HONEY IN OKIEK PERSONALITY,

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THESIS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY

RODERIC HALL BLACKBURN .
1971

 

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thesis entitled

HONEY IN OKIEK

 

PERSONALITY ,CULTURE AND SOCIETY
presented by I

Roderic Hall Blackburn

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ABSTRACT

HONEY IN OKIEK PERSONALITY,
CULTURE AND SOCIETY

By

Roderic Hall Blackburn

   
  
    
       
  
     
    
   
 
    
  

This thesis describes the partial results of ethnographic
.. field work among the Okiek tribe of Kenya. The Okiek are a hunting
and'gathering tribe living in the high forest regions of central

(I. Kenya. To a. degree not found in other societies, they have elaborated
. '1 honey as the central theme in their existence. In fact, the Okiek
Tam-r, be adequately understood without first studying the role of

T , honey in their beliefs and behavior. Because of the‘logical priority
f {flag-1mg theme of honey, the purpose of this thesis is to analyze the
Igehtzlpnship of honey to Okiek personality, culture and society.

f3; ~. Although honey is a secondary food source for the Okiek, it

j m value. far beyond its intrinsic worth. This thesis attempts to

I 11m honey is very important to the Okiek by showing how it

,1. 2 es various systems in Okiek life and why it is supported in

p » and “beha‘VZI-OT as the central symbol in Okiek culture.

Mme, 1s discussed in the context of the Okiek personality,
‘ 6t: and as a. cathected mode in Okiek personality. The
1,5315 for the unusual Okiek interest in honey is

‘ toms of the relationship of honey to experiences of

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Roderic Hall Blackburn
child development and adult personality characteristics. Specifically,
hypotheses are presented and tested which link personality character—
istics to the relatively heavy indulgence in honey wine.

Honey is analyzed in its role as the central symbol in Okiek
culture. The significance of honey derives from the multiple meanings
which are attached to it and these meanings integrate all categories
of culture at the highest level of abstraction. The maintenance of
honey as the central symbol in Okiek culture is explained in terms of
the apparent believability of the truths which the Okiek ascribe to
honey. The manner by which honey as a cultural symbol supports the
personality and social systems is also discussed.

Honey is also an important instrumentality in social relations.
Honey is frequently utilized as a means for articulating relations
between persons, both Okiek and non-Okiek. A number of cases are
described to support the contention that honey is a significant
variable in the maintenance of social relations and especially of
social control .

Honey is central to Okiek ethos. It is a major part of what
the Okiek feel is their distinctive character and quality of life.
Because the theme of honey is a major part of the principles which
direct Okiek thought and behavior, it is the most appropriate illus-
tration of how the Okiek personality, cultural and social systems

relate to each other, and how these systems, in turn, relate to the

Roderic Hall Blackburn

     
     

'fi 11:; 9;! value. But this thesis also suggests that the use and belief
:m ismaigtained by the capacity of honey's multiple uses and

I T. 1 . to satisfy personality needs and drives of the Okiek.

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HONEY IN GEEK PERSONALITY,

CULTURE AND SOCIETY
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Roderic Hall Blackburn

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I wish to acknowledge with gratitude all my teachers who have
contributed to my graduate education. I am especially indebted to
Drs. Marc J. Swartz and Ralph W. Nicholas for the high standards of
scholarship which they demand for their students and which they set by
their own example. No student could ask for more than their inspira-
tion, nor should they settle for less.

Dr. William Appell, Deputy Director of the Columbia County
Mental Health Clinic, Hudson, N. Y., graciously consented to evaluate
the psychological material which I collected in the field. His
perceptive understanding of human nature has been an indispensable
addition to this thesis as well as a personal benefit to me.

Dr. Alan E. Jacobs, Senior Research Fellow, The University of
Nairobi, is largely responsible for my field work in Kenya. It was
his suggestion which determined my choice of studying the Okiek, and
it was largely through his efforts that I was granted permission to do
that study. I am especially thankful for the many conversations we
had during my field work, about the Okiek, the Maasai, and Kenya pre-
history. To both him and his wife I am endebted for their hospitality
and kindness on my visits to Nairobi.

Field work is exhausting but that exhaustion gives heightened
appreciation of those friends who, by their hospitality, revived and

encouraged me to do as well as I may have done. I am especially

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appreciative of the kindnesses of Fathers Voshaar, Hoban, O'Neil and
Cronin of the Catholic Mission, Narok. Mende and Bev Solak of
Nairobi were superb friends and hosts, who made our trips to Nairobi
most enjoyable. Dr. and Mrs. Paul Brandley were enjoyable company
and hosts, and to them I am especially indebted for their efforts on
my behalf in a difficult situation.

Dickson Odera is a man of rare integrity and talents. As my
camp manager, driver, and cook he was indispensable. Rarely does one
ever find a friend in whom trust can be so well placed. Joseph Mapelu
was my Okiek assistant who deserves special recognition for his cheer-
ful willingness to work even in the most difficult circumstances. To
Joseph, to his family, and to all the Okiek with whom I stayed I give
my sincerest thanks for their hospitality which they gave without
recompense. The Okiek understand kindness as few others do, and it is
largely through them that I now know what "respect" really means.

My wife, DeGuerre, was able to accompany me throughout most of
nw'stay in Kenya and shares with me the gratitude that I have for all
those mentioned above who made our field work enjoyable as well as
possible. DeGuerre is largely responsible for my understanding of
individuals; she is a fine teacher. In those difficult early months
of field work her encouragement was especially important, her company
indispensable. My thanks also to Jogginda for making field conditions
seem less arduous for DeGuerre.

I should like to acknowledge with gratitude the financial

'support of the National Institutes of Mental Health for the fellowship

and grant which made this field work possible.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

    
 
  
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
   
  
 
 
 
  
 
  
 
 
  
 
  

LIST or was a a o o a u u I n a a n a a o o o o a a c o a o a V1

HST OF FIGW I O D I O I I I I I O I O C I 0 I O D I I D C U 0 vi 1

 

INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Literature on Okiek History . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2

“ Literature on Okiek Society and Culture . . . . . . . 3
Okiek of Man. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l3

_ Intention of the Study. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
:I Field Conditions and Procedure. . . . . . . . . . . . 23
Q Theoretical Framework . . . . . . . . . . . . 3h~
g“ Okiek Culture, Society, and Personalities . . . . . . 37
. 1 7 Okiek Society . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I6
'1.. Social Organization of Okiek Groups . . . . . . . . . NT
' 1 The Lineage (k . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . h?
The Clan (or et72'.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . NB

The Age-Set System (i ipinh h) . . . . . . . . . . . . . h9

11 THE NATURAL ENVIRONMENT . .

Structure and Relief. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
Geology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
Climate and Seasons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
Temperature and Humidity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
Soils . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
vegetation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57
Ecological Zones: Flora and Fauna. . . . . . . 58
.; Bee Characteristics, Social Life and Ecology. . . . . 69~
ir?,r conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
" OKIEK SUBSISTENCE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
‘ Okiek Diet. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
Hbuay Gathering in Time and Space . . . . . . . . . . 95
ogyoffioneyGathering... 1.1.6 1

aflunting, Trapping, and Their Relation to Honey
wuwtion . . . O . I . I I . I . I . . . - I V . . .

iv

 

TABLE OF CONTENTS (continued)

   
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
  
  

HONEY IN THE OKIEK ENVIRONMENT--RELATIONS WITH
NEIGHBORING TRIBES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153

h HONEY IN THE PERSONALITY SYSTEM . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
The Personality System, A Theoretical Background. . 168

Early Experience and Development of Okiek Children. . 171
Stages of Child Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182
Discussion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187
Cultural and Psychological Projective Data. . . . . . 196
Related Literature. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213
Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219

5 HONEY IN THE CULTURAL CYCLE OF LIFE . . . . . . . . . . 223
Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223
Discussion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 236

6 HONEY IN THE SOCIAL CYCLE OF LIFE . . . . . . . . . . . 2hh
, Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2hh
.? The Child's Naming Ceremony . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2h5
‘f The Girl's Initiation Ceremony. . . . . . . . . . . . 2H6
‘ Marriage. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265
Discussion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 278

,1 7 CONCLUSION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28h '
.Q‘ Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28h
" Honey as a Culture Complex. . . . . . . . . . 286
The Okiek as a Hunting and Gathering Tribe. . . . . . 288
Symbolic Categories of Okiek Culture. . . . . . . 291
Honey in Okiek Personality, Culture, and Society. . . 297

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LIST OF FIGURES

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'1' . 1 one: Local Groups in the Highlands of Kenya. . . . . . . . 1h
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. , 3 Local Groups and Their Lineage Territories near Narok . . . 19

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INTRODUCTION

    
  
  
  
   
  
  
    
  
  
  
 
   
  
   

)1 The Okiek people have traditionally been a hunting and honey
collecting tribe scattered in groups throughout the highland forests
of Kanya. They speak a Kalenjin dialect (excepting a few who
recently have become Maasai speakers) and, therefore, linguistically
are related to the Kalenjin Speaking Kipsigis, Nandi, Tuken,
Harakwet, etc. They are Negroid in their physical appearance, as are
.- their neighbors, but to the experienced eye, there are certain

,’ ( fiatures among many Okiek which are infrequently noticed among other
tribes. Among these are more slender features and build. The Okiek
Glut! to be, and by their neighbors they are said to be, the earliest
inhabitants of the region. Despite linguistic affinities to

' neighboring tribes, Okiek differences in subsistence, culture, social

organization, physiognow, and history, have militated against

‘7-
‘.3” ihitgning them a definite origin and history. Consequently, the
-1 s:}9§i§k‘§re one of the most visible anachronisms in East African

‘fit jfihgfilogical history. Virtually every early travel account dealing
'. 'uafltcrior Kenya comments on the uniqueness of the Okiek. Recent
to reconstruct precolonial history in East Africa have

3 leveral hypotheses about Okiek origins. A discussion of

‘“23*t:-~ is on the Okiek is pertinent to placing this thesis inv

 

 

Literature on Okiek History

The first account published on the Okiek that I have been
able to locate is that by the Rev. J. L. Krapf in his Vocabulary of
the Epggtuk Eloikob (l85h). He speaks of them as the "Wandurobo," a
name by which they are universally known by non—Kalenjin speakers.

In fact, the term Wandieroko (Wandorobo, Andorobo, Ndorobo, Dorobo)
is the Swahili derivative of the Maasai term Il-Torobo (Ol-Toroboni,
sing) meaning a poor person, that is, a person who has no cattle and,
therefore, for meat must eat the flesh of wild animals, a regrettable
state of life in_Maasai eyes. Europeans, such as Krapf, coming from
the East, contacted the game—hunting Okiek through Maasai inter-
preters. Because the Okiek spoke to these interpreters in the Maasai
tongue, using the Maasai word for themselves, they became known as
Dorobo. The use of this name continued and is common today. Herein
lies the problem of using the term Dorobo in lieu of Okiek. AS early
as 1903, Hobley acknowledged that these people called themselves
Okiek and they are so called by other Kalenjin speakers. The Maasai
call anyone Il-Torobo who gains his meat by hunting game. There are
other people in East Africa who hunt, and the Maasai refer to them by
the same name as they do the Okiek. Even the Maasai have among them—
selves a group who hunt whom they call by this term and who are
unrelated to other hunters. The generalized use of the term has
resulted in other hunters' being lumped with Okiek in the ethnographic
literature, much to the confusion of historians attempting to

‘ reconstruct the precolonial history in the area. Had Europeans

entered Kenya from the west through KalenJin speaking tribes, no doubt

 

 

 

3

the word Dorobo would be infrequently encountered in the literature.

Krapf spoke of these "Wondierobo" as "poor people, eating
anything they may obtain, they eat the meat of the elephant, and all
other game. They cover their huts with dry grass, not with skins, as
the wakuafi (Maasae) do, who therefore boast of their own superior
houses. These poor people speak the language of the Wakuafi, but it
appears they have also a language of their own, the knowledge of
which would undoubtedly enrich the treasury of African philology."
Krapf is speaking of Dorobo living near Maasai in which is now
Tanzania. What is unclear is whether these "Dorobo" are the Kalenjin
speaking Mosiro Okiek in that area or the Southern Cushitic speaking
Asa hunters in Maasailand. A description of the Asa in Merker (1911)
is congruent with Krapf's brief comment. Thus the confusing implica—
tions of using the term "Dorobo" are already evident in the earliest
account of these people.

William Chandler explored central Kenya in 1888—1890 and in
his published account (1896) describes in some detail some camps he
encountered near the Mathews Range. He speaks of some who live in
the plains, others who live in the Mathews Range on honey and
trapping, and others without hives who hunt mostly elephants. At
least two groups were half starved from lack of being able to kill
any animals for several days because the rains caused their bow
strings to come apart. Another group, living in the mountains, were
well fed. Chandler remarked on their features being different from
other tribes, having "regular" features, full rounded chin, fine bold
eyes, brown skin, not black. They had their own language

Innspecified] in addition to Maasai. Noting that the women greatly

 

 

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outnumbered men, the "Dorobo" told him that women can survive longer
without food. Apparently these Okiek had experienced starvation over
a period of time. Chandler's description of their artifacts and the
use made of them accords very closely with those I found in use today
on the Man Escarpment, some 200 miles away. His descriptions of
these people indicate they were true Okiek.

Spencer (1965), doing field work among the Samburu adjacent
to the Mathews Range, had opportunity to learn about the same Okiek
Chandler had visited years before. The Okiek of this area call
themselves Suiei, in accordance with Okiek custom of naming what I

I

call "local group,’ and are living in the Mathews Range. They came
in contact with the Samburu in the plains in 1880-1890, at which time
Chandler refers to some of them as living in the plains, while
subsequent to that, Spencer describes them as living in the hills.
Chandler comments that the Maasai (in this case the Samburu) section
drove the Okiek to the mountains and that the Okiek subsequently
expressed distrust at the suggestion of settling with other tribes.
In fact, their camps were carefully hidden in inaccessible places for
fear of attack (p. 275). It is apparent from Spencer's account that
at least some Okiek living in the plains came under increased pressure
from Samburu late in the nineteenth century and, for this reason in
part, moved out of the plains which the Samburu needed for their cows
and into the hills which are useless to pastoralists.

Hinde (1901) describes "Dorobo" as living as "practically
slaves" to the Maasai, as hunters and carpenters," making shields and

preparing skins, but being paid. Like other explorers, he took

 

5
special note of Okiek technology, singling out their characteristic
elephant spear, a weighted wooden shaft with detachable poison head.

Boyes (1911) claims to have spent some months ivory hunting
with Okiek on Mt. Kenya and Ewaso Nyiro River. Despite or perhaps
because of this experience, he comments mostly on the dirtiness of
the Okiek and the flies that pervade their camps.

Anthropological interest dates from 1903, when Hobley pub-
lished an account of the "Eldorobo," called Oggiek by the neighboring
Nandi, but called Omotik by themselves, who lived near Mt. Tinderet.
In appearance they had "redder complexions than the majority of the
Nandi, and had very peculiar eyes, which reminded one somewhat of the
Mongolian type. In height they averaged 5 feet 8 inches to 5 feet
10 inches." Hobley was under the impression that they spoke another
language, as well as a Nandi—like Kalenjin. There is possible
significance in the fact that south of this group of Okiek I found
another group who also call themselves Omotik, among whom even today
the elders speak a language as yet unrecorded or unidentified by
linguists.

In 1905 Hobley recounts his first contact in 1891 with this
tribe in the form of "a few specimens of a bearded race of men who
were said to live in the depths of the forests on that mountain (Mt.
Kenya)." He identified these at a subsequent date as "The Digiri
clan of the Oggiek tribe." These he finds using "many Nandi words

when practically the only languages spoken in that region are Maasai

' and Kikuyu." For the first time in the literature Hobley focused

attention on the wide distribution of the Okiek in Kenya. He lists

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6

ten "clans" and their "chief's" name. In fact, what he calls "clans"
are groups of co-resident lineages and the names for them are
actually names of the groups. They Show that Okiek groups, living in
highland areas, are largely separated from each other by pastoral
tribes in the plains between. An appended wordlist (l905:h0-h3)
gathered from one Dorobo group called El Mogogodo clearly Show that
this group, unlike the others, is non—Kalenjin Speaking.

In 1906 Hobley adds to this account three more "clans." He
describes a Digiri legend of how they met the first Maasai, who came
down from the north. Also he relates accounts of the Sirikwa,

precursors of the Maasai, and of a race of dwarfs called Mwaiswai

 

Chiana. The Kikuyu have very specific accounts of a dwarfed people
whom they called Agumba.

Dundas (1908) records legends of Okiek living in what is now
Kikuyu Reserve. Accordingly, in the latter part of the nineteenth
century, the Kikuyu had penetrated so far into the forests of that
region that the Okiek occupying them were displaced. According to
this account, the Okiek dispersed throughout Kenya, thus accounting
for their common tongue. This legend, however, does not account for
the reason why the Okiek living in what is now Kikuyu areas spoke
Randi, a tribe living much farther away. Furthermore, this hypotheses
is incongruent with the obvious length of time most Okiek groups have
been in their present locations.

What is interesting, however, is the idea that the Agumba were
a "clan" of Okiek who hunted in the plains, while the other Okiek

’ hunted in the forests. Jacobs (1965:26) has presented evidence in

sumport of this hypothesis. Hollis (1909) passed through the lower

 

 

 

 

7
part of the Rift Valley in Kenya and observed a "Dorobo" making
prayers to ward off rain for the caravan he accompanied. Ironically,
it is said by other tribes that the "Dorobo" are skilled rainmakers.
He also met some "Maasai Dorobo" who spoke no Kalenjin. Whether they
were Okiek who changed languages or Maasai who changed tribes remains
unanswered.

Huntingford (1928) compared certain words from known Okiek
dialects and found them close to that of "Taturu" from Tanganyika as
recorded by Last (n.d.). Huntingford (1931) additionally confirms
the similarity in grammar. Maguire (1928) identified the Mosiro of
Tanganyika as Dorobo, showing also their Kalenjin dialect and, in
addition, he gives a vocabulary for the Aramanik who, as hunters, he
believes are "Dorobo."

To illustrate further the confusion endemic in Okiek
historical reconstruction, one reads Huntingford's (1931) interpreta—
tion of Maguire's Mosiro and Aramanik Dorobo dialects as the former
being mostly Nandi, the latter "suspiciously like nonsense," a
Judgment he also gives to Neuman's (in Hobley 1905) E1 Mogogodo
dialects. As mentioned above, El Mogogodo is Eastern Cushitic, while
Aramanik (Asa) is Southern Cushitic (Greenburg, 1963; Fleming, 1969).

The Asa or Aramanik, as described by Merker (1911), though
hunters and gatherers, especially of honey, are culturally and
socially otherwise dissimilar to Okiek, except insofar as they have
both adopted certain Maasai practices and beliefs.

Huntingford (1928) considers the foregoing theories of Okiek
origins but is unable to reach any conclusion. He presents three

possibilities: (l) the Okiek are an autochthonous people who are

 

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8
found in East Africa by the Nandi and Maasai and who assimulated
Nandi language and some customs and ideas; (2) Okiek are a part of
the parent stock of the Maasai Nandi group; or that (3) Okiek are
part of the Nandi sub—group but separated earlier than other related
Kalenjin speakers and the relationship has been forgotten.

Recently there has been a revival of interest in Okiek
origins within the context of East African history. Some of these
sources are based on oral traditions. Lang'at (McIntosh 1969)
relates a Kipsigis account of how Okiek separated from the Kalenjin
parent stock before the Kalenjins moved south separating into several
tribes.

Were (1967:19) states, "originally the Dorobo hived off from
the Tugen branch of the Kalenjin."

Honea (1958) believes the Okiek belong to the same stock as
the Hadzapi. This, at least, is unlikely, as the Hadzapi are non-
KalenJin Speakers with dissimilar culture and social organization.

Sutton (1968), as have others, argues that many "Dorobo" are
‘merely individuals who have lost their stock, whose crops failed, who
have escaped Justice or were repudiated by their kin and thus fled to
the forests to hide or to live off the land.

The literature on Okiek history clearly shows a lack of
consensus about the origin of the Okiek. Certain probabilities do
emerge, however. The Okiek appear to have been living in Central
Kenya before any of the present day tribes arrived. They have always
been a hunting and gathering tribe. Their linguistic affinities
suggest they were all in close contact with Kalenjin speakers some-

time in the past (glottochronological data suggests since the middle

 

9

of the present millenium) and, as with other Kalenjin speakers,
appear to have come from North and Northwest Kenya. Presumably the
Okiek lived there at one time in the last 500 years before scattering
to the high forest areas. 0n the other hand, various writers have
commented on certain physical dissimilarities between Okiek and all
the neighboring tribes. Despite the current trend in physical
anthropology against serious consideration of racial differences
based on appearance only, the mere lack of ability to measure
observable differences does not deny the importance of them. Vague
as they may appear, there are discernible tendencies in the Okiek
population which are not as frequently encountered in neighboring
tribes. Huntingford (1929) noting some dissimilarities, concludes
that "these characteristics tend, if anything, to indicate that they
are a Nilo—Hamitic race, which has been somewhat altered by environ-
ment."

Based primarily on linguistic and cultural evidence, Ehret
(1968) has reconstructed recent prehistory in East Africa. Of those
people living in Kenya today, the ancestors of the Southern Cushites
of Tanzania appear to have peopled the area first, as much as 3,000-
h,000 years ago. Language data suggest they assimilated a previous
larger group of non-Cushitic speakers. By the first millenium B.C.,
these had evolved into three Southern Cushitic groups: the Dahaloan,
Ebuguan and Rift Cushitic. Descendents of these today are
Igricnlturalists and cattle keepers, with the exception of the Dahalo
and the Ngonnia and Asa-Aramanik of the Rift Cushitic, who are

traditionally hunters and gatherers. By the early middle first

 

_, -- -_._-_—.~.' _

 

 

10
millenium A.D., the Rift Cushites were predominant, having pushed
south from the western highlands of Kenya into central and southern
Tanzania. At this time, the progenitors of present day Nilotes were
living to the north in the Lake Rudolf area and developing into
three sections: River-Lake Nilotes (today the Luo, etc.); the Plains
Nilotes (Maasai, etc.); and Highland Nilotes (Kipsigis, etc.).
Adjacent to them were Eastern Cushites, who appear from cultural and
linguistic evidence to have influenced the Highland Nilotes
especially.

During the latter part of the first millenium A.D., the
Southern Cushitic language retreated in the face of Bantu expansion
from the south.

In the early centuries of the present millenium, the proto
Kalenjins in the north were differentiating into their presently
recognized linguistic and tribal groups: Nandi, Kipsigis, Tugen, etc.
At this time, these people expanded southward. Evidence suggests
they may have encountered and absorbed Rift—speaking Southern
Cushites. This expansion was relatively extensive because by ca.
1500 A.D. a Kalenjin cattle culture had spread throughout central
Kenya and Tanzania over the Maasai Steppe. Within this area remain
until this day pockets of the once extensive Rift Cushites. Yet by
1700, this expansion was over, being followed in that century by an
equally impressive penetration by the Maasai. Presumably the Maasai
incorporated a good deal of this prior Kalenjin culture, to Judge by
the extensive word borrowing. In this time, Judging from the scant

oral traditions, present day Kalenjin tribes took up occupancy of the

.,.

‘u
as

‘1

e.

“~

\~.'
'\

us:

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.,
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ll
lands they now hold.

Where does this leave the Okiek? One of the few facts agreed
upon by all is the occupancy of the Kenya Highlands by Okiek prior to
present day Kalenjin and Maasai occupancy of these areas. This means
they existed in the area prior to 1700. This is the time that a
proto Kalenjin culture is believed to occupy the surrounding plains.

This reconstruction of East African history suggests three
hypotheses about Okiek origins: (l) The Okiek were once a Southern
Cushitic speaking hunting society like the Asa and Dahalo who, living
in Kenya, were subject to more extensive influence from the Kalenjin
expansion prior to 1700, adopting its language and certain social and
cultural practices and beliefs; (2) The Okiek are descendants of the
early Kalenjin expansion who remained behind in the highlands of
Kenya when that expansion expired; (3) The Okiek are descendants of
Kalenjins closely related to present Kalenjin tribes who expanded
southward just prior to that of the other Kalenjins and the Maasai.

Until comparative linguistic studies of all Okiek groups are

made, no conclusions on Okiek history appear possible.

Literature of Okiek Society and Culture

Extensive ethnographic studies of the Okiek have been done by
Huntingford in 1938—39 among one group living in the Tindiret Forest
area. This group, called the Kipkurerek, live near and interact
closely with the Nandi. At the time of Huntingford‘s field work in
1938-39, this group was settled on the edge of the Tindiret Forest,
subsisting mainly on honey and domestic stock. Dependence on game

meat had been greatly reduced because of fewer game and legal

fi'

 

 

l2
restriction on killing the existing game. At least in subsistence,
this group had changed significantly from its traditional pattern of
hunting and gathering. In a series of articles, Huntingford has
briefly described their language (1931), social institutions (1951),
political organization (l95h), and economic life (1955).
Huntingford's writing is descriptive of the behavior and beliefs he
observed during field work and is largely unencumbered by theoretical
considerations. Of special interest, however, by his more extensive
knowledge of Nandi, he is able to compare and contrast the adaptation
of this Okiek group to this numerically superior neighbor. Living near
powerful neighboring tribes is an important theme in Okiek life.
Ethnologically, the Okiek may be unique in this respect. Every Okiek
group, of which there are perhaps three dozen, has lived, and is still
living, in a close and often ambivalent relationship with other
tribes: Nandi, Kipsigis, Tuken, Elgeyo, Marakwet, Maasai, Kikuyu,
Samburu, to name the principal ones. In addition, any one group has
been separated from most other Okiek groups for hundreds of years.
This long separation has resulted in a loss of knowledge of any Okiek
groups beyond a person's own experience. The Okiek have become
fragmented through separation from each other, with each group
changing in different ways in accordance with separate adaptations to
different neighbors and natural environments. This is demonstrably
the case in the contrast of Huntingford's Kipkurerek with the Okiek
groups of my experience. The Kipkurerek have been Significantly
influenced by the Nandi in social structure (Huntingford l95h:l2h).

The Okiek of Man have been affected in a similar way by the Maasai.

t). "

a

 

 

 

fin

13

The Kipkurerek have adapted in a different manner to a circumscribed
environment, in contrast to the Man Okiek adaptation to a large

' forest extensively populated with a wide variety of game. In view of
the fact that my own research dealt with an intensive study of two
adjacent groups, it is not important at this time to dwell
extensively on the comparative adaptations of other Okiek groups.
What must be realized is that a comparatively wide variety of

. behavior and beliefs among all Okiek groups precludes generalizations
about Okiek from the study of Just one or two of them. This
situation necessitates description of the Okiek in specific terms;
that is, throughout this thesis real names, groups, places, etc.,
will be used in lieu of generalizations on a tribal level. In com-
paratively few areas can one generalize in the manner to which

anthropologists are accustomed with more homogeneous tribes.

Okiek of Mau

The Okiek are to be found throughout Kenya inhabiting the
high altitude forests (6500'—9500' ). All the high forests of Kenya
harbor Okiek; virtually all Okiek live in these forests. The
following map and list enumerates and locates the known Okiek groups.
It is quite likely that some of the groups listed here will prove to
be comprised of more than one group. For example, Huntingford
C19Slz2) lists three groups for the Mau Escarpment, while in fact I
’have located 17. I have not had the opportunity to evaluate first
hand the status of other groups in Kenya. The lines drawn to and
from group locations indicate migrations known from oral tradition.

Question marks indicate uncertainty either in the memory of

 

 

 

 

 

\
\
§)‘”“‘Infiernati3nal bounqry

 

 

 

 

é:::)over 7,000' \~\ 2
£222>1ekes ‘ N 2 (Fig.2).
I inch equals48 'les \\\u’\.J I7
”T . l

 

 

Figure I. Okiek Local Groups in the Highlands of Kenya

I.Cheranganyi 7.Kinare Ih.Werkile
2.Digiri 8.Loliin I5.El Molo
3.Kipkurerek 9.Lalaroik I6.Dundule*
h.Kakimengirin I0.0motik I7.Mosiro
S.Kipsanan II.Suiei Kisankasa
' 6.Kbibate 12.Masula Mediaki
(Khivatet) I3.Lanat 18.Kony

*unconfirmed

.m

“

 

 

 

 

 

IS

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

31 <3
30
32 , 29 Q
28
33
27
26
23
2h
L—u—n
25
— roads
’\-»\rivers
I inch equals14 miles I
Figure 2. Okiek Local Groups on the Mau Escarpment
I9.Kipchornwonek I 2h.Nosubukia 30.Mareshionik
20.Kaplelach 25.Lorkumi 3I.Kipchornwonek II
2I.Kapsupulek 26.01donyo Purro 32.Tinet
22.Kierisho 27.Longinye 33.Sisiyuet
23.Saleta 28.Narianda
29.Chepkurerek

sm‘fi

 

 
 

'IIII'IIFE"""""""""""-__'__'_——__—___fii7

l6
informants or in my judgment of informants' memory. Most of these
migrations can be dated within the last 120 years.

Map #2 affords a closer view of the Mau Escarpment and its
inhabitants. The outstanding feature is the escarpment itself, a
long, wide land mass tilted, as one might a table, upward on the long
side, resulting in a relatively steep escarpment on the north side,
which constitutes one side of the Rift Valley. 0n the south side the
land mass slopes gradually downward for ho miles and 3500' elevation
until it grades into the Loita Plains.

The second important feature of the Mau is its geopolitical
division across the top of Mau into the Maasai Reserve on the south
side and the non-reserve lands on the north (formerly alienated land
known as the white highlands after its preferred use for colonial
settlement). The present location of most Okiek groups on the map
also represents their approximate pre-colonial location. By the mere
accident of history, Okiek living on either side of the reserve
boundary have been impartially affected by this division. Generally
speaking, those outside the Reserve since early colonial days have
come under increased pressures to modify their life style to suit the
interests of white settlers and government foresters who had become
the "owners" of the land. Being neither powerful nor plentiful, the
Okiek went unrecognized legally. Through a series of plausible but
unwarranted assumptions, they were relegated to the category of
landless, tribeless peoples without rights to the lands they had
occupied before any of the present Africans had arrived. These

assumptions became the basis of the Kenya Land Commission's 1933

 

 

 

17
report, in which it was recommended that all Okiek not already living
within a Native Reserve be so "repatriated" in hopes they might
forget their primitive ways and adopt modern horticulture and
pastoralism. By 1938 virtually all Okiek were transferred onto
Reserves. The project, however, was a failure. To the consternation
of the colonial government, their best intentions to help the Okiek
were spurned. The Okiek moved back to their ancestral homes--both
from desire to live where they always had lived but also in order not
to live where they were unwelcome by other tribes. Huntingford's
field work took place shortly after this return from the Nandi
Reserve and he shows clearly how and why this "solution" to the Okiek
"problem" did not succeed (l951:6). Since that time the Colonial and
African government have not attempted to deal with the Okiek as a
tribal unit, other than in census enumeration. Nevertheless, the
Okiek groups on the north side of Mau have had to cope with expro-
priation of their forests for European farms or for government forest
plantations. To live on a farm one had to be an employee, which was
welcomed by many Okiek, since the clearing of the forests denied them
their usual subsistence base. In the same manner, many Okiek became
forest guards to protect the new evergreen forests against encroach-
ment by their own and other tribes. At the same time, the area was
becoming populated with laboring and subsistence Africans from other
areas of Kenya, principally the crowded Kikuyu Reserve. The result
of these trends has been to give Okiek on the north of Mau some
opportunities in a cash economy and some education. It has also

restricted their traditional subsistence base, restricted the land on

 

 

18
which they can live, and brought them into competition with other
tribes for lands, Jobs, and education.

On the south side of Mau, in the Maasai Reserve, nearly the
opposite has happened. The Maasai Reserve is largely administered
by the Maasai tribe who, as pastoralists, care little for the forests
which can feed no cattle. This left the Okiek living in the forest
largely on their own, with the one exception that the central
government had Jurisdiction over tax collection and enforcement of
game regulations. Neither restriction, however, has had much effect
on the Okiek. With inadequate transportation and communication, the
central government is virtually unable to enforce these regulations
on a tribe which has over 1500 square miles of forest all to itself.
Recently, however, there has been some encroachment on the edge of the
forest by Kikuyu settlements on the east side and Kipsigis on the
west. As the Mau forest is cut by these cultivators, the Okiek will
increasingly find their traditional subsistence pattern untenable.

It is among the latter Okiek groups that I conducted most of my
research. An accident of political geography afforded me the oppor-
tunity to study some Okiek who were still living in the manner of
their ancestors.

Map 3 is an enlargement of that area of the Mau in which I
did most of my research. This is the territory of the Kipchornwonek,

thlelach, and Kapsupulek groups.

 

 

    
  

 

   
  

\\
\ \
\ \\
\ . “p1
\
I
I
“ Sis' et Forest
‘ _ (8 oo-8,500'L, /
\\
“ Tir:- Forest (i,O‘O—8,500 )
\\___ fl“-
~\ g. —— \
3 1+
,". 7 KAPLDL; H L'ne:;e Ter ‘ orie
2 r;oo¥5 6
I *V 6. I 3 h 5
* 'WICHORNWNEK 1* 2 b1-
L.4eage !-rritori s
:saono-t Forist ( ,500—8 00‘) ,l .—
:: ,// -A \ fi/ —
~s~ _/./
Soyua orest 6,500-7,5oo') *
*
v 6 n olunga Tr=oing Cente
1
Loita Plains
Tulaba
‘--roads
‘merstreams and rivers .
y * principal Okiek settleme ts Narok Town ‘
I nch e uals3 4miles

 

 

Figure 3. Local Groups and Their Lineage Territories near Narok.
Illustrating rivers,streams,main roads,0kiek forest types,
and principle settlements.

‘1'

 

20

Intention of the Study

It had originally been my intention to study the Waliangulu,
a hunting tribe in the coastal hinterland of Kenya. I was unable to
obtain clearance to do that study, but at that time Alan Jacobs
suggested I try the Okiek of Mau who, he had heard, were still living
by hunting and gathering. I had previously abandoned the idea of
studying the Okiek because I was aware that the Kenya government had
removed the Okiek from the forests. A short field reconnaissance in
September 1968 proved this to be untrue in the Mau forest within the
Maasai Reserve. I applied for clearance and by December was able to
begin work in Narok District, the administrative unit of this part
of the Maasai Reserve.

I had intended to do research on the ecology of a hunting and
gathering group. I was especially interested in understanding the
processes involved in adaptation to a natural environment, not Just
with the structural—functional relationships of that adaptation.
Studying a hunting and gathering group was of particular significance
for several reasons: (1) this type of adaptation is disappearing
from the ethnographic universe; (2) changes from one type of
subsistence to another (hunting to horticulture and pastoralism) can
be studied as this process takes place; (3) the relative simplicity
(I assumed) of a "primitive" tribe would make the study of the
process of change more manageable; and (h) a study of change in a
hunting and gathering society might prove a useful analogy to the
studies of evolution of early man, society, and culture.

Preconceived proposals for research are necessarily modified

-W.

 

9‘

u‘l‘

‘
OJ

C.
h.

1...

$-.‘

 

21
by the particular characteristics of the tribe studied and the
exigencies of field work itself. The Okiek were no exception, though
what changes I made in my research tended to be additions rather than
deletions from the original proposal. The manner in which the Okiek
have adapted to their natural environment-—their ecology--had
important effects on virtually all aspects of their society, culture,
and personality. This is not surprising, nor was it unexpected.
What was not clearly anticipated, but soon became obvious, was the
necessity of treating "social environment" factors as potentially
equal in influence to natural environmental factors. The relation—
ship of neighboring tribes with the Okiek, appeared empirically to be
as important to Okiek ecology as the natural environment. What was
empirically important had, then, to be considered potentially equal
in theoretical importance. This allowance reflects the above
described historical relationship the Okiek have had with other
tribes. This type of relationship is not uncommon between hunting
and non-hunting societies. The pygmies have a well known "client"
relationship with their agricultural neighbors (Turnbull 1961). Other
East African hunters are described by writers as having varying
degrees of client—serf or slave relations with pastoralists or
cultivators (Murdock 1959:61). The similarity in many institutions
of these hunters and their neighbors attests to the importance of
this type of relationship over a considerable period of time. For
the Okiek, and quite probably for other East African hunters, what
they can do in their natural environment is frequently not what they

would prefer to do. What they wish to do is continually subject to

 

 

 

 

 

 

l.

22
how it affects the welfare of their more powerful neighbors.

What early explorers believed about the 0kiek—-that they were
"serfs" of the Maasai-—reflects Maasai attitude to "Il torobo"-—poor
people. In fact, as will be described further on, the relationship
between the Okiek and Maasai, and also between the Okiek and Kalenjin
and Bantu speakers, is far more subtle and informative. These
relationships pervade Okiek life, largely because the Okiek are com-
posed of small groups, each living in close proximity to non-Okiek.
This territorial fact has further implications for understanding
inter-societal relations. Ethnologists usually do field work within
a relatively large homogeneous tribe, frequently avoiding fringe
populations who are not "typical" of the tribe as a whole. One
result is that ethnologists rarely have the opportunity to study
inter—societal relations, which usually occur at the outer boundaries
of their tribe. This lack of theoretical interest sharply contrasts
with its theoretical and practical importance to international and
racial relations today.

In fact, all East African hunters live in small groups or
tribes, wherein frequent interaction with large neighboring tribes is
the norm for most individuals. This accounts for some of their
similarity, though as Murdock (1959:60) and Biasutti (cited in
Huntingford 1929:339) suggest there may once have been a common
origin. Map #1 shows the location of these East African hunters and
their neighbors who , with the exception of the Sandawe (former
hunters) and Kindiga, now speak the language of their pastoral

neighbors.

‘ A.

fit

23

Field Wbrk Conditions and Procedure

In September 1968 I had visited several Okiek communities on
the Mau to acquaint myself with how Okiek were now living and to
select at least one group which suited my theoretical and practical
requirements. Through the courtesy of Mr. Harrun, an Okiek teacher
at Lengape, I had the cooperation of the elders of that community.
From them I learned of many of the groups on Mau and where and how
they lived. In the days that followed I visited some of these
groups. It became apparent to me that the two groups who were the
least accessible, not living in convenient communities, but in the
forest, were the best for my research. These were the Kaplelach and
Kepsupulek, near Narok, who were still nearly exclusively hunters and
gatherers. Permission to study the Okiek finally was granted in
November and in early December I, my wife, and a Luo cook arrived at
Narok and began field work.

Narok is the administrative center for Narok District, one of
two Districts which make up the Maasai Reserve. It is a small town
of a number of African and Asian shops, the District Commissioner's
office, a small jail, veterinary office, small hospital, police
barracks, and a number of primary and secondary schools. It is
reached from Nairobi on 150 miles of mostly dirt road. Narok town is
at 6500 ft. at the lower edge of the Mau. Draining the Mau are four
} permanent water streams, each with several tributaries. One, the

March "River," passes by Narok town. The conjunction of this river
with the edge of the Mau forest and with natural "salt licks" makes

this place a natural aggregating area for the Maasai and Okiek, the

 

 

 

'-.

‘ -
, .
‘-

2h
two aboriginal tribes in the area. The town itself, however, is a
product of missionary and government settlement.

Living on the edge of Narok town I found a small group of
Kaplelach Okiek. Further north on the Mau road I found others at
Lobeto, Enabilabil, Olokirkirai, and Olokurto (see map). Requests
for administrative permission to set up camp near any one of these
locations were denied, with no reason being given. In effect, we
were restricted to Narok township for our residence. It was some
time after that I understood some of the Maasai attitudes and
politics that accounted for this inhospitality. The Maasai view and
treat the Okiek as inferior "relatives" at best and, at worst,
servile "wild men" to be pressed into service at Maasai whim. Any
alteration of this type of relationship, the Maasai feel, could not
benefit them. Thus it is with some suspicion that they receive a
"European" who intends to conduct a study of Okiek "History and
Culture" which, in their eyes, might give the legitimacy of publica—
tion to Okiek rights and grievances against the Maasai and the local
Maasai government. DeSpite persistent efforts to allay their
anxieties in this area, I never felt I gained the support of the
local Maasai Chiefs and counselors as a whole. we remained camped in
a bend of the Narok River until June, at which time the Catholic
Mission were so kind as to let us use a vacant house for our ever
expanding household.

The apparent disadvantage of not living in an Okiek community
133 short lived. Among the Kaplelach, with whom I did most of my

research, seasonal and regional fluctuation in honey supply

 

AD

‘LJ

.1)

(l'

,
.-

25
necessitated frequent changes in residence such that if we had built
camp in one community, within a month or two we would most likely be
living alone. What proved the best solution was what we actually
did—-establishing a permanent base camp from which I made daily, and
ultimately weekly, safaris to one community or another.

Our initial meeting with Kaplelach Okiek was at Mutonyi, Just
outside Narok. A discussion of that meeting is useful for the light
it sheds on Okiek attitude to outsiders and especially to Europeans,
attitudes which colored the first months of field work, in which I
was able to establish a satisfactory, even pleasant, rapport.

In the company of a Maasai interpreter whomlihad borrowed
temporarily from Dr. Alan Jacobs, and three local Maasai guides, we
came to an Okiek camp at Mutonyi, at which we found one man and three
women, children and dogs, sitting before four leaf~and~branch,
roundish topped elongated huts. They returned our greeting in a
quiet but unfrightened manner. Without introduction, we sat and
began to ask them some questions, whereupon two other men appeared,
quietly greeted us, and sat. The women remained apart and gave the
appearance of disinterest. To a number of my questions, they
answered (it turned out truthfully if incompletely) about who they
were, where others were, and how they lived. To the last inquiry,
the eldest, who alone spoke, said, "We have only small shambas
(gardens), we have no goats, sheep, or cattle. We would like to hunt
but the warden won't let us (big laugh here by all, especially the
Maasai). We want to know if you will talk to the District
Commissioner about letting us hunt. One elephant can feed us for a

whole month." When I explained the law against their hunting, he

I in. -'
ILJI‘Iiii'iifl;

26
went on, "When you go see the District Commissioner, would you tell
him how poor we are and if he would give us a package of maize meal."
I said I would but they should not be optimistic. To further
questions, they said they did collect honey, did speak Maasai, as
well as a language like Kipsigis. At this point, the three men began
to discuss among themselves in this Kipsigis language none of us
understood. Finally the eldest said to us in Maasai that he would
not talk any more, that he had to go to work now. He was noticeably
less at ease than before. Then he added that he was not sure what we
were. I explained that I was studying Okiek history and culture. He
said he was not sure this was true and wanted him and me to go to the
D. C. so he could see for himself if I told the truth. I agreed and
we got up to go. At the car across the stream, the elder changed his
attitude, and in an outgoing manner said he had decided that he did
not want to go to see the D. C. and that everything was all right,
implying he believed me. I thanked him and said we would stop soon
and see them again.

This encounter was typical of the many initial encounters I
had with the Kaplelach. At first they were passive, responding in
only a.minimal fashion to greetings and questions. Quite clearly our
presence was anxiety provoking, but they chose to smother their fear
in passivity, apparently fearing even more to provoke us. Only did
their poverty and suspiciousness overcome their passivity. Clearly
their subsistence was marginal; their garden of maize was small,
insufficient for more than a month's food. Their requests for aid

reflected an assumption that I was from the government and that the

27
government ought to be a provider, not the denier of food in the
image of a game warden. Their denial of hunting, coupled with their
suspiciousness, bespoke their fear of being caught by me for poaching.

On the other hand, I was impressed with their self-assurance
(they did not fear to confront me with their doubts). Their
passivity was not hostile, but suggested a withdrawal from outsiders
founded on past misadventures with them. Their level of anxiety was
lower than other Africans, insofar as their affect was low, and
expressive movements less frequent, thus the impression of passivity.

My feeling at this time was of their desire to conceal some-
thing from us and doing this by encouraging us, indirectly, to leave.
Thus the eldest man said he had to go to work, then seeing we did not
go, he said we all should go--to the D. C. Seeing us actually going
was sufficient for him, so he didn't come with us. Before going to
the car, this elder had quickly ducked into the woods behind. I
watched him, noticing the women, for the first time, looking at me
with some concern. Only weeks later did I find, by accident, that
not 50 yards in the woods several other families were living, who
seemed surprised I had found them!

In the ensuing weeks, this experience was duplicated again
and again in each camp I managed to find. I had very soon hired an
Okiek, from another group, as an assistant. I hoped his reassurance
would give me a better 22353 but to no avail, he was treated as
myself. To add to my problems was a universal insistence on not
telling me names--at first no one's--then later only telling me one's

own name. Without names, field notes are impossible, so I devised a

28

numbering system, which worked adequately until I learned the names.
To add to my frustration was my intention of studying Okiek
subsistence, which quite clearly appeared to involve a great deal of
hunting, yet for months most maintained they did not hunt, and some
never admitted to it. My initial visits were quite disconcerting for
them. I always came unannounced and frequently when only women were
there. In a society where women are not entrusted with weighty
matters, they had been strictly admonished by their husbands not to
talk with men-~a task made difficult in time by their growing curios—
ity about a white man and by the soon forgotten fear of their
children for me, who crowded around me touching my skin, hair, and
clothes.

In the first six months, I made repeated visits to most of
the Kaplelach and some Kapsupulek camps north of Narok. In
accordance mostly with their particular personalities, various Okiek

developed a good relationship with me, while others were cooperative,

‘ if not especially outgoing. Not surprisingly,younger men, the

morans, who identified me as of their own age—set, tended to become
good friends, and from the start shared none of the suspiciousness of
some of the elders. Fortunately, they were also the ones most active
in subsistence activities, particularly hunting and trapping, and thus
I was able to pursue my primary interest at an earlier date than
initially appeared possible.

Mindful that the roles Okiek placed me in would affect the
tips and quality of data I would obtain, I paid close attention to
their comments about Europeans, their expectations of me, and their

fhntasies about what I was, and what Americans were like. The

29
foregoing discussion of field experiences suggests some of their image
of me. In time, I also came to understand that their generally
positive feelings about Europeans were not Just a result of a certain
paternalism the British had toward the Okiek in the Maasai Reserve.
It also was related with cultural concepts of whiteness, which is
associated with power, purity, and supernatural grace.

As the Okiek see it, they are a tribe without recognized
leaders in a time when they are particularly needed to represent the
interests of their people in government councils. With their trust
in Maasai Chiefs diminished by the prior claims of their own Maasai
people, it was not surprising that they requested my supposed
influence on their behalf, especially when one or another ran into
legal difficulties. Advice they would seek and be given. Even if not
followed, they seemed most to be appreciative of the fact that someone
from outside took a personal interest in their problems. Late in my
field work one Maasai, half ruefully, half in wonder, commented to me,
"Now even the Dorobo have their Europeans!"

A feeling of mutual advantage came from other activities as
well. A society which frequently migrates here and there on foot,
carrying heavy bundles, soon learns to appreciate the convenience of a
Land Rover. Whenever I went anywhere, I would pick up whoever wanted
a ride, and I usually had a full load.

I was licensed to hunt game, by which I supplied my own camp
with.meat but without a freezer or even refrigerator, there was
usually large quantities left over each time, which I gave to those
Ihom I might be visiting in the following days. In a year which was

noted for its severe dryness, when game and honey were scarce, this

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intermittent supply of meat was gratefully accepted. From time to
time, the game scouts had to kill elephant, rhino, and buffalo because
of crop damage, at which time I transported meat home for Okiek living
in the area of the kill.

In the latter months of field work, I purchased a collection
of artifacts for the National Museum of Kenya, for which I paid the
individual Okiek a generous, if not unreasonable fee. Also during
this time, I took a large number of photographs, copies of which I
distributed to the individuals involved.

All these material relations certainly contributed to the
very good rapport I eventually established. Their contribution,
however, was secondary to the importance of character and personality
factors, which must underly good personal relations. The Okiek,
obviously from long experience, were ever watchful of being "cheated."
Fortunately, from the beginning, I had resolved to make a conscious
effort to be absolutely consistent in what I said I could do and
could not do, and to follow suit. I avoided carefully the gracious
excuses and polite lies which so characterize social relations.
Initially, this resulted in rejection when I politely and repeatedly
informed them that I cannot pay cash, tobacco, snuff, etc., for
information they told me. It is clear to me that the close personal
ties anthropologists require for their best data can‘t be developed in
"monetary" friendships. It may elicit more data in a shorter time,
but there is no control on its quality nor promise of its depth.
Eventually, this consistency was rewarded by personal ties and obliga-

tions, which were both informative as well as personally satisfying.

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31
Accusations of "cheating," unfounded as they were, eventually were no
longer addressed to me, and the word igenon seemed to drop from the
Okiek vocabulary.

By the end of 1h months'field work, I developed a fair working
knowledge of the Okiek Kalenjin dialect. My efforts were encumbered
in part by Okiek use of Swahili in the expedience of Just communicating
with me. The use of an assistant, barely understanding English, aided
my understanding of the language by the grappling in both languages we
went through to understand each other. It as much hindered learning
the language as the Okiek found it far easier to tell him when he was
present what was, I am sure, a great effort to get me to understand.
Clearly the quality of my field work suffered in proportion to my
understanding of the language, how much I will never know.

As our time in the field progressed, our manner of living
changed. Instead of seeking out the Okiek, they daily came seeking us
at our camp. At the same time, I spent more and more time away on
longer safaris, especially at the more distant communities of Lengape
and Sogoo. My assistant came from Sogoo. When I first visited there
in July, I expected the same reception, the same difficulties I had had
with the Kaplelach. To my surprise, my apparent rapport with them was
excellent without exception. In part, I credit my assistant with this
fine "advance Job." The Kipchornwonek of Sogoo, replying to my comment
to this effect, assured me that they understood the good I was doing
for them (presumably publicizing their worth as a tribe) because they
were more educated and "advanced" than the backward Kaplelach. In
fact, the Kipchornwonek had adopted domesticated crops some years

before, some had been to school, and generally they organized their

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32
social affairs on a more efficient scale than did the Kaplelach. Yet
at the same time, they also were equally as active poachers and
avoiders of tax. These and other differences between two adjacent
Okiek groups were of major concern to me in the comparative study I
did of these two groups.

On visiting a Kaplelach or Kapsupulek camp, usually one finds
the women sitting quietly around a smoldering fire before their huts.
They are quietly talking and working at a number of tasks, such as
sewing skins, making beaded Jewelry, or manufacturing sword sheaths
and scented skin necklaces for sale to Maasai. The children, up to
age eight to ten, are quietly playing among themselves. The men, if
present, are gathered around their own campfire behind the huts. They
quietly talk and busy themselves with making articles such as sticks
or clubs, honey bags, arrows, and bows. I would usually come and sit
with either group and follow their conversation, posing questions as
the subject arose on areas that particularly interested me. If
interested themselves, a group discussion might ensue, whereby I had
the’benefit of several opinions and counter opinions. If a special
activity was going on which I was not well acquainted with, I observed
them, usually asking questions as it went on. Usually each day I had
a number of specific questions in mind which had occurred to me when
going over recent notes, and where I went frequently reflected those
questions and who I thought could best answer them. As often as not,
I never got them answered when planned, because that person was absent
or other more interesting things were going on. Throughout the year
in various camps there will be some ceremonies, of circumcision and

narriage principally, but also a number of lesser rites of transition.

33
These you are invited to by the "owners" if you are a relative or
friend. The chief attraction for the elders was the honey wine, for
the younger it was a chance to get together with the opposite sex.
Because it was a dry year and, consequently, little honey for wine
making, few of the planned ceremonies took place. I did get to two
girls' circumcisions (really a clitorodectomy) and two marriages, and
also to a ceremony for the naming of a child, and for one in which a
married couple shared food, symbolically consummating a marriage a
year after its inception. There were no boys' initiations, though
many were due. I missed, either from conflicting schedule or not
hearing in time, lesser ceremonies for (1) girls coming out of
initiation seclusion, (2) boring of a young adolescent's ear holes,
(3) funeral, and (h) the Eunoto ceremony by which morans become elders.
Not for some years had a "Peace Ceremony" between feuding lineages
been held, though a recent murder would eventually result in holding
this ceremony.

On my visits to camps, or on trips through the forest, I ate
and slept as they did, enjoying the kind hospitality and shelter of
whomever I stayed with. Their food and bed, adequate and sometimes
enjoyable in moderation, usually drove me back to my camp for
recuperation after several days. The strain, however, was as much
mental as physical, as I constantly pursued note taking throughout the
day and night, recording virtually everything I saw and heard, no
matter how irrelevant it might seem at the time.

Fortunately, at this altitude, I avoided the major scourges of
East.Africa::malaria and bilharzia, and when sick, which was not

infrequent, was only bothered with bacterial infection.

3h

During the first six months of field work, before my wife had
to return home to tend her ailing father, she usually remained in
camp. Here she almost daily had visiting Okiek who happened to be in
town. This afforded her opportunity to administer a series of
projective tests, which the Okiek seemed to enjoy participating in.
Largely through her efforts, my understanding of Okiek personality has
been expanded.

In the early months of field work, my assistant accompanied me
on all trips, keeping me from going astray on wrong paths and onto big
animals. He was most useful as a jack of all trades, who disencumbered
me of lesser obligations so I could concentrate on note taking. He
also was most informative in his own comments on what others said or
did: not only did I have the Opinions of those I interviewed, but
also my own and those of my assistant.

Doing field work among a hunting and gathering group, who live
in inaccessible (by vehicle) areas and who change their residence
frequently, presents quite different problems for field work, than a
sedentary village tribe close to a road. dI'his should be clear from
the above comments and, in large measure, accounts for the organiza-
tion I established. I found field work exhausting (though partly of

my own making), but immensely enjoyable.

Theoretical Framework

Before proceeding with an introductory statement on Okiek
life, it is important to state the theoretical background on which
data for this study was collected and on which this work is written.

Dissatisfied with particularistic and narrow theories used by

35

most anthropologists to handle their particular interests in society,
culture, or personality, I have drawn on a number of sources to
develop a theory sufficient to account for all major sources of
influence on Okiek life. Within a group, these include the social
system, the cultural system, and the personality system. From without,
it may include the influence of neighboring tribes and the natural
environment. The causal prominence of any one is not assumed, as in
many other theories. That is, no one system is necessarily considered
more basic than another. Rather, in theory, each is viewed as
potentially equal, though empirically there may prove to be a causal
sequence. Sociologically, I have drawn on Turner (1957, 196M), Bailey
(1960), and Nicholas (1966). Psychologically from Spiro (1961 a.b) and
Swartz (1966). Culturally, and indeed for all systems, I am indebted
to Parsons and Shils (1951).

