THE CHARACTERIZATION OF WOMEN IN THE ROVELS 0F CHARLES BROCKDEN BROWN Dissertation for the Degree of Ph. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY ELLEN: LOUISE JARVIS HOEKSTRA 1975 This is to certify that the thesis entitled , The Characterization of Women in the Novels of Charles Brockden Brown presented by Ellen Louise Jarvis Hoekstra has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for mL__deyee in _Engl_‘LSh_ {Zed/{fig Major professor .7 _., /,_ ,WJ 10463 9574 IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII ABSTRACT THE CHARACTERIZATION OF WOMEN IN THE NOVELS OF CHARLES BROCKDEN BROWN By Ellen Louise Jarvis Hoekstra One of the most intriguing aspects of Charles Brockden Brown's novels is his striking characterization of women. A reader may well remember Clara Wieland or Jane Talbot long after having forgotten the plot and set- ting of the novels they appeared in. In contrast to Brown's full and memorable portraiture, women characters in the works of other early American fiction writers, including Irving, COOper, and Poe, are pallid, sentimental shadows of real persons. Popular contemporaries of Brown, such as William Hill Brown, Hannah Foster, and Susanna Haswell Rowson, delineated their heroines with so much less skill that these often seem caricatures to modern read- ers. Obviously, the problem arises of accounting for Brown's unusual superiority in this regard to other early American writers. As no one single type of character analysis provides a broad enough spectrum, an eclectic approach seemed most fruitful. This analysis was organized by relating the Ellen Louise Jarvis Hoekstra elements influencing Brown's characterization to his three motives for writing: his psychological need for self- therapy; his didactic desire to test and teach the ideas of associationist psychology, Godwinism, and feminism; and his economic need to earn money by writing entertainingly. After an introductory chapter, each of these elements is related to his characterization of women in a separate chapter. A fourth chapter asks not "why" but "how" and analyzes Brown's use of character function, novelistic form, narrative mode, and style to create his women char- acters. During his brief career as a writer, Brown's psycho- logical needs became less pressing, and he became less interested in eXploring and promoting liberal ideas through his characterization of women. At the same time, he became more concerned with his lack of financial success with his novels. Hence, his last two novels lack the psychologi- cal tensions and intellectual controversy of his earlier work. The influence of the sentimental-gothic heroine, used so profitably by such diversely talented writers as Rowson and Richardson, is more obvious in the last two novels. However, Brown had become more of a literary craftsman by this point. As a result, Jane Talbot, little read today because of its lack of intellectual interest, contains Brown's most mimetic characterization of a woman. In terms of literary accomplishment, Brown surpassed other Ellen Louise Jarvis Hoekstra American novelists of his own time with his ability to characterize women fully and strikingly; when he portrayed Jane Talbot, he surpassed himself. THE CHARACTERIZATION OF WOMEN IN THE NOVELS OF CHARLES BROCKDEN BROWN BY Ellen Louise Jarvis Hoekstra A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of English 1975 © Copyright by ELLEN LOUISE JARVIS HOEKSTRA 1975 DEDICATION I dedicate this dissertation to my parents and my husband. My parents have aided my education throughout my life, both by their encouragement and their actions. Also, I owe thanks to my husband because of the time and energy he gave me even while working on his own disser- tation. Having just completed a doctorate himself, he had personal knowledge of the doubts and hesitancies which I was experiencing, and he was in a special position to offer me not only information but also a great deal of emotional support. ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS A number of people have given me special help with the research and writing of this dissertation. First, while I was doing research at the Kent State University Biblio- graphical and Textual Center, Dr. Sydney J. Krause, General Editor of the KSU-CEAA Brown edition, facilitated my work in every conceivable way. In addition, his family's kind— ness made my stay there more pleasant. Since that time, Dr. Krause has read many of my chapters and offered help— ful criticism. Also at Kent State University, Mr. Dean H. Keller, Curator of Special Collections at the Library, was extremely patient and helpful. Many faculty members at Michigan State University also gave me special assistance. Dr. Bernard J. Paris's courses began my thinking about characterization, and he has subsequently supplied me with useful references on char- acter analysis. Dr. Howard Anderson aided my thinking about sentimental and gothic novels and suggested the approach which I used in my fourth chapter. Last but not least, all of my committee members were helpful, especially when I had decisions to make. Dr. James H. Pickering lent me his own notes from research on Brown and asked me some useful questions. Finally, my chairman, Dr. Russel B. Nye, iii encouraged me to want to do very well by his great kind- ness and unassuming helpfulness. Like all of his students, I owe Dr. Nye more than I can acknowledge. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I 0 INTRODUCTION 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 1 II. THE ARTISTIC PERSONALITY AND BROWN'S CHARACTERS . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 III. WOMEN CHARACTERS AND THE LABORATORY OF IDEAS O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 3 2 Associationist Psychology . . . . . . . . . 36 Godwinism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64 Feminism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 IV. SENTIMENTAL AND GOTHIC FIRST COUSINS . . . . . 118 V. BROWN'S NARRATIVE TECHNIQUE AND THE CREATION OF CHARACTER . . . . . . . . . . . 165 VI. CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 238 THE BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION In the past decade, the writings of Charles Brockden Brown (1771-1810) have become increasingly more intriguing to students of American literature. Several factors have contributed to this rise in interest. For one, readers may be attempting to find some bridge between the sermons of Increase Mather and the fiction of Hawthorne, Melville, and Poe. For another, scholars often find more adventure in working with a writer who is not all but hidden behind a mountain of secondary research; this is the excite- ment of the less-travelled trail. Finally, they are attracted by Brown's striking superiority to American writers of his own age, such as William Hill Brown, Hannah Foster, and Susanna Haswell Rowson. In one important respect, Brown's writing, particu- larly in his published novels, is noteworthy even when compared to that of the first-rate writers of the early republic, such as Washington Irving, James Fenimore C00per, and Edgar Allan Poe. Brown's characterization, particu- larly of women, is much deeper than theirs, and he presents a fuller investigation of the role of women in our society. I His interest in women as persons is obvious from his let- ters, from his fiction, and from Alcuin: A Dialogue (1798 and 1815), a forum on the role and position of women in society. It is fitting that Brown's novelistic presenta- tion of women should be studied in some detail, consider- ing that he wrote the first full-length American work on women's roles. Washington Irving presents a considerably more old- fashioned and restricted view of women in his writing. While all of his characterization is lightly drawn, that of women characters is even more so. Generally, he portrays women merely in terms of their relationships with men, as some of the titles in The Sketchbook (1820) suggest: "The Widow and Her Son," "The Broken Heart," and "The Wife." Throughout The Sketchbook, Irving reveals a sentimental and conservative view of women. He sanctifies motherhood and shows wives' roles as being moral examples to their hus- bands. In "The Broken Heart," the authorial comments and the action label women as more emotionally susceptible than men. He even seems to relish virgin deaths--of women--in "Rural Funerals." Clinging to his memories of the Knicker— bocker aristocracy, Irving tends to romanticize women in his writing to such an extent that they become idealized shadows of real women. Somewhat later in the century, the kinds of writing done by Edgar Allan Poe demanded and received little 1n. authorial concern for the characterization of male or female characters. His tales of adventure, crime detec— tion, and grotesquerie rest more on plot and setting than on characterization. Also, his lack of concern for con- temporary life contributed to sketchy characterization. Thus, while Poe's tales have been long remembered, it is not for the deep and satisfying portrayals of Morella, Berenice, or Lady Rowena. James Fenimore Cooper's writing romanticizes the frontier past of America. Accordingly, he hearkens back to the romantic ideal of women happy in the roles of sub- missive wives and daughters. In The Deerslayer (1841), COOper's idealisation of Betty Hutter almost intimates some link between half-wittedness and the submissive virtue he considered apprOpriate to women. Again and again, Cooper has Deerslayer speak of women's weaknesses and of marked inherent psychological differences between the sexes. C00per's only concession to the realities of frontier liv- ing is to give Hetty and Judith some "masculine" survival skills, such as canoeing; otherwise they would have weighted down the action. In general, C00per transfers a sentimental view of women to a romanticized Wild West. Their two- dimensionality is sufficient to fulfill the roles necessary in Cooper's wilderness romances. By contrast, Charles Brocken Brown chose a fic- tional mode which enabled him to pursue his interest in characterization, especially in the characterization of women. Because of our decade's re—involvement with an examination of sexual roles in society, Brown's portrayal of women has already resulted in seven dissertations within four years. Three of these, all completed in 1971, deal with Brown as one of a number of writers, so they provide mostly summary and analysis on a general level.1 The other four deal only with Brown. Judith Ann Cunningham studies Brown's writings as a contribution to the growth of women's rights in America.2 Mary Ann Dobbin McCay deals with women characters in Brown's novels; her thesis is that Brown became increasingly unable to handle the polarity between innocence and sexual knowledge in women characters, due to his own unconscious sexual questions.3 On a different tack, Patricia Jewell McAlexander explores sexual morality in Brown's fiction, delving into male and female roles. McAlexander considers Brown to have gone through various stages in his position on sexual morality before he con- cludes that, for human morality and happiness, there could and must be a balance between passion and reason, repre- sented in his writing by the image of the passionate mar- riage.4 Most recently, David Otis Tomlinson has examined women in Brown's writing as a study in the develOpment of his thought. Tomlinson sees Brown's Quaker background as most influential in his portraiture of women prior to 1800, after which his increasing contact with the world causes Brown to delineate heroines who are neither as independent nor as strikingly intellectual as their predecessors . 