 the occupations of their paternal and maternal grandfathers are at the fairly same levels, with a slightly greater per— centage of maternal grandfathers in the higher-level busi- ness hierarchy than the paternal grandfathers. It also shows that the president's mother and father tended to marry at the same status level and undoubtedly reinforced any positive values toward success and mobility among their sons. The presidents' fathers as we have seen 118 made their ways into colleges and universities and entered the professions in twice the proportion as the grandparents. In a detailed analysis of the grandfathers' occupa- tions by the president's type of institution, no significant deviations were found, and the presentation in Table 28 was representative of all. It has been noted that two-thirds of the paternal grandfathers were born in the United States, except for those grandfathers of Catholic institution pres- idents, and about two-thirds of the maternal grandparents were also United States-born. As would be expected, only 30 per cent of the maternal grandparents of Catholic college presidents were United States-born. As in the case of the birthplaces of the academic presidents' fathers, about 85 per cent of the mothers were born in the United States. Education of the Father and Mother The study examined how much education was actually received by the parents of academic presidents. Judging from the occupation of the fathers it is eXpected that many are college graduates, but based upon questionnaire responses, a more exact picture is possible. Table 29 compares the rela— tive amounts of education for the parents of college and uni— versity presidents in the sample. Table 29 shows that about 45 per cent of the fathers and mothers of these top educators received less than a high school education. Of the approximately 54 per cent of the 119 Table 29. Extent of formal education of the parents of college and university presidents Fathers Mothers Extent of Formal Education (%) (%) Less than high school 33 31 Some high school 12 12 High school graduate 13 24 Some college 14 18 College graduate 10 14 Post-graduate study 17 2 Total per cent 100 100 fathers and 58 per cent of the mothers who graduated from high school, half the fathers went on to graduate from col- lege while only about one-fourth of the mothers graduated from college. A large percentage of the mothers (24 per cent) terminated their formal education at the end of high school. However, it can be seen that 18 per cent of the mothers did obtain some college work and probably many met their spouses in college. It is not surprising that such a large percentage of the fathers received undergraduate and advanced degrees since it has been observed that 31 per cent of the fathers were in the professions, almost all of which require a college education. And it is known from Table 28, that over 25 per cent of the mothers' fathers were either professional men and business leaders, many of whom had the 120 opportunity to give financial assistance, knowledge, and encouragement to their daughters to attend college. Such forces were linked to the largely endogamic relationships that characterized the presidents' parents' marriages, and unquestionably played a role in reinforcing, advising and maybe even insisting that their sons pursue college degrees in preparation for the professions. Even though a large percentage of the parents did not receive a high school diploma, the child undoubtedly had or identified with certain role-models and values that prized education. For another large percentage, however, the presidents were raised in homes where their fathers and mothers were college- educated and almost one-fifth of the fathers pursued college work beyond the bachelor's degree. The models and values related to the value of education in these latter families extended often into the third generation and had direct and indirect effects on the grandsons. Since the study of occu— pational succession of all academic presidents through the third generation shows a profile of primarily occupationally mObile families, the non-college educated parents, although at the lower occupational levels, presumably saw education as a road to a better life for their sons and daughters and supported this direction rather than using means to keep the sons at their own lower occupational levels. At each generation, beginning with the grandfathers to the presidents, there is evidence of upward mobility and 121 a continual succession of growing professional and business leadership proportions, and a continual decrease in the percentages in rural or urban lower level positions in business. This mobility trend has culminated with the sons who are the subjects of this research, the presidents of a majority of American colleges and universities. Wives of Academic Presidents Much has been said thus far on the probable influ- ences of the grandfathers, fathers, and mothers of academic presidents, but another important aspect of their lives still remains to be reviewed, namely their wives. Less than 2 per cent of all non-Catholic institution presidents are single, while nearly all presidents are married and have on the average, three children. The question of whether the presidents tended to marry at higher, similar, or lower occupational levels might again be raised. Was the general pattern of endogamy found among their parents repeated in their own lives? Since their wives' ascribed statuses immediately prior to marriage came from their fathers' occu- pations, it would be appropriate to compare the occupations of the academic presidents' fathers with the wives' fathers, and Table 30 summarizes the results. In general, there is a fair amount of similarity in the occupational levels of the non-Catholic university pres- ident's father and the wife's father, although there are 122 Table 30. Occupational origins of the non-Catholic institu— tion presidents and their wives Per Cent of non-Catholic Per Cent Institution of Wives' Occupations Presidents Fathers Professions 36 27 Physician 2 4 Engineer 3 3 Lawyer 3 3 Clergyman l4 6 Elementary-secondary teachers 5 3 College faculty 5 5 Other professions 4 3 Farming 18 15 Laborers, white-collar 17 16 Business executives 12 15 Business owners 13 20 Other occupations 4 7 Total per cent 100 100 greater differences than existed between the presidents' paternal and maternal grandfathers. On the one hand, a much greater percentage of presidents' fathers came from profes- sional fields than the wives' fathers. About 36 per cent of the presidents' fathers were professional men (with 14 per cent as clergymen), while only 27 per cent of the wives' fathers were professionals (and only 6 per cent as clergy- men). 123 In the farming occupations, the fathers were some- what in larger proportion for the presidents than their wives. Among the fathers in the business sector, there were noticeable differences, and the wives' fathers were more represented in the higher-level positions. Fewer of the wives' fathers were laborers or white-collar workers when 'compared to the presidents' fathers, but a larger percentage of wives' fathers were in major business executive positions (10 per cent) and a larger percentage were owners of large businesses (7 per cent) than was found with the presidents' fathers. There are cases where the president's father's occupational status was higher (in the professional fields), while in other cases the wife's fathers occupational status was somewhat higher (in the business hierarchy). There is, then, evidence of a fair amount of endogamy between the presidents and their wives at the time of their marriages, with some important deviations. An analysis of the wife's father's occupation sup- ports the fact that she came from, on the average, higher level occupational origins than did the president's mother. About 45 per cent of the wives' fathers were either profes- sional men, major business executives, or large business owners. It could be expected that the wives like the pres- idents' mothers were given opportunities for higher educa- tion and opportunities to meet men, especially in colleges, who were highly mObile themselves. When the wives' fathers' 124 occupational status was compared to the presidents' maternal grandfathers' occupations in Table 28, one is able to see the differences in ascribed status between the two women. Farming occupations for maternal grandfathers was 40 per cent and only 15 per cent for the wives' fathers; profes— sional fields for the maternal grandfathers was 15 per cent and was 27 per cent for the wives' fathers. In short, the women the presidents married have occupational origins some- what similar to their own and considerably higher than the mothers' statuses at their time of marriage. Among the academic presidents, occupational mobility continued and is reflected in the marriages of the presidents. In the business leader study, there was the notion, no matter how ill-founded, that marrying the bosses daughter provided top positions for many sons-in—law, and some might believe this to be true in higher education as well. However, there is certainly no real evidence for this "myth" among academic presidents. In fact only eight of the total number of aca- demic presidents in the study married women whose fathers were college presidents. In conclusion, it is most likely that most men married laterally, some up, and some down when occupational origins are used as the comparative indices. 125 Summary and Conc lus ions The investigation of family influences began with a study of the occupations of the presidents' paternal grand- fathers in order to obtain a better understanding of the base for occupational succession over two generations. An analysis of the occupations of the paternal grandfathers of the presidents revealed that 43 per cent were farmers, 22 per cent were laborers and white collar workers, and 15 per cent were professional men. When compared to the fathers' occupations, it was evident that occupational succession was characterized by a general movement from the farm to the smaller cities and from lower—level business positions to higher-level business positions. Among the fathers, 31 per cent were professionals, 27 per cent were in business at middle or higher levels, and only 16 per cent were farmers. The fathers moved to the cities but more importantly to the colleges where nearly one—third prepared for professional careers. It was discovered that 85 per cent of the parents and two-thirds of the grandfathers were United States-born, except for the parents and grandparents of Catholic institu- tion presidents where 80 per cent of the fathers were United States-born and only 33 per cent of the grandfathers were United States-born. In general, the Catholic institution presidents reflected a higher mobility rate in a relatively 126 shorter preiod of time than did the presidents of other types of institutions. Comparisons of the paternal and maternal grand- fathers' occupations showed much similarity for the profes- sional, farming, and lower level business occupations, but slightly more maternal grandfathers were in higher level business positions. It is likely that such occupational origins reinforced positive values of education and upward mobility in the sons. Moreover, since an attitude toward service is often an integral part of the professions, there was unquestionably a high regard in the value of service passed on to the sons. The presidents' parents were well educated although it was of interest that 45 per cent did not graduate from high school. Some 27 per cent of the fathers, however were college graduates and 17 per cent received graduate degrees. The wives of college and university presidents (and only 2 per cent of the presidents of non-Catholic institu- tions were single) tended to come from similar occupational origins as the presidents themselves. However, more of the presidents came from professional families (36 per cent) than was true for the ascribed status the wives had at the time of marriage (27 per cent); but, the wives' occupational origins were more typically of a higher level for those fathers engaged in the business hierarchy. It was also found that the presidents' wives came from higher level 127 occupations than did the presidents' mothers, and the gen- eral movement of upward occupational mobility not only char- acterized occupational succession across the three genera- tions, but was also reflected in the largely endogamous marriages of the presidents. CHAPTER VI EDUCATION OF THE ACADEMIC PRESIDENTS Education has been instrumental not only in prepar- ing individuals for high levels of responsibility, but also in providing critical avenues to leadership positions in American society. Studies of government and business execu- tives found that education, particularly at the college level, helped prepare these men for their roles, and it gave opportunities to those born of lower occupational origins to rise into elite occupational positions. It would only seem reasonable that the heads of American colleges and univer- sities would all be well-educated persons--and to a greater extent than virtually all other occupational groups. Based upon what is now known of the social origins and probable influences of the academic president's family, it is clear that while a large percentage used higher education as a road to vertical occupational mobility and success, another large percentage used their formal training as a means of lateral mobility among the professions. Such a finding prompts a number of questions about the academic presidents' education that form the basis of this chapter. 128 129 What was the extent of their formal education and the highest academic degree earned? How many had earned the academic doctorate or other degrees? What was the nature of their education including the major fields of study? Where and in what types of institutions did they receive their education? How many presidents were students at the institu- tions they now head? Chapters IV and V focused on the president's start in life and probable social influences. This chapter reports on the process by which he learned skills that directly pre— pared him for his career. Extent of Higher Education Received As eXpected, the academic presidents proved to be a very well-educated group, and a majority had earned advanced graduate degrees. Table 31 gives the types of highest degrees earned by all academic presidents in the study. When one considers all college and university presi- dents as a single group, Table 31 shows that nearly three- fourths have earned an academic doctorate. Another 16 per cent have attained a master's degree, 6 per cent have earned a professional graduate degree, and 5 per cent have earned a bachelor's degree. Although a doctorate is not absolutely necessary, in general, to become a college or university president, it is clear that a large percentage had completed such formal 130 Table 31. Highest academic degrees earned by academic pres- idents Per Cent of Highest Degree Earned Presidents Bachelor's degree . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Master's degree . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l6 Doctoral degree . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 Doctor of Philosophy (Ph. D. ) . . . . . . . . 58 Doctor of Education (Ed. D. ) . . . . . . . . 11 Doctor of Sacred Theology (S. T. D. ) . . . . . 1 Other Academic Doctorate . . . . . . . . . . 3 Other graduate degrees 6 Medicine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0.05 Law . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Divinity (B. D. ) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Other religious degrees . . . . . . . . . . 0.05 Total per cent . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100.0 Total number of presidents: 760 programs of study. The doctor of philosophy degree leads all doctorates with 58 per cent, while 11 per cent have earned the doctor of education, 1 per cent have earned the doctor of sacred theology (the academic doctorate for theo- logical study earned by Roman Catholic priests), and 3 per cent have earned other academic doctorates. Table 32 gives a more refined breakdown of the above data and, as usual, differences are reflected based upon the type of institution the president heads. 131 OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH ucmo Hmm HmuOB O O H N O O O H O msoHOHHmu umnuo O H O O O O O O N H.O.Ov OOHOH>HO O O N O H O O O O H.o.O ..m.HHV 3OH O H O O O O O O O H.o.zv mcHoHOOz o O NH m H O OH o w mmmummw .Omum umnuo O H m H O O O o H Hmzuo O O O O O O O ON O .o.e.m O O O N OO O O O O O.OO HO OO HO OO HO NO OO OO OO .o.cm OO OO HO OO HO OO OO OO OO mumuouuoo OH OH HN ON O OH OH OH O m.umummz ON O O O H O O H O m.uonOomm .czoma .OOOOH .uoum .Oumo oHHOOO .OOOOH .uoum .Opmo uHHHsO Omcnmm mmuOmO ummsOHm mucmOHmmHm muu< HOHmQHH muchHmmHm auHmum>HQD mucmonmum muHmHm>Hcd UGO mOmHHoo ucmummmHU an monumm mmmummc UHEOUOUO ummcmHm .Nm mHQmB 132 Table 32 shows that an academic doctorate is the most prevalent degree found among academic presidents, but there are variations based upon the president's type of institution. The presidents of public liberal arts colleges represent the largest percentage who have earned the doctor- ate as nine out of ten are so educated. Public university presidents follow with 78 per cent having earned the doctor- ate, while most other institutional types have close to 75 per cent with a doctorate. It can be seen that only the presidents of the Protestant-related universities and lib— eral arts colleges have a relatively smaller percentage who earned a doctorate (66 per cent and 61 per cent, reSpec- tively). .A closer examination of those who have earned the doctorate reveals that the most common degree earned by all is the Ph.D., with a few modifications. The doctor of educa- tion degree was earned by 37 per cent of the public liberal arts college presidents. (It should be born in mind that many of the colleges in this category are teacher-oriented institutions. This in part may account for the selection of individuals who have earned the Ed.D., a degree that is pri— marily aimed at training professional educational adminis— trators.) About 9 per cent of public university presidents have also earned the Ed.D. Among Catholic educators, the doctor of sacred theology (S.T.D.), was a prominent program of study following the Ph.D. 133 As one moves to an analysis of the professional grad- uate degrees earned, the bachelor of divinity curriculum-— the usual degree for Protestant clergymen--was completed by a fairly large percentage, especially those presidents who head Protestant-related universities and colleges. It is evident that few presidents were Specifically and formally trained to be medical doctors or lawyers. Of the average of 16 per cent of all presidents who earned a degree no higher than the master's level, there are variations based upon the president's type of institution. The differences are more noticeable in the private institu- tions, and the largest percentage are found among Catholic liberal arts presidents (23 per cent), Protestant-related college presidents (21 per cent), and Protestant-related university presidents (19 per cent). Across each type of institution those presidents who had earned the bachelors' degrees and no other are found in relatively few numbers, although there is a slightly larger percentage in public universities and private liberal arts colleges. (Even though the technological institution presidents as a group had about 20 per cent who attained the bachelor's degree and no higher, the percentage was slanted upward due to the fact that the heads of military colleges were generally graduates of four- year engineering and military programs and pursued military careers until selected for an academic presidency.) 134 Upon further analysis it was found that male and female college and university presidents compare as follows in Table 33. Table 33. Highest degree earned by male and female presi— dents Men Women Highest Degree Earned (%) (%) Bachelor's 6 l Master's 15 20 Academic doctorate 72 75 Other degrees 7 4 Total per cent 100 100 The only difference that was found in the extent of education of men and women is that a relatively greater per- centage of men have received a bachelor's degree as the highest degree while a relatively larger percentage of women have earned the master's degree. The sexes are very similar for earning an academic doctorate or another type of degree. When the extent of education was based upon presi— dents of institutions in different regions of the country, there were only minor differences, as seen in Table 34. The presidents in various sections of the country are very similar based upon their highest degree earned. New England seems to have a relatively larger percentage of presidents who earned a master's degree and no higher, but 135 Table 34. Highest degree earned by the location of the institution Highest Degree Earned (in‘%) Region of Bache- Doctor- Institution lor's Master's ate Other Total New England 6 22 67 5 100 Middle Atlantic 6 13 77 4 100 South Atlantic 9 12 68 11 100 East South Central 0 17 76 7 100 West South Central 5 15 72 8 100 East North Central 3 21 7O 6 100 West North Central 7 ll 74 8 100 Mountain 3 ll 80 6 100 Pacific 4 18 77 l 100 it is also true that a larger number of Catholic liberal arts colleges and Protestant-related colleges and univer- sities are found in New England, and a good percentage of these presidents possess the master's and no higher (see Table 32). The same explanation holds for the relatively high percentage of presidents in the East North Central region. In the South Atlantic region, there is a large per- centage of Protestant-related colleges and this largely accounts for the somewhat greater "other degrees" earned since many of these presidents earned bachelor of divinity degrees. Another analysis of the highest degree earned by academic presidents was based upon the tenure or number of years in office. This was prompted by the question of whether there were trends over time in the academic training 136 of these educators. The table on the next page gives the breakdown based upon tenure. In Table 35, it is evident that when the extent of education of presidents is compared with tenure in office, there are gradual changes. Initially the reader is cautioned that the interpretation of Table 35 is limited in some re- spects because of a selectivity process that has taken place over the twenty or more years. It is not possible to state, unequivocally, that more college presidents of today have earned doctorates than academic presidents twenty years ago. For example, there are only 46 presidents in the sample who have been in office over 20 years and to assume that they are representative of American college and university pres- idents in office twenty years ago is not justifiable. (And unfortunately, no prior study of academic presidents' careers is available for comparative purposes.) And the same reason- ing must be applied at each arbitrarily-selected interval. Nevertheless, as one recognizes the pitfalls in interpreta- tion (especially going back beyond ten years in office), there is evidence that a greater percentage of new academic presi— dents have earned the doctorate than presidents selected in the recent past. Eighty—one per cent of the 60 presidents in the sample who took office in the 1967-68 academic year had earned a doctorate (39 Ph.D.‘s, 5 Ed.D.‘s, 3 S.T.D.'s, and 2 other types of doctorates). As one moves back in time at five year intervals, there is a gradual decrease in the 137 Table 35. Highest degree earned based upon tenure in office Number of Years in Present Position Highest Degree Under Over Earned l l-4 5-10 11-15 16—20 20 Bachelor's 2 5 6 2 8 ll Master's 10 14 15 17 21 26 Doctorate 81 76 73 72 64 57 Other 7 5 6 9 7 6 Total per cent 100 100 100 100 100 100 Total number 60 258 231 94 61 46 percentage with doctorates and a gradual increase in the percentage with bachelor's and master's degrees as the high- est degree earned. Of all present academic presidents in the sample, those with increasingly longer tenures in office are more likely to have earned less than a doctorate, while those with shorter tenures in office are more likely to have earned the doctorate. Programs of Study The presidents were asked to indicate their fields of study--undergraduate and graduate-—in addition to their highest degrees attained. These fields of study were then categorized into five major groups: (1) applied fields (including the study of agriculture, business disciplines, and engineering curricula); (2) education (including elemen- tary and secondary education, educational administration, 138 guidance); (3) natural sciences (including the physical, biological, and mathematical sciences); (4) humanities (including philosophy, history, religion, literature, and the classics); and (5) social sciences (including sociology, anthropology, psychology, economics, political science). The fields of study were then examined for presidents of all types of institutions at four degree levels: (1) undergrad- uate or bachelor's, (2) master's, (3) doctorate, and (4) other professional degree level. Upon analysis it was found that academic presidents studied nearly all curricula, but some majors appeared more often than others. Table 36 gives the distribution of the five major fields of study for all presidents at the under- graduate level. (In the text following the table, signif- icant variations in majors based upon the president's type Table 36. Undergraduate programs of study for academic presidents Program of Study Per Cent of Presidents Applied fields . . . . . . . . . . 12.1 Education . . . . . . . . . . 7.3 Natural sciences . . . . . . . . . . 17.8 Humanities . . . . . . . . . . 49.3 Social sciences . . . . . . . . . . 13.5 Total per cent 100.0 Total number: 760 139 of institution are noted. To include tabular data for every type of president at each degree level would unnecessarily complicate the presentation.) Bachelor's Degree Level For all academic presidents, nearly half took under- graduate degrees in the humanities or general arts and let- ters field. This was true for each type of institutional president studied, except for the presidents of technolog- ical institutions. In these latter colleges, combinations of engineering and the physical-mathematical sciences were most prevalent (64 per cent). The humanities tended to be the most popular programs especially for all the private college and university presidents with about 60 per cent of these presidents having earned an undergraduate degree in these related disciplines. Only the public university and public liberal arts college presidents earned bachelor's degrees in other disciplines in relatively large percentages even though the humanities still ranked first among the public presidents. Rivaling the humanities for the educa- tion of the public institution presidents were education (21 per cent) and social science (18 per cent) curricula. Thus, a majority of the academic presidents majored in the humanities fields, and these fields are most often regarded as central to the liberal education as preparatory to the professions. However, the natural sciences, applied fields, and social sciences also served as frequent 140 educational programs. Education (mainly secondary) was pursued by a small percentage of presidents, most of whom are heading public liberal arts colleges. Master's Degree Level At the master's degree level, the humanities were still the most important fields of study for academic pres- idents, but there wasa movement to other disciplines as well. Table 37 reviews the master's programs. Table 37. Master's degree level curricula for academic presidents Program of Study Per Cent of Presidents Applied fields . . . . . . . . . . 9.3 Education . . . . . . . . . . 26.8 Natural sciences . . . . . . . . . . 10.7 Humanities . . . . . . . . . . 39.5 Social sciences . . . . . . . . . . 13.7 Total per cent 100.0 Total number: 590 In Table 37, it is seen that the humanities were still the most popular majors for the presidents, but there is a 10 per cent reduction when compared to Table 36. Also reduced in Percentages from the bachelor's to master's levels are the applied fields (from 12.1 per cent to 9.3 per cent) and the natural sciences (from 17.8 per cent to 10.7 per cent). Those pursuing graduate work in the social sciences remained about 13 per cent. However, the program of study reflecting 141 the greatest increase was education. While only 7.3 per cent earned undergraduate degrees in education, over 26 per cent earned a master's degree in education. It would appear that at the conclusion of their undergraduate programs, a relatively large percentage shifted from the humanities, natural sciences, and applied fields to primarily the gen- eral field of education. This general movement to education, with still strong representation in the humanities, occurred among presidents of all types of institutions but was greater among the heads of public liberal arts colleges where nearly half earned master's degrees in education. In all other types of institutions, about 19 per cent of the presidents earned master's degrees in education. Table 37 also indicates that 590 presidents out of the original 760 earned master's degrees, i.e., 77.6 per cent earned master's degrees. Doctoral Degree Level In Table 38, the doctoral level curricula completed by the 72.6 per cent or 552 college and university presi- dents are presented. The trend away from the humanities continued at the doctoral level but was drastically reduced. Well over one- third of college and university presidents earned academia's highest formal degree, the doctorate, in the humanities disciplines. The percentage taking degrees in the applied 142 Table 38. Doctoral level curricula for academic presidents Program of Study Per Cent of Presidents Applied fields . . . . . . . . . . 6.8 Education . . . . . . . . . . 29.7 Natural sciences . . . . . . . . . . 12.7 Humanities . . . . . . . . . . 36.8 Social sciences . . . . . . . . . . 13.9 Total per cent 100.0 Total number: 552 fields continued to decline to 6.8 per cent, while there was a slight increase, from 10.7 to 12.7 per cent in the natural sciences. The percentage in the social sciences continued to stay at about the same rate, increasing very slightly to 13.9 per cent. In the education fields, there was a 3 per cent increase to 29.7 per cent, with some 11 per cent earn- ing an Ed.D. and 18.7 per cent earning a Ph.D. in education. Analysis by the president's type of institution again shows some variations,as nearly 55 per cent of the public liberal arts presidents earned doctorates in educa- tion. Among all the presidents of private institutions, the humanities and social sciences represented doctoral training for an average of 63 per cent of the presidents. Among all the public institution presidents, a doctoral degree in edu- cation led with 49.5 per cent followed by 21.4 per cent in the humanities. 143 Otherpegree Level It was mentioned earlier that a relatively large percentage of academic presidents earned degrees other than those considered already. While all presidents earned at least a bachelor's degree, and most moved to a master's and doctorate in that order, 18.6 per cent of 140 individuals earned other types of degrees. (For about 6 per cent--as given in Table 31--the following professional programs represented the highest degree earned, but for over 12 per cent of the presidents, the following degrees were held along with an academic doctorate.) Table 39 gives these "other" programs of study. Table 39. Other degrees earned by academic presidents Program of Study Per Cent of Presidents Medicine . . . . . . . . . . 0.4 Law . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 Divinity (B.D.) . . . . . . . . . . 9.9 Other religious . . . . . . . . . . 4.3 Other degrees . . . . . . . . . . 1.9 Total per cent 18.6 The graduate divinity degree (B.D.) was earned by 74 persons or nearly 10 per cent of the academic presidents in the sample. The vast majority (56 individuals) who have earned the bachelor of divinity are presidents of Protestant- related liberal arts colleges. As such, these degrees mean 144 that about 27 per cent of the presidents of Protestant— related liberal arts colleges are professionally—educated ministers. Another 19 per cent of the presidents of Protes— tant-related universities are also professionally-educated ministers who received the bachelor of divinity degree. The category of other religious degrees represents special programs of study completed mainly by the male pres- idents of Catholic colleges and universities. Institutions Where Education Was Received With an increased awareness of the extent and pro- grams of study of academic presidents, it is now pertinent to consider the types of institutions that educated these men and women. Were they educated primarily in a few col- leges and universities at each degree level, or did they receive their formal education randomly at institutions throughout the country? Were private college and university presidents educated mainly in private institutions and were public college and university presidents educated mainly in public institutions? Were most of the presidents educated in one or two regions of the country or from all regions? It must be kept in mind that there is great diversity between and among American colleges and universities in a number of fundamental respects. Such diversity affects the content and quality of education received by the students of an institution over a period of time. Any attempt to 145 categorize institutions is fraught with difficulties and potential errors since the uniqueness of each is necessarily hidden. Nonetheless, a classification scheme such as the institution's form of control is believed to yield valuable data. This data brings to light general patterns and trends that might be lost by trying to be too specific. The analysis of the academic presidents' education begins with Table 40--an examination of the types of insti- tutions where the presidents received their undergraduate degrees. For purposes of clarity, the customary breakdown for the type of institution the president now heads will continue. In addition, five general classes were utilized to show the type of institution where the president received his degree: (1) private liberal arts college, (2) private university, (3) public liberal arts college, (4) public uni- versity, and (5) private and public technological institu- tion. The private institutions may have some relationship to a religious body or be independent; the public institu- tions may be city, state, or federally supported. The formal accreditation of the institution indicated whether it was recognized as a university or college. In general, Table 40 shows that over half of all academic presidents (52 per cent) received their undergrad— uate degrees in private liberal arts colleges, 17 per cent in private universities, 15 per cent in public universities, 14 per cent in public liberal arts colleges, and 2 per cent 146 OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH ucmo “mm Hmuoe N HO O H H H O O O O .umcH HmoHOoHocnume OH OH NH O O OH OH O O OO OuHmum>Hcs UHHHOO OH OH O O O OO O O O OH OOmHHoo UHHHOO OH OH OH OH ON HH OH OO OO OH OOHOHO>HOO OOO>HHO NO NH OO OO OO ON NO OO O OO OOOHHou mum>HuO mucmO .cgoma .OOOOH .uoum .sumo .nsm .OOOOH .uoum .Oumo .Hsm Om>Hmomm IHmem . mmumwn m.H0Hm£Umm HH< muchHmmHm HOU wand HOHOQHH mucmemmHm wuHmHm>HcD OHOSB mcoHusuHumcH IUOHOHOOGD HHmnu pw>HmomH mucprmmHm UHEmpmum mnmn3 chHusuHumcH mo momma mmmummc mums .Ov OHQMB 147 in technological institutions. However, there are no sig- nificant differences based upon the type of institution the president now heads. For example, it is initially clear that a large percentage of the presidents of public colleges and universities received their bachelor's degrees in public institutions, while a majority of the private institution presidents received their undergraduate degrees at privately— supported institutions. Moreover, as each type of institution is examined more critically, about 44 per cent of the public university presidents received their degrees in public universities and 45 per cent of public liberal arts presidents received their degrees in public colleges. Among Catholic institution pres- idents, about 92 per cent received their degrees in private institutions with nearly all the university presidents edu- cated in Catholic universities, and over two-thirds the Catholic college presidents educated in Catholic liberal arts colleges. The presidents of Protestant-related and independent institutions were primarily educated in private institutions. Almost one-third of the presidents of techno- logical institutions received their undergraduate degrees in technological or military academies and institutions, while a relatively similar percentage were educated in the other types of public and private institutions. 