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THE NATURE OF CONTACT BETWEEN
THE GOVERNMENT SYSTEM AND THE
RURAL SOCIAL SYSYEM: A NEPALESE EXAMPLE

BY

Sharad Prasad Dhital

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Sociology

1980

ABSTRACT
THE NATURE OF CONTACT BETWEEN

THE GOVERNMENT SYSTEM AND THE
RURAL SOCIAL SYSTEM: A NEPALESE EXAMPLE

BY
Sharad Prasad Dhital

We have identified, for our analytical purpose, two
distinct social systems taking a Nepalese example. The
first is the government system which seeks to actualize a
certain pace of modernization through a series of institu-
tions. The second is the rural social system which his-
torically has evolved to its present form more or less on
its own, with little outside influence. The study analyzes
various dimensions related to the mode of contact between
these two systems in terms of selected institutions,
specifically, education, transportation and marketing, and
agricultural extension. Such analysis is conducted under

the framework of some pertinent sociological theories.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER I
General Plan of Inquiry. . . . . . . . . . . .

 

Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
General Background. . . . . . . . . . .
Nepal' 5 Agricultural Development Policy .
Problem Context of Thesis . . . . . . . .
Objectives. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

CHAPTER II
In Search of Theoretical Insights. . . . . . .

 

Theories of Development Stressing Growing

Interdependence. . . . . . . . . . . .

Theory of Modernization . . . . . . . . .
Theories Emphasizing the Causes of

Development. . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Max Weber. . . . . . . . . . . . .

Everett E. Hagen . . . . . . . . .

David C. McClelland. . . . . . . .

Daniel Lerner. . . . . . . . . . .

CHAPTER III
The Nature of Contact Between "Outside-System"

 

and "Inside-System". . . . . . . . . . . . . .

 

A Typical Rural Social System . . . . .
A Simplified Model of a Typical Rural
Social System in the Hilly Region
of Nepal . . . . . . . . . . . .
Social Stratification . . . . . .
Landlord-Tenant Relationships . .
Education and the Rural Community
Transportation and Marketing. . .
Agricultural Extension. . . . . . .

CHAPTER IV
Summary and Conclusions. . . . . . . . . . . .

 

MPENDICES O O O O C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O

FOOTNOTES 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O C O O O O I

ii

CDChU'lubt-J H

10

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13

20
20
23
24
28

28
29
30
34
35
38
47
50
63
69

72

CHAPTER I

General Plan of Inquiry

 

Introduction

 

Nepal is a relative newcomer to the process of
modernization. Modernizing the rural economy is a major
concern for Nepal as in every developing country. Modern-
ization implies a deliberate and a directed attempt to
bring about social change. In such a process of social
change, two analytically distinct social systems come into
interplay. The first is the government system which seeks
to actualize a certain pace of modernization through a
series of institutions. An attempt is made to diffuse
desirable behavioral attributes, along with material means
to achieve predetermined goals in the rural areas. We
shall identify this system as the "outside-system" in the
modernization process. It is outside in the sense that
from the point of view of rural people, this system is
alien. Most rural people are not aware of the government
system and even those who are aware feel reluctant to
interact freely with it.

Secondly, there is the rural social system which
historically has evolved to its present form more or less

on its own, with little outside influence. Since simpler

2

societies are more directly conditioned by the immediate
environment than advanced ones, social behavior in rural
social systems, to a considerable degree, depends upon
man's adaptation to his ecological environment. Although
national level institutions exist in the rural area, their
influence is, at best, minimal up to the present time. As
Julian Steward suggests: "The individual lives within the
framework of a set of national institutions, but his non-
economic (in a simpler society even his economic) daily
activities are normally carried out within the context of
a fairly small segment of society that consists of people
substantially like himselfvflu3,therefore, may be said to

1 We shall identify this subculture

have a sub-culture."
or rural social system as the "inside-system." It isinside
in the sense that rural people identify themselves with

and interact freely within that system.

The process of modernization can be seen as a
process of contact and thereby a reciprocal interaction be-
tween these two systems. This is what has been and is now
the concern of the government of Nepal. Despite the gov-
ernment's effort of the past several decades, modernization
remains largely outside the purview of the rural social
system. For example, if productivity of food grains is
used as one of the outcome variables of modernization at
the material level, the data on the productivity of food

grains of Nepal over time exhibits a very poor performance.

(See Annex 1) This performance record suggests that the

3
interaction process between the "outside-system" and the
"inside-system" is not sufficiently developed to produce
desirable results. Initially, the whole process of mod-
ernization starts with the contact process between the two
systems. Effective interaction between the system would
seem to be essential in order to achieve effective modern-
ization goals. Therefore, to analyze various dimensions
related to the mode of contact between the "outside-
system" and "inside-system" is the central focus of this
study.

This study consists of four chapters. The first
chapter provides a general background, problem context,
objectives of the study, and establishes the general plan
of inquiry. The second chapter seeks to gain insights
from some of the more important and relevant sociological
theories of societal develOpment in general and of mod-
ernization in particular. The third chapter is devoted
to a brief account of a typical rural social system of
Nepal, and to the mode of contact between the "outside-
system" and the "inside-system" in terms of selected
institutions, specifically education, marketing and trans-
portation, and agricultural extension. Finally, in the
fourth chapter an attempt is made to draw some conclusions

from the previously presented analysis.

General Background

 

Nepal, with a total geographical area of 55,000
square miles, is inhabited by 12 million peOple.2 Recent
estimates indicate that 94 percent of the population de-
pends upon the agriculture and that 75 percent of the
total export earnings originate from the production of
that sector.3

The country may be divided into three distinct
regions. The first is the Terai, a relatively flat plain
which borders with India. The second region is the mid-
hills which includes the central part of the country. The
third region is a mountainous area which includes the
ever-snowcapped Himalaya Mountains. Agriculturally, the
most important region is the Terai known as "the grainery
of Nepal," followed by the mid-hills and then the mountain-
ous region.

The annual population growth rate of 2.4 percent
exceeds the estimated growth rate of food production (2
percent).4 The increase in food production, although
rather paltry, seems to come from an increase in additional
land brought under cultivation and from some increase in
cropping intensity. Thus, increased food production is
not due in any important way to increased productivity.
Productivity, defined in terms of production per crop per
unit of land, seems to be declining in the Hill region,
although there has been some insignificant gain in the

Terai. (See Annex 1)

5

The population of Nepal has at least three major
racial components. The Indo-Aryans, immigrants from India,
is the most important group both in terms of number as
well as socio-economic and political status. This group is
followed by the second group of Mongolian origin, and the
third group constitutes a minor proportion of aborigines.5

Nepal, by and large, is a Hindu society which has
a caste system. In crude terms, a caste is a rigid, here-
ditary, endogamous group ranked in relation to other groups
or castes in terms of ritual purity and religious status.
A caste again is divided into numerous sub-castes. If
Indo-Aryans belong to the caste system, the aborigines of
various ethnic groups fall outside the purview of the caste
system. However, the dominant Hindu culture has a signi-

ficant influence on these ethnic groups as well.

Nepal's Agricultural Development Policy

 

In a nutshell, the development policy of Nepal
centers around modernizing the rural economy by promoting
technological intervention under the existing socio-
economic and political structure without any radical
change. Since 1956, the agricultural sector has been
given top priority in subsequent national plans. Modern—
ization of the agricultural sector is characterized by the
efforts toward monetizaiion of the rural economy, the
institutionalization of various agricultural services

(agricultural research and extension, input-supply, credit

6
supply, marketing, land-reform, cooperative societies,
irrigation, etc.), the development of various aspects of
the infrastructure, and the creation and promotion of
trained manpower. Under the circumstances of rudimentary
development of the private sector, the government or
semi-government employees are seen as the unit-carriers

and stimulants of change in the rural communities.

Problem Context of Thesis

 

In the introduction of this chapter, we identified
two systems, the "outside" and "inside-systems." We also
mentioned that the "outside-system" has more or less
failed to penetrate the "inside-system" and to ensure the
continuous process of interaction between them. Emerging
from such a condition, we made the mode of contact between
the two systems the central focus of this study.

If the analysis of mode of contact between the two
systems considers those aspects of initiating and promoting
modernization, the review of literature on modernization
cautions against two major problems. We can call them
"outcome problems," as they are results of modernization.
The first arises from the distorted and unbalanced absorp-
tion of the functions of the "outside-system" by the
farmers. To clarify this problem, one example is given
here: The Agricultural Credit Institution, a unit of the
system of government in Nepal, disburses production credit

in the agricultural sector. However, in the absence of

7
other interrelated functions of the outside-system (for
example, inputs or marketing) or in the absence of the
absorption of such functions by the farmers, the credit
insitution does harm rather than benefit to the farmers.
The explicit assumption of credit disbursement is that
money borrowed by farmers would be used in the better
allocation mix of the factors of production, and would be
repaid by the earnings from the sale of increased output
after retaining a certain profit margin level by the enter-
preneurs. But, in the absence of an increased increment

in productivity (which is typical of Nepal) because of the
nonavailability of related functions or because of the

partial absorption of functions by the farmers, the credit

 

institutionflfggghggwiflg£§§§§§1Lnralrindebtedness, thus

 

pauperizing the farmers even more. Identification of this

problem points out the need to see various functions of

the "outside-system" as interrelated units of that

system. That is, change in the function of one unit leads

to change in the function of other units of the system.
The third problem, also an "outcome problem" of

modernization, is the inherent problem of modernization

itself and is well-documented in the literature. That is,

modernéietéenw Q?E..9911hyp.assesrme-people iann

F‘W «own

social Stréfiiiigétign system of.amsociety, but also tends

 

to pull out the resources from them, thus_further pushing

them into deepermpoyerty. The eviction of tenants by the

MM... -
MW

landlords after the Opportunity of profit, made possible by

8

the "Green Revolution" in India, is a good example. Also,
Briscoe conducted a very perceptive, empirical research in
a village in Bangladesh. Having shown the changingpatterns
of social organization because of modernization, he con-
cludes: "agricultural development in Bangladesh is essen-
tial but at the same time disastrous to the majority of
small farmers."6

The problems identified above are the fundamental
issues selected from the broad topic of modernization on
which to focus in this study. Therefore, the major task
of analyzing the mode of contact between the systems will

be done in the framework of outcome problems just

identified.

Objectives

 

The major objectives of this study are:

1. To explore the nature of contact between the
"outside-system" (seen in terms of selected institutions,
specifically education, marketing and transportation,
and agricultural extension), and the "inside-system" of
social organization of the rural area.

2. In doing so, it is our purpose to establish a
theoretical framework against which the nature of the
contact process will be analyzed, and to view the nature
of contact between the two systems under the framework of
two "outcome problems" identified earlier.