5 Tomlinson does not sufficiently acknowledge the maturation of Jane Talbot, who is not only far from being a typical domestic heroine, but who is also Brown's most realistic portrayal of a woman. Granted, her tastes are not as intellectual as those of Clara Wieland or Constantia Dudley. The greater richness of Brown's characterization of women may be due in part to the tensions created by the struggle in him among his three different aims in writing: self-therapy, the desire to teach, and the wish to enter- 6 The first tain so that his novels would be read and sold. aim resulted from his own psychological problems and caused his deep interest in character as well as his psychological insight. The second, didacticism, was a product of his age and manifested itself in the attempts to explore and teach the ideas of associationist psychology, Godwinism, and feminism. His interest in eXploration and his good taste saved him, however, from the heavy-handed authorial intru- sion of his own moral commentary, which was common in the writing of many of Brown's contemporaries. His enthusiasm for liberal ideas receded, as it does in many peOple, with age and his increasing involvement in the family's mercan- tile interests. Finally, his desire to entertain, as well as being the birthright of every story-teller, resulted from his desire to make a living from his writing. This naturally led him to follow fictional patterns of proven popularity, especially the sentimental and gothic novels. The influ- ences of these forms on his characterization of women can— not be overlooked. In each of the next three chapters, the impact of one of these major motives will be explored. The motive will be correlated with Brown's characterization of women. Finally, his techniques of characterization will be exam- ined in the fifth chapter. The uses of character function, fictional form, point of view, and style will be analyzed in terms of their impact on the characterization of the memorable women in the novels of Charles Brockden Brown. NOTES--CHAPTER I lConstance Hedin Carlson, "Heroines in Certain American Novels," Diss. Brown University 1971. Barbara Joan Cicardo, "The Mystery of the American Eve: Alienation of the Feminine as a Tragic Theme in Amer— ican Letters," Diss. St. Louis University 1971. Judith Howard Montgomery, "Pygmalion's Image: The Metamorphosis of the American Heroine," Diss. Syracuse University 1971. Before this decade, one other dissertation dealt with Brown's heroines: Raymond A. Miller, Jr., "Representative Tragic Heroines in the Work of Brown, Hawthorne, Howells, James and Dreiser," Diss. University of Wisconsin 1957. 2Judith Ann Cunningham, "Charles Brockden Brown's Pursuit of a Realistic Feminism: A Study of His Writing as a Contribution to the Growth of Women's Rights in America," Diss. Ball State University 1971. 3Mary Ann Dobbin McCay, "Women in the Novels of Charles Brockden Brown: A Study," Diss. Tufts University 1973, pp. 3 and 27. 4Patricia Jewell McAlexander, "Sexual Morality in the Fiction of Charles Brockden Brown," Diss. University of Wisconsin 1973. 5David Otis Tomlinson, "Women in the Writings of Charles Brockden Brown: A Study in the DevelOpment of an Author's Thought," Diss. University of North Carolina 1974. 6Support for the existence of each of these three aims will follow in the following three chapters. McAlexander finds, instead, these three basic motives: to be wise; to test ideas; and to provide for his own amusement (pp. 82-83). This analysis overlooks both the seriousness of his personal problems and his strong desire to make himself financially independent through his writing. CHAPTER II THE ARTISTIC PERSONALITY AND BROWN'S CHARACTERS Charles Brockden Brown's personality significantly influenced his characterization and even, more than any external reason, led to his desire to write. Like most authors, Brown wrote from a certain psychological set and from certain biographical experiences. No attempt will be made to psychoanalyze the author to discover which aspect of his psyche caused such details as, let us say, Constantia's refusal of her first two suitors. Such particularity will be avoided both because of its obvious difficulty consider- ing the limited amount of biographical data and because of its dubious validity. The assignation of highly specific motives is a tricky business even with living authors; obviously, this task would be well nigh impossible with an author who has been dead for over a hundred and fifty years. Evidence drawn from the fictional works will be supported as much as possible by biographical data derived from Brown's letters, his friends' reports, and his non- fiction, as part of an effort to avoid committing the inten- tional fallacy. Brown did make explicit comments about the therapeutic nature of authorship for him, and his creative period did coincide with a period of turmoil within his own life; his creative productivity ceased once he had secured his beloved Elizabeth for emotional support. Furthermore, he did make some statements about his attitudes towards characterization as well as about his motivation for creat- ing certain kinds of characters. His preference for these kinds of characters seems to be a partial cause of his creation of such strong female characters. Therefore, it seems perfectly valid to explore the influence of the artist's life and personality on his characterization. While it is important not to over-estimate these effects, an understanding of them does shed some new light upon Brown's characterization and hence upon his novels. Brown's major biographers and many of his critics amply document the unhappiness of Brown's early years. Harry Warfel, for example, remarks upon Brown's "morbid depression and melancholy."1 One critic, George Snell, goes so far as to consider Brown's "peculiar sort of morbidity in temperament" as one of two immediate circumstances which helped bring about the creation of his novels.2 References to his self—doubt and his distrust of his friends' sincerity recur frequently in Brown's letters. As early as 1788, in a letter to William Wood Wilkins, Brown compares his mind to a desert and calls it an increasingly desolate and gloomy scene of horrors and insanity.3 Four years later he toyed with suicide. In a letter to Joseph 10 Bringhurst, he claims to have hovered right on the brink. He then asks Bringhurst if he, Brown, is not a mass of absurdities and contradictions.4 Many readers of these early letters would be inclined to agree, for the documents show enormous vacillations in spirit and self-esteem, as well as a great deal of posturing. At one point, Brown says of himself: I seize anything, however weak and dubious, by which I can hOpe to raise myself from that profound abyss of ignominy and debasement, into which I am sunk by my own reflections. One cause of Brown's frequent unhappiness was, of course, his poor health. In a letter to his wife, written in the summer of 1809, a few months before his death, he says he has not possessed "that lightness and vivacity of mind which the divine flow of health, even in calamity, produces in some men" for longer than a half hour at a time since he had reached adulthood.6 As well as Brown's genuine psychological problems and unhappiness, an element of posturing must be considered when reading his earlier self-analysis. Many young men of his period indulged in romantic declarations of loneliness and despair, and dramatically hinted at suicide. In his younger days, Brown very likely exaggerated his melancholy. The difficulty for his critics lies in ascertaining how much of his self-portrait is real and how much is theatrics. Certainly little of Brown's posturing was intended lightly. His sense of humor was ponderous, at best. 11 According to his letters to Bringhurst, his friendship with William Wood Wilkins soured because Brown abhorred Wilkins' lack of seriousness toward life. When Brown does attempt to jest with his friends, the effect is elephantine and obvious. The letters in which he portrays himself as a tutor in Europe are obvious frauds. Also, since most of Elihu Hubbard Smith's responses to Brown are available, Smith's letters and journals act as a check on, at least, which of Brown's statements were believed by this balanced, serious young doctor. Furthermore, Brown did have a life-long commitment to sincerity. As early as 1788, he told Wilkins he values sincerity over politeness, and sincerity is a frequent theme in Brown's fiction.7 Because of his concern for honesty, Brown did not consciously wish to delude his friends. When he discovered he had misled a friend by trying out new ideas and new self-images on him, he seems to have been quick to rectify the false impression. For example, in one letter to Joseph Bringhurst, Brown reassures him that his prior intel- lectual justification of suicide did ngt_mean he intended to try it.8 The final check on the credibility of Brown's com- ments about himself is the test of time. Brown may have dressed his melancholy in fashionable guises as a young man, but the underlying despair remained, though its intensity swelled and waned depending on circumstances. Those 12 complaints which recur throughout his life are most likely genuine reflections of his character. Thus his complaint to his wife in 1809 that most of his adult life has been spent in physical discomfort tends to collaborate earlier comments about constant sickness and about the possibility of his early death. It is no wonder that Brown was attracted to the Franklinesque physician, Elihu Hubbard Smith. Unlike Brown, Smith had clearly defined goals which he was capable of pur— suing relentlessly. The lives of the two men "became inter- twined much as a Virginia creeper drapes itself upon a strong oak."9 As well as giving tangible aid at times, Smith occasionally acted much like a psychiatrist to Brown, following the precepts of Dr. Benjamin Rush, under whom Smith had studied. He tried to get Brown to unburden his mind by vocalizing his anxieties, and he encouraged him to form resolutions, based on self-analysis, and then to act upon them. Smith's letter of May 7, 1796, shows how Brown's extensive personal problems distressed his friends. Here, Smith accuses Brown of giving Dunlap and himself only vague and foreboding hints about his problems. Smith chides him: We must know our own errors, or how can we correct them? We must be informed of their whole extent, of their uttermost virulence, or how can we apply the remedy? At this time Brown's letters, possibly written under the narcotic influence of Rousseau, were melancholic without l3 explaining the concrete causes of this depression. This greatly disturbed the ever-empirical Smith. Later that month, Smith tries to interpret the cause of his friend's strangely misleading letters: The transition is natural, to a mind of sensibility almost unavoidable. You began to fancy that these fictions were real; that you had indeed suffered, enjoyed, known, and seen all that you had so long pretended to have experienced; every subsequent event became tinctured with this conviction and accompanied with this diseased apprehension. Brown apparently accepted his friend's criticism as just and felt incapable of the kind of reformation urged upon him. In a later letter to Smith, Brown castigates himself: How can I remove the burden of your scorn but by trans- forming myself into a new being. I looked not forward to such a change. I shall die as I have lived, a vic- tim to perverse and incurable habits.l Brown's early emotional problems led to the first of his three major aims in writing: self-therapy. Several commentators have already remarked on this. R. W. B. Lewis sees Brown as using narrative to annihilate 13 Alexander Cowie "hard clusters of evil inclination." remarks that Brown's books were written partially as self- therapy. Cowie qualifies this statement by calling the self-therapy "unconscious."l4 Brown was less publicly con— scious of this aim than of his didacticism but he left more than hints that he was indeed privately conscious of the therapeutic value of writing. This is far more evident within Brown's confidential letters than in his published 14 articles, as might be expected, considering the private nature of the disclosure. Several times, Brown mentions how much he would value a sympathetic confidant. In a let- ter to William Wood Wilkins of 1788, Brown deplores his lack of someone with whom he could deposit his melancholy secrets.15 In another letter to Wilkins, probably written later, he asks whether Wilkins has ever noticed the unac- countably consoling value of pouring out sorrows to a friend.16 As already stated, Elihu Hubbard Smith encouraged Brown to unburden himself for therapeutic purposes. In a 1792 letter to Joseph Bringhurst, Brown states that a sheet of paper could serve the same purpose. Here Brown notes that when he is weary with himself and the world, he finds writing consoling. He says writing forces him to think and the resultant ideas wash away his cares.l7 In a later let- ter to his brother-in-law, Dr. William Linn, Brown clearly correlates the need for writing with personal unhappiness.18 Many of Brown's characters find relief in writing. While this is partially a convention of the epistolary (or pseudo- epistolary) novel, we also see this statement from the male law student in "The Scribbler," who is often felt to be a persona for the young Brown: It [writing] is a mental recreation more salutary to the jaded Spirits than a ramble in the fields or a contemplation of the starry heavens. I like it better than walking and conversing with my only friend but there is time enough for both to be done.19 15 Brown did not, however, conceive of writing as a final solution to his problems. Instead, it was simply a purgative which drained off accumulated anxieties and sor- row. What he did see as a final answer was the undivided love and attention of a wife. Biographical data point to his rather simplistic belief that all of his