THE CHIEF SCHOOL ADMilNISTRATORQL ' IN SELECTED OVER-SEAS ‘ i f ’ AMERICAN -SPON‘SORED. spHoomg-i. i A STUDY IN CRISIS MANAGEMEM Thesis for the Degree of Ph.»D. " ' ¥ j ; e MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY ’ ; CARLTON L. BENTZ * fl '1972 V ' LIBRAR Y j figchiganf. te r CfSi-Cy ”it. I —--a ‘g-w—rvueg. ”W3”!lllllll/ll/I/llfi/g/g/m///I L This is to certify that the thesis entitled _' ‘ THE CHIEF SCHOOL ADMINISTRATOR " IN SELECTED OVERSEAS AMERICAN-SPONSORED SCHOOLS: A STUDY IN CRISIS MANAGEMENT presented by Carlton L . Bentz has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D . deg“. in Educational Administration / Major professor Date July 31, 1972 0-7639 ‘Ill L 32.3!" l.1 "‘31 a '!:-n we" «5‘. ABSTRACT THE CHIEF SCHOOL ADMINISTRATOR IN SELECTED OVERSEAS AMERICAN-SPONSORED SCHOOLS: A STUDY IN CRISIS MANAGEMENT BY Carlton L. Bentz This study explores the patterns of behavior of twafiwbtwo individuals who had occupied the position of chief sdmml administrator in selected American-sponsored schools lmxued in the American Republics during the period 1965-1970. Itikwused on the individuals' perceptions of the world of woflo mo oowmmo "upon mo oohsom mam.HH Awo.eav mmmqmr mmm mmm o mam eve em NHIOH moeeuw lam.o~c mmm.m 0mm eom mm was eea mm are messed inm.mmv Hoe.m mam mam mm mam mas sea are messed lee.emc eem.m mme Hme NHH ems mmm was mIH mousse Awm.mav omm.a mom Hmm as mam eom me Hoosomroue ..q s m n s m Arc Hence HH 30Hm®m H Goamom .Ho>wH ocmnm MA usmEHHOHGm unocsum .v.m mamdfi w those schools 2: pore societies Within the ruled in scope a structural aspect :2 the respective It: categorized - l. A basic L. 2. A basic U 3. Dual curr of the sa 4. The blend eludes re programs instructi Generally Eitcols were aSp 5131"- as host nat elements frc Eography’ and Er The langr file English and ': line devoted :5 basic Patter 45 kw those schools which enroll children and youths of two or more societies. Within these thirteen schools, the curricular patterns varied in scope and scale in terms of their substantive and mnmctural aspects as well as the portion of time devoted Unthe reSpective curricula and the language of instruction. Cur categorized these as follows: 1. A basic Latin American program 2. A basic U.S. program 3. Dual curricula (characterized by the teaching of the same subject in two languages) 4. The blended or integrated curriculum which in— cludes requirements of Latin American and U.S. programs but does not duplicate subject matter instruction in two languages. Generally included in the curricular patterns in these schxfls were aspects of the host national education system mum.as host national geography, civics, history;and Spanish mulelements from the U.S. curriculum such as U.S. history, geography, and English. The languages utilized as the instructional media wemeEnglish and Spanish. Various patterns of the portion oftfime devoted to instruction in each language existed and unabasic patterns are identified in the followingmodels:7 English Spanish Mbdel I - A program where instruction is equally divided between English and Spanish. Typically, a school Operating under this program will have one session, either morning or afternoon, offered in one language and the other session offered in the second. Sometimes, the instruction given in one language is duplicated in the other. In other instances, the instruction is extended in the second language. ~ Model II - P in both lanc_ same amount the two lang manner. Ty} is a technic Model III - and as the and less ti: until all i the final p subject in designed to Enillish. llodel IV _ it the begj 1“ Emllish and more. ti until all 0fitted in Sllbject in 46 Model II — A program in which instruction is offered in both languages, giving each one approximately the same amount of time, but any time—block may contain the two languages used in an integrated or blended manner. Typically, but not necessarily, team teaching is a technique used in this type of program. English I \\ - Spanish \-__-____ Model III - Instruction begins totally in Spanish and as the student gains mastery of English, less and less time is devoted to instruction in Spanish until all instruction is offered in English. In the final phase Spanish may be studied as another subject in the curriculum. Model III is typically designed to make the student completely fluent in English. \ipseist _- English\—-———~———- Model IV - Model IV is the reverse of Model III- At the beginning all the instruction is offered in English, and as the student progreSSGSI more. and more time is devoted to instruction in SpanlSh until all, or almost all of the instruction lS offered in Spanish. English is studied as another subject in the curriculum. Model V ‘ In predominantlj taught Eithe language in ‘ llodel VI- Tl llodel VI. 1 while anglis subject or ‘ are taught.‘ hereditation The educa ere reported t: agencies. With Endemic progra: is accredited o Enonsible acc 35': national e ‘35 schools wer tilleges and Sr it matter of L"Chilton VIII 47 English Spanish Model V — In this model the program is offered predominantly in English, but Spanish is also taught either as another subject or as the language in which other subjects may be taught. Spanish English Model VI— The reverse of Model V is depicted in Model VI. Instruction is offered in Spanish, while English is also offered either as another subject or gs the language in which other subjects are taught. Accreditation The educational programs in these American schools were reported to be accredited by one or more accrediting agencies. Within the host national education system, the mmdemic programs were either wholly or partially recognized as accredited or "approved" programs of study by the responsible accrediting agency of the provincial or federal lmst national education authorities. In addition some of Hm schools were accredited by the Southern Association of COlle9es and Schools, a U.S. regional accrediting agency. Whe matter of accreditation will be discussed more fully in Chapter VIII .) The modal schools at the t 1. A life SP 2. A student 3' A multina 4, PreschOOI 5. A third C Spanish 1 5, Academic p.5. edut In Since these ties and in th azaJor objecti estitutional g ioistrators we School of N To two rest location of the fey were assol EItguently, it ill in artic it most diffi tin or nediu 2s- «lifeless 48 Summary The modal institutional pattern of the American schools at the time of this study included: 1. A life span of twenty—five years. 2. A student enrollment from between 500 to 1,000. 3. A multinational’ student body. 4. Preschool elementary and secondary schooling. 5. A third culture curriculum with English and Spanish utilized as media of instruction. 6. Academic accreditation by host national and U.S. education authorities. Institutional Goals and Objectives Since these American schools had developed at different times and in their development had undergone modifications, a major objective of the study was to determine the existing institutional goals and objectives. The chief school ad— mhfistrators were asked, "How would you describe the American School of ?" No two respondents regardless of tenure, size, or location of the school, described the school with which theY were associated in exacting or exactly the same terms. Frequently, it was observed that the respondents had diffi- cultY in articulating an answer. Those individuals who had theInost difficulty generally were administrators in the small or medium school, who possessed short periods of tflnme——less than two years. In contrast, the administrators in the 1arge SCh Tears or more' a statement almost The chiei its schools <20r11 Tonal themeS W] articular emPh' here emerged a :ategorized as Educational Fun The resp tional function is United Stat he host natir Tans, such as hglish“ both ' bilingual educ. The sco iilcational fu irhetween the Fillieularisti ‘iT-S exemplif Eggschoo] soil) and 18 bar Edication. 49 in the large schools, who had extensive tenure, ten years or more, articulated a well—formulated descriptive statement almost in rote style. The chief school administrators' descriptions of the schools contained broad and diverse clusters of func— tional themes which were highly interwoven in terms of their particular emphasis. However, from these descriptions, there emerged a bimodal functional pattern which might be categorized as educational and public service. Educational Function The respondents described the institution's educa- tional functions as "preparation for higher education in the United States," "preparation for higher education in (the host nation» "preparation for terminal training pro- grams, such as "bilingual secretarial course," "to teach English" both to youths and adults, and to provide "bicultural, bilingual education here in the overseas setting." The scope, scale,and emphasis placed on each of the educational functions were not generally equalized within or between these schools; rather each school possessed a Particularistic functional pattern. The following descrip— tions exemplify the range of these patterns: The school was designed for American and (h9g3 EEEEQEEL) citizens; it is bilingual and binational and is based on the seven cardinal prinCiPleS 0f education. To prePare A Girls Of ele for instit“t States. It is a (9.6.1: tindergarter (resist) I as a second American cuI primarily a] aforeign 1' program and students. In addition bilingual 5 There wa Large schools t Suction in ter :stitutions of :eo’iun school, asonewhat more :erninal educa‘ Public Service The sch 5'! the respond l the themes heir educatic Toe descriptiv Eill-Me better 5311001’ I! w a at ' lldtlonal 1m 50 To prepare American and other national boys and girls of elementary and secondary school age for institutions of higher learning in the United States. It is a (national) institution that undertakes Kindergarten through Preparatoria to serve (national) higher education and to teach English as a second language along with some notions of American culture. Primarily an institution for teaching English as a foreign language. We have an adult education program and afternoon programs for high school students. In addition to our regular program, we have a bilingual secretarial training course. There was a tendency for the administrators in the large schools to conceptualize the school's educational function in terms of its role in preparing students for institutions of higher learning, while in the small and medium school, the educatiOnal function was perceived in asomewhat more limited perspective, that is providing a terminal education function. Public Service Function The school's service orientation was often expressed by the respondents in idealistic and nonspecific terms, and the themes were blurred and overlapping in terms of their educational, social, and political significance. The descriptive statements contained phrases such as "to promote better understanding," "to serve as a showcase school," "a model of excellence," or "to demonstrate U.S. educational methods." Frequent nubinational a the school was I 3.5. culture in he respondents ilendlnerican a secure understar interact,“ and live together i: lationship. " Three re :rientation in conflict nexus Zcznunism. " ThESe p1; is monoPeratior l difficult t 3:. limit: abstre "In?“ the SChooI The adm ii an organize students of iescriptiOHS r RS Open.ended 51 Frequent reference was made to the bicultural and binational aspect of the school and in this capacity, the school was perceived in symbolic terms as representing U.S. culture in the overseas setting. Within this context, the respondents expressed the school's mission as "to blend American and host national points of view," "to secure understanding that develops as kids and teachers interact," and "to help the two nations coexist and live together in a more responsible type of foreign re- lationship." Three respondents expressed their school's service orientation in ideological terms within an East—West conflict nexus and perceived its function as "to fight Communism." These public service functions, in effect, served as nonoperational goals, that is, goals that are abstract and difficult to identify in practice. Moreover, because of their abstract quality, they provided few clues as to what the schools should do to implement them. Summary The administrators perceived the American schools as an organization committed to providing schooling for dependents of a minimum of two nationalities. Their I descriptions revealed a consensus that the school's mission was open-ended and "broad—aimed" within both an educational mda public 581“ gerceived the sc? ihctional goals insititution and school's goals C were in conflict taming a sembla The Chief To fulfi: :f'in'terlocking jettion of the from the Americ he responsibil Ihese individua szhool as one c terican school the saw the j< igreat deal 0: ' ‘ ' Adm: running a . . . I gu the school MM ev Being the“ wining a1 kmds of t __.__—_———.———— 52 and a public service nexus. Furthermore, the respondents perceived the schools as possessing dual and/or partial functional goals which were thought to transcend the insititution and to be binational in nature. As such,the school's goals constituted a coalition of goals which often were in conflict and were dysfunctional in terms of main— tahfing a semblance of organizational stability. The Chief School Administrator at Work To fulfill the American school's broad-aimed cluster ofointerlocking educational and service goals, a high pro- portion of the chief school administrators were recruited from the American education profession and were delegated the responsibility for the overall management of the schools. These individuals perceived managing the overseas American school as one of articulating the dual functions of the American school in the cross—cultural setting. They further- more saw the job as being highly complex and one that required a great deal of effort, as the following comments illustrate: . . . Administering this school is like running a three ring circus . . . I guess you could compare running the school to putting a puzzle together without ever seeing the box top. Being the administrator of the school meant wearing all kinds of hats and doing all kinds of things. ,f v we ,«mw“‘fii In respon' ‘Lerdest Parts Of 2'32 administrato iocation: indica “keeping the puI ‘ieqeneral asse Prat the Sch001 35350115 'whYI t] than" and "P“: je"C0nStant e :3 give the Sch finance. The Hat” with school i es envisioned fiction of 31‘ nstitutionali' in the wid- tcncept is tho segment of soc rxstitution. area of este on l_ ‘ he Natu \IELO]: w Medium SCI Within 11% task was : fate of the c 53 In response to the question, "What is one of the hardest parts of your task as chief school administrator?" the administrators, regardless of the school's size and its location, indicated that the nature of the problem was "keeping the purpose of the school clearly in the minds of the general assembly and board members," "trying to inter- pret the school to the community," and "establishing the reasons 'why' the school existed." They stressed that "human" and "public relations" functions were required in the "constant efforts" to secure the cooperation needed to give the school a semblance of direction and organizational balance. The nature of the requirement of keeping "the purpose of the school in the minds" of the community varied and was envisioned by the chief school administrators as a function of size, location, and the degree of the school's institutionalization both in terms of the work organization and in the wider community. Institutionalization as a concept is thought to be a function of acceptance by a segment of society to sustain or' legitimize an idea or institution. The broader the acceptance, the greater the degree of establishment. The Nature of the Task in the Small and Medium School Within the small and medium school, the nature of the task was frequently contingent upon the high turnover rate of the chief school administrator. Within the three all schools or eight administra while one schoo: he five year pm administrators: are school had Within t assumed the lea aid the task 0 them series c inoted to esta Integrity" age and distracting One res] mm and . ii! on a "tria first “10ch 0 f 91111ng ev There are Organizati reCords ti‘. even have Ionly War ammm& This em texisteHCe : from 1955.197! 1:5" been fill “ht Can be i 54 mmfll schools over the five year period, there had been enflu:administrators; two schools had three administrators iflfile one school had two. In the six medium schools over flmafive year period, there had been eleven different mhunistrators: three schools had three administrators; mueschool had two; while two schools had no turnover. Within the schools, each successive individual who amsumed the leadership role reported that he was confronted vfith the task of redefining the school and was confronted vfith a series of crises that required much attention to be ckwoted to establishing and maintaining the institution's 'fintegrity" against pressures that were considered as weakening and distracting. One reSpondent, who was employed as an elementary guincipal and assumed the position of chief school‘administra— 'UH on a "trial basis" when the incumbent resigned after the first month of school, reported that: Pulling everything together here is hell . . . There are no policy guidelines . . . . Organization here is null and void .'. . 1 The records that exist are incomplete . .“. t I dOn't even have a curriculum guide . . . . Believe me, I only want to get things to a point where they are workable. This event transpired in an institution that had been hiexistence for a quarter of a century, but during the period frmn1365—1970, the position of chief school administrator hmiheen filled by three individuals. The institution was mdmt can be identified as being in a state of organizational lth and eVince hstitution had fiistence. Ten reSPC in overseas I 5~mgequent1YI m ”is institutiOm Letine express‘ “:mthev were f' stool based Pr its educational associated back Moreover :siimm school, service functic ms of a quid :zediate conce id immediacy : iscisions to g ReSpond articulating t tie prior to Etrceived the iii can be sc ”tel expre .er teaching 1 55 limbo and evinced a "just-getting-organized" syndrome. The institution had a continual although not stable pattern of existence. Ten respondents indicated that they had no conception of an overseas American school prior to assuming the position. Subsequently, not only were the administrators redefining the institutional orientation and organization from a point in time expressed in the phrase, "'Since I got here . . .," but they were formulating a concept of an overseas American school based primarily on the exigencies of the moment and the educational enterprise with which they were last associated back home. Moreover, at the management level in the small and medium school, the school‘s combined educational and public service functions provided little to the administrator in terms of a guide for action. Stress was placed on the immediate concerns associated with administrative tasks, and immediacy sometimes broadened into making arbitrary decisions to give the school another direction. Respondents frequently stressed difficulty in articulating the institutional goals related to commitments made prior to their assuming. the position. The administrators perceived the school's problems and issues as being the kind that can be solved rationally through educational methodology, and they expressed this in such terms as sufficient readers for teaching English, the prOper texts for modern math, training more nttern to team Mature of t the Lar e Sc In the 1 edition was shinistrator lividual for a ladserved for years, while 0 here was a qr dese transnat formally estab tube in exist established in its larger bin The ind association wi stool," “1 ca inividual del tsummhat br aloader socia I can only i along them i the r must move. F— 56 (mmaining more science equipment, and changing the staffing pattern to team teaching. The Nature of the Task in the Large School In the large school, a more stable organizational cxmdition was observed. The position of chief school mkfinistrator was more likely to be occupied by one in— cfimidual for a longer period of time--two respondents' had served for over twenty years, two for ten to fifteen years, while only one had served as little as four years. There‘was a greater tendency for the goal structure of these transnational enterprises to be recorded, for a flnmmlly established education law or policy statement 'uibe in existence, and for a broad—based legitimation established in the wider binational local community and flmelarger binational network. The individuals in these schools expressed their association with the school in terms, "I grew up with the sdxxflq“ "I came here when," and "those days." The individual defined the problems confronting the school in aisomewhat broader context, as being interrelated with the kmoader social network. One long-term administrator stated: I can change things here in only if my community is ready to go along with me. It is my job to keep them informed and to be sensitive to the range of how far I can push. I must gain their support before I can move. The need sensitivity to clientele was s process in thes emblems were reams of study The lar slated to the 51d issues wer inwative org formulated and reported that in major progra try and seconu us much broad tbasic resea Smith and dev Sitiling adrniss formulating an dong America In the if the chief iiStitutional mil direc dine. In stitiltion wi 57 The need for maintaining "public relations" and sensitivity to the various segments of the supporting clientele was stressed. Furthermore, the decision-making process in these schools tended to be less arbitrary: problems were more likely to be solved through rational means of study and discussion. The large schools had dynamic qualities that were related to the dual functional goals. The school's problems and issues were viewed from a professional perspective and innovative organizational solutions were more likely to be formulated and implemented. Each of three respondents reported that his respective school was currently involved in major program improvement activities at both the elemen— tary and secondary levels. The public service dimension was much broader in these schools: one school was involved in basic research for the host nation in the area of child growth and development and in a testing program for de- signing admission tests; three schools were involved in formulating an institution of higher education designed along American education lines. In the large schools, the lengthy tenure pattern of the chief school administrator seemingly enhanced the institutionalization of the school's functions in terms of general direction and in scope and scale of the consociate venture. In a sense, these individuals provided the in- stitution with a past, present, and in most instances a future perspective that wa lithe wider conunun meemhedded in di meohool was affi dilauthropic found home of the large school was legally he host national g articulating the s orientation as dif ms compounded by Andean school. I slated to the abse llals, recorded po L1Other words, th 'mritage with any Tintenance system STrounded the adn The data it isvented with t] iirteen American “'5 and space an 58 perspective that was institutionalized to a great extent in the wider community in varying forms. These schools were embedded in distinct, well-formulated, social groups: one school was affiliated with a private, host national philanthropic foundation; one school's broad base was in one of the largest overseas American community; another school was legally established as a laboratory school by the host national government; while one school was more dependent upon a highly protean binational community. Summary The chief school administrator perceived his role of articulating the school's educational and public service orientation as difficult and highly complex. The difficulty was compounded by the degree of institutionalization of the American school. Low institutionalization appeared to be related to the absence of a recorded history with‘ prescribed goals, recorded policy procedures, and tenure continuity. In other words, the mode was an absence of an institutional heritage with any well-defined institutional boundary maintenance system. Consequently, conditions of stress surrounded the administrator in performing his role. Summary The data in this chapter outlined the events associated with the establishment and proliferation of the thirteen American schools within various periods of social time and Space and described the broadly defined, educational ntpnblic service tytie chief school direction. In addi tiewnrk role in th The form of schools utilized wa are that was both institutional patte terentiated and big function, since eac social setting. I associal institut' ‘ie reSponsibility segments of two or niysical location c it is in this caper ehcational institr i 5. and public service function nexi which were perceived by the chief school administrators as giving-the schools direction. In addition, the administrators described briefly the work role in the American schools. The form of social organization which these thirteen schools utilized was a corporate—like organizational struc- k ture that was both private and binational. The generic institutional pattern that evolved in each school was dif- ferentiated and highly complex in both its structure and function, since each school was located in its particularistic social setting. In reality, these schools were described as social institutions that have assumed as their raison d'etre the responsibility for the formal schooling of children of segments of two or more societies--one indigenous to the physical location of the school and the other "foreign." It is in this capacity that these schools serve as educational institutions embedded in the third culture. 1The America scoot Foundation , 2Kenneth J. tnerica," The Elem intatin America, " Education, VLXII , Association of Sch 6Orr, “Bina 7Southeaste of the Bilingual S i 6. FOOTNOTES, CHAPTER II 1The American School Foundation, "The American Ekmool Foundation, A.C. 75 Years of Service," p.8. 2Kenneth J. Relage, "American Schools in Latin Emerica," The Elementary School Journal, LV, Nov. 1954, p. 128. 3Dean T. Fitzgerald, "Role of American Schools im.Latin America," The School Review, Journal of Secondary Enucation, VLXII, December 1955, pp. 290-297. 4Roy T. Davis, "American Private Schools in Latin America," The Bulletin of the National Association of Secondary School Principals, Vol. XXIX, May 1945, p. 319. 5American Association of School Administrators, 'Whe Mission Called O/OS," Washington D.C.: American Association of School Administrators, 1966, p. 35. 6 Orr, "Binational Schools in Latin America," p. 122. 7Southeastern Education Laboratory, "Razon de Ser ci'the Bilingual School," Mexico City: Lito-Reforma, pp. 1-4. WORF The thirtee: principal urban ce that John and Ruth binational communi iiesebinational c tions that embodie seashmsrican, and To attain a 0f the segments w: utilized the scho tions such as, “W binational commun its dominant occu the 531001? How is .nreract with eat mes each affect to « Lhese question SStiion. CHAPTER III WORK—RELATED INTERACTION WITH THE BINATIONAL COMMUNITY Introduction The thirteen American schools were located in Enincipal urban centers which contained the outlines of nflmt John and Ruth Useem and Donoghue identified as a modern lfinational community with its concomitant third culture.l These binational communities contained aggregate popula- tions that embodied members of the host society, the over- seas American, and members of various other societies. To attain a degree of understanding about the nature cm the segments within the binational community that ruilized the schools, the administrators were asked ques- ifions such as, "What is the national composition of the lflnational community that supports the school? What are the dmminant occupational affiliations of those who support Umsschool? How do.segments of these collectivities interact with each other? and with the school?“ and “How does each affect the administrative process?" The answers 'UDthese questions constitute the data for the following section. 61 The Characte Using the origin as the basi tie constituencies rhich support the in segments varie size and national The host n ranged in size fro tween 37 and 97 pe schools. The Amer 2,185members and the total student any ranged from 2 toil percent of t Although I iienumber of fam: flint supported the family it could b< family units usin it is evident the national segment titre would be sc 3-5- families, as F—— ‘62 The Characteristics of the Binational Community The Size and National Composition- of the Constituency Within the Bi— national, Communities that Support the American Schools Using the student enrollment and student national origin as the basis for determining the sc0pe and scale of the constituencies within the local binational communities which support the schools, it is evident that these support— ing segments varied from locality to locality in terms of size and national origin. (See Table 3.1) The host national constituency in these schools ranged in size from 164 to 1,378 members and comprised be— tween 37 and 97 percent of the student pOpulation of these schools. The American attendants ranged between six and l,185 members and constituted between 3 and 56 percent of the total student pOpulation. The third country constitu— ency ranged from zero to 143 members and comprised from 0 to 12 percent of the total student population. Although no exact means was available to determine the number of family units within the binational community that supported the school, utilizing two children per family it could be inferred that there were some 5,700 family units using the school's services. From Table 3.1 it is evident that the number of children; from the host. national segment was frequently greater; more precisely, there would be some 3,850 host national families, 1,500 U.S.‘families, and 315 third country families. A 2 m .H S m HH SOHmflm H SOHOTM ukfluafinrnvdunvmgou Dufioonum “flue—uhnW—Na an”. “0 ukufimsflhno HMCOHgfic “VF-“fl ”Ne-um man”. . canon. ”HRH“. 63 .mHoonom mmomno>o mo oommmo "spot mo condom stirssrrsrr Hmuoe mem.m mmo.H Hmm mam mom mmm mam.m Hem.m mmm mam hem mmm mmm sir rrr its. Its. not its mes me mom man as mmm mm mm mm mm mm mm no accompmz mm men OHH mm mm mm men s mm mm mm s s mnnasoo sense s mmm mmm §wmm mam mme mam mom mm mew mom mom mmm mm Ammm NV smm mam mam sea mom on mmH.H mm mom mom mm es s Hmaomumz .m D mmm mme mes mmm mms mme mmm mmm mmm mmm mmm mmm mmm Amom.mv Hem ems mme emm mom mom ems mem.m mme «Hm ome mmm mom Hmaompmz umom e m e m m m e m m e m m H .H 2 m 2 HH commmm H somwmm iii .moamSpvaGOo m.HOO£0m smomuwfid map m0 CHmHMO HMGOfluofl was wNHm wSB ill] .H.m GHQME he lost National Cc The host nati society in terms of oneity, and territc we considered under udteclmological do soiool administrato: or representatives ienajority of the personal relations social group in the lief school admini iesocial interac is being built aro anyone, and every This large and me larger urban locali ascribed the host its more different: The majoritj literally describes '30! the upper and foilies" who were floooronunity. On ‘so' felt elements “Wu the host one mllent body. 64 The Host National Collectivity The host nationals emanated from a small scale society in terms of the size of pOpulation, ethnic homo- geneity, and territorial size. Moreover, the society was considered underdeveloped in terms of its economic and technological development. The majoritiy of the chief school administrators described the host national parents as representatives of a small scale social group in which the majority of the participants had regularized inter— personal relations with members of their own reSpective social group in the wider host national community. The chief school administrator in the small school described the social interaction of the host national constituency as being built around the social network that" "includes everyone, and everyone knows everyone else." In contrast, in the large and medium schools which were located in larger urban localities, the chief school administrators described the host national social network as one that was; more differentiated . The majority of the chief school administrators generally described the host national parent as coming from the upper and upper middle class; they were "good families“ who were socially and economically prominent in the community. Only four administrators indicated that they felt elements from the whole socioeconomic range within the host national community were represented in the student body . An analysi he sent their dep identifies the par which supports the From Table students were most those work affilia category (3,848); unto roles. Withi seventy-five perce The second as business, eit legion I, 48.3 pe host national par The third as government (44 parents in Region engaged in work r< government. No he sorting for the U Host nati loited Nations, 1 organizations we: ill both Region I Totional parents 01 other internai r____—_ 65 An analysis of the work roles of the host nationals who sent their dependents to the American school further identifies the parameters of the host national community which supports the school. (See Table 3.2) From Table 3.2, it is evident that the host national students were most frequently dependents of host nationals oflmme work affiliations were classified in the "other" work category (3,848); that is, they were private or self-employed sunk roles. Within Region I, 44.4 percent and in Region II, seventy-five percent were in.this category. The second most frequent parental work affiliation was business, either corporate or private (2,012). Within Region I, 48.3 percent and in Region II, 17.5 percent of lmmt national parents had business work affiliations. The third most frequent parental work affiliation was government (440). Seven percent of the host national parents in Region I and 6.9 percent in Region II were engaged in work roles associated with the host national government. No host national parents were reportedly working for the U.S. government. Host national parental work affiliations with the [fluted Nations, international organizations, and religious cnganizations were reported to be minimal (twenty-eight). Insboth Region I and II, less than 1 percent of the host rational parents were affiliated with the United Nations cu'other international organizations. Moreover, less than I. I- In IIIIII‘II u mad—éflkvoo HH Column“ H “Gina IIUIIIIT-JUI onlvtiowdiovlvr- Ulric: the ulnth:.hU‘.1.-...H.H.ru la Vanna...» o..." Sarawak-.1 n . Tune. . '11-..I. 66 .mHoosom mommwo>o mo oommmo "sump mo mousom Ham. m Hem vow mmm 0mm mmm va hmmam hmb m2 mmm mam own mmm mom mmuoe . II. . .ouw .mwowsmmsm vammw Av.vvv . .mnososmm .wuoaumm Hmm how wa mNm mmH om vom.a mwdn m2 hha mmm mmm mm mNH .mpmmuswo .mummsmq mN.0v .muouooav muwauo o r o o o o o m m o r m a o o msommmmom Av.vflv Ao.ovv . oum>mum w Hmooq .mmv I ma HNN mHH ow mm .NmH.H Hem I mow mm QHH mom om .mmmcflmflm Hoflflo S . ms 2. . t emumflmmmmn m. s «OH mm m e mm mm ma hmm mwa o .Nm ma w o NH w .m.D .muouomnoo wmoGHmDm Am.ov AH.ov memosmmm mm mm H v w HmsomumsuousH w 25 I I I I I I I l I I I I I I I .U.B Ao.nv mmm om me .. mg as m mom mm mz mm mm 2 am am “Mom I o o o o o o o s o o o ”musmesso>ow .H. 0 m V m N H .H. N. 0 m V m N H A . z m a z m HH commom H commmm .mUGGUSUm HMGOHfiwG “won m0 mQOflUMHHHmMM #H03 Hmuflmhmm N.m QHQfiB lperoent of the nth affiliations legion II, no host category. In summary, sere dependents of classified as "0th affiliation; and s such affiliation. The host na herican schools w tolling positions society, positions hytraditional an administrators des iessionals,“ “busi oiticials," who we the vocations-ti Titheban ," “not he host national inIasegment of total elites in Tins such they atTooooooity. From the C ifthe host nati: ”Idol pattern I 67 1 percent' of the host national parents in Region I held work affiliations with religious organizations while in Region II, no host nationals were employed in this work category. In summary, six out of ten host national students were dependents of host nationals, who had a work affiliation classified as "other"; three out of ten had a business work affiliation; and seven out of one hundred had a governmental work affiliation. The host national collectivities associated with the American schools were described by the administrators as holding positions of authority and power within the wider society, positions which were both ascribed and achieved by traditional and modern standards. The chief school administrators described the host national parents as "pro- fessionals," "businessmen," or "Upper level government officials," who were recognized leaders within their respec- tive vocations--the "best doctor in town," the "president of the bank," "noted lawyers," "senators, and "governors." The host national parent was further described as represent— ing a segment of the business, professional, and govern— mental elites in the locality and in the respective nation, and as such they‘were members of the power structure of the community. From the chief school administrators' descriptions 0f the host national parents who had children in the school, a modal pattern emerged: these parents were highly educated, sequently one or or another foreign intents of their parents' choice of schooling for thei orientation. The elements of the ho represented a subc hich they stemmed helmerican Colle The oversea large scale socie heterogeneity, an tselopnent as wel humanity general] hoh' rather than social boundaries . If the American St Only those concentrations of hosiery maintena This such as the itshoerican Chan intions such as leadership for ti occupied by a no 68 frequently one or both parents spoke or understood English or another foreign language, they shared a modern orientation in terms of their life style and world View, and these parents' choice of the American school as the source of schooling for their dependents exemplified this modern orientation. The host national parents shared significant elements of the host culture, yet in a real sense they represented a subculture of the broader host society from which they stemmed . The American Collectivigy The overseas American collectivity emanated from a large scale society, not only in terms of~population, ethnic heterogeneity, and territorial size,‘ but in' technological development as well. However, the overseas American community generally was more in the form of a "loose net— work" rather than a stable community with well-defined social boundaries, and it, too, represented a subculture of the American society in the overseas setting. Only those communities where there were large concentrations of Americans had any visible outlines of a boundary maintenance system, and these included social clubs such as the American Society, the American Legion, the American Chamber of Commerce, and international organ— izations such as Kiwanis, Rotary, Lions, etc. The social leadership for the local American community was frequently occupied by a high—ranking U.S. government official. In other locations , wh mican students, nmmoity were blu herican instituti leadership for the tutheU.S. reside generally the Amer proposed of long-t An analysis sent their depends identifies the par supports the schoo From the d evident that the huts of parents w either corporate c descent and in Reg The second as the “other" or uployed work roll Thin Region II, The third its government (5 hwhich there WE 33. students who it U.S. governmr 69 other locations, where the schools had a small number of American students, the outlines of the local American community were blurred and diffused. There were few American institutions aside from the American school. Leadership for the American community was usually ascribed to the U.S. resident with the longest tenure overseas, and generally the American community was more likely to be composed of long-term residents. An analysis of the work roles of the Americans who sent their dependents to the American schools further identifies the parameters of the American community which supports the school. (See Table 3.3) From the data presented in the Table 3.3, it is evident that the U.S. students were most frequently depenv dents of parents whose work affiliations were business, either corporate or private (1,546) . Within Region I, 62 percent and in Region II, 22.1 percent were in this category. The second most frequent parental work affiliation was the "other" category; that is they were private or self— employed work roles (676). Within Region I, 22.9 percent and in Region II, 22.1 percent were in this category. The third most frequent parental work affiliation was government (553) . If the schools were located in cities in which there were U.S. Embassies or Consulates, there were U.S. students whose parents had work roles associated with the U.S. government. Within Region I, only 8.1 percent of m V m I'tltl‘alll'illsll“ .l‘ I Tu. H 0—0ng I 'fl. rho-“uln- l Ins-IL H0 flnvrfiulokrlruosfiuorlodl. Idaho} run-“uninildl-uln! I n I no” 0 runs “R ‘IN..\ .mH0030m mmomnw>o mo oommmo "memo mo ochsom omw.m mmm «mm mam and mom nos ewm.m mmm.m om mom mom mm we o memos N .II III rlIl II II .I IIIIII. III. II. III. III. III. II. Amm.NNv . .Opo .Gmfimwamm s s Ama.mmv o macaw: muososmm va mm hm hm ma mm NH va 09H NON ma VN QH m amhmfihmm .mesommfi guano .ov Amo.ov AWN on m om o mm mm emm mm mm am am mm m o msoemmmom A omv Awmfiohfiv Umg mmN I HH mN ON 6N HN mmm mmH PH m mm m 0H I mgwxfiuum w H0009 mom moosmmsm Ammo.va ELVJVflv mowvméaflmmfi mm so Hm omm owe me om mm m m o no emasoe.m.o ohm mm mm mm mmosmmsm opmuomnoo Amh.ov Amm.ov onOGwmm mm m m o o o o m a m o m o o o o mmaompmanouaH a 29 SKUMV HMfiOMfiMZ \wHflgOU me o m m mm mm o o o o o o o o r snare was boom mucoecuo>ow . .opo .mmuou oommm Awh.mmv Awa my .omsowoa mo .ummm oom mm mm mm mm mm m mmm HHH I mm mm o oumum no .umoo usossuo>ow .m.D HMHOB w m m m N H. HmuOB h o m m m N H .H S m .H E m HH sommmm H acmwmm .musopouw .m.o mo somummmmmum Rhos Houseman .m.m canoe the dependents cam it one substantial Religious w pent parental wor percent and in Reg Parental wo or other internati less than 1 per this type of work In summary, dependents of U.S time; two out of seven out of one i ioten had “other' The work pr 1loss a function 0{the mediate , hmercial center located, large pr entiled in busine i it01‘s underdeve "it located, ment llJKell to be invc will enterprise i l 71 the dependents came from this sector, whereas in Region II, it was substantially higher or 32.7 perCent. In Region II, 3.7 percent had work affiliations with governments other that the U.S. government. Religious work affiliations were the next most fre- quent parental work affiliation (196) . .In Region I, 6.6 percent and in Region. II, 65. percent were in this category. 1 Parental work affiliations with the United Nations or other international organizations were-minimal (15) . Less than 1 percent in both Regions I and II reported this type of work affiliation. In summary, five out of ten U.S. students were dependents of U.S. nationals who had business work affilia— tions; two out of ten had governmental work affiliations; seven out of one hundred had religious affiliations and two in ten had "other" work roles. The work patterns of the overseas American seeming— ly was a function of the economic and social development of the immediate locale. In the large industrial and commercial centers, where the large and medium schools were located, large proportions of the American community were engaged in business or government work roles. In contrast, in more underdeveloped localities, where the small schools were located, members of the American community were more likely to be involved in religious, agricultural, or mining enterprises and few if any were associated with the U. S . government . Implicit i woemembers of th seas by choice, whi their work role. he large Americ Lion was described intone promotions renperformed a re rotational communi within the host 5 status. In a sen roonooic, educati Moreover, was was his role Techief school a Significant to the lithe idealized I tried to portray: The Amerir the U.S. . We are in image of the The repre “ordinal collecti ill) of the busi is affiliated, ; 72 Implicit in these work patterns was the fact that puma members of the overseas American communities were over- seas by choice, while others were sent overseas by virtue of their work role. Frequently,for the up—and-coming executive in a large American organization, learning the foreign opera- tion was described as a necessity and a stepping stone to :flmmre promotions back in the States. Collectively, these men performed a representative role for the respective U.S. smwational community--business, government, or professional-- oflthin the host society and in this role they held a guest status. In a sense, they represented Overseas the American emmmmuc, educational, and political elites. Moreover, implicit in the American's presence over- seas‘was his role as a representative of a foreign nation. Emachief school administrators perceived this role as being significant to the Americans overseas and frequently referred mathe idealized American image which the American parents tried to portray: The American parents try to give the best image of the U.S. We are in a foreign country and we don't want the image of the U.S. to suffer. The representative roles, both in terms of the larger rational collectivity of which they were a member and in tenmsof the business organization with which the American rum affiliated, provided the individual American overseas with his social st parents made by c Here in government (U. sale. We have th our school. H From the 0 their life style ho had children ' on social activi waste; for men, lserican commit national community tdqeof the host I lehnerican over: is. the Third Country The third Tootsies of the issue (234), Me) hrica (95), Non iii (55), and t1 in“lily national 73 rfith his-social status within the local community. Typical mmments made by chief school administrators were: Here in , the parents who are employed by the government (U.S.S are very socially prominent individ- uals. We have the children of the head of (U.S. firm) in our school. He is well known here. From the chief school administrators' descriptions cm the American collectivity within the binational community, a modal pattern emerged: The parents were highly educated; their life style overseas was similar to the host national odm had children in the schools; they were involved in vari- rnm social activities--for the women there were teas, PTA, cmnashx for men, golf and hunting-~not only in the overseas Zmerican community but also in varying degrees with the host national community, especially if they possessed a knowl- edge of the host national language. A principle focus for the American overseas was the American School and its activi- ties. The Third Country Collectivity The third country parents came from some forty-five mnmtries of the world. The regions represented were lhuppe (234), Mexico and Central America (165), South lmerica (95), North America excluding the U.S. (58), East Imia (55), and the Near East (26). Although the third mnmtry national collectivity represented the smallest segment of the bin- school, this C0119 region If than in The third schools were dePen engaged in various Table 3.4) The most f hind country stuc' Region I, 25.l per Lathis category. The seconr 'oashusiness (242T 3salon or, 31.3 pr littoral affiliat The third "55 government (9 his or, 14.9 p "ilk roles associ 7'0 reported work Either re(lion. The Unite :ust frequent Won wintry Stildent. 71 Percent Were is ' . Slgnlficant t< 74 segment of the binational community which supported the school, this collectivity was almost three times larger in Region II than in Region I. The third country students enrolled in these American schools*were dependents of third country nationals who were engaged in various work roles in the wider community. (See Table 3.4) The most frequent parental work affiliation of the third country student was the "other" category (253). In IEgion I, 25.1 percent, and in Region II, 48.5 percent were in this category. The second most frequent parental work affiliation vww business (242). Within Region I, 53.5 percent, and in Imgion II, 31.3 percent were involved in this type of occu- pational affiliation. The third most frequent parental work affiliation was government (91). In Region I, 14.2 percent, and in EEgion II, 14.9 percent of the third country parents had onnk roles associated with government. There were, however, Im>reported work affiliations with the U.S. government in either region. The United Nations work affiliation was the next Immt frequent work affiliation for the parent of the third mnmtry student. In Region I, 5.7 percent and in Region II, 5L1 percent were engaged in work roles in this category. It flssignificant to note that more third country parents were .,“” HMPOB HH colflmwflw H6909 #QQECN®>00 75 . mHOOSOM mmmem>O mo mOHmmO "opmp mo mousom MOH OHH mm Nb HHN me 6N ma Nae we Hmuoe Am.mwv AH.mNV com ea em mm mm ma m mm HH m em NH Hague AN.OV Av.Hv H I I I I H I m I I I I mSOHmHHmm ab.hav AN.mNV mEMHm oum>wum me I ma I 0 mm ma av mg I I m cam Hmooq mwoSHmSm uwspo Ao.mav Am.0mi ewumaaamma mm NH ma ma 0 m m wm Hm OH I I 636 UOG3O .m.D mmmsfimsm AH.mV Ab.mv moflocomfl Hm m h I I m I ma w o I I HmsoflumsuousH cam 25 Am.vav Am.vav HmsOflumz muucsou Ho OH OH vH NH ma N om Om I I I @HHSB HO “mom a. II .I. II II I I ul I I: I. I OmOD usmfismo>ow Hence o m e m m H Hence a m a m 2 m 2 HH scammm H scammm .mflfimfififlm MHflfiSOU UHHS¢ MO COvaHHHmmm MHOB HMUfiwme .¢.m @HQMB hoolved in United national parents 0 The least country parent was 1,1.4 percent and ngaged in this ty In summary had work roles ass also had nonorgani deny, a governme Twenty, an occupat 'IIited Nations. Since the reoresented 12 pe. henerally this co if the Chief scho lectivity was mos jferican communit in they Were ge SaxonomJins sir gthh they Came v 1“ Sumnar ihe . lo~ ' . .CCUpational aff‘ Andre“ in the 76 involved in United Nations activities than ei'ther'the host: national parents or U.S. parents. The least mentioned work affiliation for the third country parent was a religious work affiliation. In Region I, 1.4 percent and in Region II, only 0.2 percent were engaged in this type of work role. In summary, four out of ten third country parents had work roles associated with business; four out of ten also had nonorganizational work affiliations; three out of twenty, a governmental work affiliation; and one out of twenty, an occupational affiliation associated with the United Nations. Since the third country nationals in these schools represented 12 percent or less of the total student body, generally this collectivity went unnoticed by the majority of the chief school administrators. If noted, this col- lectivity was most frequently described as being "like the American community." It could be inferred that this implied that they were generally from the Western World with Anglo- Saxon origins since the predominant geographic region from which they came was EurOpe. In summary, the binational community which supported these American—sponsored schools varied from locality to locality in terms of size, national composition, and the occupational affiliation of the parents who enrolled their children in the school. Generally, the host national , __’_—.__.v,_.-. L. >.....——-—— constituency had t country national C out of ten parents out of ten: a busi aggloyed work r016 tional affiliatior I'dnited Nations < affiliation. The membe: engaged in transac governmental, soc international com in large measure _:olicies associat he host national mtems of size Unity were a fun L Patterns 0f the II 77 constituency had the largest representation and the! third country national constituency the least. Collectively, one out .of ten parents had a governmental work affiliation; four out of ten, a business affiliation; five out of ten, a self- employed work role; one out of fifty, a religious occupa— tional affiliation; and one out of one hundred thirty-nine, a United Nations or international organization occupational affiliation. The members of these binational communities were engaged in transacting business associatedwith the economic, governmental, social, and cultural affairs in the wider international community. These binational communities were in large measure organized around plans, programs, and policies associated with the surge toward modernization of the host national societies. Moreover, the social contours in terms of size and composition of each binational com- munity were a function of the degree and kind of interaction patterns of the wider societies which they represented. Mobility, a Commonality of the Binational Community _ One dominant characteristic shared by the binational communities in which the schools were embedded was the high degree of mobility among the membership. This mobility occurred as economic and political agreements changed, old contracts were terminated and new ones consummated, new plants were estab tion or policy tr The chief events in the loc linational commun istrators comments An alterat and a the departure about a decre; school age deg The natiOI industry, the technological of English-Sp have an entir In a prov had recently occu We just h here from __ governor . In two 1 ration, the chie We just new American here from th A new te by the West istrators descri it "newcomers" 78 rflants were established, or changes in political administra- tion or policy transpired. The chief school administrators identified critical events in the locality that precipitated fluctuation in the tdnational community and its constituent parts. The admin— istrators commented: An alteration in the agricultural market here in and a decrease in U.S. investments, as well as the departure of American cotton classifiers, brought about a decrease in the number of American families and school age dependents in the community almost overnight. The nationalization of the light and telephone industry, the mining industry, and accompanying major technological changes mediated a decrease in the number of English-speaking dependents in the school. We now have an entirely new Spanish-speaking clientele, In a provincial capital where governmental changes had recently occurred, another administrator commented: We just had an influx of host national families here from . They accompanied the new governor. In two localities that were undergoing industriali- zatuxh the chief school administrators commented: We just had a new plant open, and we now have eight new American families with school-age children moving here from the States. A new technical school is being built and staffed by the West German government. This means we will shortly be receiving some new German children. The mobility of the binational community provided fluaschools with a consistuency that was in perpetual motion mmlprovided a social structure that the chief school admin- istrators described in terms of two distinct generations: Hme"newcomers" and the "permanent colony." Idemration of "N This gener Imposed of those arts in these tran lythe administrat (he ran described The patter transferred dc host national In ____I years. Most Ameri am the school SI islrator commenteI once they arrive l Secontinued: "TI hoot overseas 1i nrkings of the Host Nat' 'Iewcomers" acco The of “newcome humanity to ass nts in the scho 79 IIGeneration of "Newcomers" This generation within the binational community was cmmposed of those parents who recently enrolled their depend- ents in these transnational schools. American.--The American "newcomers" were described kw'the administrator as those "who just came from the U.S." One man described the general pattern: The pattern seems to be that the father is transferred down here to work with an American or host national organization for a given period. Here in , this appears to be for three or four years. Most American "newcomers" enter their relationship vdth the school soon after arriving overseas. One admin- istrator commented: "The first stop for these families cmce they arrive here in seems to be the school." Hecxmtinued: "These families seem to me to be quite naive abmnzoverseas life in general but in particular about the workings of the American school." Host National.--There were two types of host national 'Tewcomers" according to the chief school administrators. One type of "newcomer" was the host national who immigrated to this cxmmunity to assume work roles and who enrolled their depend— afis in the school upon his arrival in the community. The second type of "ne resident of the co Ihebinational co dependents in the national "newcome War of host nat inferred that the :nities has broac' school is being vi dependents of host host national "net administrators as he Generation of This gene: lost nationals wh herican school f In actively in ichool. The sch host national al' transcended them hlth of the two Ihtitude toward other possessiv hinistrator' s 5281 that what w 80 second typeof "newcomer" was described as the permanent resident of the community who recently became a member of the binational community by virtue of having enrolled his dependents in the school. Since the collectivity of host national "newcomers" has increased over the years as the number of host national students has increased, it can be inferred that the modern segment of the host national com- munities has broadened in scale and that the local American school is being viewed as an educational alternative for the dependents of host nationals. Moreover, the collectivity of host national "newcomers" was frequently described by the administrators as being "enthusiastic about the schools." The Generation of "Old-Timers" This generation was composed of those Americans and host nationals who had been associated with the overseas American school for long periods and in some instances, were actively involved in the initial establishment of the school. The school for the: "old-timers," both American and host national alike, possessed a symbolic meaning that transcended them and was expressed with a legacy in the youth of the two groups. They possessed a more positive attitude toward the school and frequently expressed it in rather possessive terms, "our school." The chief school administrator's perception of this group was that "they feel that what we are doing is satisfactory, but of course, Iteyhave a frame school." Moreove formal and inform their children ha The use 0 line that the "old acuity, varied frc Ilong-timers" were hear there sevente into the bination. history. Also in to had lived abr III to the partic Ials were governm 'appreciate our 5 trying to do. “ iive or more yea tiller“ title. The host did their childr 81 they have a framework from.which to judge the progress of the school." .Moreover, these "old-timers" frequently retained flnmml and informal affiliations with the school even after their children had graduated from the school. The use of the title, "old-timer" and the length of time that the "old—timer" had been in the binational com- rmmity, varied from locality to locality. In one location, 'flong-timers" were identified as those Americans who had teen there seventeen plus years and who had been socialized :hmn the binational community in an earlier period of social lfistory. Also included in this category were those Americans Iflx>had lived abroad for many years even though they were new to the particular location; most frequently these individ- rmls were government people, who one administrator noted, "appreciate our school, since most of them know what we are tmying to do." In contrast, however, in some localities, five or more years qualified the individual for this "long- timer" title. The host national constituency composed the largest rucportion of the "long-timers" in the binational community. {Hey generally had a more permanent standing in the community muitheir children remained in the school for longer periods of time. In summary, it can be stated that the binational com- mmfity which supported the American schools contained a lfighly mobile segment. The degree of mobility of the constituency with cantly among the pattern in terms hid-timers.