This study is to be conducted in the locational

9
context of the Hill region of Nepal. While discussing the
rural social system of Nepal in the third chapter, a typo-
logy of the rural community will be constructed. We do not
deny that there are some significant variations from one
community to another. At the same time, there are certain
similarities among them. It is also true that various dif-
ferences can be found on some specific aspects of social
organization at a particular level. We attempt to capi-
talize on commonalities in the mental reconstruction of a
typical rural community. At this point, it should be noted
that to the extent that a rural community in reality is
similar to our typology, the arguments of this study may
apply.

Finally, this study is envisaged to be descriptive,
generalized, and couched in an appropriate level ofabstrac-
tion since it has not been possible to conduct original
fieldwork. At the same time, the paucity of accessible
materials does not permit empirical rigor in the study.

The study, then, mustfibe_made based on and supported by
whatever published materials_are_available. To the extent
that it is possible, evidence for the key arguments will

be provided by drawing parallel instances from other places
under similar conditions. Also, having observed various
rural communities of Nepal in several years of work exper-
ience, the writer's personal observations will be used to

support the arguments.

CHAPTER I I

In Search of Theoretical Insights

 

Sociologists from the very beginning were concerned
with theories of societal development. However, this con-
cern was greatly revitalized after 1950 when new nations in
Asia and Africa began to emerge. Along with them, there
came an urgent need for a comprehensive theory of develop-
ment to enhance understanding and to provide insights for
practical action. The ultimate goal was to induce changes
in such nations in order to bring them closer to the devel-
opment level of Western nations. For our purpose, theories
of societal development can be classified into two broad
categories: a) theories which stress the nature and form
of social life, and b) theories which stress the causes of
social change. Social change often has been classified as
imminent change and contact change. Contact change is again
divided into selective contact change and directed contact
change.1 If imminent change refers to social changes ori-
ginating from within its own social system, contact change
refers to the process of modernization, which source of
change is outside its own social system.

In order to give a general picture, first of all,
we shall simply put major theories of societal development

under some classificatory scheme, and having done so,

10

11
emphasis shall be given to those theories that stress the
causes of social development. The area so delimited is
of practical importance as it narrows the scope to those
aspects which might give some clues and leverage for prac-
tical action toward deliberately effecting change in a
traditional society.

Julian Steward gives a perspective on cultural
change that leads to societal development. He identifies
three types of theories of cultural change which are:

a) unilinear evolution, b) cultural relativism, and c)
multilinear evolution.2 The theory of unilinear evolution
assumes that societal deve10pment occurs as a result of
evolutionary change, considered to occur in a linear fashion
in every society. The theory of cultural relativism

places emphasis upon the importance of culture in the
process of societal development. And the theory of multi-
linear evolution argues that the process of evolution can
take a multitude of forms in different social systems.

There is a whole array of theories of societal
deve10pment in the sociological literature. We shall
simply name them, based on one classificatory scheme of
contemporary theory of social change, as given by Gerald
Zaltman and Duncan Robert. The authors identify five major
types of sociological theories, which are: "positivistic
organicism, conflict theory, sociological formalism, social
behaviorism and functionalism. Some of these schools have

developed major subbranches: positivistic organicism

12

partly subdivided into traditional organicism, biological
organicism and voluntaristic positivism before it disinte-
grated in recent times into pure organicism and pure posi—
tivism. Sociological formalism subdivided from the
beginning into pluralistic behaviorism, symbolic inter-
actionism, and social action theory. Functionalism is
divided into macrofunctionalism and microfunctionalism."3

Having enumerated major sociological theories,
perhaps at this point the classificatory scheme of Szymon
Chodak can be very useful to open further discussion.
Chodak, after reviewing contemporary literature, distin-
guishes at least five approaches taken in the formulation
of theories in an attempt to understand the process of
societal development. They are: a) evolutionary theories,
b) theories of development that stress the process of
growing interdependence, c) theories interested in motiva-
tion of action objectively producing the effect of develop-
ment, 6) theories concerned with specific aspects of the
process of societal develOpment, e. 9., economic, political
develOpment, and e) theories concerned with specific modes
of action sparking organized development.4

In what follows, since our interest is in those
theories that emphasize the causes of development, we shall
omit discussions of the theories under the first (evolu—
tionary) and third approaches (specific aspects). We
shall give a very succinct version of theories under the

second approach and elaborate those theories concerned with

13

modernization and causes of development.

Theories of Development Stressing Growing Interdependence

 

Theories under this category emphasize growing
social differentiation in the process of societal develop-
ment, resulting in growing "systemness" and interdependence.
Among American sociologists, MacIver and Page have empha-
sized the role of differentiation in social change. Social
differentiation entails the creation of new roles, institu-
tions, values and social relationships. Cautioning against
drawing parallels between biological and social evolution,
these theorists recognize that social differentiation can
take a multitude of forms in different social systems. An
array of sociological theories can be included in this
category: Toennies', Gemeinschaft vs. Gesellschaft;
Weber's traditional vs. rational legal authority; Durkheim's
mechanical vs. organic solidarity; Sir Henry Main's status
vs. contract; Robert Redfield's folk vs. urban culture;
Howard Becker's sacred vs. secular; F. X. Sulton's com-
munal vs. associational; and the characteristics of pattern
variables which are: diffusion vs. specificity, ascription
vs. achievement, particularism vs. universalism, collective
orientation vs. self-orientation and affectivity vs.

affective neutrality.

Theory of Modernization

 

For the sake of brevity, we shall limit ourselves

to the fundamental characteristics of modernization. At

14
the very outset, it should be mentioned that we shall
abstain from placing any value judgments on modernization.
At the same time we cannot deny that modernization is the
major concern of every developing society and that dif-
ferent evaluations of modernization are given.

To Open our discussion, we shall use Chodak's three
basic types of modernization, which are: a) industrial
modernization, b) acculturative modernization, and c) in-
duced modernization.5 Industrial modernizatuion refers to
industrial development leading to modernization. Northern
European modernization was essentially an industrial mod-
ernization to the extent that the industrial revolution
altered the very structure of such societies. Thus, indus-
trialization first started in Northern Europe, and in due
course of time other nations also were caught up in this
process and collectively came to be known as developed
countries. These developed countries are often considered
models or "pace-setters" or reference points for developing
countries.

Modernization of developing countries does not

w—w-—“'

refer to the process of industrial development on its own,

"-

thereby leading to modernization, but starts with the
Iinkages established with developed countries. "Thus,
modernization is not a self-sustaining evolutionary process
progressing on its own. Rather, it is a process of emula-
tion, of the transplantation of patterns and products from

the achievements of other countries to one's own. It is

15
striving to equalize one's own level of development with
the most advanced and modern achievements of others."6

Acculturative modernization occurs in the process
of interaction between a developed and developing societies
whereby the cultural elements of the former get diffused
in the latter. What distinguished this type of moderniza-
tion is the absence of controlled, guided, or deliberate
attempt at cultural transformation from the developed to
the developing country.

In the contemporary scene of develOpment, striving
by developing countries to induce modernization is the most
important type. Induced modernization entails a guided and
deliberate attempt to bring about social change in a soci-
ety. When communication linkage is established between a
developed and a developing society, in due course of time
a group emerges in the latter by the virtue of education
and/or socio-economic status which possesses certain beha-
vioral attributes of the developed country. At the same
time, that group does not become completely detached from
its traditional ties. The notion of "third culture" or
"buffer culture" characterizes such a situation. Members
of this group become the personnel who come to occupy
different positions in the government. The government
plays a very important role in the initial stage of
modernization. As a matter of fact, the lesser the level
of modernization, the stronger will be the role played by

by government. Employees of the government are supposed to

l6

induce changes in the rural sector. Hence, "modernization
is a mode of inducing development from above. Moderniza-
tion is successful only if it sparks a reciprocal trend
at the grass roots, an orientation toward change, variant
innovations in pursuit of higher standards of living."7

In keeping with this line of argument, whatever
caused change in Europe (either changes in modes of produc-
tion and technical innovation leading to changes in the
social and political sphere or vice versa), social and
political reform is fundamental in developing countries in
order to Spearhead changes in the modes of production and
in creating a favorable climate for technical innovation.
Similarly, while it was industrialization in Europe that
gave birth to modernization, in the case of developing
countries the process of modernization may lead to indus-
trialization.

According to Marion J. Levy: "A society will be
considered more or less modernized, to the extent that its
member use inanimate sources of power and/or use tools to

multiply the effects of their efforts."8

This gives a
narrow perspective and does not take into account struc-
tural changes occurring in the process of modernization.
Eisenstadt gives a more comprehensive picture. He recog-
nizes two key aspects of modernization: structural charac-
teristics and the adaptiveness of socio-economic systems.

The structural characteristics include economic speciali-

zation, the breakdown of ascriptive criteria, the increase

17
of mobility, urbanization, the development of a highly
differentiated political structure, the spread of political
participation, the differentiation of cultural and value
systems, and the growth of a widespread commumication
network. The adaptiveness of sociocultural systems refers
not only to the generation of continuous change but also

the capacity . . .of absorbing changes beyond its own
institutional premises."9
Friedland's sociological definition of social mod-
ernization is similar to Eisenstadt's understanding. He
defines it ". . .in terms of adaptiveness; that is, the
ability of a society to confront, overcome, and indeed
prepare itself for new challenges by rearranging its social
structure. Whether challenges originate from internal
social dynamics, from external social contact, from the
impact of natural forces, or from other sources, modernizing
societies must be able to accomodate to the need for
change."10
In the process of modernization, proliferation of
roles and institutional networks take place. It happens
basically in three ways: innovation occurring within a
social system, adaptation of innovation from outside, and
diffusion, that is acceptance of such innovation by the
population at large. Friedland identifies three possible
means through which innovation can take place: through

differentiation, where a single role or institution is

divided into two or more new roles or institutions; through

18

a recombination of existing roles and/or institutions;
and through the introduction of a completely new role or
institution.11

If the proliferation of different roles is the
central mechanism through which modernization starts and
proceeds, then it is necessary to increase such roles in
the social structure either through innovation from within
the "inside-system." In doing so, the content of the new
roles has to be acceptable to the members of the "inside-
system." In this diffusion process, an effective system
of communication has to be established between these two
systems ensuring a continuous reciprocal interaction.