148 The colleges and universities where the academic presidents took their undergraduate programs represent multifarious institutions throughout the country. Table 41 gives the percentages of institutions attended by all the presidents. In addition, special notation is made of the types of institutions in each region which have had the greatest percentage of academic presidents in attendance. It can be seen that 19 per cent of academic presi- dents received their undergraduate education in the insti- tutions in the East North Central states, 17 per cent in the West North Central states, and 15 per cent in the Middle Atlantic states. In short, the presidents received their bachelors' degrees in a variety of institutions in all regions of the country. At the master's level there was, of course, movement away from the important sources of undergraduate education, that is, the liberal arts colleges, to the nation's centers of graduate programs, the universities. Table 42 gives the types of institutions where the 590 academic presidents who earned master's degrees completed that level. OIn Table 42 the academic presidents are seen attend- ing the private and public universities in much larger per- centages. The largest percentage still attended private institutions, mainly the private universities, but a growing percentage also turned to public universities. The public liberal arts colleges were still attended for master's 149 OOH ucmo Hmm Hmuoa muHmHm>HG5 mum>HHm OH HH .O.Q .Goumanmmz OOHOHO>HOO UHHHOO O O oHOHomO OOHOHO>HOO UHHHOO O O chuasoz muum HmHmQHH muO>HHm Hmuugmo nuuoz umwz .>Hgs OGO mmmHHoo UHHnsm m OH Hmuucmo nuuoz ummz muum HmuwQHH mum>HHm muHmHm>Has mum>HHm OOHOHO>HQO UHHHOO muHmum>Hcs mum>HHm H O\ H Hmuucmo nunoz ummm Hmuucmo :uuoz pmmm Hmuucmo nuuoz ummm Hmuucmo nusom ummz mHHm HOHmQHH oHHQom O m Hmuucmo Susom ummz muum HmHmQHH muO>HHm O O Hmuucwo nusom ummm muum HOHOQHH mum>HHm O NH UHucmHu< susom muum HOHmQHH mum>HHm oHuamHua mHUOHz OuHmum>Hcs oum>HuO O OH UHOQOHOO OHOOHz muum HOHmQHH mum>HHm O OH UCOHOCM 3wz Omwcmuud conmm mo coHOmm CH momummm GoHOmm Gmumo umoz conmm HmOHO xcmm m.Hon£oOm mcH>Hmomm CH mcoHusuHumgH mo Omaha mucmchmHm Mo K Um>HmomH mm3 mmummp m.HoH Imnomn mum£3 COHOOH >9 muchHmmum muHmHm>Hcs UGO mmmHHoo mo QOHUSQHHDOHQ .HO mHQmB 150 OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH ano HOO Hmuoa OO OO OO OO O OO OH HO OO OO OuHmum>Has oHHHsO OO OO OO OO HO OO OO OO OO OO OuHmum>Hcs mum>HuO mucmpHmmum .nome .mmwcH .uoum .numu .Qdm .mmOcH .uoum .cumo .Qsm Um>Hmomm wumnouuon HH< mumn3 mmHuHmHm>HcD muchHmem muum HmnmnHH mucmpHmmum huHmHm>HcD HHmnu pm>HmomH muconmmHm mmmHHoo UGO MuHmHm>Hcs mumbS OGOHusuHumcH mo momma mmmumop HOHOHUOO .m¢ OHQmB OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH pawn MOO Hmuoe H HN O O O O O O O O .umcH HmuHOoHocnoma OO OO OO OO O NO OH ON O OO OuHmum>Hcs UHHHOO O O O O O HH O O O O mOmHHoo UHHHOO OO ON OO HO OO OO HO OO NO ON OOHOHO>Hcs muO>HHO NH O ON OH O O OO ON O HH mOmHHoo ouO>HuO mucmOHmmnm .noms .OOOQH .poum .sumo .Hsm .OOOOH .uoum .numo .nsm Om>Hmowm m.umummz HH< mum£3.mgoHu5uHumcH mucmpHmem muud HmHmHHH mucmchmHmNuHme>HcD HHmnu pm>HmomH mucmpHmmHm mmmHHoo cam qumum>Hcd mumzz mcoHusuHumcH mo momma mmmummp m.HmummEN. .Nw OHQMB 151 degrees in education while a number of private colleges awarded advanced degrees in other professional programs. It was observed that the presidents of public institutions attended public universities in much greater percentages than did the presidents of private institutions, and the presidents of private institutions were more likely to have attended private universities (except for presidents of Catholic institutions). When analysis was made of the regions where presi- dents received their master's degrees and compared to Table 41, there were increased percentages in the colleges and universities in New England, Middle Atlantic, Washington, D.C., and the East North Central regions. The types of universities most frequently attended were private univer- sities in the New England and Middle Atlantic regions, and the state universities in similar proportions in the East North Central regions. There were reduced percentages of presidents earning master's degrees in the South Atlantic, East South Central, West South Central, and West North Cen— tral states. Approximately the same percentages earned master's degrees in the Mountain and Pacific regions as those who earned bachelor's degrees. For their doctoral degrees, 73 per cent of the aca- demic presidents attended private and public universities as shown in Table 43, p. 150. 152 Following the pattern observed for receiving their undergraduate and master's degrees, the presidents of public institutions were more likely to have been educated at the doctoral level in public rather than private universities. The presidents of private institutions more often were edu- cated in private universities. On the whole, about 60 per cent of all academic presidents received their doctoral training in private universities, and the remaining individ- uals were granted doctorates from public universities. It is interesting to note that one-third of Catholic university presidents received doctorates in public universities, while none of these men were educated in public institutions prior to the doctoral level. However, over 90 per cent of the presidents of Catholic liberal arts colleges received doc- toral degrees at private, Catholic institutions. An analysis of the regions where these doctoral- level institutions were located showed that about 60 per cent were found in three regions: East North Central (25 per cent), Middle Atlantic (22 per cent), and New England (13 per cent). In the East North Central states, the uni— versities most often attended were the state universities and a few private universities; in the Middle.At1antic states, nearly all attended private universities; in New England, nearly all attended private universities. About 10 per cent of all presidents received doctorates in the West North Central states (mainly at state universities); 153 7 per cent received doctorates in the Pacific region in similar proportions at public and private universities; 6 per cent received doctorates in private universities in the nation's capital. Major Universities Where Doctorates Received In academia, the doctorate is considered the highest formally ranking degree, and it represents an extended com- mitment of study beyond the master's degree level. It is the professional academic preparation in a field of study and is increasingly regarded as a "union card" to a career in higher education. The significance of the doctorate for entry into as well as mObility within higher education has led to an examination to determine if certain specific uni— versities were attended more frequently than others at that level of formal training. It is important to remember that the presidents represented many curricula and the actual choice of an institution by each person is a complex process and related to a great number of factors. Nevertheless, a number of issues were pursued: whether certain institutions seemed to be perceived as the most desirable choices (for whatever reasons) among the presidents; whether a relatively small number of universities were responsible for the profes- sional training of these individuals; and whether the presi- dents earned their doctorates randomly in universities throughout the nation. 154 Table 44 gives the number and percentage of univer— sities granting at least 10 doctorates to the total number of academic presidents who earned that degree. Table 44. Sixteen universities granting the most academic doctorates to academic presidents Number of Cumulative Name of University Universities Per Centa Univ. of Chicago 30 5.9 Columbia University 29 11.5 Harvard University 28 17.0 Catholic University 28 22.4 Yale University 19 26.1 University of Iowa 18 29.7 New Ybrk University 18 33.3 Ohio State University 18 36.8 University of Wisconsin 18 40.3 University of Michigan 16 43.4 Fordham University 15 46.3 Cornell University 14 49.2 St. Louis University 12 51.5 University of Illinois 11 53.6 Univ. of Pennsylvania 11 55.7 Univ. of California (Berkeley) 10 57.6 aThe percentages were based upon the 512 individuals who gave a specific name of where the doctorate was received. It can be seen that about 57 per cent of the presi- dents received their doctorates in one of 16 universities. In addition, four private universities granted doctorates to 22 per cent of the presidents: Chicago, Columbia, Harvard, and Catholic University. Of the sixteen universities shown above, five are in the Ivy League: Columbia, Harvard, Yale, Cornell, and Pennsylvania; five are large state universities 155 in the Midwest: Iowa, Ohio State, Wisconsin, Michigan, and Illinois; three are Catholic universities: Catholic Univer— sity in Washington, D.C., Fordham University, and St. Louis University; two are well-esteemed private universities: Chicago and New York University; and one is the large public university in the West, University of California at Berkeley. An analysis of institutions attended for doctoral training revealed that the presidents of public institutions mainly attended midwestern state universities, along with a concentration in four private universities (Harvard, Colum- bia, Chicago, and New York University). A majority of those attending Columbia were graduates of Columbia's Teachers College. The presidents of Catholic institutions attended Catholic universities (Catholic University, Fordham, and St. Louis and some at Notre Dame) and also attended univer- sities outside the United States (Rome and Toronto). The presidents of private, non—Catholic institutions were most likely to have attended Harvard, Yale, Columbia, and Chicago. In short, while the presidents of college and univer— sities attended a great variety of institutions at each degree level, there was a relatively small number of univer- sities attended by the presidents at the doctoral level. Education in Foreign Countries On the basis of questionnaire responses it was learned that relatively few academic presidents earned aca- demic degrees at foreign universities. A few had studied 156 for a short period of time, but by and large most academic presidents have not pursued formal studies outside the United States. For the small number who did study abroad, the most often mentioned institutions were Oxford, Cambridge, Rome, and Toronto. Presidents Who Are Alumni of Their Present Institutions There was some suggestion in the more popular liter— ature that a number of college and university presidents were at one time students at their present institutions. It has been implied that alumni of institutions are often con- sidered and finally selected by boards of trustees who attempt to fill vacancies in the office. This idea was tested using questionnaire responses, and a summary is pre- sented in Table 45. Table 45 indicates that about 23 per cent of the academic presidents in the study earned an undergraduate or graduate degree at the institution they now head, but there are some variations with the type of institution of the president. For example, about 45 per cent of the presidents of Catholic institutions received degrees (nearly all, under- graduate) at their present institutions. It can be seen that a relatively larger percentage of private, non—Catholic liberal arts presidents are alumni of their present institu- tions than is the case for their counterparts in the private universities. Furthermore, of those who are alumni, there 157 Table 45. Percentage of presidents who earned an academic degree at their present institutiona Presidents' Did Not Earn Did Earn Institutions a Degree a Degree (%) (%) Public university 87 13 Catholic university 55 45 Protestant-related univ. 81 19 Independent university 93 7 Public liberal arts 87 13 Catholic liberal arts 55 45 Protestant-related lib. arts 77 23 Independent liberal arts 83 17 Technological institution 92 8 Total per cent for all presidents 77 23 aThis does not include honorary degrees awarded by institutions but only academic degrees granted by virtue of completing a formal undergraduate or graduate program. is a somewhat greater likelihood that Protestant-related, liberal arts presidents are alumni. Among the presidents of public colleges and universities, only 13 per cent were found to be alumni. Thus, it can be shown that, in general, about 2 in 10 academic presidents are alumni of their present institu- tions. However, the ratio more than doubles for presidents of Catholic institutions, is somewhat less for the presidents of public institutions, and is about equal for the presidents of private, non-Catholic institutions. 158 Summary and Conclusions It has been demonstrated that along with social origins and familial influences, higher education has played a crucial part in the careers of academic presidents. Nearly three—fourths of college and university presidents earned an academic doctorate, with a Doctor of Philosophy the most prevalent degree. Only minor variations were found based upon the president's type of institution, sex, or the loca- tion of the institution. After the Ph.D., the Doctor of Education was found relatively more among the presidents of public liberal arts colleges, the Doctor of Sacred Theology was more prevalent among Catholic university presidents, and the Bachelor of Divinity was a frequent degree for presi- dents of Protestant-related liberal arts colleges. Few presidents terminated their formal education at the bache- lor's degree level although the master's degree for many presidents of Catholic colleges and Protestant—related col— leges represented the highest degree earned. Of the aca- demic presidents studied, those selected to the presidency in the last five years were more likely to have earned a doctorate when compared to those with longer than ten years tenure in their positions. Academic presidents studied nearly all curricula, but some majors at different levels were more popular. Nearly half of all presidents took undergraduate work in the humanities and this field of interest was more prevalent for 159 presidents of all types of institutions. About 78 per cent of the presidents earned master's degrees, and there was a movement to formal study in education from the still leading field of humanities. The presidents who earned doctorates continued the trend to education and away from other majors, although the humanities still remained the most prevalent major with 37 per cent of the presidents studying in these disciplines. For presidents of public institutions, a great- er percentage received doctorates in education followed by humanities; whereas among the presidents of private institu— tions, humanities and social science were the leading majors. The graduate divinity degree (B.D.) was held by nearly 10 per cent of academic presidents with the majority being presidents of Protestant-related liberal arts colleges. At the undergraduate level, the presidents studied in public and private institutions throughout the country. At the master's and doctoral levels, there was a greater concentration of presidents studying in relatively fewer institutions, mainly in the East North Central, Middle Atlantic, and New England states. At the graduate level, the presidents of private institutions more likely were educated in private universities, while the presidents of public institutions more frequently studied at public univer- sities. Only sixteen universities were attended by 57 per cent of the presidents at the doctoral level. The univer— sities of Chicago, Columbia, Harvard, and Catholic University 160 granted academic doctorates to nearly one-fourth of those earning such degrees. It was found that few presidents pursued formal degree programs outside the United States, and for those that did, the universities at Oxford, Cambridge, Rome and Toronto were most frequently mentioned. Approximately 23 per cent of all college and univer— sity presidents are alumni of the institutions they now head with some variations. Almost half the presidents of Catholic institutions are alumni of their present institutions, slightly more than 10 per cent of presidents of public insti— tutions are alumni of their institutions, and about 20 per cent of the private, non-Catholic institution presidents are alumni of their present institutions. In Chapters IV and V special mention was made that the social origins of presidents seemed to correlate with their present type of institution. It was also clear that the formal training received by presidents of each type of institution--public, Catholic, Protestant—related or inde- pendent--was quite similar. Experiences, models, values, and philosophies were formulated in and associated with the kind of institution the president now heads. It will be seen that this theme carries through into their full-time careers . CHAPTER VII CAREER PATTERNS OF ACADEMIC PRESIDENTS In Chapters IV, V, and VI, the focus was on some of the important social and educational factors that gave aca- demic presidents a particular starting point for their careers. Occupational, community, and geographical origins contributed toward the formation of their aspirations and helped determine the extent of opportunities for occupa- tional and social mObility. The aspirations and opportuni- ties were reflected most deeply in the acceptance and value placed in education. In the professional preparation of these individuals, higher education was a must and advanced work through the doctorate was among the usual academic credentials. Nevertheless, it was found with the business and government executives that the steps in a man's career were not completely determined by social and educational factors, and it would be natural for changes in direction to occur over a period of time. Although changes are often due to external factors in a person's environment, important changes quite often are tied to the upwardly mobile person himself. Modern writers might discuss the force and direction of personality and 161 162 psychological drives in terms of an individual's on-going discovery of who he is or would like to be, an unconscious and continual development into a more fully functioning human being, or a greater capacity to persist, to act, to achieve power, and so on. The inner psychological drives and individual variations in the academic president's career were not the subject for this research, but it was possible to Obtain a perspective on the major career patterns formed throughout the person's full-time career. The findings of a study that closely followed the president's career at regu— lar intervals from the time he first began working full—time to his present position are reported in this chapter. The central questions of this chapter include the following: What sequence of occupations did the presidents hold prior to assuming the presidency? How long did it take to move from the first full-time position to the presidency? At what age did the individuals assume the presidency and how long have they been in the positions? What have been the educational experiences either as teachers or adminis- trators prior to becoming presidents? What were the imme- diate springboards to the presidency? How many of these individuals have established their careers at more than one institution? How many have been presidents of other insti— tutions as well as the institution each now heads? 163 Career Patterns of All Presidents In Table 46 significant portions of the career pat— terns of all academic presidents are given for a twenty-year period, beginning with the presidents' first full—time positions. It can be seen that for the great majority of presi- dents, their careers began and continued in education and professional fields. Two-thirds of the individuals began their careers in education with one—third of all presidents beginning as elementary or secondary schoolteachers. About 26 per cent began as teachers at the college level. It was interesting that only 3 per cent of the presidents began their careers in educational administration at the college level. When other professions were examined, about 17 per cent began their careers in religious service with another 6 per cent in the medical, legal, engineering, and other recognized professions. Contrary to popular belief, rela- tively few academic presidents began or spent significant parts of their careers in business (5 per cent), government (2 per cent), military (3 per cent), or farming (0.3 per cent) occupations. Over the next twenty years, there is a continuously growing percentage of presidents in education, while the other major occupational categories steadily decline. Five years after their careers began, many of the presidents left teaching at the elementary or secondary level, while there .OOO “HmbEsc Hmuoe .ucmo Hmm 0.0 smnu mmmHm 164 OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH ucmo Hmm Hmuoa O O O O *O Hmaumm H N .N O O OHOOHHHE H N N H N ucmficnm>ow N O O O O Hmnuo *O *O *O *O *O Hmszo mmmchom H H H H H m>Husomxm Honmz *O «O *O H H m>Husomxm HogHz O O O H N HOHHooImanB O O O O H Hmuonmq H H H O O mmwchsm N O O O O msonmmmoum Hmnuo N O O O OH ODOHOHHOH Ho OOHmHO O O OH OH ON mconmmmoum umnuo OO OO HH N H OOOOHOOHO OOOHHoo O HH O O *O OOOOHOOHO moH> ”.OHEOO OOOHHoo O O O O m .mmum m0H> 30Hmfl ".GHEOO wOmHHOO O HH O O H mOmHHoo mo ammn O O HH O H ucmfiuummmw mo GOEHHmso O OH ON NO ON OuHsoOO OOOHHoo O O O NH N ucmmcmucHHOOSO .HmmHocHnm «O H O OH mm Hmnommu mumccouwmlhumucmamHm NO OO OO OO OO cOHumoswm Hmumq Hmumq HmumH umumH coHummzooo uchHmmHm mo coHummsooO .muw ON .OHM OH .mnw OH .muw O umHHm Aucmo Hmm :HV OOHHOQ Hmmmlmucmzu m How OuchHmmHm OuHme>Hcs Ocm mmmHHoo mo mocmsvwm ummumu .OO mHQOB 165 were increases in principal or superintendent positions, college faculty, and administrative positions in higher education. The category of other professions declined from 23 to 13 per cent and many of those in religious service turned to education.1 At the end of five years, there were de- creases in business and government, and a slight rise in military service where many of the men fulfilled military obligations. Ten years later the basic trends continue with 84 per cent now engaged in education and 10 per cent in other professions. Within the education category, a further move— ment away from teaching at elementary—secondary levels is noted. In addition, there is a beginning movement out of principal and superintendent positions and faculty member statuses. Many presidents moved into positions as depart- ment chairmen, college deans, lower level administrators, and academic vice presidents. After 10 years in their careers, 11 per cent of the individuals were selected to a college presidency. At the end of fifteen years, 88 per cent of the presidents were in education and 7 per cent were in the 1The category of "clergy and religious" includes the heads of Catholic institutions--priests and sisters—-and some Protestant clergymen who began their careers in reli- gious service and were called upon to serve the church in its higher educational program. 166 other professions. Only 5 per cent continued their careers in business, government, or military service. Again if we look closely at the education category, only 1 per cent of the individuals were school teachers, 6 per cent were prin— cipals or superintendents, and 14 per cent were college teachers. There is evidence that a fairly high percentage had moved to higher administrative levels in colleges as 11 per cent were vice presidents and 30 per cent were college presidents. At twenty years after their careers began, 92 per cent of the presidents were in education and only 3 per cent were in business, government, and military service. An analysis of the education category revealed that about 63 per cent had attained the presidency. Thus, the career lines of academic presidents clearly runs through educational and professional categories, and no more than 10 per cent spent an appreciable number of years in either business, government, or military service. These individuals made their way in the professions and used the education arena as the means of upward or lateral occupa- tional mobility rather than business or government. Brief profiles are given below for the presidents of the major types of institutions. 167 Career Patterns for Types of Presidents Presidents of Public Universities About two-thirds of the presidents of public univer— sities began their careers as teachers at the elementary— secondary levels (20 per cent) and college level (43 per cent). After five years, only 3 per cent remained as elementary-secondary schoolteachers, and 10 per cent became principals or superintendents. At the same time, many pres- idents had already moved into academic administration posi— tions as departmental chairmen (8 per cent), college deans (6 per cent), and college administrators (9 per cent). At the end of ten years, there was a movement to higher level academic administrative positions in colleges: 16 per cent were department chairmen, 10 per cent were col- lege deans, and 9 per cent were academic vice presidents. At the end of ten years, one-half the public university pres- idents were in academic administration at the college level. At the 15 year career mark, only 1 per cent remained in elementary-secondary education and 13 per cent were col- lege teachers. The largest increases were at the college deanship level (22 per cent) and the academic vice presi- dency (20 per cent). Finally, at the end of twenty years, 61 per cent were academic presidents, with another 20 per cent at the dean and vice president levels. The greatest increase into the academic president group occurred between fifteen and twenty years in their careers. And, for a still 168 large percentage (39 per cent), selection to a college presidency occurred after a career of already 20 years, mainly in higher education. Presidents of Catholic Universities Initially it must be recalled that the presidents of Catholic institutions in the study are all priests or nuns of the Roman Catholic faith. Thus, to speak about career patterns for these men and women one cannot overlook the fact that if a so-called career choice were made it was essentially to the church and to a particular religious order. (This is reflected in their stated career motiva- tions found in Chapter VIII.) For a number of these indi- viduals, their career patterns should be explained largely as priests or sisters who assumed particular responsibil- ities in the church over a period of time. But for purposes here, only their movement through positions in Catholic edu— cation will be noted, while holding in view the fact that their careers were intertwined with long training, aspira- tions, and preparation as priests or sisters. Five years after completing preparation for the priesthood, most Catholic university presidents were faculty members (25 per cent), college deans (30 per cent), and department chairmen (10 per cent), while one man was a president. Ten years later, all priests were in high aca- demic administrative positions and 35 per cent were univer— sity presidents. Fifteen years later, 75 per cent of the 169 men had been selected to the presidency and another 15 per cent were vice presidents. At twenty years later, 80 per cent of the men were university presidents. Thus, once becoming a priest, these Catholic university presidents moved fairly quickly to high levels of responsibility in academic administration. Presidents of Private (Non-Catholic) Universities Because of the great similarities in basic career patterns of the Protestant-related and independent univer- sity presidents, they will be discussed together. .At the beginning of their careers, 88 per cent were in education, including 44 per cent as college faculty members and 14 per cent as elementary-secondary teachers. Another 14 per cent began their careers as Protestant clergymen. Five years later, there was the customary movement from teaching at the elementary-secondary levels to principal and superintendent positions. In addition, there was movement into college faculty and academic administrative positions. Ten years later the trend into higher level academic administrative positions continued with a number leaving strictly faculty positions and becoming department chairmen (10 per cent), college deans (14 per cent), and college administrators (14 per cent). Fifteen years later marked the first major movement into the college presidency (26 per cent), the college vice 170 presidency (20 per cent) and dean or department head (20 per cent). At the twenty year point in the career of these men, 51 per cent had attained the presidency and 11 per cent were vice presidents. This, of course, also meant that almost half the men would attain the presidency after a career of at least 20 years, spent primarily in higher education. The presidents of private, non-Catholic universities spent rela- tively longer periods of time in levels directly beneath the president, such as dean or vice president, than is true for the presidents of other institutions. Presidents of Public Liberal Arts Colleges As might be expected based upon the educational prep— aration of public liberal arts presidents, about 60 per cent began their careers as teachers in elementary—secondary schools (a percentage equalled only by the presidents of Catholic liberal arts colleges). Only 20 per cent actually began their careers as college faculty members or college administrators. However, five years later the percentage in elementary-secondary teaching dropped sharply to 14 per cent. A majority of these people moved quickly into a principal or superintendent position evidenced by the fact that 30 per 3 cent were in the latter positions by five years. Also a number of public liberal arts presidents turned to college teaching as the percentage nearly doubled to 30 per cent. 171 At ten years later, greater movement into college administration occurred and only 5 per cent remained as elementary-secondary teachers. The number who were princi— pals or superintendents also fell, while 12 per cent became department chairmen; 7 per cent, college deans; and 10 per cent, college administrators. At fifteen years later, almost one-fourth were college presidents and only 13 per cent remained in elementary or secondary schools. After a career of twenty years, 6 out of 10 had been selected to a college presidency with another 6 per cent as vice presidents and 10 per cent college deans. Out of all public liberal arts presidents, only 1 per cent were still engaged in a career outside education. Presidents of Catholic Liberal Arts Colleges The point made for Catholic university presidents regarding their intertwined careers in religious service and Catholic higher education applies generally to Catholic liberal arts presidents as well. After acceptance as a priest or sister, 61 per cent became elementary-secondary teachers while another 24 per cent moved into college teach- ing. Five years later, only 38 per cent were still elemen- tary—secondary teachers while the percentage in college teaching and administration rose. At ten years, only 23 per cent were in elementary- secondary education, with the remainder in higher education. 172 After fifteen years, about one—third were chosen for the presidency and another third were either department chairmen, college deans, or college administrators. After twenty years, over two—thirds were presidents, replicating the pattern of Catholic university presidents, i.e., once becom- ing a priest or sister, there was rapid movement to high . r3 levels of responsibility. However, it can be seen that while Catholic university presidents did not hold positions in elementary-secondary education and remained in universi— ties, the majority of Catholic liberal arts presidents began in elementary—secondary schools. Much of this can be ex- plained by the work of particular religious orders, and by the fact that the church depended heavily upon the sisters and their teaching orders to work with the extensive educa- tion program at the lower levels. (An examination of the careers of female presidents, most of whom were involved in Catholic higher education, is found following the career profile of technological institution presidents.) Presidents of Private (Non—Catholic) Liberal Arts Colleges The presidents of private, Protestant-related and independent liberal arts colleges show quite similar career 3 lines and are again discussed as one group. Three major categories account for three-fourths of the first positions held by private liberal arts presidents: college faculty (27 per cent), elementary—secondary teaching (25 per cent), 173 ' and Protestant clergy (24 per cent). Five years later, the typical movement from elementary-secondary teaching into principal or superintendent positions, college teaching, and academic administration in higher education occurred. At the ten year point, the movement accelerated into higher levels of academic administration: college deans (7 per cent), college administration (9 per cent), academic vice presidents (6 per cent), and college presidents (12 per cent). At fifteen years later, more than one—third were k college presidents and 8 per cent were vice presidents. After a career of twenty years, the percentage selected to the presidency nearly doubled to 69 per cent, with another 12 per cent either academic vice presidents or college deans. Presidents of Technological Institutions The presidents of technological institutions (includ- ing four military college presidents) began their careers in three major occupational categories: elementary-secondary education (31 per cent), college faculty (31 per cent), and as engineers in business and industry (22 per cent). After five years, the movement out of elementary—secondary teach- ing took place with corresponding increases in principal or superintendent positions, college faculty, and department chairman statuses. At ten years, none of the men remained in elementary—secondary teaching or administration, while more rose to higher levels of educational administration. 174 After 15 years, still greater percentages moved into higher levels, although only 17 per cent were actually selected to the presidency. After 20 years, 35 per cent were presidents, and 22 per cent were vice presidents and deans. Among all types of academic presidents, the heads of technological institutions remained in careers--usually in $5 education, business, and the military--for extended periods before being selected for a college presidency. In that only 35 per cent had attained the presidency after a career of 20 years means of course that almost two—thirds were selected to the position after a fairly extensive career in other areas. This 35 per cent represented almost half that for the other presidents at similar stages in their careers. Many of the presidents of military colleges were in strictly military settings for substantial portions of their careers prior to being chosen to head military colleges. Career Profile of Female Academic Presidents The career patterns of women academic presidents have not yet been examined separately, but have been in- cluded among the liberal arts presidents' career lines. It should be recalled that 87 per cent of the 84 female presi- 3 dents (or 73 women) were heads of Catholic liberal arts colleges, thus their career lines were included in the dis— cussion of presidents of Catholic liberal arts colleges. 175 But Table 47 looks at all the women specifically over the twenty year period. Table 47 indicates that the career lines of women are very similar to the basic patterns of all academic presidents. However, a much higher percentage of women (nearly two—thirds) began their careers as elementary— secondary teachers and another 17 per cent began in college teaching. Over the fifteen years there was general movement from elementary-secondary teaChing into college teaching and administration. After 15 years, only 18 per cent were pres- idents, but during the interval from fifteen to twenty years, there was a sharp increase to 64 per cent for those reaching the presidency. The women seemed to spend a somewhat longer period of time in positions throughout the educational hierarchy relative to the men, but for the women and the men, the major move to the presidency came between 15 and 20 years in the career. Few women spent significant portions of their full-time careers outside education. Tenures in Office The general occupational steps followed by academic presidents over a twenty-year period beginning with their first full-time positions havebeen presented. However, another career—related framework is useful. It was pointed out earlier that a relatively large percentage of presidents had not been selected presidents during or up to twenty 176 4 all AIL . OO "amass: Hmuoa OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH uqmo MOO Hmuoa O O O O N ucmecum>ow O O N O O mmmchsm O O O O O msonmmmonm Hmnuo O O O O O coHumUSOm Hmnuo OO OH O O O ucmOHmmHm mOmHHoo N OH N O O ucmOHmmHm m0H> ".2HEOO .Hoo O NH O m O .mmum m0H> BOHOQ u.GHE©m .Hoo O OH O O O ammo mOmHHOU O NH NH O O GOEHHOQU ucmfiuummma O HN Om ON OH OuHsomm mOmHHoo O O O O H unmocwucHummsm .HmmHocHHm H O mN OO MO Hmnommu OhmccoommlhumucmfimHm HmuOH HmumH Hmumq HmumH :oHuHmom COHummsooo mummw mummw mummw mummw umHHm OHGOBB COOHMHO awe m>Hm Aucmo umm GHV mucmOHmmHm UHEmOmom mHmEmm How mmocmsvmm HmmHmU .OO mHnt 177 years of full-time work and that a number were chosen after that time. For many who completed all their education and then began working full-time, this would place their age at about 25 to 27, and it suggests that some did not attain the presidency until their late 40's or older. Others took an undergraduate or graduate degree, interrupted their educa- tion by a full-time job for a few years or by military ser- vice, and then went back to college to finish their advanced degrees. For this latter group, setting a meaningful begin- ning date to their careers is much more difficult. However, it would be well for us to have a context of time that complements the discussion of occupational sequence and thus increases our understanding of how long it took to achieve the presidency. With this in mind, this section examines: (1) how old the presidents were when they assumed their present positions, and (2) how long the presidents have been in their present positions. Table 48 gives the average (mean) ages when the individuals assumed their present positions. Table 48 shows that the average age when the college and university presidents entered this elite group of educa- tors was about 45 years old. The presidents of public uni- versities, independent universities, and technological institutions were somewhat older on the average, but most approximated forty—five. When an analysis was made based upon tenure in office, no noticeable differences were 178 Table 48. Average ages when presidents assumed their present positions Average Presidents' Institutions (Mean) Age Public universities . . . . . . . . . 