personal prob- lems would be solved if he could only talk a suitable female into matrimony. His love was thwarted at least one time, when his courtship with the coy Miss Susan Potts of Phila- delphia was broken off by his mother because Miss Potts was not a Quaker. Brown hints at other frustrated courtships and states his View of marriage quite explicitly: My conception of the delights and benefits connected with love and with marriage are exquisite. They have swayed most of my thoughts and many of my actions, since I arrived at an age of reflection and maturity. They have given birth to the sentiment of love, with regard to several women. Mutual circumstances have frustrated the natural operations of that sentiment in several instances.20 About the time of this letter, he met Elizabeth Linn, who finally relented to Brown's barrage of sentiment. He may already have had this conclusion in mind when he told Anthony Bleeker that he would hate "to be left farthest 21 Despite behind in the race towards the matrimonial goal." Miss Linn's often tepid response to her suitor, she brought him eminent happiness once married. To William Dunlap, he confided: "My companion is all that a husband can wish for, and in short as to my personal situation, I have nothing to "22 wish but that it may last. . . Some years before in a 16 letter to Joseph Bringhurst, Brown had classed both his attachment to women and his attachment to literature as simply passions, pursued only because of a blind instinc- tive propensity.23 The attainment of the former passion may have weakened his zeal for the latter, as Brown wrote no more major fiction after his marriage in 1804, and seems to have done little fiction writing after meeting his future Wife late in 1800. Ironically, two years after his wedding date, he warned John Hall that Hall would never have a monmmt of sober application until after he married.24 Yet Brown's most productive years, as judged by future genera- tions, were sealed by his marriage. It would be an over—simplification to say that Brown's marriage stopped up his creativity. It would be more accurate to note a definite correlation between his Period of youthful emotional distress and his artistry. Such youthful instability would not have appealed to the Parents of eligible young women, and it might have stood in the way of earlier attempts to attain satisfactory relation- Ships with women. Also, perhaps of nearly equal importance, Brown had discovered that fiction-writing was not profit- able even for a bachelor, let alone a husband and a father. Whatever the exact chain of cause and effect, it seems safe to say that Brown's marriage at least symbolized his end as an artist, and the attainment of matrimony meant the conclu- sion of some of those insecurities which fed his creativity. 17 Previous commentators on Brown have paid due atten- tion to the unhappiness of his life, to his use of litera- ture as a purgative, and to the cession of fiction-writing in his later years, when he was married. Less explored is the exact relationship between his early emotional state and certain patterns in his creative work. Warfel makes a start by stating that: Like Poe's many years later, Brown's thoughts gravi- tated naturally to morbid topics now generally classed in the realm of abnormal psychology. It is not sur- prising, therefore, that his best writing should have been done in terror fiction in which effectiveness depended upon the generation of emotions similar to those which nearly drove him to the brink of suicide?5 That realism which Brown drew was indeed "on the dim border- line between fact and fancy," as Brown was eXploring himself and the world through conscious fictional excursions into the human mind and heart.26 It is not irrelevant that he envied Bringhurst's ability to dream vividly, wishing his Own soul could, as well, mingle at will with the beings of the world of Allegory. Instead, he wrote, he must be con— tent with insipid realities or at best with those shadowy and fleeting images which his conscious imagination was Capable of creating.27 It would not be an exaggeration to say that Brown lived vicariously through the lives of those Shadowy and fleeting images, his characters, thus evading for long periods the torment of his own self-doubts. Cer— tainly, Smith's criticism, mentioned earlier, suggests that Ikown appeared to fancy some of the fictions he invented 18 more true. Also, within Brown's description of his story cf Julius and Julietta, he explicitly told Bringhurst that in his creation of characters, he enjoyed a new existence, in thinking and acting as though he actually w§£g_those <flmracters.28 After the discovery of this personal confes- sion, it seems obvious that Brown's original description of the rhapsodist is a self-portrait: "He loves to converse vdth beings of his own creation, and every personage and every scene, is described with a pencil dipt in the colours of'imagination."29 Brown's preference for "the colours of imagination" over the mundane world of late-eighteenth cmntury Philadelphia is obvious from his biography and enun- cfiated in his generalization about rhapsodists: Tired and disgusted with the world's uniformity, they turn their eyes from the insipid scene without, and seek a gayer prospect, and a visionary happiness in a world of their own creation. The poet, therefore is not a distinct person from the rhapsodist. . . . 0 Though his writing definitely served as an escape mechanism fin'Brown, it was more than just simple escapism, as might hm judged from the relative complexity and density of the novels and his characterization. As Warner Berthoff so aptly explains: Narrative for Brown was . . . capable of a more posi- tive and creative kind of statement; it was an instru- ment for discovering ideas, for exploring and testing them out; it was, we may say, an alternative to formal Systematic speculative thought.31 Berthoff's comments are reminiscent of Brown's statement: 32 "Mere reasoning is cold and unattractive." Berthoff "no. .... l9 persuasively argues that Brown embodies philosophical dis- cnmsions in his characters, to see both what would happen mathe doctrine and what would happen to the characters.33 Bytflds device, Brown was able to avoid the plague of moral— izing, rampant in so many of tuna contemporaries, such as Vfilliam Hill Brown. Thus he achieved: Instead of preaching, the living human feeling; instead of the dead hand of abstract definition, the tension of conflicting wills; instead of a summary formula, a dra- matic climax. As Berthoff suggests, Brown probably worked in such a man- ner because he saw human motivation as exquisitely complex.35 Bunnrmay have arrived at this view of human motivation because of his personal inability to understand himself, vfith his sudden flights of fancy and fits of despondency. h1"Walstein's School of History," in which Brown discusses Ids own writing, he informs us that:1 Actions and motives cannot be truly described. We can only make approaches to the truth. The more atten- tively we observe mankind, and study ourselves, the greater will the uncertainty a pear, and the farther we find ourselves from truth.3% Perhaps because of the grain of eighteenth century optimism inBrown, he did not totally despair of understanding human motivation, despite the difficulties he saw in this opera- tion. Instead, he felt this uncertainty had some boundaries. Indeed he went so far as to say that some motives were open t0 explication: Our guesses as to the motives of some actions are more probable than the guesses that relate to other aetions. Though no one can state the motives from 20 which any action has flowed, he may enumerate motives from which it is quite certain that the action did 395 flow.37 Hence,‘we see Brown in his novels probing deeply into the innermost souls of his characters, laying bare both the pmofessed and the real motives behind their actions.38 His vniter's desk became a laboratory in which he put his char- acters, male and female, through a qualitative analysis. Brown was well aware of his own interest in human cfimracter. Though he has been classified by many of his critics as largely a novelist of ideas, his own self- conception was of a man mostly interested in human beings. In a 1793 letter to Joseph Bringhurst, Brown muses over the lands of knowledge worthy of pursuit for their own sakes. While admitting that everything which relates to man is important to an understanding of human nature, Brown divides hmmn.history into two spheres: domestic (or solitary) and P01itical. The former is his primary concern; his interest in political events is limited to their effect on human cfimracter. He says his attention wanders away from the consideration of general events flowing from general causes to the personal character of individuals. Life and manners, 39 So might one he reiterates, is his favorite science. guess from his novels which, with the exception of the depictions of plague epidemics, are amazingly ahistorical and apolitical considering their intellectual currency. In Br'OWn's novels, his sphere of interest and his highest 21 mfilities happened to coincide. As Warfel suggests, Brown correctly judged that his genius lay in the direction of ndnute analysis of human feelings and motivation.40 From Ids earliest years as a writer, Brown conceived of human (maracter as offering endless. cases for study: There is no sphere, however limited, in which human nature may not successfully be studied, and in which sufficient opportunities are not afforded for the exer- cise of the deepest penetration, and as a philosopher is able [to] derive amusement [and] instruction from contemplating a post or a stone, so he whose descrip- tive powers are vigorous can always make the delinea- tion of them a source of pleasure and improvement.41 In part, Brown's attitude was a result of his ability to deal with personal minutae better than with sweeping social change, in the manner of a Tolstoi. As Brown puts it: In the most vulgar objects, a scrutinizing spirit can discover new properties and relations. In a scene that to ordinary observers, is monotonous and uniform, he finds an exhaustless source of reflection and inquiry. In a situation where no addition to his knowledge or happiness is expected, he is frequently supplied with the materials of memorable improvement. Brown saw more than just a scrutinizing spirit necessary for an adequate portrayal of such a complex entity as a human action. One who merely watches carefully and enumerates carefully the appearances which occur deserves cle the title of historian, in Brown's opinion. To attain the appellation of "romancer," which Brown considers the higher title, one must go a step further and adorn these appearances with cause and effect, trading "resemblances 1i’etween the past, distant and future, with the present."43 Such a man is "a dealer not in certainties, but probabilities, 22 44 and is therefore a romancer." Brown might well be speak- ing of himself with his incessant desire to know, when he continues by asserting that: Curiosity is not content with noting and recording the actions of men. It likewise seeks to know the motives by which the agent is impelled to the performance of these actions; but motives are modifications of thought which cannot be subjected to the senses. They cannot be certainly known. They are merely topics of con- jecture. Conjecture is the weighing of probabilities; the classification of probable events, according to the measure of probability possessed by each . . . the wise and the ignorant, the sagacious and the stupid, when busy in assigning motives to actions, are not historians but romancers. Because of this, the writer who is not both historian and romancer is seen by Brown as essentially defective. It is important to notice that Brown sees curiosity as the key personal characteristic dividing the historians from the romancers. Curiosity is not an epithet from which he shrank though he seems to have realized others sometimes 46 CHsapproved of it. As James Leland Grove has pointed out, such curiosity disagreeably suggests that the artist himself is uninvolved with life and alienated from human feelings because of this artistic obsession for analyzing and observ- ing the life around him.47 Grove states that many writers imve embodied this aspect of their artistry in a first- Immson narrator who performs a peeping—tom function and who is generally alienated from and disliked by the people 48 around him. This is a valid generalization about several 0f Brown's narrators, though Grove stretches his point too 49 far When he includes Clara Wieland. Clara is emotionally _~___r #fi”.