Again, the concept of and the content of new roles
which are shaped by the "outside-system"--mainly by the
members of "buffer-culture"--are not by any means indepen-
dent. They are also external to those who depend upon the
pace setters or developed countries. However, we do not
intend to explore that aspect here. But it should be
noted that the modernization process includes selection,
modification, and adaptation of the content of roles from
the role inventory of the developed countries. Such roles
then have to be accepted by population at large to give
them a structural dimension. Therefore, parallel to con-
ceptualization of such roles, an institutional embodiment
for organized action must be built, and a political system
must be developed. "Thus, modernization becomes a process

of learning--learning about the vices and virtues in the

l9
achievements of others--and a process of paving the roads
and bridges into the future of new nations with blocks of
concentrated experience from other nations."12
Modernization then is a process of change. "The
very fact that modernization entails continual changes in
all major spheres of a society means of necessity that it
involves processes of disorganization and dislocation with
the continual development of social problems, cleavages and
conflicts between various groups and movement of protest,

resistance to change."13

Following the same line of argu-
ment, Friedland reports "deviant behavior, anomie, juvenile
delinquency hoolinganism, crime, insanity and riots are all
manifestations of the problems implicit in continuous and
sustained social change. While such problems are found in
all societies, they appear to be more serious during

14 Likewise the notion of "cultural lag"

modernization."
can be fitted in here, which states that change is inex-
orable and, therefore, new cultural items are likely to
appear which do not fit perfectly with the rest of pre-
existing culture.15

If modernization entails social change, and social
change in turn entails a certain disequillibrium in a
social system, then disequillibrium is inevitable in the
process of modernization. Therefore, the crucial issue is
to maintain disequillibrium to an optimum level where a

society neither becomes static nor disintegrates into

chaos. Everett Rogers calls this state of affairs to be

20

a "dynamic equillibrium."l6

Theories Emphasizing the Causes of Development

 

The theories in this category attempt to understand
the underlying causes of development of a society rather
than to account or observe the nature of forms of social
life in the development process. Such theories have a
strong psychological orientation starting at the individual
or microlevel with a belief that change at the individual
level will eventually lead to change at the societal level.
This tradition of understanding was initiated by Max Weber,
and the psychological component of the Weberian tradition
can be seen in the work of other scholars. At present, we
shall limit ourselves to a brief discussion of the most
important and sophisticated efforts of a few scholars,
including Weber himself. What is important for us is that
if the underlying causes of development are manipulable,
then they might provide some insight into the process of

inducing modernization in the developing countries.

Max Weber

 

The contributions of Max Weber are so well known
that they are considered classical pieces of sociological
writing. Of all his work, we have special interest in

The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, since it

 

focuses on the causes of the development of capitalism.
In the beginning of his discussion, Weber puts forward a

statistical fact that leaders in business, owners of

21
capital, skilled and technically trained personnel of modern
enterprises of the West are overwhelmingly Protestant.
According to Anthony Giddens, Weber maintains that "this is
not merely a contemporary phenomenon, but also is an
historical fact: tracing the association back, it can be
shown that some of the early centers of capitalist develop-
ment in the early part of the sixteenth century were strong-
1y Protestant."17

In a nutshell, Weber argues that the religious
teachings of Protestantism, characterized by behavioral
attributes like devotion to the legitimate economic acti-
vity, avoidance of extravagant use of income, performance
of a chosen vocation as a duty and a virtue, and a strin-
gent attitude toward relaxation and enjoyment, was not the
only, but one of the most important, factors in the devel—
opment of capitalism. It should be noted that whatever
carried or sustained the capitalistic process once begun,
Protestantism was the original impetus for this process.

It is not the details of Weber's writing per gs,
but rather the implications that can be derived from his
work, that interest us.

There is no question but that Weber's work stim-
ulated interest by a number of other scholars, a few of
whose works will be discussed later. At present, the most
important implications for modernization contained in The

Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism can be

 

enumerated as follows:

22

l. The important role that religion plays in the
process of development of modernization. Interpreted dif-
ferently, if religion can be viewed as an ideology gov-
erning or influencing the social organization of a society,
then the right type of ideology has to be developed in
a given society based on given particular conditions.

2. Those aspects of a given religion of a devel-
Oping country have to be highlighted which are commensurate
with an ideology to initiate modernization.

3. Frank Young and Ruth Young have deduced prac-
tical implications from Weber's work. In their own words:
"The Protestant sects were functioning groups, and may be
seen as sources of innovation for the whole society. That
is, if a given religious sect was able to find an organiza-
tional niche for itself, then all of the activity of that
sect, including the business acumen of members of the con-
gregation, would be available to the society and would in-
fluence the other institutions."18

4. Following the argument that a sub-group within
a group can give "push from below" in the process of de-
velopment, a "sub-community" within a community having
certain characteristic attributes, if acted upon or stimu-
lated properly (by the government in case of inverse
modernization) may contribute to the development of the

larger community.

23

Everett E. Hagen's Theory of Status Withdrawal

 

Hagen also employs the model of extrapolation by
differentiating between traditional man on one hand, and
modernmmnion the other. He says that traditional society
is dominated by an authoritarian personality who makes the
decisions based on patterns established by tradition and
authority and expects the same from his subordinates. He
wants to avoid anxiety brought about by being independent
and by changes in established patterns of behavior. Thus,
he becomes hostile to innovations and change.

On the other hand, modern society is characterized
by the innovational personality. He persistently seeks new
solutions to problems and acknowledges the causative inter-
connections of various phenomena around him. He searches
for new ways in his pursuit of achievement.

To the issue of how the authoritarian personality
changes to the innovative personality, Hagen answers that
this happens under the circumstances of "status withdrawal."
The central core of his argument is that in a traditional
society, under certain circumstances when a group becomes
dispossessed of its awarded status, it eventually produces
different types of personalities. "Anxiety and resentment
cumulated and bred from generations give rise to a series
of generational personalities: first, the retreatist,
followed by the ritualist, the innovational, and finally
the reformist personality which, in his views, is typical

19

for modern changing societies." Hagen argues that this

24
transformation occurs as a result of child-rearing
practices.

Again, the central issue for us is what the "status
withdrawal" theory offers as a guide for policy formulation
in developing countries. As Chodak says, "certainly not
that they (developing nations) should breed innovators by
withdrawing status from selected groups."20

It is very difficult to draw many practical impli-
cations from Hagen's process of induced modernization.
However, his contribution can be seen in the argument that

innovative personalities often originate from culturally

and socially marginal groups.

David C. McClelland and Achievement Motivation

 

McClelland's theory is one of the most rigorous and
empirically grounded formulations. It became well-known

after he published his work entitled The Achieving Society

 

in 1961 and subsequent writings. The fundamental tenet of
his theory is that need for achievement, technically called
nAch, is the most important source of motivation eventually
leading to economic development. McClelland regards nAch
as "competition with a standard of excellence" whereby an
individual has the thrust to excel.

According to J. E. Goldthorpe, McClelland cites the
success of a ten-day motivational training program for
businessmen in India. "More than half the business leaders

so trained showed marked increases in business activity.

25
In the two years after attending the seminar they invested
twice as much and created twice as many jobs as a compar-

21 At the

able group who had not undergone the course."
same time, McClelland advocates nAch training for women as
well. For, "it appears not to be possible to maintain

an achievement ideology in a population which is, so to
speak, "half slave and half free." Furthermore, women as
wives and mothers play enormously important roles in en-
couraging achievement in the male half of pOpulation."22

At the same time, Goldthorpe reports that
McClelland's colleague Winterbottom had shown that the
development of nAch takes place at a fairly early age
(about eight years) which depends upon the teachings of
parents to gain a "self-reliant mastery." It has also been
shown that if such teachings of "self-reliant mastery" are
taught too early, then children can have reduced self-
confidence; and on the other hand, if too late, then their
nAch will remain low.

McClelland's theory is as much criticized as it is
well-known. A few of the criticisms take the form of ques-
tions such as: Can nAch be taught effectively or not?
Should the investment made in teaching be made elsewhere?
What is the guarantee that a person with high nAch will
work for his personal achievement under the prevailing
social norm? As David B. Macklin points out, they may be

23

deviant and work against the society. Does this indi-

vidualistic orientation fit into the collective orientation

26
of the people in develOping countries?

Whatever the criticism, the development of "need
for excellence," together with the moral element if taught
and inculcated, can be a motivational force to stimulate
economic development. While treating the implication of
McClelland's theory for the developing country, Goldthorpe
writes: "In at least one sphere, this is largely under the
direct control of governments, namely, in the schools and
there seems no reason why a government which takes
McClelland's finding seriously should not act directly on,
for example the content of children's first school reading

books."24

Lerner's Concept of Empathy

 

The key concept of The Passing of Traditional

 

Society is empathy, used by Lerner for the combined meaning
of the terms "introjection" and "projection." According to
William H. Friedland, "introjection" is the ability to
attribute to self the desirable attributes of others, and
"projection" is the ability to assign to other objects the

25

preferred attributes of self. In simple terms, Lerner

defines empathy as "the capacity to see oneself in other

26 According to him, traditional so-

fellows' situation."
ciety has a low empathy, and it can be increased by the
development of communication and education. However, it
should be noted, as does Douglas E. Ashford, that "empathy

does not tell the observor anything about the substance of

27

the respondent's attitudes, but only provides an indication
of the versatility and expansiveness of his attitudes."27

In this chapter, we discussed some of the pertinent
sociological theories of societal development. A greater
emphasis was given to those theories concerned with causes
of development. Having analyzed the nature of modernization
process, we saw the works of Weber, Hagen, McClelland and
Lerner, who took a socio-psychological approach. The
various concepts of these theories will be used in our
systems analysis. The analysis again has to be seen under

the context of modernization theory that we discussed

before.

CHAPTER I I I

The Nature of Contact Between

 

"Outside-System" and "Inside-System"

 

The sociological theories discussed so far suf-

ficiently stress that it is not merely EAQ.QQQEEE}§EEQE_05

w“._~._c—u-W'~‘— --¢q'—-v..

capital orothehpresence of physical resources that stimu-

/

lates a sustaining process of development, but rather a

M

certain sociQfPSYChological drive that initiates.asociety's

, a... I
Q,‘-‘-""

 

driye_tgward development. Such a socio-psychological
atmosphere seems to be a precondition that nurtures the
process of development. Therefore, at the center of such
a philOSOphy remains the central figure of development--
man. That is, man working within a structural context.
Man becomes the parameter and other physical resources and
technology are the variables.

Following this line of argument, this chapter
deals with the various institutions of the "outside-system"
in a situation of contact with the "inside-system." Of the
various institutions, education, marketing and transpor-
tation, and agricultural extension are selected for dis-
cussion here.

Before proceeding with our analysis, an introductory
note on a typical rural social system pertaining to the

Hill Region of Nepal is in order, upon or within which the

28

29

various outside institutions operate.

A Typical Rural Social System

 

A system is a unit whole of functionally related
parts or sub-units. When it possesses a relational dimen-
sion, then it can be called a social system. Rogers and
Burdge define a social system as "a collectivity of units
that are functionally differentiated and that are engaged
in joint problem-solving with respect to a common goal."1
And when such a social system is seen within a rural area,
then it can be called a rural society system.

To start the discussion, we follow Axinn's model of
a typical rural system. He characterizes such a system as
having eight functional components, interrelated with each
other through a linkage infrastructure. These components
are all set into a social, political, economic, religious,
cultural and physical environment. The eight functional
components are a) production, b) supply, c) marketing, d)
governance, e) research, f) education/extension, g) health
care, and h) personal maintenance.2 As different compo-
nents are interrelated, change in one brings change in
another. It is also equally true that resistance to change
in one leads to resistance to change in another.