“ In constituted the the American con of the "newcomer pouents within the chief school subsequent secti The Re These th legitimacy from those children a sent that the i particularistic Tulips. The con are disparate s 'Ioluntary-like' and highly compl ll! peculiarly to he "conside classified by J 82 constituency within the binational community varied signifi- cantly among the schools and produced a highly differential pattern in terms of the mix and match of "newcomers" and "old-timers." In general,the host national constituency constituted the greater proportion of the "old-timers," while the American constituency constituted the greater proportion of the "newcomers." The interaction of these various com- ponents within the binational community with the school and the chief school administrator will be discussed in the subSequent section. The Relationship Between Segments of the 'Binational”Communityyand'the SchoOl These thirteen institutions received their social legitimacy from the parents within the binational community whose children attended these schools. Sociologically, this meant that the institutions were not embedded in any one particularistic group but in a minimum of two or more social groups. The conjugation of the schooling needs of two or more disparate sociocultural communities within a binational, "voluntary-like" organizational framework formulated a unique mmihighly complex social arrangement, not peculiarly American nor peculiarly representative of the host nation, but what can be "considered as a new even advanced method" of schooling cflassified by John Useem as a form of the "third culture."2 This org schools embodied the principle of equalitarian rela study perceived t oepts. However, . . . that th or equal] in statement of eates where or third country school, the scho ioanalysis by e cultural values his in effect or subsequently allc Iaised as the par institution had i iiSiory from one he Relationship We There w haters that th mhtmda iii which they —»— 83 This organizational arrangement that these American schools embodied presumed cooperation and reciprocity and the principle of coordinate type status with its implicit equalitarian relationships. The men interviewed in this study perceived their organizations as embodying these con- cepts.. However, Useem.has pointed out, . that they [the social system] are not [coordinate or equal] in actual practice in no way detracts from the statement of the ideal, it merely localizes and delin- eates where conflicts can and do occur and where appraisals and adaptations are made.3 As each new generation of Americans, host national, cm third country parents established relationships with the school, the school‘s organization and program was subjected to analysis by each group based on the respective socio- cultural values of the wider society from which they stemmed. fins in effect created a cyclic pattern of questioning which subsequently allowed sensitive issues to be repeatedly raised as the parents ebbed and flowed. In a sense, the institution had no adequate way to pass on the institutional lustory from one generation to another. 3!? Relationship of the American Parents There was a consensus among the chief school adminis- trators that the American parents constituted the most vocal, critical, and agressive group within the binational community vfith which they were required to relate. Iere traditional culture, namely: education is valu self-taxation, an However, competing educat rational structu Ias contingent p palate social grc frequently seemec tional for the c administrators pr iiificulty in ad They all their childr realize we a Moreover from the social is conceived a trolled his I19 is not so much P»— 84 The American parent carried with him overseas definite attitudes and behavior concerning education. Among these were traditional ideals that are reflected in the American culture, namely: that education is a public concern, that education is valued to the degree that the community imposes ? self-taxation,and,that education is perceived as a coopera— tive venture with parents participating both in decision- nmking process in determing school policy and in voluntary type organizations such as PTA, homeroom mothers, booster clubs, etc. However, in the overseas American schools, where two competing education systems were incorporated in the organi- zational structure and where the institutional integration was contingent primarily upon the consensus of the two dis- rmrate social groups, these traditional ideals and reality ifiequently seemed in conflict for the parent and dysfunc- tional for the chief school administrators. The chief school mmunistrators pointed out that the American parents had difficulty in adjusting to the school: They all think this is an American school like those their children attended back in the U.S. They fail to realize we are operating this school in a foreign country. Moreover, the overseas American parent was removed from the social order in which public education generally Tfim conceived as a birthright. Although he voluntarily emnflled his dependent in the American school, this decision Wasrufizso much a matter of choice as it was determined by _,...f , _. _—-Ar the cirCUIIlStanCeS by one administrai Here in _ so it is an 83 attend this SI means we have satisfied Wit. The chief flirts with the A :atters as the us homework, the inc ntional curricul The kids the problems . oi the nine 9 doing. However, conflict liduly picnic 01 They [the Americ Since we do not g The crit: ht . , ‘-' “0 admrnrstr in . is“ 81Is Somethin hits I. Cal of the The admi "iihin the Ameri out people I I. ti P»— 85 the circumstances of being overseas. This was made explicit by one administrator: Here in there are no other American schools so it is an e1ther7or situation. Either their children attend this school or they have to be sent home. It means we have a percentage of people who will not be satisfied with our school. The chief school administrators noted that the con- iflicts with the American parent frequently focused on such matters as the use of the Spanish language in the classroom, lumework, the inclusion or exclusion of U.S. or host Immional curricular elements. One administrator commented: The kids are adaptable. The parents cause most of the problems. We have to educate the parents that all of the nine grades have to take Spanish. It takes some doing. waever, conflicts also arose over such matters as a Fourth of July picnic or as one chief school administrator related: 'Whey [the American community] take a dim View of the school since we do not take part in the U.S. colony's activities." The criticism of the American parents was perceived kw'two administrators as manifestation of "deep guilt feel- hmm about having their children educated out of the U.S." fl:seems as though they "somehow feel the children are Ifissing something," and they become disenchanted and "highly cuitical" of the school and its program. The administrators identified various pressure groups vfithin the American community and labelled them "the govern— ment people," the "missionaries," "the business community," and the "permanen‘ maintain or anoth‘ organization wer able stresses and comnunitYI whiCh with the chief SC he administrator described as that to secure some t) administrator COr You don'i lead to a we: to show need However, the adm‘ mithconsociate a 'read and work t satisfactory sol One chie here there were tions concerning himunity. p I am at §0ple. Th With. The E measure up. “959 Prefessim usual 1y: 86 mmithe "permanent residents." The efforts of one group to maintain or another group to initiate changes in the school's organization ‘were described by the men as exerting consider- able stresses and strains between segments of the American cwmmunity, which not infrequently resulted in confrontations mfith the chief school administrator as the man-in-the-middle. The administrator's relationship with these groups was ckmcribed as that of a mediator who was involved in efforts to secure some type of group consensus. An experienced administrator commented on such a position: You don't play one group against the other. It can lead to a very unpleasant social experience. You try to show need and convince them. Ebwever, the administrators with little experience in working with consociate enterprises frequently found it difficult to 'kead and work through the power structure" and to effect a satisfactory solution to the problem. One chief school administrator in a large school vflmre there were few American students expressed his frustra- tions concerning his relationship with the local American community. I am at my wits end as to what to do for these people. They don't see the type of problem we are faced with. They somehow give the impression that we don't measure up. These professional frustrations in turn affected him per— sionally: _- : -'-s~a-—,~; mM Both 91'0“ but it upsets upsetting bec force on our friends seem This affects The admin solution could nc segments of the I and other solutic form of opening a ofateacher, am tary resignation instances, the m 'imjured merit"; by those who urg hose efforts ha In contr rate that there ilomere in a se ”sit in the Amer There a1 We're taken me CThere's an undei The per: tel“Porar Y c< she“ the s< 1“ 511mm. a‘ ‘ . milillStI-atol.S | entered upon t‘ i’ .7 Both groups say, "I know this is not your fault," but it upsets me emotionally . . . . It is also upsetting because the few Americans here are a social force on our family and social life. The children's friends seem to change as the children come and go. This affects all of us. The administrators asserted that when a satisfactory g solution could not be reached between or among the various segments of the American community, a schism often resulted and other solutions were sought. These solutions took the form of Opening another "American school," the replacement of a teacher, and not infrequently the voluntary or involun- tary resignation of the chief school administrator. In all instances, the men asserted a residue of feelings of "injured merit"; that is, feelings of hurt were experienced tw'those who urged change and also by those individuals whose efforts had in a sense "built the school." In contrast, however, the administrators did indi- cate that there were segments of the American community iflm>were in a sense "satisfied" with the schooling arrange- ment in the American school. They commented: There are some who are indifferent here in We're taken for granted as long as we remain solvent. There's a segment that feels we're doing the best we can under the circumstances. The permanent community is more possessive and the temporary community is more critical of and frustrated about the school. In summary, the conflicts which the chief school mkfinistrators encountered with the U.S. parents generally centered upon the U.S. parents' perceived discrepancies between the local constituted an "A he RelatiOnShi W There was waters that theS were accepted and laremts whose deg :ents of the admi parents‘ acceptar There iS They think t1 plant, our e< If we tO‘ I am certain Tho-thin the public act 03 sending their ch administrators r the acceptance of schooling wer The chie felt the princip herican school fie pendents was t things. A typ i’ .8 between the local American school and their ideal of what constituted an "American education." The Relationship_of the Host National Parents There was a consensus among the chief school adminis- trators that these American schools as social institutions were accepted and favorably legitimated by the host national perentS'whose dependents attended the school. Typical com- ments of the administrators' perceptions of the host national parents' acceptance were: There is a good feeling here towards our school. They think the school is a good school in terms of our plant, our educational program, and our administration. If we took a poll among our host national community, I am certain we would be considered the best school. Two-thirds of the administrators imparted meaning to the public act on the part of the host national parent in sending their children to the school. This act to the administrators reflected the host national parents' posi- tive acceptance of the school, especially since other means cfi'schooling were available for their children. The chief school administrators indicated that they flflt.the principal reason that the host parents selected the Emerican school as the source of formal schooling for their dependentswas because it provided instruction in the English language. A typical reSponse follows: "Here in we are known as the can send their ch Moreover, chief school admi ascribed status c community. There was to attending It is a s reputation 01 he administratoa terms of the socj host national pa: he have the gov. In addition, the the men in terms the larger Ameri hrilpresent the AlthOUgh has felt the sc sommty was cc three men felt t negative Connote SChQO II . l 1“ a for We aSPECt: There w; :gency of t] °d° was to r__— 89 are known as the 'best school' where the host national parent can send their children to learn English." Moreover, attendance at these private schools, the chief school administrators asserted, carried with it an awcribed status of prestige for the parents in the local community. There was kind of a social status that is attached to attending the American school. It is a status symbol. It is expensive. It has a reputation of being bilingual. The administrators further defined this prestige image in terms of the socioeconomic and political position of the host national parents whose dependents attend these schools. 'Mm have the governor's children attending this school." In addition, the institutional prestige was also defined by the men in terms of the identity that the school had with the larger American society. "To the people here in we represent the U.S." Although the majority of the chief school administra- tors felt the school's relationship with the host national cxmmmnity was cordial and characterized by mutual respect, ‘Uuee men felt that within the host community there was a negative connotation associated.with being an "American school" in a foreign country. One man described this nega- tive aspect: There was a feeling that this school was an American agency of this rich country from the North and the thing to do was to tear it down in every conceivable way. In the ad tionship with the community, a bimo lengthy tenure de another. Five men commented: "They of [chief], to problem. " One me As you pe process is s< accustomed tr After I rec0< ihad to lea: those who fen about one th; steam, hilt S. It out of th. game; too, e usually take ”We! commente They com seem to acce to People. , in adminiStrator nst national CC The Mp .1? [hr The anti :strators held a rational commun. 90 In the administrators' descriptions of their rela- tionship with the host national segment of the binational i community,.a bimodal pattern emerged: those men with i lengthy tenure described one type and the "short termers" another.‘ Five men who had lengthy experience in their schools commented: "They [the host nationals] want to see me, the jefe [chief], to see if something can be done about their pucblem." One man continued. As you perhaps know, the Latin American political process is somewhat different than we gringos are accustomed to and it takes some getting used to. . . . After I recognized that this was a game people played, I had to learn to live with it. Some parents, usually those who feel they should be given special treatment about one thing or another come in here spouting off steam, but since I know how they think, I let them get it out of their system so to speak. I can play the game, too, especially since I speak Spanish and this usually takes some of the sting out of their visit. Another commented: They come to discuss problems about placement. They seem to accept my views and authority as director of the school. You see we spend a great deal of time talking to people. . . . lhiadministrator who felt acceptance and approval from the lmmt national community commented: They [host nationals] see me as a member of their group . . . thus making my position different than the director who exercises exclusive authority. The authority that the long-term chief school admin- istrators held was primarily contingent upon the wider host Immional community's "acceptance" of the administrator and fessional creden munity and he short-term admin As a rul Director as problems--es to the rule. The new relationship wi unanimity as on the men mention inadvertently u perceived by the and subsequentl} national. Ten men iith the collec of revenue. 0n tionalized app: This ye don't pay t a reminder we send a s the month 1 child from 91 upon his social-personal identity in the local community that "growing up with the institution" had provided. In contrast, the new chief school administrator was in the process of establishing some type of identity since his social and pro- fessional credentials were as yet unknown to the host cemmunity and he had not received their acceptance. One shOrt-term administrator commented: As a rule they [the host nationals] view the Director as a person who was not understanding of their problems--especially when it came to making exceptions to the rule. The new chief school administrators described their relationship with the host national segment of the binational community as one accompanied by stress. Fifty percent of the men mentioned that upon assuming the position, they inadvertently utilized administrative techniques which were perceived by the host nationals as a Violation of propriety mkisubsequently aroused hostility on the part of the host national. Ten men mentioned critical incidents in connection nflth the collection of tuitions, the schools'prinCiPal source mfrevenue. One administrator described a newly institu- tionalized approach to the collection of tuitions: This year we started a new system. If the parents don't pay the tuition by the first of the month we send a reminder stating the amount due. Later in the month; we send a second reminder; and if by the later part Of the month the tuition has not been paid we suspend the child from school. he continued by spired with the informing us school--or p hother new admi of children home When th felt about hand cemented: In this segments of I didn‘ about it at this tenden determined. emce and I After a whi. a certain fl category. ' tool It shou indignant about but that the ac" in the same lie talk with the i The she flicts over st‘ Violation of c national segme 92 He continued by describing some of the conflicts which trans- spired with the host parents: When I sent the first letter, you should have heard the crying. I received phone calls and letters. One parent called me and informed me he was going to take his kids out of school. Another person wrote a letter informing us he no longer was interested in handling school--or personal--related legal matters. Another new administrator commented: "I sent a large number of children home because the tuition had not been paid." When these new administrators were asked how they felt about handling these tuition-related problems, they commented: In this job, you are not always liked by all the segments of the community. I didn't have any other recourse. I felt badly about it at first, but I later came to realize that this tendency for nonpayment of bills was culturally. determined. It certainly was an anXiety-laden experi— ence and I hated to repeatedly face this Situation. After a while you learn that a certain percentage and u a certain few are always going to be in the no payment category. They learn to live with it, so I have to, too. It should be noted that examples of Americans becoming indignant about tuition-related problems were also reported, but that the administrators did not perceive their complaints in the same light. They asserted that they could at least talk'with the Americans and come to some type of understanding. The short-term administrators reported other con- iflicts over student-related problems which resulted as a \dolation of culturally determined norms with the hOSt national segment of the binational community. Seven entioned proble fail any student his parents' soc coming admissio concerning grade cussed in detail problems concern related to illne students to be shopping trips administrators , direct contact responsibility 1‘. en within this Spanish speakers in the organizai Comunication, i Rh. as this con I would literal tra the convers elaborating This type e I could not However also had it limited nun Parents; or as they hat 9°t them. ——— 93 mentioned problems about grades-~it was customary not to fail any student whose grades would reflect upon or challenge lfls parents' social standing. Five mentioned problems con- cerning admission of students; and four mentioned problems cmncerning grade placement of students (these will be dis- cussed in detail in the student section). Three recounted pmoblems concerning granting permission for absences not related to illness--it was customary for parents to permit students to be absent preceding the examination period, for shopping trips to large cities, or to extend a vacation period for personal convenience. It should be noted that a small portion of the administrators, usually those in large schools, had minimal cfiiect contact with the host national parents because the responsibility had been delegated to a subordinate. Eight men within this category characterized themselves as "non- Spanish speakers" and thus they were dependent upon someone in the organization to translate their personal and public cmmmunication, which often caused great frustration for the men, as this comment notes: I would try my hardest to get Miss X to make a literal translation for me, but at a certain point in the conversation, she would take over the conversation, elaborating, and interpreting my own and her ideas. This type experience-was exceedingly frustrating because I could not confirm what message was transmitted. However, my limited knowledge of the host language also had its advantages because I received only a limited number of complaints directly from the national parents; only the more severe cases reached my attention as they had been screened and interpreted by the time I got thenn The use administrators t this view explic 'telling' a host matters.II Anot as acting like between them. The 1nd administrator i high status wit tell as the wid administrators host national c viduals served some of their a informal relati Since we Ihave deve when I neec‘ to . We wand Mr. charge of 4 him. He 3‘ sent over of them. Another admini social recepti SChMI-comuni 94 The use of an interpreter was not perceived by some administrators to be problematic. One administrator made this view explicit: "The effects of having a host national 'telling' a host national often helped to resolve sensitive matters." Another administrator perceived the interpreter as acting like a psychological and sociological "buffer" between them. The individual in the position of chief school administrator in these schools was ascribed a relatively high status within the wider host national community as well as the wider social system. All these chief school administrators described a social affiliation with prominent host national citizens and described how some of these indi- viduals served as a systemic linkage mechanism in solving some of their administrative problems. The nature of these informal relations was variously described. Since we have Mr. '3 daughter in our school, I have developed a personal relationship with him and when I need some help on certain matters that relate to , I call him and he usually helps me. we wanted to plant some shade trees at the school. Mr. who had two children in the school was in charge of the State tree nursery, and we went to see him. He supplied us with the trees and in addition sent over a horticulturist to advise us on the planting of them. Amother administrator commented that a "chance remark" at a social reception provided the key to solving a long-standing school-community problenu These e that “informal ships were cite balance and, in not usually ful relationship of Often they pans any information that this collen individual scho escaping their 3611: “The thir like the Americ tinguishable it the administrad The me: 30110015 were c manimpzur and 95 These examples support Chester I. Bernard's notion that "informal organizations are necessary to the operation 4 To these transnational schools of formal organizations." which lack administrative support systems, these relation- ships were cited as being vital to maintaining organizational balance and, in some instances, the survival of the institu— tion. The Relationship of the Third Country National Parents The majority of the chief school administrators were not usually fully aware of the extent and nature of the relationship of the third country parent with the school. Often they paused before they could identify and even relate any information about this group. A possible explanation is that this collectivity was numerically insignificant in the individual school. Possibly another reason for this group escaping their attention is implicit in the comment of one man: "The third country parents here in were more like the American." Thus for the men, this group was indis— tinguishable in terms of their relationship to the school and the administrator. §EEEE£X The men responsible for the administration of these schools were confronted with the task of defining in a meaningful and satisfactory manner the school's role within and between the 5 local and interns maintaining the 1' balance between 1 perceived by the anartful task wl ally "challenginl difficult tasks recognition of t rents associated cultures. These tions posited ir. lhlimbo. These Am “0 Power with wl Rather, they were of the bination; conditions of w? with the scope, ilieu and What It can do attende d th comma miles a institutions wj dream“ on wl SCdunno. uh. 96 and between the disparate segments of the highly protean local and international binational community. This task of maintaining the institution in a semblance of organizational balance between the sociocultural influences was frequently perceived by the men as "the hardest part of the job" and an artful task which they labelled personally as profession- ally "challenging" and "exciting" but one of the most difficult tasks they had ever encountered, especially in recognition of the absence of any international legal agree- ments associated with the educating of the young of two cultures. These schools in a real sense were social institu— tions posited in social Space characterized as institutions in limbo. These American schools as complex organizations held no power with which to organizationally integrate themselves. Rather, they were dependent upon the consensus among segments of the binational community as a means of integration. The conditions of what constituted a consensus varied in part with the scope, scale, and complexity of the wider social milieu and what constituted a consensus at that point in time. It can be established that the parents of the students who attended these thirteen American schools shared a set of common values and expectations which in turn provided the institutions with a form of social consensus if not complete agreement on what constituted a satisfactory means of formal SChooling. The modal pattern of the elements which the binational commur school by Childl'e absence of any f< of both English a tion, (4) the inc host and U.S. ed: forms within the tion of cultural into the institu ideals and behav third culture an national institu 97 binational community shared included: (1) attendance in the school by children and youths of both genders, (2) the ' absence of any formal religious teaching, (3) the utilization of both English and Spanish languages as media of instruc- tion, (4) the incorporation of curricular elements from both host' and U.S. educational systems in varying quantities and forms within the educational program, and (5) the incorpora- tion of cultural symbols of both the host and foreign culture into the institution. Collectively, these formulated the ideals and behavior which constitute the elements of the third culture and the social legitimacy of these trans- national institutions . 1John Usa Iden in the Midd. American and Non- tration," Papers State University 2John Us he Annuals, Vol 3John Us 'ten in the Midd herican and Non tration," Pa ers State Universrty 4Chester (Cambridge, Mass 98 FOOTNOTES, CHAPTER III 1John Useem, Ruth Hill Useem, and John Donoghue, "Men in the Middle of the Third Culture: The Roles of American and Non-Western People in Cross-Cultural Adminis- tration," Papers in International & World Affairs, Michigan State UniverSity, Series #3, 1967, pp. 169-179. 2John Useem, "Work Patterns of Americans in India," The Annuals, Vol. 368, November 1966, p. 148. 3John Useem, Ruth Hill Useem, and John Donoghue, "Men in the.Middle of the Third Culture: The Roles of American and Non-Western People in Cross-Cultural Adminis- tration," Papers in International & World Affairs, Michigan State University, Series #3, 1967, p. 6. 4Chester I. Bernard, The Function of the Executive (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1938), p. 123. The Amer social legitimat in the previous However, for the schooling functi that would provi would contain e2 authority, a sy: this end each 51 organizational tmouth the mec The org mild culture i and “10119 the s my Susports c indigenouS to j assertion that bueaucratic pa CHAPTER IV WORK-RELATED INTERACTION WITH THE BOARDS OF GOVERNANCE Introduction The American schools in this study received their social legitimation from the social collectivity discussed in the previous chapter, namely the binational community. lkmever, for these American schools to carry out their schooling function a form of social arrangement was required that would provide the school with a work organization which would contain elements of "specialization, a hierarchy of authority, a system of rules, and impersonality."l Toward 'flfls end each school sought to devise a formal corporate organizational structure and this structure was effected 'Uupugh the mechanism of the host nation's legal system. The organizational patterns that emerged in these third culture institutions were highly differentiated between axlamong the schools. This diversity in patterns not cmly supports Cleveland's premise that, "bureaucracy is indigenous to its own culture,"2 but supports Eisenstadt's amsertion that a development of a highly specialized inueaucratic pattern within the organization in the 99 cross-cultural se organizational st interaction betwc Although nevertheless the: organization tha of the school, n parameters of th structure of the uteraction with chapter. The thin around two COIp( slider the legal located as Priv; tions (As . flee LingCiiiCicin c'. \i :ureuhich rese iii the United 8 I o . power 100 cross-cultural setting is dependent upon "conditions" and the organizational structure develOps not by chance but through interaction between the organization and its environment.3 Although the organization patterns were diverse, nevertheless there emerged a dominant unit within each organization that was.responsible for the actual operation_ of the school, namely the Board of Governance. It is the parameters of this group as it functioned within the infra- structure of the school and the chief school administrator's interaction with this group that will be the focus of this chapter. The Legal Structure The thirteen overseas American schools were organized amound two corporate arrangements. They were incorporated tmder the legal code of the host country in which they were located as private foundations designated as civil associa- tions (Associacidn Civil) or solely as civil associations (Associacidn Civil). The civil association (Associacion 222$) throughout Latin America is an organizational struc- 'UHE which resembles the legal form of corporation practiced in the United States; however, its . . powers and liabilities of its members and representatives are more nearly related to those of a partnership from which they differ in that they have no delectus personarum, and in the fact that authority as to the public is in its officers and apt in the general members.4 Each of under a written tion“ or "Articl determined purpc have an educatic were legally inc sectarian and n granted a tax-e1 This co: :easure, determ' and helped to d. organization it tions maintains get some notion the transnation lsirators were The res Ship Within th, wrestricted" me i This p administrators iiiOn ' AS S Oci 101 Each of these corporate arrangements was established under a written incorporation agreement known as a "constitu- tion" or "Articles of the Association." The legally determined purpose of these institutions was purported to have an educational or cultural end. Although the schools were legally incorporated and were designated as non- sectarian and nonprofit institutions, rarely were they granted a tax-exempt status by the host country. This corporate form of organization, in large measure, determined the nature of governance of the school and helped to determine the characteristics of the work organization itself and the relationship that these institu- tions:maintained in the wider cross-cultural setting. To get some notion about the nature of the inner workings of the transnational civil association organization, the admin- istrators were asked to describe its structure. Association Membership The reSpondents cited two basic patterns of member- ship within the civil association: "open" membership and "restricted" membership. Open Association Membership This pattern was reported by five chief school administrators in describing the respective school's associ~ adion. Association membership was described as "open" in the sense that p was automaticall‘ of the children school granted p association to i This collectivit nency within the and it was from uals were choser the Board of Di] governing board the general mee‘ Althoug] bl practice or on the governin IePresentation, if this nature. It shou representatives tional institut Th of an educ deculiar to U. 5 Latin ”Erica, honinCial and rather than in 102 the sense that participating membership in the association was automatically conferred upon all the parents or guardians of the children enrolled in the school. In addition, one school granted participating membership privileges in the association to individuals who had graduated from the school. This collectivity of individuals comprised a voting constit- tency within the general membership of the civil association, and it was from this electorate constituency that individ- uals were chosen to serve on the school's governing unit, the Board of Directors. The election of members for this governing board occurred annually, in most instances, at the general meeting of the association. Although some of these transnational associations by practice or legal designation prescribed that membership cnithe governing board be in a fixed ratio of national representation, some reported that there were no provisions of this nature. It should be noted that the practice of electing representatives from the constituency served by the educa- tional institution to serve as the major administrative bodyiof an educational institution is characteristic of and peculiar to U.S. education law and custom. In contrast, in Ietin America, control of education is centralized in the guovincial and federal government's Department of Education rather than in local boards of control. Restricted ASSOC The seco chefschool adm arrangement. Associat thtthe associe renbership into on exclusive of in the school as hip schools. 5 :enbership were or bonds, or pa; Under ti association fun ization of the selected" the i governing board elected or Sele it foundation. The hi, :emership pats at In one ith and the i- 103 Restricted Association Membership The second organizational pattern reported by eight chief school administrators was a restricted membership arrangement. Association membership was restricted in the sense that the assOciations utilized clusters of criteria for membership into the corporate group, in combination with or exclusive of the criterion of having a dependent enrolled in the school as practiced by the open association member- ship schools. Some of the criteria for participating membership were nationality, purchase of corporation shares or bonds, or payment of association dues. Under this association membership arrangement, the association functioned as the "trustee" or Sponsoring organe ization of the school, and this group, in turn, "elected or selected" the individuals who would serve as members of the gxwerning board of the school. Board members were either elected or selected from.the membership of the association or foundation. The high degree of differentiation in association membership patterns was manifested bOth implicitly and emplicitly in the responses to the question, How are members of the governing board chosen? In one school, where purchase of shares was a crite— rion and the individual or corporation who purchased the shares selected within the assoc ported: The “B05 to American industrial 1 as the Ameri board shares designate w} host nation: Implicit in thi: industrializatil tion of foreign the school's ci One adm twenty-four yea selected, but a Structure. Our Boa and those 5 lbecame t} in hem; that money Way with t Anothe: endeavored to 1 We alw; on our Boa go"ermllent In twO —i— 104 shares selected the individual who would represent him or it within the association, one chief school administrator re- i ported: \ The "Board of Founders" was until recently limited to American citizens or representatives from American : industrial firms located here in . However, as the American firms became nationalized, the school board shares purchased by the firms enabled them to designate who will represent them. We now have a few host nationals on the Board. Implicit in this example was the effect that increasing industrialization in the host nation as well as nationaliza- tion of foreign firms had on the membership structure of the school's civil association. One administrator who had been in the position for twenty-four years recounted not only how the members were selected, but also how the association had altered its structure. Our Board members are chosen from the association, and those same five men have been on the Board since I became the Director. We had the share idea here in . It was a way of creating an identity between the school and the shareholder, but it implied that money bought the voting privilege. We have done away with the share requirement. Another administrator indicated that the school endeavored to have representation from the U.S. government: We always try to keep someone from the U.S. Embassy on our Board. It helps us maintain a liaison with the government people. In two schools where association and Board member— flfl4>were on an invitation basis, the administrators indicated that t “suggesting name I chose like I do [i I sugqeE wollld strenfi suggeSt nams the individ1 In one : crisis, the SCh' reorganization Council compOse nentU.S. and h to the office b In sum organization, t selection methc of the schools anisns that ha\ these transnati The cri association pr< "Select" indiv: 599“ membershit “911- In thosl tion was avail School, by the schools I the S 105 indicated that they participated in the selection process by "suggesting names to the Board." They commented: I chose them [for nomination] because they think like I do [by inference this reduced conflict]. I suggest to the Board names of persons who I feel would strengthen the Board. They [the Board members] suggest names; and then they [the Board members] select the individual who will do the best job. In one school which had experienced an organizational crisis, the school's foundation was undergoing a major policy reorganization and was being governed by an Administrative Council composed of local, socially and economically promi- nent U.S. and host national citizens who had been appointed to the office by the sponsoring foundation of the school. In summary, the civil associations as a means of organization, the association membership criteria, and the selection methods utilized to determine the governing body cm the schools collectively have served as functional mech- anisms that have influenced the organizational patterns of these transnational schools. The criteria for membership within the restricted association produced a Board of Directors composed of "select" individuals. However, those schools practicing cmen membership had a group of "select" Board members as well. In those schools, where membership into the associa- tion'was available to those who had children enrolled in the school, by the very fact that the schools were private schools, the selective restriction of economic status of the parents and ants of Inembersr mg The gOVE schools possesss national composi tion, and lengtl Size of the Gow A total comprised the pi hoards varied i: edian size was size of the gov llrector : We have be hard to the men tra It shou board men-[belts] V inewOman Was a i‘lsband’ While I Muse the loc meme on the 106 the parents and implicitly the social status were determin- ants of membership into the association. The Nature of the Governing Boards The governing boards in these thirteen American schools possessed varying modalities in terms of size, national composition of its membership, occupational affilia— tion, and length of service of its members. Size of the Governing Boards A total of 115 individuals--108 men, 7 women-- comprised the population of the governing boards. These boards varied in size from five to fifteen members; the median size was nine members. (See Table 4.1) The large size of the governing board was deemed essential by one director: We have a large board because if we didn't it would be hard to get a quorum to conduct business. Many of the men travel nationally and internationally a great deal. It should be noted that there were only seven women board members,who served within three schools in Region I. One Woman was appointed to fill the unexpired term of her husband,while the other women were selected seemingly because the local binational community felt that a woman's presence on the board aided in deliberations on educational matters. Table 4.1. Size hale 4 9 5 Female 1 - Total 5 9 f Source of Data: lational Compos '\ The corn varied in terms loveming board boards were him the Table 4. 2) The dis nationality est cmPrised half Ship in ten SC} “h three Sch, la . ....erlcans and : not half the 1 107 Table 4.1. Size of governing boards. Region I Region II 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 l 2 3 4 5 6 T Male 4 9 9 12 6 10 ll 8 7 7 10 10 5 108 Female 1 — - 2 - — 4 - - - - — - 7 Total 5 9 9 l4 6 10 15 8 7 7 10 10 5 . 115 Source of Data: Office of Overseas Schools. National Composition The composition of these thirteen governing boards varied in terms of the nationality of its members. One governing board was composed entirely of U.S. citizens, ten beards were binational, and two boards were multinatiOnal. (See Table 4.2) The distribution profile of the board members by nationality establishes the fact that host country nationals cemprised half or more than half of the total board member- ship in ten schools. U.S. citizens comprised a majority in cmly three schools: one board was comprised entirely of Zmericans and in two other schools, U.S. citizens comprised over half the membership. ._,_—.—«_—»- ,- ‘vfi— Mme—W HH COHNUQNH H CCHUG“ IMUHGOQ WCHCH®>OW W0 COHUHWQQEOU HQCOHUQZ INoV QHQQB 108 .wHoonom mmomno>o mo ooammo "moon mo ooHDOm mHH m CH oH e a m mH OH e sH a a m dHemnoQEmz Hmnoe N H H I I I I I I I I I I I Aoocmnm .cflmgflnmv .mnncsoo euane mm m m m a m m I m m m s m e enncsoo pmom em m s m m a m mH N m a m e H monmnm eoan: sflmflno mo.NH#csoo e m m w m N H n e m a m m H a z w a 2 m .HH eOHmom H aonom .mUHmon mcflnno>om mo soapwmomfioo HMGOfinmz .N.v canoe occupational Aft The gove were host natios me either eng private and pub communities. Tl year maintained gorized into go The cat Table4.3,when to frequency, these schools. individuals had business. This national, and t industrial and has or more i affiliation. The se 'Other. " Twen Vere dependent: lid one or not 109 Occupational Affiliations The governing bodies of these transnational schools were host national, American, and third country citizens, who were either engaged in or dependents of those engaged in private and public work roles in the respective overseas communities. These board members in the 1969-1970 school year maintained occupational affiliations that were cate- gorized into government, business, and other. (See Table 4.3) The categories of occupational affiliation in Table 4.3,when arranged in a hierarchical scale according to frequency, present a profile of the board members in these schools. The majority of the board members or seventy individuals had an occupational affiliation associated with business. This business designation included U.S., host national, and third country corporate and privately owned, industrial and commercial enterprises. Eleven schools had three or more individuals who had this type of occupational affiliation. The second largest category was that designated "other." Twenty-seven individuals were engaged in private work roles which included physicians, dentists, ranchers, accountants, educators, as well as two who were associated with religious—affiliated work roles. An additional three were dependents of individuals so employed. Twelve schools had one or more members in this "other" category. .2 m 1H H).— HH COHmvmvm H COHmmm I “fivfluon mnflfiuwkfom ”FM“? “0 mlfluflnflkmfi KnolfiuflI—uefl Mum.” Innuko ”flmgoo I I 0 an M O m. v IHAN. n.“ llO .mHoosom mmomno>o mo oOHmmO "upon mo monsom mHH 0H 0H m b m mH 0H m VH m m m HdBOB om N m m H H N m H N w m I Honpo on m h I m n NH m m NH e m I mmoCHmsm I I I I I I I I I I I I I UQHSB m H I H I I I I I I H H m “mom 0 H ..l m H. I H In I. l- .l al I. omoD ucoficno>ow B m e m N H h m m w m N H 2 m H 2 w HH GOHmmm H aonom .mehmon ocHaHo>om map «0 muonaofi ~GOHpMHHHmmm HMQOHpmmsooo .m.v oHQMB Governm tional affiliat board members i the husband of nationalized in high level oper of Intemationa schools had in U.S. governmen hers third co The men these schools, office on the I ioqive the org here staggered he entire gov hnual basis. Althou for the board iadiviclual meml hder this typ lid re-elected “he individua 111 Government was the third largest category of occupa- ,tional affiliation of board members, and five schools had board members in this category. Five male board members and the husband of one female board member were employed in nationaliZed industries. Four members were associated with high level Operating units in the host government--Ministry of International Economy and International Commerce. Four schools had individuals on their respective boards who were ILS. government employees. In no instance were board mem- kers third country government employees. length of Service as Board Members The membership pattern of the governing boards in these schools, in most instances, provided that the term of cifice on the Board be two to three years, and in an effort to give the organization a measure of continuity, these terms were staggered in eleven schools. However, in two schools, the entire governing boards were selected or appointed on an annual basis. Although the length of the "official" term of office fin:the board members was reported to be two to three years, individual members were permitted to succeed themselves. Emder this type arrangement, the same members were nominated mmire-elected to office. One administrator indicated that some individuals had served on his governing board for 'beth or more hers were still rturnover Patte To obta individual boar hoards serving more compared. rate of board that only one i of all governir enced no change In the the rate of cha liters. 0r 3 hoard members, third country hrship on the Ieplaced on th 112 "twenty or more years, and in four schools, "founding mem- bers were still serving on the board." Turnover Patterns To obtain some notion of the turnover pattern of the individual board members, the memberships of the governing boards serving for the school year 1968-1969 and 1969-1970 were compared. This comparison revealed that the turnover rate of board members ranged from none to complete turnover. In Region I, the rate of individual turnover ranged from 0 to 100 percent. Collectively, the median board membership turnover was 33 percent. It is significant that only one institutiOn experienced a complete turnover of all governing board members, while two schools experi- enced no change in membership. In the schools where board membership did change, the rate of change was less than half of the total number of members. Or stated another way, a total of twenty-two U.S. kxerd members, nine host national board members, and one 'flflrfi country national board member terminated their mem- hership on the governing board. These individuals were replaced on the boards by nineteen U.S. and twelve host national members. In addition, three U.S. and three host retional members were added to the governing boards. A general pattern was observable; that is that when membership mes held on the board by an American he was replaced by mother Americ mated his servi host national. tion that don‘t know Our as representa Americans here in required—t7 as many miI sible. Th. tion of ou We had on which he by the hos before the Our Bo the U.S.-C company we the schoo] As yor a! place in 1 Here it i: elect a P: on the Bo; get anyth —’— ll3 another American or when a host national board member termi- nated his services on the board, he was replaced by another host national. While it appeared that there was no differ- ence in replacement as far as nationality was concerned, the turnover rate for the American members on the board during this period was 40 percent, while for the host national the rate of change was 18 percent. Frequently, the chief school administrators described the board member turnover in terms of the social, political, or economic events in the wider community. Last year we lost Mr. . He was a real driving force on the Board. He was transferred back to the States. The man [host national] who has been the treasurer of this school for years and years just got notifica- tion that he is being transferred in a few months. I don't know who will take over that thankless job. Our association and board used to have more American representation than it presently does. Years ago Americans occupied the top and middle managerial posts here in, . Then the government [host nation] required that [host nationals] be employed in as many middle and upper managerial positions as pos- sible. This has affected the turnover and the composi- tion of our board and the student body as well. We had a man on our Board from AID. The contract on whichluawas working terminated and was not renewed by the host government. Unfortunately he had to leave before the end of the term. Our Board once had a member on it who worked for the U.S.-owned electric company. However, once the company was nationalized, he no longer was needed and the school lost an effective Board member. As you know last year we had a crisis here in and an entire new board was elected. This took place in the wake of the war between and Here it is months later and they still are "going—E8___‘ elect a President and select someone to fill the vacancy on the Board." It makes it hard for me as director to get anything done. for from one reported that her in another The mo measure influe these schools between board has basic cate host nationals roots in the r for lengthy pe individuals, f host nationals tion and who 5 The in seneration sex istration of t hoards in most and/01- historj Mexican boar. Embers evolv and possessed the schools . 114 The transfer of individuals from employment in one location to another was frequently accompanied by the trans- fer from one American school to another. One administrator reported that one of his board members had been a board mem- ber in another American school. The mobility patterns of the board members in large measure influenced the nature of the governing boards in these schools and produced generational patterns within and between board members in each American school. There were two basic categories: (1) those individuals, both U.S. and host nationals, who had established social and economic roots in the respective overseas community and who had served for lengthy periods on the governing boards; and (2) those individuals, frequently Americans and to a lesser degree host nationals, who werecnalimited assignments in that loca- tion and who served on the boards for short periods of time. The individual board members of first or earlier generation served to pass on their experience in the admin— istration of these schools to the new members since governing boards in most instances had few or no written policies and/or history. Since this transiency was greater among the Zmerican board members, frequently the host national board members evolved as the "experienced members of the board" and possessed the greater knowledge of the intricacies of the schools. ration as well school adminis assumed their of the adminis be assets Implicit in th board members Perspective of changed views board members Howeve tenure in the that evolved v board in the : Once . and I had 115 The transient nature of the board members who per- ceived by the administrators as affecting the work organi— zation as well as the structure of the board. Fifteen chief school administrators felt that the new board members assumed their role with no knowledge about the intricacies of the administrative matters of the school and the role of board member. One long-term chief school administrator described it in the following manner: Sometimes, these men get on the Board because they have an ax to grind and somehow they think we are not doing a good job. But after they get on the Board and find out what it is all about then they get scared. They find out running the school is not an easy job. It is my job to help orient these men to what we have been doing. In most instances, they have come around to our perspective and have in general turned out to be assets to the school. Implicit in this statement, is the fact that these new board members after having served on the board changed their perspective of the school and administrator and that their cmanged views became more congruent with the experienced board members and the chief school administrators. However, one chief school administrator with short tenure in the position described the confusion and conflict that evolved with change in membership on the governing board in the school: Once we had some Americans appointed to the Board and I had quite a confrontation at the first board meeting that they attended. I happened to mention that Mr. '5 kids had missed a lot of school. That did it.1 The whole matter was carried to extremes. . . . It set the tenor of our relationship for the problematic, i over of board versely both f school adminis tive aspects: The me years, and tion has g let, a chief 5 small school c over. As you is compose have been children i with them. Ihave. . Slmmary From t the members 01 Mam orient: hi1111111 mobile individuals w] binational co 116 remainder of his term of office. [The board member finally resigned from office prior to the expiration of his term.] Although board turnover was generally viewed as problematic, in those schools where there had been no turn— over of board members, this "no turnover" was viewed con- versely both favorably and unfavorably. One long-term chief school administrator in a large school perceived the posi- tive aspects: The men on this board have been members for many years, and we work well together. This long associa— tion has given them a history. Yet, a chief school administrator with limited tenure in a small school commented on the negative aSpects of no turn- over. As you know, the entire school board here in is composed of members of the company and they have been on the board for ages." They no longer have children in the school. I have problems communicating with them. I can't get them to see the real needs that I have. . . . This is the situation that I inherited. 3111111118.]: 2 From the data presented, it can be concluded that the members of the governing boards are multinational and mmdern oriented; that is they are highly educated and lfighly mobile. Moreover, they are a highly select group of individuals who represent varying segments of the overseas lfimational community. One chief school administrator oharacteri zed thinkers. The Howeve assumed his of edge of past e school. This the board and The go principal admi tutions and we matters of the and its overal the nature of within the sch inthis admini aseries of qu Structure, the that the 81er the resPonses The 0 “ch the Chi “lions Patte ll7 characterized his board: "As a group, they are keen thinkers. They are progressive." However, the governing board member frequently assumed his official role on the board with limited knowl- edge of past events associated with the development of the school. This condition frequently led to conflict within the board and with the chief school administrator. The Governing Boards at Work The governing boards of these schools served as the principal administrative body in these transnational insti- tutions and were responsible for determining the internal matters of the school, particularly its financial solvency and its overall management. To obtain some notion about the nature of this administrative unit as it functioned udthin the school and the chief school administrator's role in this administrative unit, the administrators were asked a.series of questions concerning the board's organizational structure, the administrative process, and the relationship that the administrator had with the board and its members. The responses provided the data for the ensuing discussion. EEE Organizational Structure The organizational structure of the governing board, twuch the chief school administrators described, followed variouS‘patterns. In general the organizational structure was contingent degree of insti In the structure tende divisions of l afirst vice-p treasurer, and standing commi had governing rice-president diffuse board schools; each president and The ch the governing l reflected the I office of w the form of an tions which din another school fltemate memb iaiued the off ésigilation gj tpresent an E thool Where i Mme“ am 118 was contingent upon the size of the institution and the degree of institutionalization of the school. In the larger schools, the board organizational structure tended to be highly differentiated with definite divisions of labor. One large school board had a president, a first vice—president, a second vice-president, secretary, treasurer, and ten members who were each on one of the five standing committees of the governing board. Nine schools had governing board organizations which included president, vice-president, secretary, and treasurer. However, a more diffuse board organization pattern prevailed in three schools; each contained only two offices, specifically the president and secretary-treasurer. The chief school administrators reported five of the governing boards contained office designations that reflected the Hispanic culture. Three boards contained the cfifice of XQEéi7 in one school this office functioned as the form of an ombudsman between the PTA and other organiza- tions which did not have representation on the board. In mmmher school, the yggél designation was used to identify alternate members of the boards. One governing body con— tained the office of commissary (comisario), which was the ébsignation given to an individual who was appointed to IBpresent an employer's interests. Moreover, in another schxfl.where a close relationship between the host national gxwernment and the school was maintained, the board contained the office of uidual who was the office wit emerged. The eight U.S. cit national citiz table 4.4. Ge bo host National ”N“..