-_— 23 involved with most of the other major characters and they feel deeply about her in return. Though, like all of Iuown's heroines, she is unusually analytical, she doesn't {my into the affairs of others except when forced to by the undeniably unusual circumstances in which she finds herself. rather, it is Carwin who is the peeping-tom. He himself admits that curiosity was the impelling motive for his unfortunate actions . 50 This refutation of Grove's analysis of Clara is important to pave the way for the observation that Brown's Host meddlesome characters are all males. Along with Carwin, one thinks of Ormond, disguising himself as a chimney sweep and listening behind the cloth wall; Edgar Huntly, forcing Clithero to wring out an unwilling confession; and Arthur Nbrvyn, endlessly breaking into private houses and secret rooms. The excessive curiosity of these characters plays iinmjor role in the unfolding of plot, of course, but Brown does not make all of his prime snoops the principal narrators Cf the novels, as Coyle states. The only single generali- zation which can be made about all members of this class of cnmracters is that all are male. Conceivably Brown is mak- ing a comment about male/female characteristics, though there is no external evidence to support this. It seems somewhat more likely that Brown as a male novelist, who by Ins own admission lived through his characters, is project- ing a side of himself through the rampant curiosity of these 24 Hole characters. This conjecture is not made on the basis cm the coincidence alone but rather on the combination of this coincidence with Brown's own comments about curiosity. To begin with, Grove is surely mistaken when he states that Brown censures curiosity through his "nosey" <flmracters; this generalization does not always hold true. (hove bases this judgment on two main sources: Brown's snatement in the preface to Sky-Walk that nothing human is beneath rational curiosity; and Brown's portrayal in the "Rhapsodist" of the ideal artist as one who shows a fervent mmmdtment to truth and the welfare of mankind.51 In the first place, it is certainly Grove and not Brown who is pass- ing negative judgment on the rationality of Clara Wieland's and Arthur Mervyn's curiosity. As has been demonstrated, Carwin, not Clara, is the character in Wieland whose curi- Cmity has disastrous consequences. Interpretations of Arthur Mervyn's behavior have been too various for us to assume that Brown clearly intended to condemn his young luno's curiosity. For example, Warfel sees Arthur as 52 "blameless." Berthoff judiciously warns us of the dangers 0f reading too much conscious irony into Arthur Mervyn.53 Rather, Brown's own writings show us that he saw no inConsistency between active curiosity and such a fervent Commitment to truth and human welfare. Indeed, he seems to juStify extreme curiosity, provided that it is motivated by Virtuous intentions. In "The Man at Home," the narrator 25 twice uses other human beings quite Openly to advance his matunderstanding and knowledge. At one point, he Visits an old friend who has gone mad "to con over the most instructive lesson that ever was afforded me, on the evil of unbridled passion."54 He also tells his audience that he often prolongs conversations with his landlady only to note the scantiness of her vocabulary. He justifies this by saying: Yet, in acting thus, I intended no evil. I extracted no food for contempt from her errors. They suggested various contemplations on the principles of human intercourse, and on the causes that produce such wide differences between human beings who, in their primi- tive conformation, and perhaps in their ultimate des- tiny, are the same. Brown's personal justification of such laboratory use of human beings is asserted in this comment to a friend: The imputation of inquisitiveness, impertinance [sic] of a restless propensity to pry into the affairs of others affects me not . . . the disease must be known before the remedy can be discovered.5 Since Brown did defend curiosity, it seems likely that the curiosity visible in so many of his major male characters is a projection of one aspect of himself. Con- Versely, many of his female characters, notably Clara Vfieland and Constantia, are forced to live in a fishbowl world, often having the privacy of their thoughts and aCtions violated daily. Since several male characters, Clithero and Welbeck in particular, are also subject to such scrutiny, it would not be accurate to state that Brown enjOyed vicariously prying into the lives of only his female 26 (neations. Suffice it to say that the female characters are sometimes the victims but never the perpetrators of tnmmidled curiosity, and that the meddlesome males are, at least in part, a projection of Brown's own interests and desires. As well as peeping-toms, Brown also had a predilec- tion for mysterious villains of great intellect. Since, as tms been asserted, he lived vicariously through his char- acters (and probably, especially through the male charac- ters), it is interesting to see this pupil of Bage and Ikflcroft defend the creation of lofty villains rather than Virtuous but ordinary mortals. As the narrator of "The Man at Home" puts it: In the selection of the subjects of useful history, the chief point is not the virtue of a character. The prime regard is to be paid to the genius and force of mind that is displayed. Great energy employed in the promotion of vicious purposes, constitutes a very useful spectacle. Give me a Sale of lofty crimes rather than of honest folly.5 Ten years later Brown reiterates the usefulness of such characters more explicitly in terms of audience when he says; The world is governed, not by the simpleton, but by the man of soaring passions and intellectual energy. By the display of such only can we hope to enchain the attention and ravish the souls of those who study and reflect.58 In terms of this discussion, what is more important is that such powerful characters captured the author's fancy. Unsure of himself, living in a world of fantasy, it is no 27 wonder that Brown was attracted to the Ormonds and the Welbecks. No wonder, with such villains, such aggressively prying heroes, that Brown's heroines had to be strong them- selves. Charlotte Temple not only would not have survived Clara Wieland's trial at Mettingen, but it is doubious that :flae could have pitched Jane Talbot's battle against the chetermined Mrs. Fielder. Eliza Wharton would not have xueeded Constantia's stature because her opponent, Colonel thanfOrd, was her undoing without Ormond's powers. Hence, Brnawn's personal problems not only resulted in his becoming a.tnriter rather than a lawyer, but they also helped shape true very nature of his writing down to the kinds of char- ac ters he drew . 28 NOTES --CHAPTER I I 1Harry R. Warfel, Charles Brockden Brown: American Gothic Novelist (Gainesville, Fla.: University of Florida Press, 1949), p. 8. 2George Snell, "Charles Brockden Brown: Apocalyp- ticalist," University of Kansas City Review, 4 (Winter 1944), 133. 3Letter to William Wood Wilkins (1788), Daniel Edward Kennedy, Charles Brockden Brown: His Life and Works hanpublished EMS in Kent State University Bibliographical arui Textual Center), p. 408. Permission for reading this nmiterial and referring to it was kindly granted by Sydney J. Krnause, General Editor of the KSU—CEAA Brown edition. Ifliese materials will henceforth be referred to by the acro- nynn "DEK." According to Kennedy, this letter was originally plainted in Paul Allen's biography of Charles Brockden Brown. 4Letter to Joseph Bringhurst (May 5, 1792), DEK, Po 504. 5Letter to William Wood Wilkins (n.d.), William Ihxnlap, The Life of Charles Brockden Brown . . . (Phila- delphia: James P. Parke, 1815), I, p. 53. 6Dunlap, II, p. 86. 7Letter to WWW (1788), DEK, p. 407. 8Letter to Bringhurst (n.d.-—probab1y after May 5, 1792), DEK, pp. 574-576. 9Warfel, Charles Brockden Brown, p. 40. 10Letter to Charles Brockden Brown from Elihu Hubbard Sukith Diary (May 7, 1796), from Warfel, Charles Brockden §££§gy p» 57. The acronym EHS will be used for Smith's “enmeand CBB for Brown's henceforth, except when such abbreviation might cause confusion. 11Letter to CBB from EHS, Diary (May 27, 1796), from Warfel, Charles Brockden Brown, pp. 63-64. 12Letter to EHS, from Historical Society of Pennsyl— vania collection (Jan. 1, 1798), Warfel, Charles Brockden Brown, p. 88. 29 13R. W. B. Lewis, The American Adam: Innocence, TragedyL_and Tradition in the Nineteenth Century (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1955), p. 96. 14Alexander Cowie, Introduction to KSU-CEAA Wieland, unpubl. TS, at KSU Bibliographical and Textual Center, p. A-13. Permission of author. 15Letter to William Wood Wilkins (1788), DEK, p. 408. 16Letter to William Wood Wilkins (n.d. but Nov. 5, .1792 or after, according to DEK), DEK, p. 585. 17Letter to Bringhurst (Dec. 22, 1792), DEK, p. 617. 18 p. 1619. Letter to William Linn (Dec. 8, 1804), DEK, 19Dunlap, II, p. 271. 2Oounlap, II, p. 50. 2J'Letter to Anthony Bleeker, Esq. (Oct. 31, 1801), Ihlnlap, II, p. 104. 22Letter to Dunlap (1805), Dunlap, II, p. 113. 23Letter to Bringhurst (1792), DEK, p. 600. DEK tltinks this letter was written in August, based on internal evidence . 24 p. 1710. 25 Letter to John E. Hall (Nov. 21, 1806), DEK, Warfel, Charles Brockden Brown, p. 5. 26David Lee Clark, Charles Brockden Brown, Pioneer YELige of America (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1952), p. 191. 27 Letter to Bringhurst (May 30, 1792), DEK, p. 553A. 28Letter to Bringhurst (May 29, 1792), DEK, p. 552. 29CBB, "The Rhapsodist, No. 2," Columbian Magazine; 0r, Monthly Miscellany, 3 (September 1789), 537. 3OCBB, "The Rhapsodist, No. 2," p. 539. 31Warner B. Berthoff, "A Lesson on Concealment, Brockden Brown's Method in Fiction," Philological Quarterly, 37 (1958), 46. 3O 32CBB, "Walstein's School of History," Monthly Magazine, 1 (September-December 1799), 408. 33Berthoff, "Lesson," p. 47. 34Berthoff, "Lesson," p. 56. 35Berthoff, "Lesson," p. 54. 36CBB, "Walstein's School," Monthly Magazine, 1 (August 1799), 336. 37 CBB, "Walstein's School," (August), p. 337. 38James John Coyle, "The Problem of Evil in the buajor Novels of Charles Brockden Brown," Diss. University of Michigan 1961, p. 12. 39Letter to Bringhurst (July 29, 1793), DEK, p. 649. 4OWarfel, Charles Brockden Brown, p. 162. 41Clark, p. 98. Bracketed additions are presumably Clark' 5. 42 CBB, "The Man at Home, No. 3," Weekly Magazine, 1 (Feb. 17, 1788), 65. 43CBB, "The Difference Between History and Romance," MEElthly Magazine, 2 (April 1800), 251. 44CBB,"History and Romance," p. 251. 45CBB, "History and Romance," p. 252. 46Letter to W.C. (Aug. 29, 1793), copied in CBB's goalrnal, located at Pennsylvania Historical Society. Photo- copy consulted at KSU Bibliographical and Textual Center. W~C2. has been hypothetically considered William Coleman by Scflnolars working on the KSU—CEAA edition of Brown's novels. 47James Leland Grove, "Visions and Revisions: A Study of the Obtuse Narrator in American Fiction from Brockden Brown to Faulkner," Diss. Harvard 1968, pp. 5-9. 48Grove, p. 5. 49Grove, p. 12. 31 50CBB, Wieland or the Transformation, in Charles Brockden Brown's Novels, I (New York: Burt Franklin, 1970, rpt. of 1887 edition), p. 224. All references to specific Brown novels will henceforth be noted by title and page number only. All are taken from this reprint. 51Grove, pp. 112-115. 52Warfel, Charles Brockden Brown, p. 145. 53Warner B. Berthoff, Introduction, CBB, Arthur bkervyn or Memoirs of the Year 1793 (New York: Holt, Rinehart arui Winston, 1962), p. xviii. 54CBB, "The Man at Home, No. 12," Weekly Maggzine, 1 (April 21, 1788), 355. 55CBB, "The Man at Home, No. 2," Weekly Magazine, 1 (Feb. 10, 1788), 34. 56 Letter to W.C. (Aug. 29, 1793). 57CBB, "The Man at Home, No. 9," Weekly Magazine, 1 (March 31, 1788), 257. 