When a society is in its traditional stage, all of
these functions are diffused with minimal specialization.
These functions are carried out through an extended family

system and one individual carries out different functions.

30
Age and sex are often the important factors in the division
of labor associated with differential allocations of rewards.
For instance, age may be associated with the governance
function, among others.

We shall follow this pattern and attempt to men-
tally reconstruct a simplified model of a typical rural
system of Nepal in the Hilly Region. Specific variations
in different social systems may be anticipated, based on
ethnic, demographic, level of development or integration,
and other factors. However, we shall concentrate on
fundamental characteristics at a general level which might

hold true across the various social systems.

A Simplified Model of a Typical Rural Social System

 

in the Hilly Region of Nepal

 

The production function in a rural village can be
analytically separated into two categories. First, the
production function can be seen ecologically, that is, the
nature of exploitation of physical resources by the members
of a society. Second, it can be seen in terms of the
production relations reflected in social stratification.

Agricultural production in Nepal is carried out in
small, fragmented plots of land. An average household in
the hills and mountainous regions (hereafter collectively
called the Hilly Region) cultivated 0.4 to 0.6 hectares of

3

land. The farmers in the hills are faced with a necessity

of exploiting one ecological niche, whereas their

3l
counterparts in the Tarai exploit various economic niches.
This occurs as the mountains, standing as a barrier in the
development of transporation and communication, lag far
behind in social and cultural contact with the larger
society. Hence, economic opportunities are minimal.

Production of different commodities in the Hills
depends upon various ecological zones. Ftn:instance, paddy
is predominantly grown in valleys and river basins. Maize,
potato, millet, etc. are grown on high altitude areas.
Crops and livestock are an integral part of the production
system, where one supplements the other. Livestock pro—
vides manure, milk, meat, wool, and power, and crops, in
turn, provide the fodder for the animals. Often different
types of livestock, like buffaloes, cows, goats, etc. are
raised for different purposes. Besides, a few fruit trees
and birds, such as poultry or pigeons, can also be simul-
taneously raised.

The simultaneous undertaking of different commodity
production, or different combinations of the commodities,
can be understood in viewing the subsistence nature of
production whereby a household tries to produce most of
what it needs. This strategy is also functional in
spreading the risk over different enterprises. For example,
if the paddy production in the valley is damaged due to
drought or other reasons, at least there will be some
harvest left from upland crOps.

Often a tiny parcel of land near the house is used

o!

.4
.‘.

32

for vegetable production, either grown separately or in
combination with other crOps. This is functional in that
vegetables need intensive care. They last longer in the
field than in the store, since there is not any cold-
storage facilities available in rural areas, and they
provide a handy source of food near the house.

Most of the labor is provided by the members of the
household. In the peak season of labor demand (transplan-
ting and harvesting) as well as during other occasions,
labor exchange takes place whereby some members of a
household work for other households in return of the same
at the time of need.

Marketing is done based on the barter system.

There is very little monetary transaction in the exchange
of goods. Mostly, non-agricultural products (blacksmiths,
pottery) are produced by the occupational castes and are
exchanged for food grains.

The basic unit of the rural social system in Nepal
is the joint or extended family. The joint family consists
of two or more nuclear families whose male heads are close,
oonsanguineous kin. They live together in the same house,
cook together, hold property in common, and worship the
same deities. The oldest man of the household adjudicates
intrafamily disputes. He also makes day to day decisions
concerning farming operations and other important affairs.

After the death of the main household head, dif-

ferent nuclear families separate from each other, dividing

33

property among themselves and living in different houses.
They often live nearby and maintain close kinship ties.
OVer time, the separated nuclear family grows into a new
joint family and repeats the same cycle. Such separation
of nuclear families can also occur before the death of the
main household head, often stemming from intra-family con-
flicts among various nuclear families. Females commonly
do not inherit the property of their fathers, although
present law states that if a woman remains in her father's
household without getting married until age 35, she is en-
titled to some inheritance.

The settlement pattern is very closely associated
with the extended family system. Okada argues that "a
ward (a village) is basically composed of several patri-
lineage or unilateral descent groups in the male line which
typically cluster together in a given section, neighborhood,
or locality of the ward."4

Okada found in his study of a district that all 22
households of the "Sarki" caste were found concentrated in
ward 8. Also in ward 8 were 24 "Chetri" households and
20 of them were of the "Thapa" sub-caste. Similarly, 30 of

5 A

the 34 ethnic "Tamang" families were found in ward 5.
ward is the smallest identifiable administrative unit.

These various families are grouped into endogamous
castes or sub-castes that define social rank, mode of social

interaction and occupational categories. Often marriage

relations are outside of the village which helps to tie

(ll

rrf

n.-

34

different villages together.

Social stratification

 

A typical rural community is non-egalitarian in
nature and the present social stratification system may be
partially a result of crystallization of the caste system.
Sanskritization, an anthropological term meaning the cul-
tural dominance of Hindus over non-Hindus, is associated
with differential allocations of rewards, be they economic,
symbolic or influence.

Caste is essentially a social rank where Brahmins
and the Brahminic system of values occupy the central
position in social structure and the relative position
of other groups or social ranks are determined with ref-
erence to Brahmins. Ideologically, the caste system
draws parallels between the cosmic and social order of
life, based on purity and pollution which is ascriptive.
Monorific forms of social behavior are required of the low
caste in the social interaction with the high caste. As
Weber says, "caste, that is, the ritual rights and duties
it gives and imposes and the position of Brahmans, is the
fundamental institution of Hinduism."6

In contemporary sociological literature, according
to Greenwold, there are two opposing views of the caste
system. One gives emphasis to a purely ritualistic model
of caste, where power, social control and social behavior

submit to the rule of religion. The other view stresses

35

the importance of political and economic underpinning of
the system. "The basis of rank is the unequal distribu-
tion of economic resources, political power and social
prestige. The language of ritual purity is merely the means
through which political and economic factors are validated
and/or expressed."7

Historically in Nepal, Brahmans and the ruling
elite, Kshatriyas, invariably formed a close alliance
whereby one legitimized the position of the other. As a
result of these mutual relations, economic resources were
highly controlled by them. This is reflected at present in
the rural community, where "they (Brahmans and Kshatriyas)
usually constitute a significant proportion of the local
elites and are frequently the largest landowners in an
area."8 It also should be noted that economic possessions
reinforce social status in the caste hierarchy, mostly
intra-caste wise, and in rare instances, also inter-caste
wise. However, a member of an "unclean" caste can get
higher social status than a "clean caste" even if economi-

cally well-off, which is also unlikely.

Landlord-Tenant Relationships

 

Land not only is considered a means of economic
security, but also a symbol of social status. Taking
Nepal as a whole, 55 percent of farmers are owner-
cultivators who»till 49 percent of the cultivated land.

Landlords (3.3%) own 26.9 percent of the cultivated land.

3'...»-

. .
in!“
5

[ant

.p“
u.»

‘th‘

 

 

‘
i
1

.

36
Owner-cum-tenants (20.7 percent) cultivate 15.4 percent of
land and tenants (10.8 percent) cultivate 8.6 percent of
the land. (Refer to Annex 2 for details)

The man/land ratio is higher in the hills than
national average, and an average family cultivates only
0.4 to 0.6 hectares of land. Ordinarily, the patron-client
relationship means the exploitation of the peasantry by the
central government as well as by the non-peasant elites.
This holds true in rural Nepal but to a moderate degree
and is by no means as severe a relationship as in the large
"hacienda" of South America. This is true because mostof
the farmers do not work solely for the landlords; a
majority of them are owner—cultivators.

A typical rural community in the hills is charac-
terized by very few landlords (who abstain from cultivating
land themselves), a majority of owner—cultivators and
owner-cum-tenants, tenants, and then landless workers.

The tenants give about 50 percent of the harvest to the
landlords who provide land. Occupational castes work for
landed castes in exchange for food grains or some form of
cropsharing. This relationship is called "jajmani system,"
a term used in popular anthropological parlance.

As a rule, poor peasants provide labor to richer
peasants, and at the top remain the landlords who are in a
strong position to extract labor from poor peasants in
exchange for food grains and other services.

The landlords provide a basic means of subsistence

37
for occupational castes and occasional economic help for
tenants. They also provide a form of crisis insurance.
Prindle, in his study of Tinglatar village, describes
how landlords and relatively rich peasants were made to
share their grain in the form of loans or sometimes even

9 They were not allowed to sell

grants during a famine.
food grains outside of the community. All of this was done
through a social mechanism of ostracism and public ridicule
against those who were hoarding during famine. The land-
lords also provide brokerage and exert some influence with
the government officials in behalf of poor peasants. The
poor peasants, in turn, provide basic labor services in
agriculture and other supplementary work.

To conclude, a typical rural community is closed,
where "the villagers' conceptualization of the central
government or the (outside-system) is somewhat ambiguous;
for them it is a powerful but potentially a dangerous

10 The often-heard cliche, "always avoid the rear

ally."
of a horse and the front of an officer," suggests their
distrust and fear of the government. The village functions
on consensus, whereby village institutions are supported by
ceremonial appeals, religious doctrines, norms and values.
Often, conflict and factions are_as_much an aspect of the
rural communitywas_is consensus. Generally speaking, it is
also true that a kin-group, though internally conflict-

ridden, unite in confrontation with others. The villagers

also pose a united front to outsiders. The typical village

38
is ascriptive, familistic, localistic, and non-egalitarian.
It is reinforced by the caste system and isolated from

other villages and the "outside-system."

Education and the Rural Community

 

Education for present purposes is seen as an insti-
tution of extra-village origin, trying to make an entree
into the rural social system in order to bring about socio-
cultural change. Education is used here interchangeably
with formal schooling. The importance of education in the
modernization of deve10ping countries as a group is well
understood and is reflected by the spending of the same
proportion of their resources on education as the richer
countries.11

In the empirical investigation of the role of
education in bringing about individual modernity, various
theoretical concepts have been used. Of them, the notion
of "empathy," need-Achievement (nAch), aspiration, innova-
tiveness, economic and political participation have been
widely and cumulatively used as the attitudinal index of
individual modernity. Education, thus, is considered as
an antecedent variable, which through increased media
consumption, brings about the behavioral attributes of
individual modernity.

Lerner, Rogers, Inkeles and other students of
modernization have given emphasis to education in bridging
the cultural gap between the "outside-system" and "inside-

system." The fundamental tenet of Lerner is that

.
‘Fc'
“obit

vu‘u r

23:1:

a fin.
“V.