The culture of an ethnic group is distinguished from its
social system by its mental content; that is, a cultural system.is a
system of symbols expressing the beliefs, knowledge, ideas, values,
and norms shared by members of one group. Their social system, on the
other hand, is behavioral, thus it includes roles and role complexes
or institutions. The two concepts are theoretically distinguished for
reasons of analytic clarity though, in reality, they are interconnected
and dependent on each other. Thus no role can be articulated without
the values and norms which define it, nor can those values and norms
be meaningful if not given expression in social relations.

The social system is made up of sub—systems which comprise

institutions which ultimately rely on the correct performance of roles

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for the social system's ongoing maintenance. Thus the social system
is conceived as a configuration of reciprocal roles which are shared
by the members of a group, in part at least, by virtue of their
inheritance from a prior generation. The question of maintenance of
the social system, if understood either in terms of efficient cause
or functional consequences, must necessarily include personality
variables as explanatory concepts, because the institutions of the
social system provide culturally approved and/or prescribed means for
the satisfaction of personality needs,and these, in turn, provide the
motivational basis for the performance of the roles which comprise
these institutions. Thus the fundamental question of the maintenance
of the social system lies in explaining its operation in terms of
personality dynamics, and to explain its social functions by reference
to their capacity for the gratification and frustration of personality
needs. This theoretical position underlies this entire thesis.

Social roles are behavior patterns which are culturally
prescribed. Social roles may or may not correlate with personal
roles--patterns of behavior unique to individuals. Social roles are
defined by moral principles, jural rules, and technical facts. Moral
principles define the culturally prescribed modes of proper behavior--
what one gughp_to do. They are, in part, a product of values and
world view. Jural rules are the "laws" of a society, customary or
written, regardless of whether or not they are enforced by sanctions;
i.e., from the society's point of view, these are the things which one
§§§§_do. Technical facts, such as the social and natural environment,
set the limits of action for a role. Thus demography, typology,

nahuol resources, climate, and neighboring societies may preclude, by

37
their very presence or absence, certain behavior, or make other forms
of behavior requisite to the ongoing maintenance of the society and
of its members.

These three aspects of social roles can be viewed as different
levels of abstraction from the social order and be treated as separate
systems altogether. Thus for Leach (195A) the moral principles are
structural principles to which all other rules can be reduced. Jural
rules are the units of social structure for Radcliffe-Brown (1955),
Fortes (l9h9), and Evans-Pritchard (l9hl). The inadequacy of these
.more limited approaches is that they do not account for all the
factors which significantly affect social roles. For this reason,
they are here theoretically formulated as parts of one system, no one
being considered more basic than another, though empirically there

may prove to be a causal sequence.

Okiek Culture, Society, and Personalities

The Okiek live by adapting their life to the natural and
social conditions around them. They differ in this way from other
tribes which remake either or both their natural and social environ-
ment to suit their preconceived needs. Thus a cultivating tribe
alters its natural environment to provide itself with a stationary and
predictable source of subsistence. A pastoral tribe does less to
alter its natural environment but frequently, as in the case of the
Maasai, aggressively alters its social environment by raiding its
neighbors and acquiring new lands. The relative passivity of Okiek to
the natural and social environment thus contrasts to the activity,

ewen aggressiveness, of their neighbors. This theme pervades Okiek

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values, norms, and personality.

This passive world view is reflected in their social relations
to neighboring tribes, thus in the face of aggression, they try to
mollify or retreat from incursions by others, which may be physical
aggression (Maasai) or depriving the Okiek of their resources,
principally the forest (Kipsigis, Kikuyu). Within Okiek society, the
most important single value that is expressed in all types of social
relations is that people should avoid disagreements, "shouting," and
hence fighting, as these can ultimately lead to killing. Social
control is maintained by personal controls on oneself and on those
friends and relations over which a person can exert personal influence.
There are no supra-individual organizations for social control over
physical aggression in traditional Okiek society. Analysis of cases
indicates the Okiek appear to feel that control is best effected by
avoiding confrontation, and this is usually done by glossing over
differences or withdrawing from potentially conflicting situations.

Behind this anxiety over the expression of hostility are
important Okiek concerns. Being openly hostile to someone is
disrespectful; it is especially disrespectful to a kin relation and
even more so to one's affines. It abrogates important social, and
usually emotional, ties between these individuals. It also threatens
close ties between others who are mutual relations or friends to the
contending parties and who will therefore usually try to placate this
hostility, if only for their own interests. The degree of respect due
relations appears to vary directly with the potential degree of
conflicting interest between the two. Thus one's spouse's parents are

the most respected persons in an individual's kinship network. They

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continue to have strong emotional ties to their daughter, for example,
despite the transfer of most other ties, jural rights, to the son-in-
law. The daughter, accustomed from childhood to investing her
emotional ties in parents, now transfers some or most to her hquand,
a natural and universal process. Emotionally, this can only be felt
as some degree of loss by her parents. An analogous transfer of
cathexis takes place by the transfer of a son from parents to wife.
Consciously or unconsciously, the division of a spouse's ties creates
jealousy between a person and his or her spouse's parents. By
extension, this may occur between the two sets of parents. Okiek
norms of respect, avoidance, and hospitality clearly reflect where
these emotional conflicts are and how they can be, for the most part,
adequately handled. When controls do not work, the Okiek fear
hostility will lead to irreparable physical harm.and emotional dis-
ruption. That is, when respect (and associated norms) fails to quell
hostility, the consequence is fear, fear of personal loss by death or
dissention. It is for this reason that I often heard Okiek speak of
fear (Gmweni) and respect (koonyit) either together or interchangeably
when referring to their relations with various kin. Their concepts of
omweni and koogyit closely approximate our own. They are two different
and separable concepts, but to the Okiek they are closely identified by
the nature of Okiek social control. Reflecting this passive adaptation
to natural and social environments, within Okiek society they fear the
consequences of assertiveness-aggression, and attempt to avoid its

direct expression by norms of reSpect and conciliatory manners, or

withdrawal.

ho

Despite precautions, interpersonal aggression does occur in
Okiek society. Its immediate inception, if not motivational cause,
frequently comes with drinking_£gtik, the honey liquor. Though it is
frequently offered to others in the conviviality of hospitality, its
effect may be the opposite. In dispute cases, it is brought by the
plaintiff as a supplication to influence the cooperation of the
defendant, yet its effect can be just the opposite, causing the
drunkenness of which lowered selfvcontrol, shouting, and fighting are
the result. It tends to have this effect on individuals who are
already unhappy or annoyed about their current situation, or among
individuals whose personalities are such that they usually show
disturbance when ordinary controls are lowered by alcohol. Such a

person is spoken of as being "bad in the head" (momie metit), born

 

that way usually, but others are thought to suffer the will of God or
witchcraft (ponindet). On the other hand, for most pe0ple alcohol
has the desired effect. It creates a euphoric atmosphere in which
individuals enjoy themselves and the company of others. Especially
age mates like to drink together, telling jokes and singing the songs
of their age set, in which they recount places they have been and
things they have done.

Though outbreaks of violence are comparatively rare, the
consequence of even one can be unbearably damaging. The death of one
person, even accidental, as in a drunken rage, has caused the
retaliatory death of the initial aggressor. This, in turn, is
revenged by a brother or son immediately, or even years after, and so

forth. Many Okiek lineages have had a prominent history of feuding

hl
with another lineage which stretches back beyond memory of those
living today.

The consequences of feuds, the killing of another lineage's
members, illustrate important aspects of Okiek culture. Individuals
who have died are believed to descend into the earth as spirit
ancestors (211k) who continue to have an active interest in their
living descendants. A person takes with him beyond death the
:memories of and feelings about his immediate kin. Much as if he were
still alive, an giikpmakes known his pleasure and diSpleasure with,
principally, his children--pleasure for the care and consideration
given him.when an old person, and pleasure for the continuing atten-
tion paid him by his children who "pour rotik for his use" beside the
fireplace in their but (under which 9133 are said to reside). When a
man is about to die, he calls his family together and, if they have
satisfied his needs, blesses them, commending them to God that they
too enjoy long life, good health, and have many children. On the
other hand, if a man feels he has been neglected by his children, he
will not bless them, the children made very much anxious thereby upon
his death. Some persons in senility become annoyed (konerech) despite
‘the care of their children, who have no recourse but to accept the
‘unpleasant consequences of their parent's wrath. Out of genuine love
for their aging parents, or at the least out of fear of their
:retaliation, Okiek try hard to feed and care for their elders, even
when food is hard to get. The question is whether that care is enough.
Has it been satisfactory to the soon-to-be-giik? One of the most
gorevalent causes of misfortune is the displeasure of 913k) which is

expressed in such events as the birth of deformed, crippled children,

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the sickness, even death, of a member of the family. The cause is
diagnosed by divination and, if it is an oiik, rotik is poured by the
fireplace for his benefit, requesting that he desist. The belief in
ancestor activities would seem to be most closely related to feelings
of guilt, as such is the way Okiek express their reaction to misfor-
tune. This is supported by the fact that the absence of misfortune,
good luck, is usually attributed to the beneficence of God, not the
ancestors.

High gods, cross-culturally, are usually associated with
complex social systems. The exceptions to this, surprisingly, tend to
be among hunting and gathering societies. The Okiek are one of these
exceptions, believing in one god. There is some variation between
groups as to what god is. The Marashionik use the term cheptelil for
god, referring to a female sun which is invisible but in the Sky, as
distinct from the male sun which is visible and is not a god. They
claim the Kipsigis also call god by this name. On the other hand, the
related Kipchornwonek call god tororet and clearly distinguish their
god from any heavenly body such as the sun, which is assista. They
also say the Kipsigis call god cheptelet, though Peristiany says they
‘use the term.a§i§_(and hence the confusion in early accounts about
‘worshipping the sun, assista). (Peristiany 1939)

The concepts of God's powers is fairly uniform. He is a "good"
God, compared to the usually harmful activities of the ancestors. It
is; God to whom.you pray for help, good luck. God figures importantly
i11.initiation ceremonies. To him.the old men call out to grant long
llife and many children for those now reaching adulthood. In the

morning before going to the forest, a man may face the "place where

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the sun comes from" (as distinct from the sun itself) asking, "God
give me meat today (or honey)." When a boy is to be circumsized, God
is importuned to help him be strong, that he be brave and not cry.
God also is the one who can aid those who have no other help, thus a
sick person is comforted, in the absence of medicine, by being told,
"God will help you." God also will help the mentally ill (mpmi§_
‘mgtit, "bad in the head") as no one else can or would. God is
accountable for the inexplicable, at least the nonémalevolent
inexplicable. Thus some years ago four albinos were born to one woman.
Not understanding why, they suggested, "It is the work of God."

Drought, which causes the failure of flowers and hence honey,
is attributed, by some, to the malevolence of Maasai Ql_loiboni (witch
doctor). This a loibon does, say the Okiek, because he and the Maasai
are jealous of the Okiek who are now getting cattle. The converse of
drought, rain, interestingly, is attributed to God. In fact, some
Okiek may pray to God for rain.

Except for this latter case, the attributes of God, especially
the helpfulness and goodness in areas of need, are similar to the
expectations a child has of the care and aid he may expect from his
parents. As a child, one's health, food, and comfort are largely a
direct result of parental care. As one grows older, these activities
.are assumed by the individual himself and finally he assumes these
actiyities for the care of his "two children": his own offspring and
ihis elderly parents, who now depend on him for the same care he
depended on from them and will eventually depend on from his own
children. The attributes of God appear to me to be an extension of

(nua's dependence on one's parents at a time when the parents have

 

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become too old to be able to help.1

Deve10ping at the same time as this sense of dependence is a
feeling of obligation toward those one is dependent on. If a child by
rights may expect care and nurturance from his parents, he learns at
the same time, by admonition, example, and in stories, that he is also
obliged to care for his parents in their old age. The Okiek quite
consciously desire children as their old age insurance. A widow may
have difficulties in making a living today, but the greater hardship
is having no children in one's old age. Usually by love, but if
necessary by threat, parents raise their children in close dependence
on themselves, expecting this dependence to carry through until death

2 The Okiek feel a positive

and, believe the Okiek, for years after.
reward derives from raising children, that is, care in one's old age.
On the other hand, there are fewer obvious benefits to taking care of
one's elders. In one's old age, a person's own children are more
important than the parents he is now caring for. There is a tendency,
therefore, for middle-aged Okiek to neglect their aged parents some-
what, compared to the care given their children. Anxiety about the
obligation to aid parents is frequently expressed by Okiek. One
person, old or young, may speak derisively of the lack of care or

attention paid that person's parents; that is, he doesn't bring them

.nice presents of clothing, or givetflmmlmuch rotik when it is brewed.

 

1See Chapter h for a discussion of the mechanisms of this
transference.

2See Chapter 5 for a discussion of consequences of this
dependence .

1&5
worry about one's future care comes out, especially in talking with
elders. It shows up clearly in projective tests and projective
comments, such as talking about other families but really eXpressing
feelings about one's own. If the parent—child relationship has been
affectionate and close, it appears that old age anxieties are minimal.
But parent-child relations are characterized by conflicting need, and
if these are not satisfactorily resolved, they contribute to later
family difficulties. These may show up crucially at that time of
family deve10pment when a son is old enough to care for himself and
his family, and a father is beginning to lose his ability to provide
for his wife and children. Conflicting expectations-—a son still
wishing to be dependent on his father, but a father anticipating care
by his son-emay result in conflicting relations and increased anxiety
by an elder over his future care, and increased guilt by a son for
not caring enough. These are the seeds of discontent: guilt and
threat. Guilt for the obligation to care for those who cared and
raised you in the world; threat to reinforce that guilt so as to
assure proper performance of that obligation. Every Okiek is mindful
of the wrath of his parents. It is effective because of a child's
real and emotional dependence, it may also be effective in later years
‘because of Just this emotional dependence, but it is definitely
effective because of the implied or actual curse that may go with it.
Pu: elder has little or no direct control over his children, on whom.he
depends. As an ancestor, however, he is believed to actively retaliate
for the lack of care and attention he received in life, and even after
Llife. The Okiek believe that the ancestors are primarily malevolent

and Infinmrily'malevolent because of unfulfilled obligations of their

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children to care for them prOperly. They retaliate by causing their
children to have no children, deformed children, or the death of
children. In this way, an ancestor threatens the future old age care
of his children in a manner similar to that ancestor's loss of
support in his old age.

Since all supernatural beliefs are projections of peOple's
common personality characteristics within a culture, it appears, as
previously mentioned, that Okiek concepts of ancestor spirits are
closely related to feelings of guilt, while Okiek concepts of god are
complementary and ontologically connected to ideas about ancestors, in
that they reflect the child-parent dependence on which guilt is an
outgrowth.

In Chapter 5, these relationships will be discussed in terms
of the manner in which honey, honey water, and honey wine are used in
each context, showing in the manner of their use, the analogy of
child-parent relationship to god, and adult-parent relations to

ancestor beliefs.

Okiek Society

All Okiek people identify themselves with the people they live
closest to. Thus a man living at Sogoo says he is a Kipchornwonek.
Such a group of people identify themselves by a common name and
(listinguish themselves from other neighboring or distant groups. Each
group has a definable territory of forest. On and near the Mau, group
population varies from about 150 to 1000.

There are no corporately organized institutions which encompass

tfina‘whole of any Okiek group. There are, for example, no group chiefs

h7
0r clan leaders, nor any formally organized "council of elders."
Indeed, at no time do all the members of a group, or representatives

of those members, participate in formally organized activities, either

economic, political, or religious.

social Organization of Okiek Groups

The identity which members of a group feel for each other

derives mainly from proximity; viz. , from living together in daily

face to face interactions. This is secondarily reinforced by a feel-

ing or knowledge of a historical relationship which sets the group off

from other adjacent groups. Each group is made up of lineages,

called kap, whose members, either as a whole or in part, from time to

time in the past, may have left their "natal" group to go and reside

with another group. In time such lineages became known as members of

the new group which they have joined. For this reason (as well as

others), group identify is based primarily on "who you live with" and

less on genealogical relationships.

The Lineage (kap)

All patrilineally-related persons belong to the same named

lineage or kap. When three or four generations separate into

collateral lines within a lineage, each begins to be known by a

Separate senior ancestor. For example, the descendants of Meng'wari

say the name of their lineage is "Kap Meng'wari." Meng'wari is best

I"'m'em‘ber‘ed as a brave man who had killed several enemies. In honor,

hls sons took his name as the name of their lineage. Meng'wari's

b
rOther was Olbelesit, but his descendants choose to be known by his

1:8
eldest son, Sandiko, i.e., Kap Sandiko. Nevertheless, members of both
lineages assert they are the same lineage, despite the two names.

The E2 is the principal social institution of the Okiek, at
least for those Okiek living on the Mau. Huntingford (1951) reports
that for the group he studied on the edge of the Tinderet forest, the

clan (9331;) was the most important social unit. For the Mau Okiek,
the gap is the land-holding unit, the unit which is responsible for
giving girls in marriage, negotiating and paying compensation in legal
cas es, and a unit of residence. Though the eldest male in the lineage
acts as an informal spokesman for his lineage, decision making is a
function of all adult male members of the lineage. Typically, a
lineage will include a man and one or two of his father's brother's
sons , plus their children and children's children. If it is a large
lineage, it may include families of distant paternal cousins as well.
Lineage size in most cases varies from 50 to 80 members. Most male

members tend to live in the general vicinity of each other, in or near

their lineage territory, though some individuals live with their wife's

parents .

Ea Clan (oret)

Among the Mau Okiek, the importance of patrilineal clans is
negligible. Among groups who live near the Kipsigis, clan names are
the same as those for Kipsigis, and those Okiek identify themselves as
being of the same clan as the Kipsigis of that clan. The same is true
for groups near the Maasai. The usual explanation I get from
informants is that clans were not indigenous to the Okiek, that those

e
P I'Sons Who lived near Maasai adopted the clan of a Maasai friend,

1:9
1lsually a friendship based on the convenience of trading honey for
meat. Among those Okiek near Kipsigis, the explanation may be the
same, but often in the past when times were hard and food was
difficult to come by, many Okiek went and lived in Kipsigis country
and either married into, or adOpted the clan of, a friend. When they
later returned to Okiek country, they retained the clan designation.
Although theoretically one can expect aid from clan members in paying
compensation for various offenses, especially murder, among the Okiek
this function rarely if ever comes up. Other than this possibility,
the Okiek claim no other function for the clan. In their eyes, it is
a. useful bridge by which to cement otherwise ambivalent relations with

individuals of another tribe for their mutual economic benefit.

The Age-Set System (Ipinda)

The Mau Okiek, even those closest to Kipsigis, have a Maasai—
type age-set system, with the same organization terminology and
generally the same functions, though their term for age-set, M,
is Kalenjin. The ceremony of initiation shows a superficial
resemblance to both Kipsigis and Maasai ceremonies, though in neither
case does it rival the elaborateness of these two tribes. The Okiek
have never been exempt from inter- or intra-tribal conflict, and they
conceive of their muranik, the initiated warriors, as their first line
Of defense. Those groups of Okiek who have cattle have to contend
With I‘a-ids from other tribes, even from other Okiek groups. The Okiek

groups Without cattle were no more immune, however. Maasai have been

known to take advantage of the relative weakness of any Okiek when

S ' '
”111113 for a fight.

50
Moreover, inter—lineage feuds have occurred, sometimes extend-
ing over a period of years and resulting in the death of most of their
members, male and female. Even today, fears of being attacked affects
the precautions the Okiek take with their stock and families. Those
fears are well founded. At one time I was staying in a village which
was attacked by a number of Maasai.

If the vocation of the warriors may be primarily defensive,
their avocation has traditionally been offensive, the pursuit of large
game. Until recently, groups of morans would go on extended safaris
out into the plains for the joy of shooting elephant, rhino, and

buffalo. One group of eight morans in a seven-year period killed an
estimated 50 elephants, lOO rhinos, and 300 buffalos.

These general comments on Okiek social structure provide a

background for the more particular behavior and meanings subsequently

(ii 8 cussed.

 

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Chapter 1

THE NATURAL ENVIRONMENT

S tructure and Relief

East Africa is known to geographers as Highland Africa. Its

topology is a series of plateau-like surfaces, ranging from about

1200 to over 10,000 feet elevation. This pattern resulted from earth

movements such as continental uplifts, faulting, and volcanicity.

Kenya is particularly endowed with highland areas. This is especially
a. result of a great thickness of volcanic materials deposited since
mi d-tertiary times. Running longitudinally through the Kenya high-
lands is the Eastern Rift Valley. This faulting had its origin in pre-

caxn‘brian times but continued tectonic activity has resulted in later
faults, the most recent being in mid and upper Pleistocene times.

This last, comparatively recent faulting, has resulted in the dramatic

and fresh appearance of the Rift Valley Escarpment. During this
faulting, the flanking highlands were elevated, contributing to eleva-

tions of the escarpment. Accompanying this were tertiary and recent

volcanics over a large area of Kenya. The prominent mountains, Suswa
and Longonot, date from this period.

The result of these events is a number of high plateaux and

mountain areas, the Central Kenya highlands, on both sides of the

Eastern Rift Valley. On one side are the West Kenya Highlands,

51

52
extending from the Mau Escarpment on the south and northward through

the Kericho Highlands, Tinderet Hills, Uasin Gishu Plateau, Mt. Elgon,

and the Cherangani Hills. The Eastern Kenya Highlands are dominated

by the Aberdare Range and Mt. Kenya but also extend northward to the

ILaikipia Plateau and the Mathews Range. In all these areas the

elevation exceeds 6000 feet.
The Mau Escarpment (Map #2) is that side of a large land mass

which forms the west side of the Rift Valley. At this point the Rift

Valley runs northwest and southeast, and the escarpment parallels this

at an elevation extending up to 10,000 feet above sea level. The

es carpment is about 65 miles long. On the opposite side of the

escarpment from the valley, to the southwest, the land lepes downward

much more gradually for a distance of 25 to ’45 miles before fading

into the Loita Plains at about 6500 feet in elevation. Thus the large

area known generally as the Mau Escarpment is mostly a gently tilted

mass of land of about 2500 square miles. Through the Mau area are a

n11m‘ber of parallel streams descending in a southwesterly direction,
which, in draining the Mau for millenia, have carved out parallel

valleys, leaving long unbroken ridges between them.

It is this gently tilted land mass which is the area of the
I)I‘esent study, and future reference to the Mau Escarpment and Mau

F0I‘est will mean this side unless otherwise stated.

W

Throughout the Mau area, the tertiary and recent volcanic
depoSits predominate. These rocks have in time become the rich soil

on which colonial farms have prospered. They are also the base on

 

‘\ .
‘5 «‘
wk

I,
i

f...
l)
“I"

 

'\
‘6.
J

a a
I"
d I)

53
which grows the Mau Forest. Volcanic rocks are also important as a
source of minerals. Among those of use to man have been obsidian,
which even in recent memory was still used by at least some Okiek to
make implements. There are also on this area widely scattered small
scale deposits of iron, by which for centuries tribal smiths have
made tools, utensils, and weapons for the local tribes. Also in some
areas are found soda deposits--mainly soda ash and common salt--
5 ignificant to all tribes as a dietary supplement for humans and also
for domestic stock possessed by most of these tribes. Of more recent

1 nterest have been small deposits of gold in the Moda River bed.

Climate and Seasons
There is a wide range of climatic differences in East Africa.
The most important reason for this is the dominant air masses which
oc our in the area at different times of the year. From November to
March, the main air stream is from the north and northeast which,
because of its source, is a dry air mass. In April the wind pattern
cIlaarlges and the Indian Ocean southeast trade winds blow from the
Indian Ocean, carrying in moisture. This is the source of the main
rains. Where these winds converge, rain develops. Thus when the
S(311123heast trade winds enter East Africa in March, the long rains
begin, lasting into May; when the northern trade winds enter, the
Short rains occur from mid October to December. This is usually the
ease in Central Kenya, while coastal areas have only the long rains.
Rainfall also varies by elevation; the higher areas receive
appreciably more than the adjacent lower areas which, throughout East

A .
frlca, go for months unwatered. In Kenya, 72% of the land receives

5h
less than 20 inches of rainfall in four out of five years. The
unreliability of rainfall is as serious a. problem to land use as its
small average amount. In addition, the torrential nature of the rain
results in high run-off and this, combined with a high evaporation
rate, further diminishes the value of rainfall for human use.
0n the Mau, rainfall seasons are usually as described above,
long and short rains with long and short dry periods between. This
-va.ries with elevation as at higher areas some rain may fall throughout
the dry periods as well. By elevation the mean annual rainfall and
3.0% probability of annual rainfall (amount that should be expected

nine years in ten) is as follows for the south side of Mau:

Mean Annual 10% Probability
6,000-7,ooo' 20-ho" 10-20"
7,000-8,ooo' ho-so" 25-35"
8,000—9,ooo' 50-60"1 20-140"2

(1) 60-70" and (2) LID—50" in westerly area, which correlates
with the occurrence of bamboo forests.
The wide disparity between the two indices reflects the low reliability
or rains in the area. This lack of reliability was dramatically
e“rident in the year of field work, 1969, when very little rain fell all
yea-r, except initially in January and very sporadically after
September. It was, by all accounts, a very dry year. Rainfall is very
important to the Okiek, as it is for all tribes. If there is not
enough rain for the trees to flower, then the bees produce no honey.
On the other hand, if it rains into the flowering period, the rain

3 .
polls the flowers and againthere is no honey or, if there is honey,

55
it cannot be collected from the hives in trees, as the trees are too

wet to climb. What the Okiek like most is substantial rain for about

a. month, then no rain until the next rain season.

Temperature and Humidity

Both of these vary with altitude. The coastal areas are hot
(26°C) and humid (ca. 80 per cent). The uplands are cooler and drier.

At; Narok the average temperature is, I estimate, about 19°C and

hmidity is very low except during the rain. Higher elevations on

the Mau have colder night temperatures, occasionally frost. During

the rains the Mau, especially above 8,000 feet, becomes very cold at

night, making habitation unpleasant but bearable. The combination of

rain and cold has the effect of a greater feeling of cold and, in

Okiek adaptations, preference is given for living in the low altitudes

during the rains so as to keep warm. On the other hand, during the

dl’y season, the lower elevations are sometimes unpleasantly hot,

While the high forests are invitingly cool.

%

Soils are created by the influences of climate, geological

foI'Ination, topography, living organisms, and time. Climate is the

mo St important, as it influences the rate at which other factors
operate. Leaching and weathering from the heavy rains in tropical
a‘reas is intense and, as a result, soils lack nutrient salts and
Selica, resulting in a red color of remaining oxides of aluminum and
iron. Thus in the Kenya Highlands the Maasai speak of the area north
or Man as Mau Nanyuki, nafli meaning red. The Mau itself and south

0
f there is called Mau Narok, narok meaning black. The Mau and

 

..

o
u

v-

56
adjacent areas have a dark soil, the product of recent volcanic over-
lay. Soils derived from young volcanic rocks have a natural fertility
and greater durability than the other red soils, which are especially
fragile and which support little vegetation. The Mau soil, protected
under a forest cover, has retained and built up a fertility which is
the envy of agricultural tribes like the Kikuyu and Kipsigis, who in
recent years have begun to clear the east and west parts of the forest
respectively for their crops. This is a progressive swidden pattern,
caused by the necessity to abandon plots as infertile after about five
years and to clear new plots from the forest. Increasing population
:f‘urther hastens this rate of forest clearing.

East African soils are more fragile than those in cooler
latitudes and, as a result, are subject to erosion. Especially in
rec ent years cultivation and grazing have become more intensive in
Kenya so that the earth, in many areas, loses its protective vegeta-
tion cover and erosion has resulted. Without fertilization and greater
Care, soil scientists believe that East African soils cannot be
In‘Ea-in‘tzained at a productive level. This intensive use of land is
I‘e-tLatively recent, so the consequences of over—use are not yet clearly
evident.

On the Mau, where forests have been protected and even improved
by Water retention and decay of organic material, tree growth has been
truly phenomenal. Average tree growth of the Mau forest is seven
timeS that of the Canadian west coast timber forests (personal communi-
cation: A. Gorden, Canadian Forest Survey for Minister of Natural
Resoul‘ces Ken t) Th 6. (1 ul ‘ '

, ya governmen . e woo an p p potential for this

f0
339813 is considered a major resource for Kenya, if it were developed.

' a
"IV.

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d“; If

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57
Vegetation
An important reason for extensive cultivation in highland
forest (or former forest) areas is that Kenya has relatively few areas
which have sufficiently reliable rain to support cultivation. In
fact, two—thirds of Kenya is suitable for only non-intensive
pastoralism.

The Mau vegetation pattern correlates most closely with eleva-
tion and varies somewhat on its western side with higher rain fall.
'I’I’nzs at 6500 feet at Narok the Loita Plains begin to be displaced by
a. wooded steppe populated with many acacia and commiphora species.
Above this level, Montane and highland communities dominate. The
concentration of forests increases as grassland decreases propor-
tionately until about 8000 feet, when no grass is visible. At 8500
feet in the wetter western areas, an extensive bamboo forest pre-
dominates, while in the eastern areas and in western areas above the
bani-boo, the forest gives place to undulating moorlands, interspersed
with smaller forest areas.

The Okiek living on the south side of Mau, the Kipchornwonek,

I{a-ZEiLelach, and Kapsupulek of this study, discriminated more closely
a‘j~f’2f‘<ei'ent kinds of vegetation patterns in their area than do

biologists. This discrimination reflects the differing use of

Se‘reral ecological zones as they define them. It is important, in

fact necessary, to describe these zones, without which knowledge Okiek

e
QCDJ—Ogy cannot be understood, nor their view of themselves and their

8 .
leety and culture. I ask the reader's indulgence in the seemingly

t ° .
rlvlal details of this description, for I am sure the effort will be

58

rewarded in understanding the subsequent chapters.

Ecological Zones: Flora and Fauna
The Okiek of this study differentiate five (six for
Kipchornwonek) ecological zones or "forests" (M), which they
define by the principal vegetation, usually trees, which grow in each.
'I'hese forests roughly correspond to different elevation levels.
Because the south side of Mau is a fairly evenly upgraded plain, these
forests on a map appear to be parallel bands between 6500 and 9000
feet in elevation. Because of differences in flora in each forest,
the predominance of certain fauna also tends to correlate with these
forest types. These differences in forest type exist for reasons set
forth in the foregoing section on climate. Rainfall, principally,
Vari es in accordance with elevation, and subsequently different trees,
Plants, and vines adapt to different elevation on the Mau.
Reference to the following forest types on Map #3 will show

the ir relationship to Okiek settlements and lineage territories.

m. m is a relatively dry area characterized by inter-
S:peilr‘sed forest and grasslands. Elevation is 6500-75000 feet and mean
a3511111181 rainfall, 25-140 inches. The trees tend to be short species as
Well as some tall species which at this elevation do not obtain the
Size they do in higher forests. Within the forests of m, under-
brush tends to be thick, in some cases making it difficult to pass
without cutting a path.

In the lower area, the Loita Plains, the northernmost extension
of the Serengeti Plains, gives place to open bush country, mostly with

t
he low lelechuet tree. Along river banks the much larger acacia trees

59

predominate, the buds and branches being a favorite food of elephants.
In fact, these shaded riverine areas are the principal niche of the
largest game: elephants, rhino, and buffalo. Above the plains and
.lelechua bush, the grasslands intersperse with increasingly larger
asections of forest. Here the underbrush is often thick, with low
spreading pergeyuet trees. The other most frequently found trees are

the kuriot, usuet, and olerait trees. Many other trees grow in this

 

forest but are less numerous.

In the open plains live mostly Tompsons and Grauts, gazelles,
kongoni, zebra, topi, wildebeest, and warthog. In the lelechuet Open
bush the impala are most frequently found, and in the riverine areas,
Wat erbuck, bushbuck, eland, elephant, buffalo, rhino. In all these
areas, lions are occasionally seen. Many other animals are found in
some. but less frequently than these.

Another aspect of soyua, of equal importance to the Okiek as
is the natural phenomenon, is the human pOpulation. In Narok District

there are principally Maasai, though on the west some Kipsigis, Tuken,
and Ewaso Ngishu, and on the east Kikuyu. More thinly scattered are
govfiérnment officers and stations. These human populations have an
important bearing on how the Okiek utilize the soyua forest especially,

but also all forests.

Loluet and Sasaondet forests. In the western areas, where the

 

Iijipehornwonek live, at some time in the past a fire burned what else-
W

here is known as the sasaondet forest. Second growth in this area
a -

:Lf fers somewhat from sasaondet, especially the prevalence of the

l inwet bush and lack of the sianit tree in loluet. Other than this

60
apparent replacement of sianit by tipigwet as the second ranked tree
after pergeflet, the two forests can be treated as one, and are so
used by the Okiek. Sasaondet extends from about 7500 to 8000 feet
elevations. Mean annual rainfall is 140-50 inches. Impressionis-
tically, sasaondet compared to W has taller and more substantial
trees. Underbrush is less thickly entangling and of different species
because it is more shaded from the sun. Patches of grassland are
small and infrequently found. Except for the predominance of
Bergeyuet, all other important trees are different from those in
soEa. These other trees, in order of frequency, are sianit,
torokwet, aonet, cheporgeyat, silipuet, maraisit, tenetuet, and
arlyasiat. An important characteristic of sasaondet, in fact one by
which this forest is distinguished from others, is the great prevalence
of “the setiot plant through much of the underbrush. This spineless
nettle grows for eight years to a height of twelve feet, climaxing its
grOV-rth by a profusion of small white flowers. Much of sasaondet is
COVered with setiot; thus, in its year of flowering a tremendous
aInc'llnt of honey is made by the bees from this plant. For the indus-
trious Okiek, this is the season in which he can gather many times the
honey he usually gets in any other season. The opportunities this wind-
fall affords affects the rhythm of Okiek life. Ceremonies, dependent
on honey for wine, tend to be planned for this year. In anticipation

or setiot, men busy themselves for months in advance repairing old

 

hives and making new ones. Things dreamed of but put off for lack of
money to purchase them are finally bought "in setiot." Bride price
I)23’3’1'5lents can be met, and for the more "modern" oriented, a start can be

In.
ade at building up a herd of cows, goats, or sheep.

61

In sasaondet the predominant animals are nearly all different

from sol/33a, consistent with the difference in vegetation. In order of

relative numbers: suni, buckbuck, red duiker, giant forest hog, black

and white colobus monkey, and hyrax (I personally suspect this to be

the most prevalent, however).

Sasaondet is largely the exclusive province of the Okiek. The
lwkiasai find insufficient pasturage, and the Kikuyu and Kipsigis have

only slightly encroached on the forest by clearing lands for gardens.

Tirap. Tirap is the forest of the largest trees. At eleva-
tion 8000-8500 feet and with a mean annual rainfall of 50-60 inches,
trees reach a climax growth whereby their unusual size results in

Choking out smaller trees, resulting in a forest of fewer but larger

trees than in sasaondet. Some trees are as much as six to eight feet

in diameter and 125 feet high, especially the sapteet, which is the

111081: frequently found tree. The forest floor is mostly covered with

low plants, especially sosonet, a spineless nettle related closely to
my and distinguished from it with difficulty. Mai blooms
about every twenty years. It and setiot are a principal food of the
giant forest hog. Widely spaced trees and low underbrush result in a
visual impression of flap markedly different from sasaondet. In

% it is possible to see 100, even 200 yards, through the open
forest, while in sasaondet visibility rarely extends beyond 50 feet.

B . ,
es'ldes sapteet, the principal trees are maraisit, silipuet, kuraiyet,

C:
W, and ketuflet. Most of these are major honey-producing
tr ees .

According to the Okiek, there is a heavy population of animals

62

in this forest, the most plentiful being the giant forest hog,
followed by suni, buckbuck, blue monkey, black and white colobus, red-
tailed monkey, bush pig, porcupine, leopard, honey badget, yellow-back
duiker, bongo, lion, and buffalo. Throughout, of course, is found the
omnipresent hyrax.

" forest. It is the most

Ti£§p_can be considered the "deep
:iJnaccessible and, unless one follows the Okiek trails, getting through
izfre entangling underbrush is difficult. It is also an impressive

thaciking forest, similar to the rain forests of the Olympic Peninsula.

’I'Ihe effect must be similar to what the virgin forests of Colonial
American looked like. The Okiek speak of 333.2 with a certain degree
or awe. A trip to LEE is not considered lightly, as one will be
‘ElJLCDIle or with few others and very much isolated from others in case of
jitlgjtlzy'or sickness. On the other hand, this isolation is pleasant—-
1311(33Pf318 complete safety from enemies and government officials.

The Maasai fear the forest, as they have no knowledge of how

‘t3<> Ilkive in it. Government officials, namely game scouts, never go
5—111b<3 the forest. They would be quickly lost. A trip into 31352 is,
therefore, exciting and pleasant. It is the heart of Okiek territory,
{autlfi lit is also the heart of Okiek feelings. Away from the claims on
:1‘6i33C1 and resources by other people, in tirgp_especially, but also in
'Eiséfiifggnggt, the Okiek feel and express their pride in themselves and
‘t:11‘35:r forest. One elder put it like this to me, "If a Maasai lives in
-t:t1€3 Iforest, he has nothing to eat, as he does not know how to get

11 .
011937, so he dies. If it rains, it is very bad but then when the rain

:8.
111j-Shes, it still rains, the leaves rain again. It is very cold. If

63
a Maasai says the forest is very bad (tarouoling) I say, 'It is good
as it is where my properties are, like yours are in the grasslands.
It is very good to me as I have hives and honey. I use it to kill or
trap animals as there are different kinds of animals for the trap and

for the chase. '"

Sisiyuet. Sisiyuet is the bamboo forest which occurs at 8000-
8500 feet, where mean annual rainfall exceeds 60 inches. In those
areas at this elevation where rainfall is less, the bamboo does not
grow but instead is found in Lrap forest. On the Mau, heavier rain-
fall is experienced in the western regions; thus the heavy bamboo
forest is extended into Kipchornwonek territory, but only sparsely
into Kaplelach territory. The true bamboo forest is very dense and
difficult to pass through. Bamboo plants grow close together and to a
Cons :‘Lderable size--6 inches in diameter and 30 feet high. Visibility
is consequently very low, stalking animals is impossible, and there
acre relatively few honey—producing trees. The principal animals,
fever in number than in M, though of the same species, are giant
forest hog, hy'rax, suni, buchbuck, black and white colobus, blue
monkey, red-tailed monkey, red duiker, bongo, leopard, lion, yellow-
backed duiker, and buffalo. Though relatively few of them, more of the
rare and beautiful bongo antelope are found in sisiyget than in other
forests, where it eats the succulent new bamboo shoots.
Though generally an inhospitable place to live in for a short
the, and impossible for any duration, the bamboo forests provide the
Okiek with their most extensively used wood material. Bamboo provides

at .
least Sixteen separate uses as utensfls, house construction,

61+

medicine, and objects used in religious rituals.

Olopirigit or Mau. At 8500 feet and over the dense forests

give way to open glades or moorlands, interspersed with forest patches

of a type similar to tirap. There is an apparent resemblance of this

olopirigit forest and moorlands to that of soEa. In fact, some of the

animal species of soyua, like zebra and grey duiker, do occur on the

moorlands. On the other hand, these moorlands are more consistently

and more heavily watered by rain than is sous. Yet the low night

temperatures militate against grass growing quickly in response to

this rain. In the forest areas, game are less plentiful than in tirap,

but the species are the same.

Maasai occupy much of the moorlands. Because of the constancy

of water, they remain in fairly permanent settlements, unlike Maasai

in soEa, who must migrate in dry weather.

For Okiek settlement, a major problem with living in t_i_r_ap or
W is the intense nighttime cold, especially during the rains
when the feeling of cold is greater than the actual temperature.
Tetnperatures do go down to freezing from time to time and, not sur-
prisingly, a higher rate of sickness is experienced by the Okiek living

at these elevations--noticeably tuberculosis and pneumonia.

Some general conclusion about Okiek forest classifications are

111 Order. There are other ways in which the Okiek could have classified

Ct eas in the Mau forest. Silviculturist categories reflect climatic

a C C ' C . O I 0
11d geological condltions (as well as predominant familles) 1n which

3 . .
pecles can grow, such as: montane forest, secondary montane rain

I‘
035981;, highland forest, wetter highland forest, evergreen forest,

65

semi—evergreen forest, dry evergreen forest, heavy rainfall forest,

savanna, bamboo, scrub (Dale and Greenway 1961). Conceivably, the Mau

could also be divided by geological features: each ridge between

parallel streams and valleys being classified as a separate forest.

Forest classification might primarily reflect the tribes or Okiek

groups living in them. Forests might also be primarily classified by

the fauna predominant in each area, by the amount of rainfall or

temperature. In other words, there are a number of equally legitimate

ways of dividing up the Mau forest. The Okiek forest classification

differs from the foregoing classifications in its emphasis on the
predominant species of trees and plants in each area and, most
importantly, the difference in each forest of important honey-produc-

ing plants and trees. This clearly reflects the dominant role of
honey as the cultural symbol in Okiek life. With the exception of

W, the predominant trees of soyga are mutually exclusive of

t11<D£~3e in sasaondet. Sasaondet and tirap differ most importantly in

the occurrence of the major honey producer setiot, which occurs mostly

in Sasaondet, while the related sosonet occurs only in tirap. Of the
predominant trees, only silipuet and maraisit exist in both. Tirap
differs from sisiyuet in having no bamboo, sisiy_uet being mostly bam-

boo . Both differ from olopirigit, lacking the latter's characteristic

0
1) en moorlands .
Honey is produced from at least 33 plants, vines, and trees.

8 e.

lhce each species tends to be found at specific altitudes and flowers
&

ft er a sufficient amount of rain, and since each tree is also itself

ch
e'~"=‘£av..<:terized by the amount of honey ordinarily available from its

I‘ZLQ
wering, the result is a constant fluctuation in size, location, and

66

time of honey production. One can only guess intuitively from what

trees the most honey will come. One informant, reviewing the total

amount he had collected over the years (thus not prejudicing against

 

the plentiful but only occasional flowering of setiot, kekefiito, and

sosonet plants), gave me this rank-order list of the trees and plants

which, in the long run, produce the most honey: setiot, puputiet,

kekeyeito, sosonet, maraisit, silipuet, usuet, and kuriot. Of these,

four predominate in sasaondet, three in soyua, and one in tirap. This

rank order of honey production by forest is in accordance with

informants' statements which assert that they get most of their honey

from sasaondet, then soylla, and finally tirap and sisiflet being about

the same.

Two other concepts of "forest" remain: oinda and mosop. Oinda

is a forest type which occurs in scattered patches in valleys within

It is a dense, lush, "tropical" growth of small-

S a s aondet and tirap .

iSh trees and many green succulent plants. As such, it gives more

the impression of a Jungle than of other forests on Mau. The vegeta-

tion pattern accounts for the high concentration of game, especially

giant forest hog, living in it. The significance of this forest type,

Lln:Like the major ones, is its importance to hunting.

(M- Watson, personal communication) it has the appearance of a second

In fact, in North America

From the air

g1‘CDVth following cultivation or fire.

I"
crest fires tend to travel in the valleys and not on the ridges. The

:L .
W forest of the Kipchornwonek, as previously mentioned, 18 all

s e
Q<>nd growth after extensive fire. Forest fires, however, are a rare

C)
QC-‘-1$l:I:':rence in the Mau forest, despite the Okiek's casual manner of

A

67
disposing of fire smudges. Where gardens have been abandoned by
cultivators on the fringes of the Mau, second growth is similar to
that in EEEQE: but being outside the forest and unproductive for
hunting, the Okiek do not view these patches in the same way they do
MQ§2p_is a term used by the Okiek occasionally, especially in
song, to refer to a "forest." While timdg_means any kind of forest

(timdo-op sasaondet, forest of sasaondet), mosop refers to either or

 

both sasaondet and 31522, The connotation is not clear even to the
Okiek but appears to signify what I would call the "inner" forest,
tfliose forests which are exclusively the province of the Okiek, where
other tribes never go. Its use in song to the exclusion of 3111519
suggests an emotional quality to the term which timgg does not have.
Throughout the Mau forests trees, vines, and plants flower
V’jl1311 the seasons. During dry periods, these flora remain relatively
Cicxkfinant. With the onset of the rains, buds develop and flowers open.
3515' ‘bakes a reasonable amount of rain, however, to complete this
égjr‘CD‘rth. For most trees, the Okiek feel about three weeks of good,
Ileaa‘ly daily, rains are enough. Variation occurs by Species so that
:E):1~€i1rts like puputiet, a major honey producer, and its relative sikuat,
‘E72i4:1:1 flower only after very heavy rains. Puputiet flowered in 1961
after an extremely heavy rain, then not again until 1968. The result
<:>:t?' Gull these floral and climatic factors on honey production is great
ve‘t‘iabilitv. Though the Okiek can usually count on a satisfactory
S"“lIZ'IELy of honey sometime during most years, the fluctuation between
yh‘sbzaul?ss is considerable, especially considering that the four most

im
Dortant honey producers (setiot, puputiet, kekeyeito, and sosonet)

68
each flower only after long periods of dormancy. The more consistent
producers, however, are the smaller producers. This does not mean the
Okiek live a feast or famine existence. Traditionally, meat has been
the principal and the most reliable diet staple. It is, however, true
that the Okiek are concerned with fluctuation in the honey supply and
continually express anxiety over current and imagined "hunger" when
honey is not available, even though other foods are providing an
adequate diet. During my field work period, a time in which very
little rain fell, the usual opening remarks between visitors was a
cement on the "hungriness" of the people where the visitor came from
and, in turn, the host would make a similar remark on his own plight.
During the severest times, just before the rains finally came, I could
see that people were depressed by the lack of food and the threat of
even less food in the future. Conversation was hard to come by.
People were quiet, sullen, and disagreeable among themselves and with
me - Movements were slow, people sitting doing very little or sleeping
during the day. Yet no one was really hungry; there was enough food;
Just not any honey. The contrast of this with periods when there is
Plenty of honey is remarkable. The same individuals are expansive in
their talking and generous in sharing the wine they have made. PeOple
are obviously happy and express this in the conviviality of their
Social life. Boys and girls gather for dances. Children can be heard
for hundreds of yards, shrieking in their play. This is, of course, the
time f or holding ceremonies, for trading in the shops and with the
neighboring tribes. In fact, all the important social, cultural, and

psychological functions, of which honey is a central part, become most

69
obvious during these intermittent periods of plenty. I have tried to
show how this period is related to a complex series of climatic,
geographical, floral, and faunal factors, such that the occurrence of
honey is variable and that this variation, inconsistency, and
unpredictability, is the normal "rhythm" of Okiek life. Historically,
this pattern may be more pronounced in at least some other Okiek

groups, judging from the famine experienced by Okiek observed by

Chandler (1896).

lBee Characteristics, Social Life, and Ecology
Early in my field work, one perceptive Okiek advised me, "If
;yt)u want to know the history of the Okiek, you must study the history
()1? the bees and where they go. The bees are social animals like these
Ip<e<3ple." He went on to eXplain how the Okiek have their campfire, to
V111;ich they come at night to eat and drink, and talk, and in the
Jzusuzfining go off to the forest to collect honey. Then he explained about
different ages and sexes having different things to do and how they
end 0y themselves, such as in singing to each other. At the time, I
‘WELEB Ilnaware of an analogy between Okiek and bees and listened to his
€1<:c:<>11nt for what it literally meant. Only in later months did the
Similarity between the ecology of bee life and Okiek life become
Obvious to me. The Okiek themselves have some feeling about this
correspondence and occasionally remarked to me how certain things are
done in a similar way by both themselves and the bees. The Okiek
identification with the bees is expressed in their conception of a bee
hive, Hives are hollowed out sections of logs, wrapped in varying

layers of torokwet (Kaplelach: teet) bark, which are placed in the

70

high branches of a tall tree. The Okiek believe that hives in the

...".b...-

higher and colder forests must be wrapped with more barks than usual,

a...

__. _ ---
-.” we . r

so” as to insulatefljheflhive,’ _ 'so the bees_ can keep warm and be happy.

The Okiek fill in their knowledge of bees with some ideas drawn from

 

their own experiences and thus explain bees in this manner:

"Bees are the most clever of all insects. They do the most

work (e.g., create the most things: combs, honey, propolis, royal

jelly). There are two types of bees, the black ones (segemik
chetikiken) and the 'red' ones (segemik chepir'rien, really yellow and

black striped on abdomen like common American honey bees). For each

there are workers (segemik chepoisiek), drones (kopurenik) and a queen

(kopot segemik, "mother of bees"). The two types of bees do the same

things, make the same honey, but don't interbreed. The queen for both

is brown, so I don't know if bees can tell the two apart. If there are

two queens in a hive (muingon) they fight. A queen is so long (1-1/2

inches) and has a very bad stinger. As a young queen grows, it then

fights and kills the old one."

"If bees from one hive come to another, it is for thieving

honey. Then the workers defend their honey but, most of all, their

queen. When they move, they swarm around the queen to protect her.

Scouts are sent ahead to find a place to live. If they go from soEa

to tirap, they fly very high in the air. When they return to £91113,

they can go to the same hive. Bees are very clever. They are like

peepl e . "

"Bees go three to five miles for flowers. They all know where

-._ Jill—53‘1““... --— M _—‘:Z r: I-Ti‘wz:

they came from but will return before dark, as they can't see at night.

When there are no flowers, the supply of food is low. Workers kill

71
the drones. Then the workers live on the remaining food. Drones are
given only pollen, not honey, though if they were given it, they would
eat it. Workers eat both. The bees make propolis (temeniet) to fill
cracks in the hive to keep it warm and keep the cold and rain out.
They make honey (@2313) which they put in combs (iitiik) which when
full are honeycombs (kumiat--as opposed to combs for larvae). Royal
jelly (tebibiot) is for food for the queen (noguk, an alternate term).
They also use pollen and produce brewed i_siit_. The bees bite Okiek
to protect their honey, so there will be enough for themselves. Some
bees are so brave they sting so much and quickly that you can't reach
them in the hive. A man can take 100 bites but if much more, you feel
very hot and water comes in the body and you can fall down. How brave
they are depends on the 'hive' (here he refers to the bees inhabiting
the hive and not the physical properties of any individual hive).
Some are so brave they can sting you before you get up the tree."
"When there are flowers, there are some bees who are singers.
Tllese are the drones. They only eat and entertain and warm the home.
The workers, who collect nectar, know by their singing that they have
a home and so, they are happy. When there is little honey, the
Workers kill these singers, cutting them, as you find the necks are
out - The workers go on killing because the singers are supposed to
Sing and eat, so when there is not much honey, the workers kill them,
as the singers will eat all the honey. When the queen produces young
ones 3 the workers select the singers, who are bigger than the workers,
and When they have selected enough, they leave the rest of the new

bees to be workers and soldiers. Workers work some time. Other times

72
they guard, and they change jobs off and on. Workers will sting you,
too, when they come back to the hive. A queen may move with most of
the bees, leaving young ones with just a little honey, you will find.
It will take three months to fill up the hive again. Whenever there
are flowers, they will fill. If there is a long flowering, they can
fill twice or three times. Flowers will come once a year. Some
flowers bloom between the usual seasons, and you can then collect a
little (honey)."
These accounts are from different informants from both
Kaplelach and Kipchornwonek but reflect the common knowledge and
attitude of the Okiek toward bees and bee ecology. The Okiek make a
special point about bees being "clever." This is a term they apply
to, of all things, rabbits. The reason for this is the fact that
rabbits are rarely caught in traps, though they inhabit areas where
traps are placed. The Okiek believe only the rabbit has the
"Cleverness" to detect and avoid these noose traps. Rabbits are
frequently protagonists in Okiek tales. The other important use of
"Cleverness" is in Okiek characterization of themselves in contra-
distinction from other tribes, especially Maasai. This theme is
eSpecially obvious in Okiek tales, in which Okiek cleverness outwits
the numerically superior Maasai, the antagonists. What cleverness
Okiek see in bees relates not only to deception but to the complexity
of SOCial life and, to the Okiek, mental processes which rank only
second to humans themselves.
Without the excuse of primitive instinct to distinguish bee

beh"5'-VJ'_or from superior human processes, the Okiek are free to elevate

73
bees to a level of importance in the natural world that western
nations would not imagine. Okiek wonder (but not reverence) of the
bees, therefore, is something more than others could ordinarily under-
stand. Their feelings about bees, based on their knowledge and
beliefs about them, are complementary to their extensive use of their
products. It is possible that their esteem for bees is related to
their beliefs in the medical, supernatural, and social value placed
on honey as food and drink. The Okiek have not verbalized such a
connection, nor is it directly ascertainable from projective expres-
sions, such as stories or religion and social symbolism. Though I
cannot argue for this connection, I think it is probable the two com-
plementary beliefs tend to reinforce each other: that the efficacy of
bee products (belief in its food and medical value is world-wide) is
consistent with the complex capabilities of bees, and vice versa. If
the Okiek knew as much of bee social life as Krogh ("The Language of
The Bees" 191:8) has demonstrated, I am sure they would be doubly
astounded. The relationship of bees to Okiek beliefs and values is
discussed further in Chapter 5.

There is undoubtedly a greater density of bees in the Mau
forest than in any adjacent areas, and this undoubtedly reflects the
unusual concentration of trees which bear flowers from which bees can
extract nectar for honey. Before the Okiek put hives in the forest,
the natural hives of bees have been hollow tree trunks. Even today
the Okiek will break into any tree in which bees have been found. In
the dry season when their own hives have been emptied, they go search-
ing for days on end for these natural hives, in which to get honey.

In their search for these hives, the Okiek are frequently aided by the

71.
honey bird (indicator) which, by its chatter and flight, catches the
attention of the men in the forest and leads them to a hive. The
hive usually has a small opening inaccessible to the honey bird but an
ax opens it easily, and the Okiek extract the combs. After their
departure, the honey bird flies down from the upper limbs to eat the
remaining bits of honey. The first time I saw this it was quite
remarkable, especially for an anthropcentric. Not until I had wit-
nessed this several times did I accept it with the aplomb of the Okiek.
Perhaps they were as struck with my esteem of this bird as I was with
their esteem of the bees, since they derisively referred to the bird
as not knowing the difference between a natural hive and some person's
hiVe . On occasion, the bird has led them off as much as a mile on a
uSeless trip to some other person's hive.