— Source of Data The gs selected and I this Study to =animal scho Schmlu and “- 4‘ —7—' 119 the office of syndic. This office was occupied by an indi- vidual who was an official representative of the host national government. In comparing the nationality of the board member and the office within the governing board, no dominant pattern emerged. The office of president of the board was held by eight U.S. citizens, one of vfluxn was a woman, and five host national citizens. (See Table 4.4) Table 4.4. Gender and nationality of president of the board of directors in the schools. Region I Region II Host National M M M - - - - — - M - M - anuce of Data: Office of Overseas Schools. The governing boards of these American schools selected and employed the chief school administrators in Hue study to serve as the executive officer of the trans- rmtional school. These administrators were to "run the school" and were employed on the assumption that the individual's t this cross-cul chief school a tion with the dominant admin the individual and ranged fro informal one. reported to be had. The pre and a quorum o business. The oriented in th transacted thr over, the boar ‘ithin these g thief SChool a this time work hard meeting, ”Meats 0f 01 I Pre: board mem A F’— 120 individual's training and experience were transferable to this cross—cultural setting. The occupants of the office of chief school administrator were required to work in conjunc- tion with the governing boards and together they formed the dominant administrative unit of the school. Factors Associated with the Administrative Process The manner in which the governing boards transacted the individual school's business varied among the schools and ranged from a highly formal or structured form to a very informal one. The board meetings in the larger schools were reported to be regularly scheduled events and highly formal— ized. The president of the board presided over the meeting and a quorum of members was required to officially transact business. The board's internal organization was functionally oriented in the sense that the business of the school was transacted through a series of standing committees. More- over, the board had established policy quidelines and worked within these guidelines when transacting its business. The chief school administrators who worked with boards that had this type work organization perceived their role within the board meetings as that of an advisor and executive. The comments of one administrator illustrate this perception: I present my report at the meeting and help other board members prepare theirs if they don't have time. It really doesn't matter who gets the credit if the work gets 6 and give m) It shm there were onlg had written ant out of which t1 for-operated. compiled its ft the board had < administrators one administra' the one to car In con inboard in tj be less struct likely to be c Sohool rather intern was ex istratOr; I Was the board School's once durin 9'? I was Period of me. Since it Why gm- 33110018: the E 121 work gets done . . . . I participate in the meeting and give my professional advice. It should be noted that at the time of this study, there were only three schools in which the governing board had written and classified policy and procedural guidelines out of which the administrative units-~board and administra- tor--operated. Shortly after this study a fourth school compiled its formalized set of policy guidelines. Where the board had defined its procedures and its policies, the administrators had a definite role to play, as indicated by one administrator: "They [the board] make the policy, I am the one to carry it out." In contrast, the mode of transacting business within the board in the small and medium-sized schools tended to be less structured and more informal. Meetings were more likely to be convened to solve a crisis that confronted the school rather than on a regularly scheduled basis. This pattern was explicitly described by one chief school admin- istrator: I was on the job for six months and tried to get the board to meet on a monthly basis to talk about the school's problems, but I could only get them to meet once during this period. . . . However, when I told them I was resigning, we had four meetings in a short period of time as we tried to find someone to replace me . Since the degree of institutionalization was less, amd policy guidelines were minimal or nonexistent in many schools, the administrators when confronted with this situation defir structure as or times on a day- he mechanism 1 school: When I informing ' that we net night disc needed thi: told the bi method bro language Since national group has used in co were reported its that bOth 1unicdiliOl’l prc iehended upon me“ Comments the 1 1'1 hilt mest c We hac‘ Spanish (is 80 We had he 11nderst If we prESent, \ the busim 122 situation defined their role within the administrative structure as one of simply "keeping things moving," some- times on a day-to-day basis. One administrator described the mechanism he employed to "keep things moving" in his school: When I first got on the job, I made the mistake of informing them [the board] in good democratic fashion that we needed money for . We spent the whole night discussing this, in terms of whether the school needed this. Next time, I made the decision and then told the board we needed money to cover the debt. This method brought results in decision making. Language Since the governing boards were a binational or multi- national group, the administrators were asked what language was used in conducting the school business. Only two boards were reported to utilize only English. The dominant pattern was-that both English and.Spanish were utilized in the com- nmnication process and that the specific language used ébpended upon the conditions that occurred in the meetings. These comments illustrate the conditions: When I see frowns on their faces, I switch languages, but most of the time we understand each other. We had one American on the Board who did not Speak Spanish despite his lengthy tenure in Latin America. So we had to stop every once in a while to make sure he understood. If we have a mixed group and Spanish speakers are present, we usually use Spanish since this facilitates the business proceedings. The cr: tive process 8‘ languages were When w and forth. meeting we best mean the further des trative proces translation pr :eeting." These influenced in the governing and stress fox affairs of the Influences on The m< boards varied established p, ilihe deCiSil if Procedural fied the host :ust Opel‘ate 55th; basic —7— 123 The criterion for the language used in the communica- tive process seemed to be "understanding," and at times both languages were utilized. One administrator explained: When we get mad at board meetings, we switch back and forth. . . . If we want to make a point at the meeting we use the language that seems to give the best meaning. He further described how language complicated the adminis- trative process: "On occasion we do get all tangled up in translation problems and it takes hours to conduct the meeting." These comments serve to illustrate that language influenced in varying degrees the deliberation process of the governing board and not infrequently caused confusion and stress for the boards as they conducted the business affairs of the school. Influences on Decision Making The mode of transacting business within the governing boards varied from school to school. Those boards which had established policy and procedural guidelines utilized these in the decision-making process. However, where no policy cu'procedural quidelines existed, the administrators identi- fied the host country's legal codes under which the school nmst operate and the dictates of social custom as serving am the basic mechanisms utilized in the decision-making process . V. .—-—rr— . “1..., ,1.— In son issue, but the by social cust illating betwe no. For exam quage to be ut mentioned by i that host nati Spanish, yet 5 also learn En; making process made by host a The c] the boards we: “0 Competitio: board to impo ConfliCtS occ Sven aSSerted iii occur. 0 avoid C°nflic Stay attay fro .,ho PerCeived is not being fiicts within sometimes alc 124 In some instances, legal precedent resolved the issue, but~the same issue in another school might be resolved by social custom. Hence in actual practice there was a vac- illating between these two mechanisms or a combining of the two. For example, in resolving issues concerning the lan- guage to be utilized as the medium of instruction--a problem mentioned by fifteen administrators--education law dictated that host national history, geography, and civics be taught in Spanish, yet social custom dictated that the children should also learn English. Hence incorporated in the decision- neking process was the accommodation of the priority demands made by host national, American,cn:a segment of both groups. The chief’ school. administrators implied that when the boards were transacting the school's business there was no competition among the individuals or groups within the board to impose its sociocultural demands and inferred no conflicts occurred in the board meetings. One administrator even asserted,"We are above that." Nevertheless, conflicts did occur. One director indicated how his board tried to avoid conflict in the formal board meetings: "We try to stay away from touchy issues." Three other administrators, who perceived the decision-making process within the board asruflLbeing firmly institutionalized, indicated that con- fflicts within the board had caused schism in the board, sometimes along nationality lines. The ma asserted that resolved "thrC this meant ten ment" was reac process reflec I supp in any der 0n the nth discussios more than would be r on this as It shc oomement in dr Specifically r hunt with b. Per the Ameri pay of dElayi basement unti 30hf1ict Situ ihiion Was pe being Employ/e mt thOught t of the moment It st ihiion Placed d recelVinc 125 The majority of the chief school administrators asserted that disagreements in the board meetings were resolved "through discussion," but hastened to point out that this meant temporary delay or postponement until "full agree- ment“ was reached. One administrator's description of this process reflected the feeling of the majority of respondents: I suppose we try to solve problems the same way as in any democratic organization, voting for and against. On the other hand, there was always a rather thorough discussion of matters and I think in this experience more than in my previous experience at , there would be more unresolved questions. . . . We will think on this and see what comes of it. It should be noted that the temporary delay or post— ponement in decision making on issues in general but more specifically where controversy is apt to prevail was con- gruent with both American and host national cultural norms. For the American, the filibustering technique was an accepted way of delaying resolution, while for the host nationals post- ponement until a later day was an appropriate technique in conflict situations. This delay technique in problem reso- lution was perceived by the chief school administrator as being employed if the conditions for problem resolution were not thought to be "just right" in terms of the contingencies Of the moment. It should be noted that this delay in problem reso- hnfion placed these schools in a state of perpetual limbo mmlreceiving crises. It also imposed stress and uncertainty upon the admir organizational The is frequently ev< Useem identi £1 members of the related to the traditional m: shortened lunr Thirteen ment. as the medium lo the inclus :ents. live rm and closing 0 tearing of a to conducting domed iSSues iiObiel'flS Was I“Million 0f balance and e A pos ItiiCenCe in persation Wit 126 upon the administrators as they attempted to maintain an organizational balance in the school. The issues which the administrators described as frequently evolving as sources of conflict centered on what Useem identified as “critical personal issues" for the members of the board.4 Five administrators mentioned issues related to the alternation of the school lunch hour from the traditional mid—day break (the host national custom) to a shortened lunch period (more in accord with U.S. custom). Thirteen mentioned issues related to the language utilized as the medium of instruction. Six mentioned issues related to the inclusion of or exclusion of certain curricular ele- ments. Two mentioned issues related to the daily opening and closing of school. TWO mentioned issues related to the wearing of a student uniform.and one mentioned issues related to conducting religious classes in the school. Four men- tioned issues related to busing. The resolution of these pmoblems was seen as frustrating and stress-laden, yet the resolution of such issues was vital to the organizational balance and even the survival of the-institution itself. A possible explanation of the governing board's reticence in making decisions was made explicit in the con- versation*with one American board member. He stated: I am here on a permanent basis: my family lives here and my business is here. Everytime something happens in the school, I hear about it in my business and social contacts. When the school is not adminis- tered well, it affects me because the education of my kids is at afford to things rur Since national, andt binational con huge of the s it can be con: ships of these or advance the Securing the 1 Resources \ Altho numerous prob domiriant prob $01vency of t‘ CUSsed to Sho the board and The A schools and i SChool's fina 31d authority lieugh the fi here reported hang the Sci shoals Were 127 kids is at stake and my business as well. I can not afford to have trouble. I have enough trouble keeping things running at the plant. Since the lives of the board members--American, host national, and third country alike--were imbedded in the wider binational community, the policy decisions, the general image of the school, and.the overall management of the school, it can be conjectured, affected the socioeconomic relation- ships of these individuals and frequently served to inhibit or advance the decision-making process in the school. Securing the Financial Resources _________ Although the chief school administrators recounted numerous problems which the boards had to resolve, the dominant problematic area mentioned dealt with the financial solvency of the school. It is this area that will be dis- cussed to show the complexities of the problems confronting the board and the administrator. The American schools in this study were all private Schools and in each, the board was responsible for the School's financial resources and held the ultimate power and authority in terms of the school's fiscal policy. Even thoth the financial structure and status of the schools were reported to be highly complex and highly differentiated among the schools, all the administrators reported that the SChools were dependent upon three sources for their finanCial .-.—-» -:-- —, resources: tL‘ and donations. From 1 tuted the large [58-89.5%) , wh (0-9.4%). Tuitions The ti cantly (see T. by the school financial 501‘ the students ' The a Of the binati hat constitu EducatiOnal S he group was me a(hiregate community 11p C malarge Sc F‘hity that v nationals. Here SChOOL 0“ tuiti< reSOurce: Can Only ment. 128 resources: tuition, grants-in—aid from the U.S. government, and donations. (See Table 4.5) From Table 4.5, it is evident that tuitions consti- tutedthelargest portion of the school's financial income (SB—89.5%), whileidonations constituted the smallest portion (O-9.4%). Tuitions The tuitions charged in these schools varied signifi- cantly (See Table 4.6) and were continuously being reviewed by the school board as it tried to maintain the school's financial solvency while simultaneously trying to provide the students with educational services. The administrators felt segments of the board and of the binational community held differential notions of What constituted "legitimate" sums of money for tuition for educational services. What was considered "legitimate" by one group was not considered "legitimate" by another group. The aggregate influence of one segment of the binational community upon the tuition was explained by one adminstrator in a large school which was supported by a binational com- munity that was about evenly divided between U.S. and host nationals. Here in we are known as the most expensive School. We f55l_we have gone about as far as we can go on tuition. You see there is a differential in the resources of the host national and the American. You can only raise tuitions so far before you strike resent— ment. onvmmwmdsom HMUth 1H0 manurflmohnwnm hHO WFFH®U HQHUCQHHHUH "HO mmhvhnnom umav QHQMH HM...” mvmwmwhnnwvnm WM Ohmfllmmmfi .HMNRA HOOQUW CH GEOUCH 129 .mHooeom mmommo>o mo oOmeO "mama mo condom H.0H m.m m.sm m.mH m.ma m.sa m.Hm m.om I m.sH H.e m.mH o.m metro m.H m.H m.m m.o H.N a.H m.m a.e I w.o I m.m e.m mcoflumcoo I I I I I m.o I I I I I I I .#>ow umom n.v H.H e.m H.m m.v m.ea N.e m.s I s.m e.m m.mH m.em .n>oo .m.p eflmuaflnncmno m.mm v.mw N.Hs a.ss H.0m m.mw m.Hm m.mm m.vw o.ms m.mm o.mo o.wm coanflss m m e m N a s m m a m m H q 2 m a z m HH qoflmwm H coflmwm EH commohmxo mm oanImmmH “ooh Hoosom CH oEOOGH HMflosmcHw Mo mochsom .uompsn fleece m0 ommwchMom mo mEHow .m.v GHQMB 130 .wHooeom mmomno>o mo mOHmmo "sumo mo ooHSOm mhm 0mm mam mum omv mmv mum ONN Now con th oom mm wumwfioowm mmm omm mam mum mHv mNm oov omH 0mm oom ONH NmH mm hHm¥EmEmHm H E m H E m HH coamwm H coflmom .mHoHHOU eH commonmxo AOBmHImme Hmom Hooeomv mEOfluflsu assess mmmso>¢ .m.v canoe Seve both nationa the least an this basic 2 binational < determining considered 1 of accommodz . . . p: interac Issue 1: parties The between wha would allow ended as d Schooling. " Were consid financed by Upon this e Cal Comment The “Confus'u of tuition ihgs that z mm the has at its Wt thi S ‘ l3l Seven administrators noted that lay board members of both nationalities wanted optimal educational services for the least amount of money. The administrators asserted that this basic attitude was shared by segments of the wider binational community. Hence the process associated with determining the tuition scale in the individual school was considered by the administrators to be in large measure one of accommodation. Implicit in accommodation were: . . . permanent or temporary termination of rivalrous interaction which, while not necessarily settling the issue involved in the rivalry, permits the rivalrous parties to function together without open hostility.5 The tuition scales were in a sense the difference between what the board perceived the local constituency would allow and what the chief school administrator recom- mended as desirable to provide his concept of ”satisfactory schooling." This meant that in most instances the schools were considered overfinanced by local standards but under— financed by U.S. standards. Six administrators commented upon this underfinancing due to local conditions. A typi- cal comment was, "We don't charge enough for our services." The presence of a dual set of standards contributed to confusion and misunderstanding associated with the matter Of tuition. Useem has noted that frequently misunderstande ings that arise in the transnational institutions center around the imagined financial resources that an organization has at its disposal.6 These administrators' comments sup— Port this premise: . ._—...—-.r --~1=--_ r Our communit from the paying f ones . . Host since we “America idea see in terms It s in most sche semi-annual the iinanciz proved to b third of th in administr Graham—A1 The for these t aid, which between 4.1 Region I an 3991mm. 1 lisucsSed j The derived frI Piment 0 f 132 Our school is seen by a segment of the host national community as representing the big rich economic giant from the North. Consequently, their attitudes toward paying for the services are not always positive ones . . . . Host national parents somehow get the feeling that since we are a private school and we are known as the "American school," we are by implication wealthy. The idea seems to circulate that we can thus be more lenient in terms of collecting tuition. It should be noted that it was a social tradition, in most schools, that tuition be collected on a monthly or semi-annual basis. The administrative details of keeping the financial records for hundreds or thousands of students proved to be in itself a monumental endeavor, which one- third of the administrators identified as a problematic area in administering the school. Grant-in-Aid The second largest source of financial resources for these thirteen schools was the U.S. government grant-in- aid, which during the school year 1969-1970 constituted between 4.1 and 24.6 percent of the income in schools in Ikgion I and between 1.1 and 14.6 percent of the income in ReghniII.(See Table 4.5). This financial resource will be disucssed in detail in Chapter VII. Donations The smallest amount of income for the school was Cmrived from donations. This income comprised 0.8 to 9.4 Percent of the individual school's operating budget in Region I am chief school cial resourI variable 50‘ they could : Other lncom If resources f tions, the financial c tional fund selling nor local, nati it! student from 4,1 t, Var he schools the local, IaiSlng aC‘ kermesses queen was raffles; e Voluntary hveming iiIEQtly i 133 Region I and from 0.5 to 3.9 percent in Region II. The chief school administrators referred to donations as a finan— cial resource in probablistic terms since it was a highly variable source of income from year to year and one which they could neither control nor predict. Other Income If the schools did not have sufficient financial resources from the combined sources--tuitions, grants, dona- tions, the board was faced with the task of resolving a financial crisis. Hence other means evolved whereby addi- tional funds could be secured. These means included: selling nonmaturing bonds, securing short-term loans from local, national, or international lending agencies, a surfee per student or family, etc. The "other" income comprised from 4.1 to 31.5 percent of these schools' operating budgets. Various chief school administrators indicated that the schools had been involved in fundiraising activities on the local, national, or international levels. Local fund- raising activities--mediated by social custom--inc1uded: kermesses (bazaars); beauty queen contests, in which the queen*was determined by the amount of money she raised; raffles; etc. Usually these affairs were dependent upon voluntary participation of Booster Clubs, etc. and the governing boards themselves were not in most instances directly involved. Rather, the chief school administrator was principz nent of the event was 12 of the local national or business cor The Chief S lesponsibil Affairs The impinged di adninistrat between the The hoard retaj fiscal p01]- ‘Ieen delegg h‘fairs of 5““‘15, cons he to the ThI manahflhent bi“iv for in °°nlunc ittee. T the boar d. 134 was principally responsible for the supervision and manage— ment of these activities; time financial success of the event was largely dependent upon the imagination and energies of the local leaders. Fund-raising activities on the national or international level usually involved the wider business community and will be discussed in Chapter IX. The Chief School Administrator's Responsibilities in Financial Affairs The overall financial structure of these schools impinged differentially upon the boards and the chief school administrators and helped to determine the relationship between the chief schOol administrator and the board. The chief school administrators asserted that the board retained the ultimate power and authority in terms of fiscal policies but that the chief school administrators had been delegated the reSponsibility for managing the financial affairs of the school. This task incorporated securing funds, controlling expenditures, and ultimately account- ing to the board for the financial concerns of the school. The administrators reported that this financial management function incorporated within it the responsi- bility for preparing the school budget either by himself or in conjunction with the school treasurer or finance com- mdttee. These school budgets were subsequently approved by the board. It was significant to note that fourteen of the twenty-two E or administe the role of The bilities up it imposed I sense a "de professiona physical re and adminis tion. More since all t the financi imposed a h The was engagec' assure the meinstitr ieSCribed 1 Th1 enough contin N0 One days Is Failing the tu was th Years life. 135 twenty-two administrators indicated they had never prepared or administered a budget for an institution before assuming the role of chief school administrator. The aggregate effect of these financial responsi— bilities upon the individual school administrator was that it imposed a set of dysfunctional roles. He was in a real sense a "determiner" of the quantity of funds since his professional judgment helped to determine what human and physical resources were required to operate the educational and administrative functions of the transnational institu- tion. Moreover,lu3was in a real sense the "seeker" of funds since all the men reported they were responsible for securing the financial resources. These dual roles, the men felt, imposed a high degree of insidious stress. The chief school administrator as a seeker of funds was engaged in a relentless struggle to secure funds to assure the institution's solvency and, in some instances, the institution's survival. The stress of this role was described by one administrator: The most difficult part of my work is getting enough money to make the payroll. There has been a continual crisis. No one.else has to worry about it. No one else even knows about it. But every fifteen days for four years, I had a crisis on my hands. . . . Facing the parents when I told them we had to raise the tuition and when I knew they did not believe it, was the hardest part of this job. . . . These four years have been the most nerve racking of my entire life. The highly vulnI miner and SI was subordi: board's dec in the acce especially the school' trators ass with the be of teachers asserted th problem re] Ger the lack 01 School. He asserted t1 financial : ienge" to - ”Tented: He a lot 1imite hother no em firletnc Th StChIed all 136 The position of the chief school administrator was highly vulnerable not only in the sense that he was deter- miner and seeker of the funds but also in the sense that he was subordinate to the board and was obligated to accept the board's decisions concerning financial matters. Implicit in the acceptancecxfthe deciSion was the element of conflict, especially if the administrator knew the decision restricted the school‘s program as he perceived it. All the adminis- trators asserted that they had encountered direct conflicts with the board over financial matters related to salaries of teachers, tuition charges, or expenditures. Four men asserted that they had resigned from the position due to a problem related to the financial status of the school. Generally the chief school administrators reported the lack of funds as a principal obstacle in managing the school. However, the administrators with lengthy tenure asserted that they had "learned to live with" the limited financial resources and considered this condition a "chala lenge" to their ingenuity to solve the problem. One man commented: Here you are a committee of one . . . . It takes a lot of my time to figure out ways of Spending the limited resources so that we get our money's worth. Another noted: "We are constantly planning and re-evaluating our financial posture." The chief school administrator, who successfully secured and managed the financial resources of the school and thereby e able to esta}: Those adminis over financia istics. Professional The I chief school the position terms of the This conditi between the b nost 1118th the source c The dent descrih 5115111358 II ar or in groups bilities for this author: 137 and thereby eliminated financial crises for the board, was able to establiSh his authority and power with the board. Those administrators who reported conflict with the board over financial matters did not manifest these character- istics. The Chief School Administrators' Relationship with the Governing Boards Professional Relationship The administrator's perception of the position of chief school administrator and the board's perception of the position as well were open-ended and broad—aimed in terms of the definition of the job and jurisdictional areas. This condition precipitated a hierarchy of authority between the board and the chief school administrator that in nest instances remained fluid and loose, and frequently was the source of conflict. The overseas American schools were what one respon- dent described as institutions that were "everybody's business" and frequently board members acting individually or in groups would,cn:would attempt to, assume responsi- bilities for administrative matters. One chief school administrator with long tenure described how he coped with this authority crisis. Years operated I carry 2 in and te way they this. T] but now ' the role Some resolve the school admin A no their me right. dent's h wanted t of event administ being. I qu helps th The relationship in nature , a indiVidual w the presider ieScribed; We y We a daily be and we 1 ii I so in his 1 I a2 board m We try . . . F: 138 Years ago our board was loosely organized and it operated differently. Now the board makes policy, but I carry it out my way. We don't have individuals coming in and telling the sub-headmaster to do something the way they wanted it done. I straightened them out on this. They used to get between me and the lower echelon, but now they are all businessmen and they understand the role of the organizational hierarchy. Some administrators utilized another mechanism to resolve the authority crisis which emerged between the chief school administrator and the board. Two men recounted: A month after I was on the job, I had enough of their meddling in the domain that I considered my right. So I just took the keys to the Board Presi- dent's house and told him I was through. If they wanted to run the school . . . . This cathartic type of event climaxed and established my authority as administrator with this group at least for the time being. I quit twice a year and they fire me twice. This helps them to know who is running this school. The chief school administrators described their relationship with the board as being primarily professional in nature, and all the administrators indicated that the individual with whom they had the most frequent contact was the President of the Board. This relationship was variously described: We work well together. We are on the phone with each other almost on a daily basis. At times, comes up to the school and we talk about the problems and how to solve them or I go down to his office. On occasion we have met in his home to discuss problems. I always get together with the President before a board meeting. I propose a draft agenda and together we try to anticipate what to expect at the meeting. . . . Frequently there are items that he or other members want to get on the agenda. .. .,”-a was ' " he the Board h Since the terms of th was not fir decision-ma chief schoo professiona affairs of Board was c trators ill We get ore Mr. The had ties The iienships I degree. Ti had brought 55 social, binational tional Spe administra ship with 139 Frequently this relationship with the President of the Board held a special significance for the administrators. Since tflka overseas school was often not well defined in terms of the position it held in the overseas community and was not firmly established in terms of legal authority, the decision—making process was complex and cumbersOme. The chief school administrator had few "significant others" and professional colleagues with whom he could discuss the affairs of the school, and frequently the President of the Board was one of these few. The comments of these adminis— trators illustrate this point: We have a great Board President. He helped me to get organized. Mr. has a real interest in our school. The Board President is one of the few persons who had demonstrated concern for the school. The administrators reported that their working rela- tionships with the board members varied in both form and degree. The administrators indicated that each board member had brought with him.individual skills and knowledge as well as social, economic,anuipolitical status within the wider binational community and that each member performed a func- tional speciality within the school board organization. One administrator-described the parameters of his work relation- ship with board members: When I need financial advice, SS helps me. When I need advice about how to solve a problem with the host government, this persOn helps me. When I have a problem with host parents, I depend upon to help me solve my problem. Freql only his own tion to the 5 made availabi resources anw which he had described hO‘ during a cit One individu be sorry ber of t to the m They sug 0the board member bookkeeper t aid was give over to helw and Chairs w school's wai and "Someonw resowrceS w‘ of 501116 of fronted the Overgeas an ti l at” S fu he .. Saw h'1st 140 Frequently, the individual board member lent not only his own individual resources and channels of communica- tion to the school in the resolution of problems, but also made available to the administrator and the school the resources and information network of the organization with which he had his work affiliation. One administrator described how such a network aided in crisis management during a city-wide student strike: One evening, I got a call from a rough-voiced individual telling me to close the school or I would be sorry. Before I made a decision, I Went to a mem— ber of the board, the U.S. Ambassador. We then talked to the military attache and the local police department. They suggested that we not close the school. Other administrators indicated that through the board member's communication network, the school had "a bookkeeper to help set up a record-keeping system," "legal aid was given on immigration matters," "an engineer came over to help me design the school building," "some tables and chairs were repaired," "a plumber helped to set up the school's water system," "I got help to set up the playground," and "someone helped me build a basketball court." These resources were a significant contribution in the resolving of some of the practical and difficult problems that con- fronted the chief school administrator in operating a school cwerseas and serve to illustrate the extent of the adminis- trator's function, particularly in the small school, where he saw himself as a "jack-of-all-trades." In essence, the school boaré administratz‘ istrator in solely on a Personal Re Whe concerning they mainta waried. On in common w there was a basically i All "persor We don of new not a a Play g1 minimal SO dented: u Miler ad relationsh limity. Ti fied E a Yea: 141 school board members were functioning as a dimension of an administrative support system for the chief school admin- istrator in these overseas schools, and were not functioning solely on a policy-making board. Personal Relationship When the chief school administrators were queried concerning the type of personal-social relationship that they maintained with the board members, the responses were varied. One administrator noted: "I don't have very much in common with them." Another administrator indicated that there was a personal dimension to the relationship, but that basically it was school related: Although our relationship is what you could call "personal," that is we call each other by first names, we don't have social relationships. I do quite a bit of memorandum writing. They respond by phone. It is not a familiar type relationship. But you see, I don't play golf or entertain either. Still another administrator indicated the reason for his ndnimal social relationship with board members. He com- nented: "I don't see board members much socially because it causes problems and I am accused of showing favoritism." Another administrator indicated that his limited social relationship was due to a matter of acceptance in the com- munity. There is a "we-you" division here between the "short" and permanent residents in the community. I am classi- fied as a "short timer" and although I have been here a year and a half, I am an "outsider" to both the America in most or anot In one scho tion was mi "We get tog year. That as a whole. In extensive y administrad position c< I 1 tail p.‘ other. wiihsw rarely Th irator and aPl’OfeSSi wally Sch Shin socia elements w seemed to 142 American and host national community. I have visited in most of the American board members' homes at one time or another, but we don't visit back and forth. In one school where the governing board's internal organiza- tion was minimal, the chief school administrator commented: "We get together at Promotion exercises at the end of the year. That is the extent of my relationship with the board as a whole." In contrast, there were those who maintained a more extensive personal relationship with board members. Two administrators with ten or more years experience in the position commented: I play golf with some of them and we meet at cock- tail parties. On occasions we have visited with each other. . . . Out of session, I have a close personal contact with several of the members . . . school affairs are rarely discussed. The relationship between the chief school adminis trator and the individual board members was predominantly a professional one; sometimes personal in nature but gen- erally school-related. Only infrequently was the relation- ship social—personal in nature and, when it was, the basic elements which helped to determine this social relationship seemed to be length of tenure and acceptance in the community. national legally host nat responsi financia unit war and fun< this uni these s< school a with why coped. Others lar gen Conditi and the Hence i lien oi “oi onl adminis 143 Summary The basic organizational structure of the trans- national school was that of a civil association that was legally established within the framework of the respective host nation. The basic organizational unit which was responsible for the school's administrative function and financial solvency was the governing board. This governing unit varied in composition and structure among the schools and functioned independently, yet in all instances it was this unit that engaged the chief school administrators in these schools. Authority crises between the board and the chief school administrators were only one of the many conflicts with which the board and the chief school administrators coped. Conflicts and crises caused some boards to act; others to delay action. But the resolution of the particu- lar conflict or crisis was contingent upon the particular conditions of the moment within the school and the community and the priority demands of the various constituencies. Hence it can be stated that implicit within the administra- tion of the overseas school there is the element of crisis not only for the governing board, but for the chief school administrator as well. lPe {New York: 2C1 38 l and Deburea Organizatic Holt, Rineh 4F} my, 3rd ec‘ 5J< (Appleton-( 6 R1 between the 144 FOOTNOTES, CHAPTER IV 1Peter M. Blau, Bureaucracy in Modern Society (New York: Random House, 1956), p. 19. 2Cleveland, The Overseas Americans, p. 162. 3S. N. Eisenstadt, "Bureaucracy, Bureaucratization, and Debureaucratization," A Socioloqical Reader on Complex Organizations, 2nd Edition, Amitai Etzioni, ed. (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1969) p. 306. 4Frank D. Moore, Editor, The Cyclopedic Law Diction- ary, 3rd ed., 1940, 83-84. 5John F. Cuber, Sociology: A Synopsis of Principles (Appleton—Century-Crofts, Inc., 1955) p. 605. 6Ruth Hill Useem, (Personal correspondence exchanges between the author and Dr. Useem on this topic). Th sidered by influence tions was like the E group with 0f the we] individuaj T1 the integ; cooperati. aweneral lion, and Satisfact A of the st '5 the pi CHAPTER V WORK-RELATED INTERACTION WITH THE PROFESSIONAL STAFF Introduction The third major social collectivity which was Con- sidered by the chief school administrators to significantly influence the infra-structure of these consociate institu- tions was the professional staff. The professional staffs, like the Boards of Directors, constituted a major functional group within the formal work organization and the attainment of the very goals of the schools was dependent upon the individual and collective behavioral patterns of this group. The chief school administrators were reSponsible for the integration of the professional staff members into a cooperative work system in the school. This task encompassed a generalized process which included the recruitment, alloca- tion,anuicoordination of the human resources to provide satisfactory educational services. An effort was made to determine the scope and scale of the staffing patterns in these schools, and the influence of the professional staff upon the internal organizational structure. Moreover, an effort was made to determine the 145 nature ( tors ma: adminis the pro namely is oper in a wo was adn istratc princiy element curricw speciai 146 nature of the relationship that the chief school administra- tors maintained with the professional staffs. Thus, the administrators were asked a series of questions concerning the professional staffs which were employed in the school; namely the size, composition, professional preparation, etc. The term "professional" in this section of the study is operationally defined as that individual who was engaged in a work role within the formal schooling process and who was administratively subordinate to the chief school admin- istrator, i.e. administrators: associate superintendents, principals, assistant principals; classroom teachers: elementary and secondary; and auxiliary services: librarians, curriculum coordinators, counselors, nurses, audio—visual specialists. Characteristics of the Professional Staff The Size of the Professional Staff During the school year 1969—1970, the chief school administrators were responsible for managing a professional staff that numbered 754 individuals and that ranged in size from 13—27 members of three small schools, from 27-61 members in the six medium schools and from 62-147 members in the four large schools. (See Table 5.1) .mHooaom wmomnm>o mo oofimmo umpmg MO GUM—”5.0m will ems mOH mo hm am am sH ssH am as He am pm mH Hence mm NH m m m H w HH H m m H H w sneHHHst mm m N m H N l w m m m N I I ®>H#MHUMHCHE©4 M. mmm mm em am em 5H m on ma sH mm sH mH w sumsqoomm l mmm mm Hm mm em mH mH mm ma em mm OH MH mH snmnnmsmHm Hones e m a m m H n s m a m N H H s H s m HH COHUONH H COHUONH .wmmnm Hmsoflmmomonm can mo oNHm .H.m magma Gender of ___.._,_. Professror _____.__ Be (See Table F: dominant e transnatiw professio: percent 0 of the se staff, anw members c The major in the se Cate(Jorie total pre Employee: cantly t] highly d Table 5. “team ClaSerQ 148 Gender of the Professional Staff Both males and females were employed in these schools. (See Table 5.2) From Table 5.2 it is evident that the female was the ’dominant gender of the professional staff member in these transnational schools and comprised 73.3 percent of the professional staff. Female staff members comprised 94.0 percent of the staff in the elementary school, 52 percent of the secondary school, 48.7 percent of the administrative staff,2nni89.5 percent of the auxiliary staff. Male staff members comprised 26.7 percent of the professional staff. The majority of the male staff members were employed either in the secondary level or in the administrative positions. Full-Time--Part—Time Employment The professional staff members consisted of two categories of employees: full-time or part-time. Of the total professional staff, 610 or 80.9 percent were full-time employees and 144 or 19.1 percent were part-time. Signifi- cantly the proportion of part-time/full-time teachers was highly differentiated among and between the schools. (See Table 5. 3) From Table 5.3, it is apparent that 101 or 70.1 percent of all part-time employees were employed to perform classroom teaching in the secondary units of these schools. aweHHlVQEGF-h ”Mann—.m UFHU wfio bahumuaenomv .mHooaom mmomno>o mo oOHMMO "spam mo monsom .Hocsom on OSHUHOOOM co>HO Hos mos s3ocxmona onea AWN.ONV NmH mv NH VH 5H H m mm mm O OH w m m oHoz me.mnv ONm mm Hm mv nm *N MH OHH HO Nw mv MN NN OH oHoEom meHOB v N I I H I I H I I I I I I on2 HM OH m N H H I OH H N N H H I onEom hHMHHHxsm ON m H H I H I v v N N N I I on2 OH N H N H H I v v H m I I I onEom o>HpmnpmHsHEp< 9 M mvH vm OH HH MH * N mN ON m mH N v I onE NnH OH OH MH VH * H me OH NH pH NH O I onEom wuwcsooom OH H I N m a H m H I H I H m oHoz Hom vm Hm ON HN * NH mm Ne nN HN OH NH OH onEom huowcofion Hmpoa O m w m N H n m m w m N H H 2 m H 2 HH :onom H condom .mHGQE®E mmmum HmQOHmmwMOHQ map MO prfiww .N.m wHQMB I muINQDJHAIVE “HAHN. Hmconmumfimunvhnfiu. @ENU IUIIAFUPIH ”a“ IHIIHULN .0 Im. .UIHONHMvruu 150 .mHoonom mmomuo>o mo OOHMMO "mumu mo oousom .qo>HO no: whoaomop mumwcooom can muonsoEOHo Mocsowe OHO OOH NO hm vm OH OOH vO Ow HO ON ON mH 31.03 Esmmmwmmmmhnmmm blazmmmmmmmmmsms: I v I N I I I I I H I I l I I H I I l I I I I I I I I I @HwS m ON m m I m I N I H I H I I I OH I H I N I N I H I H I I OHMEom Om OHMHHHxDO N OH H N I H I H I I I H I I I v H m I N I N I N I I I I OHME I OH I N I H I N I H I H I I I v I v I H I m I I I I I I OHmfiom Om o>HHMHumHsHEO¢ mO vw ON OH I OH O O H NH a a I N I mN OH O m N OH N I N d I I I mez Om OOH OH O N OH O OH N NH a a I H H OO O O O O O OH O O m O I I OHMEom HNm myovsooom O OH N N I I I N I m a a I H I m I H I I I H I I I H N H OHmz Om HON NH NN I Hm O ON I HN e s I NH I mm N ow H ON O OH N m H HH m b OHMEmm ONO muoucoEOHm m m mHmuoa HouOB m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m msonw .HOU O m w m H O O m w m N H HH coHOmm H soHOmm .mHOQEmE mmmum HMCOHmmmmoum OEHUIHHMQ QGOIHHDW .m.m OHQMB 0f the member part-ti is a wi the see indivie lawyer: ticed I time d or Spa of par profes used a The Na \ Of the \ istrat from I Citiz. Seven The and 4 hide 151 Of the total part-time secondary teachers, the male staff member comprised 64.3 percent of the group. It is significant to note at this point that the part-time teaching in the secondary and post-secondary levels is a widely accepted practice in Latin America. Teaching at the secondary level is seen as an auxiliary income for some individuals engaged in a full-time profession (doctors, lawyers, etc.). In addition, part-time teaching is prac- ticed on a full-time basis by contracting to perform part- time duties generally teaching one subject such as biology, or Spanish in multiple institutions. This latter category of part-time teachers was commonly identified as "taxi professionals" due to the common means of transportation used as they dashed from one secondary school to another. The National Composition 9j_the PrOfessional Staff The professional staffs which the chief school admin- istrator attempted to coordinate were composed of citizens from the host nation in which the school was located, U.S. citizens, as well as citizens of a third country. Fifty- seven and eight-tenths percent of the professional employees were host national citizens, 37.5 percent were U.S. citizens, and 4.7 percent were third country citizens. The dominant mode of staffing was a multinational staffing pattern: eleven schools employed Inultinational. professional staffs; one sci school wide w terms Region ranged of U.S count: propOI li—‘f" :—h (D iStr; tIdiw Sucie in 1 Unit 152 one school employed a binational professional staff; and one school employed only host national teachers. (See Table 5.4) The "mix and match" of professional staffs displayed wide variation both intraregionally and interregionally in terms of the national origin of the staff members. In Region I, the proportion of host national staff members ranged from 36-100 percent of the total staff, the proportion of U.S. staff members ranged from 0—59 percent, and third country national ranged from 0-5 percent. In Region II, the proportion of host national staff members ranged between 12.5-80 percent, the U.S. staff member from 14-75 percent, and the third country national from 3-12.5 percent. Within eight of these American schools more than 50 percent of the staff members were host nationals, while there were only five schools in which the U.S. staff members represented more than 50 percent of the staff. It was noted that there were more third country national staff members employed in the schools in Region II. Eggfessional Preparation’ The professional staffs which the chief school admin- istrator attempted to coordinate brought to their work roles training which had been secured in two or more disparate societies. These included training which had been secured in institutions of higher learning in the host country, the United States, andaathird country. (See Table 5.5) I \nfl HHMCOHUMC Non “HINT”. m HNCOHMhUHOHQ him. Ian EOHUHMOWEOU I V In @.N0~Mrfi 153 vmh OOH NO hm wm Om .mHOOSUm WMOWHOKVO IHO @UHMMO “Opow mo OOHDOO OH OVH vm mv Hm ON ON MH HONOR A0.00 Hmv Amy AHHO HOV HOHV Hm.NHv Amy HOV ANV HNV HOV Husoouomv mm m m O a a m s m H H I H I HmcoHnmz muuasoo UHHHB Am.bmv AOHV onv AOHV Avmv AOOV Ambv Ammv Amy Ammv Amvv ANNV Ammv AUGOOmeV mmm OH mm O ON ON NH HO O ON ON O O I HmcoHpmz .O.O Am.hmv Aowv Ammv Amhv hmmv AMNV Am.NHV Ammv Amwv Amwv ANmV Awhv Amov AOOHV AHCGUHGmV @mv mm Wm mv HN m N mm mm NN Nm HN OH NH HOGOHflmZ #mom Hence O O a m m H s O m a m m H 2 m H E m HH COHOmm H QOHOmm .mpHHscoHuma ma mmmum HMGOHmmOMOHm map mo COHunomEOO .V.m QHQMB I mhnmwnflrrnflih “HAHN-n IHCCOHIIMMIOL,0.Nh~ \fln WVIHUnL. m IlshsINIhw .Jfiw ~I~ III Path III“; 154 ems HOH.HHO HOH Ammm.Wv um“. vH OH AOO.HOO HOM.OHV '3‘ O m l I-I(\o\[\ \ON N N to Om OH ._I lr-II—Im mmH MH OOH em s OH m H IN‘OI-I m \0 .mHoonom mmomno>o mo NH mO OOH O OmH I HH ON I OH N I I H I OH OO I I I ON NO I m 0") H O N INLOI OOHMMO lI\I\I\\II\I HOHOE mmmmmmmIOm . Ho OQHQUOOB n O HoncoOm nouns: \I‘III mQHHflgan II‘I\I‘I-m\“‘ poonwm OHHHH aHImmIIIImmH HOQOHE mo mGOHHSHHH HOenoz HOHHOQDO HoEHoz . HoHonomm Hoummz Hopoonll OOHHOZ umom sH GOHuOoDmm mchHm mo mcoHusqumsH oumHoommm HoHosomm Hoummz Houoonll .m.D sH soHpmosOm HocOHm mo msOHuspHumcH Hence “mom omoD Om OmchHO moonOom . mHOQEmE Hmwflm HOGOHmOOMOHm an OHOQ mmmHOmv UOGHMM O;mofiha employs degrees respect nationa wine we school: Superiw host n. and th ever, bachel locate total acaden 155 The largest segment of the professional staff employed in these schools (41.8 percent) held academic degrees from institutions of higher learning within the respective host nations. By far the majority of these host national degrees were held by nationals: one hundred ninety- nine were normal school degrees granted by teacher training schools (Escuela Normal), four were degrees from Normal Superiors, seventy-six were Bachelor (Bachillar) degrees from host national universities, twenty-four were Master degrees and three degrees were doctorates (Doctor of Medicine). How— ever, it should be noted that nine U.S. citizens also held bachelor degrees from institutions of higher education located in the host country. The second largest category or 40.3 percent of the total professional staff members in these schools earned academic degrees from institutions of higher learning in the U.S. The largest number of U.S. degrees were held by U.S. citizens (242) and included one Ph.D., fifty-six Master degrees, one hundred eighty-two Baccalaureate degrees and three Associate of Arts degrees. Fifty-six host nationals held U.S. degrees, which included eleven Master degrees, forty-one Bachelor degrees, and four Associate of Arts degrees. Only six third country nationals had earned a bachelor degree from a U.S. institution of higher learning. Four and five-tenths percent of the total profes— Sional staff employed in these schools held academic degrees from i either third (26) a degree wens i and 01 third cates these ing, staff highs in it ing. theni he tion 156 from institutions of higher learning in nations other than either the U.S. or the host nation. The largest number of third country degrees was held by third country nationals (26) and included two Master degrees, fourteen Bachelor degrees and, ten Teacher Certificates. Only four U.S. citi- zens held third country degrees; three were Bachelor degrees and one was a Teacher Certificate. Four host nationals held third country degrees which included three Teacher Certifi- cates and a Bachelor of Law degree. Although 86.6 percent of the professional staffs in these schools held degrees from institutions of higher learn- ing, it should be noted that 13.4 percent of the professional staff members held no academic degrees from institutions of higher learning. One hundred and one individuals employed in these schools had limited or no formal professional train— ing. Included in this category were seventy host nationals, twenty-eight U.S. citizens and three third country citizens. Implicit in the diverse educational backgrounds of the professionals employed in these schools is the fact that the majority of the individuals completed training and educa- tional programs which were highly differentiated in terms of the length of training, the focus of curricular orientation, and minimum standards for program completion. All these were in large measure established by the customs and practices of the educational system of the respective society in which the Professional training was pursued. Teache higher of prc or lie and ge hon isle" W01 157 Teacher Certification By virtue of having graduated from institutions of higher education in disparate societies, the collectivity of professional staff members also brought to the schools an admixture of teaching credentials (teaching certificates or licenses) which had been granted by various educational and governmental agencies. (See Table 5.6) From Table 5.6, it is evident that the group with the largest proportion of teaching credentials within the total professional staff (87.5 percent) was the personnel who held credentials issued by the respective provincial or federal educational authorities in the host nation. The second largest group (31.8 percent) holding credentials was composed of persons who held teaching credentials granted by provincial educational authorities in the U.S. However, only 3.2 percent of the professional staff held valid teach- ing certificates from a third country. This in effect meant that binational and multinational standards for teacher certification prevailed among the professional staff which the administrators attempted to coordinate. However, possibly of more significance than the number of professional staff members with legal certifica- tion was the fact that 27.5 percent of the professional staff held no legalized certification to engage in work roles as professional educators. This condition in conjunction with the diversity of the teaching credentials which the staff Table Scum 158 Table 5.6. Certification of the professional staff members. Full-Time Part-Time Total Host National Certification Host Personnel 199 81 280 U.S. Personnel 2 — 2 T. C. Personnel 1 - 1 283 (37.5%) U.S. Certification Host Personnel 29 2 31 U.S. Personnel 195 10 205 T. C. Personnel 4 - 4 240 (31.8%) T. C. Certification Host Personnel 3 - 3 U.S. Personnel 4 — 4 T. C. Personnel 16 1 l7 4 (3.2%) No Certification Host Personnel 84 38 122 U.S. Personnel 62 10 72 T. C. Personnel 11 2 13 207 (27.5%) Totals 610 144 754 Source of Data: Office of Overseas Schools. members trators work org trators there we gender , majority dichotOI stresst istrato: Only the the cut priate j lowths . Stresse the war with cr ihehome in the the Se] nationa admini: 159 members held complicated the task of chief school adminis- trators in integrating the professional staff members in the work organization of the school. In summarizing thus far, the chief school adminis- trators were confronted with professional staffs in which there was much diversity in terms of-national composition, gender, professional training,anuilegal certification. The majority of the chief school administrators perceived the dichotomous conditions in terms of professional training as stressful and often adversely affecting their task as admin- istrator in coordinating the human resources of the school. Only the long-term administrators demonstrated insight into the cultural determinants that help to establish the appro— priate behavior of those designated to train children and youths. Moreover, it is this group of "long termers" that stressed that maintaining an organizational balance between the various segments of such a protean group was "frought with crisis." One aspect of the crisis was the turnover phenomenon of the professional staff, which will be discussed in the subsequent section. Selection and Retention of Staff Members To get some notion about the process associated with the selection and retention of the binational and multi— national professional staff employed in these schools, the adminiStrators were asked to describe "how they secured their proce staff of th gener II term w M "shor who I peril Table 160 their teaching staff." Their responses revealed that the- process produced two distinct genres within the profesSional staff based not on chronological age but rather on the length of the teacher's socialization period in the school. These generational groups were commonly referred to as "short- term" and "permanent" staff members. The Genre of "ShortéTerm" Teachers The chief school administrators used the term "short-term" in reference to the professional staff members who had been employed in the school for a relatively brief period of time, usually two years or less.‘ (See Table 5.7). Table 5.7. Length of service of the teachers. U.S. Host T.C. Years Teachers Teachers Teachers Total 1-2 Yrs. 139 130 12 281 (41.5%) 3-5 Yrs. 56 117 7 180 (26.6%) 6-10 Yrs. 32 75 9 116 (17.1%) ll-15 Yrs. 9 38 4 51 (7.5%) 16-20 Yrs. 8 25 l 34 (5.0%) Over 20 Yrs. __3 _£§ _; _l§ (2.3%) Total 246 398 33 677 g Source of Data: Office of Overseas Schools. recruite munity 5 year peI the most little I or over: the Spa statesiI used to Two adm the pos brought from th sonally Persona tern Inc Adminis inChlde int PIT ing pI‘I 161 recruited and employed directly from the U.S. academic com- munity specifically to teach in these schools on a one or two year personal service contract. These staff members were for the most part single, young, recent college graduates with little or no previous teaching experience either in the U.S. or overseas. Few were reported as possessing any fluency in the Spanish language. Only a few had interrupted their stateside teaching position to take this overseas position. The administrators reported that various means were used to recruit and employ these "stateside" staff members. Two administrators recounted that when they first assumed the position in the American school, they had recruited and brought almost the "entire American teaching staff" with them from the States; these were individuals whom they knew per- sonally, many of whom were retired teachers. Although two administrators asserted that they made personal recruiting trips to the States, the recruiting pat- tern most frequently utilized was a "mail-order-like" process. Administrators' comments typifying this mode of recruiting included: We get a lot of letters from teachers in the States inquiring about the possibilities of teaching here. We review and correspond with those that look like promising candidates. When we decide on the candidate, based on his appli- cation, I interview him by phone. The inherent limitation of this "mail-order" recruit- ing process prompted one administrator to comment: 1969- this nati< perc staf one wry teac two 001E the Sic ton hr in 162 Of the total teachers employed in the school year 1969—1970, 41.5 percent were employed two years or less. Of this "short-term" group 49.5 percent were U.S. citizens, 46.2 percent host national, and 4.3 percent third country nationals. The "short-term" American teachers constituted 56.5 percent of the U.S. professional staff. Only 32.6 percent of the host national professional staff members were "short-term." All but one school had one or more host national teachers in the "newcomer" cate— gory on the faculty during the 1969-1970 school year. Thirty-six percent of the third country national teachers had been employed in these schools for less than two years. Six of the schools had one or more "new" third country national teachers employed on the faculty during the 1969-1970 school year. U.S. Staff Members The largest collectivity of "short-term" profes- sional staff members was the U.S. contingent. This group contained two distinct sub groups which the chief school administrators further defined as those who were "stateside hire" or those who were "local hire." Stateside Hire.