47.2 Catholic universities . . . . . . . . . 44.3 Protestant-related universities . . . . . . . . . 45.7 Independent universities . . . . . . . . . 47.8 Public liberal arts colleges . . . . . . . . . 45.3 Catholic liberal arts . . . . . . . . . 44.4 Protestant-related lib. arts . . . . . . . . . 44.2 Independent liberal arts . . . . . . . . . 43.6 Technological institutions . . . . . . . . . 46.6 Average age for all presidents: 45.1 observed. The average age of those presidents selected during the past year was 45.6 and that figure held for pres- idents who had been in office for longer periods of time. The only serious deviation took place with those presidents who had been in office longer than twenty years. In this latter case, their average upon assuming the presidency was only 37.8. There were no differences in the starting age question when presidents of institutions in various regions were compared or when men and women were compared. In Table 49, a summary is given of the present ages of the presidents in 1968. Based upon the data in Table 49, the average age of academic presidents in the study was found to be 52.9 years, with a range in ages from 20 to 70. As a subgroup, the presidents of Catholic institutions tend to be younger than 179 Table 49. Present ages of academic presidents Average (Mean) Range in Ages Presidents' Institutions Age in 1968 (years) Public universities 54.1 39 to 67 Catholic universities 50.7 40 to 63 Protestant-related univ. 57.5 45 to 68 Independent universities 53.4 41 to 64 Public liberal arts 53.5 32 to 69 Catholic lib. arts 51.0 32 to 68 Prot.-related lib. arts 52.4 29 to 70 Independent lib. arts 53.2 35 to 69 Technological inst. 54.6 42 to 66 Present age for all presidents: 52.9 Range 29 to 70 the presidents of other institutions, reflecting what was pointed out earlier in the discussion of occupational sequence—~namely, that the presidents of Catholic institu- tions do move up faster to the presidency relative to the others (after fifteen years in the career, a majority had reached the presidency). The other subgroups of presidents tend to cluster around the 53 years mark, with the exception of Protestant-related university presidents who average around 57 years of age. In addition, the presidents of the universities tend to be generally a little older than the presidents of the liberal arts colleges. As might be assumed, those presidents who have been in office for longer periods of time are progressively older than those recently chosen for the presidency. The following breakdown shows the average age based on tenure in office: 180 Average Presidents Who Were Chosen Present Age Within the past year . . . . . . 46.4 1 to 5 years ago . . . . . . 48.9 6 to 10 years ago . . . . . . 53.7 11 to 15 years ago . . . . . . 57.4 16 to 20 years ago . . . . . . 59.6 Over 20 years ago . . . . . . 62.4 Now that reasonable limits have been established that indicate the ages when the men and women were selected for the presidency and their present ages, it becomes a simple yet important task to determine how long they have been in their present positions. Table 50 gives that answer. Table 50. Average number of years in present positions Average Years Presidents' Institutions in Position Public universities . . . . . . . . 6.9 Catholic universities . . . . . . . . 5.7 Protestant-related universities . . . . . . . . 11.8 Independent universities . . . . . . . . 5.6 Public liberal arts colleges . . . . . . . . 8.2 Catholic liberal arts colleges . . . . . . . . 6.6 Protestant-related lib. arts . . . . . . . . 8.2 Independent liberal arts col. . . . . . . . . 9.6 Technological institutions . . . . . . . . 8.0 Average number of years for all presidents: 7.8 The average college or university president has been in his present position for 7.8 years, although there are differences among presidents of various types of institu- tions. For example, the average Protestant—related 181 university president has been in office for nearly 12 years, while the average public university president has been in office for only about 7 years. An analysis was also made of the number of years in the present position by region of the country to see if there was more movement in and out of the presidency in some areas and not others. Table 51. Average number of years the presidents in various regions have held their present positions Presidents' Institutions Average Years by Census Regions in Position New England . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1 Middle Atlantic . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3 South Atlantic . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.9 East South Central . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.6 West South Central . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2 East North Central . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.7 West North Central . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.0 Mountain . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.6 Pacific . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.7 The region of the country where the institution was located did not seem to cause differences in the number of years the president has held his present position. In most cases, the average tenures still cluster around 7.8 years. However, the presidents in the Pacific and West South Cen- tral states have held their positions somewhat longer, while the presidents of institutions in the Mountain and New England states have somewhat shorter tenures in office. 182 A final check was made to see if the presidents of the large colleges and universities have longer tenures than the smaller college and university presidents. Tenure related to the size of the institution presents no new patterns with the single exception of the largest univer- sities (over 30,000 students). In this case, the average tenure in the present position is 9.5 years or higher than the average of 7.8 years. Once under the 30,000 student enrollment, no deviations of more than 0.5 per cent are found. Some Crugial Avenues to the Presidengy Consideration of the sequence of occupations and the number of years to and in the presidency now lead to an exam- ination of two crucial avenues in the presidents' career mobility. First, it is well-recognized that about 90 per cent of academic presidents Spent their lives in educational and major professional endeavors, and that a large number of these individuals were college faculty members at various points in their careers. Since those with faculty experi— ences are a fairly distinguishable group and since some writers state that the ideal academic president is one with faculty eXperience, an analysis is presented of these men as professors en route to the presidency. What academic ranks did they attain before attaining the presidency? With which departments were they associated? How many years did they 183 serve as faculty members? It is recalled that a study of how many of the presidents were students at the institutions they now head was conducted, and this has prompted an inquiry into how many were teachers at the institution they now head? Second, it is Obvious that some presidents did not use the avenue of college teaching to the presidency, but rather college administration and/or occupations outside higher education. Some writers have suggested that the posi- tion the president held prior to selection is the best indi- cator of where presidents are sought by boards of trustees and where the valuable training for a presidency takes place. Thus, a close look at the last positions held by academic presidents prior to assuming the presidency is presented. In particular, there will be examination of the president's last position, the organization, and the number of years in that position prior to being selected president. Some of the questions to be answered include: How many men came directly from another college presidency? a college deanship? a foundation office? a government position? a business posi- tion? The analysis will also reveal the number of individ- uals that moved up to the presidency from.within vs. without the institution they now head. This section will fill in significant gaps in the knowledge of presidents' careers by looking at an important portion of the careers of those who were college teachers 184 and the direct springboard to the presidency. For some, the presidency came within a career of 20 years, but for many it came later. The next discussion is intended to encompass both. Prior Experiences as Faculty Members It is occasionally said that many academic presidents have never spent time in the college classroom as teaching or research faculty members, although it is never made clear what percentage "many" is supposed to represent. Table 52 summarizes the percentages of presidents with and without college teaching eXperience. Table 52. Percentage of presidents with and without college teaching experience Per Cent Per Cent With Teaching Without Teaching Presidents' Institutions Experience Experience Public universities 94 6 Catholic universities 85 15 Protestant—related univ. 76 24 Independent universities 93 7 Public liberal arts 89 11 Catholic liberal arts 92 8 Protestant-related lib. 72 28 Independent lib. arts 93 7 Technological inst. 75 25 All presidents 86 14 185 Table 52 indicates that about 86 per cent of all presidents have had some college teaching eXperience, and the number varies slightly by types of institutions. For the presidents of Protestant-related universities and col- leges and technological institutions, the percentage who have had college teaching experience drops to about 75 per cent. In the case of Protestant-related institution presidents, a relatively larger percentage were ministers for the major parts of their careers and most moved directly into academic administration. In the case of technological institution presidents, a relatively larger percentage moved into a level of academic administration directly from busi- ness without any actual college teaching eXperience. Thus, it is clear that more than 8 out of 10 presi- dents have had college teaching experience. However, col- lege teaching experience is still a fairly general category, and there are well-recognized levels or ranks within the college teaching profession that to a large extent reflect the duration, commitment, and capability as a college teacher. The ranks in descending order in the academic hierarchy are: professor, assoicate professor, assistant professor, instructor, and lecturer. The full professor stands at the t0p of the profession in terms of recognition from his colleagues. As a senior faculty member he usually has at least 7 or 8 years of teaching experience and his promotions have usually been tied to demonstrated competence 186 in his field. The assistant professorial rank is regarded as the starting place for full-time college teachers although the instructor level also has that place. The lecturer rank is a complex one in that it may be a part-time position and commitment to college teaching, per se, and in some cases a lecturer of some distinction receives a higher financial compensation than a professor. It is not for us to discuss the complexities and often subtleties that are a part of faculty promotion, but simply to recognize these basic pat- terns of rank that are unique to the academic community. The question becomes what was the highest rank attained by these individuals as faculty members prior to being selected to the presidency.2 In Table 52 the percentage of presidents with teach— ing experience was shown, while Table 53 gives the highest rank attained by those presidents who had college teaching experience prior to being selected for the presidency. Table 53 indicates that of the academic presidents with college teaching experience, 60 per cent had attained 2The faculty rank prior to becoming president was used because it represents a more accurate reflection of one‘s recognition by peers as a faculty member. In most cases, the academic presidency carries with it the rank of professor, and if a new president had not attained that rank through the more conventional process in an academic depart— ment, he would then receive it along with the position of presidency. Thus, nearly all presidents have a rank of professor, but to make matters clear, only those attaining the rank as a faculty member not as an academic administra- tor are included. 187 Table 53. Highest faculty rank attained by presidents (in per cent) 1.: , Presidents' Instruc- Ass't. Assoc. Institutions Lecturer tor Prof. Prof. Prof. Public univ. 4 4 4 8 80 Catholic univ. 6 0 47 6 41 Prot. univ. 0 6 l9 6 69 Indep. univ. 8 4 0 4 84 Public lib. arts 7 9 9 14 61 Cath. lib. arts 4 19 23 13 41 Prot. lib. arts 8 9 ll 13 59 Indep. lib. arts 6 ll 15 14 54 Technological 8 4 12 8 68 Per Cent for all presidents 6 9 13 12 60 the highest rank of professor prior to being chosen for the presidency, 12 per cent had attained the rank of associate professor, 13 per cent had attained the rank of assistant professor, and 15 per cent had been either instructors or lecturers. Over 80 per cent of the presidents of public universities and independent universities were full profes— sors, while only about 41 per cent of the presidents of Catholic institutions had a full professor rank. In the Catholic institutions, 47 per cent attained only the rank of assistant professor and instructor in the universities and 42 per cent attained no higher than those ranks in the colleges. 188 When one considers the total number of years that these same individuals were college faculty members prior to becoming academic presidents, Table 54 is obtained. The number of years teaching experience is broken down into five- year intervals. Table 54. Total number years college teaching experience No. of Years College Teaching Experience Presidents' Institutions 1—5 6-10 11-15 16-20 Over 20 (7 ) (%) (%) (%) (%) Public univ. 19 20 27 18 16 Catholic univ. 38 25 31 6 0 Prot. univ. 20 26 40 7 7 Indep. univ. 19 29 38 5 9 Public lib. arts 30 19 27 15 9 Cath. lib. arts 32 30 27 5 6 Prot. lib. arts 25 24 29 13 9 Indep. lib. arts 21 21 37 15 6 Technological 22 17 44 17 0 Per cent for all presidents 26 23 30 13 8 Initially, it can be seen that about one-fourth of all the individuals had up to five years teaching experience and about one—half had been college teachers for ten years or less. Thirty per cent had between eleven and fifteen years teaching eXperience and 21 per cent had over fifteen years teaching experience at the college level. It is interesting to note that the presidents of Catholic 189 institutions had relatively fewer years experience in col- lege teaching than the other presidents. Another figure that stands out is the 34 per cent of the public university presidents with over 15 years teaching experience (16 per cent of whom had taught for over 20 years). Thus, academic presidents have varying tenures as faculty members, although the average is close to 10.5 years for all presidents. It is somewhat less for the presidents of Catholic institutions and somewhat higher for presidents of public universities, private non-Catholic universities, private independent liberal arts colleges, and technological institutions. Another matter of interest related to the presidents' faculty experiences are the academic departments with which they were affiliated. In most cases, there is an Obvious and direct relationship between the academic department and the formal education of the presidents (especially at the doctoral level), but occasionally some individuals taught in other areas of interest. In order to clarify this aspect, a tabulation of departments grouped by major fields is given in Table 55 for those with college teaching experience. The disciplines in the humanities, education, social sciences, and natural sciences were the major fields taught by 82 per cent of the academic presidents. The leading departmental disciplines within the major fields are given 190 OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOOO MOO HOOoa OH O OH OH OH OH NH O O OH OOOOHOO HOHOOO OO O NO OO OO OH OO OO OO ON .OOOOO OOHuHcOssm O O O O O O O O O O OcoHOOOHaseaoo OH O O O O OO HH O NH OH .OOOOO aoHOOOsOO N O O H O O O O O O OHoonOO HOOOH|.OO2 NH HN O O OH O HH ON OH OH OOOOHOO HOMOOOz O OO O O O N O O O H .OOOOO OOHMOOOHOOO O MH HH O O O ON HH O O .mummn mmmaHmdm N O O H O O O O O O .OOOO HOMsuHsOHMOO OOOOO .OOOOO .OOOOH .OOMO .numu OHHOOO .OOOOH .OOMO .OOOO OHHOOO OOHOHO MoOOz IHmmHm an Ummsouw HHfi muchHmmHm wand HmumnHH mucOOHmmum OUHOHO>HCD mucmfiunmmmn OHOQEOE muHsomm OHH£3 ucmnHmmHm UHEmOmom mo mcoHumHHHmmm ummfiuummmw OHEOOOO< .OO OHQOB 191 in Table 56 for all presidents who had some college teaching experience. Table 56. Leading academic departments of academic presi- dents prior to becoming presidents Department % of Presidents Humanities: English . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 History . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Religion, Theology . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Philosophy . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Natural Sciences: . Chemistry . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Business: a Economics . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Education: Educational admin. . . . . . . . . . . . . ll Guidance . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Social Sciences: Sociology . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Political science . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Psychology . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Communications: Speech . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Total per cent . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 a . . . Note: many colleges and un1vers1t1es place the economics department within the social science area rather than the business area. A listing of actual departments with at least fifteen persons in a department indicates that 71 per cent of the presidents who were college teachers were affiliated with the twelve departments in Table 56. No significant patterns are observed when presidents of different types of institutions 192 are examined. However, almost 20 per cent of the individ- uals who head public colleges and universities did teach educational administration. English and history as teaching areas are well represented across all types of institutions. Religion or theology departments are especially found among Protestant liberal arts college presidents. It is interest- ing that over 40 per cent of the Catholic liberal arts pres- idents taught in four departments: English, 15 per cent; theology, 10 per cent; philosophy, 9 per cent; and chemistry, 9 per cent. The presidents of technological institutions are heavily represented in all engineering departments. In another analysis there was an investigation of the types of institutions at which these persons taught. As might be expected, the individuals taught at a variety of institutions throughout the country at each rank. Thus, only brief sketches of the patterns for each grouping of presidents are given below. Presidents of public universities.--The great major- ity of public university presidents who were college teach- ers taught in public universities and colleges. At the instructor level, slightly over half taught in public higher education and at each successively higher rank there was a clear move to public higher education. As assistant profes- sors, 70 per cent taught in public universities; as associate professors, nearly 80 per cent were so associated; and as full professors, slightly over 80 per cent taught in public 193 universities, with another 15 per cent teaching in public colleges. Although they taught in all regions of the nation, most of the full professors taught in the state universities in the East North Central states, led by Michigan State University (4 persons), University of Illinois (4 persons), University of Michigan (3 men), and the state universities of Kentucky (3 men),and California at Los Angeles (3 men). Presidents of Catholic universities.——All the Catholic university presidents in the sample who were col- lege teachers taught in Catholic institutions, mainly uni- versities. Two men taught at the University of Detroit while other universities represented were Bradley, St. Louis, Creighton, Niagara, Villanova, and Boston College. Presidents of Protestant-related and independent universities.--The presidents of private universities (non- Catholic) taught primarily in a variety of private colleges and universities at each rank. There were, however, more who taught at the Ivy League institutions of Harvard, Prince- ton, and Brown. Presidents ofgpublic liberal arts colleges.—-Almost 9 out of 10 presidents did their college teaching in public colleges and universities. Institutions in all regions were well represented among the group and particularly the state colleges in the South Atlantic, West South Central, and West North Central states, and the state universities in the East 194 North Central states. Out of the many public liberal arts presidents, no specific institution had more than two per- sons in this sample who taught at that institution. Truly, the public liberal arts presidents as a group are the most representative of American public higher education based upon where they gained college teaching experiences. Presidents of Catholic liberal arts colleges.-—As with the presidents of Catholic universities, the heads of the liberal arts colleges taught in Catholic institutions, with the vast majority teaching not in universities but rather in liberal arts colleges. No region stood out mark- edly from the others, although heavier concentrations were in the Middle Atlantic, East North Central, and West North Central states. Moreover, no one institution had more than two of these individuals who taught there. Presidents ongrotestant-related and independent liberal arts colleges.--The presidents of these institutions had taught primarily in numerous private (non-Catholic) liberal arts colleges. The major regions where they taught included institutions in the East North Central, East South Central, South Atlantic, and Middle Atlantic states, but there was high dispersion among many private institutions. Presidents of technological institutions.--The heads of the technological institutions taught mainly at technolog- ical institutions. However, many also taught in public and 195 private universities and state colleges. These institutions were located mainly in the Middle Atlantic and East North Central states. Institutions represented included Massachu- setts Institute of Technology, Brooklyn Polytechnic Insti- tute, and the University of Rochester. It is interesting that about 36 per cent of all academic presidents with college teaching experience taught at the institution they now head. This percentage applied to presidents of all types of institutions except for Catholic university and college presidents. In the latter cases, over 7 out of 10 taught at the institutions they now head. As pointed out earlier, although the presidents taught at a great many institutions throughout the country, a few patterns predominated. Generally speaking, the pres— idents of public institutions who were former faculty members taught at public institutions, and the presidents of private institutions taught at private colleges and universities. Once again, the presidents' social origins, education, and now aspects of their careers have been linked to associations with a given type of institution: public, Catholic, Protes- tant-related, independent, or technological. Such back- ground experiences unquestionably helped influence the pres- idents' ultimate choices of the institutions they now head. The backgrounds of academic presidents when categorized by whether they served public, Catholic, Protestant-related, 196 independent, or technological institutions become most revealing from the president's start in life to his present position. The effects of these backgrounds are reflected in some of the career motivations expressed by the presidents in the next chapter. A second major dimension of the president's career is discussed next, i.e., his position immediately prior to the academic presidency. Direct Springboard to the Academic Presidency It is obvious that academic presidents moved into their present positions from either inside or outside the present institutions. There is much speculation as to the extent of internal or external selections, but no exact descriptive survey is yet available. Based upon question- naire reSponses, it was possible to find answers to this issue. Among all presidents in the sample about one-third moved to the position from inside the present institution while the remaining two-thirds came to the presidency from a position in another institution or another organization. Table 57 indicates the internal or external moves for the various types of presidents by their institutions. It was much more likely that the presidents of Catholic institutions held a prior position in the present institution when compared to other academic presidents. 197 Table 57. Presidents who came to their present positions from within (internally) or without (externally) the institution Internal External Presidents' Institutions Move (%) Move (%) Public universities 29 71 Catholic universities 70 30 Protestant-related universities 14 86 Independent universities 29 71 Public liberal arts colleges 22 78 Catholic liberal arts 71 29 Prot.-related liberal arts 19 81 Independent liberal arts 25 75 Technological institutions 39 61 Per cent for all presidents 33 67 Seven out of ten Catholic institution presidents made such an internal move. On the other hand, less than 20 per cent of the heads of Protestant-related colleges and universities tended to be chosen from inside the institution. In public institutions and independent institutions no more than 3 out of 10 were selected from within, and in technological insti— tutions almost 4 out of 10 moved into the presidency from within the present institution. Moreover, when one examines the internal-external mObility issue over a period of time, no serious deviations occur. For example, of the 61 persons selected to the pres- idency during last year, 36 per cent were internal moves and 64 per cent were external. For the presidents selected during the last five years, 35 per cent were internal and 198 65 per cent were external. For those selected from 5 to 10 years ago, 33 per cent were internal moves and 67 per cent represented external moves. For the presidents selected twenty years ago, 37 per cent were internal moves and 63 per cent were external moves. An analysis of the types of positions held by aca- demic presidents immediately prior to assuming the presi— dency is given in Table 58. Table 58 indicates that, in general, the great major— ity of college and university presidents moved directly to the presidency from another position in education. Over three-fourths of the presidents came immediately from a higher education position, and at the upper levels, 22 per cent were college deans, 11 per cent were academic vice presidents (or provosts), 11 per cent were department chair- men, and 10 per cent came from the faculty. Another 7 per cent were presidents of other colleges, 6 per cent were gen- eral administrative vice presidents, 4 per cent were other college administrators, 3 per cent were deans of students, 2 per cent were assistants to presidents, l per cent were junior college presidents, and less than 1 per cent were serving as acting presidents. If the academic and adminis— trative vice presidents are combined into a general vice president level, it can be seen that 17 per cent of the presidents came directly from that level. 1£99 .ucmo umm 0.0 can» mme« OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OcOo MOO HOOoe H O H N O O O O O HH MOcuo O O H NN .. O O OH .. 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HH OH O O ON NH OH O OH O cmEuHmso unmEuMOOmo NN OH ON OH ON HO HH OH HN ON OOOO OOOHHoo O O O O n O O ON HN O ucmOHmmMm OUH> .coHumuuchHEO4 HH NH HH O HH O ON OH OH ON Omo>oOO Mo .OOOO OoH> OHEOOOo< O O O O O O OH OH O OH OOOHHoo O O0 ucOOHOOMO OOHOOOOOO HOOOucV HOOucO HNOucO HOONucO HONHucO HOOHucV HONucO HONucO HOHucO HOOucv OHOm :oHuHOoO MoHOO OOOOOHOOMO .OOOOO .OOOOH .quO .cumo OHHnsO .OOOOH .OoMO .numo oHHnsO HHO mucOOHmoum muuc HOMOQHH mucmprmum OuHmuO>HCD Hucmo MOO :Hv OUCOOHOOHQ on» OOHEsmmm ou MOHMO HHmuOHpOEEH mucochmum UHEOOOUO an OHOL mcoHuHmom .OO OHQOB 200 Other educational positions were held by the academic presidents, including 3 per cent who were public school admin— istrators, l per cent in state board of education positions, and 1 per cent who held offices in educational associations. The next highest general occupational category that served as a springboard to the presidency was the Protestant clergy where 8 per cent or 57 men moved directly from being a minister in a church to a college presidency. About 3 per cent of the presidents came directly from government positions (primarily at the Federal level) and a little more than 1 per cent came from the military. It was somewhat surprising to find that contrary to specula- tion from some quarters, business directly supplied only about 2 per cent (or 13 men) of the total academic presidents in this study. Finally, men who were officers in foundations represented 1 per cent of the total president group. No presidents came directly from farming occupations. Table 58 also reveals that there are variations in the positions held based upon the president's type of insti- tution. Among public university presidents, the three lead- ing positions were: college dean, 25 per cent; academic vice president or provost, 24 per cent; and another college or university presidency, 19 per cent. By combining'the two types of vice presidents, 31 per cent moved directly from that level. Not one public university president in the sample came directly from business. The top positions among 201 Catholic university presidents were: college dean, 21 per cent; administrative vice president, 21 per cent; department chairman, 16 per cent; and academic vice president, 16 per cent. Among Protestant-related and independent university presidents, the vice president level was again an important source while a college deanship, although important, was relatively less so. As with public university presidents, the presidents of other institutions were important sources for the presidency of these private universities. Among the public liberal arts presidents (93 per cent of whom came directly from educational positions), the college deanship clearly stood out as number one (31 per cent), followed by departmental chairman (12 per cent). Although nearly one in three public liberal arts presidents came directly from a college dean's position, the rest came directly from a great variety of educational positions. The representation among the presidents of prior experience as junior college presidents and public school superintendents is noteworthy because of its relative absence among the other presidents. The college deanship, department chairman, and fac- ulty member were key direct sources for the Catholic liberal arts presidents. The Protestant-related liberal arts presi- dents tended to come primarily from a Protestant clergyman position (22 per cent), a college dean's position (17 per cent) and a college faculty position (11 per cent). Only 202 in the Protestant-related liberal arts group (outside of Catholic institution presidents) were clergymen so greatly selected to a presidency. This is even more striking in that no clergymen were found among the presidents of public colleges and universities. The heads of independent liberal arts colleges came directly from a college deanship (23 per cent), college faculty (15 per cent), and an academic vice presidency (11 per cent). Department chairmen, college deans, and academic vice presidents were the leading sources for a technological institution presidency. As one compares the so-called Springboards to the academic presidency across the various types of institutions, some generalizations seem very evident: 1. academic presidents came from a variety of positions, but the majority were from the general field of edu— cation, mainly higher education. Relatively few came directly from business, government, military, or professions outside the clergy. 2. a relatively greater percentage of university pres— idents came from very high level educational posi- tions when compared to their counterparts in liberal arts colleges. In universities, few men were selected to the presidency who previously served beneath the levels of college dean, vice president, or presidency of another institution. While these levels were important for liberal arts presidents as well, there were relatively greater numbers selected from depart- ment chairmen, faculty positions, and other educa— tional avenues (junior colleges and public schools). Even when the analysis of last positions held is based upon tenure in office, little differences result. 203 Table 59 shows the comparisons for the held by presidents who have served for varying numbers of years. Table 59. Prior educational positions based upon tenure in office held by presidents (in per cent) educational positions All Presi— Number of Years in Office Position in dents Over Education 1968 New 1—5 6—10 11-15 16-20 20 Academic pres. 7 3 6 10 10 5 4 Acad. vice pres. ll 21 15 10 7 2 7 Admin. vice pres. 6 7 7 6 3 5 2 College dean 22 23 22 20 25 26 13 Dept. chairman ll 13 ll 9 ll l3 13 Faculty 10 7 10 10 9 12 18 Ass't to pres. 2 3 3 3 2 0 2 Public school supt. 3 2 1 4 8 7 7 Jr. college pres. l 0 l 2 2 2 0 Dean of students 3 0 3 3 l 3 9 Other col. admin. 