.“n; .
“in‘.

n‘:

v“

39
increasing urbanization increases literacy, and increasing
literacy results in increasing media exposure, which

then brings about individual modernity. In The Passing of

 

Traditional Society, he writes about a worldwide phenomenon

 

where "increasing urbanization has tended to raise liter-
acy, raising literacy has tended to increase media exposure;
increasing media exposure has "gone with" wider economic
participation (per capita income) and political partici-
pation (voting)."12

According to Lerner, literacy increases empathy on
the part of an individual. He variously explains empathy
as "individuals' capacity for identification with new
aspects of environment": "the capacity for rearranging
the self system on short-notice"; and "psychic mobility."
For him, empathy is a pre-condition for individual
modernization.

Rogers, in a study of "Communication and Moderni-
zation" in a Colombian village, stresses modernization as
a communication problem whereby literacy facilitates com-
munication through increased media consumption. Literacy
not only helps "to control the rate of print message
input" but also helps "to store and retrieve print infor-
mation for delayed use." It also enhances symbolic mani-
pulation and the process of abstract thinking.l3

Rogers found a positive association between liter-

.acy on the one hand and other variables like empathy,

agricultural innovativeness, achievement motivation, social

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40
status, cosmopoliteness, political knowlege and Opinion
leadership on the other hand. This finding for a Colombian
village was also cross-culturally validated with findings
from India.*

Rogers maintains that there is a certain point of
"modernization-take-off" which occurs after more than five
years of schooling which affects an attitudinal variable
like aspirations. He supports this with data gathered from
Santiago in Chile.

Similarly, Inkeles and Smith combine various atti-
tudinal variables, the synthesis of which they call overall
modernity (OM), in their study of six developing countries.
They found the following relationship between schooling and

overall modernity scores in different countries. The co-

 

relational value is significant at the .001 level.14
Country Co-Relational Value (r)
Argentina .59

Chile .51

E. Pakistan (now Bangladesh) .41

India .71

Israel .44

Nigeria .52

 

*

In India, he found functional literacy scores posi-
tively related with the following variables with correspon-
ding co-relational values significant at .001 level. a)
Empathy (r equals .350); b) Agricultural Innovativeness (r
equals .315); c) Achievement motivation (r equals .215); d)
Social Status (r equals .253); e) CosmOpoliteness (.111);
f) Political knowledge (r equals .343); 9) Opinion leader-
ship (r equals .178).

41

Inkeles and Smith's stance is that schooling not
only increases media exposure, but also its importance lies
in the general process of personality building on the part
of children. "Schooling lays the groundwork which makes it
possible for later life experience to give concrete content
to more general disposition established in childhood."15
They identify three mechanisms through which the schooling
works in personality building, namely exemplification,
generalization, and modeling.

By exemplifying Inkeles and Smith mean, "the process
whereby the individual incorporates into himself not a per-
sonal model but an impersonal rule or general practice
characteristic of the social organization as such."16 On
the other hand, generalization occurs "when an individual
enjoys so satisfying an experience in one specific relation-
ship or performance that he is led to believe that he can

17 By modeling

attain comparable success in other contexts."
they mean, "the child's incorporation into his own role
repertoire of the ways of behaving, feeling, and thinking
which he observes in significant and powerful persons in
his milieu."18

Similarly, in a study of Eastern Kentucky in the
United States, which is relatively isolated from the larger
society, Schwarzweller and Brown argue that education is
more powerful than any other outside institution in

bridging the cultural gap. It is their hypothesis that

"the school system brings about great changes in general

42

orientations, and that these changes set the stage for
changes in the specific orientations of persons in these
rural communities."19

The modern institution of education in Nepal
emerged and is groWing following the advent of the politi-
cal revolution of 1951. Prior to it, Nepal was isolated
from the rest of the world, and education was very infor-
mal. The family played a monopolistic role in educating
and socializing young children. Whatever formal education
took place served to transmit the ideological hegemony of
the ruling elites, thus it was as much a part of social
control as anything else.

Greenwold argues in his study of "The Kingship and
Caste" in Nepal that there was a strong coalition between
Brahmans and the ruling elites whereby one legitimized the

social position of the other.20

As the religious doctrines
were the important means of social control, education
therefore was essentially religious in nature, without any
scientific base and closed to outside modernizing forces.
The major political reorganization of 1951 gave a
new direction to the educational system. Education became
more decentralized in the sense that various schools were
constructed in the rural areas. The Agricultural Institute
of Nepal, which offered bachelor's degrees in agricultural
science, was located in a rural area in the Tarai, for

example.

Following this event, a reorientation of the

'x)

43
educational system, popularly known as the “New Education
Program," added new impetus in this area beginning tenyears
ago. This was the first major attempt toward making edu-
cation more functional by introducing various vocational
subjects at the primary level and onwards.

The centrality of education in the homogenization
of the otherwise diverse sub-cultures is more true in the
case of Nepal, since cultural diversity is one of her most
salient characteristics. At least three major racial
strains have been discerned by ethnologists and anthro-
pologists in Nepal. A consensus on their subdivisions is
yet to be achieved. Even as early as the 17th century, the
social code of Ram Saha, the then king, specified four
castes (i. e. Varnas) and 36 subcastes (i. e. Jatis).21

If cultural change occurs as a result of variation,
selection, and transmission analagous to genetic evolution,
the isolation of different rural communities for centuries
in different ethnic, caste or sub-caste lines, owing to
mountainous topographical features and the lack of trans-
portation and communication infra-structure, gives rise to
divergent cultural forms. Such diversity may be the result

of a phenomenon called "cultural drift."22

The greater the
diversity of culture, the greater the associated variations
in lifestyle, language, dialects, ceremonial forms, and
range of castes, the more important is the role education

plays in unifying different sub-cultural patterns to those

of a national pattern of behavior. Therefore, considering

44
the cultural diversity of Nepal, education is perhaps the
most important institution of the "outside-system."

Again, in its role of bridging the cultural gap
between the "outside-system" and "inside-system," if edu-
cation is standardized and diffuses a standard product in
terms of content, physical materials, and procedures, then
education will provide a centrifugal force in bridging
divergent sub-cultures together.

Education then, in its manifold ways, contributes
to the general process of modernization. On the other
hand, it may not be as effective as it is thought to be,
and even at times, may oppress rural development based on
its content, delivery mechanism, and cultural context.

Lerner, a supportive and well-known advocate of
education, also with equal emphasis opposes the disfunc-
tional education. He submits that the "literacy explosion"
may constitute a more serious threat to human hopes for a
rational world order than the highly publicized "pOpula-
tion explosion."23

Adapting from William James, Lerner maintains that
satisfaction can be seen as the ratio of achievement and
aspiration. Based on this, if aspiration is increased
while the numerator remains constant, dissatisfaction
occurs. Education increases aspiration, and therefore,
education without the provision of a means of raising
achievement level leads inevitably to frustration. Such

frustration may lead to conflict and even threat to the

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45
social order. Lerner, therefore, characterizes the 19505
as the "rising era of expectations" and the 19603 as the
"rising era of frustration."

The government is the only major recruiter of
educated persons in Nepal, owing to nominal opportunities
in the private sector. For a short time, in response to
the initial thrust of institution building, there was a
spectacular rise in the local educated elites in different
important positions. Once the top posts were filled, there
was a slower pace of promotion, contributing to a certain
degree of frustration in the newcomers who often find
status disparity, considering education level and senior—
ity. Goldthorpe has found this phenomenon in other devel-
Oping countries of Africa and Asia.24

In addition to the previous point, expansion in
government jobs, in the near future, may not match expan-
sion in educated personnel. It should be noted that un-
employment of educated people is becoming a serious problem
in India.

Finally, still in the present context, the main
goal at each level of education is to prepare students
for the next higher level, with the number of dropouts
increasing at each level. Axinn notes that too many
schools in Nepal, even with newly introduced vocational
courses, begin and end with memorizing textbooks.25

If education does not deliver a standardized

product nationwide, it is bound to have a differential

 

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46

impact on different communities. We also understand that
even if this variable is controlled, there are numerous
other variables causing differences in the impact of
education. For example, these include variations in phy-
sical and other resources, variations in the personality
of teachers themselves, and differentiated perception of
the children coming from different cultural backgrounds.

Lastly, on the cultural side, various factors
affect the role of education as a: homogenizer. We pre-
viously mentioned that the coalition of Brahmans and the
ruling elite legitimized one another's social position and
controlled the educational system. Thus, education was
religious, philosophical and without any scientific base
created by and for them. Having its root in such tradi-
tions, education in its present transitional stage is still
afflicted by the past cultural inheritance.

Education is seen as a means to enter a govern-
mental job not only for financial gain but also for the
opportunity to exercise power associated with a given
status. Rewards, thus gained, can be consumed directly
in terms of financial gain, symbolically in terms of status
gain, and combined as a resource for getting something else
through influence. Exploitation of such rewards can be
seen in the prevalence of nepotism and favoritism. The
cultural basis of kinship, ascription and familial orien-
tation is conducive to such prevalence. Also, manual labor

is degrading in Nepali ethos, and education is seen as a

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means of avoiding it.

To conclude, if education provides Opportunities of
integration at the societal level, it will initiate and
promote a process of fusing the "inside-system" and the
"outside-system." On the other hand, if education lends
itself to the creation and promotion of educated elites,
it will simply provide opportunities for individual inte-
gration whereby few individuals, due to their social posi-
tion, will assimilate the cultural patterns of the outside
system. Others left behind will remain conservative and

will retain much of the traditional culture.

Transporation and Marketing

 

The main mode of transporation in the rural area
is still on foot, and a load is carried on the back of a
man or a donkey. The development of a transporation net-
work in the hills is a very arduous task to be done at a
formidable cost and would be carried out at the expense of
development in other sectors. As yet, there is no railway
line in the hills and to build a railway may be an almost
impossible task. There are very few roads. Air trans-
portation is getting an increasingly large share of trans-
portation in connecting different parts of the rural area
with urban centers.

Transportation, besides it role of carrying phy-
sical goods back and forth, its role in the process of

acculturation lies in the exposure of the people living in

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48
rural communities to the outside world. Also, it promotes
cultural change and integration of isolated communities.
As people travel and cover a wider area, they tend to be
more cosmopolite and tend to give up the localite orienta—
tion. The cosmopolite attitude not only enhances knowledge
and awareness, it also may help break the grip of traditions
often regarded as not conducive to modernization. The
transportation system is in its early infancy in Nepal,
and air services are usually out of reach of common rural
people. Therefore, its effect on behavioral change is still
very limited.

Marketing in rural Nepal is mostly conducted
through the barter system. Althoughaimonetary form of
exchange is slowly penetrating the rural communities, in
the near future barter will continue to dominate the market.

Small marketing centers scattered throughout the
countryside definitely have important socio-economic im-
pacts. Such centers serve as sources of cOmmodities from
the outside-system that are not locally produced. At the
same time, locally produced commodities often go outside of
the community through these points.