There is another animal in this ecological niche of honey
use—---the honey badger (Kukto, Mellivora copensis) a thickset, short—
legged badger—like animal about 2-1/2 feet long, closely resembling in
appearance, strength, and temperament, the North American wolverine.
This animal lives throughout the Mau forest but never in any numbers.
Nevertheless, the honey badger's effect on Okiek subsistence is
cons iderable. His predilection for honey is on a par with that of the
Okiek and the honey bird. His prodigious strength permits him to
mat open some natural hives and, for this reason, the Okiek say that
he and the honey bird cooperate in finding and raiding the hives. The
problem for the Okiek is the honey badger's equal proficiency in open-
ing Okiek hives. On numerous occasions, Okiek will find that at least

80m
e of their hives have been burst open in the intervening months

75

since last visited. To discourage the honey badger, the Okiek always
put the hives in trees, either in the upper limbs of tall trees which
have a bare, limbless trunk, or hanging hives from limbs by vines.
Either way, the honey badger will find it difficult, frequently
impossible, to get to the hive. The same placement also discourages
theft by humans, especially in areas inhabited by other tribes, as in
soEa. Despite these precautions, honey badgers can and do climb
these tall trees (some 125 feet high with a hive 50-80 feet above the
ground) and tear off the cedar bark cover and dig a hole in the top of
the hive to get the honey out. Bees will not inhabit a hive with a
large opening and until the hive is repaired (not always possible if
3X13 ensively damaged), no honey can be gained from it.

Because of the honey badger, extensive precautions and repairs
are necessary in honey gathering, which has made the technology of
this subsistence pattern more intricate and time-consuming. In areas
where the honey badger is rare or non-existent, such as in the more
densely inhabited Kikuyu Reserve, hives are usually hung by the Kikuyu
from low limbs and are easily accessible from the ground. Broken
hiVes are also more convenient as many can be hung in one tree, while
in the Mau forest, only certain tall, mostly limbless trees with just
the right kind of level double fork high in the tree is necessary for
Sec"tiring a hive, and these are scarce enough to be specifically sought

wt and claimed by individual Okiek to the exclusion of others.

WW

I have gone to considerable length to describe all the impor-

tan
t Variables in the natural environment which directly affect the

76

Okiek exploitation of honey. This ecological niche is the most

important niche in which the Okiek interact with the natural environ-

ment . It is the most important in the sense that the conditions of

the niche influence Okiek adaptation more than any other niche, such

as hunting or trapping. While it can be demonstrated that honey

subsistence directly influences the time, place, and method of much
hunting and trapping, the converse is rarely the case.

The following chapter takes up the relationship of honey to
other Okiek subsistence patterns and shows how the two relate to each

other and to the natural environment and honey relationship discussed

in this chapter .

Chapter 2

OKIEK SUBSISTENCE

PART ONE

OKIEK DIET

Throughout this thesis when speaking of "traditional" Okiek,
reference is made to the manner in which all Okiek used to live and

some still do live, before the cultivation of crops and rearing of

domestic stock, both of which have brought basic changes in Okiek

life—style. Elements of this traditional way of life are still

followed by virtually all Okiek today; that is, they all collect

honey and kill animals for food. The changes which have taken place

Many Okiek now have gardens

5.:— e however , additive , not replac ive .

3

and keep cows, sheep, and goats, but these are only in addition to
hunting and collecting. The domestic foods, however, have necessi—
tated some changes in emphasis from traditional Okiek ways. Thus to
ma'irl‘l'lain gardens and stock, people usually live in larger aggregations,
so that when some have to go to the forest, there will be others to
take care of things. Food dependence alters radically. Those who have
gardens depend on their crOps, mostly maize, for as much as 75% Of
their diet, compared to relatively little maize purchased and consumed

b
y traditional Okiek, who may depend on game meat for 75% or more of

77

78

their diet .

Diet in these two types of subsistence, traditional and
domestic, also varies with season. Those who have gardens and stock
tend to be permanently settled in certain locations. The women and
children remain at home year around, except for occasional short trips
to relatives or to the forest to carry out honey or meat. Their men
also tend to be sedentary but, unlike the women, go to the forest for
short trips regularly during the year but especially in the honey
season. During that season they may go for one or two days up to a
week to get meat and honey to bring home. While in the forest, they
depend almost exclusively on meat and honey for food, rarely taking
any maize meal with them. A man, on average, may eat as much as three
Pounds of honey and seven pounds of meat in a day, when both are
readily available. If honey is not to be had, then meat constitutes
the total diet. Meat in the high forest, eSpecially giant forest hog,
is usually procurable at any time, though with bad luck one can go for
two or three days without. This kind of experience, admittedly
uncCnrrmon, has prejudiced many Okiek in favor of the reliability of
mai ze gardens. Honey and meat brought home from the forest is divided
with close kin and friends. Honey is the more valued commodity and
most 3 if not all, is retained by the owner for his children, for
Selling or trading and for making wine. Meat is more easily procured
in <lllamtity and since it is less valued or useful in so many ways than
honey , meat is usually divided among those with whom one lives--mostly
male members of one's own lineage, plus occasional in-laws and friends

who -
3~lve nearby. Meat division varies so much with who is present

79

that it is difficult to formulate what would be the order of
preference if all relatives and friends were present. Generally, one
lives with members of one's own lineage, so the man who shot the
animal gets the major portion, giving some to whoever is with him,
frequently a brother. A man will then allot the first share to his
father, next to his brother, then father's brothers, father's
brothers' sons, then mother's brothers and sisters, father's sisters,
and their children, if present. On the other hand, meat may be
divided by sex, as frequently all men eat together at 5993;, their
campfire, and women at theirs. Thus all the men will be given the
"SWeet" meats, such as ribs, head, heart, while children will be given
Other meat. Women get last priority, receiving what, if any, meat is
left over, provided there is maize for them to eat. Otherwise, they
get a. share of the meat.

Generally, in a large settlement where more than one person
may be getting meat, a person will tend to follow kin lines in distrib-
uting his meat, while in a small group, one person may be the only one
to get meat, and he will make sure that everyone present gets some. In
this way, fluctuations in one person's success are evened out by the
f0“Ptlnnes of others. Unless cut in strips and dried in the sun or over
a fire, meat will last four days at most and must be consumed within
that period. A giant forest hog may dress out at 200 pounds of meat,
WIlight is most sensibly divided with as many as ten people to be fully
Utilized.

Honey in the diet differs from meat in many ways; the most
Obvio . . . . .

Us 18 that honey 18 in comparatively small supply. While a man

ma
Y get 300 pounds of honey in an average year, he can get that much

80

in meat in one morning. What is not so obvious about honey as food is
that , unlike meat, much of it is not simply a source of food but is
us ed in a wide variety of ways. The honey that does end up as food is
usually of two types: honey eaten by men after they have taken honey
from each hive, and honey eaten in camp, mostly by children. When in
the forest, going from one hive to the next, all the Okiek in a party
will stop after each hive to eat one-half or one pound of honey. By
the end of the day, after honey has been gotten from four hives or so,
each man may have devoured three pounds of honey. Back at camp, the
men will eat meat off and on all evening and even during the night,
Waking and cooking more.
The honey brought home is divided only minimally, usually with
Parents and brothers, but most of the honey, unlike meat, is retained
by the owner. Of this, an average of one-third will be given to his
children as food. The wife takes little or none for herself. Another
third goes to storage for ceremonies, payment for a wife, or trading
or Selling to get needed shop goods or a sheep or goat. The last
third a man will brew up as wine, which he will invite his relatives,
in‘lavs, and friends to share with him. In this manner, honey is
div'ided among others. m is sufficiently filling that its use
constitutes a meal in itself, and persons invited for drinks usually
will skip eating that evening or afternoon. The social significance
of drinking will be discussed in Chapter 6.

A third source of traditional Okiek subsistence is wild fruits,
belfibies, tubers, etc. As previously mentioned, the Okiek make very
little use of them e ' O

, spec1ally adults, and this appears to be a result

of £3
1:1 environment not conducive to producing food storing seeds.

81
Children, old enough to go out on their own (about age ten) are the
ones who make the most use of this food source. When these foods
ripen, boys especially will gorge themselves during the day, coming
home so full that they want no evening food. This may go on a few
days , or as much as three weeks; after that no other wild foods may
ripen for months. Women also may sort out and pick these foods,
eating them on the spot but rarely bringing any quantity home. Unlike
most hunting and gathering societies, the Okiek women and children are
very much dependent on their husbands and fathers for food, and old
People on their sons. In traditional Okiek society, women are of
relatively little value in the production of goods. Their economic
Value to their husbands is in the children they bear and rear and in
maintaining the household for their husband, such as preparing and
S“5—‘3'5'V’ing food, supplying the fire with firewood, and drawing water from
the stream.
Among Okiek who have adopted cultivation and herding, women

have an important role in the production of goods. Men clear the

f or est for gardens, but mostly the women plant, weed, and harvest
crops . They also have primary responsibility for the distribution of
garden foods among kin and friends. They, of course, do the storing,
selling, grinding, and cooking of these foods. Children, for the first
time in Okiek society, are saddled with the responsibility that Maasai
c}:l:'.‘:'~<12l:‘en have for herding stock. The accumulated wealth of their
fathers and father's brothers are entrusted to both boys and girls

fr .
on about age ten during the day, as the stock is herded here and there

for-
grass and water. This necessitates an important emphasis on

res . . . . .
DC3‘1'181b111ty training at an early age, which is not experienced

82
among Okiek who have no stock.

Among herders and cultivators, almost always those who have
gardens also have stock, and vice versa. The resulting diet for
people residing at home is mostly maizemeal, with a cup of milk at
each meal and a dish of additional spinach-like food or boiled meat in
the evening. Children, in the honey season, also get some honey, but
it is never their primary food. In some areas, potatoes are eaten as
much as, and as an alternative to, maize. Among these Okiek, meat at
home is not a primary food but ranks second to maize in amount eaten.

This account should not be construed as maintaining that Okiek
Without gardens do not eat garden foods. On the contrary, the Okiek

maintain that long before they had gardens, even beyond memory, they
have always traded with maize-producing tribes like the Kipsigis.
This has especially been the case in times of drought when fresh honey
and to some extent meat are not available. In fact, during the age-
set of I]; Belg}; (ca.lOO years ago) many Kipchornwonek went to live
with Kipsigis or depended mostly on Kipsigis' food to get them through
8. Severe drought. The Kaplelach today, especially those without
ga-3'1‘<1ens, trade extensively with Kikuyu for maize. In the off season,
w1111.27.- living outside the forest, these Kaplelach will eat mostly
maize, as there isn't enough honey available for eating, and killing
a“131318.13 near other tribes is dangerous, as it may be reported.

It is evident from the above that seasonal variation in food

Supply, changes in residence, and the amount of domestic food raised
by each family, makes it impossible to generalize about present Okiek
diét - At best, estimates can, and have been, made of food consumption

in
SIhaller units of time and space, such as: forest camps vs

83
permanent settlements which tend to correlate with seasons and
domestic food use. Traditional Okiek diet, on which traditional, and
to a large extent current, Okiek society and culture developed, can
be more easily estimated. Meat has constituted about 70%, honey 15%,
domestic foods from other tribes 15%, and wild fruits, berries, etc.,
less than one percent. This is a rough estimate, not based on
individual data, but rather on the Okiek's own estimate. Furthermore,
it ignores the previously described temporal and spacial variations in
subsistence and residence and sex-age variation, which are more

important to understanding the relation of diet to Okiek life than

these gross figures can convey.

Nutritional Requirements

The human body has a number of minimal dietary requirements

for maintaining itself. These principal food substances are proteins,

'vitamins, minerals, and a little vegetable oil. In addition, fuel
Ihaods are required for energy if a person is active, though if not,
tile above food substances provide sufficient fuel. In other words,
Silarches, sugars, and fats are a necessary requirement only for active
Peeple. For inactive people they are not utilized, but rather stored
as bodily fat, a source of energy readily available if at some time in
'31fi2 future energy food becomes scarce. Thus the well-known
Steatopygia among Bushman (especially women) fills an important
nlllclczrtional requirement of storing energy against a season of inadequate
fooa - Chandler (1896:278) found Okiek living in a state of chronic
Stfilr'xration, in which women survived noticeably better than men. This

may be, in part, a result of women having more fat than men. Among

8h
the Mau Okiek, I observed that men were almost always lean, while
women were frequently well filled out, though not obese.

There are more than forty chemical substances required for
adequate nutrition. Of these, eleven are of principal importance and
if food containing these is eaten in the amounts required, these same
foods tend to also supply enough of the other substances to provide a
complete diet. The eleven substances are protein, calcium, iron,
iodine, vitamin A, vitamin B, (thiamine, riboflavin, niacin), vitamin
C (ascorbic acid), fat, and fuel foods (U. S. Department of
Agriculture, 1960). These will be discussed in terms of how they are
provided for in traditional Okiek diet.

Meat has been the principal source of food for the Okiek.
Voluntary muscle is important, especially for the animal protein it
supplies the body. .Meat also contains significant amounts of B
‘vitamins (mostly niacin and riboflavin), phosphorus, and some iron.
LLiver is rich in iron, vitamin A, vitamin B12, and folic acid, also
:some vitamin D, niacin, riboflavin, and thiamine. Kidneys have

Tfiitamin A, riboflavin, niacin, and thiamine. Heart has riboflavin and
niacin.

’ Fat is a food substance highly prized by the Okiek. It is
ecllaally valued by the Maasai who, like the Okiek, pay four times the
Pr'fiicze of lean meat (1 vs h shilling per pound) for a pound of fat in
the local Narok market. In a society not troubled by obesity, the
exiscr'emely high caloric content of fat (26h calories per ounce) makes
it an ideal energy food. Not only does it supply high energy in small

GOS<EE£3, but the small doses are unusually filling; thus on a small

85
quantity of food, a person can go for hours without feeling hungry
again. The Okiek also maintain that fat is a pleasant food to eat
because it is sweet ( apyin. ) like honey. The overriding value of
fat was demonstrated to me at two different elephant kills. At one,
the Okiek had to go seven miles from camp to get to the carcass and
stayed there two days cutting and drying meat and removing the fat
before the laborious job of transporting it home. At the second kill,
the elephant had very little fat; seeing this, the Okiek merely took
what they could carry of fat and meat and went home. They were
unhappy because there was "no fat," and they abandoned most of the
carcass to the vultures. That elephant was less than two miles from
camp.

Fat is also used as the base of the decorative red paint the

Okiek and Maasai smear in various patterns on their bodies. Fat alone
is rubbed into the skin of babies for its supposed medicinal value,
axnd by extension it is used in ritual as a vehicle for the super-
natural blessing of adults and children.

The use of fat in Okiek diet extends to all ages, but primarily
tlley conceive of fat as a necessary, healthful food for children
without which a child cannot develop his full strength and health. A
nElIl.‘Will go to considerable lengths to obtain fat for his baby to

$11.131;)1ement the mother's milk. They usually have to be forced a bit to
931: :fat. Fat is provided for growing children and also for adults
WhEBJCI sick. One of the principal reasons for slaughtering a sheep when
Smn<ee<3ne is sick is to be able to make a fat broth for drinking, and
thus; :restoring health to the patient. In killing animals, preference

is alZLivays given to "fat" animals like elephant, rhino, giraffe, eland,

86
etc. The fat is meticulously removed and taken home for the children,
though persons of all ages like to eat chunks of raw or cooked fat.

Fats are primarily a source of energy, providing more calories
per weight than any other food substance, over twice as much as
proteins and carbohydrates, and about twice that of honey and sugars
(Field 196h:12; Bauer 1965). Some kinds furnish vitamin A or D,
while all fats help the body make use of these vitamins.

The third most important food source for the Okiek has been
honey. Honey is eaten or drunk as a liquid by persons of all ages.
Among children it is especially favored, though it is my impression
that in the first year or two of life, fat is stressed more than honey
in feeding babies. Honey is the obvious favorite of children, while
adults give equal preference to meat and honey. Among adult women,
honey constitutes a lesser percentage of the diet, partly in deference
to their children's needs and partly because they do not get to eat
'the honeycombs their husbands eat each time they get honey from a hive.

The food and medical value of honey seems to be a lively point
cxf contention in America. Among the Okiek, its value is unquestioned
811d, not surprisingly, we find it has many medicinal uses among folk
Annerrica. Traditions, beliefs, perhaps even some facts which are much
older than modern medicine, die slowly. In the face of this, the
tI‘Eiditional nutritional and medicinal role of honey in American life
hadEB been sharply criticized by a number of medical and health sources.
Ballleex'(1965:556) states:
lBecause_many of the old preparations contained honey for
jEBlatability, honey got a great reputation as a medicament.

14ctually, it is only a solution of sugar with not enough
Kritamins or minerals to be nutritionally important.

87

The National Formulary, an official drug compendium, gives
honey's only medical use as "a flavoring vehicle" (in Bauer 1965:556).

The Journal of the American Medical Association states that
honey "has no known therapeutic value peculiar or specific only to
itself" (Bauer 1965:556). In fact it may, in one case, do the
opposite, as it contains sufficient pollen to cause allergic
reactions in some people.

Field (196h:182) states that honey is:

mainly concentrated fructose and glucose with flavors derived
from the particular flowers the bees used to produce it.
HOney has been supposed by the faddists to be a health food,
but it has only traces of any substances except sugars and
has no special food values over any other sugar. It is not
as easily digested and absorbed as the relatively pure
glucose found in corn syrup.

The U. S. Department of Agriculture's description of honey
indicates that it contains 80% sugars, 16% water, dextrin, and gums.
The remaining h% includes flavoring, aromatic substances, and traces
(of vitamins in insignificant amounts. Minerals are not mentioned
(in Bauer 1965:556).

Most of these comments must be put in perspective. They were

‘W1?itten at a time when honey, among other particular foods, had gained
a (Monsiderable amount of national prestige, an outgrowth of its long-
tithe status in American folk medicine. In 1958, a Vermont medical
dC>C=1sor, D. C. Jarvis, published a volume entitled, Folk Medicine, a
EEEEfnnont Doctor's Guide Book to Good Health. This became a best seller,
not; surprisingly, because it gave "clear, concise instructions for
Tfldlzjizant health and long life." One of his prescriptions for a number

0f.£sLlements was honey and honeycombs. Though Jarvis did not deny the

Value of medical diagnoses and prescription, apparently the medical

88
profession believed his audience would and, as a consequence, current
literature on honey bends over backward to deny it any special status.
The curious, however, may wonder why honey has achieved such an
important status in American folk lore and, as well, throughout the
world. Jarvis summarizes some of the possible reasons, citing a
number of professional studies. Quite aside from what facts may apply
to honey, however, it is important for the purposes of this thesis to
keep in mind that what people believe about something may be of far
more social, cultural, and psychological importance than the actual
physiological value of the item. It is in this light that the follow—
ing analysis of honey is presented.

A series of tests by bacteriologists at Colorado Agriculture

College, in the Bureau of Entomology, Washington, D. C., and in the
Division of Bacteriology in Ottawa, have shown that bacteria cannot
live in the presence of honey because honey contains enough potassium
‘to»withdraw from bacteria the moisture which is essential to their
enristence. Placed in honey, typhoid fever-producing germs died within
#53 hours. A and B typhosus germs died in 2h hours, a typhoid bacillus
diued.in five hours, germs which caused chronic bronchopneumonia died
ill :four days. Similar results occurred with germs for peritonitis,
liL<311ritis, suppurative absesses, and dysentery (cited in Jarvis,
1958 :96).

A chemist at the University of Wisconsin is cited as analyzing
hOCltafiy for its.mineral contents, which include some essential to
nutJE-cition: c0pper, iron, and manganese.

Honey is in part composed of the simple sugars, levulose and

GEXtLIrcase, which are more readily absorbed into the body than cane

89
sugar and starches, which must first be converted by enzymes into
simple sugars. As such, it is less irritating to the lining of the
digestive tract. For this reason also, it is more easily and rapidly
assimilated and, thus, more quickly furnishes energy.

Percival (1955) ran a series of endurance tests on individuals
who had eaten specific quantities of honey before, during, and after
the tests. His conclusion was that honey increased performance,
sustained effort and fatigue recovery. In addition, participants also
claimed they felt_they had more energy and felt less fatigue after

using honey than without it. The impression of energy, of course, has

 

Specific significance for understanding the use of honey in a
preliterate society like the Okiek.

This same study also concluded that honey was preferable to
other sugars as a source of quick energy because it has greater taste
appeal than others, more of it can be tolerated at one serving, it is
inore versatile as it can be used in many ways and in combination with
(other foods and beverages, and it is apparently free of bacteria and
irritating substances.

Jarvis also concludes (1965:99) that honey (at least with his

Tfssnmont patients) is the sugar best handled by the kidneys, that it
£1615; a natural and gentle laxative effect, it has a sedative value,
<[Outfitting the body, and has medicinal value as a cough remedy.

HOney may have some value, in addition to these, for infant
fEE<euding. Schultz and Knott (l938:h65—h73) report on tests on infant
utzzitlization of different sugars. They conclude:

Honey has the advantage over sugars, which contain higher
.levels of dextrose, since it does not cause the blood

snugar to rise to higher levels than can be easily cared
for by the body. With its easy and widespread

9O
availability, palatability and digestibility, honey would
seem to be a form of carbohydrate which should have a
wider use in infant feeding.

Jarvis states that honey is effective in relieving at least
the symptoms of certain nervous disorders such as upset stomach, bed-
wetting, sleeplessness, twitching, and cramps. Presumably, these are
related to the putated sedative value of honey, though no systematic
studies have been made. Jarvis cites clinical evidence to the effect
that eating honey and chewing honeycombs is effective as a desensitiz—
ing agent for allergic reactions like hayfever. Other nasal disorders
such as colds are also susceptible to the same treatment, which Jarvis
claims is effective in ninety percent of cases treated. This seems
surprising in view of the fact that honey contains pollen, which ought
to be the g§2§g_of hayfever.

What facts are known about honey appear to indicate that its
Special value lies outside the nutritional sphere denied it by current
Inedical opinion. It is a source of convenience and quick energy. In
£1 society such as the Okiek, where individuals are sporadically active

sand then inactive, honey provides the one relatively plentiful source

025‘ fuel food which is available when needed. Unlike meat, which
SIPCHEIS if not dried and which is not easily stored and transported,
hIDIley'is compact, easily carried and, most importantly, indefinitely
Preservable. Fat, as a fuel food, has the disadvantage of being less
PI—Gatatiful and thus largely consumed by children.

For the Okiek, honey has the advantage of being safely eaten,

as th is free of bacteria. Because it doesn't cause indigestion or
Sic kness, the Okiek quite reasonably consider it a "good" food, that

is, Aliealthful, and also a.medicinal substance. A.number of studies

91
previously cited indicate that this claim of medicinal value may be
correct, in that honey may indeed kill bacteria, particularly in the
throat and stomach.

The possible sedative effect of honey is acknowledged by the
Okiek. Like mother's milk, honey is given to the older children as a
palliative for any number of frustrations and initiations. On
occasion, I have seen an unhappy, whimpering child calmed by a handful
of honey given by his mother to placate his irritation. This same
function is clearly evident in the adult use of honey wine, the giving
of which is reified as a social custom for the purpose of influencing
others, the living and the dead. These important social and cultural
functions are discussed in Chapters h-6.

Finally, I don't recall ever seeing an Okiek who suffered from
nasal congestion, either from a cold or hayfever, though they live in
an environment of heavy pollen concentration and often cold wet weather.
Their usual ailments were sore throat, stomach upset, diarrhea, and eye
:irritations. There were, of course, less frequent but more serious
(diseases such as bronchial pneumonia and tuberculosis.

The last and least important source of traditional Okiek food
is wild vegetable matter and fruits. These have played a relatively
Small part in their diet, especially with adults. Most of these wild
-f<><>ds tend to be berries of various sorts. Fruits contain vitamin C
aSCI-<3. sugar primarily. These days, and to some extent in the past, many
012:7. ek eat a considerable amount of maize, a grain rich in carbohy-
drates. It is less adequate in niacin and protein than wheat, and a
hEEIITVy'dependence on it can result in a deficiency disease common in

Afr*:i<:a.called kiloashiorkor (Field l96h:179). Maize is poor in

92
protein because it lacks sufficient amounts of some essential amino
acids. Consequently, to avoid deficiency diseases, it is necessary
to augment the diet with much protein-rich foods as milk, eggs, and
meat. The white cornmeal of East Africa has less vitamin A than
yellow cornmeal.

The Okiek diet of meat, honey, some fruits, and maize, some-
what surprisingly, supplies a fairly good balance of the principal
nutritional requirements. Protein is supplied from meat and some from
maize. Iron comes mostly from meat and some from maize. Vitamin A
comes from meat and from some fruits. The B vitamins are found in
small amounts in meat and maize. Vitamin C comes only from fruits.
Vitamin A or D is furnished by some fats.

The two apparent deficiencies in Okiek diet are iodine and
calcium. Iodine is essential to normal growth and activity of the
tluyroid gland. A child without iodine may grow up mentally and

lokuysically sluggish and even be unable to bear children as an adult.
Itcxiine deficiency causes goiter, an ailment I never observed among
Okiek, suggesting that they may be receiving sufficient iodine in
drinking water.

The second possible deficiency is calcium. Calcium is a vital

19511?1: of blood and lymph, as well as bone. Too little calcium results
:111 iJaJury to muscle, heart, and the nervous system. Some calcium is

found in maize. Milk and milk products are the principal source but

111113i£L recent decades Okiek have had little access to milk, except as
they might be given some by Maasai-—the usual Maasai expression of

110$IDi'tality analogous to Okiek serving honey or wine.

93

Honey is noticeably absent from this summary of nutritional
requirements. Its importance to Okiek is elsewhere than in
physiological maintenance. Unlike most of the other foods whose value
is in long-term nutritional maintenance, the lack of which is not
readily perceived by the individual, honey, when eaten or drunk as a
wine, has an immediate and obvious effect on the body, which is
clearly felt by the Okiek. There is a euphoric quality to honey,
which either does not exist or is less apparent with other foods.
This is what people can feel in themselves and see in others; it has
an immediate reality which cannot help to reinforce beliefs about its
efficacy as a food or medicine. The importance of honey in American_
folk medicine is at least attributable to the apparent effects it has
on the body, if not to any real physiological value. The Okiek credit
honey with much the same nutritional and medicinal worth believed by
"folk" America.

It is apparent to me from only a brief inquiry into beliefs
about honey in EurOpe and Asia that this phenomenon exists extensively
throughout the world. The similarity in beliefs about honey suggest
‘that they must derive from a common source. American and Okiek
Ileliefs about honey suggest that the common source is the perception
cxf its apparent physiological effect; it is appealingly sweet, it is

gllickly filling, it is soothing, it is easily digestible, it is non-
iJ?1?itating and free of disease. To industrial societies, accustomed
tC) .all sorts of prepared foods, such as many types of sugars in

Various forms, the unique natural quality of honey no longer strikes

US £13 something distinctive. But to societies living on only natural

9h
foods, honey is a highly peculiar food. As a class of food, it ranks
with all meats and plant foods. Before the advent of modern sugars,
before even the sugar cane "loaf," honey to early Americans must have
had something of the importance it has among the Okiek. We have lost
this feeling and, with it, have overlooked what is still significant
in many primitive societies. A measure of this loss was the reaction
I got from an American to my intention of writing about the role of
honey in Okiek life. He gave me a quizzical look, waiting for me to
laugh it off as a Joke.
Honey as food and medicine is but half its importance to the
Okiek. If the uses it has in the maintenance of health were not
sufficient to account for its importance, the use of honey as a liquor
certainly will. The Okiek, as a whole, drink a lot of wine. They
make it whenever there is a supply of honey. They make it in large
quantities, and they make it frequently. They like to drink and they
like to drink in the company of others. In their feelings, and in
'their work, the Okiek express a great interest in and desire for drink-
ing. In fact, it was apparent in my field work that the average adult
Cutiek (assuming other basic needs are reasonably satisfied), could be
more easily motivated to do nearly anything if he or she believed there
“"343 a chance of getting some drinks out of it. The close relationship
<31? drinking to motivation.makes more reasonable the discussion of

drinking in the chapter on Okiek personality.

95

PART TWO
HONEY GATHERING IN TIME AND SPACE:

SEASONS AND LAND TENURE

Honey_Distribution in Forests and by Season
The foregoing chapter described the distribution of honey-
producing trees and plants in the various Okiek forests and the usual
rainy seasons after which trees flower and honey is collected. The
location of honey trees and plants does not vary, except as a possible
consequence of a forest fire or land clearing and, therefore, presents
no uncertainty to the Okiek. The rains, however, are highly variable
in time of occurrence, direction, and intensity. There is a tendency
for the long rains to occur in March, April, and May, and the short
rains in October and November.
Climatic uncertainty, however, is the more usual condition.
'When I first was learning about honey seasons, I would ask the Okiek
Vfihen they would be getting the next honey, to which they usually
I‘eplied with such a vague answer that I began to doubt their veracity.
‘Ais the months of my field work went by without any honey, I accepted
the accuracy of this "inaccuracy."
This lack of constancy imparts an irregular rhythm to Okiek
JLfiijfe. At no time can an Okiot be sure of where he will have to move
Ilfiazct to make his living. If flowers come in 31322, he will have to
In(Dwrehimself, sometimes his whole family, there for a few days to as
mlllel as six months, depending on the supply of honey and the number of

h1.1r£es he wishes to make or repair.

96

There are a large number of momentary conditions which affect
Okiek residence and social relations within a broader pattern of
seasonal honey exploitation in different forests. While at tigap, a
man from time to time may have to return to g2yua_to sell or trade
honey at the town shops or to Maasai, to purchase tobacco, cloth, pay
or collect a debt, or to collect honey that has followed on a new
flowering in Boyua. If a friend or relative is sick, he and his
family may leave tirap_to attend to this affair, or perhaps he is
invited to a ceremony in another area.

The result of seasonal flowering is a tendency for related men
who have hives in the same areas in a forest to plan to go together,
sometimes with their families, to live in that forest while collecting
the honey. On the other hand, individuals, non-lineage based needs,
obligations, and social ties, tend to break up these lineage concen-
trations, at least momentarily.

If seasonal fluctuations contribute to irregular rhythm in
(Dkiek life through time, the constancy of honey-producing trees and

Iilants in specific forests largely accounts for stability in Okiek

JJLfe in space. The Okiek very explicitly desire to collect as much
hCurley as they can. This means going to each forest as the changing
Seasons result in flowering in one elevation or another. The Okiek
1I<>IFest types, each generally correlating with elevation levels,
E31?€ecipitation and temperature, reflect different types of vegetation.
qjllfiiy'also reflect the seasons of flowering, because the same climatic
vEFAI—Ir'iables which permit the growth of certain species also tend to
CEIIJESE these species to flower at the same time. Thus heavy rainfall

3h1 txirap not only permits certain species to flourish there, but since

97

this rainfall comes to most of that elevation at the same times, the
whole forest will tend to flower at that time. Thus one hears Okiek,
on coming back from trips here and there, bringing the news that, "It
is flowering in £3322? (or sasaondet, etc.). What this means is that
flowering usually occurs in most areas of tirap, if it occurs at all.
The Okiek classification of forests in elevational strips reflects
this. If climatic conditions should favor flowering in narrow areas
throughout the elevations at one time, I am sure Okiek forest classi-
fications would reflect this.

When, for example, flowering comes to tirapg there is an
obvious tendency for Okiek to leave their present homes and migrate to
that forest. Thus the whole population tends to shift together to a
certain elevation, but not to a specific circumscribed location. If
anything, the tendency is toward dispersal from slightly greater con-
centration of families in dry season camps to smaller, more dispersed
Camps in the honey season. The widespread flowering throughout a forest
‘Qype militates against compact aggregations in certain seasons common

tSomany other hunting and gathering societies. When aggregation does

Culcur among Okiek, it is usually a result of ceremonies in which some
kithand kin and friends congregate for a few days. At no time do
wIlole groups of Okiek, and obviously not all the Okiek, aggregate. To
Eicrcrount for this, at the least it can be said that there are no
eEcological circumstances which would provide an advantage to this type
or concentration. It may also be possible that such aggregations are
economically impossible. It is likely, as will soon be discussed,
thléii: such aggregation would be socially untenable, resulting in the

uncontrollable expression of interpersonal and inter-lineage hostility.

98
Okiek society, at least among those Okiek I have studied (see
Huntingford 1951 for variation in another group), is divided into
groups which, in turn, are composed of lineages (kap_sg., keytonik pl.).
These lineages, unusual for a hunting and gathering society, are uni-
lineal, specifically patrilineal. Marital residence is overwhelmingly
virilocal. The reasons men give for their residence with their natal
family and male siblings reflect first a sentiment of attachment to
one's own lineage, and especially to parents and siblings; it also
reflects the fact that individuals in a lineage place their hives in
the same forest areas and, therefore, live in these same areas. The
coincidence of hive location and lineage residence is a major theme
in Okiek life. The system of land tenure of the Mau Okiek (all groups
appear to have this system) is closely related to major personal needs
and social and cultural goals. An analysis of this system is
necessary for understanding virtually all aspects of Okiek life, but
especially the role of honey.
To recapitulate briefly, the south slope of Mau is transected
Ixy a series of parallel stream valleys and long ridges, which pass
111nmard in elevation through the Okiek forest types. Thus if one hikes
ifirtnn elevation 6500 feet to ca.9000 feet, one follows the top of one
<3I? these unbroken, gently rounded hills (the word "ridge" inaccurately
£3nggests a sharply delineated crest). The area in which my research
‘Vzlss conducted has about twelve such ridges. Each ridge "belongs" to a.
sgfalparate lineage, although a number of historical events within Okiek
l-erleages have complicated this pattern. Ownership, the exclusive
Iinggirts of use and inheritance, however, is particularistic. That is,

Wiiiskrin each lineage territory (konoito, sg., konoituek, plo), a

99
lineage has exclusive rights to any honey found therein. This neces-
sarily means that only members of that lineage have the right to place
hives in that territory. There are several types of exceptions to
this which will be discussed later. This Jural rule also means that
nonemembers of a lineage cannot take any honey found in natural hives
either. By extension, it also means that a person may not cut barks to
wrap his own hives from trees in another's territory. On the other
hand, there are no restrictions on residence. Any person may live in
any other person's territory and, in fact, a large percentage of all
Okiek actually live outside of (though usually near to) their own
territory these days, at least during the off season when not collect-
ing honey. Also, there is generally no formal restriction on hunting
or trapping in another's territory among those groups on the south
side of Mau, though among people who do not like each other, it may
precipitate a fight, the Okiek say. The Maresionik, to the north, are
an exception. Taking animals in another's territory is as serious an
(foense as taking honey. The Kaplelach and Kipchornwonek I have asked
laelieve this difference was brought about in recent decades by the
government's program of expropriating most of the Maresionik forests
iftxr forest preserves. As a result, they suggest, there is fewer game
‘thich, being heavily hunted, have become even fewer, so that lineages
11<>Vr Jealously guard the animals in their small territory for them-
55€33tves. The relatively recent origin of this "ownership" of animals
i-53 also suggested by the fact that the Kipchornwonek are a group which
hived off from the Maresionik within the last 100 years and do not have
tknjis; rule of exclusive rights to animals. They say, "How can an animal

be yours when tomorrow it may wander into my territory?" This attitude

100
and that of the Kaplelach was clearly demonstrated to me in a conversa-
tion with one of the eldest Kaplelach. Earlier that day someone had
been caught by a game scout shooting a couple of animals. In conversa—
tion that evening, this elder commented sarcastically, "They say he
killed one of Tipis's children (Tipis is the game warden). But they
can't get a man to tell when the animal was born. It is as if animals
are his children or his cows. Don't give that askari (game scout) any
money (as a bribe). It is not his child or cow. All the Okiek are
killing, so what can they do?" In his mind, a person can claim
damages for the loss of only his own child or domestic stock. To
claim damages for the loss of a wild animal means either the game
warden must be deranged so much that he believes himself to be the
father of the animal, or he claims wild animals as property, like cows.
To an Okiot, both make no sense; animals are free beings and "have no
owners." The Okiek can see no point to game regulations. The Okiek
have always killed animals, Just as the Maasai have used the grass and
‘the Kikuyu the earth to gain their food. That the government should
Cumme recently and arbitrarily claim game as their own stock is seen by
'tlie Okiek as grossly unfair to themselves, literally depriving them of
'tlleir natural right to live.
When I asked why they have such territories, as Opposed to
:L<31:ting anyone put their hives anywhere in the forest, I invariably
1?€3<:eived two answers. First, the Okiek believe that their ancestors
E353tablished the territories going up the ridges so that each lineage
“Tcrrzld have access to all forest types in order to avail themselves of
tlie different flowering in each forest through the year. To have

eBtablished territories in small plots or strips running parallel to

101
the forests would mean that only some lineages would get all the honey
at any one time, while under the present system, all lineages with
territories have equal access to every flowering. This system is
undoubtedly the most convenient as well. The shortest and easiest way
to go from one flowering forest to another is along the ridge. The
earliest Okiek families undoubtedly would follow one ridge up and down
in their initial adaptation to the forest. In other words, there is a
sufficient geological reason for adapting this form of land use.
There also is the environmental reason for doing this to exploit the
maximum amount of honey, and again, another reason, which the Okiek
consistently give for the adaptation of family territories per se,
quite aside from the way they extend along ridges through all forest
types. One older woman put it succinctly, "The people of long ago were
the ones who started them (lineage territories); so each.k§p (lineage)
will follow their own place. If people were to mix together, they
would fight. Well, that is not the reason; really it is that some
people do not like each other, so if they meet in one konoito
(territory), they will fight. If there are bees in a tree, then a per-
son can find and cut into the tree to get honey. Then when finished he
'Will close the hole up (so bees can keep warm and stay). But if
another person comes from another konoito (e.g., lineage) and finds
‘this tree and takes honey from it even though he sees the tree has
been closed, then the first man will be mad and fight him. But if they
are both of the same kap, then the second man will tell the first that
ihea has taken honey from that tree and it is all right. But if of
different kaps, they will fight and the first will tell the second not

'to jpass his konoito again. Sometimes people do not like each other;

102
then one can go to the konoito of the other and take hyrax or giant
forest hog. Then they will fight. But if people from different kaps
are friends, then it is all right to go and take these."

To my question of konoito origins, I have universally received
this type of answer: that ancestors (probably, for no one knows for
sure) established these lineage territories as a way of regulating
social relations in a field of conflict over a highly valued resource.
At the least, these explanations reflect the principal manifest
function of these territories in the eyes of living Okiek. The
numerous cases I recorded on interpersonal conflict of various types
in the present, and especially the elevation of these into interfikap
lineage feuds in the past, convincingly demonstrates that the Okiek
have a tenuous hold on social stability. Social relations are almost
always characterized by a conscious effort on everyone's part to avoid
situations and topics that would annoy anyone present. Should
annoyance be expressed, the Okiek usually try to ameliorate the situa—
tion by placating the aggrieved. Much of Okiek social etiquette
appears to function in this manner--regularizing otherwise uncertain
interpersonal relations and providing a series of conventional actions
Which are designed to please one's opposite or to gloss over mutual
differences. This is most explicit in meetings (kiruget) between
lpersons with a case against each other. There is a standard procedure,

8- stylized form, by which the opponents initially mask their com-
IPILalnts in kind words and present gifts (usually some liquor). They
Prrroceed tangentially, to present their grievances. Finally, accusation
nmgyr become explicit but, should either party become annoyed (konerech),

‘bhee rest will attempt to close off the breach and restore, at least

lO3
superficially, cordial relations. Frequently, a meeting ends without
apparent accommodation, the parties being more satisfied to, at least,
leave on peaceful terms. This illustrates Okiek primary concern with
the maintenance of social order in a tribe without formal authority.

Objectively, this concern is well founded, as outbreaks of
temper and subsequent fighting are not infrequent. The veil of
culture lies lightly on everyone's impulses, its fragility barely
protected by socialization.

Okiek concern for and fear of losing control is clearly
reflected in their use of land. Lineages separated by miles of forest,
each in their own territory, are less likely to cause each other daily
aggravations. Restricting honey collection to one's own forest
relieves the temptation of robbing honey from another's territory,
especially when another's territory is further distant than one's own.

This system of exclusive rights to honey collection is also,
in part, replicated within a lineage territory. Within each territory,
the Okiek identify numerous small areas (392229 sg., korosiek, pl.),
as many as two dozen in one lineage territory, and many of the larger
52323_areas are subdivided again into smaller ones. These are the
Smallest land units of the Okiek. By these, they identify locations
of hives, natural features, beginnings and ends of forest types,
;residences, and location of events. While a territory may be as much
8&3 fifty square miles, within it the areas (59323) may be from less

tllan one square mile to ten square miles for the largest. Where one
kcxret leaves off and another begins is not necessarily clear from any
chuange in the environment. Nevertheless, the Okiek know each

exrilicitly and where the boundaries are. Within a large lineage,

10h
these areas are divided among collateral lines, such that each family
has at least one in each forest type. As the sons of a man grow up,
they are given separate areas in which to put their hives. In
smaller lineages, this principle is not followed. Rather, all persons
(usually they would be either brothers or first cousins only) use any
areas they wish. The Okiek are far less likely to admit to others, as
well as to themselves, that lineage members might fight over honey,
but this division within the territory clearly reflects the same
principle as pertains between lineages. In fact, I have some cases of
fighting, even feuding, within lineages, which were objectively as
serious as between lineages, and subjectively more serious because of
the disruption of close social bonds.

If a major function of territories is to circumvent by jural
rules what.might otherwise result in fighting over honey resources,
then the exceptions to this rule are congruent with this hypothesis.
One Okiek stated that it was all right to take honey from.the hives of
any member of his lineage, provided one told the owner afterward, for
the reason that it would save the owner a pointless trip some day to a
hive which was empty. This fellow also maintained that he could do the
same with certain in-laws: father's sister's husband and son, mother's
Sister's husband and son, and mother's brother and son. In fact, on
one trip to the forest, he took considerable honey from a hive of his

Inother's brother. On that same trip, three other friends accompanied
118. TWO, with the permission of the third, who owned the hive, took
hmoney from that hive for their own children, while the first fellow
tx>ok.honey from another of this man's hives for himself. In fact,

dxuring the whole trip, no one took honey from their own hives. Yet,

lOS
in all cases, honey was being taken with explicit or tacit permission
of the owner-—owners who would permit this because they are either
relatives or close in-laws, were of the same age—set, and/or were
particularly close friends. The informality of these exceptions to a
jural rule was further emphasized on another occasion by a father's
actually objecting to his son taking honey from his hive. As I knew
this family well, it was clear to me that his objection reflected his
general inability to assume the paternal role, acting contrary to
general expectations of a father to provide for his family.

These exceptions are the extreme forms and aptly illustrate
that personal choice dictates legitimate exceptions to the jural rule
of exclusive lineage rights to honey within a territory. The function
of this rule is evident from cases which show for whom the exceptions
are ngt_made: individuals who do not have close personal ties to the
owner as friend or age-mate, and persons who are related only by
distant birth or marriage. It is the latter types of persons who are
usually thought of by Okiek as being the most likely to disregard an
owner's rights and, therefore, the type an owner would least like to
find taking honey in his territory. In this sense, the exceptions to
the rule support the hypothesis that Okiek territories contribute to
social control.

A second type of exception to this rule concerns the forest of
Esoyga, wherein the Okiek do not apply the rule of exclusive lineage

Ifights to honey within their territory. Although these territories do
esxtend into E2122; any person may place hives anywhere in that forest
arad.search for natural hives as he pleases. During the long dry

senison of my stay, frequently men and boys of different lineages went

106

out on week-long trips into E21229 looking for these natural hives.
Frequently, they went to areas which are part of the territory of
lineages of the neighboring Kapsupulek group. The Okiek even maintain
that any tribe can put hives in their territories in soyua, The Okiek,
when questioned about this exception to the rule, state that E212§.is
the place where all kinds of people live (other tribes) and make their
living, so it is unreasonable to claim rights in it exclusively to
oneself, and also it would be impossible to enforce such a rule, as it
would deny non-Okiek residents the right to put hives or collect honey
anywhere. This reason points up the powerlessness of the Okiek.
Faced with the encroachment on their land by Kipsigis and Kikuyu (both
honey-collecting tribes), the Okiek seem to have found it expedient to
gracefully withdraw, rather than suffer the embarrassment of being
unable to enforce their own rights as they see them. This second
exception to the rule, like the first one, suggests that the rule of
exclusive rights to honey is related to social control, in that in
§2y2§_this control cannot be exercised; therefore, the rule has been
retracted.

This hypothesis contrasts with a frequently heard hypothesis
that territories are primarily related to regulating the supply of a
scarce resource per se, so each can have an equal share. There is no
question in the Okiek mind that honey is a valuable commodity and that
Iif another person takes honey from one's territory, the owner's supply
le honey will be diminished, in theory. The Okiek maintain, however,
tihat even if there were ten times as many of them putting hives in
tllese forests as now, the supply of honey, per man, would not diminish.

Ufiley‘point to the many flowering trees and to the fact that probably

107
the overwhelming majority of bees live in natural hives, and are hence
potential tenants in manmade hives. My own observations indicate that
this estimation is more correct than the feeling that the honey supply
is limited. There is a feeling of honey as a limited resource,
however, and this is reinforced by a series of variables. Not all
hives are populated with bees, as apparently bees like and dislike
certain hives. If a person finds he has some hives that are empty, he
begins to feel that someone has "robbed" him of his bees, either by
placing other hives too near his, or has caused his bees to leave by
supernatural means. On occasion, I have heard such remarks from
Okiek, in the heat of frustration.
In the dry season, when no honey is being produced, and hives

have already been emptied, people are hungry, if not in body, at

least in spirit, and the consequent depression that settles over a
camp does not help individuals to feel the lack of honey as just a
consequence of climatic factors. The total lack of honey imparts the
emotional feeling that honey is limited and that if another takes
honey from one's territory, one will be diminished thereby. It is
this emotional, non—rational quality of the desire for honey which, in
part, makes Okiek feel that the quantity of honey is finite and, there-
fore, the gathering of honey is competitive. This feeling of competi-
tion for a seemingly scarce resource contributes to inter-lineage
13ension, and it is for this reason that the Okiek attribute a social
Chontrol function to their land tenure system. Animals, though truly
nuore finite than honey, appear to be infinite, as they can be killed
irl all forests and in everyone's territories through all seasons. It

if; significant, therefore, that the Okiek do not attribute their land

108
tenure system to the consequences of the supply of animals.

In comparison to the above quoted woman's comments on rights
to honey, she remarked that hunting of animals was, in effect, not
prohibited in another's territory. Rather, that the exceptions to
this rule were cases in which already unfriendly persons may accost
each other in the forest and use the excuse of hunting to get into
fighting. Among these Okiek, the jural rule is that one has free
access to any game anywhere, the exception to the rule constituting an
inappropriate breach by the supposed plaintiff.

From.this discussion, it is apparent that the Okiek believe
that their konoito system is importantly related to the control of
interpersonal aggression, which in turn is seen as the unbridled
expression of competition for honey resources. Significantly, they
do not see game as causing these same problems, even though game meat,
traditionally, has constituted the major share of the diet. On the
other hand, in all seasons, meat is a more reliable source of food.
When honey is not available, game usually is. This finite quality of
honey undoubtedly affects Okiek possessiveness.

What follows is an analysis of a different sort which describes
how honey technology and its related territorial system affect various
institutions in the social system.

Not all Kaplelach and Kipchornwonek lineages have their own
lionoito or lineage territory. Every lineage, however, owns or has
I‘ights in at least some "korets" (to anglecize the Okiek term for

c<3nvenience) in their own konoito or in another's. Since ownership of
kIJrets is synonymous with a dependable supply of honey, it is diffi-

crtlt to imagine an Okiek lineage surviving in the same manner as other

109
lineages if it did not have at least some korets scattered in the
various forests from.which to get honey. Theoretically one could
subsist on honey from "freeland" ggyga_but honey is less frequent
there than elsewhere. Even the Omotik and Digiri Okiek, both
important cattle-keeping groups living on the plains, have their own
lineage korets in adjacent gpyp§_forests for putting their hives.
Kbrets, therefore, are economically important. For instance, the
Okiek occasionally refer to this or that lineage as being not well off
and they attribute this to their possession of few korets.

KOrets are socially important not merely because of their
economic value, but because they are used to satisfy a wide range of
social indebtedness. This has some theoretical importance aside from
its place in Okiek society. Few if any hunting and gathering tribes
have elaborated a territorial system as complex as the Okiek. In
addition to this I know of none who extend the use of territories from
simple rules of residence and ownership for subsistence exploitation to
the social sphere of involving land in a wide range of social trans-
actions. This is worthy of elaboration, but for the present I confine
remarks to various types of transactions as examples of the inter—
relationship of the concepts of land tenure based on honey subsistence
to the major spheres of social life.

Kbrets are the single most valuable commodity which an Okiek

Inan will inherit from.his father. An individual has rights of use
crver korets given to him.by his father. A.man, however, can give his
kxoret to another person or lineage as he pleases. These types of
taransfer include giving a kpp§p(s) in marriage, or in gratitude to a

rwelation of value, and as an outright sale. A lineage can give a

llO

kppgp(s) to another lineage. This is usually done as compensation for
inter-lineage homicide. This type of payment usually takes place after
an extended period of feuding in which deaths on both sides have
exhausted the survivors to the extent that both sides agree to cease
hostilities, hold a peace ceremony, and settle the deaths by paying out
korets, and sometimes honey, ivory, and money.

The following are a number of cases which illustrate the range
of use korets have in the two basic types of social transactions

mentioned above.

Case 1. Many years ago a young woman was given to Naiyerra of
the lineage of Nagul to be his wife. As is sometimes done, she was
given a kppgp_by her own lineage, a k9§§p_which would be used by her
husband and later by her son(s). Dururu is Naiyerra's $080 and he
explained that if he himself gave a k2£e£_to his daughter it would be
because of his personal feelings of "happiness" ( comyeet ) for her.
He would give it to her when she had a son so that when he grows up he
could put his hives in it and it would be his and his children's after
him. Dururu went on to say that if a man had many daughters, however,
he would still give only one kgpeE:-to the daughter he liked the most.
{Ehe kppgp_given to Kururu's FaFaMo is now used by Dururu and his
bluother and it is in the konoito of the lineage which originally gave

it out.

Case 2. Naiyetta's brother, Sapagawo, was given a woman by the
Wérno lineage. He paid the customary brideprice and married her. In
tinne it was seen that his wife would have no children and so her

Paewents decided "it is better to give a koret to this man so that it

111
represents the property we have consumed." What this means is that
Okiek brideprice payments of honey, blankets, and money get used up,
unlike Maasai bride payments of cows. As one Okiot expressed it,
"Since her parents received these things and used them up, but in the
exchange you have not been able to give them children by your daughter,
so you give a 53:3: to your daughter so her husband and brother can
put their hives in it." Here a kp§§p_is given as a substitute for no
children, since children are perhaps the most important expectation to
be produced by paying a brideprice for a wife. Such a gift is
voluntary, however, in keeping with the Okiek practice of not divorc-

ing a woman if she bears no children.

Case 3. Mpoe married Loruse's sister years ago and he paid
for her with a £2532: This is unusual, few marriages have been so
paid for. The Okiek who told me this Observed that a kppep_is better
payment than a cow (and certainly better than honey) as "you can put
hives in it and get honey and even your children can do this, so the

increase can be much better than cows."

Case A. This man also recounted that his FaFa gave out one

koret to an.age-mate "because they were friends."

Case 5. Four years ago, Oldegirr gave a kgggt_to his sister's
titree sons for their use. Although as in Case A, it was a personal
mertter based on his regard for his sister's sons, it does reflect the
SPNBCial MOBR—SiSO relationship in Okiek society. Next to one's own
father and father's brother, one's mother's brother is considered

eSPecially close, something like a father but without fatherly

112

responsibility for rearing the child.

Case 6. A long time ago, perhaps 100 years ago, Nagul came
from another group and stayed with the Kaplelach lineages. As his
descendants tell it, he was a very kind ( myg_ ) man; that is, if
peOple tried to fight he stopped them, he would kill animals and give
meat to others, or if he saw a boy without a father or mother he would
make him his own son. In gratitude for his kindness he was given
korets by others. His lineage prospered and today it is very large
and has managed to acquire most of the korets in one konoito. This
is unusual as all other lineages still retain ownership Of most of

their ancestral korets.

Case 7. The koret of Takamda used to belong to the lineage Of

 

Kaurio. Liyu Of the lineage of Mapelu had arranged to marry a girl Of
the Kaurio lineage but even after he had paid the brideprice of honey,
etc., the marriage fell through. Liyu saw that the Kaurio lineage was
not paying back his brideprice so one day he told the Kaurio lineage
that he would take one of their korets, Takamda, instead. Kaurio

agreed.

Case 8. About the same time Liyu's brothers happened to hide
iflleir shields one day in another Kaurio 523339 Chokchoik. Some Kaurio
fYIund the shields and stole them (recalling that rights over korets
eactend only to honey and honey-related objects). When these two
brwothers asked for their shields back they were not given them. So

they said they would take the koret instead. Kaurio's reaction is not

 

recuxlled,'but today the descendants of these brothers put their hives

113

in that koret.

 

Case 9. There is a kppep_which once belonged to a Kaplelach
lineage but it was adjacent to Kipchornwonek korets and had not been
in use by the Kaplelach for a long time. So the lineage of Gemi of
the Kipchornwonek took it over and now put their hives in it. The
Kaplelach made no further claim to the 322222 indicating that pos-

session Of a koret exists only if one's hives are actually in it.

Case 10. One Kipchornwonek lineage purchased a kpp§p_out-
right from another lineage a generation ago. The man who bought it
did so for his lineage, Kaurio, as they did not own a £232: in Soyua.
For this he paid an adze, a necklace Of blue beads, and a big fat

sheep.

Case ll. The lineage of Kaurio has no konoito of its own.
For this reason they have tried to acquire korets by one means or
another. They are related by clan (9333) membership to the lineage
Of MOpirr who took pity on their poor clan brothers and have permitted
Kaurio to put hives in their konoito. The korets of this konoito
still belong to Mopirr but they give permission to Kaurio to get honey

‘there.