58CBB, "Advertisement to Sky-Walk," Weekly Magazine, 1 (March 17, 1788), 202. CHAPTER III WOMEN CHARACTERS AND THE LABORATORY OF IDEAS Charles Brockden Brown's primary conscious aim in writing was didactic. He believed that the main func- tion and value of fiction was to help "ascertain the pre- cepts of justice and exhibit these precepts reduced to practice. . . ."1 Like many other authors of his time, Brown felt compelled to justify his novels in prefaces asserting either the veracity of the incidents disclosed or the value of the accompanying sentiments. In his "adver— tisement" to Wieland, he states that "His purpose is neither selfish nor temporary, but aims at the illustration of some important branches of the moral constitution of man."2 Brown goes even further than most novelists of his period; he not only proclaims the moral value of fiction, but he also claims its superiority to non-fiction. Mere reasoning is cold and unattractive. Injury rather than benefit proceeds from convictions that are transient and faint; their tendency is not to reform and enlighten, but merely to produce disquiet and remorse. They are not strong enough to resist temptation and to change the conduct, but merely to pester the offender with dissatisfaction and regret. The detail of actions is productive of different effects. The affections are engaged, the reason is won by incessant attacks; the benefits which our sys- tem has evinced to be possible, are invested with a 32 33 seeming existence, and the evils which error was proved to generate, exchange the fleeting, misty, and dubious form of inference, for a sensible and present existence. Though he did not do so publicly, Brown once went so far as to declare Sir Charles Grandison superior to the Bible.4 He seems to have maintained his belief in the didactic value of novel reading through his later years. In 1804, he assailed its Opponents as: profoundly ignorant of human nature; the brightest of whose properties is to be influenced more by example than precept; and of human taste; the purest of whose gratifications is to View human characters and events depicted by a vigorous and enlightened fancy. . . . He continues this rebuke by noting the moral usefulness of powerful pictures of the connections "between vice and misery and felicity and virtue,‘ and he concludes by sug- gesting that even the most trivial novels are not totally worthless because the kinds of peOple attracted to them might otherwise be employed in yet more trivial fashions.6 The didacticism of Brown's novels is much less static than that of most other American fictionists of the period. His major characters, male and female, never merely symbolize given doctrines. Rather, as Berthoff suggests: "Brown's imagination turned to creating characters who try to live by these doctrines. What would become of them, of the characters and of the doctrines?"7 While such experi- mentation often led to rough plot construction, it also resulted in a dramatic tension caused by the characters' 34 attempts to live by certain ideals. One is much more in doubt about (and probably, therefore, more interested in) Brown's characters than in the characters of a typical English problem novel. Clara Wieland, for example, seems to make a choice whereas Anna St. Ives, in Holcroft's novel, merely embodies a choice. Three major inter-connected streams of thought are pertinent to Brown's character laboratory: associationist psychology, Godwinian social liberalism, and feminism. Brown's associationist psychology does not derive directly from any one major proponent of the idea. All of its founders meant something different by "associationism." Brown's use of it is sufficiently non-technical to prohibit an easy attribution of it to any one source. Also, the major specific associationist influence on him is not absolutely certain. He had numerous opportunities to become acquainted with the idea, and he may have learned much of what he knew about it third- or even fourth-hand. Brown's social liberalism will be termed "Godwinism" for the sake of simplicity. Godwin, of course, originated very little. He ig useful as a reference since his Enquiry Concerning Political Justice (1793) perhaps best consoli- dated and popularized a number of current social and politi- cal ideas. Brown was thoroughly familiar with Godwin and with this work in particular as will be seen presently. Brown may well have first become familiar with many of his 35 liberal ideas through Bage, Holcroft, or any of the French liberal and revolutionary thinkers with whom he was also familiar. However, calling that nexus of empiricism, associationism, and utilitarianism "Godwinism" provides a theoretical handbook for reference. In this chapter Brown's feminism will be compared to that delineated by Mary Wollstonecraft in her Thoughts on the Education of Daughters (1787), and, much more impor— tantly, in A Vindication of the Rights of Women (1792). A reference is less important here than it is with social liberalism as Brown wrote his own theoretical feminist work, Alcuin: A Dialogue (1798 and 1815). Possibly Brown was familiar with other works on female emancipation, but probably he was most specifically influenced by Wollstone- craft's, as will be shown later. Brown shared her Godwinian basis in empiricism, associationism, and utilitarianism, which makes a comparison of Alcuin and the Vindication most useful. Each of these three currents of thought——association— ist psychology, Godwinism, and feminism--will be discussed separately. First, Brown's familiarity with each will be explored and verified. Then the basic principles of each will be summarized. This will be followed by an examina- tion of female characters who test out these ideas through their human consequences. 36 Associationist Psychology Brown's personal reasons for an interest in psy— chology have already been discussed. To reiterate, Brown, uncomfortably aware of his own internal turmoil, often lived vicariously through his characters. The morbid turn of his own mind led him to create characters whose cases might be described today in abnormal psychology textbooks. In his analysis of abnormal states, Brown was able to com- bine all the motivating factors of his writing: self- therapy for himself; and, for the audience, the entertain- ment of the bizarre combined with didactic content. Brown was certainly not alone in his interest in abnormal psychology. There are many madmen in American 1iterature--one specific manifestation of that dark side of the soul for which the American novel has been noted. Furthermore, there was an especially high degree of interest in insanity in the period 1790 through 1870 due to a number of factors: a growing concern in the United States and Europe over an apparent increase in insanity; an interest in reforms of the treatment of the insane (one sign of the perfectibilistic element in late-eighteenth century optimism); and a concern--scientific, philoSOphic, and theological-- over the nature of mental illness.8 American intellectual circles during Brown's time were comparatively tightly knit. Dwelling as he did in Philadelphia and New York, he would have been apt to have 37 heard of the latest developments in the new science of psychology. Brown, with publications in belles lettres, politics, and geography, was no exception to the tendency of educated men in this era to keep abreast of intellectual developments in all fields of knowledge. Brown had special sources for information about new psychological theories since a number of his friends were physicians, including Samuel Latham Mitchill, Edward Miller, and Elihu Hubbard Smith. His friendship with Smith is especially noteworthy, both because of Smith's influence on Brown and because of Smith's own interest and background in psychology. Smith's enthusiasm for psychology can be traced directly to his studies under Dr. Benjamin Rush. Though Rush did not publish his Medical Inquiries and Observations upon the Diseases of the Mind until 1812, he was teaching 9 the same theories of abnormal psychology in the 1790's. Rush was the first American physician to make a serious study of mental illness, although his original contribu- tions were few. He pioneered a reform movement for better treatment of the insane and attempted to free mental ill- ness from a moral stigma by emphasizing its medical aspects and its curability.lo Generally his views were materialistic; he saw insanity as basically a somatic disease, a pathological disorder of the brain having psychological consequences.ll He believed that there were certain predisposing factors to insanity, including imaginative occupations and the political 38 and economic environment, but he saw these as simply initi- ating the physiological process which resulted in the dis- ease.12 Also, more than his contemporaries, Rush emphasized the importance of psychological methods in the treatment of all diseases.13 Rush's influence on Smith can be seen in Smith's use of salivation in the treatment of mania. Smith's belief that physical causes can precipitate mental disorders is obvious in his warning to his sister to cover her children's heads with caps.l4 His belief in the inter-connection of the mind and body is evident in a medical questionnaire he sent to a patient, asking how and in what form the reflections of the patient's mind affect his body, both in its general condition and in regard to the particular disease.15 His reading also reflects his interest in mental disorders, as does his attempt to play psychiatrist with Brown. Smith knew and applauded Locke's refutation of the theory of innate ideas.16 Locke's argument helped pave the way for associationism. "The Rhapsodist" presents evidence of Brown's famili- arity with and interest in psychology. For example, he was sufficiently aware of the rise and fall of the Brunonian System to call it: a system . . . which has only ingenuity to recommend it; and which, at a former period, when caprice hap- pened to operate with less than usual vigor, was treated with contempt and ridicule. . . .17 39 He also demonstrates his awareness that Herman Boerhaave's teachings were antiquated.18 Also, of course, in Wieland, he shows his familiarity with that minor spokesman of asso- ciationism, Erasmus Darwin, in a footnote referring to Darwin's Mania Mutabilis. Brown's own psychological stance is rather mixed. This is not extraordinary when one considers that many major figures in psychiatry in America at this time were not them- selves theoretically consistent. Rush, for example, often mixed elements of idealism into his usual materialism. Brown's psychological position could be generally described as a modified sensationism and a psycho-physical associationism. He shows interest in and acceptance of the interconnectedness of mind and body, apparently believing psychological states can produce neurological changes in the brain. Also, there is evidence in Wieland that he accepts the idea of congenital predisposition to insanity. Before examining how Brown's female characters emobdy cer- tain of these psychological ideas or react to them in male characters, it is necessary to describe the constructs them- selves. Sensationism is the philosophical and psychologi- cal doctrine that all ideas come from and can be reduced to sensations. While Brown often emphasizes the relation of the senses to the understanding or intellect, he also seems to accept a non—sensational "reasoning" or "reflection" 40 which characters like Constantia Dudley and Clara Wieland employ to analyse such sensations. Associationism grew out of sensationism as a result of a need to explain how the mind makes sense of the sensory data received. In gen— eral, "association of ideas" suggests the tendency of a sense perception or an idea to recall others linked to it, either because of similarity or because both are experienced simultaneously or contiguously. Brown's associationism has often been noted and is frequently considered an outgrowth of Locke's association- ism. This connection is interesting because the chapter dealing with the association of ideas in Locke's An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (II. xxxiii) was not added until the fourth edition (1700), which suggests that it was somewhat of an afterthought. Furthermore, the concept of associationism originated with Aristotle and was revived before Locke by Hobbes. Also, Locke, unlike Hobbes and Hume, largely emphasized the negative aspects of associa- tionism. Finally, Locke was interested in associationism only as a stepping-stone to his theory of knowledge and not as a psychological system.19 This frequent attribution of Brown's associationism to Locke rather than, say, Hartley, is probably the result of factors beyond Locke's coinage of the phrase "associa- tion of ideas." It results from certain basic similarities between Locke and Brown. Like Locke, Brown emphasizes the 41 negative aspects of associationism; both were quite con— vinced of the value of reasoning, a process to which Hartley pays less attention. Brown and Locke both value highly the accurate evaluations of sensory perceptions as these are recorded on the tabula rasa of the mind. Both consider a long train of reflection proper behavior and censure haste in forming judgments.20 Furthermore, both see madness not as a loss of reason but as perverted reason, the product of faulty association of ideas, the result of "chance" correspondence. Locke in no way suggests that reason can solve all human problems. Indeed, throughout the Essay, he stresses man's limited nature, comparing the understanding to a "dark room."21 Therefore, when Brown portrays a character who tries to use reason in a situa- tion but fails to understand it, Brown is not denying the value of reason and refuting "optimistic psychology," as Larzer Ziff suggests, but merely pointing out their limita- tions.22 Like Locke, Brown practically equates rational action to moral behavior, and he at no time concedes this view of morality. Ideally, the mind, which was thought to be composed of the understanding and the affections, receives sensory impressions which the understanding inter— prets and transmits to the will, from which actions ensue. Brown and Locke accept the frailty of this process but still see reason as one of the few weapons against total chaos. 