--The "stateside hire" U.S. staff member was the largest component of the "short-term" U.S. professional staff member. These staff members were hire" of ind fregue admini fronts lllplo l car ustat Viewe lle's llhte 163 A lot is taken on "faith" both on the teacher's part and on our part. Sometimes the school and the teacher are compatible and sometimes it just doesn't work out-- which means we have a certain percentage of turnover every year. Fifteen administrators indicated that the "stateside hire" "new—coming" teachers were an extremely mobile group of individuals; some were "unpredictable employees," who frequently left almost as quickly as they appeared. One administrator illustrated this with a case that he had con- fronted: We employed this one single male teacher, who on paper looked like he would be an outstanding teacher. He had good references and he appeared willing to take the job despite the meager salary that we could offer him. When he arrived, he seemed like the "right kind" of person, who would fit into our high school program. However, after a week or so of school had elapsed, Mr. X did not appear for his Monday morning class. We checked at his residence and the landlord told us that he had moved out over the weekend. Later that day the janitor found all his textbooks and his record book in the corner of the gymnasium. The administrator further commented: "This man wrote a letter from the States asking us to send him something he had left behind." The majority of the administrators indicated that employment in these institutions was rarely considered as a career or professional development activity by these "stateside hire" teachers; rather it was more likely to be Idewed by the teacher as a potential means for enhancing one's personal development through an "exciting" and "interesting" experience which overseas living provided. "state teachl eitheI COIIlIlllll of th the f years world which ad 1 inSuI Stat: prl lite 164 Four administrators felt that a segment of the U.S. "stateside hire" teachers were motivated to seek overseas teaching assignments due to alienation in one form or another either from the U.S. society at large or the U.S. education community. We get a certain percentage of individuals who have had a traumatic experience in the States. Even though we try to screen them, we have had a few over the years. I have a teacher here, a top notch teacher, who just got fed up with teaching in the U.S. He left his work in the U.S. because he felt teaching in the U.S. was too confining. The "comings and goings" or the migratory phenomenon of the "stateside hire" U.S. staff member was summarized in the form of a parody by an administrator with over twenty years experience, "Join the American Schools and see the world." It can further be inferred that since salaries, which ranged from $768-6,600, were low by stateside comparison and fringe benefits-—retirement programs, health or medical insurance, as well as sabbatical levels for the professional staff--were not widely institutionalized in these schools, employment in these American schools had a limited meaning in either a personal or professional sense for the staff member. These "stateside hire" staff members did not join the institution and thus had little commitment to the insti- tution. Hence the U.S. staff members, who the chief school administrators reported as being most frequently attracted to teaching in these transnational schools, were the young with n Gems I but wh made I nanag ment dilen admit ofteI flhdl trot he( hem 165 with no previous overseas eXperience, limited familial con- cerns, andsafew individuals who had retired from teaching "active" and "useful." This was but who wanted to remain made explicit by one administrator: . . . For the most part, they [the "stateside hire" American teachers] were people who were anxious for. They would adventure because the money was no reward. come for the novelty of living inea totally different . with no real intention of staying environment . . beyond a year or two. This group for the most part was composed of young and recent college graduates with little teaching experience. The migratory nature of the "stateside hire" U.S. staff member precipitated crises situations for the managers of these schools as they sought to secure a replace- ment for the "stateside hire" teacher. The nature of the dilemma and the level of frustration that the chief school administrator experienced in securing a replacement were often a function of the timing of the individual's departure and the availability of a replacement. The pattern of unanticipated departure of these "stateside hire" teachers was made explicit by one adminis- trator: we would have that kind of crisis from time to time. we would get a teacher to come down and then he would It would leave in the middle of the year or sooner. give you a severe headache and you would have to get someone else. He continued by describing the means for locating a replace- ment: You would rush out into the American colony and If you couldn't find anybody [U.S. citizen, search there. rema trat in t side beyc was $101 per col was com Sic the 166 U.S. educator] you would look into the local situation. I Ch heavens . . . Even though in some schools, these "stateside hire" U.S. staff members completed their contractual agreement by remaining throughout the period, the chief school adminis- trators reported that few chose to remain beyond that period The rarity of a U.S. "state- in the employ of the school. side hire" teacher voluntarily extending the overseas stay beyond the one or two-year period moved one chief school administrator to comment, "When someone wanted to stay, it was like receiving an unexpected gift." "Stateside" hire profes- The turnover of the U.S. sional staff member imposed upon the administrators the perpetual need to secure personnel. The principal social collectivity to which the chief school administrator turned was the American segment of the wider binational overseas community. The staff members employed from this collec— tivity were known as "local hire" and constituted a significant portion of the U.S. staff members employed by the school. Local Hire.—-The "local hire" U.S. professional staff members were frequently described by the chief school not recruited from the U.S. administrators as individuals were recruited primarily by educational community but who a chance circumstance of wdrtue of their availability: time when a vacancy occurred. being in the community at the One ml some of pass teat members residinl and eigi staff w U.S. go U.S. or citizen school, nifican were wi instite lehbers laflehCI Merge, Int 0 IleIlber SCh001 39¢er Such ,, hllean 167 One administrator commented about the "walk-in" nature of some of these individuals: Sometimes they are just passing through and stop to They ask if we might need a pass the time of day. teacher almost like migrant workers back in the States. More frequently, however, the "local hire" staff members were dependents, most frequently wives of Americans residing overseas on a "more—or-less" temporary basis. Five and eight-tenths percent of the "local hire" professional staff were dependents of individuals associated with the U.S. government, 17.3 percent were dependents associated with U.S. or U.S.-affiliated business,snuill.5 percent were U.S. In one citizens dependents of local host national citizens. school, the chief school administrator reported that a sig— nificant number of the "local hire" American staff members were wives of students who were attending a host national institution of higher education. As a collectivity, the "local hire" American staff members were also a highly mobile group. The degree of per— menency was contingent upon the duration of the husband's overseas work assignment. When the husband's work assign- ment or training was completed, it meant that the staff member left the school's employ and once again the chief school administrator was confronted with the problem of securing a replacement. The chief school administrator cited such uncontrollable influences as job reassignment of the husband--often on short notice--contract termination, and shift coun hire eral staf view Rath end 168 Shifts in the economic or political conditions within the host country as events that mediated the supply of the "local hire" U.S. staff member. The chief school administrators asserted that gen- erally employment for the "local hire" U.S. professional staff member, like that of the "stateside hire" was not viewed primarily as a continuation of‘a professional career. Rather, for most, teaching was perceived as a means to an end or, stated another way, it was situationally determined and crisis-oriented. For some teachers, the chief school administrator asserted motivation for employment was "financial"; for others "relief from boredom" that overseas living sometimes imposes; and in some instances due to the persuasiveness of the chief school administrators and others in the community to "help us out of a jam" through accepting a teaching position at the school. The services of this latter category were frequently sought irrespective of the individual's prOfessional training or background. The unpredictable and uncontrollable nature of the supply of American staff members, both "stateside hire" and "local hire" in the overseas setting prompted fourteen of the administrators to point out that their wives had been pressured into classroom teaching and, in one instance, a school secretary was utilized to meet the crisis situation. The duration and nature of the teacher replacement crisis varied, butiJIsome instances there existed what could legi asso scho one Host sta gro com mem hos 169 legitimately be called a condition of "permanent emergency" associated with the American staff members, which one chief school administrator simply described as . . . We get over one teacher crisis and we are faced with another." Host National Staff Members The second largest group of "short-term" professional staff was the host national staff members. Although this group composed 46.2 percent of the "short-term" group, it comprised only 32.6 percent of the total host national staff members. These staff members were employed directly from the host national academic community specifically to teach in the Spanish sector of the school program. Within the ele— mentary school, these staff members were, for the most part, single, young, recent graduates from the host national teacher training institutions with little or no previous teaching experience. In the secondary school, however, these staff members were usually professionals who taught part-time in their areas of specialization. Generally this group was reported to possess little if any fluency in the English language. The majority of the administrators asserted that the host national teacher was attracted to the position because of the assumed prestige and the relatively high wages, as well 0pp01 Thirl Staf 170 well as, at least for the experienced teacher, educational opportunities. Third Country National Staff Members The smallest group of "short-term" professional staff was the third country national staff members and only repre— sented 4.3 percent of the "short-term“ group. Since this group was so few in number, the chief school administrators found it difficult to identify or describe the character- istics Of this group. The Genre of "Lonngerm" Staff Members The second major designation utilized by chief school administrators to describe the professional staff was the "long termer." This designation was used to describe those individuals who remained in the employ of the school for greater periods of time than the "short termer." Through analyzing the tenure patterns of the profes- sional staff members in terms of nationality, it was revealed that the dominant group of "long termers" was made Up of the host national staff members.‘ (See Table 5.7). The average host national teacher had been employed for over three years: 117, three to five years; 75, six to ten years; 38, eleven to fifteen years; 25, sixteen to twenty years; and 13, over twenty years. Included in this last category were SC extende host NE of the being : school Seven though there in an chief l have lloreow 0f ter lepene POSit: Thfee high : Ilehbe hence host “The Mic 171 were some host national teachers whose employment history extended back to the founding of the institution. Host National "Long Termers" The majority of the school administrators thought of the lengthy tenure of the host national staff member as being related in part to "good working conditions" in the school. The administrators identified Specific factors. Seven stated "Our salaries are the highest in town even though they are low by stateside standards." Three asserted there was a "prestige factor" which was ascribed to working in an American organization. This was made explicit by one chief school administrator's comment, "When Miss X leaves, I have about fifty applications from which to choose." Moreover, and possibly of greater significance in the length of tenure phenomenon, was the fact that in most schools dependents of the professional staff members held favorable positions in such matters as admission and lowered tuition. The educational opportunities for their dependents were of high saliency for a segment of the host national staff members and possibly contributed to the degree of perma— nence on the professional staff. Another significant characteristic of the "long-term" host national staff member was that a small but significant segment of this group (8.3 percent) held degrees from insti- tutions of higher learning in the United States. In addition, 3.3 perce U.S. citi individua tudes and members w organizat In a sens through 1 some inst tution m the host mended b .t can b helped t within t a(illinist first Se can emp: of the I best not Silently in this L ‘he hos 172 3.3 percent of this "long-term" collectivity were married to U.S. citizens and were frequently described as bilingual individuals. The chief school administrators felt the atti- tudes and behavior patterns of the host national staff members with the above characteristics brought to the work organization a highly desirable set of social characteristics. In a sense these individuals had been socialized either: through professional training or language acquisition or in some instances marriage to this type of transnational insti- tution and seemingly "fit" into the institution. Frequently the chief school administrators noted that the host national staff members were for the most part recom- mended by other host national staff members within the school. It can be assumed that this type of recruiting process helped to produce in a sense a "like-mindedness" and "fit" within the work organization. It is interesting to note that only one chief school administrator reported that the Ministry of Education must first sanction all host national teachers before the school can employ them. Hence it can be concluded that the majority of the schools could set their own criteria for selecting host national staff members and that their criteria fre- quently included those characteristics previously described in this section. In describing the lengthy employment phenomenon of the host national teacher, the chief school administrators cited mar for job I: who had 1: commented C teacl resie I ha and 2 Although national fied as - supports work rol also sup a mode 0 marriage were emp 1“ admin lmerica, Categop America: SChool Estabii 173 cited marriage and pregnancies as the most frequent reasons for job termination. However, one chief school administrator who had been raised in the country in which he is now working commented: Social customs seem to be changing. Years ago, teaching was a single woman's job and they used to resign once they got married. However, over the years, I have noticed that more and more of them are marrying and are continuing to work. Although this comment supports the notion that the host national woman's traditional role in society is being modi- fied as the society enters new levels of modernity, it also supports the notion that teaching in these schools is one work role which allows employment for married women. It also supports the notion that teaching in these schools is a mode of employment sought by members of a cross—cultural marriage. Although most of the "long-term" host nationals were employed as classroom teachers, thirteen were employed in administrative positions and five were employed in auxil- iary services. American "Long Termers" The second largest segment within the “long-term" category in these American schools in 1969-1970 were Americans. These were individuals who had been with the school for three or more years and who had,:h1most instances, established permanent social roots in the community. gone oven these it in some I others, i 1 American. two were third co or more school e school e and two U-S. cit the host lone eve either I only (E has an e adminis “heals me am, SChOOI 174 Within this group there were forty Americans who had gone overseas specifically to teach and had remained. For these it can be inferred that professional commitment was in some degree part of the reason for remaining while for others, they had liked it there and decided to stay. Frequently the nature of the permanency of the American teacher stemmed from their marital status: thirty— two Were married to host nationals and four were married to third country nationals. Nine of the schools employed one or more individuals who were from cross-marriages: one school employed nineteen; two schools employed seven; one school employed four; two schools, three; one school, two; and two schools, one. Moreover, there were nineteen individuals who were U.S. citizens and dependents of U.S. citizens in buSiness in the host country; another eleven were U.S. citizens who had gone overseas without any dependency relationship overseas either by marital status or by corporate organization; and only gag U.S. teacher was a dependent of a U.S. citizen who was an employee of the U.S. government. The "long-term" American teachers, the chief school administrators asserted, were engaged in teaching in these schools as a principal means of support and were seen by the administrators as highly desirable teachers. One chief school administrator in a large school embedded in a "well- ment l procel Expli lives the h had b These seas helpe play one I 175 "well-formulated" binational community expressed his assess- ment of these individuals in his teacher recruitment procedure: I first try to secure teacher replacements from the local [permanent] community. I try to identify those who have or will have some permanent interest in the community. I can work much better with this type person. Explicit in this comment was the notion that the private lives of these teachers rested in significant degrees within the host society and hence by inference these individuals had been socialized to the norms of the binational community. These long-term teachers as a result of their presence over— seas also constituted the nucleus of the permanent staff that helped to "tie the present with the past." The role that this group of "long—term" Americans played in these transnational schools was made explicit by one chief school administrator in a large school: We have a hard core of mature and somewhat older, more experienced American teachers. They are dedicated and settled. They bring a better understanding to the problems confronting the school and the ways of solving problems. Their experience is very important in this bicultural institution. These people know where we have been and where we are going. The collectivity of "long-term" Americans was frequently* described by the chief school administrators as performing varying leadership roles in the school, both on a temporary and permanent basis. In three instances, "long-term" Americans served in the role of "acting school director" during the period when the school had no chief school admin these those confe matte adIniI were "lon scho hm ten the not 176 administrator. Moreover, the administrator often identified these individuals who had attained "long—term" status as those upon whom he relied to help "get myself oriented here in " and as those persons with whom he frequently confers about the day-to-day administrative and educational matters of the school. Thirteen "long-term" Americans were employed in administrative posts in these American schools, while nine were employed in auxiliary services. It is interesting to note that in comparing the "long-term" and "short-term" American staff members in these schools, variance was a dominant characteristic. (See Table 5.8) There were only five schools where the number of "long- term" American staff members was greater than the "short termersJ' Thus underscored in this table is the fact that the administrators were confronted with a turnover phenomenon not only at different levels in the work organization but also in the proportion of teacher turnover. Third Country "Long Termers" The smallest segment within the "long-term" profes- sional staff members was composed of third country nationals. This segment, or 5 percent, incorporated twenty-one full-time professional staff members who had been employed for three or more years; seven employed for three to five years; nine 177 .mHoocom mmomno>o mo OOHmmo "memo mo condom OON OH ON O ON ON NH OO O ON ON ON O I HOHOB «OH O OH O O HN O OH O HH OH I v I .muh N soap OHOE EHOE OCOH OOH OH OH O NN m O HO N OH OH O m I .mHO mmOH no N SHOE pHOSm B O m w m N H O O m w m N H HH cOHOom H COHOom .mHOQEmE meson GOOHHoEN =EHOHIOGOH= Ono =SuowIpHocm= ocu mo comHHmmEoo N .O.m oHemB emplo fifte repor try I such admi leag perm been thes cons cour chh niI (iii: the uhe in he wh 178 employed for six totxmiyears; four employed for eleVen to fifteen years and only one employed for sixteen or more years. All the "longéterm" third country staff members were reported to be married to either host country or third coun— try nationals. In most instances they had established some social roots in the community and were considered by the administrators to be like their "long-term" American col— leagues in that they were overseas on a more or less permanent basis. In a real sense, these individuals had been socialized in the binational community. The chief school administrators, when queried about these third country staff members, frequently paused and concentrated before they attempted to describe these third country "long termers." When queried about the pause, the chief school administrators in essence replied that the third country staff members were so few in number and were difficult to describe. If they were from an Anglo culture, they tended to be more like the North American staff member; whereas if they were from a Latin culture, they tended to be more like the host national. Thus there seemed to be little differentiation in the minds of the chief school adminis- trators about these third country staff members and there were few comments as to how or why they came to be associated with the American schools. In summary, the chief school administrator was con— fronted with two distinct generations of professionals-- ”shor erati been teach local ents. compc terms cultt to h< Amer dent of s the patt dmc Wis C00] Sag int 179 "short termers" and "long termers." The "short-term" gen- eration was composed in large measure of Americans who had been employed in the U.S. via a mail-order procedure for a teaching position within the school or those who were hired locally, "direct-hiref'and were overseas primarily as depend- ents. The "long-term" generation of professionals was composed primarily of host nationals. It was in a sense the group of American "long termers" vfiny were the carriers of the American education culture. Through the mix and match of Americans married to host nationals, and the host nationals married to Americans, as well as other semi-permanent American resi— dents, these transnational schools have maintained a degree of stability within the professional staff which has enabled the institutions to survive. This section has attempted to describe the staffing patterns of these consociate ventures without any in-depth discussion or analysis of the areas of stress which the chief school administrators experienced as they attempted to coordinate this segment of the formal work organization. The areas of stress will constitute the focus of the sub- sequent section,:h1which the chief school administrators' interaction with the professional staff is discussed. Intrc isti< insti hers from enga bina that role stit else and and the ta St Uh 180 Work-Related Interaction with the Professional Staff Introduction In the previous section, the dominant character- istics of the professional staff in these third culture institutions were described. The professional staff mem— bers were highly mobile, educated individuals who emanated from two or more disparahe sociocultural groups and were engaged in the common enterprise of providing schooling for binational or multinational student bodies. It was assumed prior to the initiation of this study that the individual staff members brought to their work roles differentiated notions not only concerning what con- stituted appropriate schooling for children and youths, but also sets of ideas concerning the apprOpriate attributes and mode of behavior of those designated to teach children and youths. The U.S. teacher stemmed from a wider society that is recognized as being highly differentiated from the host society in which these institutions were located. Implicit in this condition are the differential ideas of the role and the function of the teacher. The position of the U.S. teacher within the States carries with it an achieved social status. One holding this position is judged in large meas- ure by the degree of professional performance in the work organization. Moreover, in the American society, one's pers from life and they of t sin< like :01: 181 personal life is in large measure privatized and segmented from the professional lifie,which gives one a degree and form of social insulation and freedom to conduct one‘s private life somewhat independently of the work role. These values and beliefs are shared by the wider American society and they are reflected in the-mode of professional preparation of the U.S. teacher to perform this work role. Moreover, since the chief school administrator was an American, he likewise shared these beliefs and this orientation about the role of the professional teacher. The host national teachers emanated from societies which were smaller in scope and scale and were less dif- ferentiated. The teachers, by virtue of their socialization and training within the respective social system, brought to the work role a somewhat traditional Hespanic orientation to what constituted a "teacher." The position of teacher in the host society carries with it an ascribed and, to a lesser degree, an achieved social status. One is frequently judged by "who" he is as well as by the "how" of his pro- fessional performance. Thus in the host society, one's perSOnal life is not segmented from the professional one. The interdependency of these elementary aspects helps to determine the behavior pattern of the host national teacher in these transnational institutions. Moreover, it was assumed that the professional staff member employed in these third culture institutions would be conf1 role role Hencr defi sim whe tra was mul mm rm am 182 confronted with varying forms of role conflict. That is, the role they were expected to perform was different from the role the staff member perceived they could or should play. Hence they experienced what Byrnes called “role shock" and defined as: . . . frustrations and stresses associated with such discrepancies as between what [a teacher or adminis‘ trator] views as the ideal role for himself and what he learns or finds the actual role to be abroad or between the role he expects to play abroad and the role he actually plays. In other cases this shock is identi- fied with such role related conflicts as between administrative and professional authority.l It should be noted that not only were the profes- sional staff members confronted with discrepancies between what they expected and what existed, but also the adminis- trator himself faced a similar situation especially if this was lfij; first experience in dealing with a binational or multinational staff in the overseas setting. Hence to get some notions about the interface of the work organization of these American schools and specifically the dynamics associated with the management, coordination, and integration of the lnultinational. teaching staffs, the chief school administrators were asked to describe their experiences in managing their particular work organization. Their descriptions of their experiences with the profes- sional staff as a unit and with the particular segments of the nmltinational. staff provided the data for the ensuing discussion. Perce mm nae rela' siom eigh with 5am One 183 Perceptions of the Binational or Multinational‘Professional Staff Three-fourths of the administrators viewed their relationship with the binational or multinational profes- sional staff as being equalitarian in nature. That is, eighteen of the administrators felt that their relationships with the host national professional staff members were the "same" or "about the same" as the ones they maintained with the U.S. staff members. I deal with them [the entire staff] as a group. There is no "North American" staff member or " " staff member as far as I am concerned. I try to treat them individually and to give each one the same kind of consideration. We don't think along national lines when dealing with professional problems. One administrator was very emphatic about treating segments of the binational staff equally. He commented: It is very important that this should be discussed. More can be done in this area. This problem was one that I inherited. A [host national] teacher-was fired, but an American teacher who pulled ears was not. A policy was established that every staff member here would be treated equally. In contrast, there were three long-term administrators who indicated that there were differences in the type of rela- tionships they maintained with segments of the professional staff because each segment operated out of a different set of norms and these had to be taken into consideration. These long-term administrators proceeded to identify rela— tional and situational aspects that affected the modes they chose lems comma chiel three the < schm to a degr the Sch 184 chose and utilized to solve the professional personal prob- lems of the :multinational staff. One administrator's comment summarized the manner utilized by this category of chief school administrator: ". . . you treat them in a non- threatening way but each one differently [taking into account the cultural differences]." The nature of the interaction between the chief school administrators and the professional staff was mediated to a large degree by the size of the institution and the degree of bureaucratization of the work organization. The administrators in the large schools, where a more crystallized work hierarchy existed, reported that their relationship with the professional staff was limited in most instances to professional associations, such as teachers meetings, committee activities, etc. Two men described the nature of their relationship in this manner: I have very little direct contact with the teachers here in the school. Socially I have no relationship. The principals in this school are very close to the teachers. I only meet with a teacher if it is an exceptional case. If it is a routine matter they [the principals] do it. To date I have had only 2-3 interviews with teachers this year. All the matters related to personnel are delegated. I only get in on things if we have a major problem. In contrast, in the medium and small schools where the work organization was less differentiated, the chief school administrators reported more direct and personal interaction with the staff members and thus they were more - .4... «man-w F— MW’ -.raaI;_I,s;...._———-—-————si sensl fessl mult that abou bina of k in n Imp dept hil inf 185 sensitive and aware of the stress and strain which the pro— fessional staff members experienced. In these American schools with the binational or multinational. professional staff, the type of interaction that occurs was dependent upon the means of communication, the use of language. Hence the administrators were queried about how language influenced their relationship with the binational or' multinational.professional staff. Most chief school administrators felt that the lack of knowledge of Spanish was not an insurmountable obstacle in managing the school since there were bilingual teachers or administrators who would help them in translation. Implicit in this fact, however, was the establishment of a dependency relationship upon those staff members who were bilingual for transmitting essential or even nonessential information to non-English speaking staff members. However, two administrators did feel that their lack of command of the Spanish language was an obstacle in their relationship with host national staff members. They commented: It was very difficult because I did not speak Spanish. Interpreters are fine but they always seem to interpret my thoughts incorrectly. Conversely there was another administrator who felt that he had experienced problems by virtue of his ability to speak Spanish. He recounted: "I thought I had a very good r I conf vehicl was th out th educat was di lmpli was t teach is to sum them Siom have info] to p: mme 186 good relationship with them until this near strike came up. I confided too much information." For the U.S.-trained administrators, one common vehicle utilized to bring about organizational integration was the staff meeting. However, the administrators pointed out that carrying on discussions and making decisions on educational matters within the framework of staff meetings was difficult. They commented: . . Oh, the translation problem! The host national does not object to attending the meetings, but I have trouble getting him into the con- versation. When I first arrived I had the idea that a school should be run as democratically as possible. Back in my old district, we utilized teachers meetings and committees to accomplish this. I overestimated the utilization of meetings in this situation. After the first year, I gave up the idea because I did not get any responses from the teachers. Americans seem to dominate our teachers meetings. Implicit in these comments about professional staff meetings was the element of':nonparticipation.ur administrators noted that conflicts over financial ssues with the host national teachers centered around dif- arential salary scales for the host national and U.S. staff amber, as well as the criteria for granting salary increases. The permanency of the host national professional ‘aff,according to the administrators in Region I,was deter- ned in part by the host nation's labor code. This, it was serted, required that all corporate institutions that ploy an individual for thirty-one or more days can only lease the employee either within the procedure established the labor judicial system which was costly in time or rancial resources or by financial indemnification to the :minated employee based on length of employment and salary :e. The administrators in Region II did not consider the lgthy tenure to be associated to any great extent with a1 considerations but rather stressed the employment enviro fessio The Sc maint: large schooi Ill ml rt ,_._ maint beyon ments 209 rvironment—-favorable working conditions, prestige, and pro— :ssional status. 1e Social Relationship The relationship that the chief school administrators aintained with the host national professional staff was in arge measure limited to the confines of the "official" :hool function, as the following examples illustrate: They have been in my house for the beginning of the year school parties or at school parties. I do not socialize with them [host national teachers] inten- tionally. If they are there we get along. But it is a more formalized relationship. . . . The only time I really see them in my office is if there is a problem. We get together at faculty meetings, committee meetings, and parties at the end of the year. I make it a point not to socialize on a one-to-one basis; in large groups, yes. However, some administrators felt that they did intain a personal dimension to the relationship that went yond the formal professional relationship. Three com- :nted: I I deal with them individually . . . they have per- sonal problems, too, and I try to help them when I can. I would not let myself get real personal in com- parison with the Americans. The relationship was more superficial. They came to me with their problems; to complain about another teacher, to get off for a wedding or funeral, or occasionally to borrow money. . . . 9 They come to me to ask advice about such matters as buying a house, but they don't ask me to sign a note. 'A '—-IL_I__. -e Summa fessi trato host tion host but e tors schoe over priv nati 210 Summary Implicit in the discussion of the host national pro- fessional staff was the fact that the chief school adminis- trators were dependent in varying degree and form upon the host national teachers for the very "success" of the educa- tion prOgram and the school. Hence the integration of the host national staff into the work organization was a vital but often frustrating task for the chief school administra- tors and was the focus of the relationship between the chief school administrators and host national staff members. More- over, since the host national professional staff had a privatized social life that extended into the wider host national community, the chief school administrators did not perceive the question of the social assimilation as being a factor in the relationship. nteraction with Third Country ational Professional Staff Member The nature of the relationship with the third country national teacher was most frequently described by the chief chool administrators as "much like those they had with the erican." Frequently the men paused to identify who these eachers were and in simplistic fashion commented about the category of teacher: They are well integrated here in and they are so much like Americans that I don't have to solve many problems for them. Impli of tk uals tions helpe simil asseJ teacl teac cont as c reve and oust Thee trat and the the Obs bin que 211 Implicit in this statement was the nature of the social roots of these third country teachers. Since many of these individ- uals were from nation-states with Anglo-Saxon cultural orienta- tions, the cultural differentiation was not_as great and this helped the administrator understand and to perceive them in a similar frame of reference. However, two administrators asserted that their relationship with the third country teacher was "like that he maintained with the host national teacher." In these instances, the third country teaching contingent emanated from other Latin American countries. Summary The areas which the chief school administrators stated is causing difficulties in working with the binational staffs revealed and made explicit the fact that the behavior, values, nd customs were viewed as primarily different from the ustoms and practices related to U.S. educational values. hese facets underscored the varying degree of the adminis- rators' sensitivity or insensitivity to the cultural norms d practices which affected the organizational balance in e schools. Many of the reSpondents asserted that it was re situation and the people in combination that caused the >stacles. Most saw the integration of the segments of the .national staff as highly problematic. In contrast, the long-term administrators most fre— ently demonstrated an artful means of dealing with the dispara' maintait sociate They pe. tional differe ation i were en the lac tional 212 .sparate segments of the binational staff and elicited and rintained the social legitimacy required to permit a con- wciate work organization to function as a whole social unit. fey perceived the problems related to managing the bina- .onal staff in terms of a sensitivity to the cultural .fferences and tended to separate the people and the situ— .ion in the problem. Most administrators in thiscategory re engaged in efforts to correct the conditions and saw e lack of trained people and the integration of the bina- onal staff members as challenging. Hazard Vol. 36 (New Yo p. 148. Deburea 213 FOOTNOTES, CHAPTER V lFrancis C. Brynes, "Role Shock: An Occupational zard of American Technical Assistants Abroads," The Annuals, L. 368, Nov. 1966, p. 96. 2Herbert A. Simon, Administrative Behavior, 2nd ed. 3w York: The Free Press, 19655, p. 227. 3 John Useem, "Work Patterns, of Americans in India," 148. 4Eisenstadt, "Bureaucracy, Bureaucratization, and >ureaucratization," pp. 304-395. sch roc tor tic all The II t[ 96] CHAPTER VI WORKrRELATED INTERACTION WITH THE STUDENT BODY Introduction \- The institutional survival of these thriteen schools was contingent upon the establishment of a recip— :ocal exchange arrangement in terms of providing satisfac— :ory educational service for the dependents of segments wf two or more societies, specifically the modern bina— ional and multinational communities found to exist in 11 the nation states where these schools were located. he schools were in a real sense providing schooling for group of dependents who have been labeled by Useem as third culture children." As such they represented a aneration of children and youth who were experiencing 1d participating in a cultural milieu which was signifi— lntly different from those experienced by their parents ' by the larger segments of the societies which they Present. This meant they were attending schools where 0 languages were utilized as the media of instruction, ere curricular patterns incorporated in varying degrees The the rec Th na 215 elements of both host and U.S. educational systems, and where binational or multinational teaching staffs were employed. It has been pointed out by Useem that if you change the cu lture of man, you change the iden- t1ty of man so that you get new kinds of selves in Finally out of The question arises,then,what is the nature and extent of the problems encountered by the group of children who are receiving their formal education in these thirteen schools? Who are these students? Where do they come from and where 10 they go? What does this mean in terms of the adminis— :ration of these schools? To get some notions about these 1nd other student—related issues, we asked the men respon— :ible for the management of these schools a series of juestions. Their responses form the content of this ection. Characteristics of the Student Body 1e Student Body——A Multi- __r___._________________ atlonal Group ____.________ The patterns of national composition of the stu— Ents who attended these schools were highly differen— .ated among and between the schools. Utilizing .tionality as the criterion, eleven of the schools had ltinational student bodies,while only two schools had bin: ing: thi: bod per cou nat enr W61 COL WdS 216 binational student bodies. Three distinct national group— ings were identified: host national, U.S. national, and third country national. The national composition of the collective student bodies of these schools was: host national, 7,706 (68 percent); U.S. national, 2,986 (26.4 percent); and third country national, 630 (5.6 percent). In Region I, host nationals composed 4,315 (67.4 percent) of the students enrolled in the schools; U.S. nationals, 1,884 (29.3 percent); and only 211 (3.3 percent) were third country nationals. In Region II, host nationals composed 3,391 (69 percent) of the student bodies, 1,102 (22.4 percent) were U.S. nationals, and 419 (8.5 percent) were third country nationals. It was noted that in Region II, there was a higher proportion of third country nationals than in Region I. (See Figure 2.1) From the data it is evident that the nationality "mix" of the student body among and between the schools Was highly differentiated. The host nationals enrolled in these schools composed from 37 percent to 97 percent of the respective student populations. The U-S- Students enrolled in the schools composed from 3 percent to 56 ,Dercent of the total student body, and the third country lationals ranged from 0 to 12 percent. The hOSt lational students formed the largest nationality grouping .n these schools. The U.S. nationals were numerically in the nati body cit: was cit sch the Alt for 217 the minority in all but two schools. The third country national constituted the smallest portion of the student body in all the schools. In addition to the three major classifications of citizenship previously enumerated, a fourth classification was observed. These were children who possessed dual citizenship and who might be classified as "passport Americans." That is, they were children of cross— cultural marriages—~the father was one nationality and the mother a different nationality. They are by defini- tion American citizens; however, Culturally they are bi- cultural. Three administrators, who were observant and sensitive, asserted that they looked and acted "like American kids" yet "somehow they are different." In one school it was reported that approximately one-fifth of the students were dependents of cross-cultural marriages. \lthough the exact data on this aspect were not available for most of the schools, one school reported that in 1969, [3 percent of its student population classified as U.S. ritizens actually possessed dual citizenship. he Student Body—-A oeducational Group The student bodies of these schools were coeduca- donal at all 1evels—-preschool, elementary, and secondary. t should be noted that the social practice of segregation ' [Ill-[III r .. ......-... -..i-h.—‘— by has How le 218 (by sex in both public and private educational institutions has long been a traditional practice in Latin America. However, the practice of coeducation in the schools has gained social acceptance in the twentieth century. The Student Bodyw— A—Mobile Group I The thirteen schools in this study served as "educational bridges" across which passed students from various national groupings. The movement of these stu— dents on these bridges, as with any bridge, flowed in both directions and created differential and distinct student nobility patterns within the schools as the schools lttempted to provide the schooling needs for the multi— ;ational groups. All the chief school administrators identified obility as a dominant characteristic of the student body, nd described the comings and goings of the students and be problems each encountered. However, only three ad— inistrators had compiled any comprehensive data on the >bility of their students. These data is used throughout iis section because they illustrate the mobility patterns ich all the administrators asserted transpired in their thools. The student mobility which the administrators scribed varied significantly from school to school,and deg tic StL' 219 degree of mobility was mediated by the geographic loca- :ion of the institution. The scope and scale of the student mobility as well as the difference between schools .s apparent in the following comparative analysis. Using the student's length of residence in the :ocale as the criterion to show mobility, the chief hool administrator in a large school in a nation's pital reported that 47 percent of the secondary students a that respective school had resided for five yearscnrless 1 the city where the school was located. In contrast, 1e chief school administrator in a medium school in a :ovincial capital reported only 17 percent of the econdary students in that school had resided in the city wr five years orless. (See Table 6.1) This limited resin nce period meant that these secondary students had tended schools in other locations prior to attending e present school. The data also underscore the fact it the number of students with short residency periods 3 greater in the school located in the national capital. Although the variable of nationality was not :ermined in the information presented above, the chief lQOl administrators felt that the host national student pided in the locale for longer periods of time in com- ‘ison with the American and third country student. The nature of the student's mobility was further cribed by the number of countries other than the U.S. dee tie 219 ree of mobility was mediated by the geographic loca- n of the institution. The scope and scale of the lent mobility as well as the difference between schools :pparent in the following comparative analysis. Using the student's length of residence in the file as the criterion to show mobility, the chief pol administrator in a large school in a nation's "tal reported that 47 percent of the secondary students hat respective school had resided for five yearscnrless e city where the school was located. In contrast, hief school administrator in a medium school in a 'ncial capital reported only 17 percent of the idary students in that school had resided in the city five years arless. (See Table 6.1) This limited resiv a period meant that these secondary students had ;ded schools in other locations prior to attending resent school. The data also underscore the fact the number of students with short residency periods reater in the school located in the national capital. Although the variable of nationality was not mined in the information presented above, the chief . administrators felt that the host national student d in the locale for longer periods of time in com- n with the American and third country student. The nature of the student's mobility was further aed by the number of countries other than the U.S. ‘uw‘ 1 Tab llle 220 -e 6.1. The length of residence of the secondary students in the city in which they attended the American school. 1 Medium School Large School |ear or Less 13 (5%) 227 (23%) Five Years 32 (12%) 246 (25%) Ten Years 26 (10%) 132 (13%) in Years or More 193 (73%) 319_(39%) _ 264 984 |_ fe of Data: Survey report prepared by schools. (he host nation in which the secondary student had ed. The chief school administrator in the large 1 reported that the secondary students in the respec— school had resided in some sixty-four countries, while econdary students in the medium school had resided in :wenty-four countries. Once again thedegree'of ty of the students in the school in the nation's 1 is shown to be greater than in the school located provincial capital. All the administrators indicated that the student's :y as well as the number of countries in which he red was mediated by the employment patterns of the ' the household in the student’s family. When the f employment changed, the student moved. The the the pet The max so] une thr 221 nistrator of a small school reported that families of students in the school were asked the length of time intended to remain in that city. He reported that 11 ent of the families expected to remain less than two 5; 6 percent for two to five years, 4 percent for six en years, 50“percent expected to remain for a lifetime, 23_percent were uncertain howglong they would remain. data not only indicate the wide range in terms of per- ncy and mobility of the families associated with theSe 313, but also serve to underscore the condition of rtainty which a large segment of the families and r dependents experienced. Although the administrators described the student Lity in terms of length of residence and geographic rent from place to place, mobility was also described Le quantity of student transferrals from other educa- ,1 institutions. This education migration occurred the host national student transferred to the American 1 from the host national education system; when the national student transferred from the American school :he host national education system; when the American .rd country student transferred to the American school n education system in the U.S. or third country; or he American or third country students transferred the American school into another education system. (Hill __—u- —- may; _. bet 0IlC tic 222 The nature of this education migration varied een the schools in scope and scale and was influenced again by the location of the school and the composi— of the student body. The chief school administrator large school in a capital city where the student body :omposed of over 50 percent Americans, reported that arcent of the secondary students had transferred from )lS in the U.S., 39 percent had transferred from r schools in the same country, and 15 percent had trans- d from schools in a third country. In contrast, the school administrator in a medium school in a pro- al capital where the student body was composed of 50 percent host nationals, reported that 32 percent :ansferred from the U.S., 6 percent had transferred :hird countries, 52 percent had transferred from schools in the same city, and 10 percent had trans- , from other schools in the same country. The comings and goings of students produced dis— generations of students within each of the schools. generations, like those of the parents and teachers, atermined not by chronological age but rather by 19th of time the student had attended the institu- The education migration as well as the geographic on of the student body occurred throughout the 3 schools' educational program. Thus the in and --.-. t; -_=‘-. lead—.7 223 it" migratory patterns of the students will be discussed the ensuing section by educational program categories-- eschool and elementary and secondary school—~and by the tional group-~host national, American, and third untry. To assist in this discussion, Figure 6.1 has n prepared which shows the composite total of the host ional, American,and third country students at each .de level at the time this study was conducted. eration of Students in school and Elementary 1001 The "in" migration of the host national child at preschool level is apparent in Figure 6.1. According the administrators, the enrollment of the host national dent was motivated by the parents' desire that their ldren "learn English." However, as Figure 6.1 reveals, number of host national children decreased after the :chool level and presumably these children pursued r formal schooling elsewhere, either in a public or ate school in the same city. The question can be timately raised, "What are the reasons for this large ease?" Since the chief school administrators did not Lon this phenomenon during the interviews, the answer >nly be Speculative. It is possible that the figure ,e preschool level is a composite figure for one, two, ree years of preschooling programs since the 224 .maooaom mmomum>o MO oowmmo "sump mo oousom .oeumeme new» Hooeom as Mwoonom ccOHHoad smounfiau on» sfl opmnm coco SH poaaonso mbsocsnm H Ofluma wuuafloo UHHflp Ucm HMGOHUMQ .m.D .HMGOHpmc pmoa mo HGQEDZ .H.® musmflm opmsw worth . it we em on m m e e m e m m H mm HMGOHfiMZ a q _ 1 . d. _ u _ 1 . muncsoo tunes .rooa HmcoHumz .m.: ; HmsOHpmz pmom ..oom Mu m trees a l ..oom m. S ..oom m p 8 ..ooe w S ..oom - com I coon adn tut pos the o 225 inistrators did mention this fact and thus the magni— e of the decrease is misleading. However, it is also sible that only a certain number could be admitted at first grade level due to limitations in class size.* eover, it is possible that the host national parent t the tuition for the elementary grades was too high was not satisfied with the schooling experience and refore chose a less costly or different type schooling erience for his child. However, once enrolled in the elementary school, host national child was reported by the chief school inistrators as becoming a part of the "most stable 1p" in the school. Six administrators reported that reen 602nu195 percent of all host national students entered the American school in the elementary school Ileted the elementary cycle. The chief school administrators reported that the ”can elementary child was more mobile than the host nal child. Six administrators reported that between d 90 percent of all American students enrolled in lementary program complete it in the American school. in and out" educational and geographic migration of erican student at the elementary level was described e administrator in this manner: '— *It is interesting to note that 30% of the schools 'aiting lists for admission into school. den stu tra anc' ele adI 226 We have a great deal of turnover in the American student contingent. The pattern seems to be that the father is transferred down here to work with an American or host national organization for a given period. Here in this appears to be for two- three years. Then it is back home to the U.S. for the entire family and the child continues his schooling there. From the aggregate data in Figure 6.1, it is evi— . that there is variation in the number of American .ents in Grades 1-6. However, the chief school adminis- ,ors indicated that the American child was apt to enter leave the school at any grade level. The migratory pattern of the third country national entary student was not mentioned by the chief school nistrators and it would appear from Figure 6.1 that group might be overlooked primarily because the ar involved is so small in comparison with the other tnal groupings. ation of Students condary School The secondary students,like the elementary students, iined generational groups based on the length of time ad attended the American schools. The data in Table lustrate transfer "in" patterns of the secondary .ts into two institutions. The degree of mobility at the secondary school was somewhat differentiated between the host national 1 ,1 r (....l ( P1234567891118 — 227 a 6.2. Percentage of secondary student bodies who transferred into the American school at each grade level. rade Medium Large chool 8% -% 6 .- 6 4 l 5 3 6 5 8 11 10 10 17 4 13 3 l6 5 9 2 9 - 3 ;al English 15 - L e of Data: Survey reports reported by the schools. .merican students. Between 50emui90 percent of those national students who matriculated from the school's tary cycle to the secondary cycle were reported to te the school's secondary program. In contrast, 0 percent of the American students who matriculated he elementary school to the secondary level were -ed likely to graduate from the school. Another pattern was evident for those students ransferred into the American schools at the secondary In those schools which had complete secondary ms, 75 to 95 percent of the host national students eported to complete their secondary schooling in the the OVI thr 228 rtransnational school. The chief school administrators arted that between 10 and 90 percent of the Americans transferred "in" at the secondary level completed program. However, the dominant pattern was for the ican student not to complete his secondary schooling seas. In most instances he returned to the U.S. at :onclusion of ninth grade and/or tenth grade. Mobility of the Host National Secondary Student.-- 10bility of the host national student within the dary level of these transnational schools was increased mpared with the elementary student. The administrators ted that the host national students frequently trans- d "out" of the American school into the host national ls either at the conclusion of sixth grade or at the lsion of ninth grade. This tendency was noted par— rrly with the host national male,while there was a ICY for the host national female to transfer “in." The transfer phenomenon as described by the chief administrators was associated with the culturally ined concepts of work roles and gender roles of the ociety. In the host culture, ninth grade tended to be a 11 point in the life cycle of the male youth, and >ns were made concerning the professional paths via schooling. Since admission to higher education for t national affected the professional life within ((lIlllH 229 creepective society in terms of work role—-lawyer, ior, engineer, etc.—-few males could risk an educational 5 that did not guarantee university admission. His [1 status as a "man of knowledge," his identity that itle bestows, as well as his financial rewards were nfrequently contingent to a large degree upon gradu- from a host national university. The chief school administrators reported that ;r education in Latin America is for the most part Ld to public—supported institutions and admission t1 as attendence is generally free to holders of iary school certificates. Thus large numbers of iary graduates apply for admission. Admission to the :ution is often not based on competitive examinations, .ther on successful completion of the secondary pro- n a host national accredited school and a letter of endation from the institution affirming satisfactory t. Hence the host national male was reported to 3r "out" of the American school at the secondary into a host national accredited institution to give Ice of admission into institutions of higher learn— ;hin the host country. This transfer "out" phenomenon of the university— d host national male was identified by the chief administrators as being most pronounced at the rade level. This pattern occurred most frequently '—4-.:. 