4 3 5 4 4 2 7 Acting pres. 0* 2 0* 0 l 0 0 Educ. assn.officer l 0 0* 0 2 2 0 State bd. educ. officer 1 0 0* l 2 5 2 Other education 3 3 2 4 3 2 0 Total % in education 85 87 86 88 90 86 84 * Less than 0.5 per cent. In Table 59 it can be seen that when the prior posi- tions of presidents are compared with tenure in office, no significant changes in trends occur, except possibly with the academic vice presidency. About 21 per cent of the 204 presidents chosen last year and 15 per cent selected one to five years ago came from an academic vice presidency, seri- ously rivalling the college deanship as the top current direct avenue to the presidency. When the administrative vice presidency is added to the college deanship and aca- demic vice presidency, it can be seen that of the presidents selected last year, half had one of these three positions. The pattern that presidents of public institutions were educated and later taught at primarily public institu- tions while presidents of private institutions were educated and later taught at usually private colleges and universi— ties was again found when an analysis was made not only of the position held prior to the presidency but the type of institution as well. The evidence showed that 73 per cent of public university presidents held positions in public universities; 64 per cent of Catholic university presidents were in Catholic universities; 55 per cent of Protestant- related university presidents were in private, non-Catholic institutions; 60 per cent of independent university presi- dents held positions in independent universities; 43 per cent of public liberal arts presidents were previously in public liberal arts and another 23 per cent were in public universities; 81 per cent of Catholic college presidents were in Catholic colleges; 44 per cent of Protestant-related liberal arts presidents were directly from Protestant- related liberal arts colleges and universities; and 68 per 205 cent of independent college presidents were from independent colleges. Not only did the president hold a position in an institution under a similar form of control (public or pri— vate), but he tended to hold a position in an institution the same type as he now heads (university or liberal arts college). Since this phase of the research aimed at determin- ing the most direct springboards to the presidency, there was also some concern as to how long, on the average, the person held the prior position. With no real differences among presidents, it was found that the presidents held their immediately prior positions generally about five and one—half years. Various dimensions of the academic presidents' career patterns have now been discussed. Occupational mobility over a period of time serves as the broadest con- text, and the careers of these individuals have been exam— ined in some detail, from their first full—time positions to their present positions. However, mobility is a critical concept in another sense which has not yet been examined. Although the majority have spent their careers in education, no consideration has yet been given as to how mobile these men and women have been between and among various institu— tions. Have they obtained their professional experiences at one institution or possibly more? Such a consideration 206 reflects a degree of physical mobility as well as occupa- tional mObility. Extent of Association with Other Colleges To determine the extent of involvement and associa- tion with other colleges, the presidents were asked at how many different colleges or universities they held full-time faculty or administrative positions. Table 60 gives the breakdown by the president's type of institution. Table 60. Number of colleges that academic presidents have been full-time faculty members or administrators (including their present institutions, in per cent) No. of Colleges or Universities Asso— ciated with, Including Present One Presidents' Institutions One Two Three Four Five or More Public university 10 29 30 15 16 Catholic univsersity 25 50 15 5 5 Prot.-related univ. 14 33 l9 14 20 Independent univ. 7 31 17 24 21 Public lib. arts 17 19 29 20 15 Catholic lib. arts 54 26 13 5 2 Prot. lib. arts 29 29 21 14 7 Indep. lib. arts 16 28 23 16 17 Technological inst. 30 23 20 l3 l4 Per cent for all presidents 26 27 22 14 ll 207 Table 60 shows that on the average academic presi- dents were full-time teachers or administrative officers at nearly three colleges and universities, including their present institutions. This mean average of two other institutions (in addition to the present institution) was found among presidents of public universities, Protestant- related universities, public liberal arts colleges, and independent liberal arts colleges. The presidents of inde- pendent universities were somewhat higher than the mean, while the presidents of Protestant-related colleges and technological institutions were somewhat below. More noticeable differences were apparent for the presidents of Catholic institutions. Among the Catholic liberal arts presidents, 54 per cent had never been a full—time staff member at an institution outside the present one, and 80 per cent had been associated with no more than one other college. The same holds for Catholic university presidents, although most had worked full-time in at least one other institution. Even though the presidents stayed in similar types of institutions, they indeed were physically mobile as well as occupationally mobile during their full-time careers and their formal education. 208 Administrative Experiences Prior to the Presidency As the chief academic administrator at an institu- tion the president must rely heavily upon his past experi- ences, training, knowledge, and often intuition to lead the institution most effectively. Many presidents have served in a variety of academic administrative positions and have observed on the average three different presidential styles of leadership at different colleges prior to their own selection. It is assumed that the administrative eXperi- ences prior to the presidency contributed (positively and negatively) to the early style adopted by the presidents as they entered their roles. While a majority of presidents had some educational administrative experience, a number had only part-time experience and really remained teaching faculty members with different levels of administrative responsibilities. In some cases, these people are hidden in the occupational categories of "last position held" and it is difficult to know how many had full-time educational administrative expe- rience based soley upon the position's title. Thus, a ques— tionnaire item was inserted to obtain the additional clarifi— cation, and Table 61 gives two aspects related to the prior administrative role. First, a percentage is given to indi- cate in the president's view, how many had no full—time educational administrative experience prior to assuming the 209 Table 61. Extent of experiences as full-time educational administrators prior to assuming present position % Who Never Average No. of Years Had Full—Time Admin. Experience for Presidents' Administrative Those with Full-Time Institutions Experience Experience Public university 4 10.7 Catholic univ. 10 7.5 Prot.-related univ. 33 10.6 Independent univ. 17 10.6 Public lib. arts 20 10.5 Catholic lib. arts 49 9.4 Prot.-related lib. 41 10.5 Indep. lib. arts 32 10.1 Technological 27 10.3 All presidents 31 10.6 presidency, and then a mean average is given for those who have had full-time experience. This tabulation will give a more complete accounting of the career patterns of the col— lege and university presidents. Table 61 indicates that almost one-third of the individuals now serving as academic presidents had no full— time educational administration experience prior to assuming the presidency. Although Table 59 showed that a majority Spent significant portions of their careers in education, almost one out of three presidents themselves stated they had no full-time administrative experience. For the two- thirds with prior full-time educational administrative 210 experience, the average at all types of institutions was about ten and one-half years. This table gives some support to a topic discussed in Chapter VIII in the personal reactions of many presidents as they described their careers. A number indicated that they did not choose a career in educational administration but rather the career choice was higher education. The presidency was largely accidental and one toward which they drifted, unconsciously or consciously. At this point, it is seen that almost one-third of the presidents may have had strong reasons to make such statements since the presidency was in actuality their first serious full-time endeavor in educational administration, even though a career was Spent in various positions in higher education. Multi-Institution Presidents Since the focus has been upon the eXperiences that have made up the careers of academic presidents, it is appro- priate to consider one last question: What is the extent of mobility between presidencies of institutions in the country? How many academic presidents have been heads of other col- leges and universities sometime prior to this position? It is known based upon the discussion of direct springboards, that such moves occurred, but it is difficult to assess the extent based on the analysis thus far. Table 62 shows the answers to this query. 211 Table 62. Current academic presidents who have presided over another college or university earlier in their careers (in per cent) Presided Presided Did Not Over One Over Two Preside Presidents' Other or More Over Another Institutions College Other Colleges College Public university 17 7 76 Catholic univ. 10 0 90 Prot.-related univ. 10 10 80 Independent univ. l4 6 80 Public lib. arts 14 l 85 Catholic lib. arts 0 l 99 Prot.-related lib. 10 l 89 Indep. lib. arts 9 0 91 Technological inst. 0 4 96 All presidents 10 2 88 In general, about 12 per cent of the current academic presidents (i.e., 90 individuals) have been presidents of other colleges or universities earlier in their careers, 10 per cent of whom have presided over one other institution and 2 per cent who have presided over two or more other institutions. (Only one person in the sample had presided over more than two other institutions and that was three.) There are interesting variations among the different types of institutions the presidents now head. For example, most multi—institution presidents were found among public univer— sity presidents where nearly one out of four had presided over another college or university. At the other end of the continuum were Catholic liberal arts college presidents 212 ’ among whom only one person had presided over another insti- tution. The other types of presidents fall in between these points as evidenced by the percentages given in Table 62. In general, it can be said that the career patterns of college and university presidents have proved to be more striking in their similarities than their differences. This chapter completes the complex process of investigating the ' 5‘ social origins, family influences, and educational prepara— : tion leading to the actual careers of the academic president F elite. In the course of this study much has been learned LL. about the occupational and geographical mobility of these men and many facets of their careers have been analyzed. However, very little has been said regarding the role of academic presidents, i.e., what it is they do as presidents. Although this particular research was not aimed specifically at the role of presidents, some broad aSpectS of how presidents use their time have been included in the research design. The results of the time utilization por— tion are presented in Appendix C. In Chapter VIII, attention centers upon the career motivations expressed by academic presidents as they reflect back over their lives. , 213 ' Summary and Conclusions In Chapter VII an intensive examination of the varieties of career patterns of college and university pres— idents has been presented. In an analysis of the occupa— tional career sequence of academic presidents at five year intervals over a period of twenty years, it was found that F1 the majority of presidents had full—time careers in educa— Z tion and professional fields. About 66 per cent of the a presidents began their careers in education (one—third at the elementary—secondary levels), 23 per cent began in the @~ professions (17 per cent of whom were clergymen or members of religious orders), 5 per cent began in business, 2 per cent in government, and 3 per cent in the military. Over a period of twenty years there were steady movements into higher levels of academic administration until at the end of twenty years, 92 per cent were in education and only 3 per cent were still in business, government, or military service. In addition, by the twenty—year point in their careers, 63 per cent had attained the presidency. The basic career pattern was followed by presidents of all types of institu- tions, although the heads of Catholic institutions moved to the presidency in a relatively shorter period of time after their first full-time position. Academic presidents attained their present positions at about 45 years of age, and the current average (mean) age of presidents was found to be 52.9, indicating that the 214 ' average president of a college or university throughout the country has been in his position for nearly eight years. Because a very high percentage of presidents spent substantial portions of their careers as college teachers, the dimension of the president while a former faculty member was analyzed in detail. It was found that 86 per cent of academic presidents did have some eXperience as college teachers with some variance depending upon the president's type of institution. Prior to becoming president, 60 per cent of those with teaching eXperienced attained the rank of professor, 12 per cent had attained the rank of associate professor, 13 per cent had attained the rank of assistant professor, and 15 per cent attained a rank no higher than instructor or lecturer. About one—fourth of the presidents had been college teachers for 5 years or less, and one—half had been college teachers for 10 years or less. Twenty—one per cent had over 15 years college teaching experience. In general, the presidents of Catholic institutions Spent less time as college teachers than did the others, while the pres- idents of public institutions tended to spend more years as college teachers. About 82 per cent of the presidents who were college teachers were associated with twelve academic ! departments led by English, educational administration, history, and religion. Also highly represented but in descending order were the departments of economics, philos— ophy, chemistry, political science, sociology, guidance, 215 l psychology, and speech. The presidents taught at a variety of institutions at each academic rank throughout the nation, although 36 per cent taught at the institutions they now head. There was a tendency for the presidents of public institutions to teach at public institutions and for the presidents of private institutions to teach at private institutions . if" An analysis of the direct Springboard to the aca- demic presidency was also given in depth, to account for another critical part of experience and time in the pres- l L idents' careers. It was learned that about one—third of the presidents moved directly to the presidency from within the present institution while two—thirds of the presidents moved immediately from positions in other institutions. Over three-fourths of the academic presidents moved directly from the general field of higher education and the most important positions were: college dean (22 per cent), academic vice president or provost (11 per cent), department chairman (11 per cent), and the college faculty (10 per cent). Other higher education sources for the presidency were: presidents of other colleges (5 per cent), administrative vice presi- dents (6 per cent), general college administrators (4 per cent), deans of students (3 per cent), assistants to the president (2 per cent), junior college presidents (l per cent), and acting presidents (l per cent). About 3 per cent of the presidents (mainly in public liberal arts colleges) 216 were public school superintendents and another 2 per cent were officials in state boards of education and educational associations. The professional Protestant and Catholic clergy were important springboards to the academic presi— dency as all Catholic institution presidents were either priests or sisters of religious orders, and 8 per cent of the academic presidents moved directly from being Protestant clergymen to the presidency. The business area directly supplied only about 2 per cent of the academic presidents, while 3 per cent came directly from government (primarily at the Federal level), and l per cent came directly from mili— tary service. Men who were prior officials in foundations represented only about 1 per cent of the total group. There was a tendency for the heads of universities to come from relatively higher levels in institutions when compared to their counterparts in liberal arts colleges. The average person held the position immediately prior to becoming pres- ident for about five and one-half years. Academic presidents had usually full—time faculty or administrative experience in two other institutions, while most Catholic institution presidents had worked full-time at no more than one other institution, and prior to assuming their present positions, the academic presidents Spent about 10 years engaged in full-time educational administration. However, it is recalled that 31 per cent of academic -' 2' V “nu-2..“ 1".3“ Cg?! «'7 217 ' presidents were selected for the presidency without ever having worked as full-time educational administrators. It was found that about 12 per cent of current col— lege and university presidents in the sample had been pres- idents of other colleges or universities earlier in their careers, usually at one other college. In relative terms, the public university presidents were most likely to have been presidents of other institutions, while the Catholic institution presidents were least likely. CHAPTER VIII CAREER MOTIVATIONS OF ACADEMIC PRESIDENTS The analysis thus far has looked at a variety of career patterns of academic presidents. However, one Should not believe that these individuals chose the careers they did in a relatively mechanistic fashion. It is important to consider what motivations gave rise to the career patterns discovered. Academic presidents have expressed their feel— ings about the direction and meaning of their careers and these accounts give a necessary complement to the records they formally made on paper. Without such a consideration, a significant part of their occupational mobility is over— looked and lost. It will be seen that these human beings responded to a variety of attitudes, motivations, feelings, hopes, and values as they moved from their places of birth to the presidency. This chapter attempts to relate some of the forces and factors underlying their careers. A Perspective for Studying Career Motivations A few introductory remarks about occupational careers and recognized limitations of the ensuing discussion are in order. The selection of a self—satisfying occupational 218 1 r3“ . 219 ' career is enmeshed in a complex process which seems to be a relatively simple task for some and very difficult for others. Sociologists have long recognized the importance of many of the factors we examined earlier, such as family influences, education, sex—differentiation, and geographical location in the formation of values and attitudes about the i7}. world of work and careers. Edward Gross offers a clear statement of this recognition when he states: . . . persons in our culture are theoretically free to enter any occupation . . . but many factors affect the probability of entry into an occupation. Instead then of speaking of persons as choosing an occupation Or (though all may try), we find it more revealing to ask ' how they are selected for the occupation. This approach leads us to focus on such factors as family, location, sex, age, access to education, social class, race, and national origin. The research design for this study has been in the Spirit and methodology of a social perspective. This is not to say that so-called psychological factors are unimportant in occupational and career matters, but to take cognizance that within the purposes of the present research, attention has been focused mainly on factors outside the inner psycholog- ical worlds of the academic presidents. A discussion of the topic of occupational selection or career motivation makes necessary some understanding of . lEdward Gross, Work and Society (New York: The Thomas Crowell Company, 1958), p. 144. 220 l the meaning of work in American society. Even a cursory glance at the literature indicates that work means a multi- tude of things to people. For example, Morse and Weiss found that work served a means for an individual to become tied into the larger society, of having something to do, of having a purpose in life.2 Super stated that work deter— mined social status, molded values and sentiments, and routinized the style of living.3 Friedmann and Havighurst found that work often meant different things to members of different occupational levels, and the higher levels were a :1. l more apt to mention non-monetary factors and to stress the challenge and great purpose of their work.4 And Anne Roe some time ago noted the role of work in American society when she said ". . . there is no single situation which is potentially so capable of giving satisfaction at all levels 5 of the basic needs as is the occupation." There are numer- ous theories in addition to any recognition of the importance 2Nancy C. Morse and R. S. Weiss, "The Function and Meaning of Work and the Job," in Man, Work, and Society, ed. by Sigmund Nosow and William H. Form (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1962), p. 29. 3Donald B. Super, The Psychology of Careers (New YOrk: Harper and Brothers, 1957), p. 35. , 4E. A. Friedmann and Robert J. Havighurst, "Work and Retirement," in ManLgWork, and Society, ed. by Nosow and Form, pp. 53-54. 5Anne Roe, The Psychology of Occupations (New YOrk: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1956), p. 31. 221 of sociological factors related to why people select or find themselves in the occupations they do. Some of these theo- ries are briefly given below. The Accident Theory Theorists in this category usually stress that individuals make decisions about future occupations acciden- tally, and it is therefore impossible to critically evaluate all the alternative factors. Prominent people who supposedly had found themselves accidentally in a career and excelled in it are usually used to support this theory, e.g., David Ricardo, Malinowski, Whistler.6 Unconscious Forces Theory The unconscious forces theory had its origins in the early psychological school of human behavior and motivation. Its proponents maintain that the decisions to go into a given occupation are not a result of conscious deliberation, but rather a result of latent forces which influence the individual toward a given occupation, e.g., the person who manifested urges to have power and later selected a career giving authority and dominance over others' lives.7 6Eli Ginzberg, Sol Ginzburg, Sidney Axelrod, and John Herman, Occupational Choice, An Approach to a General Theory (New YOrk: Columbia University Press, 1951), pp. 1.8-190 7Ibidol pp. 21.—22. ~ 'IMQ' h‘ ."3 3. - I" "‘ L 222 Psychological Theories The advocates of some psychological theories usually hold that "while the limits and pressures of uncontrollable external circumstances play a part, general psychological factors . . . are of major causal importance."8 These psychological factors often include impulsive emotions, P. which determine choice of vocation and the satisfaction of basic needs as opposed to economic gain. Some prominent writers like Roe and Maslow have postulated a needs hierar- chy beginning with physical and safety needs and moving L upward to self-actualization needs. The relentless striving upward to self-actualization, to becoming all that one can become, "may well be the big factor in determining those who put enormous yet easy and pleasant effort into their work from those who do not."9 Developmental Theories These theories stress that the final occupational choice can be understood only in terms of the stages of development through which an individual has passed. As such, occupational choice is a developmental process, a series of 8Bertram R. Faier, "Personality Factors in Occupa— tional Choice," Educational Psychological Measurement, XIII (1953), 362. 9Roe, Psychology of Occupations, p. 33. 223 ' decisions over a period of years that are largely irrevers- ible and end in a compromise.10 It is not the purpose here to discuss the merits of each of the above theories. They have been set forth simply to Show that any discussion of why academic presidents or any group chose or find themselves in their present posi— f“ tions is a complex and weighty task, subject to a variety of interpretations. It is believed, however, that on the basis of the many comments freely given by the academic presidents in written statements and in interviews or why they chose careers in higher education as opposed to any other career, one is able to gain valuable insight into some of the dynam- ics involved in their career decisions. Since only a few interviews were conducted, most of the following presenta— tion was dependent more upon the questionnaire responses. All the major theories above can be found in the presidents' own words. The major limitation of the present research is that no sophisticated psychological investigation was conducted as was the case with government and business executives. The views expressed by the presidents serve as the source of information. This is a comprehensive report of how their career motivations of the past and present look to the loGinzberg and others, Occupational Choice, pp. 186- 198. 224 I academic presidents at the present time. Their remarks, then, are "time-bound." In a few years from now, their views might change, while a few years ago they might have given different views. This chapter looks at the presidents' career motivations after the individuals attained the posi- tion and while they are still in it. Moreover, because there is a complete dependence upon the personal perceptions and reactions of the respondents, any of the weaknesses of self-appraisals and how they might relate to one's self- concept are inherent in the approach. But, in view of the candor and obvious effort involved in most of the written statements, there is good reason to believe that the pres- idents were quite open and neither psychologically threat— ened nor unwilling to react honestly to this question. Therefore, it is assumed that their conscious responses represent a fairly accurate rationale for the substantial appearance of their career lines. A number of factors were identified after a content analysis of nearly 400 questionnaire responses that were most pivotal in organizing the data. It became apparent that in the eyes of the presidents, the fundamental reasons for their careers in higher educational administration were based mainly on at least six interrelated factors: (1) a service orientation, (2) social influences, (3) professional opportunities, (4) personal factors, (5) a developmental process, and (6) an accidental circumstance. In most cases 225 one or more of the six factors interrelated in the eventual career decision while at other times, the reSpondents were most likely to insist that one had an overpowering influence. Each of these categories will be presented shortly, but first there will be an analysis of another important ques- tionnaire item related to their careers that will set the stage for an examination of their career motivations. Alternative Cgreers Considered by Presidents The presidents were asked "From the time you com— pleted your undergraduate education until the present, had you ever seriously considered a career outside the context of an educational institution?" The presidents were then asked to check the appropriate occupational alternatives, if applicable. Table 63 gives the results of the question. Table 63. Percentage of presidents who considered a career outside education Per Cent Per Cent Presidents' Institutions Yes No Public universities . 63 37 Catholic universities 50 50 Prot.-related universities 60 40 Independent universities 90 10 Public liberal arts 59 41 Catholic liberal arts 28 72 Prot.-related lib. arts 74 26 Independent liberal arts 59 41 Technological institutions 84 16 All presidents 60 40 226 Table 63 indicates that 6 out of 10 presidents had :iously considered a career outside education from the me they completed their college education to the present. a independent university presidents, Protestant—related Llege presidents, and technological institution presidents re much more likely to have considered another career, Lle the Catholic institution presidents were least likely. Table 64, the tabulation is given for those who answered ' firmatively in Table 63, and the career alternatives are Lineated. >le 64. Alternative careers seriously considered by presidents ;ernative Career siness executive . . . . . . . . rernment service . . . . . . . . siness and government careers . . . . Ligious Service . . . . . . . . >or union official . . . . . . . . Litary officer . . . . . . . . icticing professional (law, nedicine, engineer, etc. . . . . . . 1er occupations . . . . . . . . Total per cent . . . . . . . . *Less than 0.5 per cent. In Table 64 it can be seen that at mentioned was religious service as ‘% of Respondents . . 18 O O 9 . . 12 . . 29 . . 0* . . 2 . . 16 . . 14 . . 100 the outside career 29 per cent of the 227 presidents who had considered seriously other careers were . . . . ll oriented toward rel1g1ous serv1ce. About 18 per cent of the presidents seriously con— sidered business careers, 9 per cent government service, and another 12 per cent considered careers in both business and government. (Thus, a total of 39 per cent considered alter- r~ native careers in business and/or government.) Approximately 16 per cent of the presidents considered private practice of a professional field such as law, medicine, and engineering. About 2 per cent saw the military as a desirable alternative a and less than 0.5 per cent seriously considered labor union careers. Nothing was additionally revealed by breaking down Table 64 by the president's type, or size of institution, as the order was very close for all types, except the heads of Catholic institutions and Protestant-related institutions where the religious service alternative was most Significant. In Chapter VII, it was noted that very few presidents actually did try or persist in occupations outside education. The central question now asked is "why?" Why did most aca- demic presidents Spend the very large portion of their full— time careers in education as opposed to any other career? 11It Should be pointed out that this figure includes 10 per cent who were priests, nuns, or Protestant ministers already. Thus, if this group were removed, it would mean that 19 per cent of the presidents who were not now clergy- men had considered careers in religious service. The 19 per cent would still be the top career alternative, but would be closer to those who considered other careers. 228 ' .More Specifically, what factors, values, philosophies, or forces--which shall be referred to here as motivations—- contributed to the decision of these individuals to make their way in education when many of society's more tangible rewards seem to go to leaders in business and government. And, especially when many of the presidents admit to having seriously considered a career in business or government. ‘Why did some leave the teaching status of higher education for the administrative area which has more burdens and demands than many faced as professors? It is now appropriate to recall the six major categories developed from what presi- dents have said about their career selection. Academic Presidents Express Their Career Motivations Initially, it is well to mention that there were a minority of academic presidents who stated that they chose academic administration and/or the presidency, irregardless of the type, size, or location of the institution or tenure of the president. The presidents were most likely to say they were chosen or selected, but they did not choose.12 : 12Note: The question which brought out this aspect ' was the final questionnaire item, first developed acciden- tally and asking why they "chose" academic administration. After the pilot test, it was obvious that the question made reSpondents react to the word "chose"--positively or nega- tively—-and for this reason was retained with no modifica— tions. 229 ' A majority of academic presidents believe they were chosen by religious superiors, by trustees, who felt they could do the job, or by a set of circumstances. For most, higher education administration was not their career at all, but rather higher education. For many of these individuals, during the course of their careers in higher education, primarily as teachers and deans, they were asked to assume enlarged responsibilities in educational administration, including the presidency. Many of these men expressed reluctance to accept the presidency at that time, but they '7‘” (.1 felt unable to turn down the request. Once in the position, they remained for a number of reasons, personal philOSOphies, and institutional necessities. However, there were a number of presidents who were more likely to have come from other professional avenues such as educational administration who admit to making an active career choice in administration. Whether presidents indicated their presence in their positions mainly as a mat— ter of active choice, as acceptance to the wishes of others, or for some other reasons, there were a variety of rationales expressed. Probably the most eXpressed reason was "service." Service Orientation Service was a popularly articulated concept of aca- demic presidents, and it took four major forms: to God and church; to society; to higher education; and to the institu- tion. Each form will be discussed. 230 l Service to God and church.--Although many presidents I 0 spoke of service to God, the majority of such expressions came from the heads of Catholic and Protestant—related institutions. Among Catholic institution presidents, typical responses of why the men and women selected their careers included: As a Catholic priest I did not choose educational administration, but was requested to take the pres— idency by my religious superior. ." ‘-" ._\.LLK.J_5 '6'. ‘1 The headship of this institution was assigned to me by the Bishop of the diocese without my asking it. As a member of a religious order, I have not chosen educational administration, but was appointed to the position. I was given an option, of course, and agreed to the appointment. I chose administration in higher education as a career because I am a member of the Jesuits, and higher education is one of our principal works. I suppose the Depression of the 1930's had some influence on my choice of a career as a religious and educator. For me the two were synonomous. For a large percentage of Catholic college and uni— versity presidents, their association with education was integral to their membership in a religious community. They were most likely to indicate that they responded to requests and wishes (and in some cases, assignments) of their reli- gious superior. Their careers as priests or nuns and edu- cators have been intertwined. 231 The presidents of Protestant-related institutions any of whom are clergymen) were also likely to stress rvice to God and church when speaking of their careers: Ours is a church college, service here is really one form of church service. . . . I felt guided by God to become president of this institution. I spent many years as a minister prior to becoming president of college. The position has been challenging and gratifying. I hope my service has been helpful. I do not feel that I left the Christian ministry, I simply enlarged and extended it. As one who believes that all human beings have been created as an expression of divine purpose, I have always felt a strong feeling of having a mission in higher education. My basic reason for accepting the position came from my conviction of the importance of the church-related liberal arts college and its unique contribution to a total system of higher education in America. I accepted the position because of a growing conviction that I could render my greatest service to God and man in this assignment. It is a combination of the significance of the work and one's fitness for doing it. I am committed whole- heartedly to the Christian liberal arts college as an essential ingredient in human society. I regard what I am doing more as a "calling" than a job. It is what I was meant to do. For many of the presidents of Protestant—related col- ;es, a predominant theme is one of service to God, the erh, and to a particular commitment to a type of educa- )nal institution. The presidency was more of a "calling" niniscent of the values articulated by presidents of early lleges in America and continued through the traditions and jectives of many of these institutions today. The presi— ncy has provided an enlarged ministry, an opportunity to 232 ' rve people in a larger sense than that offered by most storates. Therefore, when approached by a board of con- ol or faculty, these presidents welcomed the opportunity. Service to society.--Service to society and to one's llowman was an often-voiced reason for the careers of esidents in all types of institutions: Ir} Man is born to serve and this is an excellent position within and from which service can be rendered. Basically, I have a deep conviction that I have a responsibility to other men for service. This basic drive, along with a love for young people, makes the academic setting attractive. The opportunity to IL” further the cause was made available in administration. Having embarked on a career as a college teacher, I came to the conclusion that I would make more of a contribution to education in administration than in teaching. The job of being a college president is tough, exciting, and rewarding, its decisions less simple than those of teaching, its pressures much greater. No doubt in some subtle sense the awareness of power provides additional satisfaction, though I would like to believe that the opportunity of service has been more important in my case. Who knows himself well enough to be sure. Service to higher education.