Marketing centers in addition to economic exchange
serves as the locus of political decision-making, as the
site for social gatherings and exchange of ideas, and as
the contact point with the outside-system. The development
of such.centers is stimulated by the physical presence of

the various branches of government and semi-government

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49
agencies. Such centers experience the visits of passersby,
outsiders, and occasionally even foreign tourists. By
and large, the marketing function in the rural community
caters to the needs of outsiders.

As more activities infiltrate the rural areas and
as more and more of such marketing centers develop, a
gradual process of cultural assimilation can be expected to
take place. It will provide an Opportunity for selective
contact of individuals. Although limited in scale, these
centers initiate a process of exploiting "economic niches"
instead of or in addition to the traditional way of sub-
sistence farming, as farmers become involved in catering
services to urbanites and tourists.

However, as Schwarzweller and Brown note in their
study on eastern Kentucky, market linkage has to be well-
developed in order to influence, to any large degree, the
integration of the rural community with the outside-system.
By and large, it depends upon "the expenditure of much time
by individuals in the contact situation, a large turnover
of goods and commodities and, more important, the necessity
of making choices and planning specific marketing
strategy."26

Small marketing centers, therefore, sporadically
scattered in the hills of Nepal, may give rise to isolated
pockets which might show the characteristics of a transi-
tional stage. But taking the rural area as a whole, its

influence at best is only peripheral.

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Agricultural Extension

 

Agricultural Extension has a different orientation
from formal schooling. It is more largely specific task-
oriented. It is also implicit that the accomplishment of
the specific task, and even more important, the involvement
in the process of getting the task accomplished, provides
exposure to and interaction with the outside system.
Therefore, focusing at the material level, Extension's
orientation is from the specific to general as compared
with the general to the specific in the case of education.

Functionally, Agricultural Extension occupies an
intermediate position between the source of knowledge, on
the one hand, and the target group or the rural social
system on the other. Therefore, this linkage infrastruc-
ture has to be understood as a part of the background of
the two systems that it connects. Having already analyzed
a typical rural social system in the previous chapter, we
shall now briefly discuss the source of knowledge, that
is, the content that the Extension system has to deliver
to the farmers.

Traditionally, the cultural practices of the
progressive farmers were considered a source of knowledge.
The system functioned to help diffuse that knowledge among
other farmers.

The fundamental starting point of agricultural

development is the breakthrough made in agricultural

51
technology, the application of which brought about two
basic changes. The first is the substitution of capital
for land to achieve increased productivity, and the second
is the substitution of capital for labor, that is, mech-
anization.27

The knowledge function is mainly derived from the
basic sciences. The abstract knowledge of basic sciences
then has to be translated into practical agricultural
innovations for non-scientist consumers. Here is where the
role of the applied scientists comes into play. The
knowledge of basic sciences is universal in nature and has
cross-cultural validity. However, the applied aspect of
that knowledge is less universal and hence has less cross-
cultural application. Logically, therefore, the best course
of action for the developing country like Nepal is to empha-
size the applied aspect of the basic sciences, which is
less transferable since it is less universal in nature.

At present, both agricultural research and agricul-
tural extension functions in Nepal are under the Department
of Agriculture within the Ministry of Food, Agriculture and
Irrigation. The research function is divided into two
divisions, namely the Plant Research Division and the
Animal Research Divison. A Research Co-Ordinating Commit-
tee, headed by the Director General of the Agricultural
Department, is responsible for major national policies and
in giving the research a direction. Under these two

divisions, other research centers are located at different

52
places in Nepal. The major goal of these centers vary
from a single commodity orientation to a multiple cr0pping
orientation.

There is only one Agricultural Institute in Nepal
offering up to a bachelors degree in Agriculture.
.Although, at present, the research activity of the insti-
tution is limited in comparison with that of the Department
of Agriculture, its share in research can be expected to
increase in the future.

The trained manpower in Agriculture is classified
into two broad categories, namely high level and low level.
Under the first, all the graduates holding a bachelor
degree and above are included. Those personnel holding
less than a bachelor degree are bracketed under the low
level category. As of 1972, there were 463 persons in the
high level category and 1768 in the low level. The avail-
ability of trained manpower in the Agricultural sector of
Nepal with projections to 1975 and 1985 is given in the
dAnnex 3. This figure includes persons in both research
‘13s well as Extension. Almost all of the high level per-
ssonnel is trained in foreign countries while the low level
Inanpower is trained in Nepal itself.

Historically, the introduction of Agricultural
iExtension in Nepal can be traced back to 1952, enmeshed
within the "Village Development Program" and modeled after

the "Block Development Program" of India. Since resources

were scarce, it covered a few areas in a few regions. This

OI

53
program was shortlived and in August, 1959, Extension ac-
tivities were removed from the domain of the Village Develop-
.ment Program and the Department of Agriculture took it
over.
Following through the major reorganization in the

(government in the early sixties, especially with the

 

Panchayat Act of 1962 and the Land Act of 1964, the i I“;
(agricultural sector got more emphasis and reinforcement. g 6
.At present, Agricultural Extension in Nepal is looked after E

Iby the Agricultural Extension and Training Division within g j“
the Department of Agriculture. i4-

Nepal is divided into the four development regions
and 75 districts. A district is again subdivided into
numerous panchayats. The regional director in each of the
regions is responsible for Extension activities in the
districts falling into his region. At the District level,
the District Agricultural Development Officer (DADO) is in
(charge. And at the very grass-roots level are the Junior
Trechnicians (J. T.) and the Junior Technical Assistants
(J- T- A- ), - They art???_...¢Aa,9,9e,.e9en§§.xtertinaetwthe

“m rut—n 7"“ W"

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Research and Extension are the two integral parts
<3f the agricultural modernization program. The content of
(communication in the Extension system originates in and
(comes from the research sector. In the case of Nepal where

Agricultural Extension has virtually no influence in shaping

research, the information inevitably flows one way from the

54
research sector to the rural social system through Extension
agents.

Such a one-way flow of information excludes the
farmers' involvement and the articulation of their felt
Ineeds in the research responsible for generating technol-
<Dgy, be it mechanical, chemical, or biological. Techno-
logical determinism propogates the idea that technology is
Iueutral and change in social organization spontaneously
(emerges solely as a result of change or progress made in
'technology. This argument has been refuted by some authors.
IFor instance, Dickson argues that, in making decisions of
'the selection of technology, the type of technology to be
developed and the purpose of technology (that is, who
'benefits from it) and political considerations come into
play. Technology itself is biased in favor of the richer
and powerful members of the society. The social relations
0f production, as DicksOn argues, "become reflected in the
Ineans of production, in other words, that technology and
Social patterns reinforce each other in both a material and
arlideological fashion."28

This interpretation also fits with respect to the
cease of modernization where more emphasis is laid on the
selection and adaptation of technology from those already
"developed" and resident of the developed countries. In
this process of selection and adaptation of technology,

(wasting social relationships between the various social

grmum or classes involved in the means of production

 

‘11,...

55
exert an influence. Therefore, technology cannot be con-
sidered independent of the social and political factors
inherent in the context in which it Operates. This process
seemingly is reinforced in Nepal because the urban elites
‘uho work in the centralized research centers are those
primarily involved in the process of selection and adap-
‘tation of the technology. The farmers on whose behalf this
selection of technology is made are not involved in it and
<30 not have even minimal control. Furthermore, the feed-
iback of the information from the farmers to the research
centers is only given lip service.

Agricultural Extension in Nepal, working in the
context of a non-egalitarian social stratification system
which is further accentuated by a rigid caste system and
the very nature of technological bias in favor of the
existing social patterns, cannot be expected to do anything
significant other than reinforce existing social relations.
(Concomitantly, the integration of the few privileged mem-
loers of the rural social system with the cultural patterns
c>f the "outside-system," facilitated by the Extension sys-
'tem, can be anticipated to be at the cost of dissatis-
faction, disaffection and disenchantment of the large,
destitute rural populations.

'The presence of a dual society is as much an

aspect of Nepal as anywhere else in the developing coun-
tries. .A few urban centers, as shOWpieces of development,

Prosper not only by the neglect of the rural sector but

56
also by getting much of its vitality through syphoning off
of rural resources. This can be reinforced if the Exten-
sion system is designed to serve the urban interest.

.Most of the time, the yillage elite is considered

 

to be a point of linkage between the_government and the

“up
rhr' ‘

"flu u—-
final-O—

Jgillage. Stavis points out that the political power of the
large and progressive farmers may orient the very techno- ' :hE]
logy developed in the research system to suit their needs?9 ".
This makes it even more desirable for the Extension agents 2

to give Extension services disproportionately to the larger

 

farmers. 94;
Having seen the nature of the influence of research
content on the Extension systems' functioning, let us
briefly analyze the important characteristics of the change
agents affecting the nature of contact with the rural social
system. Extension agents occupy a liaison position between
the change agency on the one hand, and the rural social
system on the other, operating within a cultural context.
Trhis dual system of involvement inherently produces role
(:onflict. The conflict avoidance strategy of the change
Eagent, by and large, lies in his subservience to the change
eagency rather than to his clients. The Nepalese society is
ascriptive, where only nominal achievement considerations
can enter. Contact with superiors in the change agency
rmm.only provides prestige value but is also strategic to
emhance one's own future career. It is intrinsic to the

lmueaucratic system that the change agents are loyal and

57
sensitive to those who control their day-to-day functioning
and professional interests. Apparently, this has to be
done at the cost of the rural client system. This pheno-
Inenon whereby the change agents are more closely aligned
‘flith the change agency than the farmers in the developing
countries is widespread, as reported by Rogers and others.
Also, the organizational pressure to meet the pre- r “a

(determined goals set by the central authority rationalizes

,and tempts the change agents to differentially contact

large farmers. Clearly, it is easier to work with one

 

alarge farmer with 20 hectars of land than 20 small farmers
vflth one hectar of land each, if the change agent is to
fulfill his annual targets, or if his performance is to be
(evaluated based on such criteria. Typically, this is what
is happening in Nepal.' Such organizational pressure in
combination with other socio-economic factors is responr
Sible for the differential contact of the large farmers.
Eitavis communicates similar findings by Joseph Ashcroft
ILn.Kenya, James DeVaries in Tanzania, and Peter Mallon in
Nigeria}0
Based on the cultural context, it is also likely

that the change agent might have higher "pay-off" in spen-
<3ing his energy and time in keeping himself on "good
'terms" with superiors than in achieving something with the

cflient system. This fact is obviously detrimental to ef-

fective contact with. farmers.

‘Various research findings have shown that job

1

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58
satisfaction in a given position is positively related to
general level of morale and job performance. Scaling the
determinants of job satisfaction of JTAs of Nepal, Singh
and Shreshtha (using the Thurstone's Paired Comparison
(Fechnique) identify a number of associated factors. Of

these, the tOp three factors, in order, are: a) the job

security (0.502), b) salary (0.318) and c) Opportunities r}
for advancement (0.306) .31 In Nepal, once a change agent ' 'L“
(J. T. A.) receives a permanent post, his job is secured. .
The salary level is similar to that of other persons holding in?