5W 230 .hose American schools in this study where the secon- ¥(Grades 7—9) and/or preparatory (Grades 10-12) rams were not accredited by the Ministry or Department iucation of the host nation. Moreover, it was noted this transfer "out" phenomenon more frequently occurred re nations where higher education was more highly oped. Other possible reasons for the transfer "out" of ost national male, although not cited, can be sup— d. Since the tuition rates at the secondary level ese schools were significantly higher than the ele- ry level, it is possible that financial consideration account for this transfer. Moreover, yet another .ble explanation seemed implicit in the secondary (ms offered in these schools. The majority of the school administrators indicated that the school's ary program met "both the U.S. and the host national ion standards," and asserted that incorporated into :ricular structure were "elements of both the U.S. a host national educational programs." The amalga— of the educational programs from two disparate .onal systems, by its very nature, produced an onal program that was different than those offered ndary schools in the host nation. Since the educa- program was not like either the host nation or U.S. 3, yet contained elements of both, it in a real sen “CI the see in<_ ed1 231 :e precipitated what one administrator identified as a ldibility gap at the secondary level." Moreover, if the host national parents did send r children to the American schools for the complete ndary program, this increased the necessity for send- :heir child to the U.S. or another nation for higher ation, particularly if the school's education program rot accredited by the host national universities. host national institutions generally made no pro- ns for granting equivalency credits for courses com— d in nonaccredited schools. In contrast to the host national male's pattern of Eerring "out" of the American schools in the secon— Level, the chief school administrators reported a fer "in" pattern by the host national females. When lief school administrators were queried concerning thenomenon, two commented: We are known as a "good place" to learn English d in recent years, we have started a bilingual cretarial program. Some of the wealthier host national families here like to send their daughters to the ates at some time either before or after they enter a University so they send them to our school to arn English. It is in a sense preparation for a t undetermined "next step." Five administrators reported yet another aspect mobility of the host national secondary student. . segment or approximately twenty students came ral into the urban areas within the country for the spe the ad 232 =cific purpose of attending the American school. Al~ ugh frequently these students lived with relatives, the 'nistrators, especially those in the small and medium schools, reported that they became involved in the onal matters of these students, such as "finding sing" and attained a "feeling of being responsible for L Mobility of the American Secondary Student.--The f school administrators reported that the mobility of American student at the secondary level was contingent two factors: namely, the transiency of the American ly and the educational goals of the overseas dependent. 3 the transiency of the American family overseas has discussed previously, the discussion will be focused Le second factor, educational goals of the American dent overseas. Implicit in this second factor is ulturally determined notion that a U.S. college educa- , as highly prized in terms of work role and social 8. Moreover, since admission into higher education 1U U.S. was contingent in part upon attaining a high on the college boards, which are calculated on the ial norms of the stateside peers, the overseas Ameri- >uth was thought to be at somewhat of a disadvantage. .he American parent, like his counterpart in the bi- al community, does not leave this matter to chance mehow arranges that the American youth gets back to the U This Figur Gener trato were and e educe 95 pe highe tors freqw tuti limi nati both on t one 233 .S. for a portion or all of the secondary school. is reflected in the enrollment figures found in e 6.1. *ations of Graduates Where do the secondary graduates go? The adminis- >rs who had complete secondary programs (Grades 7—12) asked to comment upon the graduates of their schools especially those who enter institutions of higher Lti0n. The administrators reported that between 10 and :rcent of the host national graduates went on to :r education within the host nation. The administra- asserted that these graduates were successful and .ently very successful in their efforts. The administrators estimated that from ()113 ercent of the host national graduates entered insti— Ls of higher education in the U.S. and that a Ed number pursued higher education either in Europe her Latin American nations. The Latin American 1 most frequently mentioned was Mexico. The chief school administrators reported that fn 70 and 100 percent of the American graduates went iinstitutions of higher learning in the U.S. However, Ldnistrator indicated that some American graduates ._ ““H _ 1 had e the h can 9 asser chief paren lengt obser Lanrns‘h A—L. trat< grad] then tWelj went the I 234 rolled in institutions of higher learning within at country. He commented: Ten American graduates went to the host national iversity in 1969 and another 20 chose to attend an erican institution of higher learning here in at offered an accredited U.S. baccalaureate degree. ministrators commented on the success of the Ameri- aduates in American universities and colleges and ed, "They always do well." The comments of these school administrators, however, were based upon 3' comments and occasional letters from the graduates. However, one chief school administrator with y tenure in a large school did Comment about-an Kw. ation he had made: The school doesn't have any formal follow«through our graduates. We try to talk to as many as we can n they return here. We have noticed that those dents who have been out of the U.S. for long periods time tend to have adjustment problems in the States. y get homesick and want to come back to as Et as they can. It should be noted that the chief school adminis- made no comments concerning the third country s from the school. It can be assumed that because are only thirty—one third country students in the grade in all these schools, this group of graduates %oti¢ed since it constituted such a small group. The chief school administrators indicated that at ent time the schools had no mechanism for hi< S_u_1 235 cting comprehensive data concerning the graduate's mic success or social adjustment in institutions of r education. £y_ The student bodies attending these thirteen .can schools were a multinational, coeduCational, lighly mobile group of children and youths. The geo- 1ic mobility patterns of the students were highly arentiated, but the American and third country students considered to be more mobile and the host national nore stable group. Student mobility was also defined arms of the change of educational goals and objectives 1e students which mediated that the student moved in t of the American school. The multiple "in and out" ‘rns of the students created generations of students in the school and a student body that was continually stion. The chief school administrator perceived the mo- y of the studenusas causing discontinuities in the nts‘ educational and social lives. The problems the chief school administrators encountered with tudents in managing the educational program will be seed in the following section. _1_n_t the in tr; bi] thI sc‘ wh pr pr or 236 Factors Associated with the Administration of a Highly Mobile Multinational“ Student Body gction and Discussion The data in the preceding section established lational' and mobile nature of the students enrolled schools. To get some idea about how the adminis- perceived the task of managing the highly mobile, >nal student body and the kind of problems both ninistrator and the student encountered within the , the administrator was asked a series of questions, included; With what segment of the educational n he had encountered the most headaches? i.e., sol, elementary, or secondary? Who handled the co— Fion of the academic program? Have you set up any hs for new students? Do you have boarding students? These questions were easily answered by most ad— 'ators in the small and some of the medium—sized . They could cite specific problems that affected om a personal as well as professional standpoint, as the effects upon the students. These adminis— were more intimately involved with the students the staffs were smaller, and the administrator re and sensitive to the integrative process and s encountered by the students because the adminis- themselves had to find solutions to the problem. for H101 ger the Sp( 237 1ontrast, the chief school administrators, in other Sum size schools and especially in the large schools, fl these questions more difficult; some rambled, some %ized about the "good the school was doing." In ral, this group of administrators was less aware of ntegrative process and the problems since the re- ibility for the actual administering of the education am and student-related matters had been delegated to dinates in the school organization: principals, tary and secondary, curriculum coordinators, admis- fficers, counselors, etc. (See Table 5.1) The school administrators had less direct contact with tudents and became involved only if the problem had 2d a crisis level. One chief school administrator -arge school commented on the nature of his involve- I get involved with problems when the parents are in arms. Just this morning I had a parent come to mplain about our Second Grade teacher and how she ndled a playground problem. The student-related problems which the administra— :ed in the open—ended responses were categorized tree groups: they were admission and placement .s, academic adjustment, and social adjustment to rseas school. (See Table 6.3) Although the administrators cited problems in the admission and placement to the school, by far the Table —— Admis (as Acade Soci; Mean majo to t ally occu to e in t a st ment dete Sued Prog ScoI Pen 238 )le 6.3. Areas that the chief school administrators con- sidered to be important in dealing with the highly mobile, multinational student body. Number of Mentions ission and Placement 18 age, language, finances) demic adjustment to overseas school 20 ial adjustment to overseas school .té 52 5; number of items mentioned: 2.1. rity of the administrators mentioned problems related he student's adjustment to the school, both academic- and socially. Why did these types of adjustment problems f? To seek answers to these questions it was necessary :amine the typesof academic programs that were offered .ese schools and the conditions which would influence dent's adjustment to his new classmates and environ- In analyzing the educational programs, it was mined that no archetype educational program was pur- .n these thirteen schools. Rather, if the educational .ms were placed on a continuum, at one end point, the and sequence of the curricular structure was that ibed by the host national educational authorities, 239 ish was the dominant language of instruction and for [ing on the affairs of the school, and English was a Idary language in terms of usage and time used in ruction. On the opposite end of the continuum, the 2 and sequence of the curriculum was patterned after :ducational programs followed in the U.S., English he dominant language of instruction and for carrying e daily affairs of the school, and Spanish was the minant language--that is, it was taught primarily foreign language and used solely as the medium.of in— :ion for those subjects required by the host national 1ment, i.e., national civics, history,and geography. an these two polar points, there existed educational ,ms that contained various blends or mixes of curricu- ements from culture one (host nation) and culture .S.), thus producing unique and highly differen— curricular patterns, various blends of time and 3f the English and Spanish languages, as well as iguage used to conduct the daily affairs of the 3 (See Chapter II, pp. 22-25 for the various models). :cific pattern which each school followed appeared 'elated to such contingencies as the implicit and t goals of the school, the mix and match of the l backgrounds of those whose dependents used the and the availability of human and financial re- The educational program, which the student 240 untered, in all likelihood contained new subjects, n he had never experienced before. Hence it is under— iable that the student would have to adjust to the :am in the respective school. In terms of social adjustment, the student again ’aced with a new situation. He was meeting students one or more nationalities; he was faced with not one age, but two; the language to which he was accustomed or might not be the dominant language of his new mates; and he was faced not only with the set of L norms and behaviors of the culture from which he :ed, but also with another set of social norms and .or characteristics of the locale in which the was located. For the elementary child, the social adjustment new situation was by far much simpler in compari- th the adjustment faced by the secondary youths. 3y definition, asserted'Eisenstadt, is "the transition 1ildhood to full adult status or full membership in :iety," and as such constitutes the .stage at which the individual's personality uires the basic psychological mechanism of self- ulation and self-control, and his self-identity omes crystallized. It is also the stage at which person is confronted with some models of the major as that he is supposed to emulate in adult life and n the major symbols and values of his culture and nunity.2 The ter the val ine 241 secondary youths who attended the transnational schools experiencing in a real sense unique and complex pat— ; in terms of adult roles, symbols, and values since elements of two or more cultures were incorporated in ,ng degrees and forms into the schooling experience 11 as those elements that impinged upon them from ider binational and host national community. It is d understandable that the secondary youth would nter problems with social adjustment. The student adjustment problems with which the school administrators must contend were a function 2 highly mobile nature of the children and youths in 'erseas schools. In essence, there were generations dents in each school. Each generation and more ically each student then was at his or her own ularistic level in the adjustment cycle. Those ts who had entered the school either in preschool Ly elementary grades, and had matriculated progres- through the grades, had made their academic and adjustment to the school environs early in their In contrast, those students who had just entered 001 were in the initial stages of the adjustment Although the problems that the administrators :equently centered around adjustment to the school, v of the administrators reported that the individual SCht and sc0j 3110 new as S stu rel the 242 31 conducted orientation programs for the new student, :hose efforts described were informal and limited in a. One administrator reported a buddy system existed, .er that the student council made efforts to orient tudents, and one that the Counseling Department ted in student orientation by the distribution of a nt handbook. Having established the categories of student— ad problems with which the chief school contends, 1suing discussion will focus upon the administrator attempts to resolve these problems. Areas to be sed will be the admission and placement of the t, the elementary student and his adjustment to the , and the secondary student and his adjustment to 1001. mission and Placement Student The admission policies and practices were found to gnificantly among and between the schools. Three ents reported that their institutions followed what cribed as an ”open admission" policy; open in the hat all students were admitted whose parents wanted ll their dependents in the school and could pay the However, the majority of the administrators re- :hat a type of "selective” admission practice was SC( Eng pre 243 owed; that is, admission was contingent, in addition he ability to pay, upon determinants such as age, es on entrance examinations, specifically scores on ish language proficiency tests (no school reported iciency tests in the Spanish language); the sponsor- agency of the U.S. student's father; established final quotas and/or class size; and frequently personal gviews with the students and, in two instances, par- \ .Whether "open" or "selective" policy prevailed, Esion was contingent upon a written contractual agree~ etween parent and/or legal guardian and the school ning the conditions of admission. It is interest- 3 note that only two schools required as a condition imission, a physical examination, although some .5 recommended that the child obtain certain vaccina- prior to entrance. All of the chief school administrators asserted hey had experienced stress in administering the ion policies. This stress revolved around contro- s over age, language, and administering scholarship Age was mentioned by five administrators as a eround which much controversy revolved in the admi trar The two sch ent Lat cus gra WEI cer 244 ission and placement of children and youths in these 1snational schools. Eisenstadt asserted: In all societies, age served as a basis for defin- ing the cultural and social characteristics of a human being for the formation of some of their mutual rela- tions and common activities and for the differential allocation of social role.3 “two major social collectivities (host national and E'can) which used these schools brought to the school Eistinctive patterns in regard to age for beginning £1. The customary and legally established age for ling the first year of formal schooling in these seven American nations was age seven. In contrast, the mary and legally established age for entering first : in the U.S. was age six. The chief school administrators reported they confronted with the task of determining policy con- ng what age-gradient system would be used in the ls. Since these schools were attended byeabinationalcn: lational student body, the chief school administrator iced with the dilemma of either (1) following a L age-gradient system based on either the host or .ge-gradient system which inherently imposed dis— ages to one or more groups of students, or (2) Ping a flexible admission policy which would accom- individual differences and would be based not solely , but academic proficiency as well. The majority of chi sye ste pre si) thJ 245 ief school administrators asserted that the age-gradient ftem used in the respective schools was flexible and “dents between four and six years were admitted in the Eschool program, from six to twelve in grades one through a, and from twelve to eighteen years old in grades seven -ugh twelve. The controversy over the age—grade placement of echild frequently stemmed from the child's mobile re. The parents were concerned about the child trans- -ing to other schools. One administrator described the national parents' concern: The host national parent was concerned that the child would be at the socially acceptable age-grade level when it was necessary for him to enter the host national education system, while it was our [adminis- :rator's] concern that the child be acadmically >repared. Ler administrator described the American parents' In: American parents are overtly concerned that the hild will not be at the appropriate grade level upon is return to the U.S. U.S. and host national parents alike were concerned The child's social and educational future and wanted esure that the child would meet the social and educa— . norms within the respective society in which the would continue his schooling. The chief school administrators indicated that were occasions when the conflict over placement had not be and t1 fines Expli paren reaso State the a aspec Engli Place Englj Schoe Cerni high desig P01i( PIOV. ficie 246 Jeen resolved in the manner acceptable to the parents :hat the controversy had been extended beyond the con- : of the school. One administrator recounted: They [the American parents] think this is an * erican school like those their children attended ack in the U.S. They want their child to be given ecial consideration. I often have to fight with rents over this matter and on occasion all kinds hell is raised at the Embassy. pit in this comment is the fact that the American L was unaware that this school was different, or the i for its being different than those back in the ;. Moreover, it indicates the type pressure that {ministrator encountered over only one administrative of the educational program. h Language Proficiency Not only was age a factor in the admission and ent of children and youths within the school, but 1 language proficiency was as well. The chief administrators reported differential policies con— this aspect. Some administrators noted that non- speaking students were only admitted to classes ‘_ F—— —<_ id to increase their English language proficiency. Other administrators asserted it was school ‘to permit the student to enter at any grade level [i the child had a certain English language pro- 7. This comment illustrates: Scho was tion cons ever admi abil whic diff ship of 7 lati whi] (See Wen con gre the 00m: 247 We used to take kids who did not have any knowl— edge of English. We have now ruled that they must take an examination to enter. We take them if they are no more than two grade levels below in English language proficiency. >larship Programs As already mentioned, admission into this school econtingent upon the parental consent to pay the tui— fees established by each school. Implicit in the nt to pay is the condition of ability to pay. How— all the administrators reported that their schools ted some students, whose parents did not have the .ty to pay the tuitions, via scholarship programs L all the schools maintained. Scholarship aid in rential amounts, either as full or partial scholar- , was granted in the school year 1969-1970 to a total 9 students (6.4' percent of the total student popu— n). Full scholarships were granted to 397 students, 332 students were recipients of partial scholarships Cable 6.4) l The scholarship policies in these thirteen schools frequently not recorded, and where policies were re- i, the actual administration of the program varied iy among and between the schools. In some instances, hef school administrator was responsible for the I 'te administration of the scholarship program,while er instances a scholarship committee, composed -Oblmwmd Mm QH mugmeflnflxfiumhn Mao \AUHI—umnolfiflemn \flfiN mamhnm OMAN fivuflm mwflsmMMHonom IVIW @HQMPH. 248 .mHOOSOW mmmmH®>O MO GDHMMO 039 "M#MQ MO QUHDOm mmh NHH we ma N ‘1' H #4908 HmHHme HHDM Wmnomcomw Hoonom mszmnnsm .o.s km N mmH I OH HH I I H I I I N\maN N ow HMHHHmm . NGH k N m N I HH mN Nm om I NH eN m HHsm Umnomcomw .#>Ow .m.D HMflpHmm I ma I I m HHDm pmuowsomw Hooaom mBZMDDBm Emom mm mm H H M I I he I I m m I I Hwfluuwm I m m I N m HHsm wmuomsomm Hoonom mszmnsem .m.: Hmuoa z m m a m N H k i I OH m w IIlen H H N UUH' v ll mwa om Nv mm mm mm mmm X“ N N l I [\ I omH @b l H wwH DN 0 fiN H I m vd mm m m a m N H nw. HH conmm H cowmmm _-lhl 249 .erally of members of the Board of Directors, were in- ved in the selection of scholarship participants but administration of the actual program was left in the is of the chief school administrator. The scholarship programs were often described by administrators in a moralistic and paternalistic Ier, such as "allowing needy students to attend the Iol, who otherwise would not have the opportunity." the administrators asserted that the scholarship rams imposed problems for them in terms of securing noney for the scholarship program and in terms of listering it. One administrator in a medium school ribed the conditions under which he became responsible :wo scholarship students from a nearby island: We got into this a hich the school was e ational government. or these scholarships oy was 16 years old bu rrangement because the land on rected was given by the host The government chose these kids and we had to take them. The t we had to place him in the ifth grade with eleven year olds since he was below is age-gradient level. He evidently had never been Ef the island before nor exposed to urban living. 3 had to see that he got food for lunch. This lad to go home. It broke me ime into my office asking > to see this boy so homesick, so I agreed that he )uld go home. . . He never came back. r chief school administrator quipped: I find myself torn between the "good" this program ovides in terms of "goodwill in the community" and e frustrations I encounter. When I am confronted th reams of paper work and endless meetings and iticism directed at me over the administration of LS program. I wonder if it is all worth it. ISIS—HIE 250 .mary Two basic types of admission policies, "open" and lective" were practiced in these schools. The accom— ation of two culturally determined age-gradient systems, )ined with the mobility of the student body required : these schools practice a flexible admission process. vadministrators reported that they experienced frustra- It is as they attempted to administer these loosely Led admission policies. Elementary Age Child His Adjustment to American School Once the elementary child had been enrolled in the >l, the chief school administrator was confronted with .ask of assisting each child in his or her adjustment, academically and socially,to the new environment. mic Adjustment As indicated in the introduction, the school's :ion program incorporated the use of two languages, sh and English. Hence, if the incoming student was .lingual, it was essential that the child gain skills second language. The administrators described the utilized to accomplish this purpose. The integration of the host national child into lingual program, particularly the English language :,was described thus: the 5 class Expl prov tuto seco chie adju the home Was 251 We give new host national students enriched English classes. We give them extra tutoring by placing them in our Special English classes. We give them more than their tuition could demand. The means of accommodating the American child into school program and eSpecially the Spanish language sses was described in the following manner: Continuity of our American student body has been one of our greatest problems especially since part of our elementary program is taught in Spanish. When the American child gets here from the U.S., he generally does not know Spanish and we have to get him fluent enough in Spanish because he needs it to keep up. This means we have to provide special Spanish classes for these students. Iicit in these comments was the fact that the schools ided both highly formalized as well as informal or rial classes as a means of helping the child learn the 1d language in the school program. In essence, the school administrator perceived the child's academic :tment as being contingent upon his becoming bilingual .ickly as possible. The chief school administrators were aware that hild's language development was influenced by the The influence of the home on language development ascribed by MacGinite, who stated: The home is obviously the prepotent source of Ivironmental influence on language development. The :tent and nature of language stimulation in the home eflects the play of many factors—-the interest, affec- .on, and the ability of the mother, the presence of tra hat the tur pre par lar the 252 siblings, the nature of the conversation and verbal planning in the family.4 The host national child, the chief school adminis- trators asserted, was enrolled by the parent in the school to "learn English." Frequently, one or both of the host national parents spoke English (see Chapter III) and for \ %he host national parent within the Latin American cul- Iure the knowledge of foreign language appears as a restigious element and prized cultural symbol. The arent's attitude towards learning English was conducive o the host national child's development of English nguage skills. However, one CSA observed a pattern in e English language development. He commented: The host national child develops nicely in English language skills through the Sixth Grade. At Grades 7—8—9, he reaches a plateau. Most administrators noted that the U.S. parent's titude toward his child learning the Spanish language eatly influenced the U.S. child's language development. the U.S. parent had a positive attitude toward learn— ; Spansih, the child was more apt to make satisfactory >gress. However, the majority of the chief school ministrators did indicate that they had encountered Iflicts with American parents over the school require— :t that all children take Spanish language classes as E as certain subjects in Spanish; i.e., history and raphy. Two men recounted: BA kQ mam—HQ the c pared in th havin was c be ex paren the 1 influ One c Engli that PIOgr n0n~E Encial adjustment to the American school. The chief school administrators stressed that .eir interpersonal relationship with the elementary host tional children was ceremoniously "polite and correct" d commented on the deference that host national children nonstrated toward them. It was observed that in several IOOlS, students of all ages and nationalities rose to air feet and gave an oral greeting, sometimes in English, Ietimes in Spanish, to authority figures such as teachers, 'ectors,and the occasional visitor who entered the class- m. This is a custom that is widely practiced in Latin rican schools, especially at the elementary level. Those administrators who were involved in the nentary school asserted that maintaining student dis— Line both in and out of the classroom was a major con- 1 for them. One chief school administrator expressed problem in terms of supervision: "We are constantly ronted with supervision problems." Yet he continued escribing the classroom situation: You perhaps have noted that classrooms are somewhat more noisy——they are, at least, in terms of what I was accustomed to back in . It seems the kids iown here seem to be much more uninhibited in speaking )ut and moving around. .cit in this comment is the fact that a different set thavioral norms than those to which the administrator ccustomed existed in that culture. 256 It should be noted that what was acceptable class— room behavior was contingent upon the cultural norms of the students and the teachers. Since there were both host national and American teachers in the elementary school, the child in the classroom encountered differential norms of what was appropriate classroom behavior. When the teacher's notion of what constituted appropriate behavior differed from the studentsfl the student encountered stress and discipline problems: Frequently the discipline problems are with Americans who just arrived from the States, but to be sure, I have my share of problems with the host national child. The American boy or girl entering the overseas lmerican schools encountered a new set of norms for class— 7oom behavior and encountered stresses. The administrators 'ere aware that there was an adjustment period for these ewly arrived Americans. One commented: We try to help these youngsters as much as we can both in the school and out. If we can get them through the first ninety days of class with reasonable success, they seem to make the adjustment to the b1— lingual program satisfactorily. {plicit in this comment was the fact if the child was .Ven time, he adjusted to the new school, a new language, ,3 classmates, and the classroom situation. It should be noted that the American child enter- g the American school, in all instances but two, was a membe] possil well-1 encom boy a1 0f the possh stude miniS' terms upbri Socia II Three Conta Schoo er or PerCe inter r-r'.—'l:_-.().I_o r—l‘ 257 member of the minority grOup in these schools. It is pCSSible that this influenced his Social adjustment and well-being in the school as well. Although the administrators commented that they encountered discipline problems with the host national boy and girl, they did not view these problems in terms of the child's social adjustment to the school. It is possible since in the majority of schools the host national students comprised the majority numerically, that the ad- ministrators did not perceive the discipline problem in terms of differences in social or classroom norms. Rather,the CSA tended to comment upon the social upbringing of the host national child in relation to his social integration into the school. One commented thus: . -Much of the reSponsibility for raising children in the host national family is delegated to a maid or "nana." Down in the elementary grades you see this in terms of their social and intellectual develOpment. Three administrators commented on the limited outside contacts with other children the child had before entering school: "They had played primarily with the maid, a broth- Er or sister." This limited social interaction was >erceived by one administrator as influencing the child's .nteraction patterns in school; he commented: The [host national] children in the lower elemen- tary grades tended to play by themselves or in small groups of two or three. Larger groups tended to pro- duce conflict as a matter of fact. Cooperative play is very difficult to organize at the elementary level. The idea of cooperative "team" play does not seem to have any significance until upper elementary grades. aC' pre Ac 3 P a t a a s s B o t 258 In essence, the social upbringing of the children was perceived by the administrator as influencing the type of activities that could successfully occur in the school program. Activities The chief school administrators reported that school-sponsored events for the elementary students.incor- porated celebrations and parties for both the host national and U.S. holidays. Moreover, the schools frequently tried to provide after—school academic enrichment programs and activities for the elementary students, since the social activities in the community were limited. The after- school activities included informal athletic programs and scouting—~Brownies, Junior Girl Scouts, Cub Scouts and Boy Scouts. Only two schools had formal athletic programs: one had a peewee football team and another had a boy's =track team and elementary—age cheerleaders. Since leaders for these after-school activities were hard to come by, seven of the administrators reported they had assumed the responsibility. One man served as a football coach,while another administrator and his wife Iad assumed the task of supervising all the after-school .ctivities. 259 Although all the chief school administrators were not involved with the supervising of the after—school actiVities, nevertheless the administrators frequently were embroiled in, and not infrequently the arbitrator of, conflicts that occurred over after-school activities. Conflicts centered around leadership; what set of criteria would be followed in the organization--whether the scout troops would be registered in the host country or in the U.S. and which uniform was correct; the norms of behavior; the type of actiVities appropriate for binational groups; and the scheduling of these events so as not to conflict with the sociocultural or religious nroms of segments of the binational community. Summary The administrators perceived the elementary child's academic adjustment as being contingent upon language Learning, particularly of the second language of the school, and hence all the schools offered specialized .anguage programs. The chief school administrators were ware that discipline problems occurred in and out of the lassroom but generally only perceived the newly arrived nerican child's behavioral problems as being associated ith social adjustment. Although the CSA identified inguage as a significant element in the academic adjustment, 260 Ie did not associate language learning to the behavioral Iroblems of the elementary child. Generally, the chief school administrators sought lirect interaction with the elementary students. Those in :he small and medium sized schools commented with a sense >f pride and personal satisfaction that they had direct and frequent contact with the students either as a part- :ime teacher/administrator or as supervisor of the after- school programs. One administrator in a large school lescribed how contact with the elementary students helped rim: I have been the director of this school for about four years and I have experienced many crises. Over the years, I have learned that one way to get a lift when things are a mess is to take a walk over to the kindergarten or first grade room for a while. After a few minutes with those kids, I can come back to a problem with a renewed and different attitude. It really does me a lot of good. cademic and Social Adjusment f the Secondary School Youth The student group that the administrators felt Icountered the most difficulty in adjusting to the over- aas school was the secondary age YOUth- This group was Imposed of female and male students aged thirteen through neteen enrolled in grades 7—12. Twenty respondents, who were employed in the Pools that conducted partial or complete secondary hooling,reported that the assimilation of the individual 261 student into the academic and social life was often highly stressful for both student and administrator. Only one administrator reported that "no problems" existed. This could possibly be explained by virtue of the fact that the complete responsibility for secondary education had been delegated to subordinates. The administrators' descriptions of their rela- tionship with secondary youth frequently took the form of anecdotal—like accounts of recent crisis issues that con- frontedtflmnnin managing the students, underground school newspapers, campus codes of conduct-—dress codes, smoking or not smoking, use of alcoholic beverages at school affairs, class attendance, scheduling of examinations for students whose families were departing before the end of the school term, or arrival of students mid-term. These crisis events were generally not seen as Jeing related to the school organization and program but rather perceived as being an inherent "conflict" aspect bf the current generation of youth, over which the admin— istrators felt they had little control. In describing the secondary age youth, the ad- Jnistrators frequently were apt to delineate issues that ey c0nfr0nted with the national grouping of which the udent was a member. Most administrators felt that erican students" encountered and presented them e most problems and the third country student the least. 262 Hence the data will be presented in terms of the national grouping of the student. American Secondary Students Some of the administrators described the students in generalized stereotypes such as a "typical American student" and "responsible and good students." Most tended to categorize the students as "Embassy kids," or "business kids," or "missionary kids," and kids overseas on a "permanent" basis, or kids who were "transients." In analyzing the chief school administrator's relationship with the American secondary youth, it was the element of mobility that was perceived as a fundamental condition that permeated the nature of the relationship. As indicated in Characteristics of the Student Body, the students were a mobile group and this mobility produced generations of students whose comings and goings not only :aused discontinuities in the students' lives but also aroduced problems in managing the school. Hence an ad— ministrative expedience was developed by many schools to .imit the amount of movement. Regulations concerning the .umber of excused and .nonexcused absences and early ithdrawals were established. For example, No student will receive credit for the school year or for any course if more than 25 (excused or non-excused) absences are recorded. This same ratio of 14% will apply to any part of the school year the student may be enrolled in the school. 263 No early withdrawals are permitted. Students are required to complete the school year, including final exams, to gain credit for the year. The school year ends about the middle of June and the primary Spanish program (Federation of Mexican Schools) may continue on through the third week of June depending on the official Federation calendar. evertheless these regulations did impose pressures upon he administrators within the administrative process. The responses of two administrators explain the roblems that were reported by twelve others to have ccurred annually at their schools. The one administrator .escribed the problem and how he dealt with lit. We just had one family who wanted to leave before the school year was over and before the final exams were given. I knew if I let one person take the exams early, I would have all the other Americans on my neck. We finally resolved the matter by making arrangements for the son to remain here for another week. I boarded him in my home and then after exams, he flew to the States to join his parents. n another instance, the administrator had assumed the ole of guardian for a male student who was to finish out he year. However, he reported that I finally had to write a long letter to the father and suggest that he come down to get his son and take him back to the U.S. The father did this. >ne of the administrators, however, reported that the :hool operated boarding facilities for these students. e administrator did indicate that two years ago a local otestant mission had attempted to establish a boarding use for missionary children but that the project was andoned after a year. 264 The mobile nature of the student was perceived as influencing the youth's adjustment to the school, and the administrators themselves often identified problems with those students who were transient in terms of the academic .and social adjustment to.the school and the community. Academic Adjustment.-—Since the educational pro- grams in these thirteen schools incorporated the use of two languages, Spanish and English, the initial problem was to integrate the student into the program and to pro- vide the youth with a means of becoming proficient in the second language. Two administrators aptly described the process: We give them time to adjust. I get them into a Special Spanish program. We try to adjust the schedule. One in five American students were transients. They had not been involved in this type program before. We had to do some “shoe hornin " to get some type of fit [in the educational program]. However, the social adjustment for kids fresh out of D.C., I felt was more pronounced. Explicit in the latter comment was the fact that this administrator perceived the "social adjustment for the aids . . . was more pronounced." This was a notion which was expressed by the majority of those administrators .nvolved in working with the secondary youths and was the ominant problem area with the American secondary youths. 265 Social Adjustment.—-The newly enrolled students were seen by the administrators as experiencing a “new world" where the student was confronted with the task of establishing secial and self identity,” in a school environment which was influenced not by the values, symbols,and roles on one culture but of two cultures. The students' reaction to these diverse elements varied. One chief school administrator made explicit how he perceived the feelings of newly arrived American students: "The kids in junior high and high school don't quite feel at home. Being out of our culture is hard on them." The American youths encountered new sets of social norms about what is acceptable behavior for youths, such as this administrator described: . . .the Latin American culture does not provide U.S. type living. Living here is very different. Dating is done quite differently. The chaperone idea is still very much a part of life. =till others cited differences which pertained to the aracteristic role of male youths. There was a lack of ple opportunity for part-time employment, and youths rely had the privilege of owning and driving a car-- rs are very expensive to buy and maintain overseas. Not only were the social norms for youths' behavior .fferent than what the American was accustomed to in his ciety, but, not infrequently, the chief school 266 administrator cited legal codes of the host nation as an impinging force. Two administrators cited the following events: Two boys were picked up in a cantina for drinking. The law here in [host nation] states that the school must suspend these students and not allow them back in the school. . . .The immigration authorities are cracking down on the Americans who are involved in smoking pot. The American youth's reaction to this new social environment was expressed in different forms and described variously by the administrators. Two administrators described the students who rebelled against being over— seas and made this rebellion manifest in their academic work: Americans are slow to adapt. They don't want to be here. They fail and go to another school. American kids fail deliberately. They know they can go home again. . . . They develop such a block against Spanish and all other classes. [till another administrator described the students rebel- ing against the local social and legal norms. Our student problems are with the U.S. rebels. They fail to realize that they are in a foreign nation and fail to realize the need to observe the rules of the [host nation]. Others described the reactions of those students ho knew they were overseas for a limited period of time. The Transient American student is least interested in the school and takes the least pride in it. Since he is here temporarily there is no reason to establish loyalty. Moreover he generally thinks anything out- side the U.S in inferior. 267 Another administrator cited the "trouble group" in his school as "those students, whose dads were on sabbatical and whose mothers want a glorified vacation.“ He con- tinued: . . -therxnwkids[Americans] count the days before they are to go home. They have an "Idon't care, why bother" attitude. Explicit in these comments were loyalty to and acceptance of one set of symbols and cultural patterns and rejection of another. In a real sense these American youths were rejecting a cultural pattern which the overseas school represented and which the chief school administrator was attempting to create and integrate. The administrators reported that the social net- work that would allow the overseas American youth to adjust to the new social environments outside of school ith ease was absent, for the socialization patterns for ouths in the host culture were different. One adminis— -rator commented about these socialization patterns: . . . Their [host national youths] socialization was more in the home rather than in public places. The public places were not frequented. nother administrator further commented: . . - These kids only have one recreational outlet. That's physical education classes here at school. 268 In an effort to cope with the behavioral issues that resulted from the different sets of social norms for youth, some administrators reported that the schools had established a set of regulations governing student behav- ior, on and off campus. One chief school administrator described the basic regulation operative in his school: When a student's off—campus behavior is of such nature that it brings adverse criticism on the school, the student may be subjected to suspension or expul- sion. The administrators reported that the students reacted to these regulations differently. Since the American secon- dary students in a real sense were participating in two or more cultures outside the school which were different (nonconformity), some students did not accept nor feel loyal to the school's idealized patterns of student be— havior. One administrator described such a youth and the consequence. "Just the other day, I caught a boy smoking ’on campus and I expelled him permanently." Frequently, the student regulations were described ,in authoritarian terms and were viewed as authoritarian by l “the student body. One chief school administrator commented: The kids don't like the idea of being told how to dress. If you wear a short skirt, you must learn how to sit. And I don't like to be placed in the role of local policeman over all the kids in the school. 269 Yet he continued to describe the students acceptance of the regulations. "Most students expect to be sent home. Most American parents support the idea of sending the kids home." Explicit in the above comment is the influ- ence and support that the overseas American parents gave to the school on these regulations. The chief school administrator reported that the parents' sanctioning of these regulations was due in no small part to the fact that the parents were under pressure from the sponsoring agency or business to portray the "ideal“ U.S. citizen abroad and implicit in this was conforming to the host national social and legal norms. For the American parent abroad this pressure represented a new and different pressure, since previously in the U.S. the head of the family had been judged by his work performance only and =his personal and family life were privatized. Since the American youth overseas held a social .status that might be termed "piggy-back status," that is V la social status derived from the representative role of {the larger collectivity of which a student's parent was t I 0 O Ia member, the American youth's behaVior overseas impinged upon the father's job overseas as well as the family‘s status. Consequently, the American parent pressured his “on or daughter to conform to the local social norms as hell. This parental pressure caused one chief school administrator to comment: "The parents use the situation 270 is a bull whip. "If you don't behave, I'll . Only five schools employed counselors who could Ielp the students with their problems; consequently many >f the administrators reported that they themselves assumed this role. Comments included: I counsel with the kids. . .‘. I even have a daughter of a board member, who has taken to pot. He wants me to talk to her about this, since he doesn't know how. If the administrators could not resolve the issue with :he student, other alternatives were sought. One adminis- ;rator described the process in his school: This is a difficult situation. We deal with the parent. If this fails, we deal with the Board. We must recommend. They either agree or change at the meeting. We are in a foreign country and we don't want the image of the U.S. to be damaged. Only two administrators reported that they could urn to various individuals in the community for help. he called on a local minister; the other commented: At one time, we called on a group for help: an Anglican, a president of a local firm, and a _ person from the Embassy. [other administrator did indicate that the school had ught professional help: The school brought in a psychiatrist to help some students who had been forced to move a lot and faced some serious problems. .,._....:-. —, i; . 271 Other administrators did indicate that schools had incorporated into the school program special problems and cultural differences, as a positive means of handling social adjustments. A typical comment follows: . . . These type problems havepersisted, but we try to counter it by strengthening our Social Science pro- gram through discussion of social problems. Although the majority of the administrators made reference to the American student's problems in adjusting to the social environs overseas, many if not all, did adjust successfully. One administrator who had personally "counseled" some fifty to sixty American students over a nine year period described what might be called the "successful" adjustment pattern which the American student generally =followed as he entered the school and the host society. There are stages that the kids go through. First, this is something novel. Then after about 30 days they enter the second stage, they are tempted to rebel. Then after three or four months, he reaches the third stage. Things begin to make sense. They find out that they are like all the other kids and they accept it. They generally improve their studies. The majority of the administrators talked about a rebellion stage of the American youths overseas. It can be inferred that since the American youths were coming and leaving that the chief school administrators were :onstantly facing new generations of students who were BXperiencing crises in their personal lives. Hence rarely 272 did they describe those youths who had "made" it through the adjustment cycle so to Speak. Only two administrators made reference to the American students who had adjusted to living overseas. One administrator commented on the influence that being an American overseas has on the youth's social status. The Americans were more sophisticated than the national kids or even kids their own age in the U.S. American girls do develop more naturally overseas.. .. The niceties were part of the social upbringing over— seas. The U.S. girls were especially attracted to this. Inother administrator commented on those American students rho were permanent residents. He said, “They are like :he host national." It can be inferred then that the long—term Ameri— ian student had been integrated into the school and the ilingual program at an earlier point in time. He or “-“‘_A he had adjusted to the host national culture possibly by irtue of the acquisition of the host national language, ius helping to confirm Rainey's assertion that length of :ay overseas does affect the acquisition of languages.5 Moreover, as these American youths were overseas Ir longer periods of time, their loyalty to and accep— nce of the host culture increased. This was confirmed two chief school administrators in these comments: . . . Those Americans who are raised here, can't stand the rat race in the U.S. 273 ...They [American students who had been permanent residents here] are often afraid to go back home [U.S.] to go to college. In essence these American youths were experiencing aliena- tion from the U.S. culture. There were six administrators who reported that within their respective schools there was a small but significant group of American youth, who had experienced alientation from the U.S. culture or aspects of it, and rho were residing overseas with persons other than their >arents. Frequently these youths were children of cross~ :ultural families residing in the States. Some now resided rith a grandparent, although there were some who were just wandering“ or "whose fathers were in Vietnam." One administrator in a medium size school reported fat he conducted an informal program whereby he catered % a number of both male and female U.S. high school tudents, who had social problems with their parents in 1e U.S. We have had five or six problem kids up to this point. These kids had negative feelings about their parents. We bring them down here and place them in stable host national families. There is something about the host national family that sort of dissolves their feelings for their parents, and the kids develop different feelings for them. The kids have a new and different kind of freedom in the situation even though the host family has well formed and rigid social patterns. Then, too, I set up a schedule of counsel- ing. We are going to do more of this. We are going to have 30-40 of this type student in the future. 274 the administrator was asked why he was involved with program, he replied, "They speak English and we are : of English-speaking kids." Summary.--There was a consensus among the adminis— rs that the American secondary student encountered s as he entered the American school. The student's nic adjustment to the school was influenced by his :iency in learning the second language and his accep— of the school's educational program--since many ferred from other schools, some students did express sure of dissatisfaction. The administrators perceived :udent's social adjustment as being problematic for :udent and for themselves. As the student entered this Icial environs, he encountered two sets of social- 'al norms in operation. Whether the student accepted ected the acceptable behavior patterns for youth in acale, greatly influenced his social life. Moreover, «the American student was highly mobile, this ty affected his educational patterns and his social 13, especially the maintenance of friendships. ational Iry Students It should be noted that the number of host 1 students at the secondary level was less than in mentary school. (See Figure 6.1) Generally the 275 : national male had transferred out of the school by level and the host national student population was ominantly female. Academic Adjustment.—-The chief school administra- jdescribed two generations of host national secondary hnts: one contingent was labelled permanent, the r transient. The permanent group, the "old timers" ? speak, had attended the school for a number of years, matriculating from the elementary school into the dary school. These students were integrated into chool's bilingual education program at a point r in time. They had adjusted to the school and the am and had gained a level of proficiency in the 3h language. This group was described by one chief ; administrator: The host national student is in his own country. takes the most interest in the school. He can entify. He has pride in the school. Moreover, the chief school administrators indi— that these permanent host national youths "were 7 well—behaved," and "polite and courteous" in their :e, a socially acceptable behavior pattern for youths the host society. Hence many commented, "I spend ttle time on discipline with host nationals." The generation of newcomers, the chief school :rators asserted, imposed a set of administrative 276 lems. Problems were frequently related to the students' gration into the school's program. ‘ The students who enter at the high school level s>ither have a knowledge of English or they must enter he special English programs before they can be inte— rated into the regular program. Since most of the tudents do not know English we have to schedule pecial English classes for these students. The administrators acknowledged that some of the mere had enrolled in the school for the purpose of ing English. Usually this group of students, gener— irls, had matriculated from host national schools d enrolled in the American school for specialized ms, e.g., Special English or bilingual secretarial ims. One chief school administrator described such rram in his school: . . The bilingual secretarial program has helped to tract new students at the 10th grade level. In is program, we teach all the secretarial skills in th English and Spanish. After three or four years, pending upon the student's language abilities, they aduate from the school as bilingual secretaries. a new industires as well as banks are always looking : bilingual secretaries. The very nature and process of learning a language 'ceived by the administrators as an arduous and task which the men sought to facilitate by con- searching for new and more effective techniques :hing English as a second language to these youths. ministrators acknowledged that some students found 277 -ning a foreign language difficult and that sometimes e students withdrew from the school. The majority of the administrators perceived the gems with the host national secondary age student as 5 primarily related to the student's academic progress tuccess in the school's program. These schools' pro- ; were oriented towards either preparing the student tntrance into higher education or preparing the host nal student for future work roles in the host society-- ion that was congruent with administrators' profes- 1 training and experience and educational norms. How- 'this idealized View of the school's role frequently 1 conflict with the notion that the chief school istrator reported was held by some of the host Ial students. The following comments illustrate: . . We have a certain segment, some boys and some girls, 0 did nothing about their work but just sort of ayed on and on....They kind of used it for busy rk until they decided what they wanted to do—-to go f to work or what not... Our bilingual secretarial program served as a fen for those who did not want to go to work or to roll in the college prep course... However, one perceptive chief school administrator ed the social role of the female in the host society a segment of parents viewed the role that the was to play in preparing the daughter for her adult the society: 278 Here in Latin America, the role of the woman is rather traditional. They are not expected to play a leading role in business and her place is thought to be in the home. . . ._Very few girls enter higher educa- tion. However, problems arise for both host national parent and daughter. What does the daughter do if she does not go into the labor market after ninth grade? The class of host nationals who send their daughters to our school View this as a "safe" place to send them. Safe in the sense that they can possibly learn some English and some secretarial skills, both socially prestigious skills which help them to retain their social status in the community. They also feel we run an organization that looks after the welfare of the student. Social Adjustment.--The administrators rarely untered problems with the host national students' al behavior outside the school. Upon leaving the 31 grounds each day, the host national youth returned is social world where Spanish and host cultural norms ailed. The youth was aware of the appropriate means ying adult roles and establishing his own self- ity. One chief school administrator described the =dary youth's social development: i . Their social development was more in the home ther than in public places. However, the host tional male had a good degree of sophistication 'nce the male role in Latin America is somewhat 'fferentially defined than the American male role. he Latin American culture does provide the female hild with a "coming out" birthday party at the age = 15; this establishes her as a person with an adult acial status and accompanying role expectations. Summary.