42 Hartley took the principle of the association of ideas and systematized it into a psychology proper. The two fundamentals of his associationism are his long- discredited attempt to trace a specific correspondence between mental and neural activity and his elaboration of all experience according to the principles of association. Brown may well have received his belief in physiological neural responses to psychological experiences from Hartley; Locke deliberately eschews it.23 The importance of educa- tion in forming right associations is mentioned by Locke but constitutes a major portion of Hartley'spwork.24 There- fore Brown's emphasis on education may have arisen from either influence. As mentioned, Brown was also familiar with Erasmus Darwin, specifically his treatise Zoonomia (1794). Darwin, as well as Hartley, may have been the source of the psycho- physical element in Brown's associationism. Though this lengthy work is chiefly concerned with biological questions, the first part of it is a psycho-physical theory of eXperi- ence which is thoroughly associationistic.25 From writers such as Hartley and Darwin, Rush had formed his ideas on his subject, so it is possible that Brown learned of these ideas third- or fourth-hand rather than from their origina— tors. It is unclear whether Brown sees insanity, or just a predisposition to it, as hereditary. During the eighteenth 43 century, physicians generally believed that only a predis- position to insanity was hereditary. Some precipitant was considered necessary to activate latent mental abnormali- ties. By the middle of the nineteenth century, congenital predisposition was believed to be a major cause of insanity. The idea of an "irresistible impulse" was the out- growth of an expanding liberalism in the public's attitude towards the behavior of the insane. The concept of the "irresistible impulse" implied that if insanity warped the sense of moral obligations, a person's reason might not be able to reject a criminal action before the will became conmfitted to it.26 Brown uses this idea only in a very general sense. Occasionally a character who is sane but whose momentary passions block rational action will succumb to it. Afterwards the character usually considers the aCtion as foolish. This is one of the mechanisms Brown uses to show his esteem for rational behavior. Neither the predisposition to insanity nor the irresistible impulse are of major significance to Brown's Characterization; neither concept is as recurrent as asso- ciationism is in Brown's fiction. These two minor elements ‘flill be only briefly noted during the discussion of the Ilovels. The novel which has been most discussed in terms of IPSycholOgical content is Wieland. Clara Wieland, one of BroWn'S most impressive heroines, is at the center of this 44 novel, and it is through her behavior that associationism and the resultant emphasis on empirical reason are evalu- ated. As Arthur Gustaf Kimball says: The narrative is her; it is her impression of events that is offered to the reader; and, of the many "trans- formations" in the book, the one ultimately most sig- nificant is that of Clara's world.2 The emphasis in the novel is not on the events themselves but on Clara's reactions to them. Brown achieves this by limiting the focus of the novel entirely to Clara's con- sciousness. Though Brown is often justly accused of care- less craftsmanship, he is careful in this respect. For example, Clara may wonder what happened while she was unconscious, but she never knows. It is appropriate for associationism to be tested through Clara's reactions rather than through either of the Other two major characters, as both Theodore Wieland and Pleyel are absolutists. Theodore is a religious absolutist, and Pleyel, an empirical absolutist. Wieland immediately assumes the voice of Catherine he hears is supernatural. Quite early in the novel, after Clara tries to dissuade him from jumping to this conclusion, he smiles significantly and agrees that the understanding does have other avenues ‘than the eyes.28 Also, Clara tells us that he had always Iregarded their father's death as flowing from some direct and supernatural decree.29 Pleyel, on the other hand: - . . was by no means equally credulous. He scrupled not to deny faith to any testimony but that of his 45 senses, and allowed the facts which had lately been supported by this testimony not to mould his belief, but merely to give birth to doubts. Pleyel says of the mysterious events that he is "unable to explain their origin and mutual dependence" but that he does not therefore "believe them to have a supernatural . . "3 origin. Clara's attitude toward the unexplained voices is at once more ambivalent and more Open. After hearing the voice in the closet, for example, she carefully thinks over all aspects of the event and decides that while her senses assured her of the truth of it, its "abruptness and improba- bility made me, in my turn, somewhat incredulous."32 Simi— larly, she is not quick to conclude whether the cause of her father's death is supernatural or mechanistic: Was this the penalty of disobedience?——this the stroke of a vindictive and invisible hand? Is it a fresh proof that the Divine Ruler interferes in human affairs, mediates an end, selects and commissions his agents, and enforces, by unequivocal sanctions, submission to his will? Or was it merely the irregular eXpansion of the fluid that imparts warmth to our heart and our blood, caused by the fatigue of the preceding day, or flowing, by established laws, from the condition of his thoughts.33 'This tension in Clara's mind is a microcosm of the central tension within the novel. Critics of 3191229 have agreed that Clara initially «accepts an essentially associationist view of the human mind. 'This is borne out by textual evidence. When Clara worries fabOUt the effect of the voices on her brother, she: 46 . . . could not bear that his senses should be the vic- tims of such delusion. It argues a diseased condition of his frame, which might show itself hereafter in more dangerous symptoms. The will is the tool of the under- standing, which must fashion its conclusions on the notices of sense. If the senses be depraved, it is impossible to calculate the evils that may flow from the consequent deductions of the understanding. In accordance to the basic tenets of associationist psy- chology, sensory impressions were to be relied upon; hence, a distortion of the senses could, as Locke said, cause men to take their fancies for realities and, reasoning cor- rectly from these, "be as frantic as any in Bedlam."35 Clara's typical reaction, when faced with an apparently incredible situation, is to wonder which of her senses is prey to some fatal delusion, as she does after hearing the cry from the closet.36 After any such event, she always meditates over the chain of occurrences at great length, questioning her sensory reactions, and trying to reason out the situation. Clara's belief in the values of reasoning from empirical evidence is visible not only in her behavior but also in her attraction to Pleyel, the extreme empiricist, and in her admiration for her uncle, whose testimony "is ipeculiarly worthy of credit, because no man's temper is more Skeptical, and his belief is unalterably attached to natural (Zauses,"37 When she returns to her normal emotional state after seeing the dead Catherine, she remarks that the scenes She has witnessed "became the theme of deliberation and 47 deduction, and called forth the effusions of more rational sorrow."38 Clara's associationism tends to be materialistic; that is, she seems to believe that patterns in the mind have physical effects. When Wieland falls into fits of insanity, he is described by Clara as having changed physically: "His brain seemed to swell beyond its conti- nent."39 After her first few meetings with Carwin, she studies his facial features and the shape of his head almost like a physiognomist or phrenologist. Though commentators agree that Clara initially thinks along associationist lines and values empirical reasoning, they divide on the issue of whether or not she loses faith in such modes of decision making. At one end 0f the continuum, Larzer Ziff maintains that through her BrOwncompletely abandons what Ziff terms "enlightened Psychology" and moves towards "the confused acceptance of Supernatural causation."4o Somewhere in the middle, Harvey Milton Craft suggests that Clara accepts and rejects each of the two dichotymous means of knowledge offered her by Other characters and ends up uncertain and confused.41 What Seems more likely than either is that Clara learns that this 1“Ode of thought indeed has its limitations, as Locke and liartley point out, but that careful reasoning from the em‘pirical evidence received by our senses is still the best <3f the few feeble tools human beings possess. Associationist 48 psychology is not so Optimistic that reason is seen as infallible, and it is a mistake to think that any but its callowest followers saw it as a cure-all for human frailty. Three main crises test Clara: the mysterious voices, Pleyel's desertion, and her brother's madness and resul- tant violent behavior. She faces these problems with the disadvantage of a family background of insanity. On the other hand, she has the advantages of both independence and rational education in her fight to retain sanity and equa- nimity throughout all three battles. In each crisis, Clara avoids making a hasty judg- rment and tries to ascertain reasonable causes for the events. For example, when confronted with the mysterious voices, she avoids leaping to conclusions, unlike her brother and Pleyel, and tries to reconcile their seemingly supernatural nature to her adversion to the supernatural. Carwin's games exacerbate the Wieland family's instability. As a result of his actions and despite her rational education, Clara briefly speculates whether a mysterious benevolent agent is interfering in her world. When empirical fact contradicts her speculation, though, she always sides with ‘the evidence. After discovering that the Baroness von Stolberg had not died as the voice had told her, she: - - . did not fail to remark that, since this lady was Still alive, the voice in the temple which asserted her death must either have been intended to deceive, or have been itself deceived. The latter supposition was inconsistent with the notion of a spiritual, and the former with that of a benevolent, being. 49 Clara's portentuous dreams also do not destroy the continu- ance of her belief in reason. After the dream in which her brother beckons to her over a pit, she is puzzled to find herself wondering if it is her brother who is hiding in her closet. She reflects that "Ideas exist in our minds that can be accounted for by no established laws."45 Her unconsciousness of the extent of her fears concerning Wieland does not mean the dream is therefore caused by a supernatural agency. Rather, the dream is an extension of her conscious and articulated fears of his stability. After her brother hears the voices, for example, Clara wor- ries because Theodore is "of an ardent and melancholy . . 44 character . . . in some respects an enthu31ast." The con— cept that ideas arise because of association does not neces- sarily require that one must be conscious of their sources. Pleyel's insistence that Clara is Carwin's lover and his consequent desertion of her constitute quite a dif- ferent type of problem. Here she must deal with an irra- tional lover who prides himself on being the embodiment of empirical reason. Brown reveals Pleyel's true lack of reasonableness early in the novel. When his German baroness does not write, Pleyel immediately jumps to a false conclu- sion: He was seized with the torments Of jealousy, and sus- pected nothing less than the infidelity of her to whom he had devoted his heart. The silence must have been concerted. 