 

ssimilar positions in the other ministries. However, Op-
;portunities for advancement are restricted after a certain
:status level has been achieved. (For example, J. T. A. can
Inever rise to the post of DADO [District Agricultural
lDevelopment Officer], until and unless he acquires a
lbachelor degree.) Besides factors endogenous to the
Extension system (change agency), exogenous culturally
SIrounded factors highly influence the level of job satis-
faction. Generally speaking, at least among educated
Persons, the occupation of agriculture is held in very low
esteem- and manual labor is degrading in the Nepalese
firthos. Traditionally, incumbency in a government institu-
izion whose function is regulatory in nature is considered
Ilighly prestigious and furthermore, the sense of controlling
Egg;§g is thought of as a reward in itself. Also, the
'vdrtue of holding this type of job provides associated

rewards, symbolic or otherwise, and can be manipulated for

59
further gains in power, influence, and status. Therefore,
a job in Agricultural Extension which does not possess the
traditional set of governmental regulatory functions and
is primarily service-oriented, has low preference. These
cultural factors have a considerable influence in shaping

the attitude of a change agent toward his job.

 

It also should be noted that social status outside PHI
the agency has an important bearing on attitudes. A change
agent coming from a relatively higher social status back-
ground is likely to have a lower level of job satisfaction ,
than the one coming from a lower status background, even ixj

though both hold equivalent positions within the change
agency. Crozier, with his empirical study of The Parisian
Clerical Agency, argues that "status on the job and outside
the job makes it possible to predict work satisfaction in
85 percent of the cases."32
Secord and Backman report that there has been suf-
ficient research in the past to assert that the effects of
a given communication depend upon the place of the communi-
cator and the farmer in a given social structure and upon
their immediate relations with other persons and groups.33
In other words, presenting Roger's view, the greater the
level of homophily between the communicator and the respon-
dent, the greater will be the level of social interaction
and communication.34 However, when it comes to the case of

a change agent imparting technical knowledge to the farmer,

at least there must be a difference in technical expertise

60

between the two. Hence, it can be stated that the more the
communicator and the farmer are homophilous in terms of
social status (but with a certain level of difference in
technical expertise) the more effective will be the com-
munication of technical knowledge. The research findings
of the Allahabad Agricultural Institute, for example, il-
lustrates that the village-level workers with only a ’ E3
primary level of education were more effective in reaching
farmers than the high school or the university-trained

change-agents.35 In keeping with this finding, the change-

 

agents in Nepal, on account of being educated, maintain a
certain distance in social interaction with the farmers.
This inhibits the free interplay of ideas and opinion so
important for the diffusion of innovations. This problem
is accentuated by the prevailing caste system. The dif-
ference in caste between the communicator and the respon-
dent militates against a free exchange of ideas.
Culturally, one of the most ancient traditions in
Nepal requires the poor and weak to honor and respect the
powerful. The perpetuation of this form of relationship
is stifling of individual personality and reinforces the
general pattern of making the poor and weak submissive to
those who are rich and strong. The seeming concomitant of
this fact would be an increase in fatalism and helplessness.
Age also stands as a barrier in effective communi-
cation since younger persons are required to exhibit an

honorific form of behavior in social interaction with older

61
persons. Thus, it is also possible that the extra-localite
outlook of an individual because of the exposure to the
outside system may be neutralized while succumbing to the
prevailing social norms of obedience to older persons.
This problem is further afflicted with the practice of joint

family systems in which many individuals are placed in age

‘ ‘1‘? 7

hierarchy with corresponding norms of behavior, whereby
freedom in behavior of an individual is checked by older
members in the age hierarchy. Likewise, sex is also one of

the important determinants of communication. Male dominance

 

afflicts effective inter-sex communication. Generally
speaking, the interaction of females with the outside
System.is far lower than that omeales.

The nature of contact between the change agents of
tflae outside-system and the farmers also depends upon the
lxevel of development of a particular village. It can be
Safely stated that the higher the level of development of
£1 given village, the higher would be the use of cosmopolite
sources of knowledge. For example, Lionberger and Chang
fcmnd that the use of cosmopolite information was higher at
EShangfung than Liupas in Taiwan, where the former was
?higher in the level of economic development.36 Similar
findings were reported also in a study of one of the vil-

lages in India by Sawhney.37

Finally, it should be emphasized that conflict in

a typical rural social system of Nepal is as common as is

consensus. Therefore, if a village is divided into

62

factions, then the change agent being regarded in a

friendly manner by one group may easily have as a corollary

the rising hostility of another. In a familistic, informal

rural social system, the introduction of a change by formal

means only by the outside system is likely to be

unsuccessful.

 

CHAPTER IV

Summary and Conclusions
In this study, we identified for analytical purpose
two distinct systems, namely the "outside—system" of the Y fin—fii
government and the "inside-system" of a rural community.
It must be pointed out that the latter has developed to its

present stage more or less on its own, with little outside

 

influence. The modernization process then, as we have E”JJ
seen, requires effective interaction between these two
Systems.
This study addresses a rural social system of
bhepal typical of the hilly region and is couched in what
is hoped to be an appropriate level of abstraction. It
depends heavily upon secondary sources of information,
Personal observations, and supportive arguments drawn
IErOm.more or less parallel instances from other developing
countries.
This study attempts to deal with the theory of
Inodernization in sociological terms and summarized impor-
‘tant theories that are concerned with the causes of change
rather than the explanation of different forms of social
life. In doing so, we attempted to see the practical
implications and the elucidations contained in the work of

Weber, Hagen, McClelland and Lerner.

63

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64

Within this framework, we analyzed the various
dimensions of the contact situation between the institu-
tions of the government system (namely education, mar-
keting, and transportation and agricultural extension)
and the typical rural social system of Nepal. As to the
gross question of which particular institution is most
effective in making an entree into the more or less closed
community and in bridging the cultural gap, a general
answer does not seem possible or appropriate with evidence
at hand.

Education brings about change in the general orien-
'tations of the individuals which then establishes a con-
<1ucive environment for specific orientations required in
the process of modernization. The traditional approach
(bf education, however, seen as a tool of social control,

(ices not meet the demands that a modernization ideology

E>laces upon the community. Modernization requires a certain

(:hange in attitude, way of life, and value system. The
eeducation system, therefore, should reflect these changes
to be effective .

The rise in expectations that the education system
inculcates in individuals must be matched with a propor-
tional increase in their achievement level. Otherwise,
education can help to increase frustrations among the
People, which can be manifested in social disorder.

Education, therefore, has to play a dual role.

mithe one hand, it has to impart a change in the general

 

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65
cmientation and increase the level of behavioral attributes
such as aspiration, empathy and cosmopoliteness. On the
other hand, education also must balance its role with the
provision of specific functional skills.

If education provides opportunities for integration
of the rural community with the "outside-system" at the
societal level, it will initiate and promote a process of
fusing these two systems. On the contrary, if education
lends itself to partial integration by the creation and
promotion of educated elites, it will simply provide Op-
jportunities for individual integration whereby a few indi-
‘viduals, due to their socio-economic status, will assimilate
Idith the cultural patterns of the "outside-system."

(lthers left behind will retain.much of the traditional
culture .

Transportation and marketing provide a rather
:Lndirect means of social change by helping to expose the
Iriual inhabitants to the extra-localite way of life. The
(development of transportation, however, is a very arduous
‘task, owing to the rugged terrain of the hilly region of
Ifiepal. Marketing, although on a small scale, provides the
‘Opportunities for exploiting economic niches other than
the traditional subsistence farming. It happens, for

instance, in the process of catering to the needs of
"outsiders" like tourists, government employees and other
tubanites. However, the cultural integration of a rural

mmmmnity at large depends upon the volume of transactions

 

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66
nude in the context of a well-developed marketing system
vmereby a large number of individuals are involved in
decision-making and in planning specific marketing
strategies.

The Agricultural Extension system, unlike the
educational system, is more oriented towards ends rather
than means. Agricultural Extension obtains the content of
what it disseminates from research. And in a situation
where inefficiency originating in a given culture afflicts
the entire government system, the Extension system alone
cannot be expected to be immune from inefficiency.

A highly centralized Extension system is very
.likely to drift away from the needs of the farmers and may
Efven reinforce the existing pattern of social stratifica-
txion, thus favoring the urbanites over the ruralites. If
tile human element is of paramount importance in the process

(If modernization, as suggested by some sociological theories
<iiscussed, then a participatory approach to development
Huast be envisaged. For instance, Lance and McKenna, having
analyzed various development projects, conclude that out
(Df various strategies undertaken in the different projects
(pressure, participation, education, utilitarianism,
placement, empiricism, and hands-off) a participation ap-
Proach was the only effective strategy.1 They also con-
Cflude that a utilitarian strategy was invariably unsuc-
cessful. Similarly, Jedlicka agrees that the participatory

approach is the best organizational strategy for rural

 

67
develOpment.2 Likewise, Lionberger attributes the success
of Taiwan's information dissemination system to the parti-
cipatory approach undertaken.3

Finally, we deduce the following arguments in
favor of a participatory approach by the Extension system
in the formation of various farmer's groups. However, it
should be reiterated that the very general nature of our
study only permits us the presentation of the corresponding
general statements and many specific issues will remain
unanswered. A

The limited trained manpower in Agricultural
Extension in Nepal does not permit coverage of the large
number of farmers. This problem is further accentuated
by the topographical features and the lack of transportation
and communication networks in Nepal. Therefore, contacting
the farmers in groups is economical and assures a wide
coverage.

The farmers in Nepal have been repressed for gen-
erations. As a result, they tend to be submissive to
authority and the poor and weak defer to the rich and
strong. Therefore, to realize their potential conscious-
ness and confidence, a process involving small group
dialogue may be helpful in the long run.

Information dissemination through the trained
group leader may reduce the level of heterOphily between
the change agents and the farmers and thereby increase the

free exchange of ideas. Furthermore, in a community

68
characterized by a familistic, localite orientation with
distrust of outsiders and government, informal, personal,
localite agents may be more successful in disseminating
ideas.

We also discussed the high level of heterogeneity
of ethnic groups, groups divided along the caste lines,
and ecological zones in rural Nepal. Therefore, as sug-
gested by Norman, disaggregating such heterogeneity into
homogenous subgroups may be essential both for the develop-
ment of a local synthesis of technology as well as its

4 In this process of disaggregation, if

dissemination.
factors like the size of holding, income level, and ethnic
characteristics are taken into consideraiton, then the
number of subgroups formed on that basis will be more or
less representative of the actual situation. In other
words, if there are large numbers of small farmers, based
on a certain classificatory scheme, there also will be the
large number of disaggregated subgroups of small farmers.
And if the representation of each group in the formation of
farmer's associations at different administrative levels

is maintained, then it will increase the bargaining power
of the small farmers.