Case 12. Early in this century some members of the Kaplelach
liJneage of Leboo killed each other. Differences so severe that they
CCnild result in killing members of one's own lineage appear to be
inesolvable among the Okiek. In this and one other similar case the
lirneage split in half, one half migrating elsewhere. In the case of

the: Leboo lineage, one half moved to the konoito of a neighboring

llh
lineage with whom they had good relations, the lineage of Chongoroi.
Chongoroi then gave these Leboo some korets so that they would.be able
to make a living. Unlike Case ll, these Leboo now exclusively own

these korets and do not have to share them.with the original owners,

the Chongoroi.

Case 13. The lineage Of Sopirot does not have a konoito and,
in fact, has only one £2323, in Egypa. Since they are unable to make
a living in the forest, the Okiek say, these Sopirot people have had
to live in gpypg and depend on raising cows for milk, getting
diseased cows from Maasai for meat, and getting what little honey they
can in gpypa, The other lineages feel that the Sopirot lineage is not
well off and life is more difficult for them than for those who have a
konoito. This indicates that it is the Okiek opinion that a lineage
cannot live an Okiek way of life if it does not have access to at least
some korets in the forests. It is true that a lineage without korets
can hunt in anyone's forests, but this is not a sufficient economic
base without honey, even though honey contributes far less to the
traditional Okiek diet than does meat. The Okiek appear to say that
life is untenable in the forest without honey, but that honey's
ilmportance to that life is more non-economic than economic and is not

based merely on subsistence needs.

Case 1h. This final case is given in more detail because it
is as important a type of kppep_transfer as all the previously dis-
(Hussed cases put together. This is a case of feuding between two
8diacent lineages, Mengwari and Nagul, which has its origin prior to

tJhememory Of those now living. Recalling Case 6, Nagul came to

llS
Kaplelach country perhaps 100 years ago. Some time between his
arrival and about 70 years ago the two lineages had commenced hostili-
ties and some had been killed. The reason for the original hostility
is unknown now. Judging from other feuds it may have begun with one
person being caught by another for thieving honey from a hive in his
kpp§p_and killing him, or it may have resulted from a drunken brawl in
which one was killed. About 70 years ago Mengwari, the father's
father of Yandet (see marriage case, Chapter 6) killed the father,
sister, and brother Of Rureto, a Nagul. Rureto was young at the time
and so, apparently, were his siblings. After these killings, peace was
made and in compensation for killing the adult and two children, the
Mengwari lineage paid two korets to the Nagul lineage which were to be
used by Rureto when he grew up. But when Rureto became a moran, about
15 years later, he still remembered the loss he had suffered and was
determined to avenge their deaths. As Rureto told it to me, when he
came out from.his initiation seclusion he went and killed two brothers
of Mengwari. After that people said that things were now equal as
both sides had killed each other, and the people said no one should
.kill anymore as they would all disappear. SO a peace ceremony was
held.in which they all promised not to fight again and they gave each
(Ither korets. Nagul gave out three korets which are now used,
IWBSpectively, by each of Mengwari's sons and their children. Mengwari
Serve one big kegs: to the Naguls and this is used today by Rureto's
clhildren. In addition Mengwari gave Rureto a blue monkey cape and
Ihnreto gave him some money. Rureto complained he was not given enough

SO Mengwari also gave him an elephant tusk. The Okiek say that if

116
these korets are not given in compensation, pappisto, a form of super-
natural retribution, will continue to strike a lineage. For this
reason, it is apparent that merely giving out the balance due is
inappropriate; rather both sides must give the full amount even if it
is equal for both, like giving a shilling and receiving one instead Of
calling it even and paying nothing. In this case korets take on some
of the cultural properties discussed with respect to honey in Chapter
5. KOrets become a vehicle for satisfying supernatural "sins" as
well as social debts. This, plus the fact that korets are jurally
defined only by their use for honey collecting, should indicate that

korets are territorial extensions Of the values associated with honey.

PART THREE

TECHNOLOGY OF HONEY GATHERING

With the background of environment and land tenure described,
it is now possible to analyze the Okiek technology of honey gathering.

Compared to Okiek hunting or trapping technology, that for
honey gathering is more complex and involves a far greater expenditure
Of'energy and time. In terms of numbers, 2h artifacts are used in
1whey collection and honey use, Of which all but five are for this
actxivity primarily. This compares with 1h artifacts used primarily in
Setrting animals. Of these 2%, the most significant is the hive
(Hutiypget, sg., muiyngon pl.), which is hollowed from a tree trunk Of
can one to two feet in diameter and ca. four to five feet long. It is
made: from a wide variety Of trees which have straight, branchless

tflfinflss and are reasonably durable. The procedure is to cut down a tree

117
with an ax and let it season for four months, at which time the trunk
is cut into ca. five-foot lengths, the ends squared, and the bark
removed. Then, with the aid of wedges, this section is split Open
into two roughly equal halves. Each side is then hollowed out with an
Okiek adze, a unique device on which the cutting blade can be turned
on the handle to fit the different curves of the log as it is hollowed
to 1/2 to one inch thickness on all sides and the end. When both
sides are hollowed evenly, they are put back together and pairs of l/2
inch holes are burned on either side Of the junction through which
bark string is passed to tie the joints together. Midway on one side
a h" x 8" hole is cut which will be the "mouth" through which a man
can reach inside to take out the combs. Then one or more layers of a
durable bark, usually tarakwet, are wrapped around and bound on both
ends with a vine (torokiat) "rope," leaving a 6" overhang at each end
to protect the hive ends from the weather. It takes one to two days
to make a hive, depending on the hardness Of the wood.

Though the outside ropes and barks must be renewed every other
year or so, a hive can last at least eight years and, in the case of
the harder tarakwet tree hives, as much as two generations, provided
it isn't broken by a honey badger or by falling out of a tree.
3DeSpite the longer life of the tarakwet hives, which all Okiek admit
is Iflce, most hives are made of soft woods. In the rush to make as
Imrnw'hives as possible before the next flowering season, most Okiek
ctuoose to make the quicker soft wood hives, forsaking the Obvious long
terun advantage of making half as many tarakwet hives, which would last
uP ‘to five times as long. This reflects the temporal orientation of

most: of these people. They plan their lives one, perhaps two, years

118
in advance. This usually means planning to collect as much honey as
possible to be able to get a wife or to hold an initiation of a child.

A man may make a hive at home, but most are made in the
forests where they will be placed. When a man has a hive finished, he
carries it on his back, tied on with a long leather strap, to an
appropriate tree he has selected. Climbing the tree, he pulls the
hive up after him by means of this same strap. The hive is placed
securely against the trunk and on two level branches. It is necessary,
however, that there be branches just below the hive for convenient
access to the "mouth" on the underside. At the same time, the tree
must be branchless for a good distance below to discourage the honey
badger. These requirements narrow the number of usable trees to the
extent that Okiek actively seek out ahead of time and.mark trees for
their own use, Of which expropriation by another is considered a
redressable offense.

Most adult Okiek have at least 50 hives, while a few indi-
viduals may have as many as 200. These are scattered throughout the
forest types in different korets within each person's konoito. Boys
"begin to make hives at age eight to ten. Their first attempts on their
own, with the advice Of a father or Older brother, are crude and small,
lnrt they soon have one or two up in trees near where they usually live
anti are anxious to bring honey home on their own for the family. By
IIliiL-adolescence, boys will have ten or twenty hives throughout the
forwasts and will continue to add to this in future years. Many Okiek
are :not consistent in hive making. A man may have a burst Of
entkrusiasm and make a dozen hives or more in the months before setiot

'bloonu3,'but then not make another for two or three years. Other

119
individuals are somewhat more consistent and make at least some each
year. A few far—sighted individuals make theirs mostly of tarakwet,
hives which can last them their lifetime and more. One young fellow
was still using a hive made by his grandfather at least forty years
ago.

In anticipation of a major flowering, such as setiot,
individuals may go to the forest in the preceding months to make
hives. The more usual pattern, however, is to go to the forest in
the honey season to collect honey, staying there for as long as six
months, during which time hives discovered to be broken are repaired
and new ones made at the same time as collecting the honey.

The procedure Of collecting honey varies with a number of
factors, such as: the way a hive is placed in a tree, the size and
characteristics of the tree, the reputation of the bees in a hive for
being "fierce" or "kind," and the availability Of necessary materials.

A.man in search of honey goes to a hive in which he anticipates
bees have produced honey since the last time he was there, perhaps a
year ago. On reaching the base of the hive tree, he looks carefully
to see if any bees are flying in and out of the hive. If none, then
there is no honey and no reason to climb. He goes on to the next hive,
which may be 100 yards or up to a mile away. If he sees bees, then he
prepares to climb. If the hive is up in a tree which has no lower
branches, there are three ways Of reaching the first branch, which may
be 20 to MO feet above the ground. He may have selected this tree
because it had a small tree adjacent to it which he could climb up,
swing back and forth until he could grasp the lowest limb of the big

tree, tie the smaller tree to it with his leather strap, and climb to

120
the hive from there. Or, if there is no such natural ladder, he has
to make one. He can collect a number of sturdy torokiat vines and
tie them, one three feet above the next, in a series Of loops going
up the trunk. From each loop, a second one dangles as a foothold.
This is time—consuming and the vines, if left on the tree, rot out in
a year or two. It has the advantage of permitting a person to climb
any size tree. When the lower three or four loops are removed after
each trip, the trunk is as nearly impossible to climb for the honey
badger, or a human thief, as with no loops. Another alternative, if
the lowest limb is not over No feet up, is to find a tall sapling,
three inches in diameter, with a forking branch at its base. This
sapling is cut off below this fork, and all branches except one foot
Of this fork are removed. When the pole is now reversed and snaked up
the big tree trunk to the first limb onto which the fork, now upside
down, catches like a hook, the bottom end of the pole (originally the
top of the sapling) is tied securely to the trunk near the base. Now,
hand over hand, foot over foot, the Okiot can "walk" up the pole to
the first limb. If the pole is not long enough, a twelve-foot log
with a Y branch on the upper end, is laid against the tree at a h5°
angle. Climbing this, the Okiot gets an eight-foot advantage before
raising the hooked pole. When he comes down from collecting the honey,
the pole and log are removed and hidden in the underbrush for later
use. Another method is to place a hive in a low tree by hanging it
from a limb to a torokiat vine. This is used in gpyp§_only, as there
are generally only low trees there and not sufficient rain as to rot

the vine and thus break the hive in falling. Hives hung like this are

121

easy to get at by the Okiot but still frustrating tO the honey badger.
On the other hand, "enemies" (other tribes) also find it easy to
steal honey from this type of hive. Honey theft in gpypa_is far
greater than elsewhere, mostly because other tribes live there and
find it easy to take the honey. One consequence of this has been
hitherto described--the lack Of exclusive rights to honey in gpypa,

Once an Okiot has prepared his means of ascent, he returns to
the base Of the tree and prepares for the climb. He removes whatever
equipment he is carrying. Then, if the bees have been found to be
fierce in this hive, he ties his toga up around his head to give him—
self added protection from bee stings. He takes out his fire drill
and, by rapidly turning a round stick in a hole in the base wood, he
Creates some hot embers which he drOps into a smudge. This smudge has
an inner core of finely ground tarakwet bark as a tinder, surrounded
by a round mass of moss (susuek) to protect his hands from the hot,
smoking bark inside. He then slings one or two leather honey bags
over his back, placing the smudge in one. He then climbs the tree up
to the hive, stopping every fifteen seconds or so to blow on the
smudge to keep the flameless fire going inside. Positioning himself
on a limb just below the hive, he hangs the two bags on nearby
branches, Open so as to receive the combs. He holds the smudge up to
the.mouth of the hive and blows on it, making a considerable amount of
smoke near the mouth of the hive. The immediate bees are driven Off,
and he then removes the plug from the mouth. He again blows smoke,
this time into the hive, for about fifteen seconds, then reaches in
the hole and begins removing the layers Of combs. After removing two

or three combs, the smoking is repeated. This procedure goes on for

122

as long as an hour until most of the combs are removed and placed in
the bags. A quarter hive full Of combs is left for the bees. Should
all the honey be taken, the bees would vacate the hive. The plug is
replaced in the mouth. The smudge is dropped to the ground, and the
man descends with the honey bag(s) slung over his back. At the base
of the tree, he removes the pole or vines he has used to climb with,
then sits down, tired, to eat his fill, sharing it with his companions,
before going on to the next hive. If there is little honey, then
there is only enough for eating, and he goes on to the next hive in
hopes of getting enough to bring to camp for making wine and feeding
the children. Although a man may eat as much as three pounds of honey
a day when collecting it, he and his wife eat relatively little in
camp, preferring to give it to the children and to drink it fermented.

There is quite evidently some conflict in the minds Of adults
as to how to divide up the honey. Their personal desire, even need,
for drinking wine is at Odds with the parental role Of providing food
for their children. On occasion, I have seen a wife quietly remon—
strate her husband for being so irresponsible as to "drink up" the
honey, leaving little or none for the children. On one forest trip,
some Of the men went each day to collect honey only for their own
pleasure, and it was only on the last day of the four—day trip that
they thought about bringing any back for their children. This
evidence is not meant to suggest that Okiek make poor fathers,
necessarily, but there is a conflict in needs with respect to alloca-
tion of honey. It does suggest that, to adults, wine is Of very
considerable importance, even a primary need, in the sense that the

desire for it motivates considerable activity, compared to other needs.

123

It is difficult, however, to distinguish motivation for collecting
honey based on the need for wine from that based on the many other
uses of and values placed on honey.

Honey technology also applies to the artifacts Of honey use.
The Okiek make pottery of a singularly distinguished style, character-
ized by rouletting on the upper surfaces and, usually, a pair Of
pierced handles or lugs. Two styles of pots are used for storing of
honey. One is a rather tall pot (lO"-lh"), compared to its width,
with a narrow mouth and straight neck which can be sealed by a shaped
rock. This type of pot is filled with honey, sealed, and buried in
the ground out of sight and scent of the honey badger, to be dug up at
some future time when needed. Another pot is circular, with a leather
cap and carrying strap, and is kept in the hut for daily storage and
use. The Okiek make an attractive long-stemmed spoon, usually
decorated, which is appropriate for extracting honey out of this
small-mouthed pot. Closely resembling this pot in form is a tightly
woven basket, round with leather cup and strap, which functions in the
same manner. Its advantage over the pot is its light weight and the
fact that it won't break, whereas a pot can break, but potentially can
last indefinitely, whereas the basket after ten years rots out. Now-
days, a U—shaped calabash, with the same leather cap and strap, is
occasionally used. It has the ease of manufacture of a pot, is
lighter, but breaks easily. The Okiek also make a honey barrel for
storage of honey in the forest. These resemble outsized hives. They
are up to 8' long and 2' in diameter of hollowed out tarakwet logs.
They can be filled with many gallons of honey, then sealed with

propolis (wax-like substance made by bees for sealing cracks in a hive)

12h
and covered with tarakwet barks and heavy branches to discourage the
honey badger. These honey barrels are hidden deep in the forest, so
as not to be discovered by other persons. Nowdays the Okiek also
store honey in four-gallon "debbies," actually kerosene tins, which
are placed in various small caves scattered through the Mau forest.
Occasionally, the Okiek make very large pots for this same purpose.
Honey is made into wine by a simple process Of mixing one part

honey to about five to ten parts water, adding a stem Of the pppik_

plant and seed pods of the entereboit tree. These ingredients are

 

‘mixed in a large five to ten gallon leather bag, which is set up on
sticks near the warmth of a fire overnight. The stem and seed pods
provide the enzymes necessary to break down the glucose or simple
sugar of honey into alcohol, the heat of the fire speeding this
process. By morning, a drink with the strength of beer and the taste
of apple cider is ready. If the concoction is set aside for two days,
it develops the alcoholic content of grape wine. Unfortunately the
Okiek, in their haste to get a drink, rarely restrain themselves
enough to wait for the stronger brew though they prize it the most.
Usually wine (pppik) made up in the evening is drunk early the next
morning. Men going Off on a honey collecting trip usually take along
enough of the stem.and pods, which are light weight, to keep them in
wine each day.

This completes the list Of artifacts primarily related to
honey technology and thereby describes the essential technological
features of collecting and using honey. To Western eyes, the apparent
Simplicity Of these artifacts does not betray the complexity of honey

in the social and cultural life of the Okiek. In terms of effect on

125
Okiek ecology, the most obviously dramatic aspect of honey--how you
get it--is less important than where and why honey is collected.

On the other hand, the origin of these artifacts, that is,
their derivation from.materials in the environment, reflects the
important inter-relationship of hunting, trapping, and trading with
honey collection. Hives are made from at least ten different trees.
HOney barrels, the base of the fire drill, and the covering of hives,
all come from the tarakwet tree. Baskets and honey spoons come from
other woods. Leather straps come from the hide of buffalo or bongo,
while bags in various sizes are made of the hides of duikers and
antelope Of nearly all types. Each tree or animal is selected for the
specific qualities it has for use in certain artifacts. For example,
a fire drill is composed of two parts, the drill and the base. The
drill is from a branch of the pipgp_tree, stripped of bark,
straightened and dried for several days. The base comes from the
white sap wood of the useful tarakwet tree. Each has precisely the
right friction-producing qualities to result in both heat and a fine
dust, within which the heat becomes an ember which, blown in tinder,
becomes an Open flame. Of the thousands Of combinations Of wood
possible, the Okiek believe that they have the most effective, and
judging by how quickly they can make fire I have no reason to doubt
their Opinions. This exemplifies the degree of knowledge behind just
one of the simplest artifacts.

The other artifacts involve trading relations with various
other people. The adze head and hive needle are iron objects bought,
traditionally by bartering honey, from the Kitonik (Il kononO,

blackamiths of Maasai). Calabashes are traded from Kikuyu.

126
Entereboit seed pods are either collected by the user or traded from
Kipsigis or other Okiek. Rppik stems are either collected by the user
or traded from Maasai or other Okiek who have been to the best sources
in the Loita country south of Mau. The significance of these and
other trading relations will be discussed in Chapter 3. For present
purposes, I emphasize that before an Okiot can collect honey, he has
had to develop a series of relationships with and knowledge about a
wide range Of fauna, flora, and other tribes. In this sense, the
complexity of this technology exceeds that of a cultivator preparing
and growing an African garden, for example. In this respect, the
domestic revolution was a simplification, a channeling of activities

along a narrow path.

PART FOUR
HUNTING, TRAPPING, AND THEIR RELATION

TO HONEY COLLECTING

Traditionally, meat has been a far greater source Of nutrition
than has honey. While it is possible to kill as big an animal as a
five—ton elephant in a morning, it would take a man's lifetime to
equal that in weight in honey. In an average year, according to the
individual data I collected, a man may expend as much as half his days
in activities directly related to acquiring 300 pounds of honey.
While the same weight of meat, if not more, is easily available in one
morning of hunting. This great disparity between effort expended for
food gained can only be explained in terms of the high value put on

honey and honey uses, especially wine. The basis for this value will

127
be discussed in subsequent chapters.

The Okiek distinguish two general types Of hunting, that of

the chase (kopar tionik: to kill (certain) animals vs. lageet: to hunt
(others)), and that of trapping (kerich: to trap). Hunting, or
animals of the chase vary from elephants to the small suni antelope
and, for boys, even small birds. The technology includes hunting with
a bow, five types of arrows, two kinds Of spears, and a pole.
Trapping occasionally includes a large animal, such as a buffalo, but
most of the five types of traps are used for catching smaller animals,
such as suni, red duiker, bushbuck, and occasionally giant forest hog
and leopard.

As previously indicated (Chapter 1), various species of
animals predominate in different forest types through the year, rather
than different species migrating through different areas following
seasonal climatic changes. The latter pattern prevails on the Open
plains to the south Of Mau, where large herds Of a number of species
travel great distances through the year in search of fresh grass. In
the.Mau forest, heavier rainfall, plus sufficient retention Of that
water in the ground, provides enough moisture through the dry season
to support vegetation and the animals which feed on it. The forest
provides an umbrella covering against the water-evaporating rays Of
the sun and is largely responsible for developing and protecting the
thick humus soil which holds the water. As the forest edges are cut
by agricultural tribes, this protective canopy is lost, and the soil
below is dried out by the sun and eroded by the seasonal rains.
Intimately, the water table drops to a point where rivers are only

seasonal, and then animals must migrate elsewhere in search of new

128
water. While this pattern prevails in the plains, it does not (yet)
in the Mau area. The same forest trees which provide the Okiek with
honey also provide a permanent habitation for a considerable concen-
tration of game. The differing flora characteristics of each forest
type are largely responsible for the differential concentration of
each species in different forests. Thus the giant forest hog and
bongo, two of the more important meat sources for the Okiek, are
found mostly in areas heavily overgrown by setiot and related plants,
which provide these animals with an important food and the Okiek with
their most important source of honey.

Because the Okiek must depend on meat to live (on honey only
to live well), it is apparent that the Okiek are able to remain full
time in the Mau forest principally because Of the non—migration of the
Same population in space. If the Okiek did not live in the forest but
on the plains, as apparently some other Okiek have (Chandler 1896),
then by necessity they would have had to live a full or semi-migratory
existence, following the herds over considerable tracks of land.
living on the plains, however, is a tenuous existence because of the
close proximity to pastoral tribes, especially the Maasai.

Until recent times, the Okiek say they have had highly
ambivalent relations with the Maasai. While they value the commodities
which the two tribes trade with each other, accounts Of Maasai aggres-
sion against individual and groups of Okiek amply demonstrate that
living on the plains would be more difficult than living in the
protective forest, quite aside from the desirability or undesirability
Of migrating with the seasons.

On the other hand, the supply Of animals in the forest is more

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129

predictable and that of honey more plentiful, and the forest provides
a pleasant, cool sanctuary from more powerful tribes--the "enemies,"
almost by definition.

What is important here is the fact that Okiek adaptation to
the high forests is made possible only by the assured presence of a
sufficient game population. This is a necessary condition of
inhabiting the area. It may not, however, be a sufficient condition,
without accounting for the importance of honey. It, therefore,
remains problematical whether the Okiek adapted to the high forests of
Kenya for reason of preference or protection, or as likely, both. A
corollary to this is whether the Okiek have subsisted by hunting
animals because of preference or because they would lose domestic
stock to Maasai raiding as soon as they acquired it. Cultivation, as
well as animal husbandry, tends to be inconsistent with honey gather-
ing. Animal husbandry requires daily attention to stock in Open
grassland areas, making trips to the forest difficult for some and
impossible for all the family. Crops must be continually protected
against weeds and predators, and they tend to ripen at the time that
the forests are in flower and honey should be collected. Both types Of
subsistence have requirements that have undoubtedly militated against
their adOption by the Okiek. But where Okiek have adopted domestic
stock and cultivation, especially the Kipchornwonek, they have managed
to maintain a fairly productive honey and hunting subsistence.
Interestingly, where domestic subsistence has been adopted, it has no-
where supplanted the traditional subsistence; rather it is merely
added to the original subsistence pattern, thereby providing, in the

eyes of the Okiek, a more reliable food base, though not as desirable

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130
a food.

The reliability Of food, as suggested in the introduction, is
a.major theme in Okiek life. It is true that almost always one can
get a giant forest hog in a day, if one has sufficiently brave dogs
to bring one to bay. Yet on occasion, by "bad luck," you may go three
days without getting anything. In the dry season, without honey, this
is an unpleasant experience, an experience an Okiot does not forget
and which lives in his memory as a constant threat to predictability
in life. It is not difficult to elicit a comment like this from an
Okiot wishing to caution a novice anthropologist against assuming meat
is as available as it may seem. On numerous occasions, men have
remarked to me that during the age-set Of 11 Peles, about 100 years
ago, a great many Okiek died. Most attribute this to a severe drought,
during which time the water in the forest dried up and the animals
died, and no honey was produced. Others are not so certain that it
was a drought, but Offer no other explanation. Whether, in fact, it
was a drought or not is less important than the fact that the Okiek
believe it was a drought in which Okiek died for lack of food. This
type of experience seems to have been shared by other Okiek (see
Introduction), and the allusions to hungriness in stories and in daily
conversation indicate that the threat of going without food is a major
theme in Okiek life. If and when Okiek have adOpted cultivation
(principally beans, maize, and potatoes), they rationalize this in
terms Of previous unpleasant experiences Of going without meat.

I Hunting within the "inner" forest is almost always done as an
adjunct of the primary purpose Of going there to collect honey and

make and repair hives. On such trips, time is taken initially to

131

secure some meat, usually a giant forest hog, as camp meat which will
supply the principal diet for two or four days, depending on the
number of individuals. During this period, the individuals go about
tending their hives. When the meat is low, some will go out and get
another to tide them over the next few days. If a trip is to last
some time, weeks or months, some will set a number of traps in areas
adjacent to the camp. The Okiek feel that 20 to 30 traps, which can
be made and set up in two days, are sufficient to supply a camp or two
or three families with meat on a continual basis, that is, one
bushbuck-sized animal every three days on the average. During this
period of honey collection, a man may eat as much as ten pounds Of
food a day, up to seven in meat and three in honey.

Trapping is done with a simple trip lever platform and noose-
type trap laid over a game trail. The animal puts pressure on a
concealed stick platform with his foot. A trigger is released and a
long, bent sapling springs up, while on its end a rope noose tightens
on the foot or neck of the animal. The Kipchornwonek Okiek used to
dig a narrow deep pit trap for buffalos, sufficiently narrow that the
buffalo's sides were wedged at the tOp of the pit, thus dangling his
feet in the crevasse below. Withoutleverage for his feet, the buffalo
can't climb out. Smaller animals fell to the bottom.and could not
jump high enough to get out. The Okiek, especially boys, make two bird
traps, one like a box trap, the other a miniature noose trap.

Junting with a bow is largely confined to EgypaLbecause the
upper forests are usually so dense that coming upon an animal unawares

is virtually impossible, thus the necessity Of using dogs to bring

132
them to hey, at which time a simple spear is most effective. Without
the use of dogs, it is highly unlikely that the Okiek could get enough
meat in the upper forests to survive and, therefore, it is equally
unlikely that the Okiek could have adapted to a high forest existence
without the use Of dogs. In a sense then, the dog has made it
possible for Okiek to specialize in honey collection, to the degree
that only the high forests permit. Seemingly, in self appreciation Of
this role, dogs like to gulp down whatever combs and honey they can
get, which isn't much, as the Okiek don't consciously feed dogs honey,
as they do meat.

Hunting in gpypa_is as much a purpose for itself as an adjunct
to honey collection. Hunting elephants is always a Special purpose
hunt, as it required taking along a special type of spear, character-
ized by a long weighted shaft and a detachable poisoned head. Hunting
other game, such as buffalo, wart hog, or several antelope, may or may
not be related to honey collection, depending on whether there is
honey in gpyp§_at the time. In ppypa, however, there is a tendency
for game to be more plentiful during and just after the rainy season,
and this correlates with the availability of honey. In fact, no
.matter which is the ostensible purpose Of a trip into so a, both
honey and meat are as likely to result, as Okiek keep a close watch
for natural hives as well as game.

Another type Of hunting is used for getting the tree-dwelling
hyrax. Hyrax, like our raccoons, live in hollow trees, and the usual
prOcedure is to climb a likely tree with a long pole, then ram the pole
down the hollow tree, driving out any hyrax living therein. The hyrax

drops to the ground and is quickly dispatched by the waiting dogs.

133

This type of hunting is really a matter Of Opportunity; that is,
whenever one finds a likely tree and feels like trying for a hyrax,
it is done, whether one is primarily out for honey, meat, or just
traveling through the forest on the way to another camp.

As previously remarked, one of the most unusual facts about
Okiek subsistence, compared to other hunting and gathering tribes, is
the relative lack of wild vegetable foods utilized by the Okiek. This
contrasts sharply with most other tribes of this type. My own Opinion
is that this reflects the availability of meat and honey. First,
honey becomes available at the times fruits, berries, nuts, and tubers
do, that is, after the rains. That might be sufficient reason for
Okiek to give only secondary attention to wild vegetable foods. In
addition, meat is usually available throughout the year, unlike in
other tribes where meat may be seasonal or generally scarce. Finally,
it is apparent to me that most edible vegetable foods tend to be types
with encased seeds, so that the seed itself will have food on which to
draw while establishing itself in a difficult environment. The
biggest nuts and tubers appear to grow in drier climates, the better
to protect and nourish seeds during dry seasons before they can estab-
lish themselves in the wet season. This may also be the case with
fruits and berries--that is, their function to nourish seeds through
dry periods. It is not surprising, therefore, to find a tribe like
the Bushmen surviving largely on nuts (Lee 1968).

In the Mau forest there appears to be little of this type of
foOd and what there is, is not especially palatable, according to the

Okiek. In fact, the "purely" pastoral Maasai probably consume more of

13h
this type Of food than the Okiek (A. Jacobs, personal communication).

In conclusion, there are three important connections between
hunting and trapping and honey. The great value of honey becomes
Obvious in terms of work involved in honey collection per pound,
compared to the same for meat. Behaviorally, hunting tends to be, by
design or happenstance, an adjunct of honey collection. Finally, the
year-around supply of game in the high forests makes possible the
Okiek adaptation to the Mau forest. The primary purpose for adapta-
tion to these forests, however, appears to be for honey collection,
though the protection from enemies afforded by the forest may have
been a sufficient reason for living there.

With regard to adoption of cultivation and domestic stock,
especially by the Kipchornwonek, these food sources add to but never
replace honey collecting and hunting. Though the new and Old forms
are apparently inconsistent, it is possible to maintain all of them,
but this requires permanent settlement in larger communities, so that
when groups Of men go to the forest, others will still be available
at home to tend stock and gardens. This also entails more extensive
social COOperation between related and unrelated families living
closer together, and this pattern differs somewhat from traditional

Okiek social relations, as practiced by the Kaplelach.

Chapter 3

HONEY IN THE OKIEK SOCIAL ENVIRONMENT--

RELATIONS WITH NEIGHBORING TRIBES

The Okiek are a scattered tribe, most groups knowing nothing
of the existence Of the other groups. Each group, or groups living
together, therefore, has an exaggerated feeling of impotence in the
face of more powerful neighboring tribes living all around them.

Being small in numbers but even smaller in geographic settlement, no
Okiek are more than a couple hours' walk to a settlement of another
tribe. This contrasts with the experience Of most individuals of
larger tribes, who may live within their large tribal boundaries and
have little or no contact with outside tribes, which are sometimes one
or two days' walk away. In addition, the barrier Of the forest
reduces the understanding outsiders have Of Okiek life, while the
comparative Open habitation of neighbors leaves little doubt in the
Okiek as to how his neighbors live.

Finally, the absolute difference of Okiek subsistence, com-
pared to all their neighbors, increases the lack of comprehension
neighbors have Of the Okiek. The result of these factors is a wide
variety of misconceptions about the Okiek held by each neighboring
tribe, and even some more distant tribes. The further away a tribe is

from contact with the Okiek, the more inaccurate their conception of

135

136
them.

The Kipsigis, bordering and occupying the west side of Mau,
are closest in language and customs to the Okiek. In fact, as
suggested in the Introduction, they may both derive from the same
parent stock. The Kipsigis are extensive horticulturalists, who also
do some stock raising. They are, however, experienced at hunting and
do honey collecting in a manner very similar to that of the Okiek.
The role Of honey in this tribe is apparently similar to, but not as
important as, that among the Okiek (Peristiany 1939). A contrast of
the two would be a useful study, were the data available. Their
organization and ritual symbolism in ceremonies appear to be similar
to those Of the Okiek. On the other hand, the age-set system differs
completely, except in name (ipinda), the Okiek of Mau having adopted
a Maasai-type system sometime in the past.

The Kipsigis and Okiek both recognize a feeling of commonality.
This is best expressed in the peaceful relations they maintain and in
their willingness to intermarry, not only Kipsigis marrying Okiek
girls, but also the reverse. This other tribes do not allow.

Social relations with Kipsigis must have been extensive prior
to Maasai incursion into Narok District in the last century, judging
by the similarity Of dialect of the Kipsigis and Mau Okiek. The
Maasai, however, cut off much of this connection, though now Kipsigis
infiltration into Narok has brought them in more contact with the
Okiek.

Maasai relations with the Okiek are more complex than are

Kipsigis relations, in part because of the dissimilarity of the two

 

137

tribes which affects their attitudes and the types Of things which
each can trade with the other.

The Okiek on the Mau have been in contact with the present
Maasai since the latter invaded the area, nearly 100 years ago.
Before that, other Maasai-like pastoralists had been living around
the Mau. Today most people find it impossible to distinguish Okiek
from.Maasai, as their appearance, ornamentation, and dress, are very
similar. This is an outward expression Of the influence Maasai have
had on these Okiek. Virtually all Okiek peOple speak Maasai and have
adopted many Maasai words into their own Kalenjin dialect. This is
especially true Of words for places, trees, age—set names, personal
names, and forms Of greetings. In Okiek society and culture, Maasai
influence is most obvious in clans and the age-set system and its
attendant ceremonies. The Okiek children go through a series Of
scarifications and Operations marked by small ceremonies in a manner
similar to those of the Maasai. The Okiek now share the Maasai value
on possession of cows and "richness" and, as best they can, try to
accumulate stock, pointing with pride to their "wealth." At the same
time, the Okiek still conceive of themselves as being rich if they
have:many hives.

The Maasai of Narok District are traditionally only pastoral-
ists, though intermarriage with the agricultural Kikuyu has begun to
change this, especially on the fringes of the forest where most Kikuyu
live. As the dominant tribe, the Maasai control the local county
council and section chiefships.

Pastoralism, like hunting and gathering, is essentially a

passive adaptation to an environment. Instead of reworking the land

138

for their interests like cultivators, the pastoralist accepts the
natural conditions and moves in response to them from place to place,
seeking the best water and grass for his stock. Hunters and gatherers
are essentially the same, a difference being that their "stock" (wild
animals) decides when and where to go and not vice versa. This
passive responsiveness to nature and the migrations it entails con-

!

tribute to the Maasai attitude that "progress,' e.g., development,
building, and its necessary base--education,is irrelevant and also
inconsistent with their need to seasonally change residence. If
others wish to come and build or to cultivate a few acres here and
there, it is no great threat to the Maasai, as a few acres lost to
grazing in one place is minuscule compared to the hundreds of miles Of
plains. If the Kikuyu, for example, wish to clear forests for gardens,
there is no loss at all to the Maasai, who have no use for forests.
The Maasai can afford to be tolerant of the incursions and development
of other tribes, as they feel little threat to their own life, Even
the Kikuyu admit, and would like to emulate, the wealth and ease of
living that the Maasai enjoy. Since children herd the stock and women
milk them, a Maasai man's day is pretty much his own. It must appear
to.many.Maasai silly to send their children to school--chi1dren he
needs as herd boys--to learn facts unrelated to pastoralism, so he can
get a job and work all his life, when at home he can be rich and
"permanently retired" most of his life.

Retirement, however, is relative. The Maasai, in the past,
have filled the void of inactivity with an organized warrior age-grade
in an age—set system. These warriors, or morans, as they are even now

called in English, have been involved in cattle raiding and the

139

protection of home against counter raids. Cattle raiding, the Maasai
"national sport," is the quickest, yet most gloriously dangerous way
of becoming richer.

Both the environmental passiveness and personal aggressiveness
of.Maasai life are two themes which directly affect Okiek life. The
third aspect Of Maasai-Okiek relations derives from mutually comple-
mentary needs which can be satisfied only by material trade between
the two tribes. The combination of these three factors has resulted
in a complex relationship between Maasai and Okiek. AnthrOpologists,
with some exception (Leach 195h), have ignored the study of inter—
tribal relations, despite the practical and theoretical importance Of
them, especially when projected on an international level. A small
tribe like the dispersed Okiek compels such a study because relations
with other tribes are a major part of day to day living.

The fundamental reason Okiek, as a tribe, have survived the
waves of pastoral invasions in central Kenya, when all previous tribes
have been decimated, scattered, or merged with their conquerors, is
that pastoralists have no use for forests. In fact,'unequipped with
the knowledge to live in the forest, they avoid them, and consequently
the forest-dwelling Okiek have generally been unmolested. The
corollary to this is that the Okiek had no stock, so the Maasai had
little reason to be actively aggressive toward the Okiek. It is also
this reason (plus the desirability of their women as wives, and of
their beer) that accounts for the tolerance the Maasai have toward the
recent incursions of Kikuyu into Narok District. In contrast to the
Kikuyu, the cattle—owning Kipsigis have had a more difficult time

getting into Narok. In 1965 the Maasai defeated the Kipsigis, forcing

luo
most Of them back into the Kipsigis Reserve. Since then, the Kipsigis
have begun to infiltrate again, with a resulting series Of raids and
counter raids in 1969.

If the Maasai are tolerant of Okiek, as a whole, on an
individual level the relationship is more ambivalent. Maasai morans
view their role as essentially aggressive and, therefore, they have
vented their aggression on individual or small groups Of Okiek, as
they might meet them by chance along the way. Thus one occasionally
hears hothaasai beat and abuse the Okiek into doing things for them,
such as slaughtering and cooking a cow for Maasai morans, or making a
shield. The Okiek, aware Of their numerical weakness, have been chary
about retaliating for fear Of far worse retribution. An exception was
an age-set of the Maresionik, who had a reputation among Okiek for
beating the Maasai. The fact that the Maresionik live on the outer
fringe of.Maasai territory and outnumber the Maasai in their area, may
help explain this.

Maasai conceptions about the Okiek help to explain their
ambivalent attitude toward them. The dominant attitude is that the
Okiek are an inferior class of peOple. They are inferior because they
are different, especially in their poverty. The Maasai derisively
refer to anyone who has no cows and must eat wild animals to get meat
as "I1 Torobo," literally a "poor person." This also implies that a
"Dorobo" is a person without the sense to develop and care for pos-
sessions. The Maasai are confirmed in this belief by the fact that in
the past any cow they have sold to Okiek has been slaughtered for food.
To the.Maasai this is tantamount to killing the proverbial golden-egg-

1aying goose. TO Okiek, however, there are at least three good

lhl

reasons for doing this. One, they can't care for cattle if they live
in a forest. Secondly, if they attempted to keep cattle, the cattle
would undoubtedly be stolen from them by Maasai. Third, what few

cows they could afford would tend to be those which they would have to
purchase for specific ceremonies at which the cattle, but especially
sheep, must be slaughtered for food and for symbolically important fat.
Though Okiek desire as much as Maasai to be rich, they don't find the
Maasai any more likeable for it. One day I was driving up the Mau
when some Maasai were walking home and waved to me for a ride. An
Okiek riding with me sternly said, "GO on. Don't pick them up. They
give no thanks. They are rich."

Many Of the Maasai I talked with about Okiek were not candid,
reflecting their assumption that I had a vested interest in the Okiek
and their real Opinion of them would not please me. When I did get
some comments out Of Maasai, their actual knowledge Of Okiek was
slight, compared to their Opinions and misconceptions. In fact, Okiek
life is a mystery to the Maasai. They know Okiek kill animals and
collect honey, that they are similar to Maasai in appearance and in
some ceremonies. {Maasai are, however, curious about the Okiek. They
feel there is something mysterious, unknowable about them. They bring
up the subject of the Okiek more in hopes of learning some dark
secrets from.me than to divulge anything themselves. NO doubt the
fact that Okiek life is largely hidden by a forest the Maasai fear to
enter in part accounts for the curiosity and exaggerated misconceptions
the.Maasai have about Okiek.

According to Jacobs (1965, and personal communication) the

Maasai view the Okiek as being poor because they are gluttonous and

11:2

stupid. They "eat the heifer," that is, they are profligate. They
are such gluttons that they eat fowl meat. Also, they say, the Okiek
easily lose their tempers and "get physical," fighting among them—
selves and beating their wives--behavior the Maasai find shameful.

The Maasai say the Okiek have no sense of honor, that they will do
things for aggrandizement without any sense of shame, such as sorcery.
In the presence of Okiek, Maasai will act brave, as they respect an
Okiot's ability to fight with another, but unlike Maasai, the Okiek
are not organized for large-scale combat.

Spencer (1965:285) reports similar attitudes about Okiek among
the Samburu (actually I1 Kitoip, a branch Of pastoral Maasai): "They
are Dorobo; they have no sense of respect; their girls make notoriously
bad wives, and marriages with them generally do not last. And, above
all, the Dorobo know the secrets of sorcery and will not hesitate to

' "The Dorobo make honey—beer and

use it against their personalenemies.‘
drink it regularly; this frequently leads to quarreling among them and
this, possibly more than anything else, confirms the Samburu view of
them that they have no sense Of respect." "They are people who are
prepared to use any mystical powers at their disposal for their own
ends."

In the Maasai origin myth, an Okiot figures prominently as
annoying god by his profligate behavior (some versions say jealousy of
Maasai) resulting in no more cattle being lowered from heaven. This
denied Maasai more cattle. At the same time, however, god condemned
the Okiek to live only by wild animals thereafter. The story, with

various forms, both rationalizes Maasai hostility to Okiek and also

confirms a feeling that Okiek are neither able nor deserving Of

the

a
.‘W
k‘

1’43

keeping cattle.

During my field work, I sponsored an essay contest at Narok
High School, requesting students to submit a short paper on what they
thought the Okiek were. The essays generated considerable interest
among the students and from the many I received, I drew some conclu-
sions. The students were mostly Maasai, Kipsigis, and Kikuyu, and the
affective behavior they imputed to Okiek, usually inaccurate, did tell
me something about their own tribe's view of outsiders. In a way, the
essays were projective devices, expressing some of the cultural values
of the students' tribes. Thus the Maasai tended to express Maasai

feelings of superiority toward "laboring,"

i.e., non-pastoral, people.
Kipsigis responses tend to be non-affectual, rather descriptions Of
Okiek life without negative value judgments, which is consistent with
the fact that Kipsigis do many of the same things Okiek do. Kikuyu, who
have little or no close contact with Okiek, tend to imput the most
inaccurate attributes to the Okiek: that they are selfish, sly,
secretive, deceptive, and unfriendly. In fact, these are terms I have
on occasion heard Okiek and Europeans use to describe Kikuyu.

Even.more distant tribes, with no contact with Okiek, have more
bizarre ideas about them. Kisii believe Okiek give dogs as bride pay-
ment. LuO believe Okiek live in trees, don't wear clothes, that they
don't eat "proper" food (maize meal). I have heard Kikuyus outside
Narok say Okiek are pygmies or, quite seriously, that they are monkeys
with tails. One Okiot who had been to school told me his class went to

NairObi to give a singing concert at which the audience, hearing there

‘was an Okiot amongst them, asked him to come out and show them his tail.

lhh

Other ideas, shared by some Europeans, are: Okiek eat only
raw meat, are wild men, live in forests because they want to hide, are
merely a conglomeration Of criminals and runaways from other tribes,
are the Il Konono blacksmiths of the Maasai, build houses in trees,
eat anything, are merely a clan of the Maasai, cause forest fires
while hunting honey, kill bees to get honey, they revere dogs, have
unusual magical powers, especially medicines and the power of rain
making, and they worship the sun. All of these are gross misconcep—
tions. It is in the context of these ideas, however, that the Okiek
have somehOW'managed to survive mistreatment and even flourish.

Okiek relations with Maasai, however, are not entirely begrudged
tolerance or active abuse. The Maasai, in a number of ways, are
dependent on the Okiek. The most Obvious way is the fact that Maasai
use honey and do not get enough on their own from occasional natural
hives to satisfy their needs. Honey is useful as food, and especially
as wine. It is also a necessary part Of ceremonial ritual, much as it
is among the Okiek. The Okiek barter honey directly with the Maasai
or, these days, usually sell it to the shops in trading centers, from
which Maasai and others subsequently purchase it as needed. There is
another way by which some Maasai get honey, and this is by friendship
relations between individual Maasai and Okiek. MOst Okiek men have at
least one Maasai, usually of their own age-set and Often of the same
clan (in either case they are terminologically "brother") with whom
they have a convenient, sometimes close, personal relationship. The
Maasai establish friendship relations by giving a heifer or cow to
another, the value of the present influencing the type of friendship.

This in turn is acknowledged by use of one Of three grades of terms of

.TU
9,.

‘L

:rei“

‘

31'.

lh5

address between the two friends. The origin Of these friendships is
most fortuitous. Thus one Okiot has made friends with a Maasai who
happened along when other Maasai were about to beat him. His soon-to-
be friend took pity on him and managed to extricate him from his mis-
fortune. Since then, as the Okiot told me, whenever his friend has
slaughtered a cow or sheep, he brings a leg to him while he, in turn,
brings him some of the honey he gets each season. The Okiek recognize
that the usefulness of these relations can extend beyond occasional
gifts Of meat. If a man, for example, has to hold a ceremony, such as
an initiation for his child, he can go to his friend for a gift or
credit for a sheep to slaughter, if he hasn't one then or hasn't the
money to buy one. If a cow dies of disease, a Maasai is as likely to
call his Okiek friend to see if he wants it for eating. (Okiek believe
that the disease will not be transmitted to the consumer.) If either
is holding a ceremony, he will invite his Opposite to come and enjoy
the liquor and food. Occasionally, having a Maasai friend is
politically useful for gaining a favor or dismissing a complaint.

Thus one lineage of Okiek of the Lugumoi clan used their "relationship"
to an influential Maasai chief Of the same clan to help them deal with
Maasai who had stolen some of their property. This type Of relation-
ship, however, is not primarily based on friendship and exchange of
goods, though it may be reinforced by such transactions. Rather, it is
a fictive kin relationship, connoting "brotherhood" in the same clan.
Within memory, various Okiek lineages have adopted Maasai clan names.
The primary purpose, they say, is to cement friendship relations by
making them kin relations and thus transferable through generations.

Thus early friendships of the kind discussed here were reified as kin

lh6

relations while the original friendship basis is now beginning to be
forgotten, as it originated when the present Maasai came to this
country about 100 years ago. Maasai would comment to me that those
Okiek of such and such a place are related to them, "somehow," and
indeed the Maasai will feel some sort of bond.with those Okiek,
addressing them as "brother" or "sister."

Trade between Maasai and Okiek can involve an astonishing
number of items, each produced by both in excess Of their needs for
items they themselves need but don't have. Honey and domestic stock
are the two most important items. In addition to these, I have heard
of or seen the Okiek trade the following items: shields of buffalo
hide, tObacco containers Of ivory and buffalo horn, fly wisks of
giraffe and wildebeest tail hair, lion.manes, ostrich feathers for
headdress, colObus monkey skins for leg bands, kudu horn for trumpet,
rhino horn and ivory for chief's club, eland skin for leather thongs,
eland meat in extreme necessity for food, ivory to trade with
caravans, various animal hides, sword sheaths, and decorative skin
necklaces (the latter two are currently manufactured by Okiek in
considerable numbers). On occasion, I have seen an Okiot fashion
house poles and thatch a house for a Maasai who desired a Kikuyuetype
house. Arrows and bows recently have been actively traded as more
Maasai see their utility in defense and for hunting. (Less tradi-
tional Maasai now eat the meat Of antelope and the fat of most wild
animals.)

I In addition to trading goods, the Okiek perform services, the

most important being that of circumcising Maasai boys. The Maasai and

lh7

Okiek both say that Okiek have been the circumcisers of Maasai for as
long as they can remember. Despite the importance placed on circum-
cision and the payment of a heifer for his labors, it is not an
esteemed position and Maasai almost always will seek out the inferior
"I1 Torobo" or Arusha to perform the operation. There is also a
certain amount of personal risk to the circumciser, for if he performs
a faulty Operation, he can be beaten (JacObs, personal communication).
Some Okiek suggest that their prominence as circumcisers is a result
Of the Maasai's first learning of the ritual from the Okiek and, not
knowing how to perform it, they had the Okiek do it for them. Maasai
don't agree with this. Interestingly, most sources credit the
Cushites with having "given" circumcision to the Nilotes (Murdock
1959:337). In view Of the apparent fact that the Okiek were the
earliest Nilotic speakers to enter central Kenya at a time when
Cushites still predominated there, it is quite possible they adopted
the rite before the Nilotic Maasai entered the area.

Up until recent years, Maasai morans would forcibly impress an
Okiot into their service to slaughter and cook for them an ox in the
bush. What meat might be left over, the Okiot would get, but the abuse
he received clearly indicates that his services were involuntary. The
Okiek rarely speak Of the abuses they have suffered. The experience of
it must have been quite ego-deflating. Another service, ostensibly
voluntary, was for a young Okiot to attach himself to a Maasai family
as a herd boy, for which he received his keep and an annual heifer
(Jacobs, personal communication). These services, though more dramatic

and hence more Often spoken of, are less important in Maasai-Okiek

1148

relations than the more frequent and more substantial exchange of
goods. In return for the wide variety of items traded to the Maasai,
the Okiek receive fewer but usually more substantial items,
especially cows, sheep, and goats. The Okiek have no use for Maasai
donkeys. The Maasai use donkeys for transporting households when
migrating. They are not eaten, not even by Okiek.

Both Maasai and Okiek, especially the more fastidious morans,
have generalized the Maasai taboo against eating donkeys to not
eating zebras. I have never received a consistent rationalization
for this, but one is of particular interest to understanding Okiek
feelings about animals and people. One day a man replied to this
question, saying that zebras are not eaten because they are like
donkeys, and donkeys are not eaten because they are beasts of burden.
Since donkeys carry things as do women, the two appear to be equated
and since women are not eaten, the idea of eating a donkey, and hence
a zebra, is repulsive.

Okiek have always purchased domestic stock for food. They
have also adapted it for use in ceremonies. Thus a cow supplies meat
for visitors, since the supply of wild meat is unpredictable,
especially outside Of sasaondet and.pi£ap, A cow or sheep also
supplies fat, a highly valued energy food, especially for children.
It commands from Maasai and Okiek four times the price per pound as
honey or meat in the Narok market place.

The Okiek maintain that they have always made use of domestic
animals for these reasons, at least for as long as memory recalls. In

the use of these animals, the Okiek have followed similar Maasai

lh9

traditions, apparently adopting Maasai concepts of the medicinal and
supernatural value of meat, and especially of fat. This would not
deny, however, the equivalent belief in and use of wild animal meat
and fat for these same purposes. Even today, animal fat is eagerly
sought, even if it comes from animals otherwise untouched for food,
such as cats, birds, and snakes.

Domestic animals are the principal items of trade sought from
the Maasai, in large part because the Maasai produce little else.
They are not a craft tribe; in fact, they despise such work as the
only means by which lesser people, not fortunate enough to have cows,
have had to make their living. Occasionally, Okiek will get milk from
Maasai, as milk is valued by all ages as a healthful food alone or
mixed with "tea" (made from tea leaves, burned sugar or, traditionally,
blood and honey). The Okiek use the thin throat tissue of cows to make
their unique scented necklaces. Impregnated with little cups tied in
this skin are small amounts Of the sokomik plant, a sweet smelling
forest plant which Okiek morans like to wear to be alluring to the
girls. The Maasai morans feel the same way and so pay one shilling
and 50 cents per necklace in Narok. In this transaction, the Maasai
have sold throat tissue, which comes back to them in the form of a
necklace. Okiek, at least those who happen to be camped in Egypg,
will buy, for a few cents, the hoofs and lower legs Of butchered
Maasai cows. There is some edible fat therein, but also there is
marrow for eating and thick leg tendon, which is chewed and then tied
on arrows as a binding for holding the arrow head in the shaft. Okiek

will also buy cow heads which when boiled make, they say, a delicious

150

soup. Head soup has also been a EurOpean and American delicacy, at
least up until recently. Cow horns are made into drinking cups, and
head skin is used for making sword sheaths which, like necklaces, are
actively traded to the Maasai. Cowhides these days are bought from
Maasai, both for making sheaths and for making a sleeping skin; that
is, the dried and stretched skin is used in Okiek (and Maasai) huts
as a sleeping mattress.

All Of these items received from Maasai, however, are not
essential, as all can be duplicated from wild animal products. Fat is
especially found on the large animals, and skins of eland, bongo, and
buffalo closely approximate that of cow, while skins of bushbuck, red
duikers, yellow-back duikers, resemble those of sheep and goats. Milk
is only essential to babies and is usually available from the mother.
What this means is that the Okiek, in their traditional manner of
living, are not dependent on Maasai for specific goods or services.
They have traded with Maasai because they can make use of Maasai stock.
They may also trade with Maasai for the purpose Of creating friendly
relations, that is, encouraging Maasai economic dependence on them
(at least for honey), in the hope that it would nourish emotional
dependence. Certainly I found that the Okiek are clever manipulators,
in that they know the ways of pleasing people so as to get them to do
what they want. After the initial distrust of me wore Off, I became a
frequent Object Of manipulation for all sorts Of things, but
especially rides. The Maasai get "conned" in the same way, usually
being invited as an honored guest to partake Of some wine. Following
the Maasai's statement Of thanks, the host would carefully slip in a

request for this or that. In fact, one of the most important functions

151

Of honey in social relations is the use of wine to create rapport and
facilitate manipulation (see Chapter 6). Individual Okiek-Maasai
friendships may be created, but are certainly encouraged, by wine in
this manner. From the Maasai view, on the other hand, Okiek may not
need to trade for d omestic stock, but undoubtedly the Okiek must see
the value of stock and desire it very much, especially as it is the
essence of Maasai wealth and prestige. Therefore, an Okiek who wanted
to be able to buy a cow, would have to be especially considerate to
his Maasai acquaintance, to get the Opportunity to purchase the cow.
Hence the need for courteous hospitality and respect deservedly due a
rich Maasai.

The Maasai like wine. It is sweet and an effective alcoholic
drink. The Okiek drink far more than the Maasai (hence, in part,
their reputation among Maasai as "hot—tempered and physically
belligerent"), but this, in part, probably reflects the greater supply
available to the Okiek. Certainly the Maasai I have Observed express
as much desire to drink as the Okiek, perhaps the more because they
get less Of it. In this sense, the Maasai are more dependent on the
Okiek than the Okiek are on any product of the Maasai. Though Maasai
can make themselves do without all other Okiek trade articles, they
cannot substitute for Okiek honey. It is true they occasionally find
bees living in the ground out on the plains, or in trees in ppypgg but
if that honey were enough for the ritual use in ceremonies, it is not
enough for the very important use of honey as wine for hospitality in
ceremonies, in meetings, and among friends. It should be borne in
mind that these are the conditions I found in Narok District. It is

quite possible these generalizations do not hold for Maasai in other

152

areas, especially those not living adjacent to Okiek. For example, in
Kajiado District, where no Okiek live, the Maasai manufacture their
own sheaths and necklaces. What they do for honey I am not aware.