——There was a consensus among the adminis- 's that the host national secondary age youth caused problems for them within the school than the American 279 lent. The host national youth was accustomed to the "opriate behavioral pattern for youth in the locale, consequently social adjustment for this group was less lematic. Rather, the administrators reported, the lems focused on the students' adjustment to the aca- : program of the school, particularly learning the ish language, and the students'academic progress. 1 Country Youths The third country secondary age youth represented 6 percent of secondary student population and the ’ school administrators failed to identify problems he had encountered with this group. It could be inferred that either this group had xposed to different sets of sociocultural norms [e than one nation and knew how to cope and adjust t situation, or that their marginal status meant that tr the student nor the parent felt justified in I :ng the problems to the attention of the chief administrator. t Interaction us To integrate the student into the academic pro- 1 the American school was one objective,but to rte the student into the student body was another 280 :ter. If the student was to be a viable member within I student body, then he must be able to share and dis- :s ideas and thoughts with other members within this Iup. This sharing and discussing is based on communi— ing with each other and this, in turn, is based on guage. Hence, to become one of this group necessitated t the youth knew the language of the other member, be English or Spanish. The administrators were cognizant the importance of language and endeavored to provide youth with proficiency in the foreign language as :kly as possible; hence, the Special English and :ial Spanish classes. One of the vehicles which the schools used to grate the segments of the student body and hopefully ain a measure of school Spirit was through activities. Table 6.5) The range of activities included social, cultural, >hysical activities. The administrators reported that Ictivities often got bogged down and became ineffec— due to lack of leadership. Typical comments included: Getting these things started is generally easy but eeping momentum is another issue. When kids see here is no adult interested, you can't blame them Dr the attitude they Show toward these things. We have to ask teachers to take these activities 1 a voluntary basis. Generally they do, but once Iey find out the many problems--no equipment, no Icilities, no money, and lack of interest on the part ’ the students, they generally give up. I can't ame them. 281 ble 6.5. Student activities conducted in American schools in school year 1969—1970 as reported by the chief school administrators. r _-_ fit; . . Frequency thltY of Mention L—_ ident Government Student Council Social Activities (Queens, homecoming, dances) Student Exchange Club to Study Problems of Youth Fwd \J\O Iool Publications Yearbook Newspaper e Art Activities Art Club Drama Club Literature Club Music (Band, Orchestra, Drum Corps, Choir, Glee Club, Guitar Club) O'\ F-‘IbN Letics Intermurals Intramurals Cheerleaders — Pep Squad Nepoo gal Interest Activities Astronomy Club Chess Club Industrial Arts Club hodel Airplane Club Photography Club Sewing Club Typing Club HeetaHeAFJH gs Clubs [\J ibrary Science ocial Welfare (volunteers to assist 1 local orphanage) astic Organizations ational Honor Society 2 F‘— 282 It should be noted that leadership of these activi- es was on a voluntary basis. Frequently, the host tional teacher had little or no experience with such tivities as they were not frequently part of the host hools' educational program. The American teacher has 3 experience with many of them, but the adjustment to a new teaching situation and culture often were diffi- .t, and any additional task, especially when there was ; enough equipment, etc. to do the task, was just too rh to cope with. The students' involvement in the activities ied. Although the above example implied the lack of erest on the student's part, it should be noted that type of activity and extent to which the student was iliar with the activity often mediated the student's onse. For example, "the kids were always trying to -o each other on fund—raising activities. I finally :to put the brakes on." This particular activity, that 'und raising by electing queens, was an activity which a part of the host culture. The student had been tved either as a bystander or participant before,and stfore was aware of what should be done and how to do [In contrast, other activities in which the student had 10 previous experience precipitated problems, as a illustrations imply: I m 283 We are still trying to get last year's yearbook finished. . . . They [the students] have a hard time organizing. We must set the program. If it is on school time, they stay but not after school. It should be noted that staying after school to articipate in activities was not a widely accepted custom lthough if it were an activity with which the students are familiar, such as socials or athletics, participation iS more likely to occur. Another aSpect of the activities problems was Ilated to sex. It should be noted that within the host .lture there were certain activities appropriate for rls and others for boys. Generally girls tended to be 88 involved in athletic programs, and then the sports re generally limited to volleyball. Moreover, since 3 secondary schools often had few males, this also ited the extent of the athletic programs that could ccessfully be utilized in the schools. Another aspect of the activities problems was :ated to language. For example, in such activities as matics and newspaper, the language used mediated the .ent of the student involvement. For example, one ‘ef school administrator commented: The Americans are frozen out by the host (-nationals in dramatics and Sports. Only one kid, ‘who had brought a trombone, was included in the social group. 284 ummary The chief school administrators in managing these *ransnational educational institutions were confronted With he task of integrating a multinational, coeducational, bile student body into the school's educational program. e administration of educational programs, which would able 7,706 Spanish-speaking children to learn English, me 2,986 English-speaking children to learn Spanish, and me 630 third country children to learn both Spanish and glish imposed considerable frustrations. The administrators perceived learning a second nguage as the significant key to the student's becoming tegrated into the educational program, and all reported ecialized language programs in the schools to assist a student in making the academic adjustment. However, by far the majority of the administrators Iorted that the social adjustment of students was more Iblematic, especially for secondary age youths. The dents were faced with not only the set of social norms behavior patterns of the culture from which they nated, but with another set of social norms and behav- pattern characteristics of the locale in which the >ol was located. The student's acceptance of, or ection of, these sets of behavior patterns influenced 285 is social adjustment. Moreover, the student's social djustment was also influenced by length of stay in the scale. The administrators perceived the students' inter- ption patterns as being mediated by the student's ability > share and discuss ideas with other members of the :udent body in the other student's language, be it glish or Spanish. The students'involvement in school tivities was influenced by the language used in the tivity, the type of activity, as well as the extent the udent was familiar with the activity. The chief school ninistrator reported that the "school spirit" evidenced the school activities was often related to the degree transiency or permanency of the students-—the permanent .dents had "more pride." The administrator was again the "man—in—the- dle." He was mediator between the student and parent, student and teacher, student and student, and often student and the local community. It was a task that lired a compassion and concern for the child or youth, Inderstanding of social norms and behavioral patterns, respect for and acceptance of the child or youth n individual. FOOTNOTES lJohn Useem, Class notes taken by author in the Ilture and Personality course conducted by Dr. John Useem. 2S. N. Eisenstadt, Essays on Comparative Institu- ons (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1965), p. 149. 3Ibid., p. 147. 4Walter M. MacGinitie, "Language Development," in _yclopedia of Educational Research, Robert L. Ebel (ed.), w York:" The Macmillan Company, 1969), p. 696. 5Mary C. Rainey, "Language Learnings of Overseas- erienced American Teenagers,"(unpublished Doctoral sis, Michigan State University, 1970). 286 CHAPTER VII WORK-RELATED INTERACTION PATTERNS WITH GOVERNMENT INSTITUTIONS Introduction and Discussion The previous chapters, II through VI, described a major social collectivities that comprised the inter- . social structure of the school and the interaction terns that the chief school administrators maintained h each. In addition to the internal social collectivi— s, the schools maintained relationships with external ial institutions, such as governments, educational anizations, etc. which also were thought to influence institution building process in the cross—cultural :ing. Loomis described this systemic linkage between itutions as . . . The process whereby the elements of at least two ocial systems come to be articulated so that in some ay they function as a unitary system.1 third culture" institutions, these overseas American ls were systemically linked with two or more societies, is such were conceptually seen to bridge between two 287 288 ultures-—the host national culture and the American ulture—-which in itself made the task of articulation amplex and difficult. The second major objective of this study was to lentify the dominant social institutions in the wider >cial systems with which these American schools related, I explore the nature and extent of the interaction pat- rns between the school and the institution, and to quire some notions concerning the effect these relation- ips had on the administration of the school. The administrators were asked a series of ques- Dns concerning the relative importance of various stitutions' influence on the school, how they learned >ut the influence,and to describe the nature of the :erinstitutional' relationship. Collectively, the ponses to these questions constituted an index of the ef school administrators' perceptionsexf the relative endent-independent status of the school in the cross- tural setting. The data are presented in the next -e chapters. uential Social itutions The respondents were asked to rank ten social :itutions that were thought to influence the overseas ican school's development and the administrative 289 process. The respondents were also asked to record any additional social insitutions that they thought exerted influence on the school. Twenty respondents completed this ranking question. Two of the incumbent administrators chose to abstain from answering this question in a direct fashion. One indi- vidual after looking over the list asserted that "the items represented different categories of influence,“ and "did not see how you could possibly rank them.“ The other respondent stated "I don't feel that any of the items influence the school to any degree."_ Although these individuals did not respond at this point in the inter- Iiew, in subsequent sessions they frequently referred to 'outside" pressures from individuals and groups as "people ho come in and try to tell me how to run the school." ossibly their reaction to this question lies in the fact hat these two individuals were interviewed during a riod of crisis. One school was preparing for the annual ection of the Board of Directors and an aura of uncer- inty surrounded the event. In the second instance, the cond semester was getting underwfiurand the chief school inistrator was experiencing severe staffing problems, e., one teacher had unexpectedly resigned and a new 'oup of student teachers was arriving. Possibly the estion was interpreted by these incumbent administrators 290 : having threatening qualities which were not immediately Iparent to the interviewer. The responses of the twenty administrators on LiS ranking question were tabulated using a ten—point :oring scale with 1 representing the greatest influence Id 10 the least influence. (See Table 7.1) Although the Ita reflect variations in the administrators' perceptions ’ the influence of the institutions, nevertheless the .ta reveal that the categories of institutions that were rceived to exert the most influence on the school were vernmental or educational institutions. Economic insti- tions were perceived by eleven administrators to fluence the school to a lesser degree than either vernmental or educational institutions. Philanthropic ndations, religious institutions, and other institu- pns were perceived by more than half of the respondents exerting little or no influence. For the purpose of analysis, the data in Table | were further tabulated into a typology which included *ee categories--high, medium, and low influence. High luence included 20-19 mentions which were predominantly the l-3 influence rankings. Institutions having high luence were in the governmental category. Medium Luence included l6-l8 mentions which were distributed [ominantly between the l-5 influence rankings. Insti— .ons having medium influence were in the educational 291 mH s H I H I m I N H I H m20HpsuHumcH nacho mQOHusuHumcH mDonHHmm chHumps50h NH m I I I m N H H I I H 0HmougusmHH£m Hmfio I I I I I I I I I I I I supcsoo anre m HH I H I I m m N H H I .m.D N w I H I HwEOHHMZ Hmom UHEosoom I I mHoonom QMOHHmEN o I H H N w N . m w mH m H SOHHMHUOmmN HMSOmem wHoonom can mmmmHHou mo GOHHMHoommN sumfiunom N 00 H I I I H ...I M ,._.| K9 <1" N .HWGOHpmosom Nunasoo oHHne .mOD NH coHumz “mom _ HapcchHw>ow mmmsommmm mmmsommmm II 02 m0 HO OH m m N m m e m N H mcoHpsuHumcH HmQEDZ Hmnfisz mo mmHnomwpmo Itl tl 292 ategory. Low influence included 11 or less mentions hich were predominantly distributed between the 4-7 nfluence rankings. The economic and other categories of istitutions constituted low influence. This typology arms the basis for the ensuing discussions in Chapters ZI—IX. Chapter VII is devoted to high influence insti- Itions, Chapter VIII to medium influence institutions, Id Chapter IX to low influence institutions. arning of the Influence Subsequent to ranking the institutions, the ninistrators were asked, "How did you learn about this fluence?" All the respondents reported that they Irned of the influences through events that transpired £5 they got on the job. Most had a hard time identify— ‘ the exact process by which they learned of the luence. Some indicated they learned about the influence m persons closely associated with the internal matters the institution—~board members, former directors, acted teachers, office secretaries. Two mentioned : some of the long-term American residents had provided .ght into these influences. However, most administra— l indicated that they had learned of the influence IUgh experiencing crisis situations directly with the al institution. 293 The period of time it took the administrators to become consciously aware of the conditions varied. One short-term administrator reported that he learned about :he influence of social institutions "within the first Ialf hour" after getting on the job. A more tempered and Iature response was given by a chief school administrator 'ho had lived most of his life in the cross-cultural nvironment, "I am still learning." It was obvious from the responses to the question, How did you learn about this influence?" that the majority E the administrators possessed little training or experi- 1ce in identifying the power structure confronting the :hools in the cross—cultural setting. Since 71 percent of 1e adminiStrators left the job after only a brief tenure Iodal tenure three years) few learned how to identify d control the relative influence of these social insti- tions on the administrative process. Host Government The governmental institution that the chief school Iinistrators ranked as exerting the dominant influence the overseas American school was the government of the It nation in which the school was located. All the pondents reported it influenced the school. However, administrators perceived the degree of the host ernment influence to vary: twelve ranked it highest 294 in influence; three ranked it second in influence; ranked it third. four 'he Scope and Scale of he Relationship ________________ The American schools, as legally established, orporate entities within the host nation, were subject 3 the civil legal codes of the respective countries. 1us the administrators indicated that the schools were Instantly interacting in a dependency status with a .ethora of host governmental agencies at many adminis- ative levels. These agencies were categorized according administrative level and within the host government's reaucratic structure, and a summary of the reported its and the frequency mentioned are presented in Table > The chief school administrators reported that the Leractions with some of the host governmental units were ‘requent while others required daily contact. Many of public utilities were nationally owned and operated—- egraph, telephone, electricity, air and rail service—- although the influence of these units was often taken granted and not frequently mentioned, nevertheless school was greatly dependent upon these government :5 in its day—to—day operation. For example, the Iols were dependent upon the communication network, 295 ole 7.2. Host governmental units with which the American schools were reported to interact. ational State Municipal vernment Government Government aistry of Department of Department of Finance — 1 Education — 12 Water - 4 Tax Bureau — 13 Customs — l3 nistry of Labor Department of Department of Immigration — l3 Highways - 1 Public Health - 3 cial Police Depart— Security - 12 ment — nistry of Department of Education — 9 Streets and Roads — 2 nistry of Health — 5 stal Depart- nent - l :h local and international. The technological problems ociated with telephones out of order, "mail not arriv— for months," telegrams "never being sent," were topics und which, amusing in the telling, but often frustrat— experiences, were reported. Placing a long distance telephone call here in can be one of the most unique experiences of a lifetime. It may take hours to get through. Your voice is hoarse from yelling "hello, hello" through the interminable static. Sometimes our phones are out—of—order for days on end. 296 We only have air service on one airline three days a week here in , in contrast to the air ser- vice in the national capital or state capital. The schools located there indicate they have "great air service," but we certainly don't. Host Government Control Education Since these thirteen American schools were all tablished as private education insitutions, they were jected to the education codes regulating nonpublic 0015 which were established by the federal or provin- .1 government authorities in the seven nations. Since ion I was a federal republic, the states as well as the eral government possessed authority in educational ters, whereas in Region II, the federal government was sole authority. The units of the host government which all the If school administrators felt were most influential in :rmining the nature of the overseas school enterprise the National Ministry of Education or the provincial rtment of Education. The nature of the governmental uence was a function of the school's accreditation or rporado status with the educational authority or Irities. The administrators reported variations in Iumber of educational authorities with which they affiliated. (See Table 7.3) 297 muHmHm>HGD wpmum mmmmMHU muuxm n w coHHMHHHMMN Emnmomm u yo H mm anHonnss oumum I m Ecxm n xm mHHme>HQD HMGOHHMZ u DZ thHOAHDN Hmnmcmm u m I m m m I I m m m I HoHonEEOUV monwssou xm we I we I moz om om I I HMHHoumnmmmnmv NHIOH mmcmuw m m m m m «oz m m m m HMHHmecoommc mIn mmpmnw AMHHMEHHmV m m m m m m m m m m _mIH mmemuo mnmpsmEch m a m N H a e a N H III HH sOHmmm H conmm II 298 From Table 7.3, it is evident that the schools in Region I were affiliated with from one to three education authorities—-federal or state education authorities and federal or State universities as well. All schools in Region I were reported to have Grades 1-6 accredited in :he federal or state Primaria programs, six schools were reported to have Grades 7—9 accredited in the federal or -tate Secundaria program,and five schools and commercial rograms accredited by the state education authority. oreover, since the federal and provincial universities etained the authority to accredit Grades 10—12 (Prepara- gria), three schools in Region I reported having Grades 3—12 accredited by either the federal or provincial riversity system, while one school reported an affiliated elation with the autonomous National University for edu- .tion programs in Grades 7—12. From the data in Table 7.3, it is evident that in gion II the federal governments retained the educational thority. Thus all schools were accredited by the ieral Ministry of Education of the respective nations. Twenty—one respondents felt accreditation with I host national education authorities was imperative to (sure the host national student admission into the next e1 in the education cycle in the host nation's educa- n system (secondary or higher education)." Moreover, ce these thirteen American schools enrolled a large 299 rcentage of host national students, the matter of host tional accreditation was perceived by the majority of ief school administrators as a critical determinant in a institution's survival. Three such responses were: We would be like fish out of water. It gives us holding power. Having an elementary or secondary certificate that is registered and certified by the Education Department with its signature and seals is a prized document. Although all the administrators perceived accredi— ion with the host national education authorities as 1g essential to the institution's survival, neverthe— ;, the administrators perceived operating an accredited )01 under the laws of the respective host nation as 'ying with it the condition of control. For the schools, control was mediated through the regulative and evalu- e functions of the host government's education Drity. The chief school administrators identified najor categories of control which impinged differen— Ly and often in an inhibiting manner on the Iistrative process. ssional Staff All the chief school administrators reported that )st government controlled professional staffs via Itions concerning teacher certification and the 'ment of national and foreign teachers. 300 The chief school administrators reported that each country maintained teacher qualifications and retained the power to control not only teacher certification within its jurisdiction, but in some instances required that a given eercentage of host national teachers be employed in the Ichool as well. One reSpondent commented: Here in the Ministry designates a portion of our elementary teachers in Grades 2-5. We can select some, but they must be approved by the Ministry. Moreover, the chief school administrators reported fiat each country maintained regulations concerning those eachers who could be assigned the task of teaching courses elated to host national constitution and government (i.e., .vics, history, geography). Specifically the Constitu- .ons of each country stated that such teaching assignments uld be held only by native-born citizens of that country. The host national government had not only estab- hed regulations concerning the certification and ignment of host national professional teachers but of eign teachers as well. Since the American schools lized U.S. professionals trained outside the host ion, the chief school administrator reported that the ools had to receive official approval from the respec- Ie federal or state education authorities prior to loyment of all foreign nationals. In the administration ehis control, the host government exercised the practice 301 "selective immigration": only those who possessed the sired professional qualifications were granted working rmits which entitled the foreign teacher to enter the intry for employment purposes. The chief school admin— :rators reported that the time, effort,and financial sources required to secure official approval often Iited the number and quality of U.S. professional staff bers in these schools. These controls were perceived by the majority of administrators as inhibiting the supply of trained . professionals. The condition prompted one adminis- tor to comment: . . .we are limited in faculty seleCtion. The teachers we can attract and retain are not current. The paper work associated with getting the working permits for U.S. teachers is overwhelming. This stifles our efforts to run a creative education program. ation Programs All of the respondents reported that the reSpec- Ieducation authority with which they were affiliated ained a prescribed or "official" course of study to the incorporated schools were expected to adhere. 5 where adherence was required often included the e and sequence of the curriculum, the utilization of tribed tests, the utilization of the host national age as the medium of instruction, and the school dar. 302 Twelve respondents indicated that the regula- :ive nature of the "official" course of study and ,ctivities influenced the educational program in the chool. We follow the Department of Education curricu- lum. When it is national health week, we do a unit. When we get a directive from the Department of Education instructing us to suspend classes for whatever reason, we comply, just as we do when we are asked to conduct a Special health unit. We always cooperate with the Department of Education in celebrating their national holidays. As you know, holidays are a part of life down here and the way you celebrate them is very impor- tant. We lay wreaths at statues. We always march in the parades on holidays. Our band is very much in demand. Eight of the administrators reported that the ucational authorities of the host nation exercised trol over the educational process in varying rees through the end of semester or year examina- .ns. Two respondents reported: We used to have to teach toward their [the Department of Education] tests, but in the last two years they have allowed each school to develop its own tests. Here in we are required to submit all our secondary and commerce tests to the ‘technical department of the Department of Edu— =cation. We must submit them a month before the ,examination and if the tests are in English, we must submit a Spanish translation. All the chief school administrators reported t the American schools were evaluated by inSpectors 303 from the respective educational authority who visited :he schools and observed. To determine the extent of :he inspection eXperienced by the schools, the adminis- :rators were asked if the schools had ever been inspected. .11 responded in the affirmative; however, the frequency nd the nature of the inspection varied from "informal isit," "once a year" or "once a month" to see what we re doing to "an 'all day visit' which included the nspector teaching a mathematics class." The reSpondents recounted the inspector's isit variously. We greet him and bring him into the office. We have coffee together followed by a walk around the school. As you know, we go through a deference routine in our greetings and in walking around the building. I get in front of him to lead the way. [Within this culture this is a mark of deference.] Since the schools were attempting to blend the urse of study of two education systems together to rm a basic course of study that would meet the ads for both the host national and American student, tquently the host educational authorities' control I er the education program was viewed as an inhibit- I aSpect of accreditation. Two administrators Imented: 304 At the secondary level, it [accreditation] does weaken our English program. It [accreditation] complicates life in scheduling classes especially when I must pro- vide Special classes prior to the time when Ministry of Education tests were administered. Frequently the chief school administrators Immented on the often laborious and frustrating .sks related to compiling enrollment data for the ucation authorities and the registration and cer- fication of the "official" certificates and plomas. Typical comments were: It takes one person two weeks to complete all the statistical data at the Opening of school. We have been waiting for weeks to get our elementary certificates signed and approved by the ministry. You should see the mountain of I paper work at the close of the school year. In summary, the host nation's control of Ication was mediated through the regulative and luative function of the respective education hority in each nation. Although the chief school inistrators perceived accreditation with the hective education authority as essential to the N tican school's survival, nevertheless the Dmpanying controls were frequently viewed as 305 eving an inhibiting effect upon the school's educa— ;on program and the selection of professional staff embers. The nature of the relationship between the .dividual school and the education authority as well the means that emerged for resolving differences ll be discussed in the subsequent section. lationship with Host lcation Authorities These American schools had what might be entified as a status constellation which included .h a host government "official" status as well as foreign" status. The "official" status was ived from the fact that the schools were legally ablished in the respective countries and offi— lly sanctioned by the host government, educa— ial authorities, vis-a—vis accreditation. The reign" status was derived from the fact that Ie schools also had their roots in other cultures Ie they were providing schooling for American dren as well as other nationals. The "foreign" us was frequently emphasized by the administra— as they stated 306 . . . the school is perceived by the host community as an official representative of the U.S. Government. After all, we do fly the U.S. flag along with their flag and it is easy for peOple to get the idea we are a U.S. Government school, even though we aren't. he combining of these two status positions into an cceptable and smooth-working relationship with the espective educational authorities often proved vex- Lng and was a condition that was difficult for these emerican-born and trained chief school administrators :o COpe with. The chief school administrators, in managing ilingual, binational, bicultural schools were con- ronted with the task of selecting and incorporating lements from two education systems and a minimum of MO cultures. Hence implicit in this task were Lements of competition and conflict between systems 1d cultures, and this was evident in the relation- Iips that existed between the school and the host .tional education authority. Yet solutions to these conflicts were necessary the institution's survival. In place of competi- n and conflict which were surrounded by confusion misunderstanding, a new kind of relationship was 307 substituted, one that was less rivalrous in nature and Lfined by Cuber as "accommodation." . . . permanent or temporary termination of rivalrous interaction which, while not necessarily settling the issue involved in the rivalry, per— mits the rivalrous parties to function together without Open hostility at least in some aspects. The practice of accommodation by the host [ucational authorities was a universal that chief hool administrators from both Regions of the study scribed. Accommodation was permitted by the nistry of Education within a legal framework of a host national law by granting an "experimental etus" and/or passage of "permissive legislation." ese legal procedures served to permit not only I school's establishment but more frequently provided : school leeway to deviate from the established icial educational program. The accommodation arrangements, the chief ool administrators asserted, were transitory nature and required the school to constantly afine its relationships with the educational Iorities. It was the chief school administra— who was required to mediate and negotiate the litions of the accommodation and all the 308 respondents reported they had performed this role during #eir tenure. A reSponse which reflected the feelings of he majority of the long—term chief school administrators h dealing with these conditions follows: All private schooling is controlled by the government here in and if you want to operate I you must make peace with them. The Founders were interested in having the school related with the Ministry. It was one of my first awakenings upon be- ? coming the director, since it was different than what I was accustomed to. Most frequently accommodation occurred in aSpects the education program. One respondent described the >cess of obtaining accreditation for the school's shillerato program (Grades 10~12): National accreditation was a must to me. Prior to this time, it had not been done. . . .*There were some who were trying to get not only the diploma from the School but also to finish their Bachillerato, which would enable them to enter the local univer— sity. . . . I thought a change Should be made so'thattflme students would be prepared at the School to go to the local university. The role I played in this was to get people interested. You kind of sidle up, you talk, you say this and that. You present the various needs of the school, and you ask "what do you think would be essential for this school to change in order for the Students to prepare for the Bachiller- ato?" They say you have to add this or that. Backing and filling, and compromising and so forth. You get someone who is able to persuade people so you can ring it about. It is the same kind of thing you have ere, there, everywhere. The proper approach, some act, some persuasion and some pressure. Three chief school administrators reported accom- ;ion had also been made in the area of the accrediting py's prescribed textbooks since the schools were 309 lowed to use U.S. textbooks. One respondent described e process required to secure this accommodation as "quite texercise in patience." He related the sequence: First we gave them a list of all the secondary texts used here in the school and outlined the contents In addition, we went through the national of each. curriculum and underlined the portions that correlated After all with the respective sections in the texts. "We can't read English, this they came back and said, how do we know that what you have outlined is correct?“ My blood pressure jumped, but after many lengthy ses- sions in the Ministry, we convinced them that we were covering the "material." We were, however, still re— .guired to pursue the official program in the !prescribed order. licit in this example was the fact that accommodation been made by allowing the school to use English text- 15 instead of Spanish textbooks. Nevertheless, the Iol was still required to follow "the official program rescribed order." Administrators also noted that accommodations had made concerning the utilization of English as a medium istruction in varying quantities and at various levels. respondent described the time—consuming and conflict— :ask associated with securing approval from the .ncial education authority so that first grade could I .ught in English: I . This required months to accomplish and was only inalized after numerous conferences with the educa- 'onal authorities, reams of documentation justifying e request, and patience. ._’———' 310 The American schools by possessing a combined Ifficial" and "foreign" status were allowed accommoda- .ons. However, each educational authority established a Iint beyond which the institution was not permitted to viate. Subsequent to the gathering of these data, one the thirteen schools was charged by the Ministry of ucation as having exceeded its limits and was subjected a formal and much publicized inspection by the Ministry ich resulted in sanctions being placed on the school. Since the seven nations in which the schools were :ated were confronted with problems of mass education, eir educational policies were oriented toward public 1 national interest. Stated another way, education ived as a nexus around which political, economic, social, . developmental efforts have converged in the host ion's modernization process. An historical event which brought to the attention of the researcher not only cribed the nature of the relationship between the rican school and the host government, but also how the Ige in the relationship between the U.S. and the host .on is articulated within the overseas American school. first genre of American schools, as described in Chap- II, was established during a period when the United as maintained a superordinate relationship with the national government. However, as the relationship ten the two nations altered, the anachronistic 311 ivilege" status of these schools was terminated and status moved toward a more coordinated scheme. Under President Plutarco Elias Callas, the coedu- cational system of Mexico became closely supervised by the federal government. The Mexican government required proof that schools in the United States could operate in the Spanish language before granting per— mission to the American School to continue operating in the English language. Dr. Henry L. Cain [chief school administrator] went to the United States and found proof that there were ten counties in Texas which could operate schools in Spanish. In 1934 the Elemen- tary Department of the school was incorporated under the Secretaria of Educacion Publica. Thereafter, in the elementary school, the course of study prescribed by the Mexican government was followed for half the school day; the other half of the school day was dedicated to the course of study prescribed by the public school system of the United States. This event resulted in the establishment of a new tionship between the American school and the host rnment and produced a solution that effected struc- L alteration within the school. The solution was Irocal and satisfactory to both parties under a given If conditions. Moreover, this event reflected the government's nationalistic attitudes and feelings rning the maintenance of sociocultural customs and tions through the utilization of its native language. ermore, the situation exemplified the process used to :e between two bureaucracies——the overseas American and the host national education system—-and it r highlighted the role of the chief school adminis— in the mediating process between the school and a institution in the cross-cultural setting. 312 Moreover, in the current era, as functionaires in e educational bureaucracy changed either via new politi— . appointees or via the installation of "new order" ‘eaucrats, a further redefining of the power relation— p between the educational authority and the American .001 was frequently required. The significance of this inferred from comments of one chief school adminis“ tor: It requires a constant effort on our part to main- tain a critical balance of our school with the education department. It is a task that requires constant organizational adjustment and acumen on our part in working with both minor and often major authorities. It is becoming progressively more difficult in comparison with former periods when I knew everyone in the central office. In addition to the formal nature of the relation- » between these schools and the host government ational bureaucracy, one chief school administrator rted there was an informal relationship. Respondents uently stated, "As you know, the government officials their children here in school and they know what we Ioing." The host government's influence upon the American 1 was a composite of multiple lines of forces from 13 governmental agencies, but the dominant influence "om the Ministry of Education. The American school, I 313 3 a "third culture" institution, held an "official“ but foreign" Status within the Education Department. These shools might be characterized as "institutionalized viants" within the host nation's education system. wever, there was a "range of approved or permissible havior" that was tolerated but beyond which no accommo- tions were made. Iflme interinstitutional, relationship was constantly ’ng redefined in terms of sociocultural, economic, and itical developments within the host nation and in terms the wider relationship between the host nation and the ted States. The chief school administrator was delegated the dership role in mediating the interinstitutiOnalT ationship in the cross—cultural setting. To maintain equilibrium between the institutions, his task required It acumen, masterful diplomacy, a political sense—-and .nite patience. The U.S. Government The second governmental organization that the E school administrators perceived as influencing the Lcan schools was the U.S. government. Collectively, Idministrators ranked the U.S. government as the Id most influential organization in the systematic .ge system. (See Table 7.1) Three administrators 314 ranked it first in influence, eight ranked it second, \ [our ranked it third, four ranked it fourth, and only one I :- iid not give the U.S. government any ranking. (See Table .1) To determine the interinstitutional relationships at existed between these thirteen American schools and 'e U.S. government, the chief school administrators of ese schools were asked a series of questions: Does the vernment influence the school? How would you describe e school's relationship with the U.S. government? How Id the relationship come about? With what agency do you ‘ve the most contact? The answers to these questions provided the basic ta used in this section to describe the scope and scale the interinstitutional relationship between the school i the government and its effects upon the work role of e chief school administrators in these overseas American .0018. torical Overview The relationships between the U.S. government and 3e thirteen American schools, which the administrators > attempting to manage,spanned scarcely more than a f rter of a century. The relationship began in 1944, . the U.S. government became formally involved in the ation of American dependents overseas and contracted 315 ith the American Council of Education to channel govern- ental financial assistance to the American schools in the atin American Republics and to assist them in recruiting achers. The American Council of Education established he Inter-American Schools Service to perform this func- hon and this agency was operative until 1962. At that ime new organizational arrangements were formulated to ssist the expanding educational enterprise overseas. 1e International Schools Services assumed the teacher ecruitment and professional assistance function for the erican—sponsored schools located not only in Latin .erica but around the world. However, the financial sistance was disbursed directly by U.S. governmental encies overseas. This administrative arrangement proved workable since there was no central office within the ieral government either in the U.S. or overseas to Irdinate the overall education programs for nonmilitary erican dependents overseas. Hence, the Office of Over— .s Schools was established within the Department of te in 1964 and was delegated the responsibility of rdinating the overseas schools assistance programs luding the financial, technical,and professional acts. 316 he Scope and the Scale f the Relationship At the time of this study, all the administrators eported that the school maintained relationships with nd between operating units at various administrative evels of the U.S. government, both overseas and in the .S. as well. The governmental units and the frequency f mentions by the chief school administrators are tabu- ated in Table 7.4. able 7.4. U.S. governmental units with which the chief school administrators reported the American schools interact. Overseas U.S.—Based Governmental Units Governmental Units .8. Embassy 12 Office of Overseas Schools (Department 22 S. Consulate 5 of State) S. Information Service Office of Education including Binational 18 (Department of Health, 1 Centers Education and Welfare) ency for International 5 Development ace Corps 1 The cluster of U.S. governmental units with which I administrators worked included from two to six; the Iian was three or four. 317 It was interesting to note that although these schools enrolled 512 dependents of U.S. governmental per— sonnel, (Region I — 152, Region II — 360), the administra— tors frequently omitted this aspect in their description of the school's relationship with the U.S. government. The Office of Overseas Schools The unit of the U.S. government that received the most frequent number of mentions on Table 7.4 was the stateside—based Office of Overseas Schools (008) within the Department of State. All the administrators reported that the financial assistance that the school had received from the U.S. government came in the form of grants—in—aid from the Office of Overseas Schools. The administrators indicated that these grants were annual direct grants which were accepted by the individual school on a contractual Iasis. The grant—in—aid was categorically limited in most .nstances to teachers'salaries, teaching materials and quipment, and scholarships for host national citizens. n five instances the grant—in-aid also incorporated unds for special projects, i.e., the school—to—school roject. Although the Office of Overseas Schools made grants— l-aid to the overseas American schools, the actual funds are disbursed through an operational unit of the U.S. 318 government overseas; i.e., the U.S. Embassy, the U.S. Consulate, or the Agency for International Development. Hence, the schools reported relationships with these govern- mental units in Table 7.4. Moreover, the Office of Overseas Schools was seen by half of the administrators as influencing the develop- ment of the school by OOS's organization power and ability to secure resources for the schools from the non- I . . 9governmental sector of the American soc1ety. The Office IOf Overseas Schools serves as an executive secretariat to [he Overseas Schools Advisory Council, which was estab- eished in 1967 by the Department of State: . . . To seek the advice and capabilities of a selected group of American leaders from the business, foundation, and educational communities, with respect to the American—sponsored elementary and secondary schools abroad that are assisted by the Department of State . . . and to help the overseas schools become the Show cases for excellence in education, and to help make services abroad attractive to American citizens, both in the business community and govern- ment.3 The Advisory Council sponsored activities between even of the schools in this study and the Institute for 'elopment of Educational Activities, Inc. (I.D.E.A.), affiliate of the Charles F. Kettering Foundation. This rram was perceived by those administrators, whose schools received money contributed to I.D.E.A. by business with children in the school or whose schools had ~ 3 ved professional assistance from I.D.E.A., as a 319 significant, positive influence. The following comment makes this View explicit: The school was an isolated unit in 1958 with a single tie with the Inter-American Schools Service. Since then we have expanded and now have many avenues of aid for our school. We get financial help from I.D.E.A. as well as consultive services on occasion. As these various ties have come about, the importance of the school has grown. In contrast, the administrators whose schools had not benefited appreciably, either financially or profes— sionally by the I.D.E.A. program, tended to see the rela- tionship as just another organization that someday might \ 7be able to help the school in some fashion. The Nature of the Government Relationship All the administrators perceived the U.S. govern- Ient's influence as being affected by the financial ssistance which the U.S. government provided to these chools. In the school year 1969—1970, the thirteen Ierican schools in this study received grants-in-aid nging between $8,000 and $52,400,which represented tween 1.6 and 24.6 percent of the schools'annual operat- I budgets. (See Table 7.5) From the data in Table 7.5, it is evident that the It-in—aid represented differential portions of the Iol's financial income. In the small school, the finan- assistance comprised between 11 and 25 percent of the 320 school's operating budget while in the large school, this assistance comprised less than 5 percent. Dependency Upon Financial Assistance The degree to which the school was dependent upon the grant for its financial resources tended to parallel the level of frustration which the administrators encoun- tered in managing the financial affairs of the schools. The extreme levels of frustration were most fre- -Puently expressed by the administrators in the somewhat smaller schools, that were relatively isolated from other imerican schools, with few American pupils, and that were removed from Consular and Embassy locations. rator expressed his experiences in negative terms, tressing the effect of a lack of funds and expressing his ass of faith in the rationality of the two organizations I solve the school's financial problems. we never get as much money as we ask for or need. we have hit rock There is no future here in , bottom, financially speaking. I think it might be a lack of knowledge on their part or possibly on ours. I have reached the conclusion that no one (U.S. ment) will ever become interested in us. We have to constantly sell ourselves to the government people . but all they do is listen diplomatically. .icit in this statement was the degree to which the 01 was dependent upon grant—in-aid for a financial Irce. One adminis- govern— Another administrator described his efforts to 321 get funds for his school, which was perpetually confronted with financial crisis, "I dutifully completed their forms and submitted them to the Embassy," and when probed con- :erning how he felt about it, he replied, "Well, it's ust what happens after you pray, you just have tO'wait." It should be noted that both these administrators erminated their services at the conclusion of the school ear. One terminated it primarily because his physician ad advised him to reduce the tension and work pace; the ther because of the school's financial situation. Administrators who performed their work roles in Ihools of medium size expressed a somewhat moderate per- ption of their dependency upon the U.S. government for is financial resource. One individual, who had a lengthy eure as chief School administrator, expressed his per— vtions in these terms: We never get as much as we could use to really do a good job. The U.S. grant has been a gradual thing. At one time, we only got a small amount, but now we get more. In the large schools, where the financial assis- a comprised a small portion of the overall budget, Iistrators likewise expressed frustrations concerning mg the financial resources which the grant provided. Idividual commented: I really have to go through hell to get this ant, and sometimes I wonder if it is worth all a effort. 322 Moreover, the administrators reported that they experienced great frustrations when the grant—in—aid was rut back as these comments illustrate: My Board got indignant last year when they tried to reduce our grant. I had to raise holy hell at the Embassy and in Washington. It was rather an unpleasant experience. we were cutback in and that really upset our program. we made threats and tried every way we knew to get it raised. We never did get it raised or figure out the rhyme or reason used to determine the amount of our money. It made managing the School an "interesting" job. -nce within the grant—in—aid program there was no provi- Ion for the adjudication of disputes, the conflict between e school and the funding agency required that the chief hool administrator become involved in protesting the duction in any manner he could. Although all the administrators recognized that 2 Office of Overseas Schools administered the grantein— 1, only those chief school administrators who had ierienced "getting by" with the funds provided through 5 grant were aware that the money that the schools hived was contingent upon appropriations made by the . Congress. They were aware that the funds were in ge measure contingent upon factors over which the 301 had little or no control, since the appropriations e a function of the wider socioeconomic relations that railed between the U.S. and the country in which the 323 school was locatedIas well as the political and socio- economic conditions that existed in the U.S. Operational Procedures and Policy Although most of the administrators were frustrated by the availability or nonavailability of financial :resources provided by the grants, caustic criticism was gmore frequently voiced about the operational procedures =and policy associated with the grant-in-aid. For five administrators with little or no previous overseas administrative experience, the frustration centered on learning the granting procedure. One newcomer to the position of chief school administrator recounted: It was through trial and error that I learned the granting process, or what the grant was all about. After I got here I had to identify the type of assis- tance we wanted, present a lengthy justification, secure board approval and then send all the materials to the Embassy. From that point, I am not sure what happened to the forms. They might send it back to be revised since I filled it with little assistance. I suppose my predecessor took care of all these matters but no one here or at the Embassy seems to know exactly what to do. . . . I can't find any information on how to go about it since our record system is not adequate. The administrators with at least two years experi— ince in the position of the chief school administrator éeported they had limited insight into the procedural atters and the decision-making process associated with he grant. Their insights were generally focused on the 324 perational process at the overseas level as this typical I response indicates: We received a set of forms with places for elaborate comments. We completed them and sent them back to the Embassy. After that I don't have any notion what happened to them. The level of learning and understanding of an ministrator who had been responsible for the solicita- Eon of the grant for three years follows: I am not sure I ever understood the granting pro- cedure at all. Somebody said to see Mr. in the Embassy so I went to see him. Together we pieced together a procedure. He would call me and I would call him when we had questions. In contrast, a well-formulated concept of the tire granting procedure and the decision—making process ncerning the grants were reported by seven individuals. gnificantly, these individuals had ten or more years aerience in the position and thus had acquired an experi— :ial background. A typical description follows: You receive a lot more materials [forms] from.the Office of Overseas Schools than are reasonable. To complete the forms here in our school takes efforts of three people three full weeks. Together with all the budget requests and other data, we then submit the forms along with the Post Officer's recommendations to Washington. Our requests are studied by the Regional Education Officer in the Office of Overseas Schools and the officials of the Department of State. In consultation they decide how much financial assistance we are given based, of course, upon the amount of money and their priorities. we then get notification through an air- gram, telling us how much and when we will receive it. at the Embassy assists us in the adminis— . O 0 hr. :rative processing when the money gets here. , ____—’ 324 operational process at the overseas level as this typical response indicates: We received a set of forms with places for elaborate comments. We completed them and sent them back to the After that I don't have any notion what Embassy. happened to them. The level of learning and understanding of an administrator who had been responsible for the solicita- | Etion of the grant for three years follows: I am not sure I ever understood the granting pro- cedure at all. Somebody said to see Mr. in Together we pieced the Embassy so I went to see him. He would call me and I would together a procedure. call him when we had questions. In contrast, a well-formulated concept of the entire granting procedure and the decision-making process :oncerning the grants were reported by seven individuals. :ignificantly, these individuals had ten or more years :xperience in the position and thus had acquired an experi- ntial background. A typical description follows: You receive a lot more materials [forms] from the Office of Overseas Schools than are reasonable. To complete the forms here in our school takes efforts of three people three full weeks. Together with all the budget requests and other data, we then submit the forms along with the Post Officer's recommendations to Washington. Our requests are studied by the Regional Education Officer in the Office of Overseas Schools and the officials of the Department of State. In consultation they decide how much financial assistance we are given based, of course, upon the amount of money and their priorities. We then get notification through an air— gram, telling us how much and when we will receive it. at the Embassy assists us in the adminis— Mr. trative processing when the money gets here. 325 This process is getting progressively more complex and cumbersome. Even though the long-term administrator had learned .he granting procedure, nevertheless these administrators ikewise encountered frustrations in the operational pro— edure. One such administrator in a large school expressed is frustration and how he adapted: It's not the individual but the system. . . . As you know, AID has about seven levels of bureaucracy and it's the top level where the decisions are made. This job will wear you down. You could quit but you need patience and perseverance. All the administrators considered the grant-in-aid a vital financial resource which enabled the school to tablish and maintain an institutional identity and thus 'lfill its representative role as an American school in h respective community. The chief school administrator's understanding of 3 conditions of eligibility which the U.S. government ad as criteria in giving grant—in-aid, created varying Irees of anxiety and uncertainty for the administrator. :h administrator described and defined the school in a Ihly particularistic fashion as each administrator tried justify why the school should receive the grant-in-aid. Eleven administrators perceived the grant-in-aid enabling the school to "promote bicultural education" virtue of the American-trained, English-speaking :hers, whom the grant enabled the schools to employ. 