Finally, we have already pointed out that the
change-agents are more loyal to their superiors in the
change-agency than the farmers. Therefore, if their pri-
mary responsibility is to the farmer's association, then

they might better serve the farmers--those they are employed

to serve .

APPENDICES

REFERENCE TABLES ON STATISTICAL DATA

 

Appendix Table 1

 

Changes in the Production of Foodgrains
in the Hills and the Terai in Nepal,

 

 

 

1966-1973

1966-67 1970-71 Annual

Hills Unit to to Change

1968-69 1972-73 Percent
Area 1,000 ha 626 691 2.5
Production 1,000 M.T. 1,174 1,246 1.5
Yield Kilograms 1,875 1,803 -l.0

Terai

Area 1,000 ha 1,241 1,317 1.5
Production 1,000 M.T. 2,046 2,177 1.6
Yield Kilograms 1,649 1,652 0.1

 

 

 

 

 

SOURCE: Communicated by Hagan R. Albert, the
agricultural development of Nepal, analysis of the agri-
cultural sector, Agricultural Experiment Station,
University of Missouri, Columbia, International Series II,
August, 1976, Special Report, 189.

69

Appendix Table 2

 

Average Size of Cultivated Holding and Percentage
Distribution of Sample Households and Area
Cultivated by Them After Land Reform

 

 

Percentage of Percentage of Average size
Variable households to cultivated area of cultivated
the total to the total holdings (ha.)

 

Class group

 

 

 

i)Landlord 3.31 26.91 17.67

ii)Owner-

Cultivator 55.22 49.11 1.63

iii)0wner-

cum-Tenant 20.70 15.36 1.64

iv)Tenant-

Cultivator 10.77 8.62 1.74
Total 100.00 100.00 100.00

 

 

 

 

SOURCE: Communicated in Agricultural Statistics

of Nepal, op. cit.

70

Appendix Table 3

 

Availability of Trained Manpower in the
Agriculture Sector of Nepal, with
Projections to 1975 and 1985

 

 

 

Available -
To be added Requ1red
Category at present
(1970) by 1975 by 1985
A. High Level 463 85 882
1. Ph. D. standard 14 3 12
2. Post-Graduate
Standard 106 11 100
3. Agriculture
Graduates 249 40 600
4. Agriculture
Engineers 17 15 50
5. B. V. Sc.x 30 6 50
6. B. E.(Irrigation) 47 10 70
B. Medium Standard 1768 429 5180
1. JT and JTA 1310 300 3000
2. Overseer and
Sub-overseer 300 65 600
3. Food Inspector 10 10 40
4. Agricultural Mar-
keting Assist. 8 10 40
5 . Credit Cooperative
Manager 140 105 1500

 

 

 

 

SOURCE: Communicated in Agricultural Statistics

of Nepal, op. cit.

71

Footnotes

CHAPTER I

lJulian Steward, Theory of Culture Change: the
Methodology of Multilinear Evolution (Urbana: University
of Illinois Press, 1955). P. 66.

2Agricultural Statistics of Nepal, Department of
Food and Agricultural Marketing Services, Agricultural
Statistics Division (Nepal: 1977).

31bid.

4Ibid.

5Dor Babadur Bista, PeOple of Nepal, Ratna Pustak
Bhandar, 2nd ed. (1972).

6John Briscoe, "Energy Use and Social Structure in
a Bangladesh Village," Population and Development Review
(December, 1979), Volume 5, No. 4.

CHAPTER II

1M. Everett Rogers, in association with Lynne
Svenning, Modernization Among Peasants: the Impact of
Communications, (Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1969).

2Julian Steward, op. cit.

3Gerald Zaltman and Robert Duncan, Strategies for
Planned Change (John Wiley and Sons Inc., 1977).

4Szymon Chodak, Societal DevelOpment: Five
Approaches with Conclusions from Comparative Analysis
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1973).

72

73

SIbid.

6Ibid., p. 257.

71bid., p. 257.

8J. Marion Levy, Modernization and the Structure
of Societies (New Jersey: Princeton University Press,
1966), Vol. 2, p. 35.

98. N. Eisenstadt, Modernization Growth and Diver-
sity, Dept. of Government (Bloomington: Indiana University,
1963).

10William H. Friedland, et al., Modernization by
Design: Social Change in the Twentieth Century, A Socio-
logical Approach to Modernization (Ithaca and London:
Cornell University Press, 1969), p. 36.

11William H. Friedland, et al., op. cit.

12Szymon Chodak, op. cit., p. 260.

138. N. Eisenstadt, Modernization Protest and
Change (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall Inc.,
1960), p. 20.

14William H. Friedland, et al., op. cit., p. 60.

15Donald N. Levin, "The Flexibility of Traditional
Culture," The Journal of Social Issues (1968) , Vol. XXIV,
No. 4.

16M. Everett Rogers and J. Rabel Burdge, Social
Change in Rural Societies, 2nd ed. (Apleton-Century-Crofts,
Educational Division, Meredith Corporation, 1972).

17Anthony Giddens, Capitalism and Modern Social
Theory: an Analysis of the Writings of Marx, Durkheim and
Max Weber (Cambridge University Press, 1971), p. 124.

18Frank Young and Ruth Young, Comparative Studies
of Community Growth, Rural Sociological Society Monograph
No. 2 (West Virginia University), p. 9.

74

19Szymon Chodak, op. cit., p. 162.

201bid., p. 165.

21J. E. Goldthorpe, The Sociology of the Third
World: Disparity and Involvement (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1975), p. 226.

22David C. McClelland,'VXPsychological Path to
Rapid Economic Development," Mawazo (December: 1968),
1, No. 4, pp. 9-15.

23David B. Macklin, et al., A Social-Psychological
Perspective on Modernization; Modernization by Design:
Social Change in the Twentieth Century (Ithaca: Cornell
University Press, 1969).

24J. E. Goldthorpe, op. cit., p. 225.

25William H. Friedland, op. cit.

26Daniel Lerner, The Passing of Traditional
Society: Modernizing the Middle East (Glencoe, Illinois:
The Free Press, 1958), P. 50.

27Douglas E. Ashford, et al., Modernization by
Design: Social Change in the Twentieth Century Attitudinal
Change and Modernization (Ithaca: Cornell University
Press, 1969), p. 175.

CHAPTER III

1E. M. Rogers and R. J. Burdge, op. cit., p. 10.

2George Axinn, New Strategies for Rural Development,
Rural Life Associates (Woodside Drive, East Lansing, 1971),
pp. 15-16.

3Agricultural Statistics of Nepal, op. cit.

4Ferdinand Okada, "The Kinship Basis of a Nepalese
Rural Ward," Journal of the Institute of Nepal and Asian
Studies (Tribhuwan University), Vol. 4, No. 1, pp. 23-38.

75

5Ibid.

6H. H. Greth and Wright C. Mills, From Max Weber:
Essays in Sociology (New York: Oxford University Press,
1977).

7S. M. Greenwold, "Kingship and Caste," European
Journal of Sociology (1975), 16, No. 1, pp. 49-75.

8B. Z. Joshi and L. E. Rose, Democratic Innovations
in Nepal: A Case Study of Political Acculturation,
(Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1966), p.
10.

9P. H. Prindle, "Exploitation in Peasant Societies:
A Nepalese Example," Modern Asia Studies (1978), Vol. 12,
F0 I pp. 59-76 0

loIbid.. pp. 59-76.

11J. E. Goldthorpe, op. cit.

12Daniel Lerner, op. cit., p. 46.

13E. M. Everett Rogers, in association with Lynne
Svenning, op. cit.

14Alex Inkeles and David H. Smith, Becoming
Modern: Individual Change in Six Developing Countries
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974).

15Ibid., p. 140.

lGIbid., p. 141.

17Ibid., p. 141.

lsIbid., p. 142.

19Harry K. Schwarzweller and James S. Brown,
"Education as a Cultural Bridge Between Eastern Kentucky
and the Great Society," Rural Sociology (December 1962),
Vol. 27, No. 4, p. 370.

76

208. M. Greenwold, op. cit.

21B. L. Joshi and L. E. Rose, op. cit.

22Gerald Berreman, "Cultural Variability and Drift
in the Himalayan Hills, American Anthropology (October
1960), Vol. 62, No. 5.

23Daniel Lerner, op. cit.

24J. E. Goldthorpe, op. cit.

25George Axinn, Op. cit.

26H. Schwarzweller and B. James, op. cit., p. 365.

27Laurel D. Loftsgard and Stanley W. Voelker, The

Consequences of Changes in Agricultural Technology for Rural
Neighborhoods and Communities, in the book titled Change

in Rural America: Causes, Consequences, and Alternatives,
Rodefeld, Flora, Voth, Fujimoto, and Converse, eds. (St.
Louis, Missouri: The C. V. Mosby Company, 1978).

28David Dickson, The Politics of Alternative Tech-
nology (New York, New York: Univers Books, 1974), p. 10.

29Benedict Stavis, Agricultural Extension for Small
Farmers, MSU Rural Development Series, Working Papter, No.
3 (East Lansing: Michigan State University Department of
Agricultural Economics, 1979).

BOIbid.

31M. P. Singh and R. P. Shrestha, "Scaling the
Determinants of Job Satisfaction of Junior Technical Assis-
tants of Nepal," Indian Journal of Extension Education,
(January-June 1976), Vol. XII, Nos. 1 and 2, p. 43.

32Michel Crozier, The Bureaucratic Phenomenon
(The University of Chicago Press, 1964), p. 29.

33Paul F. Secord and Carl W. Backman, Social Psy-

chology (New York: McGraw Hill Book Company, 1964), p» 196.

77

34M. Everett Rogers and Rabel J. Burdge, Op. cit.

35Allahabad Agricultural Institute, Extension
Evaluation, Allahabad, India, Allahabad Agriculture Insti-
tute Report, 1957.

36F. H. Lionberger and H. C. Chang, Farm Informa-
tion for Modernizing Agriculture: The Taiwan System
(Praeger Publisher, Inc., 1970).

37Mohan M. Sawhney, "Farm Practice AdOption and the
Use of Information Sources and Media in a Rural Community
in India," Rural Sociology (September 1967), Vol. 32, No.23.

CHAPTER IV

1Larry M. Lance and Edward E. McKenna, "Analysis of

Cases Pertaining to the Impact of Western Technology on
the Non-Western World," Human Organization (Spring 1975),
Vol. 34, No. 1.

2Allen D. Jedlicka, Organization for Rural Develop-
ment: Risk Taking and Appropriate Technology (New York:
Praeger Publishers, 1977).

3F. H. Lionberger and H. C. Chang, op. cit.

4David W. Norman, The Farming Systems Approach:
Relevancy for the Small Farmer, MSU Rural Development
Paper No. 5 (Michigan State University, 1980).

   

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