There is a good deal more to Okiek-Maasai relations than
stated here, especially relations between members of the same age-set,
marriage between Okiek women and Maasai men, politics of land-claim
controversies, and relationships to animals, but this brief account of
the role of honey in their relations, especially trading, should
indicate that the inter-societal relations are more complex than the
usually blithe generalizations "servitude" and "overlords" would
indicate. Furthermore, I have tried to indicate that Okiek-Maasai
relations are not only affected by honey trading, but these relations
are important conditions affecting Okiek adaptation in general, that
the conflicting needs and dispositions in Maasai society are as
important "technical facts" in Okiek adaptation as the natural environ-
ment. To a lesser extent, this can be said of Okiek relations to
other tribes and organizations in Narok. The Kipsigis, the most
similar to Okiek, have been discussed, while those more dissimilar than
Kipsigis and Maasai follow.

Economically related to the Maasai is a social class Of people
known to the Maasai as Il Konono and to the Okiek as Kitonik. These
people are socially distinguished because of their economic specialty,
blacksmithing. They are not Maasai, but have lived with them
sufficiently long that their origin and cultural identity have become
prOblematical. Though they are usually conceived of as Maasai black-
smith, they also produce iron instruments for other tribes. Thus

Okiek and Kipsigis in Narok District have had trading relations with

153

these smiths for as long as memory can recall.

Before the introduction of EurOpean iron in the late nine—
teenth century, the Okiek say they used to take a bag of "hard soil"
(apparently magnetite) to a Kitonik, who would then smelt it into iron
and forge it into the desired implement. The Okiek depended on these
sndths for all their iron tools: hive-hole borer, adze, knives,
swords, spears, bracelets, and a heavy ax-like instrument (moruet)
resembling a long but narrow meat cleaver, used for cutting heavy
things. Arrow and elephant spear heads were reworked from knife
blades. Before that, and even up until the age-set of 11 Dareto (90
years ago) Obsidian had still been used.by Okiek for smaller imple—
ments. One elder showed me what he called an Obsidian knife, given
him by his grandfather. It appeared to be a core from which a number
of blades had been struck. He kept it as a memento and would use it
to tell his children of the ways their ancestors lived.

Items purchased from.the Kitonik were paid for with honey. A
small bag (average 12 pounds of honey or 12 shillings worth now)
bought a knife. A mediumesize bag (about 20 pounds) bought an adze
head or a spear, moruet, or sword. I asked my informant why a simple
adze head would cost as much as a spear. He said that in fact it was
much less work, but the Kitonik knew the Okiek depended a great deal
on their adze, for it has many uses, especially for cutting trees and
making hives, so they charged the Okiek much more. Finally, enough
iron bracelets and necklaces to outfit an entire lineage cost a large
bag, or about 50 pounds of honey. This thin iron decoration is worn
by most men. The bracelet is given by a.man at the time of his death

to his sons, if he so choses to bless them and wish them a long life,

15h
an honor the son may expect only if he has cared for his elders
properly. The necklace is symbolic of longevity, an amulet intended
to represent the blessings of god and ancestors on the health of the
wearer.

The Okiek are certainly more dependent on the Kitonik but,
like the Maasai, they consider the Kitonik inferior people. The
Maasai depend on these people in the same way, a dependence more
Obvious than the honey they derive from the Okiek. For the Maasai,
the Kitonik (Il Konono) are even more despised than the Okiek. NO
Maasai would consider marrying a II Konono girl, nor even sleeping on
the same side of the bed mat as the Il Konono host, rather turning it
over if he finds he must spend the night at the smith's house. For
both Maasai and Okiek, the more the dependence on the other and on
the Il Konono, the greater the social distance placed between them, as
if to deny that dependence.

As a result Of a treaty with the British Government early in
this century, Narok District was set aside as a Maasai reserve for
Maasai and others already living there, mostly Okiek. Since that time,
the colonial, and now the independent government, has insured this
protection for the Maasai by making Narok (and Kajiado) District a

' wherein no outsider may go without an Official permit.

"closed area,‘
Much of NarOk District is relatively underpOpulated, compared to the
densely settled native areas around it. The Kikuyu especially have
desired to relieve their crowded reserve by settling in the fertile
Mau area. A preliminary attempt to ease this pressure was the estab-

lishment Of the Oleanguruone Settlement Scheme in the Mau Forest just

outside Narok District. This was populated by Kikuyus in the early

155

19h0's. Their stay there raised problems for the government, as the
Kikuyu did not COOperate with government policy. This came to a head
in the early 1950's, with the killing of a missionary there and the
forced extradition Of the Kikuyu population. The Mau Mau revolt
developed after this incident (Narok District Records l9hO—l952, and
Rev. Bisset, personal communication). Up to this time, Kikuyu had
managed to enter Narok by way of special Maasai permission, usually
granted for the marriage Of a Kikuyu girl to a Maasai. Relatives
tended to follow the daughter. Some Kikuyu are said tO have been per-
mitted entry on the assumption that they would handsomely reimburse
their sponsor. All Of these were interned in detention camps during
the "emergency," but now have returned to their farms in the eastern
areas of the Mau Forest, where they have cleared thousands of acres.
As mentioned previously, this has caused considerable alarm to the
Okiek, if not to the relatively unaffected Maasai. Okiek-Kikuyu
relations, like Okiek-Maasai relations, are characterized by a general
antipathy, studded with numerous personal exceptions between individual
friends.
Compared to most Okiek in eastern Mau, the Kikuyu are more per-
severing in their desire to develop their resources. They are diligent
cultivators and traders. They value the education their children can
use to get well-paid jobs. This attitude may be approvingly encouraged
by the central government as "nation building," but to the Okiek it is
destructive. The Okiek are most alarmed at the destruction of their
fOrest. They are also annoyed by what they consider the deceptive
manner which Kikuyu use to further their "selfish" ends. The Okiek

feel that the Kikuyu are more apt to maliciously cheat them, compared

156

to the Maasai, who at least have a sense of honorable conduct. What
this means is that the Okiek and Maasai share certain values in
interpersonal dependence and Obligation which the Kikuyu do not.
"Cheating" (igenon)among Okiek and Maasai is a hotly disapproved
miscreant behavior, while among Kikuyu, it appears to Okiek, it is

an acceptable practice, even within the group. A local missionary,
who had considerable experience teaching Kikuyu, supported this idea,
saying that he found the hero among Kikuyu children was the person
who could best get away with cheating his comrades; it was acceptable,
if annoying, behavior. The experience of Mau Mau, in which numerous
Okiek, especially from the Saleta group, were killed by Kikuyu, has
only reinforced their distrust of them. In 1969, prior to the
national elections, Kikuyu again began to take the oath that preceded
Mau Mau. This activity alarmed the Okiek and brought out their
otherwise controlled hostility. On numerous occasions, they told me
what they had done in Mau Mau (many men were scouts for government
troops, since they knew the forests in which the Kikuyu were hiding)
and asked me whether (sometimes "when") the British were going to
return.

Given the Kikuyu attitude toward the Okiek, it is little
wonder Kikuyu have little to do with them. I have heard of only one
attempted marriage Of a Kikuyu girl to an Okiek man, and none of an
Okiek girl and Kikuyu man. A considerable amount of trading and
services takes place between them in areas where both are adjacent.
Thus Okiek do purchase maize from Kikuyu, especially in the dry
season. This may be done directly by bartering honey, but more fre-

quently Okiek will go to the nearest trading center and purchase

L1

(.1

(I)

(I)

II

157

maize for cash. In times of need, Okiek will agree to harvest and
clear Kikuyu gardens for payment in maize. Also the prominent African
work-party, in which anyone may come and work someone's garden for
drinks after work, is quite eagerly accepted by Okiek as a way to have
some drinks. My experience at these events is that the cost of
materials and time in making the maize beer is not compensated by the
short and lackluster work put in by those who come to drink. This, Of
course, points up the fact that this event is only in part economically
motivated.

If Okiek are not dependent on Kikuyu for any essential foods
or services, the same is just as true for the Kikuyu. The Kikuyu are
a honey-collecting tribe who maintain hives for honey and have no
need for Okiek honey, especially since the Kikuyu can get ample beer
from their maize as well as their honey. In addition to this, Okiek-
Kikuyu relations in Narok are relatively recent, and the type of
complex relationship existing between Okiek and Maasai has not had the
Opportunity to develop, even if it could. A contrast to this is the
Okiek-Kikuyu relations that took place over the last 100 years in the
Kikuyu Reserve, especially near Kidong. There progressive Kikuyu
expansion resulted in more extensive (and more equal) relations with
the forest-owning Okiek (as opposed to the forest "owning" Maasai in
Narok), whereby the Kikuyu intermarried with Okiek and purchased the
forests (Kenya Land Commission Reports 1933) in a manner similar to
Maasai—Kikuyu relations in Narok.

The last important group the Okiek Of Mau have relations with
is the Central Government. This was largely British before independ-

ence. For the Okiek, one Of the most Obvious representatives of the

eta

.nlu

an

“‘1

xxx

158

government was the District Game Warden, the late Major Temple-Borman,
who had been in Narok from the early 1930's up until his sudden death
in May 1969. I had met him briefly in April and found him an impres-
sive, considerate gentleman in the best British tradition. I was not
surprised that the Okiek, who all knew him, shared this feeling. They
respected him, if not the law he enforced against them. When he died,
they genuinely felt sad, even though he had put some of them in jail
before. He was the first and only European they had ever known well,
and it was natural that they tended to view me, their second
"EurOpean" of close acquaintance, in comparison to him. Perhaps
because of him, though possibly because they had always been treated
kindly, even protectively, by Europeans, the Okiek in Narok had a
positive feeling toward all EurOpeans. After the Okiek decided I
wasn't a game warden, this attitude was helpful in my working with
them.

The government, however, is not all European, especially now,
and the lower echelon officials most likely to be in contact with
Okiek have always been Africans. These are the administration police,
who arrest Okiek for criminal offenses. From genealogies it is
evident that death by individual murder is now rare, and death by
retribution in feuds has not occurred for a generation. Lesser
Offenses, usually drunken brawls, the Okiek are reluctant to report to
the government, preferring to handle these cases in a manner which
will not deprive dependent families of their heads, who would other-
wise languish in jail for years.

Okiek are more careful these days to pay their taxes. Adult

males pay a minimum of 2h shillings tO the central government and

.

511'

"me

E
12

a: r
at
, «1t. .
haw .
it‘ .4.
.tU
Ila. u

159
15 shillings to the county council. Since hospital care is available
only to taxpayers, and Okiek very much appreciate medical care,
married men are especially careful to pay their taxes so they and
their family can be cared for in an emergency. There are still a
number who do not pay, or at least not on time, and they risk being
checked by police, who always seem to be going around to houses and
the markets to check for receipts.

Although Narok Prison has something of the reputation of a
country club, to the Okiek, unaccustomed to physical restraint, the
internment is unpleasant, especially latrine duty. TO be put in
prison, however, is considered unfortunate, a bit shameful for being
careless and thus caught, but never guilt ridden. Not understanding
or not seeing the value of many of the European imposed laws, the
Okiek do not see their illegal behavior as unreasonable, and certainly
not morally reprehensible. Just making a bare living invariably means
doing things that are contrary to statute. Thus living with the
government gets to be a game Of chance--taking the chance of being
caught by doing that which everyone else does and approves. When some—
one is caught, it is accepted with a sad shrug, sort of an expected
payment on a mortgaged existence.

The Okiek tend to project their parental expectations onto the
government. Thus they expect services--to be "taken care Of"-for
their shillings, but see none forthcoming to them, except the 15
shillings paid to the county council for health services. This, like
the irrationality Of some laws--especially game laws--only contributes
to the lack Of belief in and hence respect for "the law." Respect

(koonyit), for an Okiek, is almost coexistent with fear (omweni).

160

Thus when an Okiek speaks Of respect for his wife's parents, he also
can say "fear" interchangeably. The terms mean two different things
but when applied to a person or thing, they usually coexist. Thus it
is with the government. An Okiek fears the power of the government
and therefore respects it, but this is not the respect founded on
internalized common values which produces guilt and, thus, conforming
behavior. This is undoubtedly a major problem for law enforcement in
nations of diverse ethnic groups, urban America being no exception.
The kind of internalized conformity so prized by middle-class America
(and African Nationals) isn't transportable to ethnic or class groups
who do not share the same values and norms.

Unlike most Okiek living outside the sanctuary of the Maasai
Reserve, those inside enjoy the use Of extensive tracts Of land
without fear of being displaced by the government. The attempted
resettlement of other Okiek in Kenya into Native Reserves in the
1930's deprived many Okiek of the right to claim tribal lands. Land
expropriated from them was sold to European settlers, or reserved by
the government for forest plantations. This has dramatically affected
the life of Okiek groups living on the Mau but in Nakuru District.
Those within the Maasai Reserve have felt none of this. Their virgin
forests have not been cut, nor have they been ordered to settle in
compact villages outside the forest. This does not mean the govern-
ment does not covet the Maasai part of the Mau forest. They do, and
for years have unsuccessfully attempted to get the Maasai to agree to
turn over its use and management to the Forestry Department. Although
the Maasai make no use Of the forest, they are reluctant to lose

control of a sizeable, and potentially valuable, part of their

161

reserve, all to the benefit of the Okiek.

The Okiek are thankful for the large forest they still have,
and point with empathy to those who have lost theirs. The Okiek in
Narok District, however, are just now realizing what a tenuous hold
they have on their ancestral forest. All the parties Of their social
environment appear to be bent on clearing that forest for their own
gains. The Maasau give land to Kikuyu and may yet let the government
lumber it. The Kikuyu are systematically clearing the eastern part,
while Kipsigis clear the western part of the forest. The government
would like to extend their lumbering over the entire Mau forest.

These events would provide a considerable short-term profit, or would
assuage for some time increased population pressures. But the long
term consequences suggest that the Mau's important function as a water
catchment area providing all season water for much of southwestern
Kenya may be lost and the drainage areas become drier, perhaps
uninhabitable half the year and flooded the other half. The fertility
Of the soil, greatly decreased by swidden farming, would be further
decreased by erosion and greater dryness in the dry season. In con-
trast, the present forest supports a small population (though it could
support more), affords no profit to the government, and is Of no aid
to over-population in other areas. It is, however, maintained as a
renewable resource, in no way permanently damaged by its Okiek
inhabitants, who harvest no more than the annual increase in organic
matter, fauna and flora, while returning to the soil only decomposable
materials. The forest is maintained indefinitely and, therefore,
helps to maintain the habitability Of areas much larger than the

forest itself.

162

For Okiek adaptation, the Maasai have had as much effect on
how and where they live as the natural environment. In the future,
the Kikuyu and Kipsigis will have an even greater effect, the
consequences Of which may be seen in what has happened to other Okiek

displaced by the government in the past.

Chapter h

HONEY IN THE PERSONALITY SYSTEM

Introduction

 

From the basic premise that all behavior is motivated, the
inescapable corollary is that understanding behavior requires the study
of those psychological principles which underly human motivation. For
some peOple, these principles derive ultimately from psychoanalytic
theory which holds that personality attributes derive largely from
early childhood experience, especially from the type Of relationship a
child has to his or her parents. Following this position, this chapter
is concerned with explaining a variety of Okiek personality character-
istics which have a relation to, and which support, the use of honey in
Okiek society and culture. These personality characteristics both
reflect and are reflected by aspects of Okiek cultural and social
systems. The three systems interpenetrate each other such that the
resulting behavioral patterns are explicable in terms of all three, no
one system having theoretical priority, though empirically such may
prove to be the case with regard to a given problem. The relationship
of these three systems is briefly discussed in the first section of
this chapter and again in the conclusion. The second section of this

chapter is concerned with documenting Okiek childhood experience.

163

16h
Data are presented which are relevant to evaluating the effect Of
these experiences on personality development. The theoretical basis
for this evaluation derives from Erickson's (1963) discussion of
states of childhood personality development, and a summary Of this is
presented in the second section. Erickson is used because he has
attempted to place personality development within a social framework
and thus his discussion aptly fits the theoretical basis Of this
thesis.

The third section is a discussion of the implications Of Okiek
childhood experience for the development of adult personality
characteristics. Two hypotheses relating the two are proposed:

1) that Okiek childhood experiences are conducive to a well developed
oral fixation and 2) that Okiek patterns Of aggression socialization
result in a fear Of others and a fear of expressing hostility. Both
hypotheses are supported by cross-cultural studies of childhood
experience and adult personality (Whiting and Child 1953).

Section four presents a different kind of datum to support the
hypotheses explained in section three. In this case projective data,
both cultural and psychological, are used. Twenty-four Okiek stories
suggest, by their content, that oral concerns are an important theme
in Okiek life, and the results Of one psychological projective test
administered to forty adult Okiek support the hypothesis that the
Okiek have a relatively low level of impulsivity or willingness to
express hostility directly, yet have a relatively high level of under-
lying hostility. The resulting passive-aggressive personality type,
it is argued, with supporting studies, is consistent with strong

aggression socialization and a disposition for heavy drinking. The

 

m

_—-

fi‘s’l‘gnmn .A—a

,._ :.

 

nil. ... .i _ tau-“.1

 

165
latter, it is argued, is a primary support for the emphasis the Okiek
place on honey wine.

The fifth section incorporates literature which is related to
explaining excessive drinking. Horton's (l9h3) study Of the psycho-
logical and social functions Of alcohol is discussed in the light of
Okiek data, with the intention Of specifying motivations which Horton
referred to as a generalized form of anxiety. A study by Bunzel
(19h0) is similar in method to the present one on the Okiek, and her
conclusions, though brief, tend to confirm my Observations about why
Okiek drink as much as they do. Holmberg's (1950) study of the
starvation-prone Siriono suggests that hunger anxiety alone does not
account for high incidence of insobriety. Field (1962) presents cross-
cultural evidence in support of social structural "causes" for
insobriety. Major theoretical Objections to his study are discussed,
‘which suggest that his conclusions are suspect.

In the conclusion it is argued that the two hypothesized uncon-
scious processes account, in part, for the unusual support honey has in
Okiek life. It is also shown that these same processes tend to support
(certain functional requirements for the maintenance of the social
system. The latter conclusions are amplified in Chapter 7.

The type of psycho-cultural analysis presented in this chapter
it; related to, but is distinguishable from, studies of modal person-
zilityu The latter type Of study, often called "national character"
stuniies,had some vogue in anthrOpology during the 1930's and l9h0's.
Like the present chapter, those earlier studies relied to a large
enchant on psychoanalytic and psychoanalytically derived theories. On

time other hand, this chapter does not deal with a "whole personality"

166
analysis Of the Okiek, but rather with only those aspects of person-
ality which are hypothesized to be related to the use of honey. In
this sense the present chapter avoids some of the shortcomings
associated with modal personality studies. A short discussion of
problems involved in modal personality studies, however, is relevant
to the hypotheses and data presented herein. Inkeles and Levison
(l95h) have reviewed modal personality studies and the theories on
which they are based, and they offer constructive criticisms which I
paraphrase below.

These studies ought to include three types Of data, though few
actually do. These should include individual data on 1) behavioral
traits, 2) personal meanings related to behavior, and 3) cognitive-
motivational characteristics. In the present chapter I have presented
data on behavioral traits by a discussion Of Okiek adult behavior
which is relevant to the use Of honey and honey wine. I include data
on personal meanings through a discussion Of how the Okiek see their
relationship to honey in terms Of cultural beliefs and social behavior.
And thirdly, I include hypotheses that, it is argued, help to account
for the motivational characteristics involved in support for honey and
honey wine.

MOdal personality studies should have a standardized analytic
scheme, that is, "a universally applicable system of concepts and
descriptive variables in terms of which modal adult personality
structures can be described and compared" (Inkeles and Levison 195h:
988). MOst such studies do not have a system which is applicable to

comparative study largely because Of the clinical orientation of the

researchers. In this chapter I present a theory of personality based

 

 

 

 

 

167
largely on Erickson (1963), which is intended to reflect universal
personality processes and is thus amenable to comparative analysis.

The third basic problem of modal personality studies has to do
with their methods. Three types of methods have been used: 1) indi-
vidual personality assessment based on projective tests and clinical
interviews, 2) psychological analysis of collective adult phenomenon
such as institutional practices and folklore, and 3) psychological
analysis of child-rearing systems. Most modal personality studies
have tended to extrapolate adult personality characteristics from
child—training variables without a direct analysis of individual adult
personalities. The assumption in many of these psychogenic studies is
that, following psychoanalytic theory, childhood experiences largely
determine adult personality. Inkeles and Levison (l95h:988) cite more
recent studies to indicate that late childhood and adolescent
experiences have a greater effect on personality than had heretofore
'been assumed, though they do not deny that early childhood experience
is a basic source of adult personality characteristics.

In this chapter I present data from these three types of
lnethods. The two hypotheses concerned with explaining Okiek interest
irlcirinking derive from child—rearing experiences. Individual person—
zmlity'assessments based on a projective test are used to support one
(If the hypotheses, while two forms of "collective adult phenomenon"
(ikithales and theories Of medical diagnosis and cure) are psycho-
logically analyzed to present data in support of the second hypothesis.

The exclusive emphasis in this chapter on two child—rearing
variables as a basis for adult Okiek motivation for drinking is in no

‘way'2intended to negate the influence Of other factors as determinants

168
of adult personality characteristics. In fact, there it; a range of
experiences during late childhood and adolescence which affect Okiek
dispositions toward drinking, and these are discussed in Chapters 5 and
6. These experiences tend to enhance what I believe is an already
well-established predisposition for oral gratification deriving from
early childhood experience. In fact, it is the basic argument Of this
thesis that an explanation of Okiek use of honey is dependent on
cultural and social as well as personality factors Operating throughout
a person's life, no one system being sufficient to account for the

unusual elaboration this food and drink receive in this society com-

pared to other societies.

The Personality System, A Theoretical Background

Personality has been a central concern of many American
anthrOpologists for over forty years. Under the label of "Culture and
Personality" extensive work has been done, primarily on the manner in
'which culture affects personality development. This is, however, only
Ihalf the importance Of personality for anthropological studies. Since
.all behavior is motivated by needs and drives, culturally constituted
social.systems must provide roles which are sufficiently gratifying for
'the needs and drives of individuals to insure the role's performance
arul thereby the maintenance Of the social system. This is the most
:hnportant justification for including personality studies in anthro-
pological research on social and cultural systems. If the explanation
cui'behavior is viewed as a primary goal Of anthropology, psychology
1nust:'be an indispensible adjunct Of social and cultural anthropology.

IBeceulse the implications of this position are not well understood by

 

 

 

 

 

169
most anthrOpologists, I present in this chapter some theoretical back-
ground for the subsequent use of data on personality.
For the purpose Of this thesis personality is defined (follow-
ing Parson and Shils 1951:?) as "the organized system of the orienta-

' In describing

tion and.motivation of action of one individual actor.‘
a personality system it is necessary to be aware of the characteristics
of the system of interaction of two or more individuals (the social
system), noting those conditions which the interaction imposes on the
actors. Understanding a personality system also entails accounting for
cultural tradition in two ways: as objects of orientation and as
cultural patterns which are internalized as cognitive expectations and
cathectic evaluative selections among possible orientations. That is,
to an individual, culture is a system of symbols embodying the ideas,
beliefs, knowledge, norms, and values transmitted by learning through
generations to members of his social system. These are the things he
knows and to which he "orients" himself in daily living. Many Of
these aspects of culture, in addition, may have become cathected parts
Of his personality, internalized and, therefore, the basis on which he
'understands and evaluates all those things outside his personality to
'which he is oriented. Thus ideas and beliefs are primarily character-
ized by cognitive interest (the basis for a person's discrimination
enmong and assessment of objects in his field Of orientation), expres-
srive symbols as cathectic interest (What he likes), and values as
evaluative interest (what he feels is good or bad). As internalized
cfirtegories these are the basis of motivational orientation. Thus
(nilturally constituted social systems provide an important motivational

lmasis for individual role participation in the institutions which form

170
the social systems. In this way the functional prerequisites for the
'maintenance of social systems are met by their capacity to provide
roles which gratify the needs and drives of individuals.

The importance of this fact is aptly stated by Spiro (1961b:
h72):

In short, culture is both an instrument and an Object: it
contributes to social adaptation and adjustment and at the
same time it constitutes an Object Of adjustment. Hence,
any analysis of human, that is, culturally constituted,
social systems must explain how man adapts to the demands
Of culture--with all the conflict attendant upon the
process--at the same time that he uses culture for the
purpose of adaptation. Analyses which ignore or are
unacquainted with the dynamics of behavior including such
unconscious mechanisms as psychological defenses—-cannot
perform this task satisfactorily.

Understanding the role of honey in Okiek society likewise
requires that the social role of honey be understood in terms of its
cultural meaning as an object of orientation and as a cathected part
Of Okiek personality. Without reference to the psychological
importance Of honey, as culturally defined, it is not possible to
'understand the full range of its function in social and cultural
systems.

Furthermore, as a source of nutrition, honey affects
Iflrvsiological requirements (see Chapter 2) which, as innate drives,
‘become differentiated into need—dispositions whereby they are included
irllnotivational and evaluative elements which are not a part of the
original physiological need (hunger). This process of development
begins with the discrimination between need-gratifying and need-
blocking Objects in the field of orientation. This sensitivity

aguilies to non—social Objects (in the present context, honey), but it

is e8pecially significant where interaction is involved; thus the

171
significance Of honey enhances and is enhanced by those human Objects
most closely associated with it, usually parents. Gratifying
experiences with an Object engenders a positive attachment. This
Object then becomes cathected through attributing to it significance
for direct gratification Of needs. At the same time the object
becomes cognized, discriminating it from others and assessing its
prOperties (Parson and Shils 1951:8-10). In the present context,
honey becomes an Object of gratification to a child, associated with
the persons who provide it--each enhanced by the cathexis and the
cognizing associated with the other. By stimulus generalization, a
child learns to associate an important food with persons he is pri—
marily dependent on for all basic needs. The pattern of orientation
and cathexis Of honey and honey wine in Okiek society has its

ontological beginning in early childhood.

Early Experience and Development of Okiek Children

Childbirth among the Okiek is a relatively simple affair. A
'woman in labor retires to her house and is attended by one or two
other women, often her mother or husband's mother. Of the births that
occurred while I was with the Okiek, none had any special complica-
‘tions except'a baby born with a caul, for which his father was soundly
scolded by his own mother for having intercourse with his pregnant
wrife. Such is the Okiek belief5and it reflects a general Okiek belief
'that there are certain things an expectant mother and a nursing mother
lnust abstain from in order to insure that her child's health will not
‘be impairedt Thus intercourse during pregnancy and nursing is for-

bidden. Likewise the drinking of alcoholic beverages such as honey

172

wine is conceived by the Okiek as being detrimental to the health of
an embryo and a baby. These things are believed to cause sickness,
weakness, and lack of normal physical deve10pment. The Okiek are very
concerned that children grow up to be strong and well. As previously
explained (p. 116) the Okiek frequently project physical deformities,
sickness, and death of children onto the malevolent intentions of
ancestors. In other words, bringing a child into the world is fraught
with difficulties which must be avoided by proper behavior. These
precautions and others related to a mother's cleanliness reflect a
well-founded Okiek anxiety about the chances of a baby surviving.
Infant mortality is undoubtedly high. I recall hearing of many more
children dying during my field work than adults. I have no statistics,
however, on current mortality rate for children. There are a number of
accountable diseases, but the Okiek tend to project the death Of young
peOple onto ancestors, witchcraft, and gaggisto (roughly the super-
natural consequence Of having killed somebody), though nowadays they
admit that disease is more prevalent than it used to be.

A child nurses at his mother's breast for at least two years.
During the time of nursing, for the sake of her child's health and
growth, a mother is supposed to desist from intercourse and drinking
alcohol. The Okiek believe these substances enter the body and mix
with the mother's milk, causing it to lose some of its healthful
quanities. As some husbands have related to me, this two-year period
is f1exible--especially the younger men claim they do not wait so long
to resume sexual relations with their wife. This appears from

genealogies to be evident as many children are born less than two

173
years and nine months after the previous one. On the other hand, I
have occasionally seen a woman still carrying and nursing a child who
must have been at least three and a half years Old, Old enough to talk
fluently and climb small trees. This occurs only with Older women who
don't anticipate being able to have more children. During this period
Of nursing, a child enjoys almost constant contact with its mother.
If it cries, becomes disruptive, is hungry, or gets hurt, the mother
nurses it and, in fact, gives her breast whenever it wishes and
whenever the mother finds it useful for controlling behavior. For
example, if a child crawls too close to the fire, a mother will prefer
to distract its attention by nursing it rather than frustrate or
chastise the child. Okiek mothers make every effort to avoid frustra-
ting the whims Of their infants, and nursing is the most frequently
‘used method Of controlling an infant without causing crying. In this
'way, at a very early age, Okiek infants begin to associate pleasures,
assuage frustration, and learn to control anxiety by taking in things
(in this case, milk) orally.

During this period of the first two years a mother frequently
jplies her infant with fat, a food, like milk, considered by the Okiek
indispensable to healthful growth. Honey is also given for the same
:reason, though it appears that honey is not considered as necessary
was fat at this stage. Unlike fat, however, babies tend to like being
:fed.honey; it appeals to their taste, where fat does not at first.
lmIre frequently, as an infant approaches age two, the mother begins
ix; use honey in the same pacifying way she uses her breast.

During this period a mother's control over her child is immedi-

zite but gentle. She does not chastise her baby as she tries to teach

 

   

17h
it not to do things. This is a period of passive restraint. The
mother is careful to keep her child within easy reach. Not sur—
prisingly, the Okiek verb for caring for a child (kpppm) is the same
as used for catching an animal in a trap, of holding a dog with a
rope, or caring for a domestic animal. The common connotation to
these is the element of "holding" and "control." What this word does
ppp_connote in mother-child relations is an emphasis on the early
independence of a child from its mother. The nursing period is best
characterized by the absence of frustration and a continued dependence
on mother. This contrasts sharply--in abruptness and degree--with the
mother-child relationship that follows on the birth of the next
sibling.

Although Okiek mothers do try to completely satisfy their
infants' hunger, early accounts (Chandler 1896, Neumann 1898) stress
chronic famine among Okiek, at least among those living north of Mount
Keyna. "They are usually in a state of semi-starvation, indeed it is
a puzzle to me how they manage to live at all" (Neumann 1898:79).
IBetween honey seasons and between elephant kills, camps regularly went
Ihungry. This discontinuity cannot help but contribute to Okiek
eurxieties about food. For infants and children, the inconsistency of
ihighly'nurturant parental care, contrasted to occasional deprivation
(If food during famine, should create highly ambivalent feelings,
zwccording to Erickson (1963), during a period of psychosexual develop—
lnent associated with a sense of trust vs. mistrust, love vs. loneli-
:ness, oral security vs. insecurity. On the one hand, an infant who
experiences oral (food) gratification for any agony, no matter what

ttue cause, or is breast—fed for an excessively long period, tends to

 

   

175
develop, according to Erickson (1963), a feeling that food is all-
important, that he need never worry, that he will always be cared for.
Such an attitude of taking a dependent position toward society is laid
down in the oral period. On the other hand, if a baby has had to go
hungry or his needs for food are not taken care of, then in later child-
hood or in adult life he may have undue anxiety about food. He may
react by eating too much or have a pressing clinging attitude toward
others, demanding attention and assurance all the time. He fears he
will not have enough to eat, or enough recognition and love (English
and Pearson 1963:21-22).

Both these types of personality traits Of dependency and
insecurity are found frequently in adult Okiek men and women, suggesting
that the observable experiences of infancy--feast and famine, consistent
nurturance but inconsistent food supply--may be tied to these person-
ality traits.

During my period of field work, Okiek persistently expressed
concern about going hungry. It is important to note, however, that this
reflected anxiety more than reality, as somehow everyone got enough to
eat—-though on some days not much. Historical experiences with real
famine are documented by early travelers and attested by present Okiek.
Unlike many hunting and gathering societies (Lee and DeVore 1968), the
Okiek traditionally have had a relatively insecure subsistence base,
Neumann and Chandler both speak of seeing various Okiek individuals
appear emaciated, or sleek and fat, depending on the season. Neumann
("1898:15) quotes an Okiot as saying that the importance of fat in their

diet is directly related to building up the body fat Of an individual,

176
apparently in anticipation of leaner days ahead: "Oh! If I could but
feed on elephant's fat, my wife would not know me when I went back, so
sleek and plumb should I become." Despite its high value, fat has not
the great symbolic value of honey because it lacks honey's multiple
forms and uses, as explained later.

Thus by the end of the first period of life, about age two, a
child has deveIOped a response to a high degree of maternal nurturance,
but at the same time a relatively high degree of subsistence uncer—
tainty expressed either in a mother's anxiety over the food supply or
by an actual lack of food.

If the mother does not become pregnant again, the child will
continue in close contact and dependence on its mother for, as men-
tioned, as long as three years or so, though gradual weaning usually
seems to take place about age two when a mother sees the child can walk
and respond to her calling. A child will still remain close to its
mother until about age six to eight, when peer groups begin to form and
children begin to explore the world outside the camp without their
mothers.

On the other hand, most children are followed by younger sib-
lings, and their relationship to their mothers is altered by this
biological fact. The model spacing between children is three years,
with two and four years following this. This means that most children
experience displacement between age two and four. In the case of the
Okiek, this displacement is sudden and dramatic. If a child has been
nursing, it is forthwith denied its mother's breast from the time the
next child is born. Furthermore, the amount of attention it has

become used to is considerably reduced by the mother's preoccupation

177
with a new baby's survival requiring all the care she can give it. The
result, I have Observed, is a frequently disgruntled two- or three-
year—old child who whines, cries, and hangs onto its mother in hopes
of attention. The Okiek mother continues to be tolerant with the first
child as she has been in the past, but this tolerance is not accomr
panied.with the nurturance previously given on demand. She may ignore
its pleas or try to distract its attention with other things or other
peOple. Older siblings and father may try to amuse the child, but
usually it tries to return to mother for support. In reality, there
is no return to the constant comforts now enjoyed by the second baby.

The child Of three or four, literally if not figuratively, is
now off its mother's back, can walk well, and talk on a.minimal level.
He or she has entered the second period of deve10pment and now begins
to relate to others instead of just his mother. By this age, a boy or
girl has expanded the radius of contact from.his mother to other sib-
lings, father, cousins, and other children of his own age who may live
nearby and come to visit with their mothers.

This second stage is initiated socially by the naming ceremony
in.addition to physically and culturally by the birth of the next
sibling (In the absence of this birth the transition is gradual but
:still marked by a.mother's increasing lack of attention as she resumes
cather duties). A child's range of contacts extends beyond.mother to
iflae family, and by age five he or she has developed friendships with
(Tuner children of the same age. The dependence on mother persists,
Ihowever, and is exemplified by the fact that even by age five a child

(hoes not wander far from.his mother. Rather there is an approach-

178
avoidance, an oscillation, between the secure presence of mother and
the stimulating activities away from her. Apparent feelings of
insecurity alternate with a desire to explore the new world as a child
first plays with others, then runs back to mother, then ventures forth
again.

During this period, the child comes more and more under the
control Of elder siblings who relieve their mother of the need to
watch the child. In America toilet training is usually initiated
earlier in this period, or even in the first period, but with the
Okiek it is not an issue. Even as late as two years of age, a nursing
child has no bowel control and the mother makes no effort to train her
child to control his soiling of her clothes. In the second period
there is even less necessity for control and, from my Observations,
children learn this control on their own with the occasional help Of
an older sibling to show him where to go.

About age six or seven a girl or boy enters a third period of
deve10pment. The outward expression of this is the piercing of the
upper ear with a thorn, the resulting hole being a point of attachment
for decorative beaded jewelry. This is not a ceremony but an indi—
vidual affair requested by the child as he or she feels the desire.
This reflects the child's awareness of himself as an Object of attrac-
tion, hence approval. It also reflects his identification with Older
people, especially his parents, and a desire to emulate them. This is
a. period in which friendships develop and peer activities take
precedence over mother-child activities, especially with boys. Boys

play at making hives and hunting animals. Girls remain closer to home

179
and begin to do the things their mothers do: building huts, making
string, sewing clothes, doing bead work, and collecting firewood and
water. This period lasts until the onset of adolescence.

Throughout these years a child's diet changes from a pre—
ponderance of milk and fat, in the first period, to meat and honey in
subsequent periods. However, from the earliest years it is apparent
that children develop the strongest desire for honey. NO one would
want a diet of only honey or meat or milk, but assuming there is some
of each, Okiek children consistently prefer honey. Apparently the
sweetness appeals to them, as sugars do to American children, as they
also like the candy I sometimes gave them and easily equate it as
being sweet (Mp) like honey. I once asked a boy of seven, whose
father had been away for some time, what he would like most for his
father to bring him. He didn't think a second; his reply was auto-
matic: "Honey." This little incident, more than pertinent but
undramatic data, conveys the strong personal feeling and cultural value
which the Okiek have for honey. It is well established at an early age
on a conscious level. Subsequent discussion will show that it is
apparently established on an unconscious level as well.

During childhood, a person's emotional dependence on his
parents is complemented by his biological dependence. The epitome of
his dependence, of course, is the honey which forms such a desired as
well as nutritionally substantial part of his diet. Children of age
three to twelve consume a greater ratio Of honey in their diet than any
other sex-age category in Okiek society. Most of it comes from their

father and elder brothers but usually fed to them by mother. Some,

180

however, comes from other peOple and with these a child begins to
realize the significance of certain kith and kin. A family may desire
their son to marry a girl who is yet only eight or ten. Honey is
brought one day and given to the girl's mother, an understanding is
established, an intention, but not yet a contract. The honey the girl
eats that night has a new significance; she now realizes more fully
than she could have before that someday she will be part of another
family. The honey makes vivid and real what before was a childhood
fantasy. Or a boy of eight struggles with his identification with
father by making a crude little hive. Some weeks later he proudly
brings home to his mother his first honey, his first gift to his
parents, his first demonstrated proof that he is as good, or almost as
good, as his father--that he is a man. These are two of a number of
examples of how honey takes on a central role in childhood development.
Actually, honey pervades virtually all the realms of Okiek life:
physiological, psychological, social, and cultural.

One of the most remarkable behavioral traits, from the point
Of view of an American, is the almost total lack of interpersonal
aggression between children. In a camp, the children, like their
parents, are generally quiet and subdued. They play together but
rarely with the "school playground" loud excitement of American child-
ren. I have never seen Okiek children get involved in a real fight.
Sometimes two children want the same Object and will both try to pull
it from the other, but this ends in either a face-saving compromise,

one taking part Of it, or one getting all but soon leaving it with

apparent disinterest or guilt. There is no pleasure or pride in

181

beating another. There are no competitive games. Parents quietly
admonish their children not to fight with others. A child's immediate
neighbors are usually his real or classificatory brothers and sisters,
and with these, the Okiek say, a close and friendly relationship is
important. These are the people they will grow up with and depend on;
the enemies they fight with are elsewhere. This early training to
control hostile impulses will be shown to be closely related to Okiek
drinking and hospitality.

In summary, Okiek parents are generally very tolerant of their
children's natural impulses. Initial indulgence in the first period of
each type of behavior--oral, anal, sexual, and dependence—-is high.
Aggression, however, is the one factor which is not indulged, initially
or subsequently. Children must become adults, however, which univer-
sally means that their childhood impulses must be socialized. Societies
differ in the degree of severity Of socialization for each behavior
type. With the Okiek, anal and sexual socialization is not stressed and
thus subsequent childhood anxiety in these areas is low. On the other
Ihandg the Okiek expect children to alter the oral-dependence behavior of
'the first period Of development quickly, especially when the next sib-
ZLing arrives. There is also a quiet but effective emphasis on curtail-
ilng aggressive impulses.

Before proceeding further, it is useful at this point to back-
‘track;with a discussion of personality development. The close relation-
shijp'between early childhood experience and subsequent personality
tfluxracteristics is well established in psychological theory. A dis-

cussion Of this relationship is presented here as a prelude to the

182
hypothesis that certain personality tendencies in adult Okiek are
related both to childhood experiences and to the high interest in and
consumption of alcoholic beverages, especially honey wine.

The development Of a normal, healthy personality in a person in
any society required that he successfully resolve a series of
psychological conflicts which occur in successive stages of childhood.
Emerging from each of these stages, a healthy personality develops an
increasing sense of inner unity, good judgment, and ability to do well.

In this discussion I rely on Erickson's (1963) concepts of personality

development .

Stages of Child Development

In each stage of child development there is a primary problem
'which must be adequately dealt with by a child if he is to proceed
'with the resolution and accomplishment necessary for dealing with the
next problem stage. Each stage must be taken at the proper rate and in
the prOper sequence for normal personality development. The omission
or insufficient resolution of any one problem impairs the functional
harmony of other personality strengths, Often permanently.

The three stages Of early childhood described by Erickson are
associated most closely with: (l) a sense of basic trust, (2) a sense
(xf autonomous will, and (3) a sense of initiative. The use Of the
wenni "sense" is to convey the meaning of each stage as a development Of
components of mental health within the individual. Thus, a sense or
basic feeling Of trust in others is what a child first experiences, or

shtnild experience in normal personality development.

These three stages generally correspond to the well~known

183
Freudian psychosexual stages: oral, anal, and genital. The differing
emphasis given these by Erickson reflect his greater concern with a
child's physical and social growth within his family and social
structure.

A sense Of basic trust derives from experiences in the first
year of life. A baby is helpless and dependent on others, usually his
mother, for his needs, the most Obvious being the need for food. Food
is taken orally, hence the "oral" stage, but this incorporativeness
extends to other objects; hence, a baby tends to hold and suck all
sorts of Objects. The absolute dependence on others, coordinated with
the intention and ability to satisfy these first needs, is the basis

for a basic, that is, unconscious and pervasive trust in others and

also in one's self.

This, as Erickson says, is the cornerstone of a healthy person
ality. The impairment of this basic trust comes out as a basic mis-
trust in adults who, in their defense, withdraw from others, some into
psychotic states in which they refuse comfort, companionship, even
food, The crisis of this stage comes, at least in American society, in
“the latter part of the first year when a childis basic trust is shaken
'hy the feeling of loss, most obvious in the mother's apparent, if not
:real, withdrawal from the child at weaning. Also the mother, who gave
up so much time during the early months Of child care, must now return
txa'the other activities of her role. This experience leaves a residue
(xf'basic mistrust in the child. Mistrust may also be engendered by
the lack Of quality in a mother's care for her child.

Without proper substitutes for this feeling Of abandonment, a

18h
child's basic trustfulness can give way to acute infantile depression
and to a depressive undertone for the rest of a person's life. On the
other hand, a.more successful handling of this conflict can result in
a personality which emphasizes giving and receiving, and a sense of
faith (trust), of which religion is one expression.

Another expression of oral trauma is addiction, of which
alcoholism is the most Obvious expression of unresolved oral dependency
needs (Navratil 1956:516). This is significant or Okiek life, as will
be shown shortly.

In the next year a child has grown to a point where physically
he begins to feel the control of his body and mentally to differentiate
himself as a being apart from others. He begins to stand, to take
things, to be self-willed. He is also self-willed in that he begins to
reject things, too. He may cry for his mother's comfort one minute,
and.the next, inexplicably, push her away. This is a stage of retention
and elimination, that is, a period of autonomy in which a child begins
to exercise an autonomous will. The most Obvious expression of this is
'the fact that by this age a child begins to experience the pleasure and
‘willfulness of controlling his own elimination organs. Hence, the
Freudian term "anal" period.

How important this stage is in personality development is very
Inuch a.function of the culture's beliefs and norms about childetraining
lll'the control of bowels and.bladder. Certain classes Of our society
'take this matter seriously, while many other societies let "nature take
its course." Though this training may not be important in all

societies, the stage itself still becomes a "battle" for autonomy in

185
other areas. Willfulness in other areas may require the exercise of
parental controls.

Exercise of controls too early and too severely leaves a child
defeated by his yet incapable body, and again by his powerful parents.
Satisfaction may be found only in regressing to the earlier oral stage
(sucking thumb, whining, demanding) or pretending an autonomy and
ability not really there, expressing it in hostility, Willfulness, and
attempts to be non-dependent.

A child who can deal with these problems adequately develops a
sense of self-control, but without a loss of self—esteem. This takes
a delicate balance of parental control, such that hate does not over-
come love, and Willfulness is tempered with cooperation, self-
expression with suppression.

Out of this stage a child should have a lasting sense of
autonomy and pride, not a feeling of loss of control from feeling
physically impotent, nor a sense of doubt and shame from parental over-
control.

Shame, an infantile emotion in which a person is degraded in
'the eyes of others for misbehavior, is especially used.by some primitive
:peopdes in lieu Of an emphasis on guilt, to control child.behavior.
ILronically, this begins at the very stage when a child is experiencing
tine uncertainty of feeling his own autonomy, his "bigness." Too much
shaming can result in a secret determination to try to "get away" with
firings when unseen. There are limits to how much lack of selfaworth a
person can take. In response he may turn things around and become
oblivious to the opinions Of others, and to consider those Opinions

evil”, and not the action they are aimed at. Character disorders, in

186
peOple who had not instilled the values and norms of his society, may
be traced to this type Of experience.

Also, overcontrol by parents may create a childhood need to
overmanipulate himself; that is, self mastery becomes an end in itself
leading to compulsive neurosis: repetitiveness, doing things "just
so," Obsessiveness, and ritualism.

Erickson suggests that the normal expression of a sense Of
autonomy and self control in adulthood seems to be related to the
function Of "law and order." That is, the relationship of a child to
his parents in this stage is a prototype for a person's later relation-
ship with other authority figures: employer, police, and political
figures.

By the age of four or five, the child who has a firm solution
to the problem of autonomy is ready for the next stage and the next
crisis. He now walks well, and in a rudimentary way can do physical
things like his parents, whereas before he was mostly sedentary and
could not. There is an accompanying awareness Of self ip_comparison
‘tO others, and this comparison becomes an increasing preoccupation.
jHe begins to envision himself as occupying other's roles, imitating
‘Uheir activities; in short, he has developed a sense Of initiative.

Accompanying this period is an infantile sexual curiosity,
wdifll an occasional preoccupation and overconcern with sexual matters.
Enrtle a child may now feel he is almost the "junior" equal Of his
parwnlts, he receives a setback in his fantasies by the Obvious fact
innit he is genitally much inferior, and further, that not for a long
tinma'will his fantasies Of being the sexual Opposite to his mother

(opqxosite to her father for a girl). The deep emotional consequence

187
of this insight and the magical fears associated with it constitute
the Freudian concept Of the Oedipus complex. This anticipatory
rivalry is accompanied by even more secret fantasies.

The inevitable failure of these fantasies leads to guilt and
anxiety, epitomized in those fantasies by the fear of one's life, or
at least loss Of genitalia, as punishment for feelings Of infantile
genital excitement. If guilt tends tO stifle this initiative, it can
constructively give rise to a conscience wherein the norms Of social

conduct of a society are instilled in a person's superego.

Discussion

The foregoing has been an account of Okiek childhood experi-
ence and Erickson's synthesis of psychological and anthrOpological
literature on universal processes Of child development. In the
following discussion I relate the two and present conclusions about
'basic Okiek needs and drives deriving from early experiences which are
expressed in adult personality and which, it is argued, are signifi-
cant tO understanding the supports honey has for its role in Okiek
life.

Since this thesis is concerned only with honey-related aspects
cxf Okiek life, certain personality factors will be stressed and not
sunne others which may be important to other spheres of behavior and
belief unrelated to honey.

In the course Of this discussion reference is made to Whiting
and Child (1953), who utilized similar concepts and theory to show the

cross-cultural relationship of child-training practices to adult

personality. Their interest was in the extent to which personality

188

can "determine the integration of culture" (1953z3). They show how
child-training practices and customary responses to illness are two
aspects Of culture which are mediated by principles Of personality
development; that certain socialization practices affect personality
development and that these are causally related to certain adult
projective behaviors and beliefs.

In this discussion I follow a similar causal chain in which
it is hypothesized that Okiek cultural values placed on honey affect
some aspects of child socialization, that these experiences are an
important source of personality anxieties about dependence which are
conducive to adult oral indulgence, especially in relation to honey
'wine. Furthermore, it is hypothesized that Okiek values related to
the role Of honey, honey water, and honey wine in social and super-
natural relations are also closely related to Okiek personality
dynamics and that these same values influence the use of honey as food
and.meaning in the feeding and socialization Of children. This:means
‘that honey is intimately involved in a social, cultural, and person-
ality'cycle which affects virtually all areas Of Okiek life. It is
especially Obvious in child rearing, rites related to life-cycle
transitions, social etiquette among kin, friends, and neighbors, and
supernatural beliefs and practices.

Relative to other societies (Whiting and Child 1953:69) new-
'borun Okiek children experience an unusually high initial indulgence Of
oreul interests--the primary need disposition during this first period.
'Cltnsely related to this is an equally high initial indulgence of a
child's dependence. Thus a child is immediately pacified, usually

-witfll food or drink, in response to any needs whether related to hunger

189
or not. On the other hand, a child cannot continue through life
following a pattern of complete dependence and oral interest.
Socialization must take place at the end Of this period, as Erickson
points out, in a way consistent with maintaining a basic sense of
trust and personal well-being. This means that the inevitable feeling
Of loss when a child is weaned and encouraged into independence must
not be so traumatic as to result in a dominant feeling of loss, hence
mistrust.

When an Okiek child is followed by a second child in its
second or third year, as most frequently occurs, the switch from
dependence to independence is, compared to other societies, unusually
sudden and severe. weaning is immediate and maternal comfort is now
directed to the needs of the new child. The consequent feelings Of
apparent rejection, expressed in whining, crying, agitating, and
prying, are clearly evident.‘ The mother may try to pacify this first
child by giving it food. Significantly, honey is the food the Okiek
see as most effective. In this way, honey, but also other foods,
'become the symbol of a lost dependence, regained. It is the substi-
‘bute for mother's breast and for the comfort she used to provide for
every need.

This contrast between high initial indulgence and high sub-
sequent socialization appears to be on the extreme end of a continuum
(If other societies (Whiting and Child 1953:3hl). Because of this
deviation it is realistic to look for certain characteristics of
"Ixarsonality development which depart from.the more usual patterns.
Ckue such type of pattern characteristic of sudden or severe socializa-

'ticnl during any one Of the psychosexual periods Of deve10pment is

190

called fixation. By fixation is meant that psychic energy remains
attached to an earlier phenomenon of psychosexual development instead
Of passing on to the next period. Thus traumatic experience in the
oral period frequently leads to an "oral fixation," that is, a per-
sisting preoccupation with oral matters beyond the period of its
normal socialization. Persons with oral fixations exhibit such
behavior as smoking or chewing tobacco, chewing gum, candy, an
exaggerated concern for the quality of food eaten, a persistent tend-
ency tO use food as a means of alleviating tension and anxiety.

One of the most Obvious expressions Of the latter is the use
Of alcohol. In fact, a consistent causal factor in alcoholism is a
disruption of the mother—child relationship (Knight in Zwerling and
Rosenbaum 1959:627). Alcoholism is associated with a psychosexual
deve10pment which has been arrested at a pregenital stage. It is a
response of a weak ego to frustration and anxiety. It satisfies oral,
passive-dependent, and narcissistic drives. As a consequence of the
pregenital trauma, resolution Of Oedipal problems are also inadequate
and the alcoholic eXpresses immature modes of sexual behavior. The
attachment to mother is an over-attachment, a passive dependent rela-
tionship (Navratil 1959:516). Such a personality finds it difficult to
cope with problems and relate to peOple, so in response COpeS with
tensions by alleviating them with alcohol, which in itself is
repressive and auto-erotic (Levine 1955:690). The attachment to the
drinking, so to speak, substitutes for an attachment to peOple.

This discussion is presented as the theoretical context for
the hypothesis that frequently encountered personality characteristics

of the Okiek show an oral fixation. It might be argued that this is a

191
result of hunger fixation brought on by actual experiences of food
deprivation. It is argued, however, that food deprivation among the
Mau Okiek is relatively rare and largely confined to adults as
children are given priority in feeding and, in fact, no data exists to
support the idea that these children have gone hungry. On the other
hand, the heightened emotional quality of oral interests among these
Okiek suggests an early childhood trauma such as severe socialization
during the first childhood period of development, the oral period.
This hypothesis does not deny an important, but secondary, influence
Of hunger-related experiences. But the Obvious emotion—laden
quality of Okiek concern with a wide range of oral matters does
suggest an emotional basis, as Whiting and Child (1953) have demon-
strated. This is demonstrable in childhood behavior by a primary con-
cern with eating, especially eating honey. In adults a continuing
concern for oral matters is evident in their high interest in food and
eating, regardless of supply Of food, and their addiction to chewing
tobacco and drinking honey wine. This is clearly observable in their
Own.statements about what they want and like and in what they do. In
jprojective areas, oral preoccupations are prevalent in concepts of
<iisease and its treatment, relation to ancestors, and themes in
sitories. And finally, personality characteristics associated with
tmlcoholism are found to be prevalent in Okiek personalities as judged
frtnnjprojective tests administered to a sample of Okiek. These types
cxf evidence in support of the hypothesis will be presented in subse-
'cp1ent discussion.
Previously it was shown that the Okiek experience strong

scxrialization training in aggression as well as oral dependence, while

192
socialization during the anal and genital period is not stressed.
Psychoanalytic theory suggests that aggression socialization is
causally related to the development Of a fear of others. This arises
when aggression socialization prevents direct aggression against the
original Object of hostility (parent, sibling, etc.), resulting in
this drive motivating other less direct aggressive responses. Indi-
rect aggression assuages this drive in a manner which avoids the fear
Of consequences that would result from direct aggression. One form of
indirection is the projection of one's own aggressive tendencies onto
other agents. In this way one can fantasize aggression in other
people, spirits, or other agents without the personal anxiety entailed
in directly acting out these aggressive impulses.

A second form is the displacement of direct aggression from
the original object to another less threatening Object. Both
mechanisms of defense redirect aggression away from the original
agents of aggression socialization, resulting in a generalized fear of
others. In fact, Whiting and Child (1953:276) find confirmation of
this hypothesis among a sample of 32 societies in which socialization
anxiety in the aggressive system is highly correlated to fear of human
"beings and overall fear of others. In addition they find that among a
Innuber Of possible hypotheses, fear Of others is primarily associated
with anxieties about aggression (1953:318).