--Service in the inter- t of higher education itself was an important theme for ademic presidents: I am a strong supporter of higher education and top university administration is a more effective shot . from which to provide leadership and service to bring ' about change in higher education. My choice of education was partly a process of elimina- tion but, most importantly, it was based upon a growing conviction that man's problems could only be resolved in the long run through self-improvement by education. I preferred the idea of higher education both because 233 the atmosphere was more appealing and challenging and also because I felt service at that level had to deal with the real potential of man in terms of his higher intellect in abstract reasoning. . . . Higher education is the most important social force by which man can raise himself by his own bootstraps. Higher education is one of the most meaningful under— takings of these times. Administrative roles make possible accomplishments denied less general respon- Sibilities. I think education, particularly higher education, holds the key to most of our national and international problems today. Thus, it offers great Opportunity for public service. Service to an institution.--The other major concept of service expressed by college and university presidents was tied to service to an institution. In Chapter VI, it was noted that many presidents were alumni of their present institutions, and these men in particular felt strongly about returning to serve their alma mater. Others who were faculty members and staff members at the institution or who were chosen to render assistance to a college that was having serious difficulties or was approaching some distinction, were leading candidates to talk about serving the institu- tion: I am a researcher who accepted my present position only because I felt that I had something to contribute to the growth of my alma mater. I would not have accepted the post elsewhere. I chose a career in administration in higher education as opposed to any other career because it gave me an opportunity to serve an institution and a cause, both of which are very dear to me. 234 I left my prior position and came to , more because of my admiration of the institution than of any preference for administration over research and teaching. The challenge of returning in an administrative capacity to the institution from which I graduated was a stimulat- ing factor. As a student and faculty member early in my career at this institution, I had gratifying years. When invited by the trustees to return I was aware that the univer- sity needed strengthening and thought it would be interesting to see what I could do to that end. I accepted the position as president mainly because of deep loyalty to the university and a deep sense of gratitude for the education I received from it. For the presidents who felt deeply about the future of their institutions for a number of reasons, their career motivations tended to be expressed in terms of serving that institution more so than higher education or society, although these latter aspects would ultimately be strength- ened. Service to God and church, to society and man, to higher education, and to an institution or type of institu- tion were important elements of many presidents' considera- tions of career decisions. The idea of service as shall be seen in the next category, "social influences," was often rooted in family upbringings where for many, a professional life was in a sense nurtured. But others have felt the com- mitment to service from religious ties and deep feelings for an institution and the possible contributions to the society. 235 Social influences.—-Many presidents Spoke of associ- ations with key persons during their lives that they be- lieved to have been crucial in their career decisions. Family, friends, colleagues, and teachers were significant others in the lives of these individuals and led them directly or indirectly to develop certain attitudes and values toward education and higher education administration. And in a few cases, racial concerns were part of the mix that led to the presidency. I grew up in a family in which service was oriented to higher education and selected this area because of that orientation and interest. I didn't know any better—-my father did it tool I was reared in a home in which my father served suc- cessively as teacher, principal, and superintendent by the time I went to college. I enjoyed my life in that "schoolman's" home and looked forward to earning a livelihood one day in a comparable setting. I have never really known any other kind of life. I have been fortunate in having the opportunity to work closely with some outstanding college presidents. They inspired me to what was possible with the presi— dency. My interest in higher education administration was originally aroused by two professors from whom I took courses in educational administration at University. Their encouragement to pursue graduate work in educational administration confirmed my deter- mination to work in this field. It had always been assumed that if I didn't become a doctor like my father, I'd become a college president like his father. This was gentle pressure but played a role, I am sure. As a Negro there were a limited number of opportunities available in seeking a career . . . education offered more than any other area of endeavor. If there had been 236 other professional choices available, it is more likely that I would not have entered education. Though it sounds immodest, I have a sense of Noblesse oblige probably inculcated by my family, which has a tradition of civic leadership. My father once said to me "if you are asked to perform a difficult job worth doing, and you can do it, then you must do it." Thus, in many cases, values and aspirations and important decisions affecting the career were supplied by key people at different stages. There was little question but the family and teachers were significant in influencing many presidents to begin a career in education and eventu- ally move to higher education administration and the pres- idency. A third category of motivations in the eyes of pres- idents that contributed toward a career in higher education administration was composed of professional opportunities related to the position of the presidency, itself. Professional opportunities.--A number of aspects that directly related to the position, role, and professional opportunities associated with the academic presidency were seen as attractions leading a number of these men and women into educatiOnal administration. Some of these aspects were tangible such as salary, home, and a certain standard of living. However, most references were made to more intangi- ble aSpects such as satisfactions and challenges and frustra- tions afforded by academic administration. A review of their comments would be most indicative of these attitudes. 237 I accepted the challenge of the presidency because I thought I could affect the lives of a greater number of people. . . . I also thought the presidency presented in one package the "complete" challenge to all that a man had. It was dangerous; it was costly; it was adventuresome; it was exhausting; and yet it was refresh- ving and invigorating. It was an adequate substitute for total war! The reason I selected higher education administration was the life that centers around a campus, both intel- lectual and social. To be an administrator is to be in the "eye" of the storm! I enjoy it. The main reason is the challenge of developing and running one's own institution while correlating at the same time ideas and needs of the board members, faculty, students, alumni, and the local community. It is useful and productive, and it is somewhat less cutthroat than business and more useful than many businesses. It is more fun. I entered administration because I felt there was a greater challenge than that found in the classroom. A career in any other field comparable to that of higher education would undoubtedly have to be pursued in a larger area. Academic administration was quite frankly an attractive alternative to professorial "publish or perish" pressures. I enjoy working with people of college age and academic administration offered continuing contact in a larger sense than that possible in the classroom. I shifted to academic administration because it pro- vided me with a generalist perspective of an institution, rather than a limited focus of the typical faculty member. I enjoy the challenge of applying theories and princi- ples of the ivory tower to the realities of the market- place. The salary of top administrators is better than straight teaching and the economic rewards enable me to live at the level and style I prefer. There is also greater prestige. .Job ‘why the the 238 I enjoy being where the action is, like being one of the barons of the realm within the educational estab- lishment. There are very few professions that challenge the intellect, courage, and energy as does administration in higher education. It is a period of unrest and uncertainty, but it offers a challenge to the admin— istrator who is not just interested in the status quo. oriented motivations ranked very high among the reasons presidents chose their careers. Although many Spoke of frustrations of the position, most felt they were worth effort because of overwhelming advantages. However, some presidents felt strongly that "the pressures upon top college administrators today, are most frustrating, continu- ing . and increasing. The challenges are no longer worth the toll." Some of these pressures were pinpointed by a few presidents like the one below: The current trend for faculty and students to demand more decision-making will lead to an even greater exodus of administrators from the scene. To be held responsible without the authority to make the deci- sions is asking the impossible. I am not referring to academic decisions but to the overall general administrative decisions required in any large organization. There is little question that the contemporary pres- idents are beset by numerous pressures, as are all high level administrators in organized society, but only a minor- ity (based upon their statements) felt the pressures were 239 more exacting than the opportunities, challenges, or excite- ment associated with the position.13 In the eyes of the majority of presidents, the position gives statuq,adequate financial compensation, and makes possible a style of living preferred by the presidents and their families. The work was believed to be trying and yet most felt it stimulating to be at the center of the various campus publics. A few indicated they were suffering from "presidential fatigue" and looked forward to returning to the classroom. And a few expressed the belief that a president gives his best to the presidency within ten years and thereafter should shift or withdraw. But motivations that tied directly to the position's opportunities and responsibilities were extremely important as they made deci- sions in their careers prior to and at the beginning of the presidency, during their terms in office, and in deciding whether and when to leave. Very closely related to these professional-oriented motivations were those that rested with the president as a 13There seemed to be some indication that those with the longer tenures as faculty members and longer tenures as presidents were more apt to speak of the disadvantages and frustrations of the position--supporting the New YOrk study by Hemphill--but since the question was open-ended no corre- lations could be made without an amount of bias that might have distorted the results. Certainly, some of the most articulate spokesmen who had only the most praiseworthy com- ments about the presidency were often those with relatively long faculty and presidential tenures. 240 person and spoke more to his views of himself. "Personal factors" covers these expressed views. Personal factors.-—Included among these factors are the psychological or inner ideals, drives, and ambitions of the presidents. Based upon their comments given in preced- ing sections, one already obtains an idea of the types of persons they must be and yet a large percentage offered more Specific ideas about themselves as human beings that had some place in their decisions to enter academic administra- tion. I accepted the position largely as a dare. I was clearly too young and inexperienced for the job, but I wanted to see if I could make it as top man. I am competitive by nature and I like to be the "head man" in whatever group I am. However, there are many other conscious and sub—conscious motiva- tions, but perhaps not the least of these is like the mountain climber's answer, "Because it's there." I believe my personal motivations were quite pure, though adulterated somewhat by ego and personal ambition, I suspect. I shifted to administration because I had certain aptitudes and a temperament conducive to adminis— trative activities. I preferred to be a manager in education because a smoothly running organization appeals to me, as does a machine that runs efficiently and smoothly. I enjoy making things move, releasing energy in others for constructive ends. It is the thing that interests me the most. I understand the problems and have dedicated myself to the premise that they can be solved and that I can solve them. 241 I enjoy having the opportunity to put into effect some of my ideas. I miss the classroom, genuinely, not merely conventionally and sentimentally; I envy the publishing scholar; I am tortured by guilt over work always piling up faster than I can attend to it to my satisfaction, and I chafe over my own mistakes and limitations though I believe I project the appearance of confidence and poise. I put my money where my mouth is-—the only way edu- cational change can be carried out is to have college presidents ready and able to risk and to dare. In most cases, the presidents appeared to be men 'with a flair for doing or making things happen, and although many admitted to envying the life of the scholar, these men largely turned from such a life to accept a life of pres- sures peculiar to the modern administrator. Although the majority felt they were chosen and did not plan for a pres- idency as such, nearly all were ready to admit that ambition to achieve at a high level of leadership was part of their decision. They all eXpressed that they had the necessary ‘ability, sufficient confidence, and philosophy of education that needed heard and felt to warrant acceptance of the presidency. Some were quite practical about their personal motives while others took a more philosophical stance, and some like the person below combined the perspectives: I believe one tries to do what one believes he does best. I like administration because I do it well-- better than I could do anything else. I prefer educa- tional administration because I like the academic environment, the general life of the community. But again, I am most familiar with the academic life, I feel most at home with it and those who pursue it. If this appears fatalistic--or even worse--not at all an inSpirational reason for an academic career, charge it off to an honest attempt to be as analytical as 242 possible about one's work—-and even more basic——about one's self. About 25 per cent of the presidents stated they are in higher education administration due to a series of career decisions that were believed to be rooted in accident or a set of circumstances at a point in time or as the end of a ;progressively deeper commitment to administration over a range of years. For all these presidents it was an event or a process difficult to eXplain. The following section attends to their interrelated perceptions, first as a devel- opmental process over a period of years, and second as a complete accident often at a point in time. Developmental process.--Many presidents believed their full—time movement and involvement in academic adminis- tration was almost inevitable given their interests and tendency to become more active in administrative prOblems early in their careers as teachers. Often they drifted in at first and occasionally they planned to enter, but once in they found it increasingly difficult to leave even if they wanted. A series of career decisions largely irreversible were set in motion according to the presidents, and almost as fate decreed, an academic presidency, not surprisingly, was offered. The patterns noted in Chapter VII of upward mObility in the higher education hierarchy was reinforced by the presidents' personal accounts: 243 It was a gradual encirclement as administrative duties began to infringe upon teaching time leading to the decision to move full-time into administration. An (invitation to assume the presidency seemed inevitable once I became a dean. I actually only consciously planned to be a college professor, but a number of proposals to assume larger and broader responsibilities led to administration. I became a university president not by planning for it, but looking backward it is easy to see that a succession of experiences led to it. My involvement with people in learning situations led to administration in higher education, and then step by step, the job chose me. Educational administration had an appeal from the time I first tried it as a department head. One job led to another. Subconsciously, perhaps, I always subscribed to the oft quoted idea that "the job seeks the man" in education. I had not planned to be a college president. I did not really want to be one. I chose to do it because it seemed finally so natural to do on a larger scale what I had done in a department. It is difficult to explain--it simply evolved. Like topsy, I grew into it--faculty member, dean of students, assistant to the president, academic vice president, and then president. My early career choice was really to teaching. But apparently my sounding off in faculty meetings and willingness to serve on committees brought on a kind of inevitable reaction. I was asked to be Dean of Men, then Dean of the College, then President. I doubt if very many people ever started out with the ambition of becoming a college president. If so, they should be put away. In my own case, it was a chain of circumstances of increased responsibilities in adminis- tration that led to it. In nostalgic moments, I sometimes wonder about the path I followed (teacher, department head, dean, and presi- dent). I cannot go back now--the bridges behind me have either crumpled from disuse or have been bombed out by the revolution that now surrounds me. 244 My progression upward from teacher to President seemed logical a few years ago. At the present time, the wisdom of those "logical" decisions is in doubt. I moved from teaching into academic administration by quite natural and easy stages. For the presidents above, moving to the presidency in their own minds had a fair amount of logic to it, and inevitability about it. Very closely related were persons 'whose reasons were also based upon a series of circumstances they responded to that culminated in the offer and accep- tance of a presidency. But this latter group does not Speak of logic and in place of inevitability, the term "accident" is most often used. Aggidental circumstance.--Although the stages of teacher to department head to dean to president were fol- lowed by many of these individuals, they insist that each career movement was accidental, especially the presidency, and they did not entertain seriously the idea that a pres- idency was inevitable or a likely pattern. In addition, those who came to the presidency from outside a higher edu- cation context were likely to mention a circumstance or accidental happenstance that brought them to the post. Those who expressed their career choice Specifically as an accident or a simple response to circumstances did so as follows: For 15 years I was in religious work and I never consid— ered higher educational administration until two years ago when the board approached me about the presidency. 245 My eventual career in higher education administration is best explained as a roll of the dice. It was a sheer accident and circumstance. If women are wanted, there is a very small field from which to select. The choice was never really deliberate. I'm a drifter and there was a place for me in educational administra- tion. Like many other academicians, I simply "found" myself in educational administration even though I had not originally aimed at it. Getting to the presidency was not really an accident, but a series of accidents. I simply drifted into educational administration. It just happened, and I sometimes wish it could have been otherwise. Being approached about the presidency was a great sur- prise to me because in all my planning, I had never thought I would make my career in college administration. My career in education would really appear to have been brought about by default than by design. I cannot remember a time when I thought of myself as a college dean or a college president. The job opportunities that opened appeared to me to be more by accident than by design. I have had considerable eXperience in military service and business. I am in my present position as a result of circumstances and eXperiences. I enjoy the work but I would be equally pleased with any of the others. Among the persons who felt they did not choose educa— tional administration, but rather were chosen by accident or circumstance, one president offered a statement that summed up his own feelings and was indicative of the attitudes of many of the respondents: 246 I doubt if many people choose administration in higher education as a conscious deliberate career choice. It is something which happens to a person, like having twins or getting the mumps. It is, of course, possible to prevent it from happening by taking precautions; but it is not nearly so easy to take actions which will cause it to happen. I believe I am a college president because of a set of circumstances which are not likely ‘to be duplicated elsewhere. It has something to do with an attitude developed over a career as a teacher in higher education and perhaps much more due to accidents of being in a particular position at a particular time. Discussion and Summary This chapter has focused on some of the reasons expressed by a great majority of academic presidents as to why they chose and/or were selected to a career in higher education administration culminating in a college or univer- sity presidency. The reasons underlying career choices are complex and often subtle in their origin, intensity, and effects. Sometimes they seem very reasonable and clear and Sometimes they are Slightly irrational and vague. Sometimes they seem to be fully and carefully made and sometimes they are rooted in the so-called unconscious. In our society, a man's occupation has great meanings not only reflecting his interests and abilities, but often his values and commitments. It offers a level or position of status and security and provides as essential part of how a man defines who he is. The relevant literature would sug- gest that career choices are not easily nor simply made nor based upon easily explainable motives. To ask a man to explain his career choices and to expect the exact picture 247 is fraught with shortcomings. He himself may not really know and even if he does, he may for various reasons attempt to conceal his motivations from an outsider. Accidental factors, unconscious forces, social influences, psycholog- ical elements, and decision-making over time have all been found important in different occupational choices or selec- tions to a variety of career patterns. Nonetheless, the present chapter helps explain and gives some sense of closure to the academic presidents' careers that were descriptively presented in the preceding chapters. Academic presidents perceived their career pat— terns to be based upon one or more of the following factors: (1) a service orientation, (2) social influences, (3) profes— sional opportunities, (4) personal factors, (5) a developmen- tal process, and (6) an accident. It was found that few presidents saw themselves as actually having chosen a career in higher education administration (although they admit that it could have been avoided). Most of the presidents believe it more properly-stated to talk about their careers as educa- tors in higher education, and through a series of activities and decisions and based upon particular values, philOSOphies, Opportunities, needs, and circumstances, they were chosen or selected to head an institution of higher education. For some, their careers had a sense of inevitability. They were raised in educational or professional—oriented families and developed at an early age a sense of service. 248 They had it nurtured and were provided models of a life of scholarship in their formal education, and planned careers as educators. Over a period of years, they were called upon to help solve administrative problems in committees and departments and eventually colleges. Experience and visibil- ity were part of such involvement along with the commitment to education and academic administration as useful and worthy of a man's attention and energy. After experience as a dean or provost, they were called upon to assume the presi- dency, and for these men, the decision could be nothing but yes. On the other hand, a number of presidents began their careers with the full expectation of religious service. .Among the Catholic institution presidents a hope to teach led to candidacy and acceptance in orders who had major responsibilities for education. Demonstration of educational administrative abilities that came to the attention of a religious superior and evaluation of the church's needs made possible their movement to the presidency where the church and the institution could be served simultaneously. Among many Protestant-related institution presidents, an early career in the ministry led to work and visibility in the church's colleges. A deep commitment to the value of Chris- tian higher education and a desire to enlarge one's ministry through academic administration made such a career move desirable for the institution and the person. And for those 249 who were not ministers, they still shared a strong commit- ment to the value of a Christian college or university and made acceptance of a presidency imperative. Some presidents came from more humble social origins and many of them began their careers as teachers, often at the elementary or secondary levels. Soon they were princi— pals and superintendents and earning doctorates in educa- tional administration, many teaching such courses at the college level. The presidency became a reality, even though few anticipated such a climax at their first full—time positions. A few presidents spent substantial portions of their careers in business, government, or the military, and aca- demic administration had never been a part of their thinking until circumstances precipitated their selection. It has been seen that the majority of presidents have expressed great rewards and satisfactions from the posi- tion, while some seem frustrated by the pressures and demands the position continues to bring in greater abundance. In general, the academic presidents responded to a variety of needs and motivations associated with their career patterns. It is believed that some--if not the most-- crucial factors were given. Intensive psychological testing and other research designs will undoubtedly provide even more insights. The six categories that were isolated in the analysis were by no means exclusive nor all-inclusive. A 250 variety of combinations were offered by the presidents to explain their reasons for choosing a career in academic administration. The Academic President as Scholar, Administrator, Businessman The presidents were eager to include opinions on another aspect of the academic presidency that is worthy of note before this chapter is concluded. In giving their own career motivations and feelings about the position, a rela- tively large number also volunteered opinions of the type of president needed in the academic presidency in the next ten years. Many of their remarks were prompted by a question— naire item that asked for their ranking of which of the three often-quoted characteristics of presidents is most essential: (l) the president must be above all a scholar in his own right with a notable background in teaching and research; (2) the president must be one who has demonstrated successful executive and administrative abilities in educa- tional administration, and (3) the president must be one with considerable knowledge and training in business or financial matters related to institutional growth and devel— opment. The table below is given to summarize their views, and then there will be brief sketches that reflect their views of the type of person needed in the contemporary president. 251 Table 65. Presidents' opinion on the most crucial back- ground experience needed in the contemporary academic president % of Background Experience Needed Above All Presidents The president must be a notable scholar . . . . . 18 The president must be a successful educational administrator . . . . . . . . . . . 68 The president must have business administration experience and Skills . . . . . 14 Total per cent , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 There was little question among all academic presi- dents, that the contemporary and future academic president must possess above all, educational administration talents. It should be pointed out that the president's size of insti- tution in no way changed the percentages above. One presi- dent indicated in an interview that it is desirable for the president to have faculty experience only because it would make him more accepted by the faculty members. And, al- though business or financial skills were deemed important for fund-raising or general budgetary purposes, a respondent felt it was probably more important for the president to hire a trustworthy development man and business manager. The president would be effective to the extent that he brought together and utilized well a team of competent staff members as he gave the most crucial leadership to educational 252 goals and philosophy. Other presidents offered a range of ideas about the ideal president. The president must be a person who enjoys the responsi— bility of making decisions, both routine and the higher decisions that must be made; he must be one who is will- ing and enjoys asserting his ideas and projects into the mainstream of the life of the institution; he must be one who has the ability and desire to work with persons from the lowliest staff members to the highest paid professor. The president must have intimate and extensive knowledge of modern American universities from first-hand experi- ence. He must have high standards for people and their performance in the educational functions of a university. He must have personal enthusiasm‘for the institution and devotion to its purposes and its personnel and ability to communicate these characteristics to others. To my mind, the day of the outstanding scholar being president of a university is over-—it's a practical, business-oriented agency. This may well be shocking to the scholar but it is true as I view the matter. Above all, the president must have patience, tact, courage, integrity, common sense, and good judgment. Lord help the college presidents of the future. They will have to be made of sterner stuff, and I don't con— sider myself any "softie." The president is basically a management position and requires much the same qualities which are represented in the management of any large organization. The one peculiarity is that one seems to need a background as an ex—scholar in order to be fully acceptable to the faculty. It is to be hoped that his motives are pure, his judg- ment reasonably sound, and his fundamental attitude one of humility. The president today must receive formal training in educational administration or business administration. Being a college president is a tough job but can be most rewarding. Extremely sensitive people should avoid such a position, however,as we get quite a beating some- times and can't afford to bleed too much. One has to be 253 a master at the art of compromise and has to remember that at various times in his tenure he will be called too weak and at other times too overbearing. To be sure, many of the presidents of the next ten years are within the sample of this study. In all likelihood, the majority of the rest will come from among today's academic vice presidents, college deans, and other high—level aca- demic administrators. The results of the analyses of social origins, family influences, education and career patterns of college and university presidents have now been given. There remains only the cross-comparisons of the academic presi- dents with their counterparts in business and government as studied by W. Lloyd Warner and his colleagues. CHAPTER IX A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE CAREERS OF ACADEMIC PRESIDENTS, BIG BUSINESS LEADERS AND FEDERAL EXECUTIVES W. Lloyd Warner and others have conducted extensive research on the careers of big business leaders and federal executives, and those earlier works provided the theoretical and methodological underpinning for the present study of academic presidents. It is now possible and desirable to compare the findings of the present research with the basic findings of the Warner studies. Hopefully, such an analysis will bring into sharp relief Similarities and differences of the leaders' careers in three powerful and prestigeful occu- pational categories in American society. It will also permit further generalizations about the extent to which the society is fluid or rigid in its filling of key positions in business, government, and higher education. To contrast the careers more easily and systematically, the general category of academic president will be used rather than the various types of institutions represented by the presidents. The aspects that will be compared follow the format of the thesis. First, how do the occupational origins of the 254 255 leaders compare? Do they come from different occupational levels? Second, how do their geographical origins and sizes of hometowns compare? Third, how does the formal educational preparation of the elites compare, especially at the college level? Fourth, how do selected critical points related to the career lines of the business, government, and educational leaders compare? Comparative findings have been taken at random from three sources that have reported Warner's research: (1) W. Lloyd Warner and James C. Abegglen, Occupational Mobility in American Business and Industry (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1955); (2) W. Lloyd Warner, Paul P. Van Riper, Norman H. Martin, and Orvis F. Collins, The American Eggeral Executiy§_(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1963); and (3) W. Lloyd Warner, "The Careers of American Business and Government Executives: A Comparative Analysis," in Social Science Approaches to Business Behavior, ed. by George B. Strother (Homewood, Illinois: Richard D. Irwin, Inc., 1962). Occupational Origins In Chapter IV, the discussion focused upon how repre- sentative academic presidents were when compared to the occu- pational levels of the society. Now, it can be asked whether academic presidents came proportionally from all levels of society more often than business or government 256 leaders. Table 66 compares the father's occupations among the three types of leaders. Table 66 indicates that nearly one—third of the big business leaders had fathers who were also major executives and owners of large businesses; about 18 per cent of the fathers were owners of small businesses; and 14 per cent were professional men. Another 10 per cent were skilled laborers, 9 per cent were farmers, and 8 per cent were clerks or salesmen. At the lowest levels, 5 per cent of the fathers were unskilled laborers and 3 per cent were foremen. Thus, the business leaders came in large proportions from what are usually perceived as the higher occupational levels in the society, as 63 per cent of their fathers were major executives, owners of large and small businesses and profes— sional men. The federal executives' fathers also came in large percentages from higher level positions although there were differences. About 19 per cent of the fathers were profes- sional men followed closely by fathers who were major execu- tives (17 per cent) and skilled laborers (17 per cent). Owners of small businesses and farmers were next with 14 per cent. At the lower levels were fathers who were clerks or salesmen (9 per cent), foremen (5 per cent), unskilled laborers (4 per cent), and other occupations (l per cent). About 50 per cent of the fathers were major executives, 257 O O O H O N mcoHOOOsOOo MOOOO N OH OIO OH O O HOEHmm H Hm H OH O OH COB HOSOHmmOmoum O HH OIO OH N OH mmwchsn HHmEm mo Hmc3o OIO OH mIN OH H Hm Mmczo mmmchsn mOMmH O .ome MOnmz O O O O O m SmEmMom O O O O O O GmEmmHmm .MHOHU OIO OH mIN OH O OH HOHOQOH OOHHHMO O O O O O O Hmuoan OOHHmeHEmm Ho OOHHHMOOD xcmm .X xcmm .X Mama x. Hmzumm mo GoHummOUoO mucmOHmmum mm>Husomxm mMmOmmH UHEOOOU< OOOH HOHOOOM OOOH OOOOHOOO NOOH mHOOme coHuOOOOO HOSOHn Osm .ucmEaHm>OO .mmwchsn mo OGHOHHO HOOOHHOOOUUO .OO OHQOB 258 lyusiness owners, and professionals, while about 21 per cent were skilled or unskilled laborers. The occupational origins of academic presidents were (quite similar in general terms to the other leaders in that 'the higher occupational levels were well-represented. About 31 per cent of the academic presidents' fathers were profes— sional men (resembling the 31 per cent of business leaders' fathers who were major executives). About half that many 'were farmers (16 per cent), and about 11 per cent were owners of small businesses. About 10 per cent of the fathers were major executives and another 10 per cent were Skilled laborers. At the lowest levels, 7 per cent of the fathers were foremen, 6 per cent were unskilled laborers, 5 per cent were clerks or salesmen, and 4 per cent were in other occupations. Thus, about 52 per cent of the fathers of academic presidents were either major executives, business owners, or professional men. It will be recalled that in Chapter IV, ratios were developed which exactly compared the occupations of the fathers with the adult male population at the time the aca- demic presidents started their careers. A ratio of 1:1 meant that the same percentage of an occupation was repre— sented among the fathers of the educators as found in the general population. Warner also developed such ratios, and Table 67 brings together the ratios for all three types of leaders. 