326 seven administrators perceived the grant—in-aid as enabling :he school to prove a "U.S. type education" overseas because ,hey were able to secure teachers, educational supplies, nd equipment. Two administrators perceived the grant-in- id as helping the school to become a "demonstration :hool" for a combination of the above reasons, but addi— .onally cited benefits such as cultural exchange programs. In the schools which were attended by a large Ircentage of host nationals, the administrators regarded e grant—in—aid as helping the schools to maintain an merican ethos" or an "American image" in the school and e community. Two individuals emphasized this view. The money they give us is not wasted. If they could only see the aura that is created by the presence of the American school, they would change their minds. I We consider ourselves lucky to get anything. We have to work hard to interpret the use of the grant. It is the image idea that we create here in We suggest that they believe in our image and in the work we are doing. Ali—II— -—'r - ese two administrators as well as half the others found difficult to understand why the schools were not epted for their imparted symbolic value that they sessed as institutions that were "making friends for U.S." and "contributing to international understand- and thus peace in the world." The administrators' :eptions of the school—U.S. government relation helped :onfirm Useem's assertion that: 327 Rarely do they [overseas institutions] gain acceptance as symbolic value in themselves even when the symbolic value comprises an often unrecognized latent function of the program. Another aspect of the uncertainty associated with the conditions of eligibility for financial assistance was mentioned by three administrators who reported that in the particular city in which the school was located there existed a second or third American school. One adminis- trator commented: As you know, here in there is another American school, which is really a spin-off of this school. The parents, who did not think our school was "American" enough started it. One year we had a crisis when we thought the grant was going to be given to the school. ' Moreover, in those countries where more than one erican School exists, the chief school administrators iewed the schools as competing for the scarce resources that the grants provided. One administrator described how .e attempted to get what he considered to be his school's air "share": I talked with the Ambassador to try to find out why our school has not been able to get as much money as . Our school is more truly a binational school. ijrmal Associations with 1e U.S. Government Overseas Although the dominant influence of the U.S. govern- nt upon the overseas American school was expressed by the 328 administrators as being connected with financial assis— tance,other relationships were mentioned. Four administrators reported that U.S. government employees were presently serving as members of the govern— ing board of the school: one school board reportedly had :hree members, while three other school boards each had >ne member. The presence of these men on the Board of Iirectors was, in most instances, viewed as being advan— ageous for the school. The administrators reported that hese men gave the school access to the wider U.S. govern— ent organization and its resources although primarily on 3 ad hoc and informal basis. The administrators illus- rated: We have been able to bring in some of our supplies under importing privileges. We needed a means to take our basketball team to a special game and of the Embassy helped me make arrangements for a special flight. If the school had a school party on a Special occasion, I was granted PX privileges. We have had various members of the Consular Office as graduation speakers. These informal relationships, however, were often ciprocal type arrangements: We needed some chairs for one of our programs, and the Embassy let us use theirs. But they borrow our piano and public address system and the Marines use our basketball court and gym. They use the school grounds for the Fourth of July celebration. _ ' Whenever they need an auditorium for some program, they call us. 329 The overseas American schools did not have at their disposal the supportive professional services and equipment found in the U.S.——libraries, large collections of films or filmstrips, etc.-—and frequently for assistance in this Irea they turned to the United States Information Service USIS), an agency which disperses information overseas bout the American society. Nine administrators mentioned hat they maintained informal relationships with this gency; frequently it was contingent upon a personal rela— ionship between the administrator and the USIS office or .national center. Various types of associations were eported: We use their library facilities, but what a struggle until we convinced them that all our students should be eligible to utilize their services. We get books from them and occasionally we receive some of their films. We borrowed a projector from them. The Institute conducts Spanish classes for some of our teachers. We use some of their English materials in our school. However, two respondents reported negative aspects this relationship with USIS: They sent us information that was not pertinent to our needs here in . We need educational films, not propaganda films. . . They wanted to send us a pianist to perform here in . Where in hell could I find a grand piano to put on any kind of a performance. 330 arceptions of the U.S. zyernment~School elationship Although fourteen respondents felt that the school's Jerall relationship with the U.S. government was "very >0d,‘ four felt it was only "good," two felt it was "fair," 1d two felt it was "poor." The administrators' percep- Lons tended to parallel their length of tenure. Those iministrators with long tenure seemed to be more aware of 1e parameters of the relationship because they had "lived Irough it“ or "grown up with it" and tended to feel the elationship over the years had been helpful to the school I indicated in this comment: Over the years, we have had a high caliber of men here in the U.S. Embassy and they have been cooperative. her long—term administrators could recount specific stances of the positive effects of the relationship. a administrator,whose frame of reference went back to rld War II when the school had its first contact with a U.S. government, commented: I remember the day when the Nazi influence was I great here in . Two men came out from the Embassy to talk With us about getting this school started. It was finally agreed that we would equip the school and they [the U.S. government] would pay the salary of a U.S. teacher. 11 another recalled that back in the 1950's "we got is from some type of governmental, agricultural 331 :oducts agreement," (PL480 funds). These funds enabled I to "construct and equip our school" said one administra— 3r, as he pointed with pride to one section of the school 1ilding. In contrast, the short—term administrator tended > view the relationship with the U.S. government nega— Lvely, and evidenced emotional stress in discussions ancerning the lack of communication with the government Sficials and the financial problems he had "inherited." 1e feelings of this group were made explicit in the ellowing comments: It is pretty damn bad as far as I am concerned. All the high sounding phrases in the contract don't solve my problems even if I do get the money. They never come and see what we are doing here in even though they fly right over our heads on the way to the Capitol. We need help. In general, the U.S. government was an organiza— on that all the chief school administrators felt free *criticize. ary The chief school administrators perceived the U.S. {ernment's influence on the schools as being mediated the financial resources or the resource network which U.S. government provided. The dominant resource was yearly grant—in—aid administered by the Office of rseas Schools, and was perceived as assisting the 332 school in establishing and maintaining an institutional identity and fulfilling its representative role as an American school in the respective community. All the administrators expressed a belief that "if we had more money" we could do a "much better job" of meeting the school's broad educational and public service functions. The expectation of reaching the school's potential was perceived by most of the administrators as the signifi— cant "challenge" of the job. It was the chief school administrator's task to actively solicit the grant—in-aid for the school. The availability or nonavailability of grant-in-aid was an extremely sensitive issue for the administrators, and the administrators found it difficult to reconcile the differ- nce between the actual amount of money the school eceived and the school's perceived worth to the U.S. overnment. The behavior patterns that the chief school dministrator experienced in coping with the uncertainties f the government assistance program varied. Some xpressed despair and resignation, others patience and erseverance, while others pursued a course of action ich one administrator expressed in maxim-like fashion, there are many roads to Rome you know; if you meet a lock at one corner you go to another." 333 Third Country Government Third country government was given an influence Iking by only three administrators. One ranked it er, one ranked it seventh, and one ranked it tenth. a majority of seventeen did not perceive this govern— Ital institution as an influence and did not give it ( ranking. It can be inferred that since the third country rernment provided the school with neither legal nor Icational legitimacy, as the host government did, nor Iancial resources, as the U.S. government did, that it I not perceived to influence the schools in any appre- Ible manner. Summary For thirteen American schools, the inter— Jon patterns which the schools maintained with the ous governmental institutions were often mediated by type of authority and influence that the respective .rnment had over the individual school. The administrators perceived the host national rnment as being the most influential governmental itution. This perception was based on the fact that Schools were legally incorporated institutions within 10st nation and, as such, the schools were controlled 334 :he legal and educational codes of the host nation. :he schools did not comply with the host nation's :rols, implied or real sanctions were placed against school. It was the chief school administrator's c to mediate the differences that occurred between the institutions and to arrive at some means of accommoda- 1 if he was to be considered a successful administrator. The chief school administrator perceived the 301's relationship with the U.S. government as being iated not by any legal or educational codes, but rather :he financial resources that the U.S. government made Llable to the school. The extent of the U.S. govern— :'s influence was perceived by the chief school .nistrators as being principally mediated and dependent . the school's need for the financial resources which tU.S. government grant—in—aid provided. The adminis- ! . 'or in the role of "seeker of resources" encountered ame levels of frustration in the administrative ass associated with the granting procedure and the :tainty of the amount of financial assistance avail— The chief school administrators did not perceive chools' relationships with a third country government Significant, since the third country government ded neither legal or educational legitimacy nor :ial resources. 335 The overseas schools,then,were confronted with e task of relating with governmental institutions that -e part of two distinct sociocultural political tems. These governmental institutions maintained hly differential notions about the bonds of commitment loyalty as well as interest in these thirteen overseas rican schools. The chief school administrator was in the man—in—the-middle,relating the school to each :he governmental bodies in such a manner as to provide school with a semblance of organizational balance and :inuity. The task he performed was extremely difficult, Liring much tact, political sensitivity, and infinite ence on his part. 336 FOOTNOTES 1Charles P. Loomis, "Systemic Linkage of E1 arrito," Rural Sociology, XXIV (1959), 55. I ’ 2The American School Foundation, "The American .001 Foundation, A. C. 75 Years of Service," p. 27. 3Uniform State-AID Regulation 618.1. 4Ruth Hill Useem, Personal correspondence exchanged ween the author and Dr. Useem on this topic. CHAPTER VIII WORK-RELATED INTERACTION WITH EDUCATION ORGANIZATIONS Introduction The social institutions in the interinstitutiOnal. Ikage network which were identified by the administrators constituting a less dominant influence than the govern— tal institutions in shaping the schools, were those that e associated with the professional educational community. se organizations are identified as "educational institu- as in the balance of this chapter. The two educational institutions with which the vols interacted most frequently and which the adminis- Iors asserted influenced the school were the Southern 5ciation of Colleges and Schools, a U.S.-based profese a1 organization, and two professional organizations osed of American schools located in the respective on commonly referred to as the "Association of American 318.“ Although the Southern Association of Colleges and >13 and the Association of American Schools were the 337 338 [ucational institutions ranked in terms of influence, it ,ould be noted that the schools' relationships with the I fiofessional community were not limited to these two insti- ltions. It was reported that three schools held accred- tion with the Texas Education Agency--the office charged h the responsibility of accrediting schools in the state Texas. However, this accreditation was perceived as ing little influence and generally this institution was Ited in the "other institutions" category. (See Table 7.1) Furthermore, all the administrators reported that I respective schools maintained relationships with from to ten institutions of higher education in the U.S. most frequently mentioned institution was Michigan State versity because of its role in the Association of American 301 activities. This educational institution will be fussed in conjunction with the Association of American .015 on pages 350-352. All but one administrator reported that the school etained formal or informal relationships with institu- %s of higher education in the host nation. The formal %tionships, for the most part, were via secondary school 1t'editation which, in Region I, is a function of the 'ersity system. In addition, one chief school adminis- or was a faculty member of the local university. The rmal relationships, which five administrators reported, 339 ;e in the form of personal contacts with university ticials and ad hoc program affiliations, i.e. athletic I social events. The nature of the schools' relationships With the thern Association of Colleges and Schools and the ociation of American Schools, the strength of the re- ionships as well as the areas of stress, and the inistrator's role in the relationship provide the param- rs :fimr the ensuing discussion. Each educational :itution, however, for the purpose of analysis is dis- :ed singly. The Southern Association of Colleges and SchoolsTSACSI The Southern Association of Colleges and Schools, ts own description, . . is one of the six regional associations which accredit the schools and colleges of the Inited States and American schools abroad. Founded -n 1895 its territory embraces the states of Ilabama, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, lississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, 'ennessee, Texas and Virginia. By agreement with ther associations, it also accredits American chools in Latin America except those in the anama Canal Zone.1 At the time of this study, the thirteen schools ained various degrees of formal relationships with the arn Association of Colleges and Schools. Eight schools fully accredited by SACS. One schools was involved Ipleting the accrediting process and since this study 340 f undertaken has become accredited. Three schoOls main- I . . . . . ,ned an affiliated status With SACS, which is a status .nted to a school which subscribes to the principles of S and is engaged in improvement and professional growth Evities; however, it is not to be confused with the edited status. One school maintained no relationship h SACS. (See Table 8.1) Le 8.1. Status of relationship between the thirteen American schools and Southern Association. Region I Region II S M_1 _L__ S M _E Total 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 l 2 3 4 5 6 edited - — x x x - x - x x x x x 9 liated - x - - - x - x ————— 3 Slated x ———————————— l Eighteen respondents felt that the Southern Associ- a of Colleges and Schools influenced the schools; how— !they ranked the influence differentially. Two ranked . as exerting the greatest influence in theschool, four d it second, six ranked it third, one ranked it fourth, ranked it fifth, one ranked it sixth, and one ranked it th. Two chief school administrators in small schools at give SACS any ranking. (See Table 7.1). It was that those reSpondents who had worked in the large 341 and medium schools tended to rank SACS higher in influence :han those who were or had been employed in the small schools. From Table 8.1, it is evident that only the Iedium and large schools were accredited with SACS. Hence, t is reasonable that SACS influenced these schools more han the small schools. erceptions of the :creditation with SACS _______________________ Accreditation with SACS was perceived favorably by 1e administrators of those schools which were accredited. velve administrators identified themes concerning the Ffects SACS accreditation had upon helping the school :tablish its education credentials in the overseas com— nity. Comments included: Accreditation helps the community know we are concerned with standards . . . . For the host national and the U.S., it [SACS] is prestigious but more importantly for the American community, it is a form of security since SACS is like a licensing board. Accreditation for our school allows our students to transfer their studies to schools and colleges in the U.S. Implicit in the comments was the fact that accred- Ition with SACS in essence gave the school legitimacy as American school, since the schools attempted to main— n the same educational standards and norms as those in States. This sentiment was even verbalized by one inistrator: 342 _ .It (accreditation) must be maintained since it is an American school. We have some guidelines. In contrast, those administrators of schools not credited with SACS, viewed SACS differently. Comments :luded: We are affiliated, however it does not have any great Significance to us other than getting the newsletter. The Board is not aware nor do they care about accreditation. We do not aspire to become accredited. For the accredited schools, SACS in a real sense I perceived as providing guidelines for the school and being a normative and referent system. Typical comments luded: We need some guidelines to operate a school overseas. This is especially important in areas such as teachers'salaries,library, etc. Here we are sort of a law to ourselves. . . . It sets up standards and roles, against which to measure ourselves . . . . One administrator with long tenure in a large over— ; American school felt that SACS had contributed much :he overseas school. He commented: The Southern Association is broad minded in its approach to accreditation in these schools. I feel we have made progress over the years in Latin America as a result of this association. Moreover, for the individual administrator, SACS perceived as a significant and important communication Drk which provided desired professional information. : administrators commented upon this aspect of the SACS :ionship. Typical comments included: 343 I receive the bulletin from SACS and they provide valuable information for me here in In addition I am professionally refueled when I attend the annual SACS con— ference. Besides seeing many friends, I get an opportunity to glean new ideas from the "bull sessions" and general sessions. You know being out of the country makes one feel that he is not in the mainstream. It [SACS] also provides consultants and a sort of "home base" to get professional information through publications and through the annual meeting. Ilicit in these comments is the fact that the adminis- tors of the accredited schools did participate in the S conference. One administrator had even been elected serve on one of the SACS committees. Although the majority of the administrators agreed 1 the principles and basic standards of SACS, neverthe— 5 four did express criticism concerning aspects of the Itionship. One commented on the administrative aspect: The forms are not designed for overseas use. We have a lot of problems trying to computerize this data . . . . More frequently, the administrators discussed the lems that occurred within the school which were re— d to maintaining or improving the educational standards ired in SACS accreditation: . . . the standards are constantly raised. . . . We have been warned by the SACS that we have many deficiencies. . . Some of their standards are unrealistic. Bake, for example, the situation With our_ Librarian. She is not a certified librarian Dut she is the best I have ever seen in all my lays in administration. Yet we are critiCized >ecause we don't have a U.S.-trained, certified .ibrarian. They are costly. 344 e chief school administrators were professionally re- Insible for the quality of the educational product, yet ey were administratively responsible to the Board and I patrons from whom the school received its financial Iport. This situation was a most perplexing one for administrator and a source of stress. Frequently the inistrators perceived SACS accreditation and standards providing an administrative "lever" which helped to rcome the obstacles, mainly financial, to school improve- :. Two comments follow: This [SACS] helps assure a quality dimension to our school that, as Director of the school, I could not establish and maintain by myself when dealing with the community in efforts to raise educational standards. When I tell the Board, or someone from the Association [SACS] tells the community that financial support is needed to improve salaries, teaching equipment or building facilities, it carries some weight. This can be a good crutch to convince the community you need more money. It makes a good selling point . . . . ver, there appeared to be a point at which the school tituency would not accept the SACS accreditation as Lcient reason for tuition increases. One administrator Inted: At the local level there was extreme esistance to increasing tuitions and expenses. 8 the executive officer, I was responsible to rovide the best education, yet even after 0—30 explanations, I could not get them to see he advantages of Southern Association accred- tation despite the fact that we had been :credited for years! 345 EXplicit in these comments is the fact that creditation with SACS was a stressful area for many ministrators. One administrator expressed this succinctly I offered an explanation. The problem is that is [accreditation] constantly requires interpreting standards to peOple--the board, theparents, the teachers, and supervisors since they are not aware of this organization called Southern Association of Colleges and Schools . . . . As you know down here education is controlled by the State . . . where in the U.S., the State and the profession work together for the improvement of education . . . . Voluntary accreditation is a new concept and getting them to see the value of this has been extremely difficult. In essence, the administrator was the man-in-the— ile, between groups within the school and between the >01 and SACS. Since these American schools attempted Iaintain not one but two sets of standards for accred- .ion--one established by the host national government the other established by SACS--educationa1 standards frequently an area of stress within the school. To members of the school's constituency, the standards 3y SACS represented a foreign set of educational 33: norms, and practices which were established by a .gn-based agency. To others of the school's con- ,ency, the administrators reported SACS represented ccepted set of standards. Hence the administrator he man—in-the-middle mediating between groups and antly had little but his personal or professional 346 eputation to persuade segments of the binatiOnal com— unity to support or changethe educational standards of he school. The administrator's success in this mediating ole affected the very nature of the school's relationship 3 SACS and the authority and power which SACS possessed yer the school. Immary The administrators of the schools that were accred- :ed with SACS perceived the accreditation as providing .e school not only with educational credentials but as lping to provide the school with a degree of legitimacy an American school, since the school was following the he educational standards and guidelines as schools in a U.S. In essence, SACS was a vital communication link :h the U.S. academic community. The SACS-school relationship, although generally ewed favorably by the administrators, did contain elements conflict and stress for the administrator. Most fre- ntly, the stress occurred at the local level when the 001 was told by SACS it was deficient in certain areas, correcting these deficiencies necessitated increasing :ions. The administrator was the man—in-the—middle who only mediated between the school and SACS but also reen groups within the school to obtain the needed sup— to maintain or change conditions in the school. 347 The Association of American Schools (AAS) The Association of American Schools received the fourth largest number of responses as an influential .nstitution in the interinstitutional linkage system. Iowever, the influence was ranked differentially by the dministrators. One administrator ranked it first in mportance, three ranked it second, two ranked it third, ix ranked it fourth, two ranked it fifth, one ranked it ighth, one ranked it ninth, and four administrators did at rank The Association. It should be noted that at the Lme of the study two administrators reported their re— >ective schools were not members of The Association; ence this would eXplain why this education institution .3 not ranked in terms of influence. The Associationsefomerican Schools in both Region and Region II were educational organizations that had en formed voluntarily by the overseas American Schools thin the reSpective Region. The Association in Region I 3 formalized in 1959 and the one in Region II in 1960. :h of these Associations had evolved as a collective Ins to resolve mutual educational and administrative ues and problems confronting the member schools. This made eXplicit in the stated purposes of the two ociations. In Region I, the purpose of the Association imerican Schools was defined thus: 348 The purpose of this association shall be the_ development of a closer union of American Schools in c00peration and consistent with the rules and culture of the Republic of Mexico; to resolve common problems of member schools; to advance ideals and standards of the teaching profession and administrative leadership; to promote the educational welfare of the community in which the schools are located; and to provide a clearing house of information common to our schools. Region II, the Association's purpose was stated as: The purpose of this Association shall be the development of cooperation among the schools to carry out activities of educational research, deve10pment, and training; to promote the educational welfare of the community in which the schools are located; and to provide an organization which can secure help for the schools individually and collectively. For the most part, membership in the Association limited to those schools in therespective region, :h were recipients of U.S. government grants as pro- ed by the Office of Overseas Schools. The governance ;he Association was conducted by officers who were ted from the Association membership, although in Region the Association did have the assistance of a part-time utive secretary to handle a portion of the affairs of Association. Each member school did make a small ecial contribution to the Association for the purpose .rrying out activities. However, the Associations dependent upon grants, usually direct grants-in—aid the Office of Overseas Schools, to carry out Asso- Jn activities and projects. 349 rceptions of the Association _____________________________ The Association was perceived by the majority of Q . administrators as an organization for sharing mutual acerns, both on a professional and personal level. The )fessional aspect is evident in the following comment: It was the same type of professional organization that school administrators would be associated with in the U.S. We had a regional meeting which gave educational uplift or advancement so to speak. The meetings were helpful and COOperative. We would help each other. We all had the same type problems! Where to get money for this or that? What to charge for tuition? How to get faculty members and how to keep them? How to reward them? eover, the Association meetings brought the chief school inistrators in contact with their role partners, who mutual experiential backgrounds, and provided the inistrators with an opportunity to share not only pro— ;ional but personal concerns as well. This experience sense provided an identity and a catharsis for the :f school administrators, which was explicit in state- s such as: The association with other directors is great, when we get together. The personal contact with each other is important. It would be lonely to be without others who are in the same boat. There is an emotional tie between Directors. 350 :sociation——American hool Relationships ___________________ Through the Association, not only were mutual con— rns shared butsolutions to like problems were sought. nce the Associations became involved in projects which re envisioned as means of overcoming some of the obstacles Lch the schools confronted collectively and individually. e projects are discussed in the ensuing section. I Association—— higan State University Project The Association——Michigan State University Project the one formalized Association activity in which the ority of administrators asserted their respective )ols participated. This project was initiated in 1959 became a formalized contractual relationship in 1961. purpose of the relationship was: To jointly develop and promote continuing programs of teacher education, school program improvements and programs of educational research and publications. The assistance which the individual schools had ived through the Association's contract with Michigan 8 University was variously described. Some adminis— Drs commented on teacher education programs: At the request of the school, MSU sent iown somebody for a month or six weeks. We would have classes, and the teachers would Ieet this individual. It was kind of a Iorkshop, and the teachers were able to get 351 credit for it. It was successful and a good idea. It was the only opportunity for.our teachers—-and I am sure this is true of many Other schools-—for professional refreshment where they could advance their professional knowledge and also in some instances get advanced credit toward a degree of certification. We had workshops and credit courses by Michigan State University. This type of Association activity was meaningful . . . . MSU's contribution is noteworthy. There was a carry—over with our host national teachers and in up—grading our staff, but there is a turnover of personnel which makes this program a constant effort. We never seem to get through with the task. The student teacher program with MSU has been very beneficial to our school. Iers commented on the consultative services: We have had MSU consultants here at our school . . . . It felt good to know someone was thinking about you. Although Dr. was very unrealistic in analyzing our problem, his report at least gave us some direction where we had none before . . . bit by bit we have tried to follow his suggestion. It [MSU] was one reason why I took the job. I knew that [MSU staff member] was someone on whom I could count for help. Although most of the administrators perceived their Iol's affiliation with MSU as meeting a need in the in- dual school, nearly one-third of the administrators icized some aspects of the relationship. Some found ifficult to understand the complexity of the large Iucratic organization that MSU represented and cited Inication problems. Others felt the MSU relationship n imposed one. Still others felt that the University at send people with the apprOpriate language training 352 and cross-cultural backgrounds to the schools, a feeling that was made explicit in one administrator's comment: We need people who have had overseas experience, not those who are here to get experience . . . . It was interesting to note that the criticism was predom— inately voiced by those administrators with limited over— seas experience and those who saw their task as chief school administrator as one of helping the institution to survive despite seemingly overwhelming odds. One admin— .strator sarcastically stated: It's like giving a dying man medicine, it won't hurt him. In contrast, the more experienced chief school dministrator tended not only to recognize the inherent imitations of the relationship but were aware of the ferall positive affect that this relationship represented Ir the school. Typical comments include: This [MSU] is the greatest contribution that has been made to our school. Schools like ours do not progress due to the work of an individual; its progress is dependent upon institutions of higher education. The affiliation gave our school some prestige in the community. MSU was our salvation. It was the first contact with the outside world. It got us in contact with . In summarizing the administrators' comments con— ning the schools' affiliation with MSU, it can be stated t this affiliation has helped define and provide the Ip of chief school administrators with a sense of 353 relatedness with the American educational community. The professional services which MSU provided were congruent with the administrator's own professional preparation and the implicit cultural norms, i.e. teacher certification, credit course, academic degrees, which the administrator carried with him to the job overseas. Since the administrators were familiar with MSU and understood its role in the professional community, it is possible that they felt freer to criticize an institu- :ion from "their own culture." The administrators held Iritical feelings towards MSU's rule as an institution of .igher education, and its administration of the professional ervices to the school. These critical feelings tend to upport the notion of Chris Argyris "that men eXpect ationally conceived (or what appears to be a rationally anceived organization from their home culture) to operate Itionally and effectively overseas."2 When the chief rhool administrators encountered the complexities and alities of working with U.S. institutions overseas, they nded to respond negatively. change Projects Among the nbers in the Association Since the schools within the Association were erogeneous in the sense that there were small, medium, large schools, each having its particularistic pattern 354 terms of organizational structure and educational pro- ams, exchanges between and among the schools were per- ived as means that might help resolve various problems ich the member schools faced. These exchanges took various forms. There were: change of staff members, exchange of educational materials film strip, audio tapes, books, desks, and other equip- nt--and student exchanges. Although these exchanges were ans of mutual COOperation and assistance between and >ng the schools, nevertheless this type of project held :esses for some of the administrators involved. Some- Ies, it was a logistical problem, as this administrator :cribed: We shared some tapes between schools. However, the tapes were for a different type machine. How am I supposed to use them? ivities with Other )ciations of American sols On occasion, the Associations in the two Regions participated in joint endeavors. One chief school nistrator with lengthy overseas eXperience indicated the two regional associations in conjunction with MSU Irganized and conducted a fund-raising drive on an 'national scale. He continhed: Although our combined and initial efforts roduced only scant monetary resources, amparatively Speaking, the program served 355 as a prototype which has subsequently been a model for fund-raising efforts conducted on a world-wide basis for all the American schools. This administrator recognized the limitation that his project had for the schools in the Association; never- heless he was aware of the global influence which the Iroject had. However another administrator saw this fund- aising activity as benefiting some schools within the .ssociation, but not his; he commented: We tried to conduct a fund~raising campaign some years ago. Our school never benefited to any appreciable extent. he American School Network In the course of the discussions concerning the ssociation, the administrators were asked if they con— -dered themselves part of an overseas American school :twork. Three-quarters of the administrators replied in e affirmative and cited the Association-related activ- ies as the vehicle which helped to define and contribute this feeling. Typical comments include: In a sense this feeling is what I get from the Association. I feel that I am involved and am sharing with others. I was even included as a teacher . . . . Through the Association [AAS], we discuss things at the meetings focusing on the American School movement as a whole. All of us have a similar mission even though we work with different types of people. We know of the other schools and have some communication with those in Latin America and even on a worldwide scale. 356 There were two administrators INK) conceded that a Ietwork did exist, but hastened to qualify their comments Iy pointing out the institutional autonomy which each school .mplicitly and explicitly maintained. In the larger sense yes. We are working with the Office of Overseas Schools. Michigan State University helps us by sending consultants. In a left-handed sort of way there is a "loose network,“ but we.are a law unto ourselves. The Association is only for educational exchange. We are related yet we are independent. We are in a sense federated in terms of broad policies or practices . . . we are related because we have diplomats' children attending the school. The network is professionally based on mutual interests . . . . Conversely,iknnradministrators did not perceive an Itline of an American school network. Significantly, two ' these administrators were directors of institutions that d not participate in any Association activities. The majority of the administrators who felt a part the American school network had been in their present st two or more years, had made personal visits to three more other American Schools either intra- or inter- 'ionally in the Western HemiSphere, and had been involved the Association activities. Only one administrator had rst-hand experience” with American schools in another :inent. Conversely, one administrator with limited over- experience (less than five months) found it difficult' ecognize any outlines of a network of American schools, 357 and had no eXperience with the other American schools in his region nor the Association. It can possibly be inferred that these administra- tors' perceptions about being part of the American school network and the Association were in some way related with the socialization of the individual to the overseas educa- tional milieu and the referent systethe deveIOps afggg he assumes the position of chief school administrator. Summary and Discussion I The majority of the administrators perceived the .AS-school relationship as being beneficial to the school. 'he most beneficial AAS project, as far as the adminis- rators were concerned, was the Michigan State University roject,tflnxnufl1which each participating school received rofessional services in the form of credit courses for its aachers or consultative services. However, some criticism [8 voiced by the administrators concerning aspects of the :U relationship. The role that the individual school and s respective administrator played in the Association equently served to define the administrator's perception the Association and the degree to which the administratOr 1 his school participated in the Association and its ejects. The description of the Association activities which e carried out in an interdependent fashion with members 358 f the Association and other agencies with which the schools Intracted, was characterized by conditions of COOperation Id conflict. These conditions prompted the men to behave .fferently as they attempted to mediate the affairs be— Ieen the Association and the school. The Association generally was perceived as a com— rative reference organization for the schools, and as an ganization that could possibly help the school. The jority of the administrators pursued the development of- Operative relationships with other schools in the Asso- ation. In this case, the chief school administrator was 'seeker of resources" for his school. This point of View 3 made explicit in this comment: Here you learn to live life one day at a time. There are so many things that could go wrong that it is impossible to anticipate them all. You try to get involved in all types of activities that can possibly help the school. The Association is one of these activities. It can't hurt us, it can only help. Although the chief school administrators, as inSti- Lonal representatives, sought Association membership COOperative relationships with other AmeriCan schools, artheless because the Association was a federated type rganization in which participation was voluntary, the nistrators could elect to participate or not participate 1e affairs of the Association. Less than one-fourth of the administrators felt ssociation did not provide a personal or professional 359 award for them or their institution and thus a pattern of ithdrawalcnrwithholding their participation in the activ— ties of the Association occurred. Some of the conditions hich prompted this behavior are illustrated in the fol— Owing comment: The schools seem to have their own problems. The administrators do not seem to want to co- operate on some things. If they do want to COOperate, they do not have the resources. )reover, often the individual member within the Association elt powerless in the organization. This was made explicit I r one administrator: Our school is too small to contribute to the Association in comparison with the larger schools. We are wooed because we look good in the reports the Association prepares. is position of powerlessness in the Association was a iely shared notion by those administrators in the small 1 medium schools, who perceived the larger schools--gen- Illy located in the national capitals--as possessing :itions of prestige, power, and social status. A pos- Ile explanation for this notion could be that the itions of leadership in the Association were held by inistrators in the larger schools; in one instance the ice of president was a permanent office. Chapter Summary The second set of social institutions, which the nistrators ranked as the second most influential in 360 iving direction to the American schools, was educational nstitutions: specifically the Southern Association of alleges and Schools and the Association of American :hools. From the data it was established that both organ- :ations provided the school with educational norms and IlueS, reflective of the U.S. education system, and pro— Ided the administrators with a communication network with e U.S. education community and other American schools erseas as well. Both SACS and AAS functioned as Specialized co- iinating agencies which Litwak and Hylton hypothesized :e characterized by conditions of cooperation and con— 'Lct.6 The relationships which the administrators de- iibed between the school and these institutions would Iold this hypothesis. The chief school administrator became the man—in— -middle, mediating between groups in the school, the 001 and SACS, the school and AAS, aswell as the school MSU. 361 FOOTNOTES, CHAPTER VIII 1Southern Association of Colleges and Schools, SGuide to the Evaluation and Accreditation of Secondary chools" (Atlanta: Southern Association of Colleges and chools, 1969), p. 1. ”Lu” 2Association of American Schools in the Republic f Mexico, "A Conference of American Schools in Mexico, eld in Guadalajara, Jalisco, Mexico, March 21-24, 1965." imeograph. 3Association of American Schools of Central erica, "Statutes of the Association of American Schools Central America, March 28-29, 1963." Mimeograph. 4Mimeograph copy of "Agreement between the Asso- ation of American Schools in the Republic of Mexico 1d Michigan State University to establish a five year :ogram of teacher education and improvement.services." 5Chris Argyis, Interpersonal Competence and Lganizational Effectiveness (Homewood, Illinois: ersey Press, Inc., 1962), pp. 28-37. 6Eugene Litwak and Lydia F. Hylton, "Interorgani- tional Analysis: A Hypothesis on Co~ordinating Agencies," Sociological Reader on Complex Organizations, 2nd ed. ew York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1969), .354-356. CHAPTER IX WORK—RELATED INTERACTION WITH ECONOMIC, 'PHILANTHROPIC,IRELIGIOUS,[AND OTHER»INSTITUTIONS Introduction In addition to the governmental and educational ganizations that were ranked respectively as high and dium influence in the systemic linkage analysis, the ief school administrators identified and ranked as low fluence a cluster of institutions that were economic, LlanthrOpic, and religious in nature. An attempt was made to determine how the adminis- .torS interacted with these institutions and the views .t the administrators Shared about each one. The data each type organization will be presented and discussed this chapter. Economic Institutions The social institutions that the chief school admin- ;ators collectively ranked third in influence in the. f :emic linkage system were those organizations that were 362 363 embedded in the economic system. This category of insti— .utions 'was, for the most part, identified as the "business ommunity" and included three segments: U.S. business, ndustrial and commercial; host national business, indus- ‘Fial,enuicommercial; and third country business, indus— rial, and commercial. In analyzing the data in Table 7.1, it is evident aat the administrators ranked the influence of the economic ganizations Significantly lower than either government education since only eleven administrators imputed any ality of influence to this category and nine administra- Irs did not give this category any ranking. Those men- oned were predominately in 4-7 influence positions. Even though all the nations represented in Region I 1 Region II were part of what Horowitz referred to as the aird world" and by definition were underdeveloped,l Jion I was more economically and socially developed, )ecially in the levels of industrialization and the use technology, than those nations in Region II. Moreover, basic level of industrialization of the overseas com— ity in which the schools were located seemed to mediate I degree and kind of influence which the administrators i eived the business community as exerting. The admin— ;ators of the large schools, which were located generally ilarge industrial centers, tended to see the school's / N— ationship with the business community in terms of a 364 direct" influence and were able to articulate the school's elation with the business community. In contrast, the dministrators of schools located in less industrialized r more rural areas, tended to perceive the schools' re- N Etionships with economic institutions in more of an —ndirect" influence. In addition, a factor which seemed to blur the ministrators' perceptionsexfthe national origin of the onomicorganizations in the community was the element nationalization of industries. The comments of two ministrators illustrate: It is hard to tell what industry is U.S. and what is host national since here in the nationalization of industry is progressing rapidly. What used to be American is now national . . . . . . . As you know new firms are starting up as other firms are going out of business. They seem to make the Same products you get back home . . . Kelloggs corn flakes, Dodge and Ford cars, Coca Cola . . . even Kentucky Fried Chicken. . . . _Nature of the Relationship All the administrators VHM) indicated that the [013 were influenced in some measure by the economic itutions asserted that the school maintained some form {‘3—. -elationship with the business community. The adminis- If“ Kx tors tended to categorize the relationship as formal and ‘I Srmal, direct or indirect and cited examples of the ous types of relationships. 365 Eight administrators reported informal and often ad hoc educational programs for segments of the business community. These programs were designed to meet needs of various sectors of the host national and U.S. business community; however, no administrator reported any type of 'program for segments of the third country business. Frequently the motivation for these projects was to esecure additional financial resources for the school, but more frequently the programs were seen as an accommodation to the community and as an activity to create positive school-community relations. The administrators themselves ot involved in the administering of the programs. Examples of some of the activities in which schools were involved are illustrated in these four administrators' comments: The and use our testing service. We have trained some of the peOple in their administration units on promotion and planning and provided them with the test materials. Our school conducts English classes in the evening for one of the local banks that wanted a special training program for their employees. We set up a language lab downtown, and conducted English classes. It was attended by secretaries and business personnel in the downtown areas. We did this as a type of public relations. We wanted to offer a service to the community. We have conducted the Bedel course for the [U.S.] corporation. It is a course where we teach middle how to teach. This type of program was develOped to try to change our image from one of snobbishness to one that allows broad participation. During the last year, we had about 160,000 people involved in the program. We have actively sought out industry on this. We will send instructors out to the plant or we will conduct the classes here on the school premises. We are of— fering it through the American Chamber of Commerce. 366 Six administrators reported the converse of the school—business community relationship. That is, the school used the business organization for educational purposes as these two comments illustrate: We use the factories for field trips. We bring resource people from industry whenever we can for our secretarial training. But be cautioned; we don't use the banks because they are nationalized. We conducted a community resource workshop for our teachers and the teachers at a public school here in . We took the teachers to see the industrial plants and to meet the plant managers. This helped immensely to improve our relationships with local industry. However, the dominant viewpoint Shared by the administrators toward the establishment of any extensive and prolonged educational programs, that were designed to )enefit either the school or the industry, was that the :ask was highly complex and difficult. One administrator rommented: You know the idea of a school such as ours getting involved with business is sort of a new concept down here. Our school has a hard enough job in the educational programs With the kids. nplicit in this comment is the value that the administrator laced on the relationship and the feeling that "we are at equipped or staffed to do a whole lot in the area of lult education." Of the eleven administrators who felt the binational ISiness community influenced the school, most cited a elative dependent and subordinate relationship. The 367 dependency status was in the form of exchange relationship of providing educational services for the dependents of those affiliated with the business community in exchange for the financial resources which were received in tuition payments. Since the tuition was a financial resource essential to the survival of the school, the school was placed in a subordinate position. The data in Table 9.1 help to illustrate this relative dependency upon the seg- ments of the binational community in the school year 1969— 1970. Since the tuition charged by each school varied Significantly between and among the schools as the data in Table 4.6 Show, so did the actual financial income. All the administrators, not only those who ranked the influence of business community, felt the amount of money ierived from tuitions was insufficient to operate what the :hief school administrators perceived as a "quality educa— :ional program." Although most administrators did not express criticism over the lack of financial assistance erived from the business community via tuition, one dministrator of a school which enrolled a large percentage f "business kids" commented: The business community really gets its money's worth. The majority of the administrators perceived the Lnational community as a "potential" source for securing lditional funds needed to operate the school. The 368 .mHooaom wwwmnw>o mo monmo "chap mo condom QOHpm m HH Nm mN mm mm on H mm mN mN Hm ON IHHHmmw mmwQHch c>mc muswumm meSB mpswcspm mo cmmvcmoumm Hapoe I N I H m m N I I I H I I mHQGOQwaQ .U.B I H MN eH OH om NH 42 as m HN mm «H mquecwamo umom I H m N a N N I I NH H e I mucmecmmmo .m.n cmHMHHHmmmI.U.B Ho Hmom H H H H H H N I H I I I I wucmpswmmo .U.B m H I v N m m <2 v N H I w mpquawmmo #mom a m m a HH N Nm m a m H H I mqueqwcwo .m.o UTHMHHHMMMI.m.D HO .m.D mmmchDm m m w m N H a m m w m N H HH GOHmmm H sonwm wHooeom .hpon pscpcpm HMHOH mo pswonwm Ho mEHwH sH cmmmwumxm mm mpswpcwm Hoonom QMOHHwE< mo ECHpmHHHmmm MHOB chccumm H.m mHQMB 369 dministrators reported that a significant part of the job equired concerted efforts to get more financial support rom the various segments of the binational business com— unity. Five mentioned seeking additional resources for cholarships, three for capital expansion, and three for mproving services. One administrator described the contractual ar- angement that his school had made with a local U.S. firm: [American firm] needed a school for their kids SO we worked out a contractual arrangement whereby they [company] take over the school's financial deficit at the end of the year and in addition gives us a donation equal to 50 percent scholarships per year. The dominant pattern, however, was a direct appeal I the various segments of the business community. The 'ope and scale of these fund-raising efforts varied Sig— ficantly as the following comments of the two adminis- ators illustrate. An administrator in a large school a large city described the school's organized efforts: We actively seek funds from the American and host national business community here in Since it is for this community that we feel we Should maintain a high quality education program. But on the other hand, going after this money year after year becomes almost a full~time endeavor. As a matter of fact, we are develOping a sophisticated organization to try to raise more money locally. contrast, fund raising in a small school was more likely 3e an informal solicitation which required the chief >ol administrator to seek financial assistance, such as s administrator described: 370 When the school has a raffle to raise money, I go to some of the stores and ask them to donate some prizes . . . . Since many of the U.S. and U.S.-affiliated business companies had both overseas and stateside operatiOns, the art of soliciting and securing financial assistance from these business firms required, the administrators asserted, insight into the firm's decision-making process as well as the firm's organizational structure. Nine administrators reported that the schools had received assistance in soliciting and securing funds for current aperating expenses through the Overseas School Advisory Zouncil. The administrators reported that the Overseas School Advisory Council solicited directly from the home Iffice of the U.S. firms in behalf of those employees who Iad children enrolled in the schools overseas. This .SSistance program, designated Fair Share, was perceived as positive influence by those administrators of schools hat had significant numbers of dependents of U.S. and U.S.- ffiliated business firms in the schools, usually the large ad medium schools. The chief school administrators per— aived the amounts of money from the business community esponse to the local efforts or through the Overseas shool Advisory Council as "small" but very helpful in Icuring educational supplies. However, three administra- rs commented on the uncertainty of the "Fair Share" sistance program with the Overseas School Advisory 371 Council Since the "fair Share" amount was subject to fluctuation due to the employment policies and practices as well as the financial policies of the U.S; firms. However, it was the administrator in the small school, which in most instances Shad.1imited affiliation with the U.S. and U.S.raffiliated firms, who was less aware of the "fair Share" program and perceived the program's influence in a negative sense. One commented, "We don't even have a U.S. firm here in , so how can I benefit?" Despite the Size of the school, the administrators Shared a commonality, in that all tended to express a critical attitude toward the U.S. business community for :he limited financial assistance "the school" had received Ln the fund-raising efforts. A possible explanation might Ie that the administrator by his training and socialization .n the American culture felt closer to the U.S. business nd could rationally justify their requests. Moreover, ince he could predict the firmskresponses,in.a sense he ould better manage and control the Situation with U.S. irms than with non—U.S. firms. Thus when little response a the fund-raising efforts was made by the U.S. firms, : least as perceived by the administrators, they reacted egatively. But regardless of the SCOpe and scale of the fund- ising enterprises within the school, seventeen of the Spondents asserted that the fund-raising efforts for the 372 school created personal and professional stress and strain. Typical comments included: This was the first time I had to do anything like this . . . . Our fund=raising efforts did not get results. It was discouraging. . . . This [asking for money] is the part of the job I dislike most . . . . When queried about their dislike in soliciting funds, one chief school administrator summarized his feelings toward raising money: We [the Board and I] could do more in this area but with such a small segment of the host national business community that is sympathetic to our school, it is difficult to go ask for money. It is interesting to note that only three admin— istrators commented on the direct approach they had made :0 solicit funds from the host segment of the business :ommunity. AS indicated in the above comment, soliciting Funds from the host national business was a relationship 'hich the administrator as well as the board members tended o avoid, possibly due to a feeling of embarrassment or ossibly for fear of creating a conflict which might arise ver a "foreign" school soliciting funds and thus jeop- rdizing the "guest" status or the representative role which 1e administrators perceived the school as fulfilling. .nce in all but one school, the chief school administrator IS personally responsible for soliciting funds, and Since ly 59 percent of the administrators were highly competent the Spanish language, it can be inferred that language 373 was another factor that might be considered a negative, aspect in soliciting funds from the host national business community. Philanthropic Foundations Another category of institutions that received a low influence ranking in the systemic linkage system was the philanthropic foundation. Only eight administrators ranked this institution: one ranked it first, one ranked it fourth, one ranked it fifth, two ranked it sixth, and three ranked it seventh. Of those administrators who ranked the philan- :hrOpic foundation as exerting an influence, half were or Iad been employed by a school that was affiliated with a erivate host national philanthropic foundation. At the 'hme of the study, for these four individuals, the.influence f the foundation was ascribed to its power to support the overning board of the school and the financial assistance hat the school reportedly derived from the foundation. ince the time of the interviews with the four individuals, he relationship between the school and the foundation as altered Significantly and one chief school administrator asigned due to the conflicts that were in part due to the Lsunderstandings between the school and the foundation rer the administration of the school. 374 The balance of the administrators cited the influ— ence of philanthrOpic foundations as being related to those U.S. philanthrOpic organizations that had assisted the schools either through limited financial or technical assistance in Specialized projects educational research or curriculum development. In all instances, the adminis- trators were directly involved in the planning and imple— menting of this type of activity and found it professionally and personally rewarding. Since twelve administrators failed to rank this organization, it can be inferred that the schools which those administrators managed did not maintain relationships with this type of organization and thus, there existed a less formulated systemic linkage system. Religious Institutions Another category of social institutions which the administrators felt did not play a Significant role in the 'systemic linkage system of the schools was religious organ- izations. Only six administrators ranked this institution in terms of influence: one ranked it first, one ranked it fifth, three ranked it eighth, and one ranked it ninth. Fifteen did not rank this category of institutions, and :hus it can be inferred they did not perceive it as having lny Significance. 