It is not surprising, therefore, that among the Okiek a per-

sistmnrt effort to avoid aggressive confrontation is associated with a

'speciifix: fear of others. This fear is partly grounded in reality with

respect to neighboring tribes and the government. It is prevalent,

however, in projective areas, such as the fear of ancestors and of

 

 

 

 

 

 

193
certain relations, especially affines.

Aggression socialization, therefore, has at least two ways of
functioning. It directly inhibits aggressive actions against others
and, in addition, the fear of others it engenders supports the
respectful behavior that constitute the norms of social relations with
living kin, ancestors, and affines. In other words, there is more
than just the obvious in the Okiek expression that "you respect those
you fear." It is precisely the persons and spirits who are feared and
respected that are the major recipients of gifts and offerings Of
honey and honey wine on formal social and cultural occasions.

Pouring wine to the ancestors is the necessary expression Of
respect which a descendant must perform to alleviate the annoyance
which he believes his deceased relatives feel toward him. A son who
fears his father's displeasure will best insure his father's good will
'by bringing him honey. Cases of marital conflict usually result in a
lneeting of the two concerned lineages at which honey wine is given out
as a symbol Of good will and as an inducement to cooperation.

Aggression socialization has other implications for personality
development. Unlike the oral and anal periods, aggression by children
is not given any initial indulgence. Children are expected to be nice
zrnd.quiet among themselves and to those who are older. Certainly
‘ohere are sources of anxiety, such as ambivalence toward a mother who
seems to care more for the younger child, and of the displacement of
tiris anger onto the younger siblings. In learning to control this
- anger, children are aided by the adult models they are always near.

Were they to learn by example only, Okiek children would learn, at

19h
least most Of the time, that proper Okiek behavior is exercising
sufficient control over one's hostility impulses so as to appear
courteous and agreeable.

For the Okiek, however, this control is an over-control. In
response to high anxiety from frustrating experiences, such as oral
socialization, aggression socialization comes early and, to be effec-
tive, requires strong personal controls over one's impulses. This
control over one's emotional tension appears to generalize to other
emotions because Okiek adults in all areas of emotional expression can
only be described as "controlled." These controls do break down, how-
ever, at certain ceremonies, in the heat of hunting, at drinking
parties, and in disagreements. Impulsivity, especially with women,
breaks through normally intact controls, and shouting, crying, or
fighting results. Outbursts of these types are very stressful to the
Okiek. Others present try to quiet, cover up, and rationalize away
("They do not mean it, they are drunk") the expressed anger. The Okiek
are well aware of the importance of controlling emotions--shouting
.leads to fighting and killing and, until recently, killing was a prel—
lnie to lineage feuds in which all ages and sexes were killed. For the
suune reason, controls were necessary to avoid incidents with neighbor-
:Lng tribes. Hence the passive withdraw stance the Okiek take toward
the Maasai.

Unexpressed hostility is frustrating. Denying themselves
Clirect expression of hostility, the Okiek sublimate in a number of
itnays, but especially in hunting and in drinking. The cathartic
experience of hunting is obvious. Not so obvious, but more important

as :it involves all adults, is the role of drinking in assuaging

195
hostility. Studies of alcoholics in the United States have shown a
pervasive tendency for alcoholics to have a high degree of hostility
which, because of personal experience and training, they feel unable
to direct outward. Rather, alcohol becomes an instrument for directing
their hostility outward and inward as self—punishment. Hostility in
part is dissipated in personal fantasies stimulated by drinking.
Hostility also has a more direct way Of causing self-punishment. By
drinking, the alcoholic lowers his productivity and the consequent
feeling of failure confirms his low self-image, an image he temporar-
ily hides by further drinking.

Thus aggression socialization, by inhibiting the outward
expression of hostility, contributes to Okiek fixation on drinking in
a way that complements the same result which had already begun as a
consequence of oral socialization. This theoretical discussion Of
alcoholism should not be construed as implying that most Okiek are
alcoholics, that is, persons who drink so much that their capacity for
fulfilling their usual roles is seriously impaired. On the contrary,
lnost Okiek can drink a lot and still take care of their obligations.
On the other hand, Okiek role requirements are simpler and more
:flexible than the equivalent American roles. I have no doubt that an
lunerican who drank as much as the average Okiot would have trouble
fihlfilling his job requirements, requirements which are set by the
Ixarformance Of a certain amount of productivity in a given time period.
Tine Okiot is self-employed and his hours flexible to fit his inclina-

tions and capacity for work.

The foregoing discussion has attempted to show that in the

196
areas of highest socialization anxiety, Okiek personality development
is closely interrelated with the need for oral gratification and the
belief in malevolent intentions of others. The former helps provide
the high value on honey and honey wine which, in turn, helps maintain
harmonious relations with the latter.

In the ensuing discussion further corroborative data is pre-
sented in support of these hypotheses. These data are in the form of
Okiek stories and also projective tests administered to a sample of
Okiek. The stories and tests make possible an assessment of the range
and distribution Of relevant (to the above hypotheses) personality

characteristics in adult males and females.

Cultural and Psychological Projective Data

Thus far I have presented a description of relevant Okiek
childhood experiences and an analysis Of those experiences in terms of
psychological theory which postulated adult personality traits
developing from those particular experiences of oral trauma and strong
aggression socialization. In this section are presented projective
data, both cultural and psychological, which tend to support the
personality traits imputed by the psychological theory.

A preliminary analysis of fifty Okiek stories suggests that
oral fixation is an important theme in Okiek life. A second form of
cultural data supporting the hypothesis of oral fixation is the fact
‘that Okiek medical concepts usually specify that ailments and their
. cures are associated with oral injestion and regurgitation. Finally,
:results of a psychological projective technique are presented which

support the hypothesis that Okiek have a relatively high level of

197

hostility coupled with a relatively low level Of impulsivity or will-
ingness to express hostility directly. In terms of psychological
theory this passive-aggressive personality trait is consistent with
strong aggression socialization and a disposition for heavy drinking.

These are all forms Of projective data, whether ordinarily
defined as aspects Of cultural or psychological systems. Projection,
in psychological usage, refers to the attribution of traits or motives
formerly conceived as belonging to oneself but now ascribed to another.
Psychoanalytic usage usually is concerned with projection as a
:mechanism of defense against anxiety whereby unacceptable impulses or
wishes in oneself are "projected" onto others, thus sparing oneself
the discomfort of selfvadmission. In a wider sense projection can
include more than just its function as a defense mechanism. Much of
‘what peOple believe or have learned to believe reflects their person-
ality, their needs and drives, and the frustration they face in
trying to satisfy them. Thus I take the position that much of a
society's cultural system is a projection of significant parts of
:most members' personalities (Kardner l9h5). This is, of course, a
'two-way relationship. Culture is learned by each generation and
significantly affects the development of personality. Looking either
'way, it is altogether likely that a society's culture and the person-
alities of a society's members should reflect each other (they do not
exactly and therein lies a discontinuity which is an important source
of’culture change and personality change). For example, I have
. argmed that the Okiek conception of god (tororo) reflects the physical

zand psychological needs of the dependent children vis-a-vis their

198
parents. Also that conceptions Of ancestors reflect a sense of obliga-
tion which grows out of the dependent care a child receives from his
or her parents. In this section Okiek stories and concepts of disease
are presented as projective data in support of the hypothesis that the
Okiek show a relatively high degree of oral fixation.

Fifty stories were collected during field work. Some are
variations of others, while a few are clearly Maasai in origin.
Eliminating duplication and Maasai stories, twenty-four compose the
sample on which the following analysis is made. First, however, it is
useful to present some of these stories. What follows are five
stories which are representative of the range and variation of the
Okiek stories collected. These are stories told by older persons to
boys and girls. They are told on an informal basis, such as at home
in the evening after eating. The Okiek are not great story tellers.
It is not the sort Of thing you find them doing frequently. Actually
the average adult may remember only six to ten stories. It is not
surprising, therefore, that by the time I had recorded the fiftieth
story, most of the new ones were actually versions of those I had
previously recorded. It is likely that the sample of twenty-four
stories represents the majority known to any of the Okiek in the area
in which they were collected. On the other hand, because of the way
they are transmitted and because invention of stories seems rare (only
one contained reference to a modern development: a shop), it is
likely that these stories and the themes they portray have been a part
of'Okiek culture for a long time. People remember those stories told

to them.which are most closely tied to their personal needs and drives.

199
These are the stories which Okiek have remembered best through many
generations.
(h) The story of two Maasai morans (warriors) and the Okiot

There was once an Okiot who went to fetch honey in the
forest. When he had gotten the honey and was returning home,
he met two Maasai morans. They shouted to him, "Stop where
you are Okiot, and pray for your family, for you will die."

The Okiot replied, "wait, I must eat my honey first; then
I will be satisfied and ready to die." He took his honey and
began to eat it. "DO you eat honey?" he asked the morans.

They replied, "We eat honey," and they held out their
cupped hands to receive some. While they were eating,the
Okiot quickly tied up his bag Of honey and washed his hands
with soil. He then, quick as a flash, grabbed the moran's
sword and speared him. The second, seeing what was happening,
reached for his sword but it slipped from his sticky hands.
The Okiot speared him, too. When they were both dead the
Okiot,with his honey,disappeared into the forest.

(9) The Okiek morans and the Giant

A long time ago there were some Okiek morans who had gone
to buy a cow from the Maasai. After they bought the cow they
started away because they did not want to eat where there
were flies. They looked in many places before they found a
suitable place where there were no flies. When they had
found such a spot they looked for a place to build a shelter
for the people. When they had found such a place, some of
them began to skin the cow while others built the shelter.
When they had finished they prepared the meat for the fire.
While they were eating,a giant came and sat down near them.
This giant had two mouths and when they gave him a foreleg he
ate it with one mouth and said with the other, "Give me more."
The morans feared this giant and could not eat while the
giant was eating. When the giant finished the foreleg, he
left. Then the morans ate and then slept through the night.
The next morning the giant returned. He was given the other
foreleg and he ate it. When he finished he said, "I am going
now but tomorrow I will come with many."

The morans said to one another, "If he comes tomorrow
with many giants they will finish all the meat and then eat
us. Let us go away from this place."

Then one moran said, "If we go we must leave the meat
behind (the others agreed), so I will stay behind and eat
meat while I wait for the giants."

200

The others then boiled the fat to take with them. The
one moran told them: "Give me all your spears and put all
your things--meat, spears, water, and pots-—up in the
tree." '

Then they cut the meat up into small pieces and hung
the pieces high up on a rope. Then they went. Animals
tried to jump for the meat but could not reach it. After
all the others had gone, taking the fat with them, this one
moran climbed the tree.

In the morning the giant returned, leading his children.
When he reached the spot where the morans had been, he saw
that they were all gone, and he said to himself, "I could
have eaten them all yesterday but now they are gone."

The moran, hearing this, called down to the giant, "I
am still here." Now the giant was pleased. The moran
added, "First, giant, eat the meat hanging in the tree.
Then you can eat me."

SO the giant began to eat with all his eight heads.
When he was satisfied he decided to rest and he told his
children to jump for the meat. First one tried and the
moran shot him dead with a spear. The giant, seeing this,
said, "Ah! Now there will be more meat for me!" Then
another jumped and was also killed with a spear. The big
giant, seeing this, said, "My meat has again multiplied!"
Each smaller giant tried and was killed by the spear until
even the smallest was dead. The giant then said, "There
will be much meat for me today."

And he began to jump for the meat himself. First the
Okiot shot Off one of the giant's heads, and as the giant
continued to jump for the meat, the Okiot continued to
shoot his heads Off until they were all gone. Then he shot
the giant through the heart and the giant died. The Okiot
waited in the tree until the Maribou stork came and took
out the giant's eyes. Then he came down from the tree with
all of his things. Then he gathered firewood and made a big
fire. All the giant animals he threw on the fire. When he
had finished this he gathered all the things and started
home.

When he reached home, all the people came to him and
said, "You have returned! You were not killed!"

"Yes," he said, "the giants came and I killed all of
them with our spears. Then I made a big fire and burned
them. Now I have returned home."

201
(11) The Okiot who cut the rope‘that brought the cows

Long ago the Okiek herded cows. There was an Okiot who
looked after cows every day. One day many other people
came while it was raining. He wanted to go to the forest
but couldn't as he was looking after the cows. One day the
silipuet trees flowered and produced a lot of honey.
Another day he became annoyed and cut the leather rope (that
let the cows down from heaven). The rOpe went up high and
disappeared. He did not see where the cows he was looking
after had gone. Then he started to go to the forest to look
for honey and animals. He went every day to the forest to
find honey. He continued to do this until there was no more
honey; there were just animals. He survived on animals but
sometimes went two days without eating. Meanwhile there
were fruits Of the forest he could eat, as sometimes he did
not get meat Of animals. One day he said to himself, "What
was wrong with me that I cut that rope? I could have been
rich like all the other people; I could have had enough for
when the bees are not making honey."

(13) How Kipingot killed himself

Long ago there was a person whose name was Kipingot.
He usually killed animals and found honey in the forest. He
usually went with the peOple every day to the forest. Then
another day there was no more honey and the people became
hungry. It was only the animals they could live on. He
went sometimes to kill animals and sometimes he didn't kill
any. One day he went two days without killing an animal.
The third day he killed a rhino. He was alone. After he
skinned it out he made a fire and cooked the meat until it
was ready to eat. After it was ready he placed it beside the
fire on a stick to cool. He put his sword down and told his
hungry stomach, "You eat this meat yourself because I won't
hold it for you." His stomach didn't take it because it was
always fed by his hands. He asked his stomach why it didn't
eat the meat. He himself was very hungry, so he picked up
his sword in anger and cut Open the stomach saying, "You are
the cause of my problems!" He didn't die. He stood up then
and went home.

After he reached home he was asked what happened. He told
the peOple, "I am the one who cut myself because after I
killed a rhino and cooked the meat I told my stomach to eat
but it didn't so then I cut it Open. Then I came home." He
told the people where he killed the rhino and they went to
bring the meat. He himself slept. In the morning he died.
That is how Kipingot came to kill himself.

202
(hO) The story Of the child and the grandmother

There was a grandmother of a child who lived in another
place. The parents of the child said to him, "GO and see
your grandmother." ’

When the child reached there the grandmother told the
child, "Get in here (a bag) and hide yourself so as not to
be eaten by the giant. I am going for firewood; then I will
come back."

When he got into the big house-bag he found some fingers
of people there. He saw them and when he saw them he said
to himself, "Grandmother is eating people!" He cut the bag
open and got out. He climbed up a tree. He had his quiver
and arrows.

When the grandmother came back and called him, the
lowisto in the bag answered (lowisto is a hollow tree nut
used for divination). So the grandmother answered, "Stay
until I come." She thought the child was answering, but it
was lowisto. The grandmother went and prepared but when she
came to eat, no child was in the house-bag. She said, "Oh!
Where is my nice, fat meat?"

She went Off and ate her body sores. She saw the child's
shadow under the tree. She looked up and said, "Ah, this is
the child, up in the tree." And she said to him, "Child, my
grandchild, come down now."

The child replied, "I can't come down because I heard you
say, 'I could eat you' that time."

When the child refused to come down, she went and got an
ax to fell the tree. When he saw his grandmother cutting the
tree he shot her with arrows until she went and died. Then a
bird came and took out her eyes. That child came down and
went away.
In these stories and in seventeen of the twenty-four stories
111 the sample, what is striking is the primary emphasis placed on
kaod, hunger, and eating. Repeatedly the theme stressed is the
(livisive consequences of personal hunger. The extreme is cannibalism,
tku3:most threatening expression Of the desire to eat. Even in modera-

‘ticnl, as these stories portray, the desire to eat and be satisfied can

renflrlt in distraction, lack of caution, and the consequent loss of

203
life or property. In some cases the latter theme works for the
protagonist (he escapes the Maasai) and in other stories it works
against him (he loses his cows). Seventy-five per cent of all
stories stress oral needs, and Of these stories, seventy per cent have
outcomes determined by the consequences Of these needs.

Stories from both the Kipchornwonek and the Kaplelach are
essentially the same and both emphasize this oral theme equally. The
Kipchornwonek, because of their cultivation and animal husbandry in
addition to hunting and gathering, have not experienced chronic food
shortages in the last two or three generations, as have the Kaplelach.
Yet the Kipchornwonek stories have the same emphasis on oral needs as
do the Kaplelach. It is therefore suggested that the undue anxiety
over going hungry (expressed in stories and in everyday life
especially) is more directly influenced by an oral fixation arising
from.the trauma Of severe oral socialization. The feeling of going
hungry, if not the ggpp, is reinforced by the periodicity of honey
seasons in which all Okiek go "honey hungry" during certain months of
the year. Frequently in conversation an Okiot will say, "There is
hungriness at such and such a place," but really meaning that all that
is lacking there is honey, even though meat may be plentiful. Thus the
'prevalence of this theme in stories is not dependent on actual
experiences of hunger, but on anxiety about hunger.

Okiek theories of medical therapy also reflect an oral fixa-
tion. Like stories, their native theories are projective systems
'which reflect the personalities of the culture bearers. Whiting and

Child (1953:121) cogently state the case this way:

20h

Our supposition is that those customs which survive

continual change, or emerge from it, will tend to be those
that are best learned or most Often created because they
resemble the fantasies to which the members of a society
would individually be led by the personality character-
istics they have in common. It is to the extent that these
customary responses to illness do represent uniformities
resulting from common experience, that we may hope to make
use of them as indices of personality characteristics of
members of a society.

The Okiek have a number of natural medicines which they employ
for all types of internal disorders. Significantly the vast majority
are administered orally with the desired result being to cause the
patient to vomit up the "cause" of sickness. Despite the fact that
the illness may be in the muscular tissues, lungs, lower intestine, or
parts other than the upper alimentary tract, the Okiek affirm that the
locus of infection is in the stomach and must be regurgitated. It is
little wonder that they have adapted easily to modern medicines which
are orally ingested. It would appear that Okiek theories about
medical diagnosis and therapy support the hypothesis of oral fixation
because they reflect more closely beliefs related to oral anxiety
rather than the actual cause and location of an illness.

The second hypothesis, that the Okiek have a relatively high
level Of hostility but because of effective aggression socialization
do not usually display this hostility, is tested by means of a psycho-
logical projective technique amenable to measuring hostility,
impulsivity, and ego organization--the principal personality traits
related to this hypothesis.

This part of the section presents psychological data based on

a projective technique administered to a sample Of adult Okiek, and

then relates this data to personality traits which were hypothesized

205
as resulting from Okiek childhood training experiences discussed in
the second section. These psychological data are then discussed in
terms of their functional relationship to social behavior and cultural
beliefs, that is, the capacity of these personality dispositions to
fulfill motivational requirements for maintaining prescribed social
behavior and cultural beliefs.

Projection, in psychological usage, refers to the attribution
Of traits or motives which in reality are part of oneself but are now
ascribed to another. Psychoanalytic usage usually is concerned with
projection as a mechanism of defense against anxiety whereby unaccept-
able impulses or wishes in oneself are "projected" onto others, thus
sparing oneself the discomfort of self-admission.

Projective techniques are based on the same theory: that an
individual will project his own personality traits into the test
stimuli, be it an ink blot, an interaction setting, a human figure, or
an incomplete sentence. Thus in a TAT picture of some individual the
subject is asked to make up a story about what is going on. His
responses are projections Of his own motives and traits.

Projective techniques Offer a comparatively quick and efficient
method for getting at certain personality traits. They have some dis-
advantages as well, as discussed elsewhere (Kaplan 1961). Briefly,
each type poses certain problems for anthropologists, either because
the content is culture bound (such as a TAT), administration in the
field is difficult, subject responses are fragmentary or irrelevant,
or interpretation is specialized and difficult or inaccurate.

.Anthropologists have made use of the Rorschach and TAT especially, but

206
also the Stewart Emotional Response Test, Sentence Completion, and
some others.

In field work among the Okiek I did not employ the Rorschach
because of serious problems with interpretation and validity which
other researchers have discovered (Kaplan 1961). The TAT was not used
as I had no pictures which were congruent with Okiek life. Rather, I
experimented with another technique which heretofore, to my knowledge,
has not been used by anthorpologists. This is the Figure Drawing
Test. Material from this technique can give information relating to
such factors as the subject's level of psychiatric disturbance, self-
concept, anxiety, impulsivity, sexual identification, attention to
details, relationship to people, alertness to immediate stimuli, ego
and superego organization, hostility, and passivity. MOst of these
personality attributes affect a person's motivation and ability to
function in social rules, and, therefore, are relevant to a central
theme in this thesis.

The test is easily administered. The subject is asked to draw
a person on paper with a pencil and, on completion Of that figure, he
or she is asked to draw a person of the Opposite sex from the first
figure. A series Of questions about the figures follow, beginning
with a TAT-like question about what is going on in the picture. These
questions deal mostly with affective responses, such as "What does
this person fear?" or "What would make this person happy?" and help to
give added depth to the data derived from interpretation of the
figures themselves.

As to the validity of figure interpretations, Shaffer

207
(1953:223) points out: "There can be little question Of the merit Of
the projective theory on which the test is based, that the human
figure drawn by an individual...related intimately to the impulses,
anxieties, conflicts and compensation characteristics of that

" Interpretation Of figure drawings is a specialized

individual....

area of training which few psychologists have. I have been fortunate

to have had the interpretive help of Dr. William Appelll, a psycholo-

gist who has made extensive use Of this test in clinical diagnostics.
Projective tests, including the Figure Drawing Test, the

Bender Gestalt Test for brain damage, the Stewart Emotional Response

Test, were administered to Okiek individuals on a random basis; that

is, as opportunities for giving the tests arose they were administered

to whoever was available and not to a preselected random sample from a

known population. The total number Of tests in both the Kaplelach and

Kipchornwonek Okiek groups was over a hundred, ranging in age from 6

to about 75 in both sexes. From this total two samples were drawn so

as to consist of ten men and ten women from each group. The purpose

of having a sample by group and one by sex was 1) to see if there is a

tendency for Okiek to have a common set of personality attributes, 2) to

see if women and men have significant differences, and 3) to see if

there is significant variation between the two Okiek groups. Children,

that is girls and boys under the ages Of about sixteen and eighteen

respectively who have not been initiated, were excluded from these

samples so as to eliminate maturational factors in personality which

would complicate understanding Okiek personality attributes.

 

lDr. Appell is Deputy Director of the Columbia County Mental
Health Clinic, Hudson, N. Y.

208

Okiek receptivity to the tests was very good from the start.
They liked expressing themselves, especially with a pencil, which most
had never used before. Compared to adjacent tribes, the Okiek do more
graphic representations on such items as pots and calabashes and this
apparent interest carried over to the figure drawings. Occasional
reluctance to draw was almost always a result of feeling unable to do
a "good" drawing. Encouragement by way of saying the quality of the
drawing was not the important thing was usually enough to insure
participation. Interestingly, no one ever asked why we wanted this
specific information; there was no apparent suspiciousness of distrust.
The psychological implications Of the figure drawings were not explained.

Certain types of psychological material were expressed by the
Okiek in their figure drawings. For each type of personality
attribute a score was given to each individual based on a l to 5 scale.
The ratings were done by Dr. Appell without prior knowledge of the
subjects or their way of life. Scoring on a variable, such as "level
of anxiety," ranged from a l or 2 for a low level of anxiety, to 3 for
Imoderate level, and h or 5 for a high or very high level of anxiety.
Tabulations of individual scores showed that there was a definite
tendency for males or females of both groups to "cluster" in their
ratings in certain variables. Thus, in the variable "attention to

details," women and men scored as follows:

 

Ratings
.1. 2 a i 2
women 5 5 7 3 0

men 2 5 l 2 10

209

WOmen tend to be low and men high. For the present purposes
iihis type of data is simplified in the table below to show the average
sscores in each category. In the above variable the averages are 2.h
:for women and 3.2 for men. With these variables it is useful to
1oresent separate averages for both sex and Okiek group affiliation as
ssignificant differences can be shown for each category.

Two variables were scored in a manner different from the
(Ithers. Sexual identity in the figure drawings can only be judged as
(either good or poor without finer discriminations on a l to 5 scale.
Ifior this variable, therefore, a fraction is given, such as 6/h
iJndicating 6 individuals scored "good" and h individuals scored "poor."
Ilegree of brain damage, as measured by the Bender Gestalt Test, is
ruated on a binary scale of either "none" or "moderate to high" and
‘tlie fractions presented reflect this ratio.

From these figures a number of conclusions can be drawn for
'tlle variables with respect to sex and/or group differences.
IDiLfferences between groups are not significant. This conclusion, in
fiact, holds true for all 11 variables with the possible exception of
IDraindamage. What differences appear to exist between the groups,
€18 listed in the first two columns, when broken down by sex, prove to
13e a product of sex differences. This is of considerable importance.
1ft lends support to the idea that despite differences in degree
between the two groups in past history and present subsistence adapta-
tlion, they both retain similar personality patterns, at least in the
‘Fariables studied.

If there is a group difference it appears to exist in the

Figure Drawing Test Ratings

210

Table l

 

Relationship to people
Level of anxiety
Level of impulsivity
Attention to details

Alertness to immediate
stimuli

Ego organization
Shiperego organization
Degree of hostility
Degree of passivity
Sexual identification

Degree Of brain damage

.331 .121
3.1 2.8
3.5 3.1
2.8 2.5
2.1 3.0
2.1 2.7
3.h 3.0
2.3 2.6
3.1 3.2
2.5 2.6
1h/6 12/8
15/5 8/12

.21. .11.
2.5 3.5
3.2 3.5
3.1 2.2
2.h 3.2
1.8 3.0
2.7 3.7
2.0 3.0
2.6 3.7
3.1 1.9
10/10 16/h
8/12 15/5

KiM

3.5
3.6
2.5
3.3

3.1
3.8
2.7
3.9
1.8
7/3
9/1

 

Ki
Ka Kaplelach Okiek g
F‘

females

males

roup

Kipchornwonek Okiek group

211
swariable Of brain damage which, unlike all others, is not a person—
ELllty variable per se. Kaplelach.men and women have ratings of
Egreater brain damage than their Kipchornwonek counterparts. Brain
(damage may be caused by a wide range of factors such as pre- and post-
Ilatal diet, birth or subsequent injury, and alcoholism. The Kaplelach
Inave a more unsure subsistence base (though not subject to starvation),
21nd they drink.more than do the Kipchornwonek. Kaplelach women
(especially drink more than Kipchornwonek women.

These ratings suggest that there are no significant differences
lietween.males in either group while between females of each group there
sure clear differences. Kaplelach women have higher brain damage and
Ixoorer sexual identification compared to Kipchornwonek women, who are
‘tliemselves relatively low in attention to details, alertness to
iJnmediate stimuli, superego organization, and degree of hostility.

With respect to the hypotheses presented in the prior sections
Crf'this chapter, three personality variables measured by the Figure
I)Jr'aming Test are especially relevant, though virtually all variables
<2£xn be related in some manner to this thesis. To recapitulate, the

aJrerage ratings for the three variables are listed again:

Females Mglgg
Level of hostility 2.6 3.7
Level Of impulsivity 3.1 2.2
Level of ego organization 2.7 3.7

The range of average ratings for all categories was 1.8 for
'tlne lowest to 3.8 for the highest. Thus, while a rating Of 3.7 for
"Ilevel of hostility" for men appears only moderate compared to a

ZPCJtential of 5, it actually is quite high compared to ratings in all

212
variables, second only to 3.8. Likewise a rating of 2.2 for "level
of impulsivity" for males is low compared to ratings in all variables
where the lowest is 1.8. The tentative conclusions based on these
ratings are that men have moderately high levels of hostility but that
this hostility is fairly well controlled by a low tendency for
impulsive outbursts of aggression. The low impulsivity ratings
reflect their relatively high level of ego organization. These
ratings reflect accurately Observations of Okiek conduct in the field.
These ratings support the hypothesis presented above which was
based on anticipated adult personality characteristics as outgrowths
of specific childhood socialization experiences. Strong aggression
socialization, it was argued, is associated with 1) fear of others (of
Which hostility, in psychoanalytic theory, is but the outward expres-
Sion Of a defense against this fear), and 2) fear of expressing
hostility. The combinations of both syndrones in a personality is
Clinically known as a "passive—aggressive" personality type, that is,
a person who may have a high degree Of hostility but who feels com-
Pelled to express it only covertly. This personality type has a more
difficult time coping with adversity since its range of responses are
C=ircumscribed by inhibitions against confrontation. The discussion of
how the Okiek relate to the more powerful Maasai (Chapter 3) illus-
trates the fact that this personality type copes with human adversity
Often inadequately by avoiding direct confrontation in favor of
retreat and deviousness ("cleverness" as the Okiek put it). This type
of defensive reaction to confrontation works well only as long as
there are deeper forests to retreat to, an Option the Okiek will soon

find is no longer Open to them.

213

A diminished ability displayed by the Okiek in confronting
problems has been associated with personality characteristics common
to alcoholics (Levine 1955:690). Likewise it has been shown (Navratil
1959:516) that alcoholics tend to have oral and passive-dependent
drives which are assuaged by drinking. I have argued for a similar
oral anxiety among the Okiek derived in part from a disruption in the
mother-child relationship, a disruption that has been found to be a
consistent causal factor with alcoholics (Knight, in Zwerling and
Rosenbaum 1959:627).

With respect to the figure-drawing ratings, an apparent incon-
sistency would appear to exist from the difference in ratings for
women compared to men. WOmen have a weaker ego organization and,
therefore, it is not surprising to Observe that they have a higher
rating for impulsivity. 0n the other hand, they have less hostility
(2.6 compared to 3.7 for males) to vent impulsively. Passive-
aggressive components of the personality are less obvious among Okiek
women, and this is congruent with the Observation that Okiek women
drink less than Okiek men in either group. This apparent inconsistency

between the sexes, therefore, does support the hypothesis.

Related Literature

 

At least three anthropological sources are relevant to the
Specific psychological hypotheses presented in this chapter to account
for the Okiek emphasis on oral concerns generally and drinking in
particular. Horton (19h3), in a classic study, dealt with the
psychological and social functions Of alcohol in primitive societies.

Holmberg's (1950) monograph on the hunting and gathering Siriono

21h

discussed the psychological, social, and cultural consequences Of

hunger anxiety. Field (1962) has more recently treated drinking

behavior in cross-cultural perspective using methods similar to Horton.

Each of these studies are relevant to the foregoing psycho-

.logical hypotheses and are discussed in this context below.

Horton (19h3:29h) concludes that cross-culturally there is
:significant support for the theorem that "Insobriety varies directly

Vfith anxiety as measured indirectly in terms Of the anxiety—provoking

(conditions of subsistence insecurity and acculturation." When the

suacieties in his sample were grouped together on the basis Of

ssirnilarities in systems Of interrelated variables, Horton found three

(ligatinctive patterns of drinking behavior related to specific con-

:stuellations Of social behavior and cultural beliefs. One of these

patterns aptly describes the Okiek (p. 297):

The second pattern is marked by high subsistence anxiety
but an absence of sorcery, or the belief in sorcery is
relatively unimportant. Insobriety is invariably excessive
'but is accompanied by only moderate aggression in most cases.
{Phe anxiety motive is too strong to be countered by sexual
anxieties... Drinking can be unrestrained and aggression
(does not become excessive. There are, however, in several
:societies, ritual and practical precautions, and provision

.is made for the care of drunken men.
Horton believes that subsistence uncertainty has a sufficient

effemrt on personality to create a degree of anxiety which accounts for

the IIlotivation for heavy drinking. His primary concern was to test

‘the 1'lisfjoothesis that anxiety in general is related to alcoholism.

There is no question that this hypothesis has been supported by sub—

8 O O O O
Eflnlerrt research and 13 now cons1dered a baSlc assumption. The use of

Sn.b's’i-‘S‘tence uncertainty as an Objective index of anxiety is plausible.

Iiolflkln assumes ( p. 263), however, "...the more primitive a society's

215

:fcxod—getting techniques, the greater the danger of food shortage, the

Incxre difficult the conditions Of life generally. Under such condi-

13ix3ns anxiety should be high." Hunting and gathering societies,

‘tllerefore, are scored as high in subsistence uncertainty and, hence,

liirgh in anxiety. Recent studies (Lee and DeVore 1968; Dumas 1969)

<2<>nvincingly demonstrate that this time-honored generalization about

1111nters and gatherers is inaccurate in most cases, that generally they

Clc> not lack for food. Horton's correlation between hunger anxiety and

cizrirmjng may be inaccurate. This thesis, on the other hand, argues

1311£It the primary anxiety associated with heavy drinking is related to

c:I1j:ldhood socialization experiences and only secondarily to hunger

Eirlzciety. It is informative to note that Horton cites Bunzel's (19h0)

<=<>Ingparative study of two Mexican Indian communities in which she
Ciesssc3ribes one community as having an overall pattern similar to

II01:“!3on's second pattern, a pattern which I have identified as similar

13C) 13hat of the Okiek. Bunzel's explanation for this community's

C11-‘j'L11king pattern is paraphrased by Horton (p. 302) as follows:

...she interprets the character of Chamila drunkenness as
:manifesting a regression to the warmth and helplessness of
infancy. Due to conditions of character formation in
Chamila, its people are unable to cope successfully with
‘the responsibilities of adult life. Their culture offers
them no adequate substitute for the lost gratification of

infancy.

cplleES conclusion is essentially the same as the hypothesis presented in

this thesis concerning the ontology of oral anxiety.

Holmberg's description of the Siriono (1950) is a good test

1?C)I’ the hunger vs. socialization origin Of oral anxiety. The Siriono

E11553 an extreme example Of a society living with persistent hunger.

216

The drive of hunger is so constantly frustrating as to
have become the dominant motivating force in shaping habit

and custom. (p. 93)

The nursing infant is almost never deprived of food;
whenever he cries his mother Offers him the breast. He is
greatly loved. He is exposed to almost no punishment...he
can express aggression freely; he is not forced to work or
talk early; weaning is not a traumatic experience...After
weaning, however, conditions change, and somewhat abruptly
...his food supply becomes uncertain, he begins to feel
his first serious hunger pangs. (p. 95)

...to survive he must be aggressive, individualistic, and
unCOOperative. These are the outstanding personality
traits Of the adult Siriono. (p. 98)

'I'I'lese brief quotations summarize Holmberg's conclusions.

Compared to the Okiek, the Siriono differ in several signifi-
c:exrrt respects. Although the Okiek express hunger anxiety, it is more
15C>r~ imagined reasons than real and it is usually related to the lack
<31? lioney and not to the lack of all food, as with the Siriono.
E3€3<:<>nd1y, the Siriono differ from the Okiek in child socialization in

twC) important ways: the Siriono children experience little oral
1Ira-runaand aggression socialization. The Okiek experience the
CIEIE>C>site. Thirdly, the outstanding Siriono adult personality
(:Iliaérfiacteristics tend to differ from those of the Okiek. The Okiek
Stress non-aggression, interpersonal ties, and COOperation. Finally,
1:}163 fiSiriono do not compare in any way in respect to the emphasis on
drinking found among the Okiek.

Holmberg concludes his discussion with a list of seventeen
clla-3t:‘a.cteristics which he suggests would be common to any society with
'llleégh hunger problems" such as the Siriono. By these criteria the
QI'iiek could not be classified as a "high hunger problem" society.

TD11CTUgh the Okiek I studied on the Mau are occasionally low on food,

217
they have not experienced real starvation for a century. Expressions

about food supply more frequently indicate concern about just the

supply Of honey. Those who express this "hunger" anxiety are adults,

the very persons who consume most Of their honey in the form of wine.
The lack of a primary hunger anxiety helps to explain the non-
elaboration of meat as a cultural symbol, and to some degree the
relatively small role fat plays in Okiek culture compared to honey.
Hunger, however, is a primary drive and is expressed symbolically by
all cultures in accordance with each culture's particular patterns.
With the Okiek, honey is an important symbol expressing this drive but
because of the coincidence that honey can be an alcoholic drink which
satisfies very strong motivations, its symbolic significance as both

food and drink is heightened, each drive contributing to the signifi-

C=<'=l.r1<::e Of the other.

Field (1962) presents "A new cross-cultural study Of drunken-
ness" in which he trades scientific induction for deductive guessing,
W{I'l—ieh is to say, instead of prOposing hypotheses and then testing them
by correlations between indices of drunkenness and the hypothesized
variables, he presents the reader with a number of correlations which
he has found to be significant and then proceeds to "invent" explana-
tions for their occurrence, and does this without regard to a
SyStematic theory. He finds that "strong insobriety," that is,

d:‘r-‘f'llrllting to unconsciousness, drinking for hours or days, or getting
eke essively drunk, is correlated most closely to hunting and gathering

SQ(Eleties, but also significantly to every other type of subsistence

eke ept pure animal husbandry. He presents a number of social organiza-

tion variables which significantly correlate to drunkenness or

218

sobriety. Thus insobriety is associated with patrilineal descent,

patrilocal residence, clan-communities, bride-price payments, and

complex villages and towns. Conversely, drunkenness is associated

with "informally structured" social systems, such as those which have

bilateral kin groups, bilocal, neo—local, or uxoripatrilocal marital

He concludes that "...kin group and

residence, and sibs and lineages.
residence factors may be important causal elements...[in degree of

CilriinkenneSSJ" (p. 65). His four possible explanations do not explain
‘vrllar certain tribes drink a lot but how other tribes may be kept from

drinking by authority roles: "To summarize, drunkenness increases

markedly if the authority of the man in the household is lessened or

diffused, and if the nuclear family is less integrated into larger kin

structures through bilocal or neo-local residence" (p. 60-61).

Field's argument is inconsistent. He first suggests structural

causes for individual behavior, a position that anthropologists have,
or Onght to have, avoided since the excesses of structural—functional-

Secondly, his intention is to explain why certain tribes drink

ism -
to excess and others don't, yet his explanations are all negative--
E”(ID-lacining only what may prevent excessive drinking in some types of

tribes. On the other hand, significant correlations are presented and,

ostensibly, they reflect causal relationships between drunkenness,
Sobriety, and antecedent variables. Horton proposed psychological
11y“po‘bheses, and indeed Field cites many psychological studies relating
drinking to personality variables. He tests these pSyCh01ogi°al

t
heol‘ies and finds little which significantly correlates to his index

0
f drunkenness. Thus he finds no support for the interrelated

a“It‘iables of paranoid fears, hostility, latent homosexuality, and oral

219
fixations with alcoholism, which he himself cites from the psycho-
logical literature, literature based on psychoanalytic theory and

clinical studies .
Field does cite the contrast between such "father-centered

ethnic groups" as the Jews and Chinese, who have low rates of

alcoholism and, on the other hand, the Irish, who have a high rate of

alcoholism. Bales (19146) and Opler and Singer (1956) account for the

Irish alcoholism in terms of a close mother-son dependency, noting

that the fathers tend to be "shadowy and evanescent" (Opler and Singer
1956). This suggests that what may appear to Field to be a structural

relationship to alcoholism actually masks a psychogenic motivation for

drinking based on a child's relationship to his parents.

Co nclus ion
In this chapter it was suggested that to the individual Okiot

honey is both an object of orientation and a cathected part of his

Personality. It is an object of orientation in the sense that Okiek

Cultural values emphasize the "goodness" of honey as a food, commodity,
and as a vehicle of social and supernatural communication. These
aspects of honey are dealt with more extensively in Chapters 5 and 6.
In this chapter, however, the emphasis has been on the cathectic mode
of 11°ney. First, evidence was presented describing the manner in
which a child learns about honey, and under what circumstances the
ValueS placed on honey become internalized in the individual's psyche.
A child experiences honey as a pleasant pacifier of any number of
frustrations, hunger being only one. These individual experiences

C:
Barry over to adult life and this process of internalization is

220
reinforced by the positive cultural values placed on honey. This

evidence alone may account for the positive value placed on honey by
the Okiek, and to some extent by other neighboring tribes. It has

been argued, however, that there are unconscious processes which

affect Okiek motivation and which may help to account for the

unusually great preoccupation this tribe has with honey. These

unconscious processes, it has been argued, have their origin in early

childhood experience. Because of some subsistence requirements, some

cultural beliefs about health and child development, and some neces-

sities related to social control and inter-tribal relations, the Okiek
have found it expedient to train their young children in certain ways.

One characteristic of their child-training is abrupt oral socializa-

tion after a relatively long period of initial indulgence and

This oral trauma, it has been argued, contributes to a

dependence .
This condition is also reinforced by

condition of oral fixation.
There are

anticipation of periods of low food supply among the Okiek.
Periods of anxiety, brought on by a low supply of honey, experienced

by Parents, which is transmitted, by design or not, to the children.

E"rid-fiance in the form of cultural projective data is presented to sup-

port this position. Other sources are cited relating this type of

child-training to oral fixation, and this type of fixation with a high

a
lo C>11<>1ic indulgence .
A second characteristic of Okiek child-training is the strong

3 -
Oele-lization of aggression. Other studies are cited to show that
t -
hls type of socialization is associated with l) the development of a

f
ear of others which may be projected outward (such as the Okiek

e
1{aggerated fear of certain kin and ancestors) and 2) a passive-

221
aggressive personality type (in the case of the Okiek, psychological
projective evidence supports this hypothesis) which in other studies

has been associated with high alcoholic indulgence.

While these two socialization practices appear to be associ—
ated with the emphasis the Okiek place on drinking honey wine, they

are especially significant in Okiek social relations. Fear of others

does have the effect of inducing greater conformity to norms of

respectful conduct between individuals who otherwise might express

considerable competition and hostility (such as in—law and parent-

child relations). Secondly, strong aggression socialization has the
same effect of curbing hostile impulses between potentially hostile

relationships with other Okiek groups and also between the Okiek and

their more powerful neighbors.
This chapter has been narrow in its focus on hypotheses for
thie explanation of drinking among the Okiek. In fact, this narrowness

is necessary in order to record the wealth of data which support (and
On the other hand, there

SOmetimes contradict) just these hypotheses.
When an Okiot

is a much wider context which must be considered.

raises his cup to drink, it is foolish to speak of but one or two

"
Claus es" for his motivation, let alone causes emanating out of his

earlier childhood. The immediate context itself harbors a wide range

or Stimuli that affect what a man does or does not do. Likewise his
Social conscience and cultural attitudes impinge on when and why he
may drink. And in the widest sense his personality, the well from
which emerges his reasons for doing everything, is formed out of a

c . . . .
011111an process of experience throughout hls life. These are con-

8 -
lderations which cannot be ignored, yet on the other hand most are

222
beyond the purview of this thesis, and therefore can only be mentioned.
Within the narrow limits of what I have intended to do, it would be
sufficient to show only that the Okiek do show an unusual interest in
and consumption of alcoholic beverages. This alone would be enough to
help explain the elaboration of honey as a cultural symbol and social
instrumentality in Okiek life. I have, however, presented additional
data to show the psychological motivations on which this interest in
honey is based. The childhood association of honey with maternal care
and the satisfaction of hunger might be sufficient to account for
honey as a significant food, even a cultural symbol. On the other
hand, I argue, its dominant position in Okiek life can only be
explained, in terms of motivation, by its function as an alcoholic

beverage.

 

 

 

 

 

Chapter 5

HONEY IN THE CULTURAL LIFE

Introduction

 

In this chapter I present data on the meaning of honey in Okiek
culture; that is to say, I will describe the Okiek symbolic system
whose meanings embody the beliefs, knowledge, ideas, values, and norms
which relate to honey. In this chapter only those cultural data are
presented which are relevant to understanding the meaning and use of
honey and its derivations, honey water and honey wine.

It is instructive at this point to review a conceptual dis-
tinction embodied in the theory used in this thesis. The concepts of
culture and society are used by many anthrOpologists interchangeably.
It is heuristically useful, however, to distinguish between the two
just as both are customarily distinguished from the concepts of
personality though in reality all three are embodied in every human
action. A cultural system is distinguished from a social system by its
mental content as opposed to behavioral content of a social system. A
cultural system is a pattern of meanings embodied in symbols which is
shared by the members of a society and transmitted by learning through
generations. As Geertz (l966:3) states this:

[Culture] is a system of inherited conceptions expressed in

symbolic forms by means of which men communicate, perpetuate,
and develop their knowledge about and attitudes toward life.

223

l .l. .Aflnfil _...___ ._ ..._. ._.__ ..-l - -Me.--

224
It is in the context of this definition that honey is treated as a
cultural symbol in this chapter, in fact, as £h§_cultural symbol of
Okiek life. Honey is also an instrumentality in Okiek social life.
The role of honey in Okiek social life-— how it facilitates the rela-
tionships among persons acting in different roles-— is the subject of
the next chapter.

Obviously some economy must be exercised in presenting these
data since the pervasive importance of honey in Okiek life prevents its
being fully explained in only one chapter. I have chosen, therefore,
to illustrate in detail the kind of meaning honey has in Okiek life
rather than present the extent of honey's importance in all spheres of
life. This is most clearly and advantageously done by the analysis of
certain rites. Rites have the advantage of giving outward and obvious
expression to otherwise covert (at least to the ethnographer) beliefs.
Rites also reveal, on analysis, relationships among symbols and their
meanings,which are not necessarily obvious in secular social life or in
an ethnographer's interviews. Thirdly, rites reveal the relative im-
portance of certain values to individuals and the group. Feelings about
what is important for a person or a group to be, to believe in, to have,
and to do become clearer during rites. Also the relative importance of
these values is more convincingly demonstrated by an analysis of rites
than by an analysis of every day activities.

The Okiek have a number of rites, most of which are transition
rites demarcating social and cultural stages within the continuum of
the life cycle. The first rite occurs about the time a child is between
age one and two and is called a naming ceremony (Kainet pp toroynet pp

lfiakggt literally: name of shaving of child, or the naming of a child at

225

its first shaving). The next rite takes place when a girl or boy enters
puberty, about age twelve. At that time a father or father's brother
will cut a hole in the lower part of each ear of the child. This hole
is subsequently distended by increasingly larger plugs to create a large
looped ear lobe (13mgg_gp_parbaret 22.1akwet: ceremony of boring of
child). When a girl is about 16 or a boy 16 to 20, they undergo their
initiation into adulthood (Ipmdg_gp_Tipiik or lymdg_gp_gg£ik; ceremony

of boys). Following such a ceremony a girl marries (kotunisiek). Be-

 

fore a man marries he participates in the ceremony of becoming an elder,
that is, when his age-set is "cut" and promoted to elderhood (about
seven years after its initiation) and a new, younger, age-set is formed
(Eunotoit gp_murenik, which is an expression adopted from the Maasai

"Eunoto moran," for the promotion of the moran age-set). When a couple

 

has been married for at least six months or a year, a ceremony is held,
at which time a wife is granted the right to cook for and eat with her
husband who, until that time, relies on his mother (Tanar taita:
sharing, eating food together with wife). Sometimes when a person,
especially newly married, establishes a new home and has built a new
house, a small rite is held to seek the blessings of god (tororo) on the
husband and wife that they may enjoy good health and that things go well
for them.

The procreation of one's own child nearly completes the cycle
of transition rites among the Okiek. From that time on no ceremonies
are specifically held for older people. Death, however, is the most
important transition, in terms of the amount of adjustment individuals
must make in response to this change in a person's status from the living

to the ancestral spirit. When a person feels his time has come, he calls

226

his children around him (or her) and gives them his blessings if he has
been satisfied with the care they have given him in his old age. When
he dies his body is removed by his sons and placed in the forest some
yards from home where the hyenas will devour the corporal remains if not
the spirit (Qighg_sg., giik_pl.), which descends into the ground, the
dwelling place of the spirits.

Besides the "house warming" rite, there is one other which is
unrelated to transitions in status. This is the peace ceremony (EEEQQD
pp_naunisto: roughly: ceremony of sins or retribution). When an Okiot
has killed another, or when lineages have been feuding but the loss of
life is more than either side wishes to tolerate, the opposing lineages
will agree to meet and hold a ceremony to make peace. Naunisto is a
concept of supernatural retribution, not related to god or ancestors,
which automatically causes death to members of a lineage if one or more
members of the lineage have killed some other Okiot, even if generations
before, and the peace ceremony has not been held to placate the feared
retribution. In this ceremony each side pledges: "We leave the bad things
we have done; we cut naunisto."

In the sense that the Okiek mean "ggmgg" (ceremony) they say
that only the boring of the ears, the initiations, and the peace ceremony
are true ceremonies, while the others are lesser events which, corre-
spondingly, are not referred to as "Engg," The boring of the ears is
sometimes not a "Eggdg" if it is a small affair without many people
and without a lot of liquor. Initiations and, reportedly, the peace
ceremony are, socially, big affairs with much drinking, while the other
rites have considerably less liquor and fewer guests. The significance

of the term "tumdo," then, is in its social magnitude and that, as will

227
be shown, is largely dependent on the quantity of honey wine anticipa—
ted.

Of these ceremonies or events, I witnessed two naming ceremonies,
two girls' initiations, two marriages, one elder's blessing of his
children, and part of one sharing—of—food ceremony. Boys' initiations
take place about every seven years as age-sets are promoted. The next
set was due to be formed the year following my stay. The boring of ears
ceremony took place probably several times, but I either heard of it too
late or was due at another place at that time. The peace ceremony has
not been held in several years, but one would probably take place as a
result of a recent homicide.

In this chapter I present data on a girls' initiation because
the events and symbolism involved show most clearly the relevance of
honey to cultural beliefs. It also happens to be the ceremony which I
was best acquainted with and which I understood better than the others,
in part because I had followed closely its preparation over several
months and knew the participants well. The events of the initiation are
presented first and an analysis follows.

This initiation took place among the Kaplelach in September 1969
at a camp not far from Narok town. The activities of the ceremony took
.place over two days, though months were involved in planning it and get-
tzing materials. Two girls were initiated, Nasite and Tete, both distantly
reelated members of the same lineage of Kap Nagul. The sequences of
arztivities of cultural importance are described here, while those more
associated with social functions are described in Chapter 6.

Early in the morning of the first day the adolescent girls and

boys and some morans (men most recently initiated) have gone off four

228
miles to a place where they can collect saplings of the korosiet tree.
I had slept that night in one of the dozen huts scattered here and there
under the trees inside the woods near a long clearing.) During the
night bags of honey water have been hung near the house fires, and in
the morning the contents have fermented into a mild £2£ik_or honey wine.
Two men set one bag up on the sleeping platform and pour themselves a
drink each. The older one pours half his cup over the fireplace stones,
mumbling something to his dead father. He then drinks the rest and fills
a large calabash with the 32215, obviously pleased with being given so
much to drink by the "owner" of the ceremony, Nasite's father.

Outside two women are preparing maize meal to make maiyuek (beer)
with, since not enough honey for rotik had been collected for the cere-
mony. Nasite's father passes by in front of his wife's hut. Today he
is dressed as the "owner" of a ceremony, a blue bead necklace encircling
his forehead and a long skin cape draped over his shoulders; he carries
a.£gg§£.and olerenit stick in one hand and a honey basket full of gggik_
and with a stOpper made of susuek grass in his other hand, all symbols
of his present status.

Kulangash comes by with a large bundle of susuek grass which he
has gathered in the forest, and he leaves it in Nasite's mother's hut.
He is the elder brother of Tete and, since their father died some years
before, Kulangash now acts as her father and is "co-owner" of the cere—
Inony of her initiation. On this grass the girls will sit when operated
(an the next morning. Pianoi, the old man who had poured Eggik_on the
:fire hearth stones, comes over and I ask him why he did that. He
replied:

It is poured to the dead ancestors, asking them to bless
those living. If you have not treated your father or mother

229

properly when they died [when they were old] then they can
cause you trouble, like a child getting sick or bad in the
head like Nasite the other day; she fainted, so her father
slaughtered a sheep for her to get well. So you can go to
the loibon [Maasai witch doctor] and he can tell you why
this is. If it is your ancestors who are annoyed, then he
says you must brew rotik and give it to the ancestors to
make them happy.

0

Just before eleven in the morning there is a stir of excitement
out on the clearing, the children and morans are returning through the
forest. The girls' whistles can be heard a long way off. All the
women are assembled in the open to greet the "children of kurosiot."
They are all decked out in their fanciest clothes and jewelry. Even
the old men, in their own way, are dressed for the occasion. Chereret,
Nasite's MoFa, has shaved his hair and covered his body with orange
powder. The men tend to congregate on the west side of the clearing,
the women on the other. At the far end, 100 yards south, the long line
of returning boys, girls and morans come singing, and at this time the
women near the huts begin their song. A great feeling of expectancy
pervades the camp. The line comes up the clearing, each person holding
high a kurosiot sapling giving the impression of a moving forest. The
line comes in front of the ceremonial hut at the north end of the clear-
ing, which is Nasite's mother's hut, which she had built extra large
for use as the place where the two girls will stay in isolation after
thetceremony. Twanty feet in front of the hut and to the left of the

dcuar is the mabwaita shrine, a bush-like structure about eight feet

high, composed of a number of saplings from particular tree and plant
species tied together and planted in the ground. All the peOple join
the procession as it winds clockwise around the mabwaita, all singing

and moving their kurosiot saplings up and down in step with the song.

230

This goes on for some minutes; then the procession, now a circle, stops
and widens out until it makes a single long circle of individuals
shoulder to shoulder. After a long discussion among the owners and
elders, the two mothers step forward carrying horns of fat and begin
their respective blessing of all those present. Each going in opposite
directions, they silently step from one person to the next anointing
their foreheads with a dab of fat until all have been anointed by both
mothers. Within the circle Nasite and Tete stand together, both hold-
ing their own kurosiot saplings. They are dressed, for the first time
in their lives, in the fancy leather-and-bead woman's skirts worn by
all the adult women at the ceremony. For months they and their mothers
have been working on these in preparation for this event.

When the two mothers are finished, some elders, the oldest able-
bodied men (chito niyoo: an important person, lit.: person big, as
certain animals are piyggg e.g., big and important such as elephant,
rhino and buffalo) who are present step forward and begin their round
of the people, blessing them as did the mothers. These men, however,
hold honey baskets out of which they spray Eggik_or honey water (lokomek)
by dunking susuek grass into the gggik_and flinging the 32513 onto all
those in the circle. At the same time they chant the blessing "tororo

toret tumi" (god help this ceremony). The Okiek say that they "throw

 

tn) god (esen tororet), that is, they throw (or splatter, or spit) the
rotik or lokomek as a gift from god so that he may bless the ceremony,
meaning that he will bless all those present so that they may enjoy good
health, long life, and have many children. When the four elders have
completed their rounds, the procession around the mabwaita begins again;

then finally it breaks up, some taking their saplings with them to their

231
own hut to be set up on either side of the entrance to "show that there
is a ceremony here;" others leave their saplings against the ceremony
hut (ko-t-op tumdo). The blessing of the ceremony (piteet gp_£pmgg) is
ended. Activities through the afternoon are largely social in signifi—
cance and are described in Chapter 6.