50 Obviously his true self clashes with his self—image. After hearing the evidence against Clara, Pleyel does not assume, as Wieland does, that past knowledge of Clara ought to override his senses. He covers his feelings of betrayal in a performance combining the melodramatic characteristics of a wronged sentimental hero with the intellectual preten- sions of achampion of intellectual liberty. Only "irresist- ible impulse" causes him to even tell Clara the evidence against her.46 Clara is, of course, deeply wounded, as well as frustrated by his immovability. She sensibly gives up the attempt to prove her virtue when her efforts appear useless. While recovering from the death of Catherine and the Wieland children, she is capable of changing her love for Pleyel into friendship. Concomitantly her desire to prove her chastity moderates to the extent that she wishes to remove his suspicions merely because she wishes to enjoy his good judgment and because he would be pleased to be able to trust her integrity.47 Within the next two years, under the encouragement of her uncle, explanations are made and continued correspondence leads to their marriage, after the death of his first wife. Clara's most difficult struggle is to accept that her brother's insanity and its results stem from natural causes. As has been shown, Clara seems from a fairly early point to realize that Wieland is somewhat unstable. For one thing, she is aware of similarities between him and his 51 father, and she seems to accept the concept of an heredi- tary predisposition to insanity. Brown reinforces this both by having Clara mention tun: hereditary dread of water, and by having the physician-figure Cambridge mention that Clara and Theodore's maternal grandfather was insane, as well as their father.48 Clara is not willing to accept the extent and the possible irrevocability of Wieland's insanity. Once she accepts the fact that he really did murder his wife and children, she allows herself to consider the possibility that, rather than being totally mad, Wieland was motivated by an external supernatural force. Her uncle helps dis- suade her from this point of view by explaining insanity in natural terms. Once she completely understands Carwin's role, she is able to view Theodore's madness as a natural rather than a supernatural tragedy. Clara's next fear, prompted doubtless by her uncle's discussion of the hereditary predisposition, is of her own ability to remain sane: Was I not likewise transformed from rational and human into a creature of nameless and fearful attributes? Was I not transported to the brink of the same abyss? Ere a new day should come, my hands might be imbued in blood, and my remaining life be consigned to a dungeon and chains.4 This fear is not alleviated until some time after she is stripped of her remaining delusion: that she can cure Wieland by visiting him and reasoning with him. She tells her uncle that "Surely the sympathy of his sister, proofs 52 that her tenderness is as lively as ever, must be a course 50 She discovers the true extent of satisfaction to him." of insanity when Wieland attempts to take her life and, in a moment of lucidity, commits suicide. Clara's new knowl- edge that one cannot reason with madmen is not an attack on the value of reasoning, however. Indeed, the chief exponent of reason, her uncle, had argued this position with her. Clara proves that her belief in associationism has continued throughout her three crises when she describes how the fire has jolted her back to equanimity: I was, in some degree, roused from the stupor which had seized my faculties. The monotonous and gloomy scene of my thoughts was broken. My habitation was levelled with the ground, and I was obliged to seek a new one. A new train of images, disconnected with the fate of my family, forced itself on my attention; and a belief insensibly sprung up that tranquillity, if not happi- ness, was still within my reach.51 At the end of her successful handling of her three crises, she decides to write these "memoirs,' both because a cor- respondent requested them and also because her tale "will exemplify the force of early impressions, and show the immeasurable evils that flow from an erroneous or imperfect discipline."52 Hence, the empirical reason emphasized by associationist psychology is seen as fallible yet superior to other human tools of knowledge. Next to Wieland, Ormond is the novel in which the female characters most significantly test associationism and the value of empirical reasoning. Though Constantia, as the main character, is the most important in this respect, 53 these concepts are also examined through the characteriza- tion of Sophia Westwyn, Helena Cleves, and Martinette Monrose. Unfortunately, Ormond carries a rather heavy load of ideas, as will be seen in the discussion of its Godwinian elements. No one of these, including associationism, is therefore thoroughly explored or dramatized. The char- acters in Ormond are made to represent far more than their actions develop. Brown tries to make up for this overload by using dialogue to carry some of the weight. This leads to an over-emphasis on debate and a lack of dramatization. The focus in Ormond was intended to be on Constantia, as the dedication suggests, though Ormond upstages her for many readers. The novel is supposedly a record of her his- tory and her reactions to two trials: the hardships of poverty and pestilence brought about by her father's finan- cial ruin; and the attempts of Ormond to seduce and finally to rape her. Unlike Clara Wieland's deliberations, Constantia's inner-conflicts are never fully exposed, par- tially because Constantia does not narrate her own history. Because the workings of Constantia's mind are veiled, one cannot observe her consciously noting the appli- cation of associationist principles. Sophia mentions, how— ever, that Mr. Dudley has conducted his daughter to the school of Hartley and "taught her, as a metaphysician and anatomist, the structure and power of the senses."53 Her education in the value of basing decisions on logical 54 premises drawn from sensory perceptions stands her in good stead during her early crisis. Though only sixteen when Craig betrays her father, already: She had learned to square her conduct, in a consider- able degree, not by the hasty impulses of inclination, but by the dictates of truth. She yielded nothing to caprice or passion. Unfortunately she does not recognize such irrational impulses either in herself or in Ormond. It is not that she relies too much upon logic but that her reasoning is based on faulty association in this case. SOphia's des- cription shows the correctness of Constantia's reasoning: Every thing is progressive in the human mind. When there is leisure to reflect, ideas will succeed each other in a long train, before the ultimate point be gained. The attention must shift from one side to the other of a given question many times before it settles. Constantia did not form her resolutions in haste; but when once formed, they were exempt from fluctuation. She reflected before she acted and therefore acted with consistency and vigor. 5 Ormond, too, notes Constantia's ability to reason. In her contest with Ormond, though, her exclusion of the knowledge of her passion causes her to estimate incorrectly. As SOphia says: In no case, perhaps, is the decision of a human being impartial, or totally uninfluenced by sinister and selfish motives. . . . Sinister considerations flow in upon us through imperceptible channels and modify our thoughts in numberless ways, without our being truly conscious of their presence. Constantia was young, and her heart was open at a thousand pores to the love of excellence. The image of Ormond occupied the chief place in her fancy, and was endowed with attractive and venerable qualities. A bias was hence created that swayed her thoughts, though she knew not that they were swayed.56 55 Her father recognizes what is happening to her and proposes the European trip to "efface from her mind any impressions *which his [Ormond's] dangerous artifices might have made upon it."57 Constantia's unrealized bias causes her to under- estimate and misunderstand Ormond's warning to her. On his warning visit, he is incredulous at her incomprehension, and, pointing at his forehead, asks her, "Catch you not a View of the monsters that are starting into birth hege?"58 Sophia's exhortations sufficiently convince Constantia of her own wrong reasoning, so she agrees that travel may "enlighten her judgment and qualify her for a more rational decision."59 However, Constantia still does not suffi- ciently understand the nature of Ormond's threats. She is so far from such an understanding that, when he visits her eat a late hour in a deserted place, she primly informs him ‘that his recent deportment "but ill accords with" his "pro- 60 :Eessions of sincerity and plain dealing." After vainly Eittempting to reason him into leaving, she finally tries to <>pen the door. When she discovers it is locked, she harbors jfor the first time a "fear that was intelligible in its dic- 61 Even then, she hOpes she must fear someone other tates . " ‘than Ormond, as he does not seem aware that the door is ~1Ocked, and he is not trying to detain her forcibly. Only after he tells her that he had Craig kill her father and that he murdered Craig himself does her fear correctly 56 center on Ormond. Her exit blocked, she has little chance left to escape rape, since she is physicallyweaker than Ormond and incapable of trying to deceive him with false promises, due to "all the habits of her life and all the 62 maxims of her education." Constantia considers killing him with her penknife but worries that "ineffectual opposi- 63 She decides tion would only precipitate her evil destiny." to kill herself, and she tells Ormond this hoping it will deter him. However, he believes that her "cowardice is counterfeited, or that it will give place to wisdom and 64 He tells Constantia he will take "the prize" courage." whether she is alive or dead, leaving her no option but to kill him. Ironically only at this point does she react any way but rationally. Later she tells Sophia that her deed was the product of "a momentary frenzy" and that the knife- stroke was "desperate and at random."65 She has difficulty ridding herself of the memory of his reproachful gaze and of the accusations of her conscience. Her feelings of guilt suggest that she feels partially responsible for the entire incident. She had reasoned correctly from incomplete evi- dence and therefore seriously misjudged Ormond. Ormond is, of course, mainly at fault. As Sydney Krause has said: Constantia . . . does find herself drawn to the man, and would consider marriage were he less prone to the sort of callously rationalistic argument he puts forth to overcome her fear of his passion. SOphia, the narrator, comprehends the manner in which Constantia is blinded by passion and understands Ormond 57 better than does her friend. Thanks to a "fortunate con- currence of incidents" and her obligations to Constantia, she attempts to understand him as fully and accurately as possible.67 She discovers and relates much of his past history, including his rape and murder of the Tartar girl which prefigures (though it does not sufficiently explain) the final scene of violence. Furthermore, Sophia, unlike Constantia, is acquainted with "the doctrines of that school in which Ormond is probably instructed," meaning, no doubt, European radicalism.68 Because she is not disarmed by pas- sion, the greater objectivity which SOphia possesses enables her to obtain this additional information. Armed with knowl- edge and her associationist understanding of Constantia, she can see where her friend has gone astray, and she nearly prevents Ormond's attack. Constantia is indeed "constant" to Sophia's advice, which is based on the greater wisdom that her name implies. Helena Cleves, Ormond's mistress, exemplifies not reasoning based on false or incomplete evidence, but an inability to reason at all. Her responses are entirely emotional; she understands only that which her sensibili- ties endorse. For example, from Ormond's frank statements of his Opinions on matrimony, a rational woman would have predicted he would not be likely to propose marriage: . . . but Helena's mind was uninured to the discussion of logical points and the tracing of remote conse- quences. His presence inspired feelings which would not permit her to bestow an impartial attention on his 58 arguments. It is not enough to say that his reasonings failed to convince her; the combined influence of pas- sion and an unenlightened understanding hindered her from fully comprehending them. Ormond has a fairly low estimation of her ability to reason, but he has a Pygmalion-like fantasy in which, under his instructions, her voluptuous form and exquisite sensibili- ties would be united with a capacious understanding. He is thwarted in this plan because even those ideas "which he had conceived her mind to be sufficiently strong to receive and retain were proved to have made no other than a momen- tary impression."7O Her inability to associate ideas cor— rectly leads directly to her seduction, betrayal, and suicide. Martinette is Helen's opposite. The differences among the early educations of Constantia, Helena, and Martinette are obviously designed to show the effects of early