375 The religious institutions were seen by the majority of the administrators as being an "outside" organization with which the school.had no affiliation. Frequently, in the interview, the administrator went to great length to wdescribe what he considered the "nonreligious or in some instances the "nondenominational" character of the school. One cited the reason for his adamant response: AS you know here in the law requires that schooling remain liga (iee., free from religious teaching). AS an American school, we cannot afford to get caught up in the church-state controversy. It is significant to note that about 70 percent of the administrators who imputed that religious organizations had any influence, managed schools in communities that were considered by the administrators to be extremely "conservative" and "traditionally Roman Catholic" com- nunities. The administrators reported that they had en- ountered conflicts that revolved around religious issues. Ine administrator commented: The school is frequently seen by a certain segment of the host national community as being a Protestant school. Inother commented: The school endeavors to observe all the religious holidays because we certainly don't want to create a fuss. This means we occasionally are in violation of the education law, but other schools here in follow the same practice as we do. 376 Even though the administrators asserted that the school maintained no formal relationships, seven schools :eported that the school did allow religious instruction (Catholic and Protestant) in the school, sometimes during school hours but more often after school. Although the influence of the religious community was seen in terms of direct relationships, the schools were attended by dependents of Protestant missionaries. Three administrators reported that they had confrontations with these parents over such matters as appropriate dress and school activities. Other Institutions The last category of institutions that the chief "chool administrators ranked in the interinstitutiOnal ystemic linkage table was "other" institutions. Only ieven administrators gave this category any ranking and %f this group two did not specify what institution con— stituted the "other" institution. The five did identify and rank the Specific in- titution. Four gave rankings to educational institutions hat were not included in the questiOnnaire. Significantly, ne gave a first ranking to the Michigan State Consultant rogram.n One gave a fourth influence ranking to the Texas ducation Agency, the accrediting agency for the State of exas, with which this particular school was also accredited. 377 Another administrator gave a fourth influence ranking to a secondary school located in the U.S. with which the school was involved in an exchange program. The fourth individual gave a third influence ranking to the Inter- Regional Center, acoordinating agency conducted by an overseas American school for the purpose of assisting the overseas American schools in the development of curricular and educational materials. The fifth individual gave an influence ranking to a host governmental institution, specifically the state government educational authority with which the school was accredited. Since the parameters of the schools' relationships with educational and governmental institutions were dis- cussed in detail in previous chapters,tflmainf1uence of tthese relationships will not be discussed. Summary The institutions that collectively received a low ,finfluence ranking in terms of the administrators'_perceptions pf the institution's influence on the schools were economic institutions, philanthropic foundations, religious insti- :utions,enuiother institutions. The influence of each of :hese institutions upon the individual school was frequently 1 function of the locale in which the school was located. The economic institutions were perceived a sig— Iificant influence, if many U.S. and host national 378 businesses were located in the locale and the dependents Of those employed in these businesses comprised a Signif- icant portion of the student body. Although many admin- istrators perceived the business community as a "potential" financial resource,dfluaschool's fund—raising efforts varied from locale to locale and generally were perceived to be less successful than the chief school administrator had envisioned. The influence of the philanthrOpic foundations was mediated by the school's contact with foundations, and the. degree to which the foundation provided financial resources to the school or Specialized projects in the school. The influence of the religious institutions was again mediated by the norms and behavior patterns of the larger community in which the school was located. However, to a lesser degree, it was mediated by the relationships with the segments of the binational community which sup- ported the School. The "other" institutions cited that influenced the school were generally educational, although one was a governmental institution which was involved in the educa- tional programs of the school. These institutions had not been identified in the educational institutions category in the .interinstitutional systemic linkage table. 379 FOOTNOTES, CHAPTER IX lIrving Louis Horowitz, Three WOrlds of Develop: ment (New York: Oxford University Press, 1966), pp. 39-46. CHAPTER X COMMONALITIES-AMONG THE CHIEF SCHOOL ADMINISTRATORS By analyzing the world of work and the individual's behavior as the individual interacts within the work Sit— uation, we gain knowledge about the individual, and those associated with the work role. In this study, we observed how twenty-two Americans with some degree of uniformity in their personal and professional backgrounds respond in fairly uniform ways in a cross-cultural environment to administrative and professional demands imposed on them iwhile performing the task of chief school administrator I(in American-Sponsored schools. However, this study is recognized to possess limitations due to omissions and commissions in such areas as method and theory: 1. The sample is small,:hithat it included only individuals that were employed in one geographic area. 2. Although the individuals seemed eager to talk Ibout the experience in managing the school--one individual even commented, "This is the first time anyone has listened .O my problems"--some found it difficult to identify or 380 381 describe why they behaved or reacted as they did. Only those with the insight of retrospect or years of experience seemed to have a perception of the forces that impinged upon them in the position of chief school administrator. 3. Since the study included nine individuals who were no longer employed as chief school administrators, a portion of the data was based on recall. However, it was noted that there was no significant difference in the substantive responses to the questions. 4. In the absence of any large body of theory Specific enough to deal with the broad Spectrum of the behavioral dimension involved in carrying out a new work role in the cross-cultural setting, the findings of the study are suggestive in nature. In this chapter, we review the commonalities of behavior and consider implications for further study. Review of the Commonalities of Behavior In this section, we review the complexity of be— havior and summarize the patterns of behavior presented in the preceding chapters. We organize it here into two areas: the pattern of behavior generic to the relationships with the infrastructure of the work organization and the systemic linkage system. . 382 The Patterns of Behavior GeneriC' to Relationships in the Infra- 'structure‘Of'the‘work'organization AS the chief school administrator of an American” Sponsored school located overseas, the task of managing the administrative and educational affairs of the school required interacting with four major social groups immed— iately associated with the school: therinational com— munity, the board of governance, the binational or multi— national professional staff, and the multinational student body. These social collectivities formed part of the social universe in which the administrators pursued their work. These groups, by establishing the acceptable social norms and practices and eschewing those unacceptable, collectively and individually established the parameters of the adminis- trator's behavior in terms of the way he was expected to relate his personal and professional self to the group, the responsibilities the administrator was required to assume, the way he went about learning in the cross-cultural set- ting, and the manner of solving problems. Since all the administrators but one had been reared and educated in the U.S., the task.of wOrking among and between groups in an effort to maintain a degree of organ— izational balance within the school imposed a strain to maintain a degree of consistency with the social-cultural values and norms in the personal and professional life of the administrator. The adjustment process, experienced 383 by the administrators as they went about their work, cor- responded to that described by Lambert as "following some 9 l variant of the 'U', 'J', or reverse 'J' curve." The Binational Community The interaction pattern of the chief school admin— istrator with the local binational community appeared as a function of the community's size and composition, the mobile nature of the various segments, the different cultural notions each group held about the apprOpriate means for educating children and youth, and the administrator's bilingual capabilities. The administrator who felt that he was successful in working with the binational community recognized and demonstrated what might be identified as an ability to pre- sent an acceptable dual social identity that called for switching behavior patterns when interacting with segments gof the binational community. The young and inexperienced :administrator, not knowing what set of social-cultural Inorms to use in a particular situation, often times used in— appropriate behavior patterns that prompted him to feel frustrated and alienated from various segments of the local binational community. This condition at times prompted an aura of crisis to erupt and not infrequently, the admin- -Strator's resignation. 384 Board of Governance The individual, assumingthe.task of chief school administrator, carried with him notions concerning the ap- propriate attributes and modes of behavior of those designated to administer educational institutions and per— ceived himself as being employed by the board to "run the school." Since most individuals in this study had never held an executive position prior to assuming the position of chief school administrator, the task required learning not only how to conduct the administrative affairs of the school but also how to relate to a highly mobile, binational School board. The task for the administrator in the small school was one of learning how to function as a "generalist" in |such areas as finance, construction, personnel, and cur— aricular affairs. In the medium and large school, it meant ilearning how to become an executive Specializing in working §with and through theroard of governance, which was fre— Xquently composed of members like himself who were new to the community and inexperienced in conducting the affairs of a binational school. However, Since many of the boards had no written policy or procedural guidelines and the role expectations not only for the administrator and the board member were ill—defined, crises often erupted over issues of power and 385 authority as the administrator and the board each attempted .to carry out what the other considered "my responsibility." Most administrators felt their authority within the governingboards was derived from their ability to secure and manage the financial resources, thereby eliminating financial crises for the board. The successful adminis— trator acknowledged a strong sense of identity with the governing board and gained pride and personal satisfaction in solving the administrative problems of the school, often as a "committee of one, but generally through the COOper- ative efforts of the group." Professional Staff The managing of the professional staff of the over— seas schools was complex and difficult, in that not only was the chief school administrator involved in the recruit- ment of the staff members but, in addition, was responsible for integrating into a COOperative work organization teachers from two or more societies who brought with them to the work organization not only culturally determined notions concerning the appropriate attributes and modes of behavior of those designated to teach children and youth but also diverse professional training as well. This set of conditions the chief school adminis- trator felt imposed on both the American and host national teacher, entered the work organization_for the first time 386 with varying degrees of role Shock aS each counted bi- lingual, bicultural education program. Since the chief school administrators felt that both the American and the host national teachers were essential elements contributing to the school's identity as an American and binational school, the administrators endeavored to help the teachers adjust to the new teaching Situation. Frequently, this required that the administrator himself modify his professional behavior pattern. In working with the American teacher, the modification of be— havior pattern of the administrators took the form of assuming, by choice or default, the responsibility for the teacher's social well being and roles of "in loco parentis" and confidante. In working with the host national teacher, the behavior of the administrator was one of accepting the ; host national's different professional training and en- deavoring to eXpose the host teacher to new concepts of educational methodology and theory, based on U.S. educa- tion norms. The successful administrator found the task of working with a binational staff required a sensitivity to the cultural differences of the members of the binational staff and the ability to separate the individual from the issue. He was willing to modify his professional behavior in order to facilitate the integrative process because he deemed it essential for the school's survival. In contrast, 387 the administrator who was not willing to modify aspects of his professional behavior suffered continuing stress. Student Body The matter of being the chief school administrator of an American school overseas enrolling a multinational, coeducational, highly mobile student body was for all the administrators a highly rewarding experience both profes- Sionallyannipersonally. Most administrators asserted in tones that often denoted an implied self and institutional pride that "their school" was chosen for the education of dependents of socially, economically, and politically prom- inent.members of the binational community and illustratively cited as criteria of the school's success, cases of former students who had academic success in higher education. The problems of accommodating and meeting the di- verse schooling needs of children and youth from diverse educational and sociocultural backgrounds proved to be a challenge for most administrators despite the often acknowledgedlack of experience and professional preparation in administrative and educational matters. The dominant concerns which all the administrators Shared, revolved around.the social and academic adjustment of the elementary children and secondary youth. The chief school administrator perceived both the American and host national student's 388 academic adjustment to the bilingual and bicultural edu- cation program as being mediated by the student's learning the.second language of the school as quickly as possible and attempted to facilitate language learning through special programs. The administrators felt the American students' social adjustment to both the school and the community was particularly stressful and that when these students encountered a dual value norm.System, they became disoriented. The administrators were keenly aware of the American youth's rebellion againstnot only the new culture and social norms but the schooling experience as well, due to their involvement in resolving.student-related prOblems. The SystemicLinkage System In addition to the social groups within the work ,organization of the school with which the administrators “interacted, administering the school required maintaining a cluster of relationships with one or more social insti- tutions within the local, national, and international com- munity. The administrators' behavior in linking the bureaucracy of one culture with another bureaucracy in the same culture and in linking a bureaucracy of one culture with an organization in a disparate culture created patterns of behavior that varied among and between the administrators as revealed by the administrators' per- ceptions and rankings of the systemic network. A 389 commonality that all the chief.school administrators Shared was the belief that institutions in the systemic linkage system are hierarchical in nature. and impinged differentially upon each school and administrator. The administrators' descriptions of the systemic -linkage system suggest the following typology: Type I —-High influence institutions Type II —~Medium influence institutions Type III--Low influence institutions Type I-—High Influence Institutions All the administrators perceived two different national governments as dominating forces in the insti- tutional lives of the overseas school: the host govern— ment and the U.S. government. In the first instance, the schooldepended upon the host government for its legal and educationallegitimacy. In the second instance, the school idepended upon the U.S. government for financial aid and the institutional identity which was perceived to be derived from the aid and other relationships with the U.S. govern— ment. The administrator perceived the interaction pattern with the host government units as one of compliance to the educational and legal codes required to operate a private school. Frustrations and problems were experienced by the administrator by virtue of the unique character of the I 390 American school as compared to educational institutions indigenous to the host society.‘ The situation required the. administrator to mediate with the host governmental agencies to maintain an organizational balance and even the very survival of the school. The administrators who perceived they maintained a relatively satisfactory relationship with the host government were those who had learned the workings of the indigenous bureaucracy and how to work in it. Most fre— quently, these individuals were fluent in Spanish and sensitive to the culturally acceptable means for conducting business. In contrast, the sociocultural norms prescribed by the linking bureaucracy as well as the communication problems that a lack of fluency in the Spanish language caused, frequently prompted the less experienced admin— istrator to see the host government as "something to get around." The administrators perceived the influence of the U.S. gOvernment as being basically mediated by the financial resources which the U.S. government provided the school via grants—in—aid. The degree to Which the School was de- pendent upon this resource in large measure paralleled the level of frustrations that the administrators felt in pursuing the "red tape" process of requesting financial assistance, as well as the conditions of ambiguity and uncertainties over the availability of money. 391 The administrators Showed different patterns of behavior in COping with the uncertainties. Some showed despair and resignation; they failed to understand why the U.S. government did not value the school for its purported symbolic value and tended to be very critical. Others, the "long'termers," had learned tofVlive through" the uncertainties and seemingly retained a faith in the perceived mission of the school. Type II~—Medium Influence Institutions The administrators perceived educational organi- zations as possessing a "medium" magnitude of control over the school. The educational organizations were U.S.—based or U.S.-oriented institutions,.which included the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools, a U.S. regional accrediting agency; Michigan State University; and the Association of American Schools, a loosely federated-type organization composed of overseas American Schools in Regions I and II. The aggregate effect of these organiza- tions was perceived as providing the overseas American schools with an educational legitimacy as an American institution and also as providing the administrators with a network to the U.S. professional community which helped reduce the professional isolation that most administrators felt in living overseas. 392 These organizations provided the administrator with a chance to retain his feeling of being a professional educator. The administrators felt it was professionally acceptable to seek advice from these various educational agencies, yet the administrator retained a professional autonomy in terms of evaluating and accepting or rejecting the advice for the school. Most felt free to criticize aspects of the administrative process involved in the relationships, such as communication gaps and program inadequacies. The long-term administrator tended to evaluate the relationship with the educational institutions more positively Since his frame of reference included periods of time when not even an outline of a network existed through which to seek advice and Share in education dis- cussion or enrichment. In contrast, the newly arrived or short-term administrator was more likely not to recognize the contributions of the institutions and tended to crit- icize the institution based on the premise that advice was not what he or his school needed. .Rather, he needed substantive and immediate assistance to solve the current crisis. Type III--Low Influence Institutions The administrators viewed as low influence those institutions that were economic, philanthropic, and relig- ious in nature. 393 The administrators perceived the economic insti— tutions or the business community as the most significant of the "low" influence category. They viewed the business community, both local and U.S., as a potential source for securing financial resources, often with unrealized expectations. The discrepancies that often became apparent between the high expectation and the low realiZation of income from this source caused frustration. The types of fund- raising efforts that the chief school administrator felt he could and.did conduct in the community were mediated by the local social and cultural customs of what were accept- able means for raising money and.the existence or absence of an expansive industrial-business complex in the com— munity. Those administrators in the large schools were aware of the_parameters and influences, both direct and indirect, of the economic community and had learned to use this knowledge, although often in a limited fashion, for the benefit of the school. In contrast, those chief school administrators who demonstrated little awareness of the business community tended to avoid any involvement in fund- raising efforts at the local level and were hopeful that financial assistance from outside the community would be forthcoming. Only those administrators who managed schools that had received assistance from philanthropic foundations 394 either through direct financial assistance or Special pro— jects imputed Significance to interaction with philanthropic foundations. Since few schools were involved in this type of relationship, the majority of the administrators viewed this institution as of little significance. The influence of the religious institutions was often limited to instances of recent conflict between the school and the religious institution. The chief school administrator tended to ignore or evade the presence of the problem, again due to the representational role as an "American" school. From the descriptions of the patterns of behavior with segments of the infrastructure of the school and the various institutions ranked in influence in the school's systemic linkage system, some commonalities concerning the administrative role have emerged. The role of chief school administrator was seen by the men not only as being that of an educational leader, but frequently as a mediator or bridge between the social groups and the formal organizations from which the school gained its legal, educational, financial, and social legitimacy. This view was most frequently evidence by those "long termers" who had-observed and developed a well- formulated concept of social groups and institutions and how each functioned. The administrator had learned to use this knowledge to the school's advantage in an exchange 395 relationship which often required accommodation on prin- ciples of management or educational standards, but which the administrator accepted on the assumption that the survival of the school was at stake. The group of individuals.who were able to adapt well to living overseas recognized and accepted the socio- cultural differences, were skillful in the practice and art of compromise. Some had gained a new social, personal, and professional identity set,answell as a set of behavioral patterns that allowed the individual to function satisfac- torily in the cross—cultural setting where the norms were not the norms of one society or the other but the norms of the third culture. Most long-term administrators felt the job was a most personally and professionally rewarding experience. For the most part, the administrators enjoyed the style of life and the accompanying social status of being the chief school administrator of an institution that was seen as deriving its identity from the larger society it represented. Being an American and being the chief school administrator of "The American School" in most instances had meaning that transcended.the severity of the frustrations and the conflicts the administrators exper- ienced in their work.roles. This was confirmed by the fact that all but two administrators expressed a desire to re- main or return to the job of chief school administrator 396 in Latin.America or elsewhere in the world. As one man. stated, "This job is so exciting that performing the same job in the States where you would only have one set of culture problems would seem so dull and unexciting." In cOntrast, another behavior pattern was evidenced in segments of administrators who were most often "short termers." These individuals had no concept of the nature of the.American school overseas nor.had they had prior eXperience. Furthermore, they had assumed the responsi- bility for managing an American.school that frequently had no recorded history, thus no institutional memory. Their period as chief school administrator was characterized by constant conflicts and ever-recurring crises which ramified into their personal and professional life. In three instances, administrators resigned after severe pro— fessional and personal crises. Implications for Further Study I The universally assumed raison d'etre-of any social organization known as a school is to provide for the educa- tional and social needs of those it serves. For the overseas American schools analyzed in this study, the mission was clearly that of providing for the educational and social well-being of children and youths of two or more social col- lectivities. The chief school administrators in this study played a strategic, direct, and vital part in creating the 397 atmosphere wherein the schooling process occurred for the overseas American dependents and dependents of host nationals and third country nationals. Managing this type of transnational organization was concluded to be a highly complex task. Numerous conditions differentially impinged upon the administrative process and caused varying degrees of organizational instability. These conditions likewise precipitated discontinuities in the academic and social lives of those the school was designed to serve as well as the personal and professional lives of the chief school administrators who were employed to manage these schools. The data in this study demonstrate that there are wide variations in the organizational infrastructure of these schools and in the systemic linkages that the schools maintained with the various levels of the binational community--1ocal, national, and international. Some schools were more highly institutionalized than others, but each reflected the social contours of the community which it served. This condition helps to confirm Useem's general hypothesis: That where ever there exists a Viable coordinate third culture, there is greater probability of more effective administration . . . and as a direct result, more successful cross-cultural programs.2 From all indications, more American dependents as well as dependents of other nationals will be receiving part or. all of their elementary and secondary schooling in 398 American—Sponsored schools in the immediate and long-range future. To date, the American-Sponsored schools in this study like their Sister institutions located throughout the world have survived the initial effects of the ever—changing socioeconomic anui political arenas and the increased inter- dependency in the developmental and modernization process. However, as the post-modern or post-industrial period dawns, we need to ask questions such as, What type of future will? confront these schools? and, What steps should be taken to assure that these schools adequately meet the schooling needs of the current and future generations of highly mobile child- ren and youth of our nation as well as dependents of other nations? To answer these questions would require that we immediately advance our funds of scientific knowledge about the third culture in general and specifically the functional relationships that all the American-sponsored schools main- tain. It is recommended that a National Overseas Schools Training and Research Laboratory be established. The purpose of this laboratory Should be to conduct studies related to the administrative and educational problems associated with the overseas schools. Exploratory studies in administration Should include new and improved management techniques and tools, organizational structures, and means for adequately financing the schools. Exploratory studies Should also 399 include curricular programs Specifically designed for the binational mobile learner. The laboratory could also func— tion to train professional personnel in the art of teaching the highly mobile binational students and to train adminis- trators in the art of managing an overseas school. Moreover, in order to attract and maintain qualified persons in the positions of responsibility for long periods of time, new means for creating job security are needed. Thought Should be given to the formulation of an Interna- tional Teaching Corps. For the immediate, however, since the majority of the chief school administrators and teachers in this study experienced a form of role Shock once on the job, an initial step to help them overcome the problems would be to provide. an orientation program for the new administrator and teachers as well. It would also be helpful if these individuals were given some guidance during the early period of their stay abroad. The task of coordinating these activities should rest with the Federal Government, since it currently is the primary public agency responsible for the coordination of elementary and secondary schooling needs of dependents overseas. Together in concert with other national and international, public,enuiprivateorganizations—-philanthropic, economic, religious, etc.--the U.S. government must exert whatever means are required to effect the necessary improvements in 400 the overseas schools. To accomplish this task will require the collective financial and human resources of both public and private sectors if the current generation of American- sponsored schools as well as other modes of schooling yet to be devised are to provide an effective schooling environ- ment for children and youths overseas. 401 FOOTNOTES, CHAPTER X 1Richard D. Lambert, "Some Minor Pathologies in the American Presence in India," The Annuals, Vol. 368 (November, 1966), 158-159. 2John Useem, Ruth Useem, and John Donoghue, "Men in the Middle of the Third Culture," p. 17. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY LITERATURE CITED AND BACKGROUND MATERIALS Bade Argyis, Chris. Interpersonal Competence and Organizational Effectiveness. Homewood,Ill.: Dorsey Press, Inc., 1962. Bell, Gerald D. (ed.), Organizations and Human Behavior. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1967. Bernard, Chester I., The Function of the Executive. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard UniverSity Press, 1938. Blau, Peter M. Bureaucracy in Modern Society. New York: Random House, 1956. Cleveland, Harlan; Mangone, Gerard J.; and Adams, John Clarke. The Overseas Americans. New York: McGraw- Hill Book Co., 1960. Cuber, John F. Sociology: A Syngpsis of Principles. New York: Appleton—Century—Crofts, Inc., 1955. Eisenstadt, S. N. Essays on Comparative Institutions. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1965. Etzioni, Amitai. A Sociological Reader on Complex Organiza— tions. 2nd ed. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Win- ston, Inc., 1969. Horowitz, Irving Louis. Three Worlds of Development. New York: Oxford University Press, 1966. Lipset, Seymour Martin and Solari, Aldo, eds. Elites in Latin America. New York: Oxford University Press, 1969. 402 403 Moore, Frank I., ed. The Cyclopedic Law Dictionary. 3rd ed. Chicago: Callaghan & Co., 1940. Nash, Dennison. A Communipyin Limbo. Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana UnIverSity Press, 1970. Simon, Herbert A. Administrative Behavior. New York: The Free Press, 1965. Articles Brynes, Francis C. "Assignment to Ambiguity: Work Per- formance in Cross-Cultural Technical Assistance," Human Organization. Vol. 23, NO. 3, Fall, 1964. . "Role Shock: An Occupational Hazard of American Technical Assistants Abroad," The Annals. Vol. 368, November, 1966. Davis, Roy T. "American Private Schools in Latin America," The Bulletin of the National Association of Secondary School Principals. Vol. XXIX, May, 1945. Eisenstadt, S. N. "Bureaucracy, Bureaucratization, and Debureaucratization," A Sociological Reader on Complex Organizations. 2nd ed., Amitai Etzioni, New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1969. Fitzgerald, Dean T. "Role of American Schools In Latin America," The School Review, Journal of Secondapy Education. VLXII, December, 1955. Lambert, Richard D. "Some Minor Pathologies in the American Presence in India," The Annuals. Vol. 368, November, 1966. Lazarsfeld, Paul F. "The Social Sciences and Administration: A Rationale," The Social Sciences and Educational Administration, Lorne Downey and Frederic Enns, (eds.), Edmonton: University of Alberta, 1963. Litwak, Eugene and Hylton, Lydia F. "Interorganizational Analysis: A Hypotesis on Co-ordinating Agencies," in A Sociological Reader on Complex Organizations. 2nd Ed., New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1969. Loomis, Charles P. "Systemic Linkage of El Cerrito," Rural Sociology, XXIV, 1959. 404 MacGinitie, Walter M. "Language Development," in Encyclo- pedia of Educational Research, Robert L. Ebel,.ed. New Yorké ”The Macmillian Company, 1969. Relage, Kenneth J. "American Schools in Latin America," The Elementary School Journal, LV, November, 1954. Useem, John. "Work Patterns of Americans in India," The- Annuals, Vol. 368, November, 1966. , and Useem, Ruth Hill. "The Interfaces of a Binational Third Culture: A Study of the American Community in India," The Journal of Social Issues, Vol. XXIII, No. 1, January, 1967. , , and Donoghue, John. "Men in the Middle of the Third Culture: The Roles of American and Non—Western PeOple in Cross-Cultural Administration," Persons in International and World Affairs, Michi- gan State University Series #3, July, 1967. Other Sources "Agreement Between the Association of American Schools in the Republic of Mexico and Michigan State University to Establish a Five Year Program of Teacher Educa- tion and Improvement Services." A mimeograph. American Association of School Administrators, "The Mission Called 0/02,“ Washington, D.C.: American Associa- tion of School Administrators, 1966. American School Foundation, "The American School Foundation, A.C. 75 Years of Service, Mexico, D.F.," Bulletin No. 60, Mexico City: The American School Foundation, 1963. Association of American Schools in the Republic of Mexico, "A Conference of American Schools in Mexico, held in Guadalajara, Jalisco, Mexico, March 21-24, 1965," A mimeograph. Association of American Schools in the Republic of Mexico, "The American Schools in the Republic of Mexico.“ Association of American Schools in the Republic of Mexico, Association of American Schools of Central America, and Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michi— gan, "American Schools of Mexico—Central America and their Expanding Role." 405 Association of American Schools of Central America, "Statutes of the Association of American Schools of Central America, March 28-29, 1963," Mimeograph. Beans, Stanley S. "A Historical and Comparative Study of the American-Sponsored School in Sao Paulo, Brazil," Unpublished Doctoral Thesis, University of Arkansas, 1968. Brynes, Francis C. "Americans in Technical Assistance: A Study of Men's Perceptions of their Cross-Cultural Experience," Unpublished Doctoral Thesis, Michigan State University, 1963. "Capabilities, Accomplishments, Possibilities of American Schools in Mexico," Michigan State University Education in Latin America Series-~Number 2. Asso— ciation of American Schools in the Republic of Mexico, 1962. Domidion, Ann. "The Role of the Administrator in Independent Overseas Schools for Americans," Unpublished Doc- toral Thesis, Columbia University, 1964. Fitzgerald, Dean T. "American Schools in Latin America," Unpublished Doctoral Thesis, The University of Tulsa, 1954. Kardatzke, Howard H. "Cultural-Institutional and Teacher Influences upon Social Studies Curriculum and T Instruction: An Exploratory Study," Unpublished Doctoral Thesis, Michigan State University, 1968. King, Bob. "The Recruitment, Selection, and Retention of Teachers for Overseas Schools," Unpublished Doctoral Thesis, Wayne State University, 1968. Luebke, Paul. "American Elementary and Secondary Community Schools Abroad," Washington D.C.: Association of School Administrators, 1969. Mannino, Ernest N. "The Overseas Education of American Elementary and Secondary School Pupils with Appli— cation for American-Sponsored Schools Overseas: A Diagnosis and Plan for Action," Unpublished Doc— toral Thesis, Michigan State University, 1970. Orr, Paul G. “Binational Schools in Latin America," Unpub- lished Doctoral Thesis, Michigan State University, 1964. 406 Patterson, Charles J. "A Comparison of Performances of Mexican and American Children in a Bicultural Setting on Measures of Ability, Achievement, and Adjustment," Unpublished Doctoral Thesis, Michigan State Univer- sity, 1960. Rainey, Mary C. "Language Learnings of Overseas-Experienced American Teenagers," Unpublished Doctoral Thesis, Michigan State University, 1970. Seaquist, Robert G. "A Study to Develop a Planning Base for the Association of Colombian-American Binational Schools," Unpublished Doctoral Thesis, University of Alabama, 1968. Southeastern Education Laboratory, "Razon de Ser of the Bilingual School," Mexico City: Lito-Reforma. Southern Association of Colleges and Schools, "Guide to the Evaluation and Accreditation of Secondary Schools." Atlanta: Southern Association of Colleges and Schools, 1969. Southern Association of Colleges and Schools, "Improving International Understanding through Education," Atlanta: Southern Association of Colleges and Schools, 1962. U.S. Congress. House. "Department of Defense Education of Dependents Overseas." A Report by the Investi— gating Committee Of the Select Subcommittee on Education, Committee on Education and Labour, House of Representatives, 89th Cong., 2nd sess., March, 1966. U.S. Congress. Senate. "The American Overseas," Hearing before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, 86th Cong., lst sess., February 18, 1959. U.S. Department of State. "Foreign Affairs Manual, Uniform State/Aid Regulations, 611, 613, 614, 616, 618." Useem, Ruth Hill and Useem, John. "The Job: Stresses and Resources of Americans at Work in the Third Culture," Paper presented at meeting of the Society for Applied Anthropology, May 31, 1963. Albany, New York. 407 Vaughan, Herbert G. "The American School of Guatemala and its Relation to Guatemalan Education: A Descriptive Case Study," Unpublished Doctoral Thesis, Michigan State University, 1968. Young, George P., Jr. "A Study of the Potential for Achieve— ment of Better Inter-American Relationship through North American Schools in Latin America," Unpub- lished Doctoral Thesis, The University of Illinois, 1960. APPENDICES fi“'w"""""”wmfifiifif 1 APPENDIX A 600 OVERSEAS SCHOOLS PROGRAM 600 OVERSEAS SCHOOLS PROGRAM* 616 Criteria for Granting Assistance 616.1 Pursuant to the Mutual Educational and Cultural Exchange Act Following are the necessary requirements: a. The school must meet a demonstrated need for American- type educational facilities in the community Or region and in the case of primary and secondary schools shall be Open to the enrollment of qualified American students. b. The school must have been founded by or must be Operated or Sponsored by citizens or nonprofit institutions of the United States, with or without the participation of nationals of other countries. c. The school must operate without objection from the national government of the host country, and must be non- political in character. d. Authority over policy, finances, and administration must be vested in a competent board of reSponsible persons, usually including representation of the appropriate U.S. embassy or consulate, but at a minimum to include represen- tation by U.S. citizens. This will vary from school to school depending on local circumstances and on U.S. policy. e. The director or principal of the school, wherever practicable, Should be a U.S. citizen. f. There Should be a sufficient number of teachers from the United States or teachers trained in American educational methods to assure adequate contact for the students with these methods and the corresponding ideals. g. The curriculum and instruction of the school Should be of good quality and reflect accepted U.S. theory and practice in education to the greatest extent practicable. h. Primary and secondary curricula should provide in- struction in the language, literature, geography, and history of the United States and, where practicable, of the country where the school is located. Wherever the needs of American students require it, English Shall be used as a language of instruction. * Foreign Affairs Manual, Vol. 2, General. 408 409 i. The operation of the school should contribute to mutual understanding between the peOple of the United States and the peoples of the host country or other countries- through such means as enrollment of foreign nationals, the provision of binational extracurricular and community pro- grams, and English-language classes for special students. j. The financial plan of the school Should provide for continuing recourse to all feasible means of achieving and maintaining its financial independence through an adequate fee structure, endowment, and other forms of private support. k. Financial aid will not be given to church-connected schools. Nor will it be given to government, company, or private profit-earning schools unless provision of such assistance would assure educational facilities for American dependents which would not otherwise be available in the area. 616.2 Pursuant to Foreign Service and Foreign AssiStance Acts Following are the necessary requirements: a. The post must substantiate a need to provide educa— tional facilities for U.S. dependents: (1) There Should be no adequate elementary or secondary school, in the grades required, at the post or within rea- sonable daily commuting distance. (2) There must be a sufficient number of U.S. dependent children at the post, or anticipated at the post, to justify the proposed project. b. The school, to the extent possible, should: (1) Provide evidence of a favorable climate of local community support which would be demonstrated by offering personal and financial resources, not only of the U.S. Government community, but of American private business and other national and international elements as well. (2) Provide evidence of sound policy, finances, and other fundamental aspects of administration of an American- type of education duly vested in a competent board oft responsible persons, including appropriate representation by American citizens. 410 (3) Offer a program of study in which English is the. language of instruction. (4) Offer to the extent practical an American curriculum with American textbooks and materials. The school Should be willing to enroll, as a condition in accepting a U.S. Govern- ment grant, all dependents of American citizens carrying out programs of the U.S. Government abroad who are able to meet the school's other admission standards. (5) Maintain teacher and academic standards which are comparable with public elementary or secondary schools in the United States. (6) Offer the type of curriculum and instruction which reflects U.S. educational methods and practices to the reasonable extent practicable in consideration of (a) the location abroad, and (b) the needs of the student body as a whole. (7) Provide adequate fiscal and management supervision, and maintain a financial position which gives reasonable certainty that the school is capable of covering recurring operations expenses out of tuition or other school income without continuing direct U.S. Government assistance, *unleSS because of the school's location abroad, local laws, and regulations, etc., such assistance can be justified.* (8) Provide evidence that no other feasible means, such as local resources or increase in tuition, are currently available to the school for adequately financing proposed expansion or improvements. *- ReViSion APPENDIX B INTERVIEW QUESTIONNAIRE 10. APPENDIX B INTERVIEW QUESTIONNAIRE How would you describe the American School of ? What is the legal status of the school? In what way is this school organized differently than other schools here in ? Does this organization make the job more interesting? (challenge--problems) Does the school serve in a formal or informal capacity as student teaching training center? Yes No Describe. How do you feel about this? Why? Does the school serve in a formal or informal capacity as community center? Yes No Describe. How do you feel about this? Why? Does the school serve in a formal or informal capacity as a play area for after-school activities? Yes No Does the school serve in a formal or informal capacity as Adult Education Center? Yes No How do you feel about this? Why? Does the school serve in a formal or informal capacity as educational demonstration center for American schools in the country or region? Yes No How do you feel about this? Does the school serve in a formal or informal capacity as an educational demonstration center for national schools in the country or region? Yes No How do you feel about this? 411 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. l6. 17. 18. 19. Does the school serve.in a formal or informal capacity asan educational demonstration center for any other schools in the country or region? Yes No ~ How do you feel about this? Does the school serve in a formal or informal capacity as a center for audio—visual aids? Yes No — How do you feel about thiS?' Does the school serve in a formal or informal capacity as information center for diffusing information about higher education in the U.S. (testing center for English proficiency)? Yes___l No___ How do you feel about this? Does the school serve in a formal or informal capacity as information center for diffusing information about higher education in the host.nation? Yes No How do you feel about this? Does the school on a formal or informal basis assist U.S. citizens in distress? Yes No How do you feel about this? Does the school on a formal or informal basis assist national citizens in distress? .YeS No _ Describe. How do you feel about this? Are religious classes conducted in the school? Yes No If yes, explain. (Probe for conflicts associated with this.) Does the school have any relationships with national industries? Yes No If yes, describe the relationship. What impact does this have on the school? Does the school have any relationships with U.S. industries? Yes No If yes, describe the relationship. What impact does this have on the school? W—wfifira—H. .. ,_ “a... . ——V.—.H_HH .-(Tm‘7 , 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 413 Does the.school have any relationship with agencies of the national government? Yes No‘ If yes, what agencies? (Probe--who handles the requests, Director, Secretary or other?) Does the school have any relationships with the U.S. Government? Yes No What agency? Describe. How did this.come about? How would you describe the.school's relationship with these U.S. agencies? _;Very Good __Good Fair _yPoor _— Describe. With what U.S. agency do you have the most contact? Does the school have any relationships with philanthrOpic foundations? Yes No If yes, describe. Does the school have any relationships with profes— Sional organizations in the host country? Yes No Describe. Does the school have any relationships with Third Country Governments?. Yes No Describe. Does the school have any relationships with any religious organizations? Yes No Describe. How would you rank the relative importance of the following in terms of the pressure that each exerts on the school? __ National industry U.S. industry National Government U.S. Government Third Country Government PhilanthrOpic foundations 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. ~_-_ w..._.._-._... ._... _..________.___ 414 __ Association of American Schools __ Southern.Association of Secondary Schools and Colleges .__ Religious organizations __ Other organizations How did you find out about.this influence? How long did it take to learn? Who helped you learn about these pressures? Does the school maintain any relationship with any institutions of higher learning.in the U.S.? Yes No If yes, how would you describe this relationship? Are there any interchanges of personnel or materials? How do.you feel about it? .DoeS the school maintain.any relationship with any institution of higher learning in the host country? Yes No ‘ Describe the relationship. How do you feel about this? Does the school maintain any relationship with public or private school systems.in the U.S.? Yes No If yes, how would you describe this relationship? Does the school maintain any relationship with public or private school Systems in the host country? Yes No If yes, how would you describe this relationship? Does the school conduct any activities with U.S. business firms? Yes No If yes, describe. Does the school participate in cooperative endeavors with other overseas American schools? Yes No What type activities? How do you feel about it? Has this been helpful? 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 415 Do you consider yourself part of an overseas American school network? What other overseas American schools have you visited? Are you involved in any professional activities with: Other American schools in the country Yes No Host Government, local Yes No state Yes No national Yes No U.S. Government Yes No International organizations Yes No Business Yes No Civic group Yes No Do you attend any conferences or workshops conducted by the host country or professional associations? Yes No Are these beneficial to you? Do you attend any international conferences or workshops? Yes No Are these beneficial to you? Does the school have U.S. accreditation? Yes No What are the advantages? Does this present any frustrations? Does the school have national accreditation? Yes No What are the advantages? Does this present any "drawbacks" for the school? Is the school ever inspected by the host country department of education? With what segment of the educational program have you encountered the most headaches? (Probe language, learning) Pre-school Elementary Secondary 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 416 With whom do you exchange ideas about these things? Who handles the coordination of the academic program? Are there colleagues within the school with whom you exchange Views about the educational program? (Brainstorm) Do you exchange views about the educational program With some staff members? (Probe--select or broadpbased group?) What relationship? How would you describe the different kinds of students in your school? Have you had to set up any programs for new students? What Special consideration do you give new students? IS there anyone in the school or community to whom you can turn for help if you have student problems? Do you have any boarding students? Yes No Do you take any Special pains with these kids? What language do you use in your professional contacts inside the school (ask only if information has not been secured through.observation)? With American teachers With American parents With host national teachers With host national parents With third country national teachers With third country national parents With board members at a board meeting Explore the use of interpreter--meaning of the power relation. How did you learn Spanish? 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 417 In general, how would.you describe your relationship With.the teaching staff? U.S. members Host national members Third country members How would you describe the U.S. teachers who are employed in this school? Do you go to the U.S. to recruit teachers? What are the advantages of having.U.S. teachers? What are the disadvantages of having U.S. teachers? How would you describe the host national teachers who are employed in the school? How do you secure them? What are theadvantages of having host national teachers? What are the disadvantages of having host national teachers? How would you describe the third country teachers of your staff? Are there advantages to having third country teachers? Are there disadvantages? What kind of "mix" would you like? How would you describe your point of View in solving school~related problems if the problem was brought to your attention? By an American teacher By a host national teacher By a third country teacher (Probe for administrative style--also observe) IS the supply of U.S. teachers adequate? (Probe—~secondary and elementary level role of physical education--morality, health role of school nurse) In general, how would you describe your relationship with the office staff? 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 418 What is the process for securing nonprofessional staff members? How is the school financed? Are you responsible for securing the financial re— sources for the school? Yes No If yes, what difficulties have you encountered? If no, who is? What is your relationship with him or them? How does the school go about getting financial grants from U.S. governmental agencies? (Process) How does the school go about getting financial aid from the host government? Have you ever tried to get outside funding for the school? Yes No If yes, describe. How are expenditures handled? How does the school get its supplies? (Probe resolu- tion) Describe the organizational structure of the school. (Levels of bureaucracy) How are members of the Board of Directors chosen? (Probe for formal and informal) (Role of ex-officio members) (Probe—-influence of national, U.S., T.C.) How would you describe your relationship with the Board? In session Out of session How does the Board settle its disagreements? What is your role in these Situations? Do you provide ideas for solutions? 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 419 Who would you identify as the key decision maker(s) on matters related to the school? (Probe--U.S., host national, third country) Describe a typical day. What do you consider the most difficult part of your work? What aspect of your job do you like the most? What aspects of American values or way of doing things are you most concerned with introducing in the school? What do you believe the future holds for this American school? What was your concept of an American (binational) school before you got to ? What happened once you arrived to confirm or reject this concept? How would you characterize the American community's View of the school? (Probe "old timer" vs. "new- comers") Of the role of Director? How would you characterize the. (host) community's View of the school? The role of the Director? Are there.certain customs here in that make your job difficult for you? Are there certain customs here in that make your job easy for you? How do you know how well you are doing as director of this school? Was your predecessor still here when you arrived? If yes, how long an overlap did you have? Did his presence prove advantageous to you? What did you learn from your predecessor? '0 What is your immigration status here in What does it mean to be on this status? 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 420 Did you live overseas prior to taking this job? Yes No Length of time? Where and in what capacity (adult or dependent)? Was this a help or hindrance here in ? Since you arrived here.in I , have any changes occurred (only ask "old timers")? In the community In the school To what extent is your social life mixed with the school work? What do you do for recreation? Do you belong to any civic or service organizations here in ? Yes No If yes, list. Why did you join? How would you classify yourself in terms of partici— pation in these organizations? __Very Active __Somewhat Active __Not Very Active Has your membership been an asset or hindrance to you? Where did you go to college? What was your field of specialization? Previous employment. Position Institution From To Reason for Change Did you have prior experience in an "executive-type" position before taking over as Director? Yes No (Ask only if not revealed) (Probe for aspects of authority) If yes, describe. How did you find out about this job? What made you decide to take this job? Why do you think the Board hired you? Did the Board give you a written contract? (Do you have a copy of it? Could I see it?) 421 95. What fringe benefits do you receive with the job? (Car, housing, health insurance, sabbatical leave, travel, tuition, other) 96. Do you receive an outside income (other than salary)? Approximately how much? 97. Do you consider this as a permanent job? Yes No If no, explain. 98. Would you consider taking the directorship of an American school in another country? If yes Is there any place that you would prefer to be? Is there any place that you would prefer not to be? 99. Have your career goals or ambitions changed since you took this job? If yes, explain. 100. Has this job enhanced or hindered your career? 101. Once you got on the job here in , did you discover that you were called upon to perform certain jobs that were outside your field of training? 102. Professionally speaking, what were (are) the most challenging things about your work? 103. Based on your experience, what skills, abilities, and values should a new director of an American school possess? 104. Did you work for or with minority groups prior to this job? 105. Where were you born? 106. Were you raised there? 107. What was it like in ? Location From To 108. How old are you? 109. How large was your family? Brothers Sisters 110. 111. 112. 113. 114. 115. 116. 422 How many years schooling have the members of your family completed? Mother Father Brothers Sisters How would you describe your religious up—bringing? How would you describe your present religious affiliation? How long have you been married? How many children do you have? Age Sex Where was your wife born? What is her background? What is her educational background? Is she employed? (Do not ask if you know) What is the approximate income of your spouse? Does she speak any foreign languages? (Do not ask, if you know) If yes, what? How would you describe her proficiency? Read Write Translate What language(s) do you use in the home? (Observe) Do you ever talk over your work with your wife? (Probe, what aspects do you share with your wife?) In what way is your wife helpful in your work as Director? How would you describe the reaction of your to your job as director? Children Wife Relatives :..-_.....I:..r..:.w” 423 117. In what way is your family life different here than it was before becoming the director of the school? 118. What do you think the long-term effects will be? (Explore what it means as family) 119. Is there anything else that you would like to tell me about your job as director?