259 Table 67. Ratio of proportions of fathers of business, government, and academic leaders in occupational groups to the proportion of occupational groups in the adult male population (proportional repre- sentation = 1.00)* Business Government Academic Leader Executive President Occupation of Father Ratio Ratio Ratio Exec. or large bus. owner 7.75 5.67 2.00 Owner small business 3.60 2.00 2.20 Professional man 3.50 4.75 6.20 Foreman 1.33 2.50 2.50 Clerk, salesman 0.80 0.75 0.38 Skilled laborer 0.63 1.13 0.71 Farmer 0.45 0.88 0.73 Unskilled laborer 0.16 0.12 0.19 *The 1920 census was used for the 1952 business leader study; the 1930 census was used for the 1959 govern- ment executive study; and the 1940 census was used for the 1968 academic president study. Thus, all percentages for the adult male population have been adjusted for the appro- priate time periods under investigation. Table 67 tells the story exactly as to the occupa- tional levels over or under—represented among the three groups of leaders, and the similarities are as apparent as the differences. The groups over-represented among all leaders were business executives, business owners, profes- sional men, and foremen. Under—represented were clerks or salesmen, skilled laborers (except for fathers of government leaders), farmers, and unskilled laborers. Among the busi- ness leaders there were 775 fathers who were major business executives out of every 100 that might be expected by chance alone. The ratio for major executives was still high for 260 Table 68. Ratio of proportions of fathers of business, government, academic leaders in professional fields to the proportion of the adult male popula- tion in the professions Business Federal Academic Leader Executive President Profession Ratio Ratio Ratio Lawyer 8.00 8.44 5.80 Clergyman 5.48 6.67 28.46 Engineer 4.80 4.77 3.63 Physician 4.78 5.95 3.91 Elem.-secondary teacher } l 89 2.25 23.75 Col. prof. and col. pres. ' 14.17 5.54 federal executives but dropped to 2.00, or 200 out of every 100 expected by chance. In the case of academic presidents, a ratio of 6.20 or 620 fathers out of 100 expected by chance were found in professional fields. Therefore, compared with the general population, most fathers of business, government and academic leaders tended to come in disproportionately high numbers from the business executive or business owner level or from professional fields. However, there was movement up from the lower levels as well, although somewhat lower than might be expected on the basis of chance. The level of foreman stood out as the only level below the top three which had a proportionally higher ratio than would be anticipated. The foreman level provided an important occupational origin for all leaders, eSpecially government and academic leaders. 261 The professions in all three hierarchies had been a significant level from which leaders came, and can be exam- ined separately by again using ratios. Table 68 shows the exact patterns for the major professional fields. The ratios of fathers of business, government, and educational leaders in the professions compared to fathers in the professions in the adult male population showed important differences. The proportional ratios for the sons of lawyers, engineers, and physicians were not too different. But in the clergyman and educator professions the ratios give a contrasting perSpective. For business leaders, teachers and professors ranked last with a 1.89 ratio (189 out of 100 expected by chance). For government leaders, the data could be broken down separately into teachers or professors; teach— ers were lowest of the professions with 224 out of 100 ex— pected while college professors were very high with 1400 out of 100 anticipated by chance factors. Among academic presidents, the teacher and college professor categories were relatively much higher, with 2300 out of 100 teachers expected by chance and 554 out of 100 college professors expected. Thus, while the teacher category was lowest for business and government executives, it was second highest for academic presidents. In the other professional category of clergyman, the academic presidents stood far ahead with the percentage of fathers who were ministers. Ministers 262 were second for business and government executives with ratios of 5.48 and 6.67 respectively, but among academic presidents, the ratio was almost five times as great, or 28.46, and.that professional group was the most overrepre— sented among the presidents of colleges and universities. Geographical Origins In Table 69, the ratios of the business, government, and academic leaders are given for region of birth when com— pared to the adult population's region of residence at the time the leaders were born. Table 69. Ratios of business, government, and academic lead— ers for region of birth to the residence of the adult population at the time of the leaders' births (proportional representation = 1.00) Business Federal Academic Leader Executive President Region Ratio Ratio Ratio New England 1.43 1.14 1.04 Middle Atlantic 1.47 1.05 0.87 East North Central 1.18 0.95 1.04 West North Central 1.00 1.23 1.35 South Atlantic 0.57 1.00 0.93 East South Central 0.40 0.67 0.96 West South Central 0.44 0.67 0.97 Mountain 1.00 1.67 0.94 Pacific 1.33 1.00 0.81 Table 69 indicates that the academic presidents were more representative of the general population on the basis 263 of region of birth than was the case for business or govern- ment leaders. None of the academic presidents' regions of birth were far from a perfect representation of 1.00 (al- though the Middle Atlantic region was slightly under with 0.87 and the Pacific had 0.81). On the other hand the busi- ness and government leaders were in disproportionally low numbers for the southern regions. Thus at the start of their lives the leaders came from all over the nation with academic presidents closer to representing the population's residence than the business and government leaders. Another aspect of geographical origins studied was the relative Sizes of the hometowns of the leaders. Table 70 depicts the apprOpriate ratios among the leaders. Table 70. Ratio of size of birthplace of business, govern- ment, and academic leaders and size of the commu- nity of residence of the United States population (proportional representation = 1.00)* Business Federal Academic Leader Executive President Size of Community Ratio Ratio Ratio 100,000 and over 1.71 2.06 0.92 25,000 to 100,000 1.50 1.71 1.60 2,500 to 25,000 1.40 1.57 1.19 Under 2,500 0.59 0.43 0.83 *1952 business leaders/1900 United States population= ratio; 1959 federal executives/1910 United States population= ratio; 1968 academic presidents/1920 United States popula- tion=ratio. 264 Table 70 shows it was more likely that business and government leaders came from urban areas with those from communities over 100,000 in diSproportionally high numbers, while the academic presidents came from the relatively smaller urban areas under 100,000 population and from rural communities under 2,500. In many respects, the academic presidents were more representative of the national popula— tion's residences as all ratios approached 1.00 rather closely. For business and government leaders, the distribu- tion was skewed toward large urban areas. Thus, the leaders represented all sizes of communi- ties, although academic presidents were more likely to be from smaller communities than business and government execu- tives. In addition, the academic presidents were more nearly representative of the national population. Family Influences The heart of the analysis on family influences was based upon occupational mObility over three generations. It was found with business and government executives that there was a great change in proportions from the grandfathers' to the fathers' generation insofar as farming was concerned. A similar pattern held true for the grandfathers and fathers of academic presidents as can be seen in Table 71. 265 O m H H N N Mmsuo O H O O O N cmEmmHmm .xumHU O O O O m m Gmfimuom HO OH OH OH OH OH HmGonmmwoum OH O OH O HO NH Hmc3o mmmsHmOQ OOHOH USO .omxm Monmz HH HH OH OH OH OH mmmchOn HHOEm mo HOSSO OH HN HN OH OH OH MOHOQOH OH mO OH OO O OO HOEHmm Hmnumm HOOHOMOGOMO Monumm MOSHOOOCOHO Hmnumh Hmnumwocmuw coHummsooo mHmOmmH UHEOOOUO OMOOOOH ucmEch>ow OMOOOOH mmmchsm Hucmo Hmm GHV mHmOmmH UHEOOOUO OCO .ucmEQMO>OO .mmmchsQ OcoEm HHHHHQOE HmaoHummOoUO mo mcoHumHmcmO OOHSB .HO OHQOB 266 It can be seen from Table 71 that among all leaders, a very high percentage of grandfathers were farmers: includ- ing 35 per cent of business leaders' grandfathers, 44 per cent of government leaders' grandfathers, and 43 per cent of academic presidents' grandfathers. The grandfathers' sons moved to the cities to become major business executives, business owners, and professional men. For academic pres— idents, it can be seen that movement was not only to more urban areas but to colleges as twice as many of the fathers than grandfathers were in professional fields, mainly minis- try and secondary teachers. Higher Education Received Warner found that higher education was the "royal road to success" for business and government leaders. About 57 per cent of business leaders were college graduates and 81 per cent of federal executives were college graduates. In the academic president study it was learned that all academic presidents were college graduates and nearly three- fourths had earned academic doctorates. Table 72 compares the top ten colleges and universities from which the busi- ness, government, and academic leaders received their educa— tion. It is interesting to note how many Specific univer— sities were found among the top ten in each leadership group. 267 Table 72. Top ten universities of business, government, and academic leaders University Rank University Rank Business Leaders Academic Presidents Yale 1 Univ. of Chicago 1 Harvard 2 Columbia Univ. 2 Princeton 3 Harvard 3 Cornell 4 Catholic Univ. 3 Penn 5 Yale 4 Univ. of Illinois 6 Univ. of Iowa 5 Mass. Inst. Tech. 6 New Ybrk Univ. 5 Univ. of Michigan 6 Ohio State Univ. 5 New York Univ. 7 Univ. of Wisconsin 5 Univ. of Minnesota 8 Univ. of Michigan 6 Univ. of Calif. Fordham 7 (Berkeley) 8 Cornell Univ. 8 Williams College 9 St. Louis Univ. 9 Univ. of Chicago 10 Univ. of Illinois 10 Penn 10 Federal Executives Univ. of Calif. George Washington 1 (Berkeley) 10 Harvard 2 Columbia 3 Univ. of Chicago 4 Univ. of Minnesota 5 Georgetown 6 Univ. of Wisconsin 7 Univ. of Calif. (Berkeley) 7 Ohio State Univ. 8 .American Univ. 8 Univ. of Michigan 9 New YOrk Univ. 10 Six universities, i.e., Yale, Harvard, Michigan, New York University, California at Berkeley, and Chicago were among the top ten universities for business leaders, for federal executives, and for academic presidents. 268 Higher education was not only directly related to career achievement for all three types of leaders, but in the case of academic presidents it was a necessity. Career Patterns It has been the central purpose of this study to focus on the careers of academic presidents, and in Chap— ter VII a scheme was used to Show the sequence of occupa- tions in the presidents' career lines at five year intervals beginning with the first full-time job. Warner had devel- oped similar patterns for business and government leaders and Tables 73, 74, and 75 below give some selected broad pictures of such movements for all leaders. Table 73. Career sequence of 1952 business leaders (in per cent) Five Ten Fifteen First Years Years Years Occupation Occupation Later Later Later Laborer l4 3 l 0 Clerical, salesman 43 25 8 3 Minor executive 10 39 46 26 Major executive l 6 26 57 Professions 24 21 14 10 Uniformed service 2 2 l 1 Business owner 1 2 3 3 Other occupations 5 2 l 0 Total per cent 100 100 100 100 269 In Table 73, the general pattern was for business leaders to move through white-collar groups as all other occupational groups diminished. Although 14 per cent began as laborers, the percentage fell sharply after five years. There was also a fairly rapid movement out of the profes- sions (mainly engineering and law) into business. Within fifteen years of becoming self—supporting, Warner found that more than one-half the men studied were major executives and another quarter were minor executives. Table 74. Career sequence of 1959 federal executives (in per cent) Five Ten Fifteen First Years Years Years Occupation Occupation Later Later Later Laborer 14 6 4 2 Clerical, salesman 25 17 8 3 Minor executive 5 17 28 26 Major executive 0* 2 7 21 Professions 46 46 45 42 Uniformed service 5 8 5 3 Business owner 1 1 l 1 Other occupations 4 3 2 2 Total per cent 100 100 100 100 *Less than 0.5 per cent. In Table 74, it can be seen that 46 per cent of federal executives began their careers in the professions (mainly engineering, law, and education) and 25 per cent began as white-collar workers. As in the case of business 270 leaders, about 14 per cent began in laboring positions. Over the fifteen years there was little change among those in the professions, but those outside the professions moved into higher level executive positions. At the end of fif— teen years, the three statuses of professional, major execu- tive, and minor executive comprised 87 per cent of all federal executives. Over a few years, the men moved quickly out of laborer occupations as did the business leaders. Table 75. Career sequence of 1968 academic presidents (in per cent) First Five Ten Fifteen Twenty Occu- Years Years Years Years Occupation pation Later Later Later Later Laborer 1 0 0 0 0 Clerical, sales 2 l 0 0 0 Minor executive l 1 0* 0* 0* Major executive l 1 l l 1 Professions 90 90 94 95 96 Uniformed service 3 5 2 2 1 Business owner 0* 0* 0* 0* 1 Other occupations 2 2 3 2 1 Total per cent 100 100 100 100 100 *Less than 0.5 per cent. In Table 75, the career sequence of academic presi- dents shows that over a twenty year period, at least 9 out of 10 were in the professional fields, and as seen in detail in Chapter VII, in education. It was significant that few presidents entered education outside of professional life. 271 About one—third of the academic presidents began their careers as elementary-secondary teachers but just as quickly as business and government leaders left the laborer occupa- tions, the future academic presidents left the elementary— secondary teacher positions and moved into principal, super— intendent, and college faculty statuses. At the end of fif- teen years, 30 per cent were presidents and at the end of twenty years, 63 per cent were presidents. There was a steady movement up the higher educational hierarchy from college teacher to department head to college dean or aca- demic vice president (provost) to president in the majority of cases. On the basis of the career lines presented in Tables 73, 74, and 75, it is clear that: (1) much higher proportions of academic presidents than of business or gov- ernment leaders, were professionally trained, although a very high percentage of government leaders began in the professions; (2) much higher proportions of business leaders arose through laborer and white—collar occupations; and (3) higher proportions of business leaders reached major execu— tive positions faster than government leaders and faster than academic leaders reached the presidency. It should be recalled from Chapter VII, however, that at the end of fif— teen years, about 52 per cent of academic leaders were at high level administrative positions comparable to many major executive positions, such as dean, vice president or president. 272 In analyzing other aspects of business and govern- ment leaders' careers Warner found that the average age of the civilian federal executive was 49.4 and the average age of business leaders was 53.7. In the present research it was shown that academic presidents' average age was 52.9 or closer to the business leaders. It was also found that the average age when business leaders assumed their present posi- tions was 45.3 while government executives were 44.8. In this study it was learned that the average academic presi- dent assumed his present position at the age of 45.1. Thus, the average age when business, government, and academic leaders assumed their high levels of leadership in their respective hierarchies was around 45, and business and aca- demic leaders had held their present positions for about 8 years while federal executives were in their present posi- tions about 4 years. Among federal executives only 1 per cent were women and among academic presidents, 11 per cent were women, 10 per cent of whom were heads of Catholic liberal arts col— leges for women and l per cent were heads of private liberal arts colleges for women. (No comparative figure for women was reported in the business leader study.) Although more women were found among academic presidents, they headed liberal arts colleges for women, and no female president headed a coeducational college or any university. 273 In conclusion, the comparative analysis of the three researches has built upon the perspective of the nature of modern society given so well by W. Lloyd Warner: The American society is a fluid, emergent one, with change in the nature of the system. The local commu— nities merge into a larger national collectivity. Large scale organizations, big government, and big business become increasingly prominent. In this fluid world of change and increasing immensity the managerial group will be drawn increasingly from the educated mObile men who come frgm the more populous lower occupational levels. It is clear that big education has a place among large scale organizations, and although a high percentage of academic presidents came from professional origins, it is also evident that there were those from lower occupational levels repre- sented. The men from lower level origins received a college education and advanced degrees and became active in the edu— cational hierarchy as teachers and administrators leading to their current elite, academic administrative positions. Summary and Conclusipns This chapter focused upon the comparative career patterns of the academic presidents and the research find- ings of business leaders and federal executives by W. Lloyd Warner. It investigated the occupational and geographical origins of the leaders, their higher education, and selected aspects of their career lines. lW. Lloyd Warner, "Careers of American Business and Government Executives," p. 123. 274 It was found that the occupational origins of aca- demic presidents were quite similar to the other leaders in that their fathers were represented in disproportionally greater numbers in business executive, business ownership, and professional levels. And these high level positions were found among all three types of leaders in greater pro— portion than their representation in the adult,male United States population. However, there was evidence of mobility into the elites from relatively lower levels as well, espe- cially from foreman and skilled laborer levels. Professional origins were especially prominent among all three elites, but among the academic presidents the professions most overrepre- sented were the clergy and elementary—secondary teaching, both of which were found in much greater proportions among the educators as Opposed to the other leaders. The business, government, and academic leaders came from all regions of the country, and although the southern states tended to "produce" fewer business and government leaders than other regions, the academic presidents were more representative of the national population's residence patterns. When the leaders' birthplaces were contrasted, it was found that while business and government leaders came primarily from large urban areas, the academic presidents were again more representative of the national population by coming from all Sizes of communities in near proportions to the national averages. However,the academic presidents were 275 more apt to come from rural communities under 2,500 popula— tion or small towns when compared to the other two elites. Among all leaders a very large percentage of grand- fathers were farmers. In the case of business and govern- ment leaders the grandfathers' sons tended to move to the large cities to become mainly business executives and busi- ness owners, and professional men. The rural to urban pattern held for academic presidents, but the movement was to small urban towns and predominantly to colleges to pre- pare for professional fields, especially teaching and the ministry. Whereas 57 per cent of the business leaders and 81 per cent of the government executives were college graduates, all academic presidents were college graduates and more than three-fourths earned an academic doctorate. The leaders of all three elites showed great similarity in the universities attended as six universities were found among each group's top ten: Yale, Harvard, Michigan, New YOrk University, California at Berkeley, and Chicago. When the career patterns of the elites were examined, it was found that much higher proportions of academic presi- dents were professionally trained, although a very high per- centage of government leaders began their careers in profes- sional fields. In addition, business leaders were more likely to rise through laborer and white-collar occupations than the others. It was also found that higher proportions 276 of business leaders reached major executive positions faster than government leaders but not much faster than academic presidents' movements into high levels of administrative responsibility (dean or vice president). The average business leader assumed his present position at the age of 45.3 and was at the time of Warner's study, 53.7; the aver- age federal executive assumed his present position at the age of 44.8 and was presently 49.4; the average academic president assumed his present position at the age of 45.1 and is now 52.9. There were relatively few women as government execu— tives or as academic presidents, although there were propor- tionally more women in higher education. But even in educa- tion, the women headed liberal arts colleges for women (mainly Catholic), and no coeducational liberal arts college or university in the sample had a female president. It was indicated that although academic presidents came in greater proportions from higher occupational origins, the lower levels were also represented, as with business and government leaders. The society was found to be open and fluid so that persons of lower origins were able to make it to the top of all three hierarchies. CHAPTER X THE GENERAL SUMMARY This dissertation has presented the findings of an intensive study of the occupational and geographical origins, education, career patterns, and some career motivations of 760 American college and university presidents. It has focused upon the differences and similarities of the careers of those who head the various types, sizes, and locations of four-year institutions of higher education in the nation. It has also compared the careers of academic presidents with the careers of big business and government executives. It has produced knowledge about the careers of academic presi- dents in line with the theoretical and methodological frame- work developed by W. Lloyd Warner, and has thus made possible certain comparative analyses and conclusions about vertical occupational mObility among higher education, business, and government elites. Finally, it has raised a number of ques— tions that are in need of future research. It is the purpose of this chapter to: (1) briefly review the research design and methodology, (2) present a general summary of the research findings as they pertain to academic presidents in general, (3) present summary descriptive profiles of the 277 278 backgrounds and careers of presidents of various types of institutions, (4) relate the findings to the relevant theory and research hypotheses, and (5) note the implications for future research in this area. Each of the above topics will be considered in the order given. Review of the Research Design On the basis of a review of the historical writings and empirical studies of academic presidents set against a theoretical framework of occupational succession and mObil- ity and the subsequent Warner studies of business and gov- ernment executives, the research design for the study of 'careers of academic presidents was developed. The relevant population for the study included the presidents of all four- year accredited colleges and universities in the United . States (with the exception of specialized institutes and religious seminaries). The sample selected for the research was the same as the population, and after a pilot study and careful evaluation, a twenty—three item questionnaire was mailed to 1,118 academic presidents. A total return of 72.4 per cent was obtained, of which 760 questionnaires or 68 per cent of those distributed were found usable, and formed the basis of analysis. The academic presidents in the usable sample were highly representative of the total population in terms of the types, Sizes, and locations of their institu- tions. The questionnaire, a modification of the basic 279 instrument used in the business and government researches, was the principal means of data collection, but was sup- plemented by written personal statements of career motiva- tions and philosophies of education, personal interviews, and other reference works on the institutions and the presidents. The questionnaires were coded and keypunched and then computer program in the Control Data Corporation 3600 at Michigan State University was utilized in the analysis. Six major subgroups were established to analyze the data: (1) types of institutions, (2) geographical loca- tiOnscnfthe institutions, (3) student enrollments, (4) sex of the respondent, (5) respondents who had been presidents of more than one institution, and (6) presidents' tenures in their present positions. Spmmary of the Careers of Academic Presidents The following summary represents an overall profile of the major findings pertaining to the careers of academic presidents, in general. The next section will consider the findings based upon the presidents' types of institutions. Occupational Origing The occupational origins of academic presidents as indicated by their fathers' occupations were representative of all types and levels of occupations in the society. However, a disproportionately higher number of presidents 280 came from professional and executive backgrounds rather than lower level occupations. The only exceptions were the pres- idents of Catholic institutions who came primarily from the lower and medium level business positions. When the occupa- tions of the presidents' fathers were compared to the general male population, five occupational groups were overrepre- sented (professional, minor business executive, major busi- ness executive, government civil service, and military ser- vice), and four occupational groups were underrepresented (farmer, skilled laborer, white collar worker, and unskilled or semiskilled laborer). Among the professional origins, the fathers were most likely to have been clergymen and teachers at the elementary-secondary levels. Geographical Origins The geographical origins of academic presidents showed representation from all regions of the country, although there was evidence that the presidents were physi- cally as well as occupationally mObile during their careers. About 40 per cent of academic presidents were born in rural communities under 2,500 and another 20 per cent were from small towns under 25,000. While presidents of non-Catholic institutions came more frequently from rural communities or small towns, the presidents of Catholic institutions came more often from large urban areas. Only about 4 per cent of the presidents were foreign-born. More similarities than differences were found among the occupational and geographical 281 origins of academic presidents, although presidents of similar types of institutions Showed the greatest similar— ities. The origins of presidents of public institutions, Catholic institutions, Protestant-related institutions, independent institutions, or technological institutions tended to appear alike while there were noticeable differ— ences between the types of institutions the presidents headed. Whether the president was head of a university or college had no serious bearing on the findings, but the institution's form of control was relevant. Throughout the president's life and career, there was a tendency to be associated with a particular type of institution--where he received his higher education, where he taught, and where he ultimately became president--rather than a mixing of different types of institutions. Family Influences An analysis of the paternal grandfathers' occupa- tions revealed that 43 per cent were farmers, and relatively large percentages were laborers, white collar workers, and professionals. Occupational succession from the presidents' grandfathers to the fathers was characterized by a general movement from the farm to the city and from lower-level busi- ness positions to higher level business positions. The fathers moved not only to the somewhat larger urban communi- ties, but more importantly to the colleges where nearly 282 one-third prepared for professional careers. The great majority of the presidents' parents and grandparents were born in the United States, except for the parents of Catholic institution presidents where larger percentages were foreign—born. The maternal grandfathers' occupations were quite similar to the presidents' paternal grandfathers', but the mothers' fathers were more likely to be in higher level business positions. The presidents' parents were, in general, well-educated, even though nearly 45 per cent did not graduate from high school. Some 27 per cent of the fathers were college graduates and 17 per cent received graduate degrees. The wives of college and university presidents (and only 2 per cent of the presidents of non-Catholic institu- tions were not married) came from similar occupational levels as the presidents themselves, although relatively more of the wives' fathers were in higher level business positions with fewer in professional fields. The presidents' wives came from higher occupational origins than did the presi- dents' mothers as the general movement of upward mobility not only characterized occupational succession across the three generations, but it was also reflected in the largely endogamous marriages of the presidents. 283 Higher Egucation Receiyed As expected, the academic presidents were educated in a great variety of institutions at different degree levels, and nearly three-fourths earned an academic doctor- ate with the doctor of philosophy (Ph.D.) the most prevalent degree among all presidents. Other important degrees earned were: the doctor of education or Ed.D. (especially for presidents of public liberal arts colleges); the doctor of sacred theology of S.T.D. (for presidents of Catholic insti- tutions); and the bachelor of divinity or B.D. (for presi- dents of Protestant-related institutions). Few presidents terminated their education at the bachelor degree level, and among presidents selected to their positions in 1967-68, over 80 per cent earned a doctorate. The presidents studied nearly all types of curricula but nearly half took undergrad- uate degrees in the humanities. At the master's level, humanities still led, followed by education, social science, and natural science. At the doctoral level, 37 per cent majored in humanities, 30 per cent in education, and 14 per cent in social science, 13 per cent in natural science, and the remained in applied fields. Although presidents studied at a great variety of institutions, only sixteen universities were attended by nearly 58 per cent of the presidents at the doctoral level. The four universities of Chicago, Columbia, Harvard, and Catholic University, granted academic doctorates to nearly one-fourth of all presidents in the sample. Few 284 presidents studied abroad but for those that did, the univer- sities of Oxford, Cambridge, Rome, and Toronto were most frequently mentioned. About 23 per cent of the presidents are alumni of the institutions they now head, while nearly half of all Catholic institution presidents are alumni of their institutions. Career Patterns The intensive study of career patterns showed that the majority of presidents had full-time careers in educa- tion and professional fields. Over a twenty-year period in their careers, there were steady movements into higher levels of academic administration and by the twenty-year point, about 63 per cent had attained the presidency. Aca- demic presidents attained their present positions at about the age of 45 and their current age was nearly 53 (on the average). The "average" academic president has been in his present position for about 8 years. About 86 per cent of the presidents had prior experiences as college teachers and approximately 60 per cent had attained the rank of full pro— fessor. .About one-fourth of the presidents had been college teachers for five years or less and one—half had been col- lege teachers for ten years or less, while 21 per cent had over fifteen years college teaching experience. About 82 per cent who were college teachers.were associated with twelve academic departments led by English, educational 285 administration, history, and religion. The presidents taught at a variety of institutions at each academic rank, but 36 per cent taught at the institution they now head. The position that was the direct springboard to the presidency was also analyzed. About one-third of the presi- dents moved directly to the presidency from within the pres- ent institution while two-thirds moved directly to the pres- idency from outside the institution. Over three-fourths moved directly from the general field of education, led by positions as college dean (22 per cent), academic vice pres- ident (11 per cent), department chairman (11 per cent), and college faculty (10 per cent). Business directly supplied only 2 per cent of academic presidents; 3 per cent came from government, 1 per cent from the military, and l per cent from foundations. It was likely that the president held his prior position about five and one-half years. Academic presidents tended to have full-time faculty or administra- tive positions in two other institutions, and although nearly one-third were selected to their positions without full-time academic administrative experience, most had about ten years of such experience. About 12 per cent of the pres— idents had been presidents of other colleges or universities. Career Motivations Academic presidents were motivated to a career in higher educational administration and the presidency due mainly to six major interrelated orientations, the relative 286 impacts varying for each individual: a service orientation; social influences; professional opportunities; personal fac- tors; a developmental process; and accidental circumstance. These motivations were discussed in detail by using the presidents own words to Show the importance of each. In most cases, presidents chose careers in higher education, primarily as teachers, and then a series of activities and decisions of increased responsibilities in the administra- tion of a department then college led to the presidency. Based upon particular values, philosophies, needs, and circumstances they were chosen or selected to head an insti- tution. Few prefer to say they actually chose or systemat- ically planned for a career in academic administration. Some presidents were quite satisfied with their positions while others were eagerly anticipating a return to the classroom. Bpginesg. GovernmentLgand.Academic Leaders: A Comparative Analysis The occupational origins of academic presidents were quite similar to those of business and government leaders with disproportionately highe representation in the profes— sions and high level business positions. However, all elites were open to persons of relatively lower occupational origins. The academic presidents were more representative of the national population in terms of their geographical origins and sizes of hometowns, than their counterparts in 287 business and government. While the business and government leaders came primarily from large urban areas, the academic presidents were more likely to come from small towns or rural communities. While the fathers of business and govern- ment leaders moved from farms to cities, it was apparent that fathers of academic presidents moved from farms to small towns and to colleges to prepare for professions. Among all leaders, a very large percentage of grandfathers were farmers. Academic presidents were better educated than business and government leaders, but six universities were found among each elite's top ten where degrees were received: Yale, Harvard, Michigan, New YOrk University, California at Berkeley, and Chicago. Higher proportions of academic pres— idents were professionally trained than were business or government leaders, while higher proportions of business leaders rose through laborer and white-collar occupations. The average business leader assumed his present position at the age of 45.3 and was at the time of Warner's study, 53.7; the average federal executive assumed his present position at the age of 44.8 and was presently 49.4; the average aca- demic president assumed his present position at the age of 45.1 and is now 52.9. Relatively few women were found among the government leaders and the 84 female college presidents headed either Catholic liberal arts colleges or other private colleges for women. 