In the evening the two girls are brought to and seated before
the mabwaita, and their mothers prepare to shave their heads. Their
jewelry is removed, though they still hold their kurosiot saplings.
Tete's mother places a simple wire necklace around her daughter's neck.
The Okiek say that this type of necklace, a very old form, is supposed
to help a person reach an old age, as contrasted to a wide variety of
bead necklaces which are for decoration only. From a honey basket the

mothers pour a concoction of honey water and 2325" seed (used in
fermenting maize beer just as £95ik_stems are used in fermenting £25ik_
honey wine) onto the heads of their daughters and then commence to shave
all their hair off, including the eyebrows. Shaving the head is a
significant part of all transition rites. It signifies the transition
from one status to the next.
Later in the night an even less conspicuous event takes place,
a "confession" in which the two girls are asked what "sins" (chepkondok)
‘they have committed. No women happen to be present; rather two or three
Inorans and an old man seem to take special interest in asking the girls
what they have done wrong. The answers are mostly of the "I didn't get
firewood for my mother once when she asked" variety. After this, each
nuiraui‘blesses the girls by rubbing spit (a manner of blessing akin to

the elders spraying rotik) and fat (as the mothers had done to the

guests) in his hands and then smearing it down the face and chest of each

 

 

232

girl. When the men are done, the women now come over and do the same.
As when the mothers blessed all the peOple, now all the people bless
the girls, a personal blessing as distinct from the use of £25ik_when
the blessing is from god, though even in this personal blessing the
idea expressed is not only that each individual blesses the girls but
that "god will help them" as well. After this a hide is placed below
the mabwaita and the two girls are seated and, as before, are fed honey,
then retire to the ceremonial hut. At this time inside the but the
age-set of the fathers of these two girls are giving their own blessing;
in this case they are anointing the girls with EQEEE: Dancing and sing-
ing by boys and girls, which has been going on all day, continues
through the night up until first light.

Early in the morning, before the sun has risen, most people
have fallen asleep. Inside the ceremony but where the women and two
girls stay, there is a stir of activity. TWO women first come out, take
a sapling each, and begin to sing as they proceed around the hut. It is
a new song to the men. The women sing:"Girls, it is now morning; whether
you fear or are brave, it is the time now." Women from all around begin
to gather near the mabwaita; the few men there retreat to the other side
of the clearing as this is now the women's place. It is now quite light,
but cold as the sun is hidden in low clouds. The woman who is to per-
form the operation comes out of the hut, setting aside the skin which
covered the door. She is ready. The two mothers stand nearby, each
‘holding a number of olerenit leaves. All other girls are told to leave,
as they "are not to see girls cut." The women tell the men to go, but
some refuse, while others prefer to leave for personal reasons. There

is no ural rule a ainst men's resence, but most men are reluctant to
8 P

233

view the operation on a girl's private areas. Nasite's mother's mother
beats on the hide door for a minute; inside whistles are blowing and
finally they come out, an Older woman, first, waving olerenit leaves,
then Nasite and Tete, blowing whistles in time to their slow dance and
waving fly whisks up and down as they slowly proceed around the mabwaita
twice. A second woman follows. At the end of the second cycle the
girls are seated in front of the mabwaita, one woman behind each girl
to hold her around the chest so she does not move in pain. Two women
operate; one is Tete's mother. They kneel before their respective girl
and begin, while all the women crowd around to see. The clitoris and
labia minora are removed with sharp knives. It is crucial that the
girls be brave, that they do not cry. One woman, in anguish, throws
herself tO the ground as the girls are cut. Shortly, however, the
operation is over. Some of the women grab saplings and trot down the
clearing and back, wailing in triumph for the bravery Of the girls,
because they have not cried out. The Operators pour honey water over
the vagina to wash away the blood, to clean the wound, and, they be-
lieve, to hasten its mending. Most of the women now parade around the
‘mabwaita singing "we are happy because the girls are brave. . . ." The
two girls now stand and sing and dance, gently, in place facing the
rising sun. It is cold and blankets are brought and put over the girls
as they wear no clothes. Soon the singing stops and the two girls are
carried by the women into the hut. Other women carefully scrape up all
blood and remains Of the Operation, to be thrown away in the forest.
Inside the girls are fed honey. The girls now begin a seclusion Of up
to six months during which time they are kept out Of sight of and com—

munication with all adult males, but do live with, and are visited by,

234

all others, the uninitiated girls and boys, and the women. They spend
most of their time sitting each day in the sun, in a secluded spot in
the forest, returning each evening to their hut. Most of the time they
occupy themselves with making clothes, beading decorations which they
will wear when they "come out." During this time there is a certain
amount of motherly advice given each girl concerning what she may expect
as a married woman. The "coming out" part of the initiation is a rite
similar in ritual and social importance to the initial rite of initia-
tion. In fact, the Okiek conceive of the two rites and the liminal
interstice as one long ceremony or Egmdg, By the end Of my field work
no "coming out" part of the ceremony had been performed, the girls were
still in seclusion; so I report here only on the first part.

Later in the morning after the two girls have been Operated on
and gone into seclusion, two blessing rites take place involving the
two owners Of the ceremony. In one, those elders present who are of
the same age—set, as Kulangash's deceased father, come to Kulangash.
The first elder holds in his hands a honey calabash filled with EQEEE.
and stopped with grass. Next to him two other elders hold two five—
foot sticks, one of Egg§£.(bamboo) and one olerenit. The first elder
.incants to Knlangash in Maasai:"god help you and give you a wife, chil-
dren and health . . .," and the other elders reply "m§£g_kengoi"

(god has heard). At this point the two sticks and the honey calabash
are handed over to Kulangash. The second elder takes a drink of the
.EggikLand spits this on the two sticks, chanting the same blessing on
IQulangash; the Others replying as before. This procedure is followed
by each elder, the last adding ". . . so that the Maasai, Okiek, and

lhrropeans may like you." Kulangash has now been invested with the most

235
important articles which represent his status as owner of the ceremony.
Olerenit and Egggg are both prominent species in the mabwaita, symboliz-
ing strength, perservance, and the grace of god. They are also
important species in Okiek technology. The blessing is in Maasai among
the Kaplelach, reflecting the fact that Maasai have similar phrases and
symbolism in their blessing procedure. Among the Kipchornwonek, however,
the same blessing is said in Kalenjin and varies somewhat in content.

If Kulangash's father were alive he would be the one blessed, but
he would be blessed by an older age-set who would be the oldest age-set
alive.

Shortly thereafter Sinderr, Nasite's father, is also blessed,
this time by the ones who did Kulangash, but also, and principally, by
Mailengish, the oldest member of Sinderr's lineage and one age-set Older
than the other elders. Reflecting the bond of agedmates across tribal
lines, a Maasai of Mailengish's age-set commences this rite by present-
ing the two sticks and a honey basket to Mailengish, who in turn presents
them to Sinderr, saying,"god grant to you children to bear [children]
night and day. God grant that you reach our age." The other elders
present reply "Nai" (roughly: ahmen). In this rite, however, the
blessing by spitting is omitted; instead,Sinderr is the one who drinks
the Eggik_from the honey basket. This variation is due to the fact
that Nasite is Sinderr's first child to be initiated, while Kulangash
initiated another sister two years before and in this initiation it is
not his own child who is being initiated. This distinction is also
reflected in the use of a glass bead necklace presented to each "owner"
by the elders, along with the two sticks and honey basket. Sinderr

*wears his around his forehead while Kulangash has his draped around his

236

honey basket, the former in recognition that he has children, the

latter that he does not.

Discussion

 

The Okiek say that no ceremony can be held without honey. In
the case of a girls' initiation honey is used in two, sometimes three
forms: honey (komek), honey water (lokomek), and honey wine (Eggik);
and it is used in three ways: honey itself is used as a food, honey
water or honey wine is used as the essential ingredient in ritual
relations with the supernatural, and honey wine is used as a liquor in
social hospitality. Certain meanings attach to each of these forms of
honey, and to each of its uses. The meaning of honey as food has been
discussed in the section on Okiek diet and in the previous chapter on
personality, and will be discussed further here and in the next chapter
on social relations. Honey water is usually important only in ritual
contexts, though children sometimes drink it as a beverage. Its
significance, as well as that of honey wine previously discussed, will
be dealt with in this section.

Literally and figuratively the center of the initiation is the
mabwaita shrine. Those rituals which deal with all the persons present
and with the initiates themselves are performed around the mabwaita.
Lesser rituals, such as the blessing of the owners Of the ceremony, the
blessing by the age-sets, and blessings upon the-girls by individuals,
may take place elsewhere. Thus the ceremony opens with the parade of
all the people around the mabwaita, singing and carrying kurosiot
saplings. The blessing of all those present follows, and this closes

with a second parading around the shrine. Later the initiates are

237
brought before the mabwaita for their shaving and later for their
confessions and blessing by everyone. Finally the culmination of
this rite includes parading around the mabwaita, the operation beside
it, and the final parading.

The mabwaita consists of a number of saplings, plants, and
vines, depending on which forest the ceremony is taking place in and
thus on the availability of certain species. All of these species are
characterized by one particular quality in common---their strength
(kiminotet), that is, their ability to withstand certain forces, the
most important and dramatic of which, the Okiek say, is to be able to
resist the ravages Of lightning (ll££)- The torokiat tree, for
example, despite its extensive and intensive use by the Okiek (they
could hardly live in the forest as they do without it) is never found
in the mabwaita. It is a tall tree and hence unduly susceptible to
lightning (though the Okiek do not believe height is the reason for
being struck), but it is also a brittle tree; its wood can be split by
hand without even an ax. Thus, when it is struck by lightning it
splinters and breaks up more than do other trees. Many other trees when
struck by lightning are not so extensively damaged or are not killed.
By analogy the Okiek equate strength in trees to strength in individ-
uals, the strength to resist debilities such as disease, deformation,
and death. One perceptive elder stating the consensus of Okiek Opinion,
put it this way:

This pole of the hut, it is the one which makes the hut

stand. So mabwaita is the one which makes the children to
be like this pole of the hut . . . so the hearts of children
will be strong, so children will be strong until they [grow

up and] make ceremonies. People [like you] who go to church
to pray to god so they can be strong. So Kalenjin [all

238

tribes have mabwaita] it is the same way---to pray to god

to make us healthy and strong so we can stand like the
mabwaita to get children so they [in turn] can make the

same ceremony. The ceremony is made so our children's
children can have these things and follow the same ideas

as their mothers and fathers. . . . All these types of

trees [of mabwaita], they are good trees, like when the

rain comes they don't break. Torokiat breaks in lightning.
Silipuet is not bad but it doesn't last long in the mabwaita
[leaves discolor and dr0p off].

Certain plants, of course, are not subject to lightning. Their
appeal to the Okiek for inclusion in the mabwaita, as above suggested,
has to do with another type of strength---the ability to endure like a
live plant despite being cut, despite the lack of nourishment. This
directly parallels Okiek concern with their ability to survive drought
and food deprivation. In cases of some mabwaita vines and trees, the
Okiek attribute to them exceptional tensile strength or hardness, and
consequently they are used also in many technological articles.

The significance of lightning, however, extends beyond the
concept of kiminotet (strength) to its relationship to god. God, to
the Okiek, is a kind and helpful (despite admitted capriciousness)
being, the kind of helpful being an Okiot child conceives his father to
be. Thus where needs outstrip the ability to directly satisfy them,
one asks tororo, as a child would ask his father for this or that, for
whatever he is unable to get himself. The kinds of needs Okiek have
are largely "benevolent" needs; that is, their satisfaction obtained
through god's help does not impinge on the welfare of Others. If a
man asks god for honey or meat or for good health or rain, none of
these would harm another person if they were realized. There is, how-

ever, one area in which "help" means help against, rather than for,

another and that is in witchcraft, whereby to withdraw the evil of

239
bewitching may require the death of the witch. A witch who does not
admit to nor repent nor withdraw the harmful forces he is accused of
unleashing on someone, must be killed so that the victim's prayers can
be answered. The Okiek believe that lightning is the vehicle of god's
retribution. Witches, they say, are killed by lightning, according to
god's will. What lightning does in general, it appears to me, is a
reflection of god's will. If certain trees suffer more than Others
from lightning, the Okiek feel it is because the trees are not
favored by god; they are "bad" (13) trees. On the other hand, trees
which are not struck or which suffer less from lightning, the Okiek feel
must be favored by god; hence they must be "good" (gigg).

Symbolic of this goodness, this strength, therefore, certain
species are selected out by the Okiek and put in their mabwaita. The
shrine is created in the image of a tree, partaking of all the
qualities of the best species. The Okiek very specifically identify
themselves with mabwaita, not only for its strength but for its tree-
like form, that "stands" as a person stands.

Unlike many other societies, the Okiek do not impute supernatur-
al significance to the strength of the big animals they are so closely
involved with. The bear ceremonial complex of northern Eurasia and
North America is an interesting contrast to the lack of elaboration of
animal qualities in Okiek culture. This is especially significant
because traditionally the Okiek have been dependent on animal products
for the subsistence to a degree rarely equaled by other hunting and
gathering tribes. What it may reflect is the fact that the Okiek,

largely because of their honey technology, are intimately concerned

240

with all species of the forest per se, not just with food-bearing
plants, or the animals that live in the forest. All kinds Of trees
and plants are symbolically important to the Okiek, perhaps more so
than with most tribes. Trees and plants are the sources of nectar for
honey, they provide the places of storage of the honey, and they are
the technological base for extracting and using honey. In this sense,
I believe, the mabwaita may reflect, though perhaps not generate from,
Okiek concern with honey.

Below the shrine the ancestors are believed to dwell in the
earth, and in fact honey wine is poured at the foot of the mabwaita
by individuals in the same manner as pouring it on hearthstones. Thus,
Specially, mabwaita relates the supernatural forces in a vertical juxta—
position: god above in the sky, the ancestors below in the earth. In
the middle the mabwaita signifies the living who are born by the grace
of god ("may god grant you children") and who die (sometimes at the
hand of ancestors) and descend as spirits into the earth. The strength,
durability, and luck of the living is the gift of god and contrasts to
the (frequently) Opposing forces of ancestral annoyance which cause
sickness, weakness, deformity, insanity, and bad luck. The Okiek pray
for god's blessings through the vehicle of honey water or wine and
also placate their ancestors by giving them honey wine. The health
and longevity the Okiek pray for through offerings of honey water or
wine is, of course, expressed more directly through the use of honey as
food, which (like fat) is considered by the Okiek to be the best food
for acquiring strength and health. The use of honey in supernatural

relations reflects Okiek conceptions of honey as the highest symbol of

241
gratitude and hospitality. This derives most directly from honey's
ability to be transmuted into an alcoholic drink, and less so from its
professed nutritional value. When a man wishes to please an elder in
the best way, he gives honey wine, not honey. When he wishes to please
a young person or a child, he gives honey. God and the ancestors are
more closely identified as projections of a person's relationship to
his elders, and, therefore, the significance of honey in supernatural
relations is more closely associated with honey wine than honey.

If the role of honey and honey wine is closely correlated with
physiological and social matters (ancestral relations are actually an
extension of living social relations), the role of honey water is less
definite. This liquid partakes of the attributes Of honey and honey
wine but it is really neither. It is honey with water, like honey wine
but without the alcohol. It is sugar-like honey but without its
consistency. It differs from honey in form, but from honey wine in
quality. Linguistically, it (lokomek) is like honey (kpmgk) but only,
perhaps, because honey wine happens to be named after the stem which
is used as the fermenting agent (Eggik). Lokomek partakes Of some Of
the medicinal qualities Of honey (cleansing the wound of the initiates),
while being a beverage (especially for the uninitiated who are denied
wine) in the same way as honey wine. This "between" quality is ap-
propriately reflected in its "between" use: god's blessing is an
intermediary force between the Okiek's own efforts to maintain their
physical selves and the ancestors' and physical world's tendency to
hurt them. The apparent contradiction between a projective parent's
(god) desire to help and perpetuate his children and a dead parent's

apparent tendency to hurt his children indicates a dichotomous

242

Opposition between a concept of a good parent (god) and a bad parent
(ancestors). Significantly, the good "parent" (god) can be taken for
granted in the one area in which the bad parent cannot: providing
oral gratification. God will help you without regard to offerings or
thanks, but ancestors will hurt you if there isn't sufficient regard
for Offerings or thanks, in the form of honey wine (they also may cause
harm to those who do not uphold other norms of kinship behavior). God
is to all the Okiek as a nurturing father should be to his dependent
children, while ancestors are to their children as the dependent aged
are to their, hopefully, nurturing children. The two systems complement
each other by reflecting the major problem Of the life cycle: how
adequately can the adult Okiot satisfy the dependent needs of both his
children and his dependent parents as well as his own needs? The
latent conflict between grandparents and grandchildren (latent, as the
Okiek maintain that the relationship is always close and friendly,
despite my Observations that they are not always that way) appears in
projective material, such as the often told tale of a grandmother who
tries to eat her grandchild and must be killed by the intermediate
generation. Since grandchild and grandparent are both dependent on
the intermediate generation, which must also satisfy its own needs even
when food is short, it is not surprising to find that Okiek stories in
general are mostly about children eating parents (or parent surrogates)
and parents eating children (or child surrogates).

The pervasive oral anxiety existing in Okiek personalities is
reflected clearly in the cultural system by the importance attached to
honey, honey water, and honey wine in supernatural relations, and by

the projective expressions which constitute so much of the beliefs in

243

the cultural system. Much Of what the Okiek believe about god,
ancestors, kin, other tribes, health, sickness, and procreation—-their
central concerns--reflect oral functions. Not surprisingly, there-
fore, substances which are orally incorporated and which give immediate
physiological satisfaction——like honey and its derivitives--are

significant in most Okiek beliefs, values, norms, ideas and knowledge.

Chapter 6

HONEY IN THE SOCIAL CYCLE OF LIFE

Introduction

 

This chapter is a discussion, by way of selected examples, of
the role of honey in Okiek social relations. Reference should be made
to the theoretical context of social relations previously presented in
the Introduction (p. 34). In this chapter emphasis is placed only on
the social use of honey. The cultural and psychological significance
of honey in any given behavioral context may be extrapolated from
discussions presented in Chapters 4 and 5.

Honey and its derivatives are, to varying degrees, significant
in virtually all types of social relations within Okiek society and
between the Okiek and other social groups (see Chapters 2 and 3). The
total number of such relations existing between individual statuses,
between groups, or between individuals and groups amounts to perhaps
several dozen. For instance, one individual has different relations
with a large number of kith and kin, and additionally relates to
groups and categories such as the nuclear and extended family, the
lineage, age-sets, age-grades, the Opposite sex, witchdoctors, chiefs,
the sick, the insane, and so on. The Okiek are a simple society

compared to others with levels of social organization characterized by

24h

2h5

political and social stratification and occupational differentiation.
Still the variety of Okiek relations is beyond the scope of this
thesis and, therefore, selected examples from different fields of
social relations are presented. Three ceremonies are described: the
first being a child's naming ceremony; the second, the social
relations of the hitherto described girl's initiation; and the third,
a marriage ceremony. The first two illustrate the norms of relations
between certain individuals (the child or girl and the parents) and
other individuals (kin, neighbors, and friends), groups (lineages and
age-sets), and other categories (sex and age-grades). The use of
honey and honey wine in each relationship is discussed.

The third ceremony is a marriage in which a child, his mother
and their lineage are involved in a long process of developing rela-
tionship with another lineage, culminating in transferring most jural
rights over a daughter from one lineage to another. The reverse
(though not discussed here) also happens frequently--inappropriate
conduct between spouses leads to separation or divorce. In both
processes honey and honey wine are used in a number of ways to estab-
lish or influence social relations between parties.

This selective approach to describing the social system should
indicate the degree and kind of importance honey plays in Okiek social

relations.

The Child's Naming70eremogy

 

In the first months the life of a baby is uncertain and, as a
reflection of this, the Okiek do not invest the child with the status

of a social being. Not until a year or two has successfully passed do

2M6

the Okiek give formal recognition to the social, as distinct from the
physical, reality of the child. At this time a small ceremony takes
place for the naming of the child (kainet gp_toroynet 2p lakwet: lit.
name of shaving of child, or the name of a child given at his first
shaving). The ritual of shaving accompanies all Okiek transition
rites, symbolizing, among other things, the successful end of a
liminal period and assumption of a new status. Unlike most other
occasions where men control the distribution and use of wine, this is
a "woman's" ceremony and hence women manage the social relations.

They invite and serve the women guests, and it is their task to shave
the child and its mother, and then to choose a name. For most of
those present, the formal shaving and naming is secondary to secular
drinking and socializing, secondary in the sense that most express
more interest in and concern about the drinking than about the
ceremony proper, which is a short, semi-private affair held in one
hut. In fact, at one such ceremony the guests arrived after the
shaving rite, the hostess having made no special point to invite any-
one earlier for the rite. With respect to the present interest in the
role of honey, this ceremony ushers the child into the world of social
beings, a world which extends to not only kin but neighbors. The
Okiek frankly state that the principal reason they, as neighbors, come
to such a ceremony is for the drinking, without which, it appears, a
social gathering would be difficult to achieve. In addition, the
Okiek tend to be preoccupied with the adequacy of their generosity to
guests. Should even one guest go home unsatisfied, the Okiek say, the

host will be concerned for the health of her child lest it become sick

2h?

as a result of the ill-will borne by any unsatisfied guest. There-
fore, honey wine, in part, is responsible for making this a social
event commensurate with the range of social significance implied by
giving a child its first name, his social being. Also honey wine is
responsible for satisfying the guests, thus insuring the approval and
good faith of those who make up the social groups into which the
child is now accepted. The social status of a child is retained by
an individual until he or she is initiated into adulthood, at which
time an analogous ceremony of shaving and re-naming takes place. The
physical and psychological state of a newly named child, of course,
changes gradually with his maturation.

Of the two naming ceremonies I witnessed, one in the
Kipchornwonek group, and one in the Kaplelach group, the most striking
social phenomenon was the overriding interest of the guests in their
drinking and the virtual lack of interest in the sacred aspects of the
rite itself. I include this data on the naming ceremony primarily
because it most clearly illustrates the degree of importance the Okiek
place on drinking, in this case at a sacred event which is also a
formal social gathering. This emphasis on drinking honey wine occurs
in all other events of this type, such as the initiation and marriage
to be discussed but, in these events, the social emphasis on drinking
appears submerged in a series of cultural rites and formal, social

events.

A Girls' Initiation Ceremony
The second case is that of Nasite's and Tete's initiation, the

first, pre—seclusion, phase. In Chapter 5 this same initiation was

2&8

partially described with stress on its cultural content. What follows
is a description of the use of honey among those persons who partici-
pated, including their relationship to one another and the reasons for
their engaging in specific activities.

In anticipation of the ceremony, but for their own additional
reasons as well, families had been tending to accumulate together at
Tulaba during the year prior to September when the initiation would
finally take place. The principal reason it was held here at all was
the fact that Sinderian and her children, Medekia (uncircumcized boy
of eighteen) and Nasite, happened to be living at Tulaba at that time.
About a year before they had been at Benedabashe, several miles to the
north deeper in the forest, but when Sinderr had severely beaten his
wife in a drunken quarrel, the children had to bring her to the
government hospital at Narok for treatment. While she was recuperating
her son had cleared a half acre of scrub forest near their huts,in
which his mother planted maize. Evidently they anticipated staying
near Narok for some time and thus attempted to provide themselves with
some food by.means of a garden since game was scarce here and hunting
near Narok involved the risk of being caught. Like some other
Kaplelach families, they had tried making gardens before but with the
usually poor results. This garden was no exception, as the crop
turned out to be small and of poor quality, affording only a few days'
food supply and some maize for beer used in the ceremony.

On the other hand, Sinderian obviously felt no desire to
return to her husband, and staying near Narok had certain advantages.
By making and selling sokomek necklaces and sword sheaths to Maasai in

Narok, Sinderian insured herself a very modest but adequate income by

219
which she could purchase maize from Kikuyus and articles in the shops
for the initiation. Perhaps most important, most of the Okiek in the
vicinity knew that Sinderian had a considerable thirst for liquor and,
unlike a prOper Okiek wife, would go to town frequently to drink,
sometimes spending the night with whomever she met in the bars. In
fact, I concluded that most of the Okiek who habitually lived near
Narok were consistently heavy drinkers who frequently went to Narok to
drink.

Sinderian's own explanation for her residence at Tulaba, of
course, omitted the last motivation.

It was about twenty years ago that Sinderian married into the
Nagul lineage, whose traditional home was Lobito, four miles northeast
of Tulaba. But in recent years most of the Naguls were living else-
where in family groups in other parts of their lineage territory
(konoito). This impeded Sinderr's ability to arrange his daughter's
initiation. One brother lived fifteen miles away, another forty miles
away, and a large number of Naguls, including Mailengish, the oldest,
lived thirty miles away at the upper end of the territory. These
distances aggravated the job of seeking help and getting kin to come
to the ceremony.

Sinderr invited most of his own lineage. Also all persons
living nearby were invited, even some Kikuyu and Maasai friends.
Sinderr invited one Maasai on the strength of having met him only once
and having been given a drink by him; so for that reason alone they
were now friends. Giving out liquor is the most acceptable way of

making friends. Sinderian's kin were also invited, especially her

250

brother who, as Nasite's mother's brother, was important as he repre-
sented her mother's lineage and, next to one's own kin, they are most
important in a young person's life.

Sinderr had sent word via Kichuru (the moran who hoped to
marry Nasite) for a specific woman to come who would do the operation.
She lived thirty miles away and when asked she said she could not and
gave some appropriate excuse. The woman who does the operation is
usually given a large calabash of ggpik_at the ceremony, but
apparently this was not sufficient incentive. Three days before the
ceremony, however, another suitable woman was found in Narok. She had
come to the nearby hospital for medical attention and agreed to help.
She was a Kaplelach but from a distant lineage and was not well known
to most of those present. She had a good reputation for operating
well, however.

Sinderr had also sent his son to get a fat sheep from some
Maasai up at Mau. When Medekia got there, he couldn't find a good
(fat) sheep and had to go out into ggyu§_to find one.

Sinderian had also managed to accumulate some maize which she
had ground and fermented for beer to help compensate for the shortage
of Sinderr's honey. Even with Kichuru's gift of about three gallons,
Sinderr had only half the honey deemed necessary for the ceremony (ca-
25 gallons).

By September 18, all the necessities had been settled and the
ceremony could begin. Mailengish, the oldest Nagul, had come. This
was important as he was the person most apprOpriate for blessing the
ceremony, he was the one closest to god and the ancestors (no doubt he

would be one soon), and thus the one who could best intercede for the

251

benefit of all those present. Significantly, many Naguls did not
come. Some who were invited could not or did not want to come, for
practical and personal reasons. Others were not invited. Among these
were the more distant members of the lineage who did not have a close
affectual relationship to the principals, persons who rarely visited
each other. Once a lineage gets so large that collateral lines are
more than three generations separated, the closeness of ties between
individuals becomes more a function of accidents of co—residence and
friendship. Though a common kin tie is recognized and hives are
placed in the same territory, the personal ties which are so important
in day to day socializing may be nearly absent. For example, Dururu
and Ladaru are brothers and are distant relations to Sinderr, but they
don't live near Sinderr and I never observed them visiting each other,
nor speaking of each other. Dururu and Ladaru didn't come to the
ceremony, and whenever they came to Narok they conspicuously avoided
stopping at Tulaba. They lacked a personal friendship.

On the other hand, Sinderr had invited more non-Naguls than
Naguls. There was an assortment of personal friends, Maasai, Kikuyu,
and unrelated Okiek. Then there were those who were members of
Sinderr's own age-set, his peer group with whom he, like most Okiek
men, had the closest personal, non-kin, friendships. These were the
persons Sinderr had grown up with from the time he was a young boy.
As adolescent boys and later as morans, these persons had spent a
great deal of time together as a group, despite the fact that their
families often lived.miles from each other. In a society in which men
show considerable psychological and social ambivalence toward women

(women are viewed as incompetent in "important affairs" and are

252

excluded from.much of male socializing), the close affectual as well
as social ties between men of the same age tend to compensate for the
comparative lack of these ties with women.

Other persons present at the ceremony were persons who
happened to reside at or near Tulaba, and because of their co-
residence and subsequently closer ties to Sinderr and his family, they
were invited to attend.

Finally, in addition to his own kin, Sinderr's wife's kin were
present. Some of them happened to be residing at Tulaba anyway
because of negotiation of a marriage but their attendance was seen as
primarily kin based. This was the Mengwari lineage composed of
Sinderian's siblings, parents, and father's siblings.

One other family deserves special note. Nasite's future hus-
band, Kichuru, was living next to Sinderian so as to help that family.
His own family came along, too, so as to help insure that the marriage
would proceed smoothly. In Okiek marriage arrangements, a man is
never completely sure he will get his wife until he actually marries
her; hence the careful effort by him and his family to cultivate the
affection of the future wife's parents.

Nasite was not the only girl being initiated. A distant rela-
tion, Tete, also a Nagul, was to be initiated with her. In the
absence of Tete's dead father, her elder brother, Kulangash, handled
the arrangements. His family had traditionally lived near Tulaba, so
it was convenient to hold the initiations of the two girls together.
The fact that they were of the same lineage was irrelevant.

Kulangash also found it convenient to reside here at this time as he

wanted to marry Kichuru's younger sister, Ninonai. Ninonai was a

253
close friend and age~mate of Nasite and Tete and wanted desperately
to be initiated along with them. Her brother had not collected enough
honey, however, and her parents preferred she be initiated later when
the family returned to their own place of residence. Incidentally,
Kulangash's younger sister, Naisarisaru, was due to marry a moran age-
mate of Kulangash and, for the same reason, the residents of Tulaba
also included this man. Actually most of the families who had taken
up residence at Tulaba well before the ceremony had come there because
of arranging for their son's marriage to a girl who happened to be at
Tulaba.

Kulangash had been away for several months during the previous
year and his preparations were even more meager than Sinderr's. He
had less honey and maize, but then he didn't invite so many peOple
either. Many kin, prospective in-laws, co-residents whom he might
have invited on his own, were also those invited by Sinderr. Tete had
not been spoken for as yet, so there was no helpful soon-to-be in-law
to aid her initiation, though Kulangash was getting help from the
fellow who wanted to marry his other sister. Kulangash's problems
were added to by a brother and mother who had been less than diligent
in accumulating necessities while he was away. No arrangement had
been.made for a woman to Operate on Tete, so her mother had to perform
this function despite her inexperience. The sheep Sinderr got for
Nasite had to do for Tete as well.

This was the state of affairs in the days just before the
ceremony. By then fifteen family huts were built and occupied in the

woods adjacent to the clearing. In addition most of the men slept

254
away from the huts at their k29k_or camp fire. The following is a
description of the ceremony as it occurred:

In the afternoon of the first day Medekia, Sinderr's son, has
returned with the sheep his father was given on credit by a Maasai
friend. Quietly in the woods, away from others, Medekia strangles the
sheep and others help him skin it. It is strangled so no blood will
be lost. As some men like to drink blood, during the skinning the
blood was poured off for them. The fat is accumulated and carefully
set aside while the meat parts are cut up.

Afterwards, everyone returns to the huts. At this time Sinderr
gives out the first calabash of ggpik_of the ceremony to three specific
guests, friends who have been especially helpful to him in preparing
the ceremony. He cautions the friends that these drinks are for them
only, and not to be shared. When an Okiot gives a drink or a calabash
to a friend,it is expected that it is only for that person to enjoy
and no one is to beg a part of it, lest the value of the gift be
diminished. On the other hand, Okiek feel strongly that when there
are drinks available, those present should be made satisfied because a
guest who leaves unsatisfied, shames his host. In this case, the
three special guests each did manage to share a little with whomever
they had a close relationship. In contrast, outside the hut sat some
uninvited Maasai, hoping for a drink. Sinderr tells them strongly,
"You go; we don't want shouting here; this is not the day for
drinking." But the Maasai still wait for drinks. Sinderr realizes he
hasn't enough Egtik_for even the invited guests and is, therefore,

especially annoyed by the presence of uninvited people, especially as

255

they obviously want drinks and also because they are not Okiek. One
of the special guests, Chumindet, in his generosity, gives drinks out
from his calabash to some elders who have none yet; one is Nasite's
MOFaBr; another, a lineage member and age-set mate of Sinderr.
Chumindet is about to give drinks to some uninvited Kikuyu-Maasai
half-breed neighbors but Nasite's MOFaBr says, "No, don't give drinks
away." One other special guest, Ole Maina, wants to give out some of
his drinks but another elder, who had not received any says, "The
owner of the ceremony knows who is to get and who is not; so don't
say that."

The responsibility of the owners becomes taxing as more people
ask for drinks. Sinderr and Kulangash have agreed that, since Sinderr
has three times as much ggpik_and maize beer, he will serve 3/4 of the
people present regardless of who are his guests and who are Kulangash's.
Ngushosho, Kulangash's brother, presses him for drinks and is refused,
"Tomorrow is the day for drinking." On the other hand, Kulangash
invites his future mother-in-law to "taste" his drinks to see if she
"wants" some. Kulangash's mother has hidden the calabashes of £9325

and Kulangash asks her for some drinks for "them,"

a euphemism he uses
as it is grossly impolite to speak the name of your (future) wife's
mother.

In another hut one fellow is getting worried as he is told it
is bad for one's health to drink if one has just had injections for
disease at the hospital. He is noticeably relieved to hear from

another that this is not so, that, as explained later, "they are

cheating him so he will leave the rotik alone."

256

Ole Maina still has some of his ggpik_left and an older woman
friend asks him for some. He refuses and she complains, to which he
replies, "Do not shout at me, as I am a man and you are [just] a
woman." He gives her a little. It is evening now and the men of each
age-set retire to huts specifically set aside for them. The women and
children go home to sleep.

Despite the impression that the Okiek are a simple society
with few status distinctions, the above transactions begin to show how
subtle distinctions between individuals and classes of individuals
(sex, age-set, close or distant lineage member, affinal lineage
member, types of friendships) are made. These distinctions become
most obvious when there is strong common interest in a scarce object
(in this case ggtik) which must be allocated in divisible units, the
basis of allocation reflecting the scale of values placed on these
relationships.

During the night the adolescent girls and boys sing, dance,
and play. In their respective huts the men and women sing the songs
of their age-sets until they tire and lie down to sleep. In the
morning, the first day of the ceremony proper, most of the adolescent
girls and boys and the morans have gone to get the kurosiot saplings.
In the huts, the Egpik_which has been fermenting in bags beside the
fires is taken down and poured into calabashes. 'When the boys and
girls have returned and the ceremony has been blessed, then will be
the time of drinking.

The social significance of the blessing of the ceremony is
evident from the fact that it is the four eldest men present who each,

in turn, perform the ritual of blessing on all guests. It is also

257
socially significant that the owners of the ceremony and the two girls
are the only persons omitted from the specific ritual of anointing
with fat and spraying or spitting honey water. They will receive
their special blessing later. This initial blessing is therefore
associated with the present and future wellebeing of all the guests.
Following the blessing the owners and elders of each age-set meet and
decide how the 22223.15 to be divided among them. For those who do
not drink (the uninitiated and, usually, the younger women) honey is
served in the huts.

Later in the afternoon the two girls go to the river to bathe,
and the women go to the forest to get olerenit saplings. In the age-
set huts men of each age prepare a special platform for their bags for
brewing ggpik;that night, the older ages showing the younger ones the
technique. The younger age-sets know how to do it, but there is an
overriding consciousness of passing on this tradition through succeed-
ing age-sets which accounts for the pedagogical emphasis. In this way
they quite consciously dramatize their indebtedness to the "Okiek of
long ago" for having made possible the manner and means of making and
using £9333, Though no Okiot would say ageemates drink together
because it is ritually important, they do symbolize in their drinking,
however, the common social bond amongst them, built up over a lifetime,
and by their drinking they feel and express the affective ties which
make that bond significant. The importance of drinking, per se
(discussed in Chapter 4), appears to be a primary support for the
maintenance of age-set relationships, especially since age-sets in
this society have no specific, acknowledged function such as an

offensive, defensive, organized warrior system such as the Maasai have.

258

In the early evening the two girls are shaved by their mothers
beside the mabwaita (Chapter 5). This is the first act in which the
two girls are symbolically removed from their peers. Shaving occurs
in all transition rites and signifies the assumption of a new status.
In an initiation ceremony (the most complex transition rite) the first
shaving actually marks a transition from the class of "childness" to
that of "inbetweenness," a liminal status between being a child and
being an adult. Actual adulthood is recognized when the girls come
out of seclusion and are shaved a second time, after which they marry
as full adults.

Some time later in the evening the girls are put through a

confession of their "sins" (chiepkondok) which amounted to recounting

 

incidents in which the girls have not been helpful when asked by their
mothers, sister, brother, or a neighboring woman to do something.
This is followed by an anointing of the girls with fat by all those
present "so that God will help them." The fat is given out to each
person in turn by the girls' mothers. Appropriately this blessing by
all adults present is congruent with the range of adults the girls may
have sinned against (sins against children are not considered). The
rite constitutes absolution of all the girl's sins by all those who
now or in the past may have been transgressed against. This blessing
constitutes the approval of the girls by all those present at the
initiation as distinct from each of the other blessings which represent
approval of the girls or all the people by specific types of persons.
Following this event the girls are led into the ceremony hut
and are seated before the men who are of the same age-set as their

father, that is, the men who are classificatory "fathers" (baba and

259

kwanda) of the girls. This is a semi-private affair (partly because
the hut will not hold many people) during which each "father" in turn
speaks to the girls saying why they have come, admonishing the girls
to be brave in their operation, and giving them a present in thanks
for being invited. One fellow put it this way:

I didn't come, really; it was you who asked me to come.

You give us rotik but you must be brave so the rotik will

be happy for us. You be brave because all the people

here are like you [have been initiated] and no one has

died because of this operation. You will be out until

you see blood, but you won't die. So I give you five

shillings so you can buy what you want. Even if you

see the money, it won't make you brave; only you can be

brave in your heart. No one can give you his heart to

make you brave.
This short speech, similar to that given by most of the men, indicates
certain social processes which are not necessarily obvious to the
observer of the ceremony. First, in Okiek society, inviting someone
to share your liquor is an adult prerogative. By stating that the
girls have invited their "father" to take liquor acknowledges the new
status of the girls as adult women. Secondly, the persistent emphasis
on bravery--not crying out in pain during the operation--is reinforced
by certain pressures. If a girl does cry the men who have been given
liquor by her will refuse to drink because of their disappointment in
her inability to be brave, that is, her inability to act like the
adult she is supposed to be. By being brave, the girl "proves" her
right to be a woman. Refusing to drink liquor which has been given is
one of the most serious insults or expressions of disapproval or
hostility that an Okiot can make. In a passive way, it is tantamount

to cursing.

The girl's bravery is also stressed by comparison to her

26o

present of shillings (formerly it was honey which was given). Five
shillings is a lot of money for a girl who has been dependent on her
parents for the few cents she may ever have of her own. Despite the
very considerable inducement money may have for her to be brave, the
elders emphasize that bravery really comes from the "heart" and thus
is difficult to achieve and cannot be "bought" by money. It must be
a part of you, "in your heart." That is, anyone who can be brave
under these trying circumstances must be, therefore a brave (e.g.,
adult) person in all respects, hence constitutionally worthy of being
an adult.

Finally, as a last symbol of adulthood, the girls are now
allowed to chastise their own father for whatever misconduct they feel
their father has at sometime visited upon them. Until this time a
girl is expected always to be obedient to her father. Actually she is
expected always to be obedient to him throughout her life, but at this
point, the roles are momentarily reversed, apparently emphasizing the
significance of the change of status. It may also help to cope with
the loss of dependency. This blessing, like the previous event in
which the girls sang good—bye to their young male friends and rela-
tions, is also emotionally choking. These "fathers" find it equally
difficult to address their daughters, frequently wiping away tears or
becoming overcome by not being able to finish what they'want to say.
For the fathers as well as the boyfriends and brothers, it is a time
of loss. They have known each girl for sixteen years as a "girl" and
her comparatively sudden change to a new status requires a good deal
of psychological as well as social reorientation by all the people she

has known, especially her real and classificatory fathers.

261

Finally at the conclusion of this event the girls are anointed
with honey water on their head, symbolizing the blessings of their
fathers' age-set as a whole, wishing each good health, long life, and
many children. They then leave the hut and, as after every such
event, are given some honey to eat.

It is late in the evening. In the huts for the different ages
the men have been drinking and singing. Most of the women, but
especially the older ones who tend to be the drinkers, are together in
one hut and carry on in drunken singing and shouting as loudly or more
loudly than the men. Into the early hours the women stay up and are
active while most of the men and children have gone to sleep.

Interestingly, this shift in activity to the women coincides
with a shift of responsibility and ritual activity from the male
"owners" and the male age-sets on the first day, to the women on the
second day. As the sun rises this shift becomes quite obvious. The
men remain asleep or inactive in the huts, out of sight of the impend-
ing operation which only the women are now preparing the girls for.
While the first day's activities stressed the transition of a girl
from childhood to adulthood, the second day's activities, for the
first time, stress the femaleness of the girls, to the extent that
from this day forth they are completely isolated from all adult males
and are under the supervision of only women until the time of their
"coming out" in about six months.

The operation which takes place at sun-up has been adequately
described in Chapter 5. Socially what stands out as significant is
the shift to a female exclusiveness which takes place at the moment of

operation. Men avoid the scene, not because they must, but because,

262

as they say, they "fear to see the girls out" and, more especially, to
see their private parts. Actually all the adolescent boys are present
and watch from their nearby hut. Other young girls, however, were
specifically excluded by the women; they are "not to see other girls
cut." Shortly after the operation the two girls are carried into the
ceremony hut and are forbidden to be seen or spoken to by any
circumcised male for the duration of their seclusion. They have
unrestricted relations with all other age-sex categories, however. In
this exclusiveness from adult males, the Okiek differ from the Maasai,
whose girls are excluded from no one.

Following later in the morning is the previously described
blessing of the two owners of the ceremony. Socially this rite is of
interest because of the emphasis the Okiek place on age-grades in lieu
of other social categories (such as kin relationship) for the main-
tenance of proper relations with the supernatural. It is functionally
consistent that a belief in the closer relationship of the oldest
Okiek to the supernatural is expressed in an age-set system which
recognizes social categories on an age criterion. The Okiek always
bless on the basis of age-set affiliation, never on the basis of kin
relationship. This cross-cutting age-set distinction clearly
dramatizes the pan—Okiek significance of a commonly held belief in one
god. On the other hand, propitiation of ancestors is based on a kin
criterion only, signifying the fact that a person's welfare is
dependent only on that person's own ancestors, and not ancestors as a
single class of beings relevant to all Okiek.

By mid morning all the men have come around the ceremony hut,

hoping that there will be liquor. They persistently ask the women for

263

liquor and are usually refused. While the day before the owners of
the ceremony had charge of giving out Egtik_to the age—sets, today
control over the liquor resides with the women, just as control over
the two girls also resides with them. The thirst for liquor is quite
obvious in the men's eagerness to get whatever is still available.
There is no more. The ceremony is concluded and as the day wears on
each departs for home.

The initiation consists mostly of a series of blessings,
interSpersed by status-change rites (shaving and the operation). The
former are characterized by the use of honey water (or 32333) or fat
as the vehicle symbolizing the beneficence granted by one party to the
other. The latter status-change rites use honey water (or 39315) in a
medicinal fashion, the symbolic value of the substance being less
obvious. The blessing rites which use honey water are those in which
blessing is given by 1) god (via the oldest men) to everyone, 2) god
(via age-set of their fathers) to the initiates, and 3) god (via age-
set of fathers or eldest men) to owners of the ceremony. The blessing
rites which use fat are those in which 1) the mothers of the initiates
bless all persons, and 2) all persons bless the initiates.

The distinction between honey water and fat reflects a dis-
tinction between god's grace and mortals' approval. The ritual use of
honey water is always and only associated with insuring the blessings
of god on individuals through the intermediary of those who are,
temporally (and therefore actually), closest to god; they are the ones
who are soonest to join the other world. Honey water is a beverage
for all ages, while zgpik is the exclusive province of adults; there-

fore, it is apprOpriate that honey water is associated with the blessing

26h

of all ages, while 22213.15 associated with ancestral relations. Fat
is an important infant food and its use in ritual context is con—
gruent with the nuturant origin of its use. In feeding, fat is
associated with caring for and attachment to a child by an older
person, usually mother. In ritual use, fat has an analogous function.
It represents the same approval and forgiveness of children or child-
like figures by.mother or parental figures. Thus it is the mother of
the initiates who anoints all the guests of her ceremony, and later it
is all the adults who anoint the two initiates. One might wonder why
honey itself would not have the same ritual status as fat in this
rite. Unlike fat, honey is an inappropriate substance with which to
anoint anyone. It is sticky and, the Okiek say, unpleasant to get in
your hair and on clothes. Thus the most important function of the
capes men wear in the forest is to keep the honey in the honey bags
(which they carry on their back) from touching their skin and clothes
and not for warmth or to shed rain.

In the series of rites which occur in this ceremony, almost
all utilize some form of honey as the principal symbolic vehicle
associated with the most important Okiek values: health, procreation,
and sociability. The form of honey in the ritual contexts used
reflects the prescribed social usage of each in everyday secular
affairs. Changes in social relations within the ceremony are made
explicit by changes in the right to use or to disperse pgpik_held by
men, women, owner, elder, and initiates. Finally, it has been shown
that even the location and timing of the ceremony are closely

determined by the supply of honey and motivations for drinking.

265

Marriage

The role of honey and its derivatives in an initiation cere—
mony is primarily concerned with the relationship of the living to the
supernatural. The use of honey in a marriage, however, contrasts with
this because honey in this case is primarily concerned with facilita-
ting relationships between members of two lineages who become related
through the marriage of their members. Honey figures prominently in
the initiation of marriage agreements, in the establishment of that
agreement through payments of brideprice, in the ritual of the
marriage itself, and in the meetings called for resolution of marital
difficulties. In pastoral tribes, such as the Maasai, cows carry some
of those functions, but not all the functions which honey and honey
derivatives have for the Okiek. For the Okiek virtually every
material and social transaction which takes place between lineages
united in marriage is accompanied by some form and use of honey. Its
range of social usage is wider than in initiation ceremonies. This
reflects, in part, the multiple characteristics of honey as food,
valuable commodity, and liquor. Its significance,of course, extends
to other functions, cultural and psychological, described in previous
chapters.

In this case, I present data only on aspects of marriage which
are associated with honey use. A brief account of marital arrange-
ments is given, followed by data on one marriage ceremony which took
place shortly after the above described initiation. This marriage is
between Yandet, a moran of about 26 who is of the Mengwari lineage and

who is the younger brother of Sinderian, Nasite's mother. The bride

266

is Musone, a girl of about 18 who is BrDa to Sinderr, Nasite's father,
and, hence, of the Nagul lineage. There are certain complications in
this case which must be described. Musone was initiated in 1968.
Ordinarily an Okiek girl is married right after she comes out from her
initiation seclusion. For reasons to be described Musone was not
married then, though it had long been arranged that she would marry
Yandet. In the middle of 1968 she became pregnant by Yandet and gave
birth in early 1969, six months before her marriage actually took
place. This birth was not considered undesirable by the Okiek since
Musone was already initiated (it is a great disgrace to become
pregnant before one's initiation, necessitating a prompt initiation
even though the girl may be considered too young). This birth altered
some of the usual procedures of Okiek marriage, necessitating efforts
on Yandet's part for the care of his future wife that otherwise would
be up to her parents if she had not had a child. Secondly, this
marriage was complicated by the absence of Musone's father, who had
died some years before, and the assumption of that role by her FaBrs,
whose interests did not coincide exactly with what would.be expected
from Musone's genitor. Third, Musone and Yandet were related and
technically the marriage was incestuous since Musone was Yandet's
FaFaSiDaDa. They called each other "mgmgg" the same term and type of
relationship as that of a woman to her Mo Br So. In this case the
relationship was sufficiently distant that in early negotiations the
problem was deemed unimportant.

At least ten years before now Yandet's mother had gone to
Musone's parents with the intention of arranging a marriage between

Musone, a girl of about 6 or 8, and her son, who was then about 12 or

267

14. In accordance with Okiek custom in these matters, a mother may
follow her son's choice of a mate but in any case, she decides on one
girl who has not already been spoken for by another mother, and whom
she likes and thinks would be good for her son. A mother first
indicates her choice to the girl by placing a light chain necklace

around the girl's neck (kasin orpisiait: to put the chain of

 

bethrothal) one day. After that nothing happens, the deed is done
and, ostensibly, the girl is claimed to the exclusion of others. How-
ever, it may be seen that another mother has intended to do this for
her son. So the first mother, hastening to insure her claim, sends
within a month or two her son to collect a small bag of honey, which
the next day she takes to the mother of the girl. The latter receives
this boy's mother and if she is unaware, asks, "Who asked you to bring
this?" and she is assured, "No one, everyone does this work for the
marriage of her son." Then the girl's mother goes and calls together
the women of her camp, especially other women married to her husband's
lineage. They come and sit, and the bag is opened and eaten by them.
The boy's mother sits on the other bed, saying nothing, holding the two
bamboo sticks she has carried on this mission, the same sticks carried
by an owner of an initiation ceremony. These sticks symbolize that
this person is acting in the capacity of responsible parent or elder
for a person who is involved in one of the transition rites.

Nothing of consequence is said at this first meeting, and the
boy's mother soon returns home. Regardless of whether another mother
wishes to claim the girl, this first meeting must take place at some-
time within a couple years after the first meeting to initiate a claim

to the girl and to have it at least acknowledged, if not consented to,

268

by the girl's mother. Even if the girl's mother does not approve this
boy for her daughter’she would not refuse this "first honey"
(esiretit-—from the Maasai, eseret: "first things brought"), though
theoretically, the Okiek say, she could. It seems no one refuses a
gift of honey.

Some time after (the duration is variable) this mother feels
it appropriate to tell her son to go look for more honey to be brewed
by her husband into 39§ik_and taken by both parents to both parents of

the girl. This is the first meeting of the rotik (engeroretit, Okiek

 

for "first talking aptik"). This meeting is for seeing what the
girl's parents have to say about the proposed marriage. One bag of
ggpik_is made, poured into calabashes, and carried by the mother and
one other woman, such as a HuBrWi. Carrying a bamboo stick and this
time wearing their ceremonial skirts, they set forth with the father
and any other man of his lineage. When they reach the girl's house,
her father asks the boy's father, "What is this EQEl§.f°r?" feigning
ignorance. The boy's father replies to the effect that "this is for
wanting your daughter to be married to my son." He is then told, non-
committedly, "All right, we have seen it is so." They then sit and
drink together, making small talk about other things, until the 32335
is finished and they return home, without actually confronting the
issue, despite the phrase for this meeting being "talking £23333"
Later the parents and relations go again, this time with two

bags of rotik for a second meeting (rotik gp_koito: rotik of

 

marriage). This time they are told something like, "The first time
you brought rotik we said nothing, so now we shall give you the girl,

but wait until she is circumcised, then bring more things." On the

269

I

other hand, it is as likely that no commitment will be made at this
meeting either. So a third visit is made with more ggpikg perhaps
even a fourth, at which time they are told "yes" or "no." If "no"
this is the end; there is no compensation for all the 22313 brought.

If "yes," the next meeting is held during the girl's initiatiOn
seclusion and more Egtik_is brought in the same manner. In this meet-
ing, representation has expanded to include the girl's father's
brothers, their sons, and any other men and women who happen to be
there. This meeting is concerned with settling the brideprice (£2335
chigimaunen tuguuk chiyichezi: ggpik_for "telling things for finding."
Note the use of {2213.35 synonomous for "meeting.") In this meeting,
as in other meetings involving most or all of the lineages in a
.lineage-wide concern (which marriage is), the elder brother of the
girl's father is the spokesman. He is the first to speak and he
announces decisions. Though an older member of the lineage, even the
girl's FaFa, may be alive and present, being the spokesman is not con-
sidered his business, though he may speak in turn when others do. The
elder brother is, first of all, the son who inherits parental responsi-
'bilities for the other siblings on the death of his father. Thus the
elder brother may already be the "grandfather" of the girl to be
Imarried. This is quite likely because, by the time a younger brother
ihas children old enough to be married, his father has probably become
cild and has died. Secondly, the girl's FaBr is a classificatory
ifirther, and being the elder brother, he is considered a "senior"
ihather. The exclusion of the girl's FaFa from this important role may
(piite incidentally reflect the enfeebling consequences of old age, if

not death .

270

At this meeting the FaBr announces the decision already
reached by his lineage concerning the amount of brideprice. Up until
recently, an Okiek moran who anticipated.marrying someone's daughter
spent a good deal of his waiting years living with and helping the
girl's parents in whatever way he could. In addition to this, he was
expected to pay a considerable quantity of honey (several big bags),
money, sheep, blankets, and bluemonkey and hyrax capes. Among the
Kaplelach, honey is still the major portion of the brideprice, while
among the Kipchornwonek cows have been substituted for but do not
completely displace honey. Today among the Kipchornwonek, then, the
standard amount of brideprice requested at the meeting is four
blankets to be divided among the principal males of the lineage, one
sheep for the mother, five cows, and "a lot of 3931;" (ca.fifteen
gallons). The latter is not, strictly speaking,part of the brideprice,
nor is any of the {gpik_given out at prior meetings, nor the honey of
the first meeting.

The following case of Yandet's marriage to Musone followed
this pattern but with, as previously mentioned, some exceptions. He had
spent many years bringing ggpik_for an unreasonable number of meetings,
never being told if he could get Musone, only told to brew more for
"just one more meeting." Musone's father was dead and the surviving
elder brother was Sinderr, Yandet's SiHu, father of Nasite. Sinderr
was aggravated by his poor relationship to his wife and this apparently
extended to her family as well. He was not inclined to be cooperative
to Yandet and he put off Yandet's desire for an answer. His other

brother was more cooperative, but he liked to drink a lot.