connections of ideas in the mind. Constantia's rational education does not prevent her from erring, but it is shown to be superior to Helena's sensuous education and Martinette's fierce training. Martinette is aware of the effects of her education and thinks of it in associationist terms. When asked by Constantia how a woman's heart can be inured to the shedding of blood, she answers: "Have women, I beseech thee, no capacity to reason and infer? Are they 71 Like her less open than men to the influences of habit?" brother Ormond, Martinette is willing to justify any action in terms of reason and habit, and this eventually makes her 59 repugnant to the more balanced Constantia. Brown obviously recognizes that being habituated to violence does not jus- tify violent acts. Like Locke, Brown wanted reason har— nessed to beneficent, not malevolent, ends. Through the three characters, Helena, Constantia, and Martinette, Brown shows that the proper association of ideas is the result of a judicious balance of reason and sensibility. Constantia, through her experiences, is rein- forced in her belief that the proper association of ideas is necessary for correct decision-making. And, even more importantly, through Sophia's aid she learns that our men- tal connections are not always clear to us; reason is only the best of a few fallible tools. She learns she must acknowledge her emotions, for to disregard them is to risk reasoning rightly from false premises. The use of women characters to explore association- ist psychology is far slighter in Brown's other novels: Arthur Mervyn, Edgar Huntly, Clara Howard, and Jane Talbot. The first two of these novels are psychologically interest— ing and, especially Edgar Huntly, probe deeply into the mind, but the focus in both is primarily on male char- acters. In Clara Howard and Jane Talbot, women characters are again central, but associationist principles are replaced by social ethics as the main areas of concern. Var- ious female characters in each of these four novels contrib- ute in a minor way to an understanding of Brown's explora- tion of associative principles. 60 In both volumes of Arthur Meryyn, the emphasis is upon Arthur's education, which is furthered considerably by the women he meets. Susan Hadwin, for example, is a minor static character, "a soft enthusiast" whose over- indulged sensibilities result in insanity when her lover doesn't return from the pestilent city.72 Her sister, Eliza, whom Arthur Mervyn loves before her inheritance seems lost, is made of more rational material. She listens to Arthur's pious advice to be independent and to consult only her own understanding.73 She then shocks him by angrily demanding equal experience to form her understand— ing, refusing simply to be "screened from the weather" and given enough to eat and drink.74 Hence, she forces Arthur to consider that associative principles might apply to women. Ascha Fielding, though undeveloped except through her story of her past, seems to accept the concept of asso- ciationism. Just as Clara Wieland and Constantia Dudley are taken to Europe to forget their troubles, Ascha travels to America after her own trials, saying: I believe the worst foes of man, at least of men in grief, are solitude and idleness. The same eternally— occurring round of objects feeds his disease, and the effects of mere vacancy and uniformity are sometimes mistaken for those of grief. This older, more experienced woman is idolized by Arthur, who has what can only be called an Oedipal attraction to her, "76 whom he constantly calls "my lost mama come back. She 61 occupies him so completely he feels he scarcely has a separate existence, as his "senses were occupied by her, and my mind was full of those ideas which her discourse commu- nicated."77 (This may be one sure I cannot--as a rational creature--I cannot-—change mY' resolution."153 Jane's comment clarifies her desire to 84 have good counsel back up what she perceives as her duty to Mrs. Fielder: "I want, I had almost said, I want to share your antipathies. I want only to be justified in "154 She also urges Henry to behave towards 155 obeying you. his father with "a submissive and suitable deportment." Though Mrs. Fielder, on her deathbed, confesses she has wronged Jane and Henry, Jane is not bitter but is consoled by the memory that she has been dutiful. The device of having Henry Colden returned to Jane, improved as a husband by his conversion, seems to justify the tenet that, except in extraordinary cases, behavior should conform to social 156 Through the character of Jane, reason is authority. made secondary to convention. Brown's main female characters test tenets of Godwin- ism, and the minor ones represent specific aspects of it. Gradually, the experiencescfifthese major characters, ranging from Clara Wieland and Constantia Dudley, to Clara Howard and Jane Talbot, suggest first that reason unsupported by experience is insufficient, and later that reason unsup- ported by social convention is dubious. Brown seems to have come to the conclusion that most human beings are incapable of handling moral responsibility in isolation. Though Godwinian elements remain, Brown's last novels beat a retreat from even the partial Godwinism of the earliest. 85 Feminism Brown's interest in feminism could have been initiated by any of a number of sources. One of the earli- est was probably his Quaker background. The Quakers' belief that all possess the Inner Light and their relative lack of a formal church hierarchy have made them traditional supporters of sexual equality. The numerous immigrants from England and France, radicals seeking asylum in America, brought ideas of female emancipation. Through them, Brown was probably familiar with Helvetius and Codercet, who viewed both sexes as equally dependent upon experience and knowledge.157 Brown was also, as has been noted, familiar with the basic ideas of Locke and thoroughly conversant with Godwin's Political Justice; the ontology of Locke and the ethics of Godwin prepared the way for Mary Wollstone- craft's A Vindication of the Rights of Women (1792). Brown's knowledge of this specific work seems highly probable. Many of his commentators have assumed it had had a direct influence on Alcuin: A Dialogue, Brown's full-length work on women's rights, and on Brown's characterization of women.158 Certainly Brown was familiar with Wollstonecraft, both from his knowledge of Godwin and from other sources. Brown's father owned a copy of Wollstonecraft's French Revolution, and the Monthly Magazine published an article 159 on her character. Brown may well have read her intro- duction to the Vindication when this was reprinted in 1793 86 in his favorite New York Magazine.160 It is, therefore, highly likely that Brown was familiar with Wollstonecraft and her feminist writings. His interest in feminism need not be supported by extraneous documents, as it is well- substantiated by several of his essays as well as by Alcuin, which will be examined after a summary of Wollstonecraft's feminism. Two works postulate Wollstonecraft's feminist views: her early Thoughts on the Education of Daughters (1787); and, more importantly, the well-known A Vindication of the Rights of Women (1792). Wollstonecraft's ideas stem in part from Locke and Godwin. From Locke, the human mind is seen as a white sheet of paper on which our experiences work through associationism to create ideas. Like Locke, she strongly emphasizes the use of reason and sees all human beings as equal and free. She also sees marriage as a com- pact. Of her ideas, those which might be considered Godwinian include the belief that cohabitation is evil, a fairly radical idea which does not find its way into her earlier writing. Like Godwin, she believes truth always overcomes falsehood; this, of course, leads to the view of . . . . 161 Sincerity as a primary Virtue. Her voice is as strong as his in denunciations of rank, luxury, and superstition. As the champion of women's equality, she had a special reason for denouncing the idleness:h1which luxury and rank resulted. 87 In essence, Mary Wollstonecraft worked from empiri— cism, associationism, and utilitarianism to insist that women, too, are human beings and are entitled to all conse- quent privileges. Women begin with the blank sheet of paper, and their follies and passions are the natural result of having little eXperience of worth. Women are not allowed to sharpen their capabihities by facing adversity.162 Intead of being taught to reason, they are taught to please. Because all true virtue is the result of reason, women can- not be virtuous. Over and over, Wollstonecraft inveighs against the idea of having a different standard of virtue for men and women, though she does state that women "may 163 have different duties to perform." By being taught only to please, women are robbed of virtue and decked with false . . 164 graces in its place. Because of her belief that women need both experi- ence and reason for virtue, Wollstonecraft formulated a number of suggestions on female education. First, she argues that women be encouraged to strengthen their bodies so that they can be healthy mothers and wives. At present: . . . the limbs and faculties are cramped with worse than Chinese bonds, and the sedentary life which they are condemned to live, while boys frolic in the open air, weakens the muscles and relaxes the nerves.1 5 Secondly, they should be taught to regulate their behavior by reason rather than by unthinking adherence to a network of specific rules. Likewise, they should choose their religious beliefs on the basis of their own reasoning, rather 88 than that of their husbands or fathers. They should not be taught to over-exercise and over-emphasize the sensibili- ties in place of reason since whatever "tends to make a person in some measure independent of the senses is a prOp to virtue."166 Women should be employed in serious matters rather than in an idle social round and in the sensuous pleasure of dress and make-up. Women should be taught not to be flattered by arbitrary insolent respect, paid to them only because they are women because those men who are most assiduous in this respect are often the most tyran- nical.167 Furthermore, unearned deference like inherited rank, corrupts. If women are given the opportunities to strengthen body and mind through experience and prOper edu- cation, Wollstonecraft promises an improvement in virtue, if not total equality. According to Wollstonecraft, there is no way of knowing whether or not "woman is essentially inferior to man because she has always been subjugated."168 Wollstonecraft devoted some thought to two themes which recur in Brown's novels: female chastity and marriage. She berates society's emphasis on the reputation of chastity rather than on actual chasteness, and considers the idea that the first sexual error depraves a woman's character completely absurd.169 She also considers it ridiculous for society to require only this one virtue in women: If the honour of a woman, as it is absurdly called, be safe, she may neglect every social duty, nay, ruin her family by gaming and extravagance; yet still preserve a shameless front--for truly she is an honourable woman! 1 89 Between 1787 and 1792, Wollstonecraft moved from advocating late marriage to recommending early marriage. As far as can be determined, her other views on marriage underwent no significant change. Not surprisingly, she holds that children should select their own marriage part- ners, though they might delay a marriage if the parents strongly disapprove. She insists that marriage would never be held sacred until women are capable of becoming their husbands' companions and not merely their mistresses because "Love, unsupported by esteem, must soon expire, or lead to depravity. . . ."171 This view of love is colored by her belief that reason should not merely guide but dominate the senses. She considers love resistible and believes one can love more than once. Consistently, she feels that a roman- tic sensibility is debilitating to men and women. More important than any one passion is the principle of univer- sal benevolence; here again the Godwinian influence is visible. In general, women should be educated as though they would have to take care of themselves--as well they might, for wives could become widows and daughters helpless depen- dents upon unconcerned relatives. Wollstonecraft does not wish women to have power over men, but over themselves. She summarizes her stance when she says: Moralists have unanimously agreed, that unless virtue be nursed by liberty, it will never attain due strength --and what they say of man I extend to mankind, insist- ing that in all cases morals must be fixed on immutable 90 principles; and that the being cannot be termed ratio$a% or Virtuous who obeys any authorityInn:that