288 Career Profiles of Types of AcademiggPresidents The summary in the previous section focused upon the careers of academic presidents in general, and thus some of the more interesting and diverse career patterns that were associated with presidents of different types of institu- tions were inevitably omitted. The summaries that follow are aimed at highlighting these differences. Brief descrip- tive career profiles for the presidents of nine basic four- year institutions have been developed from the text and the central tendencies have been used to indicate only the most general patterns for each. It enables one to contrast each type with academic presidents in general as well as with one another. Descriptive Career Profile of Public University Presidents The fathers of public university presidents were most likely professional men, farmers, small businessmen, or laborers (in that order). The presidents were born in all regions of the country, although one-fourth were born in the East North Central states. One-half the presidents were born in rural communities while one-fourth were born in cities over 100,000. Their paternal grandfathers were mainly farm- ers or professional men, while their mothers' fathers were either farmers or small businessmen. Thirty per cent of their fathers and 14 per cent of their mothers were college 289 graduates. Their fathers-in-law were major business execu- tives, large business owners, or professional men. The most typical degree earned was the Ph.D., and a majority studied humanities or education at a state univer- sity. About one-third were selected to Phi Beta Kappa. The public university presidents are about 54 years of age, and they have been in their present positions about 7 years. They usually began their careers as college teachers or high- school teachers and most reached the presidency within twenty years after their first full-time position. They earned the rank of professor and taught for about 15 years in state universities. They moved directly to the presi— dency from a college deanship, academic vice presidency (provost), or presidency of another public university. They had slightly more than ten years full-time administrative experience prior to accepting the presidency. Descriptive Career Profile of Catholic University Presidents The fathers of Catholic university presidents were most likely major business executives or in minor business executive positions. More than half the presidents were born in New York, Pennsylvania, or Illinois. The majority were born in large cities and none came from rural communi- ties. It was most typical for their paternal and maternal grandfathers to be small business owners, skilled laborers, or foremen. Their parents were high school graduates. 290 Over half the presidents earned Ph.D.‘s and another 20 per cent earned S.T.D.'s at Catholic universities, usually Catholic University, Fordham, and Rome. About one- third earned undergraduate degrees at the institutions they now head. The presidents average about 51 years of age and they have been in their present positions about seven years. They chose religious careers and began their work as college teachers and administrators. In less than 15 years, a major- ity were requested by their religious superiors to assume the presidency. An equal percentage earned faculty ranks of professor or assistant professor and a majority spent less than ten years as college teachers. They moved directly to the presidency from a college deanship, academic or adminis- trative vice presidency, or departmental chairmanship, at a Catholic university which they held for about five years. In the vast majority of cases, the move to the presidency was an internal one within the institution. Before accept- ing the presidency the Catholic university presidents had about seven years experience as full-time educational admin- istrators. Descriptive Career Profile of Protestant- Related University Presidents The majority of fathers of Protestant-related univer- sity presidents were farmers or clergymen. About half the presidents were born in the North Central states in rural communities or small towns. Their paternal grandfathers 291 were either farmers or small businessmen, and their maternal grandfathers were either farmers, ministers or lower level business employees. Their parents tended to be high school graduates with some taking college religious degrees. Their fathers-in-law tended to be farmers and professional men. The majority of the presidents earned Ph.D.‘s while a few held the B.D. or M.A. degrees. They studied the humanities at mainly private universities and over one- fourth were elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Their average age is about 58 and they have been in their present positions about 13 years. (They were a little older on the average than other academic presidents and had longer tenures than the others.) While most began their careers as college teachers, over one-fourth began as ministers. About three- fourths had college teaching experience during their careers, with most attaining the rank of professor and teaching some 12 years at private institutions. They moved directly to the presidency from an academic or administrative vice pres- idency, other college presidency, or college deanship in a private institution. A few came directly from pastorates. Most were in their last positions about seven years and few moved to the presidency from within the same institution. About one-third of the presidents had never had full-time educational administrative experience prior to assuming the presidency. 292 Descriptive Career Profile of Independent University Presidents The fathers of independent university presidents came mainly from major business executive, business owner, lawyer and clergy positions. Nearly half the presidents were born in the New England and Middle Atlantic states, and about one—third came from large cities. Their paternal and maternal grandfathers were most likely farmers, professional men, small business owners and Skilled laborers. Forty-five per cent of the fathers and 29 per cent of their mothers were college graduates. Their fathers-in-law were predom- inantly small business owners, professional men, and major business executives. Nearly three-fourths of the presidents earned Ph.D.‘s with majors in humanities and the physical sciences and nearly all received their degrees at private universities in the New England and Middle Atlantic states. About one-third were Phi Beta Kappa. Their average age is about 53 years, and they have been in their present positions for about five and one-half years. About 40 per cent began their careers as college teachers and about 20 per cent were secondary teachers. Over 90 per cent had college teaching experience, the great majority of whom were full professors. Most were college teachers for about 11 years in private universities and liberal arts colleges. They moved directly to the pres- idency from an academic vice presidency (provost), another 293 college presidency, department chairman, and college dean- ship in private universities. In seven out of ten cases, the move was external or from outside the institution. They had on the average ten years of full-time educational admin- istrative eXperience before assuming the position. Descriptive Career Profile of Public Liberal Arts College Presidents The fathers of public liberal arts presidents came from a great variety of occupational levels, but the major— ity were farmers, small business owners, and lower level business employees. The presidents were born in all regions of the nation and 72 per cent of them were born in communi— ties under 10,000 people (only 1 in 10 came from a large city). Nearly half their paternal and maternal grandfathers were farmers with large percentages as laborers and small business owners. Relatively few of their parents were col- lege graduates and their fathers—in-law were distributed in all levels of business. .About 90 per cent had earned an academic doctorate led by 50 per cent with Ph.D.‘s and 37 per cent with Ed.D.‘s. They majored in education and humanities at state univer- sities throughout the country. Only 12 per cent earned degrees at institutions over which they preside and 11 per cent were selected to Phi Beta Kappa, although nearly two- thirds were members of other honoraries-—usually educational. Their average age is 53 and they have been in their present 294 positions for about eight years. Approximately 60 per cent began their careers as public schoolteachers and 14 per cent began as college teachers. Within fifteen years, about one- fourth were college presidents. Most had college teaching experience-—often teaching educational administration-~and about 60 per cent attained the rank of professor. Their average college teaching experience was 13 years while teach- ing in state colleges and universities. The most prominent Springboard to the presidency was overwhelmingly a college deanship, but other important positions were department chairman, college faculty, and public school superintendent, nearly all in public education. Prior to assuming the pres- idency, the average public liberal arts president had ten years of full-time educational administrative eXperience. Descriptive Career Profile of Catholic giberal Arts College Presidents Like the fathers of Catholic university presidents, the fathers of liberal arts presidents were usually in all levels of the business hierarchy, mainly at middle and lower levels. Most of the presidents were born in large urban areas of New Ybrk, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Massachusetts, and Minnesota. Their paternal and maternal grandfathers were also in business occupations with nearly 40 per cent in unskilled and skilled laborer levels. Their parents were usually high school graduates. 295 About seven out of ten presidents earned a doctorate, usually the Ph.D., while almost one-fourth terminated their formal education at the master's level. They usually studied humanities (religion) and earned degrees at Catholic universities like Catholic University, St. Louis, Fordham, and Notre Dame. Nearly 45 per cent had earned undergraduate degrees at the colleges they now head. The presidents have an average age of 51 and most were about 44 when their religious superiors asked that they take on the presidency. About 46 per cent began their careers, following acceptance into a religious order, in teaching at elementary—secondary levels of Catholic education, while 18 per cent began as college teachers. Over 92 per cent had college teaching experience, and a majority taught less than ten years and attained the ranks of assistant or associate professor. Nearly 80 per cent taught at the institution they now head. Three positions were the basic Springboards to the presi- dency: college deanship, department chairman, or faculty member in a Catholic college. While nearly 50 per cent had no full-time educational administrative eXperience prior to the presidency, those who did were in such positions for about nine years. Descriptive Career Prpiile of Protestant— Rgiated Liberal Arts Coilege Presidents The fathers of Protestant-related liberal arts pres- idents were primarily clergymen, farmers, skilled laborers, 296 and small business owners. The presidents were usually born in Pennsylvania and the North Central states, often in small communities. Their paternal and maternal grandfathers were mainly farmers, small business owners, and skilled laborers. About 30 per cent of their fathers and 16 per cent of their mothers were college graduates. Their fathers—in-law were predominantly farmers, professional men (ministers), small business owners and major business executives. About 60 per cent earned doctorates (usually the Ph.D.), while almost one in ten earned a bachelor of divinity degree. The presidents majored in humanities usually at public and private universities in the East North Central, Middle Atlantic, and South Atlantic states. About 22 per cent earned undergraduate degrees at their present institu— tions. The presidents have an average age of 52 and they have been in their present positions about 8 years. The presidents began their careers in three basic levels: minis- ters, elementary-secondary teachers, and college faculty. About 72 per cent have had college teaching experience while 42 per cent attained the rank of professor. A majority taught about 12 years in private, coeducational liberal arts colleges. The presidents moved directly to their present positions from three principal positions: ministers, college deanship, and college faculty in that order. They were mainly involved in Protestant-related liberal arts colleges, and they held full-time administrative positions about ten 297 years prior to assuming the presidency. For those who came from ministerial positions, the presidency offered an oppor- tunity for an enlarged and extended ministry. Descriptive Career Profile of Independent Liberal Arts College Presidents The fathers of independent liberal arts college presidents were mainly professional men, major business executives, and small business owners. The presidents were born most often in New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois and Minnesota in large urban communities. Their paternal and maternal grandfathers were most often farmers, small busi— ness owners, skilled laborers, and clergymen. Almost half the fathers and 37 per cent of the mothers were college graduates. Their fathers—in-law were most likely small business owners and major business executives. The independent liberal arts presidents usually earned Ph.D.‘s in humanities in private universities in New England, East North Central and Middle Atlantic states. About 37 per cent (the highest of any group of presidents) were selected to Phi Beta Kappa. The presidents are on the average 53 years of age, and they have been in their present positions about nine and one-half years. It was most likely that they began their careers as college faculty members while some were elementary teachers. Over 93 per cent had college teaching experience with half attaining the rank of full professor in departments of English and history. About 298 half the presidents were teachers for more than ten years at private institutions. The springboard to the presidency was from a college deanship or faculty position in a non—sectar- ian institution. The president had an average of ten years full-time educational administrative experience prior to assuming the presidency. Descriptive Career Profile of Technological Institution Presidents The fathers of technological institution presidents tended to be engaged in business activities and farming. The presidents were born in Middle Atlantic and North Cen- tral states in rural communities or big cities. Their paternal and maternal grandfathers were mainly farmers, foremen, and skilled laborers. About 32 per cent of the fathers and about 20 per cent of the mothers were college graduates. Their fathers—in-law were primarily small busi- ness owners, skilled laborers, and engineers. About 8 in 10 received a doctorate in the physical sciences or education about equally at public and private universities in the Middle Atlantic and East North Central regions. The presidents' average age is nearly 55, and they have been in their positions about eight years. The presi- dents were likely to have begun their careers as college or secondary teachers and nearly all had college teaching expe- riences, the majority attaining the rank of full professor. They taught engineering courses, chemistry, or physics for 299 about 13 years at private and public universities and tech- nological institutions. Their direct move to the presidency came from a department chairmanship, college deanship, aca- demic vice presidency or college faculty position at a public liberal arts college or independent university. Prior to assuming their present positions, they had about ten years administrative experience in education. Implications of thegFindings for the Theory and Hypotheses The theoretical framework for the present study of careers of academic presidents was discussed in Chapter I, and some research hypotheses were given at the end of Chap- ter II. The findings are briefly related to the theory and the hypotheses in this section. The theory rested essentially in the work of W. Lloyd Warner on vertical occupational mObility among specific elite occupations in American society. It is maintained that this framework has proven quite adaptable to yet another important occupational group; it has permitted cross-comparisons among the careers of business, government, and academic leaders; and it has given additional insights into critical aspects of occupational mObility in the society. The concept and method of occupational succession have permitted an examination of the velocity, direction, and amount of movement from the grandfather to the father to the son. The hypotheses 300 regarding occupational origins were confirmed as the aca- demic presidents came mainly from higher level occupations rather than lower levels. The professions were the greatest sources for academic presidents, in general. However, one hypothesis suggested that the fathers would most likely be educators. It was found that although a number of fathers were schoolteachers at the elementary-secondary levels, the leading professional category was clergymen, and few fathers were involved in higher education either as teachers or administrators. Dovetailing with the notion of occupational succes- sion in the theory was the proposition that geographical origins or the Size of a man's birthplace and the region in which he was born play a part in occupational mObility. The idea that men who were mObile through social space were also mObile through geographic space found empirical support in earlier research. Thus, hypotheses were formulated which suggested that the academic presidents would come from all over the country but more so from regions with greater popu- lations or percentages of higher education institutions. It was found that the presidents were highly representative of the national population, but there was no relationship to the percentage of college in the regions. However, these aspects, along with where the presidents were educated and where they taught, did indicate that the men were geograph- ically mObile during their careers. Another hypothesis 301 proposed that the large college and university presidents would have geographical origins similar to business and government executives, i.e., from large cities, while the smaller college and university presidents would be from small towns and rural areas. In actuality, it was learned that the size of the institution was unrelated to the geographical origins as the academic presidents were fairly representative of the national population in terms of resi- dence, with most presidents coming from relatively small towns and rural areas. Most Catholic institution presidents and a greater share of independent university presidents were the only groups of presidents with geographical origins mainly in large cities, the only presidential groups that resembled the business and government leaders in this regard. The theory used in the study held that there were influences of other members of the family that affected the shape of a man's career. In particular, the occupations of the grandparents gave a benchmark from which to measure mObility over a number of generations. Following the find- ings of Warner's research and recognizing the agrarian nature of American society in the late 1800's, it was hypothesized that the grandfathers would most likely be farmers. The hypothesis was confirmed in that 43 per cent of the grand- fathers were farmers. Another aspect of the theory held that a study of the wife's father's occupation could tell whether the man moved up, across, or down in the sense of 302 occupational levels. It was hypothesized that the presi- dents would usually marry at their own occupational levels more than any other level. The hypothesis received some support but more of the wives' fathers were in high level business positions and fewer in the professions, while the presidents' fathers were more often professional men with fewer in high level business positions. The theory of occupational mobility among elites held that the amount and kind of education one received was critically related to occupational mObility. The hypotheses, based upon theory and some research findings of selected groups of academic presidents, indicated that all presidents would be well-educated with a majority Obtaining academic doctorates. Moreover, it was hypothesized that at the under- graduate level, humanities, social science, engineering, physical science and education would be the major programs of study; and at the graduate level, education, humanities, and social science would be the principal majors. As expected, the academic presidents were wellueducated and nearly three—fourths earned an academic doctorate with some variation in the type of doctorate. .At the undergraduate level, it was found that humanities disciplines were the main majors and the same held true at the graduate level, although the humanities were joined by education, social science, and natural science. 303 It was hypothesized that the presidents of Catholic institutions would be "products" of Catholic higher educa- tion as students while non-Catholic institution presidents would come randomly from public and private institutions. The findings did support the hypothesis about Catholic institution presidents, but the non-Catholic institution presidents did not come randomly from public and private institutions. The presidents of public institutions were most often educated in public institutions while the pres- idents of private institutions were most likely educated in private colleges and universities at all degree levels. It was hypothesized further, that relatively few major univer- sities were reSponSible for the academic presidents' educa— tion, especially at the graduate level. This was supported in that sixteen universities educated nearly 58 per cent of the presidents at the doctoral level and four universities educated nearly one-fourth of all presidents. The theory discussed mObility as it related to a person's career, and in the research flowing from this mobil- ity framework, Warner examined how long it took the men to reach the elite level and what career routes were formed along, the way. The research hypotheses for the academic president study suggested that presidents would come pri- marily through education, particularly higher education to the presidency. It was also believed due to general remarks in the literature that a relatively large percentage of 304 academic presidents came from business or government. The findings supported the idea that the presidents mainly moved in and through education, but a very high percentage began as elementary-secondary teachers, much higher than expected. Movement up the educational hierarchy was the typical pat- tern leading directly to the presidency from a college dean- ship or vice presidency. The hypothesis that a large per— centage of presidents came from business or government was rejected since few Spent any portion of their full-time careers in either. Some writers did note a belief that different types of institutions had presidents with different types of back— grounds, and the present study indeed confirmed this belief with factual evidence. Social origins, family influences, education, career patterns, and many career motivations were associated with presidents of particular institutions as highlighted in the form of analysis. It was hypothesized that the reasons men chose a career in higher education would be complicated but a great number would mention: it was a calling; it was less cut- throat than business; it was challenging; it was satisfying. The evidence brought forth these reasons along with many others: a service orientation; social.influences; profes- sional opportunities; personal factors; a developmental process; and an accidental circumstance were primary reasons 305 that presidents said they chose or were selected to be a president. It was hypothesized that the careers of academic presidents would resemble portions of the business and government leaders' careers but differ in other ways. The hypothesis that business, government, and academic leaders would have similar occupational and geographical origins was largely confirmed in that a disproportionately higher number came from professional and other high level occupations. However, the academic presidents were more representative of the national population in their geographical origins and sizes of hometowns. Moreover, the academic presidents were generally more likely to come from small towns or rural com- munities while the business and governmental leaders were usually from large cities. Among all leaders, as expected, a very large percentage of their grandfathers were farmers. Academic presidents were better educated than their counter? parts in business and government, but as mentioned earlier, Six universities were among each elite's top ten where degrees were received. Although it was believed that aca- demic presidents would attain their positions at later ages than government and business leaders, such was not the case. With all elites, most reached their positions about forty- five years of age and their present age was found to be about fifty-three (the government leaders were presently a little younger on the average). AS hypothesized, the 306 career patterns of the three elites were quite different with academic presidents more likely to be professionally trained and business leaders more likely to rise through laborer and white—collar occupations. The theoretical framework also provided an assess— ment of the fluidity and flexibility in the society as it related to one occupational hierarchy. Once again, as with the business and government researches, although higher- level occupations were found among academic presidents' origins, movement up from laborer, white collar, and foremen levels was not impossible nor improbable. The conclusion must be that the society is not rigid nor closed in the higher educational sector. Vertical status movement was very prominent and the existence of a mObile elite was found among the academic presidents indicating fluidity in this important occupational area. The results when combined with the findings of leaders of business and government hierar— chies give even more evidence that the society continues to remain open for those of lower origins to rise to the top in business, government, and educational leadership. Even with- out an earlier and comparable base-line study it is held that some academic presidents were more advantaged than others, but the educational and social system permitted vertical mobility for a relatively large percentage. 307 Need for Future Research Having come to the end of the present research and hopefully having realized at least some of the major pur— poses given in Chapter I, it is appropriate and important to present some related areas for future research. At least seven areas have been isolated as potentially fruitful for research that will extend the knowledge and understanding gained from the present study. 1. 3. An in-depth study of the inner, psychological worlds of academic presidents is needed. The present study concentrated on the careers and consciously-expressed motivations of academic presidents, but lacked the deeper insight into the drives, fears, hopes, and feelings of these men and women. The business and government leader researches benefitted from the administration of the Thematic Apperception Test to those individuals. That or a similar projective test conducted by highly competent investigators in this area would help to better understand who these men are. The study would also permit more comparisons between the leaders of different elites as to their inner worlds and how these worlds affected their careers. A study of the role of different types of academic presidents is needed. During the course of the present research, it became increasingly clear that the evidence on the presidents' careers could pro- vide a framework for what academic presidents do. The time-utilization discussion found in Appendix C is a superficial start in this area, but much lies beneath the surface. Extensive time-utiliza- tion studies are crucial. The career data of this study could well serve as a tie-in to a study of the academic president's role. A study of very effective, effective, less effective, and ineffective academic presidents is needed. The present research did not distinguish between the career patterns of academic presidents based upon their relative effectiveness as chief administrators. Research on those difficult and complex factors that 308 make for more effective presidents and less effec- tive presidents is crucial if the present unrest and excitement on campuses across the nation and world are to be met by competent academic presi— dents. The problem, as difficult as it is, must be met openly and seriously by those interested in the future of higher education and this society. Care- ful and extensive research in this area could begin to identify those factors in one's career, back- ground, style Of leadership, philosophy of educa- tion, and institutional factors that distinguish the most effective from the least effective aca- demic presidents. Hopefully, academic centers, institutes, and programs could develop and use such information in the more effective preparation of academic presidents. It is a time when the preparation of academic leadership cannot be left to chance, but needs planning and knowledge if colleges and universities are to survive. This point was recognized time and again by the pres- idents themselves. A replication of the present study in ten years is needed. The conclusions of the present research included the statement that this important hierarchy was not closed nor rigid and persons of relatively low social and occupational origins did make it into the elite of higher education administration. How- ever, just as Warner benefitted from the Taussig and Joslyn study of business leaders in the 1920's and he could use that study to determine if the society was becoming more or less rigid as seen through that occupation, so will the present re- search presumably offer a base-line to the study of academic careers of presidents in 1980. In an era of swift change in the society and higher education, ten years would offer a reasonable comparative base. Not only could it be said that the society is fluid or open as seen through this occupational elite, but whether the society was becoming more or less open and whether a trend was underway limiting entrance into the higher education elite to those of lower level origins or broadening that entrance. A similar study of the careers of America's two- year college presidents is needed. Recognizing the dramatic growth and changes taking place in the multifarious junior and community colleges, attention should be focused on the careers of the two-year college presidents. The knowledge would be valuable in its own regard and would give a 309 composite profile of the leaders in all of American higher education. It would also provide a valuable comparative analysis for the present study of the careers of four-year college and university pres- idents. Necessary modifications of the Warner theory and methodology resulting in studies of occupational succession and careers of other groups in the society, preferably other elites at first, are needed. The careers of physicians, lawyers, ministers, other college administrators, professors, labor union officials are only a few other occupa- tional groups that should be studied. To determine how real the American Dream of open avenues to up- ward mdbility for all truly is, such studies of other elites could provide comparative bases that, like the present study, fill in the gaps of knowl- edge of occupational mObility in American society. Studies of the careers of key American Negroes and their occupational mObility in the society--how they moved into or were denied access to key positions-— areneeded. Certainly, at this important point in American history, when black and white Americans must face the question of equal opportunity more critically than ever before, knowledge of the careers of black Americans into elite positions is vital. Of the business, government, and academic leaders, it is believed that the careers have been basically of white men. Although those of lower level occupational origins have risen to the elites, the hypothesis offered is that very few were Negroes and the career patterns have largely reflected white man's movement in the society. Identification of and research on the black man's occupational mobil- ity will add an important element to whether American society is truly flexible to all its citizens, not only using occupational and geographical origins as indices, but also the color of a man's skin. The Negroes hold that the avenues to elite positions are denied them as the educational and social system works continually against them. The Warner theory and methodology could be modified to give factual evidence that brings clarity rather than emotion to this important social question. 310 A Personal Note The present study for this writer has been an excit— ing adventure into an important aspect of higher education leadership in this country. The knowledge that accompanied the unfolding careers of 760 academic presidents has hope— fully provided the reader as well with a greater sensitivity into the backgrounds of the men and women charged with the responsibility of leading the colleges and universities in the United States. For the most part the men and women who head our institutions of higher education would concur with the views of the president below as he wrote in a statement: There is no comparison whatsoever between the eases, joys, and peace of lesser positions and the frustra- tions and demands of the presidency. In theory, no one should accept the office--in practice, of course, thousands do. Would I do it again? Certainly. I can conceive more relaxed and perhaps blessed ways to live one's life, such as being a full professor in a great university, but life doesn't work that way. I agree with Carlyle that "our task is not to see what lies dimly in the future, but to do that which is immediately at hand. The academic presidency offers many of the challenges and satisfactions of administration in business and industry, the military or other fields, and yet, con- tains also the meaningful benefits of working with young people and watching them grow. It rewards with the thrill of victory by persuasion as in the field of politics, and the economic security and benefits of corporate administration. It gives one the feel that he is doing something important and it returns real dividends in social and professional status and prestige. 311 There can be no question that in the next decade, the demands and frustrations upon the academic president will be greater than ever before. Institutions will need those persons who sense in it the action, the challenge, and the rewards, and most importantly the opportunity to give effec— tive leadership to meet the needs of the publics within the academic community and to successfully interpret the insti— tution's reasons for being to the larger society. SELECTED B IBLIOGRAPHY SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY American College President and American Higher Education Blackman, Edward. Speech given at Michigan State University, College of Education, October ll, 1967. Bolman, Frederick de W. How College Presidents Are Chosen. Washington, D.C.: American Council on Education, 1965. Corson, John J. Governance of Colleges and Universities. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1960. Demerath, Nicholas J., Stephens, Richard W., and Taylor, R. Robb. Power, Presidents, and Professors. New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1967. Dodds, Harold W. The Academic President: Educator or Caretaker? New Ybrk: McGraw—Hill Book Company, Inc., 1962. Hemphill, John K., and Walberg, Herbert. An Empirical Study of College and University Presidents in the State of New York. Princeton: Educational Testing Service, 1966. ' Kerr, Clark. The Uses of the University. Cambridge, Massa- chusetts: Harvard University Press, 1963. Prator, Ralph. The College President. Washington, D.C.: The Center for Applied Research in Education, Inc., 1963. Rudolph, Frederick. The American College and University: A History. New York: Vintage Books, 1965. Schmidt, George P. The Liberal Arts Collegg. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1957. Stoke, Harold W. The American College President. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1959. 312 313 Stroup, Herbert. Bureaucracy in Higher Education. New York: The Free Press, 1966. Thwing, Charles F. The College President. New York: The MacMillan Company, 1926. 'Wriston, Henry W. Academic Procession. New York: Columbia University Press, 1959. Comparative Research on Business and Government Executives Warner, W. Lloyd. "The Careers of American Business and Government Executives: A Comparative Analysis." Social Science Approaches to Business Behavior. Edited by George B. Strother. Homewood, Illinois: Richard D. Irwin, Inc., 1962. Warner, W. Lloyd, and Abbeglen, James C. Big Business Leaders in America. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1955. Warner, W. Lloyd, Van Riper, Paul P., Martin, Norman H., and Collins, Orvis F. The American Federal Executive. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1963. Occupational Mobility Rogoff, Natalie. Recent Trends in Occupational Mobility. Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1953. Warner, W. Lloyd, and Abegglen, James C. Occupational Mobility. Minneapolis: Minnesota Press, 1955. Occupational Selection Faier, Bertram R. "Personality Factors in Occupational Choice." Educational Psychological Measurement, XIII (1953), 362. Friedmann, E. A., and Havighurst, Robert J. "Work and Retirement." Man, Work, and Society. Edited by Sigmund Nosow and William H. Form. New Ybrk: Basic Books, Inc., 1962. 314 Ginzberg, Eli, Ginzburg, Sol, Axelrod, Sidney, and Herman, John. Occupational Choice, An Approach to a General Theory. New York: Columbia University Press, 1951. Gross, Edward. Work and Society. New York: The Thomas Crowell Company, 1958. Morse, Nancy C., and Weiss, R. S. "The Function and Meaning of Work and the Jo ." Man, Work, and Society. Edited by Nosow and Form, 1962. Roe, Anne. The Psychology of Occupations. New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1956. Super, Donald E. The Psychology of Careers. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1957. Sample Definition and Selection American Council on Education. Accredited Institutigns of Higher Education. Washington, D.C.: American Council on Education, 1967. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Population, 1920. ‘Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1921. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Population, 1940. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1942. Who's Who in America, XXXV, Chicago: The A. N. Marquis Company, 1968-69. APPENDICES APPENDIX A NATIONAL STUDY OF AMERICAN COLLEGE PRESIDENTS MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY Graduate School of Buslness Administration 432 Eppley Center East Lansing, Michigan February l5, I968 In line with the major research studies of key professional groups in our society, such as glg_8usiness Leaders in America and The American Federal Executive conducted by W. Lloyd Warner and his colleagues at Michigan State University, I am undertaking a study of the academic president in American colleges and universities. I am conducting the research as my doctoral dissertation at Michigan State University under the direction of Professor W. Lloyd Warner, University Professor of Social Research, and through the support of a Ford Foundation fellowship. Assisting In the project are the following members of the guidance committee: Dr. Floyd W. Reeves, Distinguished Professor in the Department of Higher Education, and Dr. Dalton McFarland, Chairman of the Department of Management, both of Michigan State. Dr. Edward Blackman, Professor of Education and Humanities will be serving as special advisor. The present study will focus on the professional and personal backgrounds, career lines, and some relevant ideas related to the complex role of today's college presidents. The results of the study should not only be helpful to presidents, but to trustees and others directly concerned with selecting and working with the president. Also, it will provide additional knowledge of a systematic and scholarly nature of an important professional position in American society. As much as questionnaires are regarded as disagreeable, there are pertinent data about you and some of your opinions which can be secured only through such means. Recognizing the problems of your finding time to complete a questionnaire, I have prepared the questions so that most can be answered by a simple check mark (X). In addition, you will find that only questions found on Pages 4, 5, and 6 will undoubtedly require your specific attention, and the earlier questions could probably be completed by an assistant, your secretary, or a press release used in your involvement in the community or public affairs. Please feel free to use either source In answering the questions on the first three pages, but I would like your personal responses to the last three pages. As in the prior research on big business leaders and Federal executives, your replies will be held in the strictest confidence. Your name and the name of the institution you serve will be coded to assure complete anonymity in any statistical presentation of the data obtained. I am most eager to have your questions and comments and would appreciate your noting on the back of the questionnaire anything that comes to mind as you fill it out. Should you wish an advance statement of the results, please indicate at the end of the questionnaire and I will be most happy to send you this as advance information. Sincerely yours, Michael R. Ferrari 315 MRF:Cm 316 NATIONAL STUDY OF AMERICAN COLLEGE AND UNIVERSITY PRESIDENTS Mlchigan State University 432 Eppley Center East Lansing, Michigan SWy Confidential 317 NATIONAL STUDY OF AMERICAN COLLEGE AND UNIVERSITY PRESIDENTS What is your present age? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (23-24) a) At what age did you first begin work as an educational administrator in a part-time capacity? and a full-time capacity? (25-26) (27-28) 2. What position-title do you now use in official correspondence? President . . . . . . . . . . E] Chancellor . . . . . . . . . . E] Provost .......... D ReC‘I'Or O 0 O l O O 0 O O O D Superintendent . . . . . . . . D Other (Please specify) [3 (29) 3. At what age did you assume your present position? . . . . . . . . . . . . . (SO-3|) 4. With how many colleges or universities have you been associated as a faculty member or an academic administrator (Including your present institution)? One Two Three Four Five Six Seven Eight and above :1 o o o o o o o (36’ 5. Are you a member of one or more educational boards of trustees (or regents, directorm or high-level, policy-making committees In addition to your own institution? . Please check one: Yes D No C] (37) a) Please identify the NUMBER of boards or policy-making committees on which you serve from the following types: Type of Board Number of Boards Your own institution's board . . . . . . . . (38) Another college-university board . . . . . . (39) Educational association . . . . . . . . . . (40) Privately-supported foundation . . . . . . . _ (4i) Publicly-supported foundation . . . . . . . (42) Business or industrial board . . . . . . . . (43) Governmental commission or comittee . . . . (44) Other (Please specify) (45) Married [3 Male D Spouse deceased I] Number of children ______ 6. Are yw a a o a a Single D "' Fem” Dism (5|) 7. Have you been a president of a college or university at another institution(s) prior to assuming your present position? Yes [3 No [3 NE a) If so, please list the name of the institution and the date of your inauguration. Name of College Inaugural Date (year) (54.-‘57) —-—(66—67) (SB-6|) After beginning work on \ Occupations cational Iic school teacher . . nclpal , superintendent munity college faculty munity college adnin. lege-university faculty. III-man of Department. . . "10f COIlegeeeeeee lege adnlnistrator below ace-president or second evel In Institution. . . lege adnlnlstrator at rice-president or second lave'eeeeeeeeee liege president or chief 'adml ni strative officer. . ner (please specify) her Professions ‘YSICIan e e e e -'yere e e e e e .erQYe e e e e e A-gineel". e e e 0 -her (specify) 318 full-time basis, what occupation did you engage In: First Ful I-Time Position (7l-72) 0000000 E] El DD UCIDEJEI siness and Indust >rker--unskl I led, semi-ski I led ,arkeruskl I led, mechanic . eri cal worker, salesmen . >reman, other minor executive :jor business executive. . mer smal I-medium business (sales under SIO0,000). . vner large business (sales over “00,000). . . . . . overnment Service Deal-state office holder ederal elected office. . ederal appointed office. AWlkwmemflflm.. _ther (specify) D D [30000 DECIDE! niformed Mllltag Service Lnllsted man or non-cormoff. iommlssloned Officer (please give 7 highest rank) DD farming or Ranchlng 5 years later (73-74) DD 0 D 0000000 U E] UUDDD UUDDD DDDUD DU l0 years later (75-76) 0000000 U U DO U D 00000 E10000 00000 DB l5 years later (77-78) DD E] 000000 E] UDUDCI D U CIDDEIU DDDDD DD ( 69-70 20 years later (79-80) DDUUUUD UDCI Cl DDDDD E] CI 00000 DECIDE] Cl .319 9. Please give the following information about the position you held prior to assuming your present position: (6-7) Title of position: (8-9) Name of institution, company, or organization: (IO-ll) Dates that you held that position: From to IO. If you were once a college teaching and/or research faculty member, please note at the appropriate level the name of the institution at which you taught, the academic department affiliation, and the years of the appointment: (l5) Name of Faculty Rank Institution Department Dates Lecturer Instructor Assistant Professor ‘8'21 [1-17 34-33 ——"36' Associate Professor 26:29' """"37 Professor 30‘33* 38 ll. Will you please fill in the following regarding your formal education at the college level: Year Received Last Ye Institutions attended Major Subject Degree Degree Athena 40-43 5'6” “’— 44-47 ‘ 57 —— Ira-3T ’58 """TEI'BZ- ) ""'""“ :52=33' *759260 “"" I2. Please check below any of the following to which you earned membership during your undergraduate and graduate education: Phi Beta Kappa CI (66) Phi Kappa Phi CI (68) Omicron Delta Kappa E] (67) Other Honor Societies g A, l3. Please list below the titles of books or articles published before or after becomim; a college president (including doctoral dissertation title, if applicable). Please give dates of publication, if possible. l4. Have you been awarded an honorary degree from another college or university? No [j (70) a) If so, please give the number of honorary doctorates received and/or the number and types of other honorary degrees Yes .320 '7 inczipal occupations of others in your family: (if deceased, please indicate previous occupation) Your Father Your Your Your when you began Father's Mother's Wife's Occupations working full-time Father Father Father (7l-72) (73-74) (75-76) (77-78) lticxjal :c school teacher, administrator D U U U mity college, faculty-admin. . D D D D age-university faculty . . . . D D D D man Of Depar'i’men‘i‘. e e e e e e U D U D age administrator below vice- BSIden'I'Ieveleeeeeeeee D D D U age administrator at vice- eSiden+|eveIeeeeeeeee D D D D egePr‘eSldenT......... D U D D r (specify) U D U D I— Professions U U U U 'Clan O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 er. 0 O O O O O O O O 0 O O C O B 8 B B 'gy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . E] [J [J C] neer. O O O O O O O O O O O O O :r (specify) D U D D ness and Industry ier, unskilled-semi-skilled. . . D D U 0 (er, skilled, mechanic . . . . . D D D D “ical lworker, salesman . . . . . E3 Ea E3 Ea eman, minor executive. . . . . . C] U U U 3r business executive. . . . . . ar small-medium business (sales nder $lO0,000) . . . . . . . . . U U D 0 er large business (sales ver $IO0,000). . . . . . . . . . D D U D ernment Service al-state office holder . . . . . U D U D eral elected office. . . . . . . D D U U eraI appOInTed Officee e e e e e B B D 8 il Service position. . . . . . . CI D er (specify) [3 E] E] iormed Militagy Service D E] E] [3 ring or Ranching U D D D (79-l ; I; . Extent of schooling of your father and mother (please check only the highest category): Father (6) MoEaer (7) Less than high school . . . D Some high school. . . . . . D 0 High school graduate. . . . D D Somecollege........ D 0 College graduate. . . . . . D D Post—graduate study . . . . D D (8) (9) (l0) (ll) '8. (l5) (i6) (l7) (l8) (I9) (20) (2|) 321. On the five-point scales below, please check that which you feel to be most relevan , to the presidency of your institution, given the particular phIIOSOphy, needs, and goals of the institution as seen for the next ten years. "Although the president must possess many administrative-leadership qualities, ahwean a)...the president must be a scholar in his own right with a notable background in teaching and research." _; L l l' 1 Extremely Ve Not Very Not Important important Important important At All b)...the president must be one who has demonstrated successful executive and administrative abilities in educational administration." L L J L l «- Extremely Very Not Very Not Important 3 Important Important Important . At All " c)...the president must be one with considerable knowledge and training in bwshess or financial matters related to institutional growth and development." LL 1 l l l Extremely Very Not Very Not important L Important Important Important At All d) If you were asked to rank only the three major categories above as to thermmt essential for the college president for your institution during the next tmwyemq which would you place first (most crucial), second, third (least crucial). Place l, 2, 3 below i Teaching-Research Background . . . Educational Administration Background Business-Finance Background . . . Please note any comments on special training and background that you feel especially important for the college president that might not have been covered in this section: &. Please rank In order, from I to 7, the following functions In terms of the percentage of time spent In each activity during a rather typical month (I is most time spent, 2 is next in time spent, etc.): Educational activities and meetings at state and national levels General administrative functions (including budget review, plannhpimd evaluating institutional affairs, policy meetings with central i administration or board, etc.) ’ Participation in and involvement with strictly fund-raising activifies , for the Institution . ff Conferences with faculty, students, alumni, and parents' ‘ Conferences with local, state, national government officials Conferences with business and Industrial leaders Attendance at social occasions, community affairs, civic functions ..' Please give the approximate percentage of time you spend on the mfiiwhfi‘ you ranked Number I and Number 2 322 .OO‘ the time you spend with persons associated with the institution, please give the approximate PERCENTAGE of time spent with each during a somewhat average week: Approximate PER CENT of Total Time Faculty members (on Individual basis and with committees) Administrative officers and staff of the institution 125) Board of Trustees members -27) Alumni .329) Students G3!) -33) ‘-35) Civic, community leaders and committees -37) Other (please specify) Place of Birth: United States Non-United States Wife or Father's Mother's Self Husband Father Father Mother Father (40) (4|) (42) (43) (44) (45) [3 D E) E) U D E] [J E] [J E] E] 7 What was the approximate population where your family lived at the time of your birth? Rural or less than 2,500 [3 City l5,000-IO0,000 CI City If American born, in which state? Town of 2, 500-I0,000 U City l0,000-I5,000 CI over IO0,000 (or suburb) E] (46) (47-4BI From the time you completed your undergraduate education until the present, had you ever seriously considered a career outside the context of an educational institution? Yes D No D (49) a) If so, please check the pertinent alternative(s) you have considered and CIRCLE the NUMBER of your first choice after a career in higher education: (50) (5|) l. Business Executive . . . . . [3 (52) 2. Government Service . . . . . U 3. Religious Service . . . . . D 4. Labor Union Official . . . . U 5. Military Officer . . . . . . C3 6. Other (specify) [3 (53) 'DEIBACK OF THIS PAGE (or any attached sheet) e chosen a career in administration in higher its as much as you wish.) would you please tell us the reasons you education as opposed to any other career. 323 We would find any comments you might have on any of the questions in this surveyvew helpful. in addition, we would be most appreciative of any comments, sources anmbr reprints of articles and speeches in which you have given your philosophy of emxmtmn or academic administration related to the important role of your institution in Nmrmm higher education. 324 Analysis of Questionnaire Items It should be understood that the questionnaire was intended to elicit information that grew from the theoret- ical base and the questions raised through the review of the literature. The respondent's present age, the age when he began work as an educational administrator, and his experience as an administrator are asked in item 1. Item 2 asks for the position-title of the respondent in order to clarify the extent that a variety of titles are used today. Item 3 asks for the age when he assumed his present position and allows a determination of how long he has held his present position. It also provides evidence when used with item 1 of how long it took the president to achieve his top position. In item 4 the respondent is to check how many colleges he has been associated with as a faculty member or educational administrator. It indirectly gives some indication of an aspect of occupational mObility. Item 5 asks for the president's involvement in board- 1evel committees largely outside the institution. It also furnishes data about the extent and sector in which such involvement occurs, e.g., business, government, educational associations. Item 6 inquires as to the sex and marital-family status of the respondent. Item 7 requests the respondent to check whether he served as president of another institution prior to assuming his present position. Item 8 reflects a major method of the Warner studies to examine the career pat- terns in five-year intervals of academic presidents. It has been altered to more adequately meet the needs of the academic presidents. Item 9 looks at the position held prior to assuming the present position. Along with the type of organization this item will yield data on an important career point in the upward movement of the presidents. Item 10 breaks down further the career of the respondent if he were in fact a faculty member. It provides vital data about the rank attained, the tenure as a faculty member, departmental affiliations, and types and regions of col- leges associated with for the persons who moved through the teaching hierarchy. 325 In item 11, an examination of the respondent's formal education is made possible through an analysis of his program of study, the degrees earned, and the types and regions where various degrees were attained. Item 12 inquires as to whether the respondent earned membership into some prominent scholarship-leadership honor soci- eties while a student. Item 13 asks for the president's publications and gives some insight into his research and writing interests by topic and quantity. Item 14 notes if the president has been awarded an honorary doctorate from another college or university. In item 15, social origins are explored through an adaptation of the Warner scheme of classifying occupa- tional levels for the respondent's father, paternal grandfather, maternal grandfather, and his wife's father. And in item 16, the respondent is requested to check the extent of schooling for his father and mother. In item 17, a broad test is made as to how important the president considers the three traditional marks of back- ground experience (noted in the literature review): (1) the president must be a scholar, (2) the president must be a successful educational administrator, and (3) the president must be skilled in business and finance. A relative ranking of these attributes was requested. In item 18, an aspect of how the president allocates his time among a variety of activities and publics is struc- tured. A simple ranking is called for along with assign- ing percentages of time spent on the high-priority activities. Item 19 also focuses on time utilization, but it looks only at the persons the president most often sees at his own institution. In this case, percentages are requested for each group of persons listed. Items 20, 21, and 22 were taken exactly from the Warner studies and center on the birthplace of the president and his relatives. He is asked whether he and his family were U.S.-born and where he, in particular, was born by community size and state. The last item of the questionnaire asks specifically whether the respondent had seriously considered a career outside the context of an educational institution. If so, he is asked in which other occupational career and which would be his first choice after education. APPENDIX B THE PILOT STUDY After extensive reading, discussion, and re—working of the questionnaire it was decided to use a table of random numbers and draw a sample consisting of fifty college and university presidents for a pilot mailing and evaluation. (Each institution in the total listing of 1,118 was given a number and served as the population for the random sampling.) The institutions selected (almost 5 per cent of the total) represented all types and sizes of institutions from all regions of the country. A cover letter, questionnaire, and stamped—return envelope were mailed to the presidents of the fifty institutions. Special mention was made for the respon- dent to freely criticize any part of the questionnaire for wording, content, and relevance. Of the 50 questionnaires mailed, some 32 were returned or 64 per cent of the mailing. Out of this return, 29 questionnaires were found usable or 58 per cent. The three questionnaires were found non-usable for the following reasons: in one case the respondent was serving as an acting president and he did not believe he could rightfully complete the questionnaire; in one case the respondent stated he simply did not have time to complete it; and in one case the respondent stated it was a formal policy (due to the great volume of questionnaires received daily) 326 327 not to complete those questionnaires unrelated to the neces- sity of administration of the university. A thorough item—by-item examination of the way in which the questionnaires were filled out was completed as well as a thorough analysis of respondents and non-respon— dents. The analysis of respondents and non-respondents did not indicate that the questionnaire was more readily accepted by presidents of one type, region, or size of institution as opposed to another. Responses were received by presidents of four public universities; presidents of three Catholic liberal arts colleges; presidents of eight public liberal arts colleges; presidents of five private universities; presidents of ten Protestant-related and independent liberal arts colleges; and presidents of two technological institu— tions. Responses were received from presidents of institu- tions in eighteen different states while non—respondents did not come from different or concentrated geographical regions. As far as completing the questionnaire itself, there seemed to be no serious prOblem in answering the items. Only two persons left the items asking for percentages of time utilization completely blank, while the remaining items were filled out in entirety. No serious questions were raised to problems of completing the questionnaire. On the contrary, six specifically mentioned they found it simple and understandable to read and complete. 328 A careful analysis was conducted on eight of the non-respondents by using Who's Who to determine if anything relevant to the person's career could explain a non-response. No particular reason could be determined on the basis of career patterns. It was tentatively concluded after analysis -of the pilot study that the eighteen non-respondents: (1) did not have time nor want to take time to complete the ques— tionnaire; (2) were not interested in the study; (3) did not answer questionnaires as a matter of policy; (4) were serving only as acting or interim presidents; (5) may have negative personal feelings or be unsympathetic to such questionnaire research studies; or (6) may be reacting to a weakness or shortcoming of the questionnaire that was still not apparent to the researcher or to those that responded. It was decided to consider the pilot study an effec- tive evaluation and to proceed to a national mailing for four major reasons: (1) some very busy and prominent pres- idents in the pilot sample responded very easily, completely, and quickly; (2) nothing readily became apparent about the non—respondents that might be overcome through more thorough revision of the questionnaire; (3) the various secondary con- siderations associated with the instrument such as quality of paper of the questionnaire, the content and format of the cover letter listing purposes, sponsors, and advisors, and the timing of the mailing all appeared reasonably effective; and (4) the 64 per cent total response and 58 per cent usable 329 return were unusually high for most comparable mail question- naire studies, and there was reason to believe a second mail- ing would increase the return.* It was further assumed that the national mailing would compare favorably to the pilot study results. *The total percentage returns including two general mailings of the business leader study was 49 per cent and the federal executive study yielded a 69 per cent return. It is known that mail questionnaire studies in social research rarely exceed a 50 per cent response. APPENDIX C ACADEMIC PRESIDENTS' USE OF TIME AND INVOLVEMENT IN BOARDS OF DIRECTORS OUTSIDE THE INSTITUTION This paper has essentially concentrated on the evolving career patterns of academic presidents. One facet emanating from the position of the academic presidency relates to the time demands of the president. More specifi- cally, three items were included in the questionnaire that asked: (1) the percentage of time Spent in seven activities at the institution that typically require the involvement of ifluapresident;(2) the percentage of time spent with seven different persons or groups within or close to the institu- tion; and (3) the extent of membership in a variety of educa- tional, business, and governmental boards of trustees (or regents, directors) that also exert special types of demands on the president. Since the focus of time utilization is not a crucial part of the career pattern story, it has been placed in this section. It offers a brief overview of how presidents believe their time schedules are basically structured in order to presumably fulfill the responsibilities of the presidency. Such a perspective is valuable in its own right, but it more importantly will give a foundation for further needed research that looks sharply at the role of the pres- ident. 330 331 The first role-related item in the questionnaire asked the president to rank the seven activities given in terms of the percentage of time spent in each during a rather typical month. This simple ranking scheme is fraught with obvious difficulties, but it was believed that a scheme that offered a collective and summary analysis for the rank- ings of all presidents might have some merit.1 As will be seen in the table below, there was remarkable consistency in the perception of time use by the presidents which supported the belief that many of the potential methodological limita- tions were not formidable. In Table 76, an accounting of the relative rankings by the presidents of public versus private institutions is given. It can be seen from Table 76 that the presidents of public and private institutions ranked the activities the same with the exception of fund-raising activities and meet- ings with government officials. The public institution presidents placed governmental conferences third, while the private institution presidents in their search for many non- public sources of money and gifts, placed fund—raising third and government meetings last. It should be noted that the' lSuch difficulties included: some activities that a president considers important are missing; simple ranking cannot reveal the amount of distance between each rank; what is typical one month varies with the next; what is typical to one is not typical to another; personal estimates of how time is allocated and used depends upon one's perception and awareness and may be colored by many different conditions. 332 Table 76. Relative rankings of time-consuming activities Rank Given by Rank Given by Presidents of Presidents of Public Private Activity Institutions Institutions General administration 1 1 Meetings with faculty, students, alumni 2 2 Meeting with state legislators 3 7 Educational activities at state and national levels 4 4 Social occasions 5 5 Meetings with business leaders 6 6 Fund-raising 7 3 ranking analysis was conducted for presidents of all types of institutions, for male and female presidents, for presi- dents of differing tenures in office, and the rank order stayed the same as above. To give the full impact of how much time is spent on the two leading activities of general administration and faculty-student conferences, the presidents were also asked to indicate the percentage of time spent on the activities ranked numbers one and two. For general administration (including budget review, planning and evaluating, and policy meetings with central staff), 42 per cent of the presidents said they spent over 50 per cent of their time, while another 22 per cent of the presidents said general 333 administration required between 35 and 50 per cent of their time. Thus, the findings here confirm what John Corson noted about the time needed for administration (page 27). It is somewhat interesting to note that the importance and amount of time spent on general administration did not increase with the size of the institution, but is fairly consistent throughout. As for the second activity of con- ferences with faculty and students, about 64 per cent of the presidents said that such activities required about 20 per cent of their time. Thus, it is apparent in the eyes of the presidents that the two activities of general administration and meet— ings with faculty and students demanded nearly three-fourths of their time. Next, the presidents were asked to focus on the persons or groups within the institution and to indicate the relative percentages of time spent with each in a somewhat typical week. Table 77 gives the results. Academic presidents have noted that they spend more time with their administrative staff than with others, and more than one-third of their time is with their staff. Another 20 per cent of their time is spent with faculty members, and 13 per cent of their time is with students. Again, analysis was broken down by type of institution, sex of the president, region, size of the institution and tenure in office, and there were great similarities to the tabulation 334 Table 77. Average (mean) time spent with persons associated with the institution Average (Mean) Rank Per Cent of Time Person or Group (1=highest) Spent with Each Board of trustee members 5 8 Alumni 7 6 Students 3 13 Faculty (individually or as committees) 2 20 Administrative staff 1 36 Civic leaders 4 10 Others 6 7 on the previous page. However, the smaller institution presidents spend relatively more time with students and faculty and less with their administrative staff than do their counterparts in larger institutions. But 82 per cent of all presidents said that their own administrative staff demanded the most time, and 52 per cent said the faculty were seen second in frequency. The third role-related item investigated in the research centers upon the president's involvement in high level policy-making committees in education, business, gov— ernment, and foundations. Much is heard that presidents have significant involvement, although no ready source supplies any evidence. Table 78 gives the percentage of presidents who are boards of trustee members in a variety of areas outside their own institutions. 335 Table 78. Percentage of presidents holding board of trustee membership outside the institution Per Cent with Membership in More Than Area of Board No One Two Three Three Membership Boards Board Boards Boards Boards Another college 80 14 4 l 0* Education Assn. 49 30 10 6 5 Private Foundation 69 24 5 0* 0* Public Foundation 91 8 0* 0* 0* Business Board 67 21 8 2 2 Government Comm. 63 25 7 2 3 Other types 76 16 4 2 2 *Less than 0.5 per cent. Table 78 indicates that academic presidents are involved in outside policy-making boards, but the involve- ment varies with the type of board. For example, only 9 per cent of academic presidents serve on public foundation boards, while 51 per cent of presidents serve on high-level educational association boards. In general, the presidents of universities have relatively greater involvement in outside boards than do liberal arts college presidents. Furthermore, the type of president least likely to be a member of such boards is the Catholic liberal arts college president. It was also considered whether relatively few presi- dents tended to monopolize board memberships in different areas, such as business, government, foundations, while a 336 fairly large percentage of presidents would actually hold no membership in any boards outside the institution. In actual- ity, it was found that only 9 per cent of all academic pres- idents are not members of a board outside their institution. Moreover, it was learned that 16 per cent of all presidents are members of one type of board, 24 per cent are members of two different types of boards, 24 per cent are members of three different types of boards, and 27 per cent are members of more than three different types of boards. Thus, at least one-fourth of academic presidents do hold membership on at least four boards outside the institution, many of which are in different areas of interest. FT: APPENDIX D SUPPLEMENTARY TABLES Table 79. Official titles used by chief administrative officer Title Per Cent President . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97.0 Chancellor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 Rector . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0.1 Superintendent . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0.7 Total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100.0 Table 80. Number of honorary doctorates received (in per cent) Number of Honorary Doctorates Received Institution of Over President None 1 2 3 4-5 6-10 11-15 15 Total Public univ. 37 18 10 10 12 7 4 2 100 Catholic univ. 74 0 6 5 5 5 5 0 100 Prot. univ. 15 30 10 15 15 10 5 0 100 Indep. univ. 18 18 11 7 18 14 0 14 100 Public lib. arts 72 25 1 l 0 0 l 0 100 Cath. lib. arts 73 21 3 2 0 0 0 0 100 Prot. lib. arts 40 30 18 6 5 1 0 0 100 Indep. lib. arts 36 33 ll 6 8 4 l 0 100 Technological 44 28 8 4 8 4 0 4 100 337 "Il'llllllllllllllllllllllll“ :I------ill