271

Sangolingola, another man of this lineage, blocked Yandet's request
repeatedly, even once threatening a curse. Years before Sangolingola
had been married to and then spurned by Timbian, Yandet's eldest
sister. This rankled Sangolingola especially because Timbian had had
many children who, technically, were his since her parents had never
returned his brideprice. Another complication was Musone's mother, a
widow who was closely dependent on her daughter and very reluctant to
give her away. She delayed the marriage as much as she could. In
addition, her brother, Salatun, who had no jural claim over his
sister's children as his lineage had married her off to the Nagul
lineage, exerted his negative influence by way of his lineage friend
and drinking companion, Sangolingola. If there was a way to get more
liquor out of it, Salatun was all for delaying the marriage. Finally,
two years after her initiation and six months after the birth of her
child, it was agreed that Yandet could marry her and the wedding was
scheduled to follow Nasite's initiation as that was a convenient time
since everyone concerned was already present for that ceremony.

The day before the anticipated wedding, Yandet is collecting
honey, bags and stems to brew up some rgtik_to be taken to Musone's
mother. He is somewhat anxious, commenting to another moran,
“Sangolingola says I will not be married if he does not get a blanket."
Sangolingola knows this is the last time he has the right to claim
anything; once the marriage takes place, nothing more can be asked for
brideprice. Sangolingola had said if he didn't get the blanket,
Yandet was to "go forever." Yandet really does believe Sangolingola
can stOp the marriage and this is because Sangolingola is a member of

the same lineage as Musone, but also he is related to Musone's mother

272

via his MoSi, who is Musone's MoMo. Although the patrilineal Okiek
stress the rights and obligations to one's paternal kin, any form of
close relationship, even through two female lines, is utilized for
what it is worth in case of need. The second moran explained Yandet's
problem this way:

So no one will let the marriage be if someone is not satis-

fied because when the wife is going to her husband's hut

[the wedding procession], he can put a stick down. Then

she will fear to pass as she knows something bad can happen

as when she gets sick or her child gets sick. It is like

ponindet [witchcraft].
In this way humans, by magical processes akin to cursing, can cause
the same types of harm for the same reason as do ancestors. Anxiety
over a guest going away unsatisfied in drink or food, is in part based
on this fear. Yandet did, however, manage to get credit from
Chumindet and bought a blanket for Sangolingola.

Two unrelated women who are here for the ceremony are helping
Yandet by drawing water from the stream for brewing the Egtik_that
night, four bag-fulls. Yandet had stored away a big bag of honey
months ago for this particular occasion of ggpik_making. He had his
mother keep it, hiding it in the leafy wall of the hut so the boys
would not find it. Boys would not be able to resist eating it if no
one was around to prevent them, Yandet says.

Without Musone's father alive to manage and take responsibility
for these marriage negotiations, other lineage members can make any
kind of demands they want on Yandet. Even a boy of seventeen asks for
a blanket. Four blankets is the standard payment, but for Yandet the

demands have gone beyond this. Yandet tries to cope as best he can,

not wishing to lose his temper and say anything rash that would cause

273

Musone's lineage to reject him. Despite years of frustrations and
large quantities of Egtik given out, Yandet controls his urge to give
up this quest for Musone, knowing well he would have to wait at least
ten years until an unspoken—for girl could grow up. Despite years of
planning, marriage is always problematical until the last days.
Failure is a constantly aggravating threat since it means years of
effort and many goods lost.

In the evening the Egtik_bags are set up in Yandet's parents'
house. Timbian, Yandet's eldest sister and one-time wife of
Sangolingola, has shown up, chastising Yandet for not having told her
he has a marriage coming up. She has come several miles with her
children to help Yandet in his preparations. This is the first time
she has visited her family in the forest for years, as she has lived
in Narok town, eschewing the bush ways of her family, exchanging it
for a reputation as a "loose woman" of the town, apparently to her
satisfaction.

Yandet has brought a sheep to camp so that he may present it
to Musone's mother in the morning. In the early morning those staying
at Yandet's family's camp prepare to go the 75 yards to Musone's
:mother's hut. Red ochre is put on each person's head as decoration,
and.everyone dresses in his best clothes. Yandet, like the owner of a
ceremony, wears a cape over his shoulders and carries olerenit and
‘bamboo sticks. His mother also wears a cape. The procession begins
‘with.Yandet leading the sheep and accompanied by his "best man,"
iKichuru, a close moran friend and the fellow who is to marry Yandet's
SiDa, Nasite. (Kichuru had cultivated his relationship to Yandet for

‘What benefit it would bring him in his negotiations for Nasite.

274

Yandet, as Nasite's MoBr, was the chief spokesman for Nasite's mother's
lineage and would carry some informal influence in the negotiations,
except for his poor relations with Sinderr, Nasite's FaBr.)

Following them comes Yandet's mother wearing a blue bead necklace
around her forehead in the manner of Sinderr, who was the owner of his
daughter's initiation two days before. Then comes Yandet's next

oldest sister, Sinoi, and Kichuru's mother, both carrying bags of
£231k, then Yandet's Fa and FaBrs, and finally Timbian.

When they arrive at Musone's mother's hut, they are, in jest,
confronted by a woman who challenges: "As you are taking the lady,
you just stand a minute." Two minutes later the women are let into
the but with the ggpik. There is a lot of chattering going on inside,
~and the excitement mounts. Only women are inside. Shortly Sinoi puts
her head out and advises the collecting knot of men to move off as
Musone is about to remove her clothes so as to be anointed with fat,
so men are "not needed." This goes on for a long time as the women
continue drinking the §2§§k_that has been brought. The men outside
are impatient, impatient to be given drinks. One drunken woman comes
out, sees Sinderr standing near, and yells out, "It is ours today."
Since it was Sinderr who, as owner of his daughter's initiation, was
passing out drinks two days before, the comment seems an appropriate
expression of a certain amount of competitive antagonism between the
sexes over the control of ggpik,

After some time and derogatory comments from the men, some of
the women begin to come out. Musone's mother comes out carrying her
daughter's baby. She has a sad expression on her face and walks off

away from everyone. Losing her daughter seems to be depressing,

275
especially as she has finally had to resign herself to this, not being
able to postpone the marriage any longer.

The hut is too small, so everyone gathers outside the entrance
for the rite. First Musone's mother takes a horn filled with fat and
plugged with grass, and goes from one to the next placing a dab of fat
on everyone's forehead. The procedure is identical to that done by
the girls' mothers during the initiation. Next, the important members
of Musone's lineage, the men who substitute for her deceased father,
each in turn, address Yandet and Musone. Sinderr begins, "You
[Musone] are given to this man, so you are to take care of his mother
and father as they are old." Sangolingola, wearing his new blanket,
entones, "I was angry but now I am happy with the blanket. So
[Musone] respect all people in that camp. You are given to your hus-
band; so if you play you will be beaten. So don't go around to
[other] houses when your husband is not in, or go for drinks and come

' (This was

in at night so your husband has to make the fire.'
Sangolingola's complaint in another context, against his ex-wife,
Timbian.) Sinderr's FaBrSo cautions Yandet, "You have been given a
lady so you and your father are not to leave her alone. Even your
father will see to her if you are not in. Now you [Musone] take care
of all the people of their lineage. So if a man comes and you don't
give him food, that is bad." Advice by various other male members of
this lineage is given until all are done.

Sinderr then takes a honey basket of Egtik_and begins the
blessing, spraying the liquid on everyone as he speaks, "Let god help

you to live a long time until the age of the old age-sets," to which

all reply "Nai" (Amen). Sangolingola then gives the blessing, saying,

276

"If I was angry, I am now happy. So may you have many children, cows,

sheep, everything.' The blessing is concluded and immediately a line
forms for the procession back to Yandet's camp, led by Kichuru,
Yandet, a child, Musone and baby, another child, Timbian, and others,
but no men. The placement of the child before and after the bride is
customary. Musone is decked out in a fancy skirt and cape, beaded
necklaces, earrings, bracelets, and a tiara.

The Okiek say that the procession must be as slow as is
necessary to take the whole day for the bride to reach her new home.
In this case, the home was only 75 yards and progress was slow, though
no one wanted to spend more than an hour. At this slow pace, Musone
could take a slow step and stop for three or four minutes, her head
bent down, her hands to her lips, as if in meditation, holding a
bamboo stick. To encourage her, the young men and boys make her
promises of hives they will give her if she will come along ("I know a
nice hive in a sapteet tree"). Each promise is signified by Musone
tying another knot in her long, dangling bead strand necklace. She
moves even more slowly as she comes near Yandet's family hut where most
of the procession, friends, and other relatives are patiently waiting.
The promises made one after another on the way are not for real. They
are for fun. It is a happy time for all those present except, appar—
ently, Musone, who remains with her head down, not looking at anyone
as she advances. This behavior is, however, the prescribed custom
at marriage. For the bride to show reluctance at leaving her own
family by purposefully holding back on her way to her new home is
appropriate in the same way that Yandet and his family were momentarily

barred from coming into Musone's mother's hut at the beginning of the

 

 

 

 

 

277

marriage. Although these customs do not necessarily indicate reluc-
tance on the part of the bride and her family, in this case it was
demonstrably so.

As Musone approaches the hut, her husband sits casually on a
log,uttering promises of one hive after another to encourage her.
She barely moves. Even Yandet's father, a bit intoxicated, makes some
promises, but all these are false promises. Musone has not come to
the place of "real" promises, four feet before the door. The situa-
tion is comic; one child entones proudly: "There is a hive at kuriot
...;" then shyly adds, "I don't know if the honey badgers have
spoiled it, but it is for you." A.moran playfully offers to carry
Musone up to the door.

Now the time has come. Yandet and his best man line up before
Musone and the two enter his parents' hut. Musone remains outside as
adult members of Yandet's lineage and friends enter and sit down.
Yandet's father passes out calabashes of ggpik_to all those present.
At this time also, each guest tells Yandet's father what he pledges as
a gift to the newlyweds for being invited, usually a few shillings.
Musone stands just outside the door, not entering. Yandet's father
now tells her the real hives he is giving to her. "I give you (a hive
in the tree)sapteet." Musone moves a step closer to the threshold.
"I give you ketgyget." She comes halfway in. "I give you another
sapteet." She is now just inside the hut. Three more hives are given
as Musone advances to the bed on which her husband sits. At this
point Yandet gives her hives; at each one mentioned, she advances a
step toward the bed and finally sits beside Yandet. Now Yandet's

mother gets up and goes over to Musone, unties.Musone's cape so her

 

 

 

 

278

child can come down from off her back and cool off. Now the women
outside crowd into the hut. Yandet's father pours drinks for every-
one. Everyone is talking. Shortly Yandet and his best man leave;
then all the men leave as they are not to be present for the next
event. From accounts from the women present, Yandet's mother
partially disrobes Musone. For this reason, the men say, adult males
are excluded, saying, "It is bad to see them do like that." Next
Yandet's mother tells Musone of a hive of her own she now gives to
her. Finally, she feeds Musone honey four times with a honey spoon,
much as a mother would feed her child. With the completion of this
ritual the marriage ceremony is complete. The guests are fed food and
later depart for home. The marriage, however, is not truly complete
until the sharing-of—food ceremony (tanar taita) which takes place a
half a year to a year later, at which time Musone will be given the
right to cook for her husband who, until then, has continued to eat

elsewhere, usually in his mother's hut.

Discussion

 

This case aptly shows the degree to which honey in various
forms pervades formal and informal social relations. As in the girl's
initiation, 22215.15 used as the vehicle of blessing upon the
principals. It is also given in hospitality to guests. In these ways
its role in all Okiek ceremonies is the same. In marriage, however,
honey takes on a new importance. Its range of social significance
extends beyond the persons who are the Object of the ceremony to
include their respective lineages, which other ceremonies, excepting

the peace ceremony, do not. In a marriage the significance of honey

279

also extends to the value placed on these inter-lineage ties. Thus
aptik_is the principal vehicle for establishing good inter-lineage
relations. Honey is the most important part of the brideprice which,
the Okiek say, is exchanged for a woman who is given to her husband's
lineage. The "giving" of a woman entails the transfer of certain
rights and conditions from one lineage to the other; among them the
most important is the right to all her offspring, that is, rights to
bring up the children in the husband's lineage (regardless of genitor)
and rights over the child's status as a social being (for a girl,
rights to give her out in marriage and collect the brideprice). The
transfer of rights also includes rights over the wife as a corporal
being. The Okiek maintain (there are no cases) that if brideprice has
been paid, a husband could kill his wife and not pay compensation to
her natal lineage. On the basis of analysis of numerous cases of
marital discord, it is apparent that a wife's lineage will only
support (in words but not actions) a wife against her husband in cases
of only severe abuse, preferring to reason with the husband, but
always sending the wife back to him. Divorce does occur but only in
cases where a wife consistently deserts her husband such that he
initiates the divorce, that is, the return of the brideprice.

Ritually honey is significant in the marriage ceremony in a
way that it is not in any other ceremony. Quite obviously, when the
husband's.mother feeds her new daughter—in-law honey she symbolizes
the transfer of responsibility of her care from the girl's own lineage
to that of her husband's. Thus the transfer of rights over her are
accompanied by the transfer of responsibility for her well being (to

an Okiot this is primarily seen in terms of food). This transfer of

280

rights and responsibility was given verbal expression at the time the
men of Musone's lineage gave their blessing to the marriage. Thus one
man admonished, "You have been given a lady,so you and your father do
not leave her alone." The symbolic meaning given honey in this con—
text--representing a dependent, nurturant relationship—-is consistent
with the secular use of honey in the parent-child relationship, just
as the ritual use of pgpik_in blessing of the people by god is an
extension of the secular value of ggtik_as a substance worthy of being
given to other kin and friends as a token of hospitality and, hence,
good will.

Finally, honey—oriented values are extended to include certain
honey—related objects, in this case, hives. In Okiek explanations of
the role of hives in social relations, and in stories about honey
collecting, hives are equated with sheep. As one fellow put it,
"Hives are the sheep for the Okiek." By this is meant that the Okiek
view hives as analogous to the role of sheep in Maasai society. Both
are valuable, sizable objects which produce a major source of food.
Both are important objects of their respective tribes' subsistence
patterns. Both are individually owned. And both, mostly because of
their economic value the Okiek feel, are valued objects for giving
substance to social ties. Thus they figure prominently in marriages.
In a Maasai marriage a sheep is given by the husband's mother to her
daughter-in-law, while the Okiek mother gives a hive.

It came as some surprise to me that Okiek women owned hives,
because it is unheard of for a woman to collect honey. In fact women
can and do make hives; at least they can do most of the work of making

a hive. It is their husbands, however, who place it in a tree and

281

collect the honey, honey which.belongs to his wife and is for her
exclusive use. Her hives are placed in her husband's lineage
territory for the convenience of his collecting the honey for her, the
Okiek say. On the other hand, the Okiek are uncertain as to whether
her hives, in terms of jural rights, ought not to be in her father's
lineage territory. This uncertainty reflects a general Okiek uncer-
tainty about the jural position of a married woman. On the one hand,
she is still a descendant of her father's lineage, yet by marriage she
becomes attached to another lineage which now possess important rights
over her. I have asked various Okiek women, "To what lineage do you
belong?" Some will say their husband's and others their father's.
Actually, Okiek women usually own few hives, most of them given to
them in certain formal contexts. Thus Yandet's sister Sinoi has one
which was given to her by her husband. Musone already had one given
to her by her father's brother when she came out of initiation in
1968.

With respect to female ownership and inheritance of hives, the
Okiek differ significantly from the analogous Maasai rules governing
right to sheep. The contrast extends further. Maasai women have
ready access to food (they do the milking of cows) while Okiek women
are to an extraordinary degree, compared to most societies, dependent
on.men for food. Because they do not collect honey nor hunt, fully
95% of their traditional diet is derived from the work of men alone.
Although I have no way of substantiating this, the exceptional rights
of Okiek women to own hives may appear to be palliative to an otherwise
anxiety-provoking helplessness. Further analysis of projective

cultural and psychological data may afford a test for this hypothesis.

282

In concluding these remarks on the role of honey in Okiek
marriage, I should emphasize that marriage in Okiek society is as much
a long and carefully develOped relationship between two lineages as
between the prospective husband and wife. In fact, the formal aspects
of this development are nearly all centered on lineage-lineage rela-
tionships while the young man and woman may hardly know each other at
all by the time of their marriage (this is directly related to an
admittedly high rate of conjugal, of not marital, instability). The
length of marital negotiations between lineages as well as their
formality and elaboration reflect the difficulties involved in in-law
relations. Norms of behavior between a person and his spouse's close
relations are the most distant and formal of all relationship dyads in
Okiek society except perhaps the avoidance of informal relations
between young women or girls and the men of their father's age—set.
The Okiek feel the greatest "fear" (omweni) of and behave with the
greatest "respect" (koogyit) toward their in-laws. This is especially
true between a man and his wife's sister (or husband's brother). Hence,
the sororate and levirate would be considered bad (ya) by the Okiek.
The extensive quantities of Egpik_produced for the negotiation meet-
ings between lineages, I suggest, is directly related to the Okiek
belief that only such generosity,coupled with respectful manners,can
overcome the persistent reserve of a girl's lineage about giving out
their daughter. One important thing her lineage members consider
crucial in their decision is how generous with drinks and food the
prospective husband and his parents have been in the past toward the
girl's lineage members and to others in general. Assured of a young

man's hospitality and his good conduct, the girl's lineage is usually

283

well disposed to granting their consent, eventually. Appropriately,
the largest quantity of the best 22213.15 expected to be given to the
bride's parents when she is taken away. For the Okiek, a good long
drink appears to be the most satisfactory way to handle feelings of
loss over the departure of a daughter.

' and a

This analysis of a naming ceremony, an "initiation,'
marriage are sufficient to show the degree of significance of honey
in Okiek social relations. These three cases by no means exhaust the
various uses of honey but do serve as examples of its pervasiveness

in the age-set system, in the lineage system, in certain kin roles,

and for the Okiek as a whole.

Chapter 7

CONCLUSION

Introduction

 

The last chapter was primarily concerned with the social system
as distinct from the cultural and personality systems discussed in the
preceding two chapters. In each of these chapters, digressions into
data of the other two systems is necessitated by the functional inter-
relations which obviously exist among the three systems. The extrac-
tion of each system from the others is huristically necessary to
present the data in an orderly (at least for anthropologists) fashion,
bearing in mind that this distinction does not necessarily present the
world view that the Okiek themselves see. On the other hand, this
thesis does present a major category in Okiek life, honey, which the
Okiek themselves say is central to their existence. By presenting
the social, cultural, and psychological reality of honey as the Okiek
see it and interpreting this data in the light of field experience and
theoretical concepts, I hOpe I have accurately and fairly presented the
single most important category in Okiek life in a manner that conveys
to the reader an understanding of and also a feeling for what is
significant to the individual Okiot.

There are other categories which can be analyzed in a similar
manner with profit. Some of these are: hunting and trapping, domestic

28h

285
animals, the age—set system, the lineage, the group, the nuclear
family, kinship relations, god, ancestors, and land tenure. Honey,
however, is the most important of these, at least in the sense that
it affects all other categories to a greater degree than does any
other category. For example, kinship relations and the lineage are
more closely associated than is honey to either, but neither is as
closely related to all other cultural and social categories as is
honey.

In addition to cultural and social categories, there are also
psychological variables, distinctive personality characteristics which
are found frequently among Okiek individuals. In Chapter 4 some of
these characteristics which appear to be associated with honey have
been described both in terms of their etiology and subsequent effect
on behavior. Other personality characteristics could be discussed and
related to other cultural and social categories. It has been one of
the purposes of this thesis to show how the three systems interrelate,
suggesting that an understanding of one requires an explanation of its
relationship to the other two systems. This emphasis, as discussed in
the Introduction, is relatively unexplored by anthrOpologists, who
usually are content to analyse the functional interrelationships of
social and/or cultural systems only. This exclusive preoccupation
ignores the theories of Ego Psychology which demonstrate the inter-
dependence of cultural beliefs, social behavior, and psychological
dispositions. If, as I believe, a primary task of anthrOpology is the
explanation of human behavior, then eXplanations of that behavior are
dependent on psychological data as much as on cultural and social data.

In this thesis I have tried to show that the emphasis given honey in

 

 

 

 

 

286
cultural and social systems is not wholly reducible to the principle
of those systems alone but is dependent also on psychological needs
and drives. With honey, as opposed to other Okiek themes, this is
especially true since its role in Okiek life is considerably out of

proportion to its contribution to subsistence and trade.

Honey as a Culture Complex

Some years ago Herskovits (1947:195) drew special attention to
what he called a "culture complex" and distinguished his concept from
the "culture area" concept already current in American Anthropology.

He stressed that "...it is the preponderant role of a complex that,
for the people who live in the area, gives point and reason to their
ways of life, and is a dominating, integrating force in their
existence."

He goes on to give examples of this type of cultural phenomenon
drawing particular attention to the East African "cattle complex." The
important role of cattle in many East African societies has been
attested by numerous ethnographic accounts. Evan-Pritchard's (1940)
The Nuer is a classic account of what Herskovits later called a "cattle
complex." A paragraph from this monograph clearly dramatizes the
importance of cattle to the Nuer (1940:40):

Cattle are not only an object of absorbing interest to

Nuer, having great economic utility and social value, but
they live in the closest possible association with them.
Moreover, irrespective of use, they are in themselves a
cultural end, and the mere possession of, and proximity to
them gives a man his heart's desire. On them are concen-
trated his immediate interests and his farthest ambitions.
More than anything else they determine his daily actions

and dominate his attention. We have remarked on the over-
emphasis on cattle produced by their wide range of social and
economic uses. So many physical, psychological, and social

requirements can be satisfied from this one source that Nuer
attention, instead of being diffused in a variety of

287
directions, tends, with undue exclusiveness, to be focused
on this single object and to be introvertive, since the
object has a certain identity with themselves.

With but minor transpositions, this paragraph, as far as it
goes, conveys the same meaning as honey does for the Okiek. In fact,
the Okiek are another relatively "pure" case of the "Culture complex"
phenomenon, heretofore undescribed in the literature as such.

Ethnographers have invariably remarked on the evident psycho-

logical emphasis given that aspect of a culture which gives rise to

its being characterized as a culture complex. Benedict's Patterns of

 

Culture is a prime example, an attempt to show, among other things,
how cultures mold the personalities of the people who adhere to it.
Like culture and personality writing of her day, Benedict is concerned
with culture personality causation. In this thesis, however, I have
presented a variety of data to show a cyclical chain of causation
among social behavior, cultural norms and beliefs, and psychological
needs and drives, each affecting the other and vice versa. I have
argued that Okiek behavior, at least with respect to the honey complex,
is intelligible only when psychological data is integrated with
cultural and social data. The exclusion of psychological data from
analysis results in a degree of emphasis on honey and honey-related
values which would be inexplicable in terms of just cultural and
social data. Furthermore, I suggest that this inadequacy applies to
other culture complex analyses such as Evans-Pritchard's Thg_Nug£,
wherein the projective expressions of cattle have greater effect in
personality and greater emphasis in culture than can be accounted for
by the subsistence, economic, political, and social (kin) roles of

cattle. This elaboration in the projective areas, therefore, remains

 

 

 

 

 

288
unaccounted for, a task that ought to be within the sc0pe of anthro-

pological inquiry.

The Okiek as a Hunting and Gathering Tribe

Anthropologists have traditionally classified tribes, following
a nineteenth century evolutionary bias, in terms of levels of sub-
sistence: gatherers, hunters, fishers, pastoralists, and agricultural-
ists. The Okiek closely fall within the categories of hunters and
gatherers. Unlike most other hunters-gatherers, however, the Okiek
are in an anomalous position because of their emphasis on honey
collecting. They are gatherers in the sense that they collect honey
from the forest. On the other hand, gathering has always been
associated with vegetable foods while honey is technically the product
of an animal. Furthermore, the Okiek could be considered a tribe
which harbors at least semi-domesticated animals—-bees--and hence, by
definition, something like pastoralists. I have already discussed the
proposition that Okiek hunting and Maasai pastoralism share much more
in their ecology than either does with other domestic food raisers,
such as the cultivating Kikuyu. Finally, the Okiek differ dramatically
with the majority of hunters-gatherers by their virtual lack of
gathering of vegetable plant foods.

In recognition of a long overdue rethinking of the category

"hunters and gatherers,"

undoubtedly propelled by other problems of
classification and adaptation like those of the Okiek, two recent
conferences have been held, resulting in monographs edited by Dumas

(1966) and Lee and DeVore (1968). No significant reformulations have

resulted, as yet, from the discussions and questions arising at these

289
conferences. In part, I believe, this results from the relatively few
ethnologists with experience and theoretical interest in this area.
Hunters and gatherers, despite widespread general curiosity over a
long period of time, still remain the least understood "type" of tribe.
As they continue to "disappear" as ongoing entities, so, too, will a
very rich source of anthropological data, data which admittedly has
importance to theories of human development and behavior. Any
generalizations about human behavior must take cognizance of all the
types of social "experiments" which man has indulged in, hunting and
gathering being among them.

My principal reason for discussing the honey complex in this
thesis is its theoretical and practical priority. There is a wide
variety of theoretical interests current in anthropology which Okiek
data can be applied to constructively. However, Okiek data on such
areas as the functions of initiations and brideprice, marriage and
divorce, territoriality, feuding, inter-tribal relations, and ecology
can be presented in an intelligible manner only if the significance of
honey in Okiek life is already understood. Apparently Evans-Pritchard
had this priority in mind when he published first a monograph dealing
mostly with Nuer ecology. Where one aspect of a tribe's life is
singularly important, the data compels this sequence of presentation.

There has been a tendency for ethnographers of hunting and
gathering societies, especially in Africa, to romanticize in writing
the people they have lived with. Living in close dependence on others
and in an uncertain environment results in experiences much like a
novice has in an initiation ceremony. A feeling of commonality, a

feeling of in-group allegiance develOps among those who suffer

290
together. My experiences among the Okiek were no different. I
believe, however, that to let these feelings intrude on the equally
real interpersonal antagonisms among Okiek is a disservice to
objectivity. Many Americans have a secret dream world of a primitive
utopia, a tribal world devoid of those anxieties which they experience
in day-to-day living. By vicariously existing in this utopia they
avoid their own anxieties. Since they cannot understand the serious-
ness of the native's own anxieties about witchcraft, food supply,
ancestors, or whatever, the primitive world takes on a certain charm.
What was surprising to me, however, was how easily those same,
seemingly unimportant, native anxieties become one's own--I began to
fggl_that which I would not consciously believe. On the other hand,
some of the pleasant feelings Okiek have about their life I came to
feel as well. For example, repeatedly in conversation the words,

timdo, tumdo, tumda, are heard. I am sure it is no linguistic accident

 

that these similar words are important to them and that their meanings
are, in the Okiek view, closely intertwined. Timdg is forest, the
Okiek's own country, their shelter, larder, and home. 22222.15
ceremony, the quintessence of Okiek happiness, the expression of all
their needs satisfied (especially drinking) and beliefs fulfilled.
.EEE§§.iS the giant forest hog, the most frequent and most reliable
source of forest food in the Okiek diet. The forest provides the
Okiek with meat to subsist on, and honey to make possible the cere-

monies which give social and cultural meaning to Okiek life.

291

Symbolic Categories of Okiek Culture

 

Before presenting conclusions about the way honey integrates
the personality, cultural and social systems of the Okiek, it is
informative to discuss the meanings of honey in the context of other
categories of Okiek culture. What are the distinctive features by
which honey, honey water, and honey wine are distinguished in Okiek
culture? That is, what are the basic components which underly the
meanings of each of these symbolic categories, and also what are the
distinctive features which distinguish the meanings of these three
categories from other ritually important categories, such as fat and
the mabwaita shrine? Some discussions of the distinctive qualities of
honey has been presented in Chapter 5. To begin with, a restatement
of those distinctive qualities is useful to putting honey in its wider
context as one system of symbols related to others in Okiek culture.

Honey is categorized by the Okiek in three forms: pure honey
ngygg , honey water (lokomek), and honey wine (ggtik). Physically
honey and honey water are distinguished by the presence or absence of
water, while honey water and honey wine are distinguished by the
presence or absence of alcohol. Physiologically these distinctions
reflect the Okiek feeling that honey and honey water on the one hand
are nutritionally good for the body, while, on the other hand, honey
wine may be enjoyable but under some circumstances (pregnancy,
nursing, and doing responsible work) it is deleterious. Socially this
same dichotomy exists between honey and honey water as food and drink
for children (mostly) as opposed to honey wine as a drink for only the

initiated: adults and the ancestors.

292
Culturally this same distinction reflects the belief that honey and
honey water signify individual good health, strength (in the sense of
growing up physically strong and healthy) and longevity, while honey
wine, in contrast, represents inter—personal qualities: friendship,
hospitality, and respect and their opposites. Culturally, then, the
distinction is between concern for individual well-being vs. concern
for group welfare. The distinguishing quality which underlies the use
and belief in honey and honey water vs. honey wine (an alcohol/non-
alcohol distinction) is, therefore, an opposition between "self"
orientation and "other" orientation, between a person's self-concern
and his concern for others.

A second type of distinction among the categories honey, honey
water, and honey wine is made by the Okiek: a distinction between
pure honey and watered honey (honey water and honey wine). Under—
standing the opposition of these last two categories will elucidate
the meanings of the first opposition discussed above. The physical
difference between thick, sticky honey and honey as a watery drink is
obvious. The Okiek especially call attention to this difference.

They see honey as an easily transportable but unpleasantly sticky
substance, whereas, on the other hand, honey water and honey wine are
difficult to carry around but are "clean"; that is, they don't cause a
sticky mess as does pure honey. In rituals the Okiek use honey water
and honey wine for blessing individuals and groups by spraying these
watery substances over the persons, symbolizing the blessing of those
persons by god. Using pure honey in the same way, or even in the way
fat is used in blessing-~by dabbing it on--is considered messy and

inconvenient. The distinction between those two aspects of honey

.F‘"

 

 

 

 

293
(watered and non-watered, alcoholic and non-alcoholic), therefore,
reflects a distinction between pure honey as an individually eaten
food vs. honey as a liquid used in supernatural blessing. The dis-
tinctive feature in this case is self-orientation vs. supernatural
(god) orientation as compared to the alcoholic vs. non—alcoholic
opposition reflecting a self vs. other person orientation.

While the distinction between pure honey and honey wine is
evident both in its form (watered vs. non-watered) and in its content
(alcoholic vs. non-alcoholic), the position of honey water is
different. Honey water is physically and symbolically a "betwixt and
between" substance and category. It partakes of some of the content
and quality of both pure honey and honey wine but is distinguished
from either one by its partial similarity to the opposite one. This
"between" relationship is reflected on a cultural level by the
association of honey water with god's blessing. God, through the
medium of honey water, is an intermediary force between the
individual's own efforts to maintain himself (symbolized by eating
pure honey) and the individual's efforts to keep his ancestors and
outside people from hurting him (symbolized by the pouring of honey
wine for the ancestors and serving honey wine to other persons). The
tripartite distinction in forms of honey and their relationship to the
triangular relationship of a person, god, and other persons (living or
dead) reflects the two overlapping sets of Oppositions discussed above
such that the intermediate forms of honey, honey water, symbolizes
the betwixt and between nature of god as an intermediary between the
conflict of self—preservation and the necessities of tempering self—

interest for the good of the social group. Honey in its various forms

294

symbolizes this basic conflict in Okiek society, a conflict which is
common to all humans living in social groups. The normative aspect
of behavior--the proscription of socially disfunctional behavior--in
fact, is the distinctive quality of what we call culture.

It is worth noting at this point another related tripartite
distinction drawn between man, god, and social persons (especially
ancestors), which was elaborated upon in Chapter 5. In this case the
mabwaita shrine represents certain qualities of "strength" in man
which are related to the blessings of god (who resides above in the
sky) and the sometimes malevolent actions of the ancestors (who reside
below in the earth). The mabwaita symbolizes the living who are born
and grow up to be strong and healthy by the grace of god but who may
also become sick and die because of the annoyance of ancestors. As
was shown in Chapter 5, the meanings of the three forms of honey are
closely integrated with this analogous tripartite relationship such
that these correlations in meanings exist:

man (mabwaita): pure honey: self-interest
god (in the sky): honey water: intermediary
ancestors (below): honey wine: general welfare

Besides the mabwaita and honey, fat is a third significant
symbol used in Okiek ritual. Physically fat is most closely similar
to pure honey. The Okiek conceive of fat as nutritionally valuable
food like honey. This reflects the fact that both are concentrated
food sources with high caloric content and thus both give a sense of
energy and satiation when eaten. Thus both are correspondingly
highly valued. Then why are they ritually distinguished, one being

used symbolically in circumstances different from the other? Actually

295
the meanings attached to pure honey and fat are similar. It is the
multivariate qualities of honey which are the distinguishing aspect
between the two substances. Fat, like pure honey, is associated with
nurturance, that is, the feeding and caring relationship between a
mother and her child. A.mother feeds her child fat and honey, she
also rubs fat all over her child's body in the belief that it is good
for the child's health. By analogy (as described in Chapter 6), when
a man.marries, his wife is symbolically accepted into his family by
his mother,who feeds the bride honey and then anoints her upper body
with fat. Likewise in an initiation ceremony it is the initiated
girl's mother who symbolically anoints all guests with a dab of fat
in recognition of her acceptance and blessing of those who have come
to the ceremony. Conversely, during this ceremony one rite consists
of all the adults present anointing the girls who are to be initiated
with fat, meaning that they approve of and accept the girls as adults
into the "family of adults," so to speak. What distinguishes honey
from fat is that honey symbolizes nurturance per se, the willingness
of one person to care for the other, while fat symbolizes not only
caring but also the acceptance of that person into a new group, be it
the ceremonial group, the family, or adulthood. Acceptance, however,
still implies nurturance: that if one is accepted into a group he
must himself accept the responsibility for caring for those he joins
just as they in turn accept the responsibility of caring for him.
Thus, for example, a wife is accepted into a family and is expected to
care for her husband, his relatives, and the family's children which
she will bear. In turn, the husband and his parents accept their

obligation to care for the new wife.

 

 

 

 

296

These symbolic categories, honey, mabwaita, and fat, all
reveal in their "deep structure" an Opposition between concern for
self and a concern for others. This Opposition appears in all
spheres of social life and is articulated by the use and belief in
these symbolic categories. The pronounced emphasis on honey as the
central symbolic category derives from its multiphasic attributes.
Because of its wider range of forms (three as opposed to one), it
tends to be similar to, and thus encompasses, other symbolic
categories (such as fat) and thus partakes of those qualities and
'meanings which other categories may have. Honey's significance also
derives from its analogous integration with the relationships of
individuals, god, and other persons as symbolized in the mabwaita
shrine; that is, the meanings of mabwaita reflect the meanings
associated with honey, honey water, and honey wine, but also the
meaning of mabwaita is expressed in ritual by the use of these three
forms of honey. Each of these forms of honey expresses the central
problem of social life--the conflict of self-interest and social
necessities-emore fully and in more contexts than does any other
symbol in Okiek culture. From a cultural perSpective the central role
of honey in the lexicon of Okiek symbols derives from this fact,
although the reason why honey persists as the central symbol is in
large part dependent on the satisfaction honey provides for Okiek
personality needs and drives. The latter relationship of honey as a
cultural symbol to honey in the social and personality systems will
constitute the discussion in the last and concluding section of this

chapter.

297

Honey in Okiek Personality, Culture and Society

If culture is a set of symbols which constitute a system in
which the meanings of symbols have a coherence one to another, then
honey must be considered the central symbol in Okiek culture since its
meanings integrate all categories of culture at the highest level of
abstraction. In Chapter 4 the meaning of honey was discussed primarily
with respect to how it integrates Okiek religious beliefs and
practices. In a wider sphere honey is also central to Okiek ethos;
that is, it is a major part of what the Okiek feel is their distinctive
character and quality of life. Since honey is a major part of these
principles which direct Okiek thought and behavior, it is the most
appropriate illustration for this thesis of the interpenetration of
Okiek social, cultural, and personality systems, and the relationship
of these systems to the natural environment.

Each chapter in this thesis has described the role of honey in
the principal categories of Okiek life: the natural and social
environments, personality, culture, and society. Describing the role
and function of honey in any system may explain h93_it works, but it
does not completely explain Ehy_it works or why it exists at all.
There are different levels of explanation. In this thesis I have
presented, so far, a structural-functional explanation for the role of
honey. With the exception of the discussion on personality, nothing
has been said about more basic levels of explanation. The present
section will attempt to do this by answering three types of questions

which relate to why honey is important:

298
1) Why does honey exist as the central symbol in Okiek
culture? Why does honey have such a high cultural
significance, rather than, for instance, the animals
from which the Okiek derive most of their
subsistence?

2) Why are the meanings imputed to honey believed in by

the Okiek?

3) Why do the Okiek believe in the truth of their con-

ceptions about honey?

These questions ultimately require an explanation of the
psychological functions by which the beliefs and practices relating to
honey maintain themselves by their ability to satisfy needs and reduce
drives. The locus of this type of explanation, of course, is in
individual personalities. Significantly the personality system is
also the locus of culture, that is, that bipartite aspect of culture
which is the internalized norms, values, beliefs, and knowledge shared
by members of a society. Understanding interrelationships of culture
and needs and drives on the level of personality is the basis for
explaining the "believability" of the meaning of honey in Okiek life.
In the following discussion I am indebted to Geertz (1966) for posing
general explanations to the questions listed above, which are applica-
ble to the specific question of honey in Okiek life.

The first part of the explanation deals with meaning, as
opposed to needs and drives. Geertz (1966:4) has demonstrated how
meanings given to symbols such as honey are believable because a

society's religion, a major category of culture, is:

299
(l) a system of symbols which.act to (2) establish powerful,
pervasive, and long lasting moods and motivations in men by
(3) formulating conceptions of a general order of existence
and (4) clothing these conceptions with such an aura of
factuality that (5) the moods and motivations seem uniquely
realistic.

Stated in another way, a meaning becomes believable because
what people want to believe in appears to be the truth because of
their particular world view. This is important to understanding why
the meanings attributed to honey are believed in by the Okiek and,
therefore, it is necessary to restate this explanation in terminology
relevant to integrating this explanation with psychological theory.
Thus, what the people of a society believe is the "good life," their
ethos (or, as Geertz puts it: "conceptions of a general order of
existence"), represents a set of commonly held goals which are
desirable to attain. These goals, however, in order to be feasible,
must be congruent with reality. A major function of a society's
culture, especially that part of culture which is religion, is to
restructure objective reality by way of a world view which the
society's members grow up believing is the "correct" perception of
that reality. This world view also serves a double purpose: it makes
peOple believe that their goals (ethos) are right since they appear to
be uniquely congruent with "reality." As Geertz expresses this: "...
clothing these conceptions (goals) with such an aura of factuality
that the moods and motivations seem uniquely realistic." Thus,
cultural goals and.world view perpetuate each other by confirming the
seeming "realness" of the other. Thisftmctional circularity works on

a psychological level, though rarely on a sociological level, and

therefore, it is possible to discuss how these meanings are necessarily

300
supported by needs and drives. In the following discussion of the
relationship of cultural meanings and psychological needs and drives,
I am indebted to Spiro (1966).

The fundamental basis of behavior is that individuals strive
for the satisfaction of needs and reduction of drives. Social life,
however, requires a channeling of behavior into predictable roles. A
society's culture functions, in part, to mediate between the needs and
drives of individuals and the functional requirements for the
maintenance of the social system. By providing common goals, a common
world view, but also a variety of cultural beliefs and practices, a
culture functions to satisfy both individual needs and drives, and
social necessities. This is accomplished in at least three principal
ways: (1) A world view helps individuals to adjust to a complex and
often inexplicable reality by offering plausible explanations for
their need to know the "What, why, and bows" of their existence.

(2) Individuals must also §g§p£_to reality, and for this an ethos
provides realizable goals so that peOple can satisfy their desire to

attain goals. Finally, (3) individuals must be able to accommodate

 

their more idiosyncratic needs and drives; that is, they must be able
to integrate themselves into society without letting their repressed
impulses disrupt social functions. Variety in cultural beliefs and
practices provide for, and also reflect, the expression of many types
of otherwise unacceptable personal impulses. These three types of
functional relationships between cultural meanings and psychological
needs and drives show how needs and drives are both molded to the
necessities of social life and are satisfied by the opportunities that

a society and its culture provide for their expression. Taken

301
together, it may be concluded that

(l) the meanings of cultural symbols such as honey are
believable because the unique congruence between an ethos
and a world view makes these meanings convincingly "real,"
but

 

(2) these meanings exist because they satisfy needs and
reduce drives.

They do not exist because they satisfy certain functional prerequisites
for the maintenance of the social system as traditional structural-
functional assumptions would have us believe. On the other hand,
cultural beliefs and practices with their constituent meanings do sup-
port the social system but necessarily through the intermediation of
the personality system.

Thus the three types of psychological functions explained above
(adjustment, adaption, and accommodation) all happen to support
sociological functions as unintended consequences of their own satis-
faction. First, the need for explanation, as Hallowell (1955) has
pointed out, provides society with a common behavioral environment or
world view which satisfies a set of minimal requirements for the
existence of a society: a common object, spaciotemporal, motivational,
normative, and self-orientation. Secondly, the desire for the
attainment of goals also provides for social stability because the
cultural system provides common goals which direct behavior into
common patterns of behavior. Thirdly, the need to express unacceptable
impulses serves a sociological function when potentially disruptive
behavior can be canalized into socially constructive attitudes and
activities, such as when an aggressive person finds satisfaction and

approval by serving in an army. These three sets of interdependent

302

psychological and social functions illustrate Spiro's (1966:120) point
that not only are psychological variables necessary for the explana-
tion of cultural phenomena but they also may be necessary for under-
standing some social functions which otherwise would go unnoticed.

It is useful at this point to present a number of examples
drawn from Okiek data to illustrate the foregoing statements. These
are presented in such a way as to show

(1) why the meanings imputed to honey are believed in by the
Okiek.

(2) what psychological needs and drives are satisfied by the
use of honey and, by so doing, help to maintain certain

cultural beliefs and practices and certain social roles.

(3) on the most abstract plane, why the Okiek are convinced
of the truths of their beliefs about honey.

The Okiek share certain acknowledged views and unacknowledged
feelings about the world they live in. They are sometimes quite
explicit about what they believe exists in the "world" (including such
apparent intangibles as supernatural beings and forces) and what is
good and bad about the world. At other times their feelings on the
subject are inarticulate but emerge to the observer in a whole range
of projective areas, most notably culture, which I view as a system of
symbols whose meanings reflect shared projections of common
experiences which have become a cathected part of individual person-
alities. That is, culture has two major aspects: it is both an
object of orientation for individuals and an internalized set of ideas,
beliefs, values, and expressive symbols within the individual's
personality (Parsons and Shils 1951:21-22).

On the most abstract plane, the Okiek see the world as unpre-

dictable to the extent that natural and social changes occur with

303

sufficient irregularity as to create apparent discomfort and anxiety.
A good example, because it is always on the Okiek tongue, is the
unpredictability, if not actual lack, of food sources. The Okiek are
forever commenting to one another on how much food (most frequently
expressed in terms of honey supply) there is at this or that place and
how the people there are faring as a consequence. As shown in Chapter
2, honey production is dependent on a bewildering combination of
natural forces to which the Okiek add the influence of supernatural
forces affecting whether or not there will be much flowering in one
forest or another at a certain time. Asked when they expect flowering
in such and such a forest, the Okiek respond in the vaguest terms and,
if pressed, merely shrug and mumble something about "god's will." On
the other hand, if the flowering fails to appear for a long time or
over a wide area, the Okiek sometimes interpret this as a result of
the malevolent vengeance of a person. Thus, when the flowering failed
to appear through most of 1969, many Okiek said it was caused by
Maasai 91_loiboni (witchdoctors) who were jealous of the cows Okiek
were now accumulating. In such a case the procedure for normalizing
the situation is for a group of Okiek to take up a collection of honey
(or money since there was no honey then) and take it to the Ql_loiboni
as an offering, requesting that he remove the curse. This is what the
Okiek did in 1969 and the flowering came again later in the year.

In this example Okiek world view is, in part, constituted by a
feeling that many phenomena are unpredictable but that this unpre-
dictability, in hindsight, is explicable in terms of certain natural

and supernatural forces. These forces are more or less susceptible to

304
influence by mortals. In this case the Okiek world view satisfies
certain psychological requirements (1) for adjustment, by explaining
the unpredictable lack of honey, (2) for adaptation, by providing
procedures for realizing the goal of getting honey, and (3) for ac-
commodation, by assuaging feelings of anxiety, caused by the frustra-
tion of getting no honey, by participating in an activity which was
viewed as leading to a satisfactory conclusion to the problem. The
satisfaction of these psychological needs happens to result in
behavior which contributes to the maintenance of the social system.
By paying the witchdoctor and subsequently finding the flowers in
bloom, the Okiek reinforce their common belief that what they thought
caused their troubles, really did. This sort of fulfilled prophesy
reinforces common cultural beliefs, ideas, values, and norms, another
necessary prerequisite of predictability in social relations for the
maintenance of the social system.. In a similar manner their
activities dramatize the existence of common goals which are also
functional requirements for social stability. Finally, by venting
their anxiety over no honey into a "constructive" goal-oriented
activity, impulses which were potentially disruptive to social order
were satisfactorily assuaged.

An analogous situation deriving from the same perception of
the world is the belief that god is ultimately responsible for the
conditions which bring about the flowering of trees. God is a
positive or neutral force in terms of human needs, as Opposed to the
negative forces sometimes unleashed by witchdoctors, ancestors, and
gaugisto. Thus an Okiot hoping to get a lot of honey on a trip to

the forest will offer a short prayer to god asking to be granted his

 

 

 

 

’Ilq

305
desire. On a social level this same system of beliefs is expressed
collectively in a ceremony, such as an initiation, when the elders
beseech god to bestow his blessings on all those present that they may
have good health, long life, and many children. Significantly the
symbolic vehicle of that blessing upon the people is the honey water
sprayed or spit on everyone by the elders as they encant the blessing
as the intermediary between god and the Okiek. Again, the beliefs and
practices of this rite tend to satisfy those psychological needs
explained above, while also supporting certain functional requirements
of the social system.

A corollary principle of Okiek world view is that a person's
physical ability to survive is jeOpardized by certain forces which
cause sickness, birth deformation, personal misfortune, and untimely
death to oneself or to one's family. Disease, deformity, and death,
the Okiek believe, may be caused by supernatural forces as a conse-
quence of one's neglect of prescribed norms of conduct toward certain
persons. If one fails to "respect" a deceased relative by not pouring
him honey wine, then sickness, deformity, and death may visit one's
family, those living and those yet to be born. Death by gaugisto may
stalk a family for generations if a homicide remains uncompensated.
And, as already mentioned, in the case of a witchdoctor causing the
absence of flowers, misfortunes of a personal or general nature may be
caused by witchcraft.

Under this same principle may be included much of the recog-
nized force behind the proper performance of forms of conduct between

kith, kin, and other categories of relationship. Respect is a

306
cardinal ingredient of most norms of behavior between all people and
especially between persons of different age-sets and in-laws. The
ultimate threat supporting prescribed behavior is the fear that
causing displeasure in others may lead to their retaliation by magical
means which would result in, usually, sickness or death, but also
other personal misfortunes. As indicated in Chapter 6, both in the
prOper maintenance of social relations and in procedures for re-
establishing otherwise estranged relations, honey is the central
symbolic vehicle.

Again, it can be seen that the satisfaction of psychological
needs also supports social functions. This is evident also in another
principle of Okiek world view, which is that the world is inhabited by
"other people" (enemies, almost by definition) who are basically
aggressive and hostile to the Okiek and Okiek interests. The basic
posture the Okiek take to these people is to placate the enemy by

apparently acceding to their demands while being "clever,"

as they say,
in outsmarting the antagonists in such a way as to avoid and escape
them. Recalling the discussion in Chapter 3, honey is the principal
instrument as well as commodity for establishing and maintaining Okiek—
Maasai relations. Furthermore, this passive Okiek life—style is con-
sistent with the passive—aggressive (e.g., expressing aggression in an
indirect manner) Okiek personality described in Chapter 4.

Offering the above explanations for how honey contributes to
the maintenance of personality and social systems is only part of
explaining why honey is central to Okiek life. Since the psychological

functions of honey discussed above are mostly unintended and unrec-

ognized (e.g., latent) they ignore other important motivations for the

307
belief in and practices associated with honey. The most obvious are
substantive explanations, the intended, recognized, manifest functions
which the Okiek offer as their own explanations for their use of honey
in rituals contexts. Drawing on their beliefs, Okiek say that honey
is the substance they use in rituals because it is the "right thing"
for praying to god and ancestors. The "rightness" of honey is
explained in Chapter 4, that is, how honey is symbolically related to
other categories of culture. Mere frequently Okiek will merely state
that the reason they use honey is "that is the way from long ago."
The implication of this phrase is discussed in Chapter 4 and indicates
a feeling that goals which are affected through the intervention of
the supernatural are more likely to be realized if continuity in
ritual is maintained through generations. This is not unusual; in
fact, it may be characteristic of all people's attitude toward
religious ritual.

Another type of motivation which helps to account for the role
of honey is affective motivation which is unintended but may or may
not be recognized. This may include all three types of psychological
functions discussed above. These functions have a common motivation
in the desire to reduce fears and anxieties. To use a Western analogy,
average church-goers are unlikely to claim that they attend church
services to alleviate their fears, but they frequently acknowledge
that the religious experience has a "calming" and "reassuring" effect,
though such feelings may be couched in terms of actual supernatural
events taking place which "cause" these results (e.g., "God entered my
soul").

Explaining behavior in terms of immediate needs and drives is

308
only half a satisfactory answer. Needs and drives take their indi-
vidual form in childhood familial experience, and it is for this
reason that Chapter 4 explores extensively the psycho-genic basis for
certain aspects of adult Okiek personalities which, it is argued, are
most closely related to the belief in and use of honey as a ritual
symbol and as a form of food and alcoholic beverage. It is in the
context of honey as an intoxicating drink that evidence is presented
to account for a second type of explanation: why are the Okiek con-
vinced of the value of honey instead of something else as the central
symbolic category of Okiek culture?

The broadest answer to this question is that honey, unlike
other substances, has unusual properties (in its various forms) which
uniquely confirm its role (1) in fulfilling needs which are particu-
larly evident in Okiek personalities, (2) given these psychological
needs, honey's real and imputed prOperties lend it more easily than
other possible categories to being the central symbolic category in
Okiek culture, that is, the one symbol which relates the meanings of
most other cultural objects to each other in a coherent manner, and
(3) honey is the most important instrumentality in Okiek society for
reasons derived from (1) and (2); that is, it provides a vehicle for
satisfying psychological needs in roles whose performance helps to
maintain the necessary functional requirements of the social system
and, secondly, its role in Okiek culture provides a model for norms of
social relations as well as reflecting a model of ideal social
relationships.

The third and final type of explanation deals with the most

abstract conception of honey: why are the Okiek convinced of the

309
truth of their beliefs about honey? Geertz (l966:3 ) has argued that,
on a cultural level, religious beliefs and practices are believable
because they are rendered uniquely realistic by "...sacred symbols
which function to synthesize a people's ethos--the tone, character,
and quality of life, its moral and aesthetic style and mood—-and their
world viewa-the picture they have of the way things in sheer actuality
are..." In this thesis I have presented data to substantiate the
argument that the Okiek believe in the truths they ascribe to honey
because the beliefs appear to have a face validity,and this validity
appears obvious to the Okiek because the way they have been brought up
to understand the world happens to be consistently congruent with what
they "know" is good or bad, and pleasing or displeasing, about their
way of life.

This cultural analysis of honey as a symbol suggests that
there is a high degree of consistency between the relationship of the
.meanings of honey to other categories of culture. On a cultural level
this is reasonable to expect; one of the primary functions of culture
is to provide a consistent set of explanations for an otherwise
inexplicable reality. Because of its consistency and high value on
the cultural level, honey is also uniquely suited to being the most
important cultural symbol used as an instrumentality on the social
level. Precisely because of its commonly believed value, honey is the
most appropriate instrument for articulating otherwise conflicting
social relations. The Okiek do not have formal statuses, such as
headman or chief, which could wield sufficient influence or power to

resolve or close off conflicting social relations. As a consequence

310

the Okiek have, of necessity, relied on informal means of effecting
social control. Honey literally and figuratively "lubricates" social
relations. The use of alcohol for this type of purpose, of course,
is common to many societies, but it is among the Okiek, however, that
it reaches into the widest range of social relations with the greatest
intensity of use. The marriage case presented in Chapter 6 aptly
describes how honey and honey wine is used at each stage of the
developing relationship between two ambivalently motivated lineages.

In concluding this thesis, honey can be said to have three
major aspects: psychological, cultural, and sociological. Within
each of these three systems honey has at least two modes. Psycho-
logically it operates on conscious and unconscious levels. Culturally
it operates on analogous levels: as an object of orientation and as
an internalized cathected mode. Socially honey operates on the level
of behavior. It also operates on another social level analogous to
the unconscious level. This is the most difficult aspect to under-
stand, largely because it is relatively unexplored in the anthro-
pological literature (excepting a traditional preoccupation with this
area by French sociologists). Recently Turner (1969:94—130) has dis-
cussed this type of aspect in terms of "liminality" as a social
expression of a "sentiment of human kindness" which he calls
communitas. "Sentiment," of course, is a sociological euphemism for
what is really a psychological motivation. Although Turner does not
treat communitas as a psychological phenomenon expressed on a
sociological level, it is clear to me that the quality of status vs.

equality, prOperty vs. communality, is essentially an expression of a

 

 

 

 

 

311
universal psychological dilemma: the conflict between trust and mis-
trust as a basis for personal security (Erickson 1963:247). This
psychological aspect of social relations deserves more attention than
it has received in the past. In the present context this aspect
relates to the use of honey as a ritual symbol in such liminal periods
as the transition rites of initiation, marriage, and death.

In summarizing, I have attempted in this thesis to analyze the
role of honey in Okiek personality, culture, and society. I have done
this by showing the processes by which honey becomes significant for
individuals (and thus for society as a whole) and the roles in which
honey operates and by which it satisfies a wide range of functions.
The fulfillment of these functions, it has been shown, not only main—
tains the support for honey's use but also supports certain require-
ments for the maintenance of the social, cultural, and personality
systems. The interrelationships of honey and these three systems can
be expressed in this way:

Children are born and grow up to bear their own children and
when they are old they become as dependent on their children as their
children's children now are on their own parents. And when they die
they still "live" for the care their living descendants should give
them, a type of care they always have needed but also personally
desired, a type of care derived from the most fundamental principle of
living: staying alive, which to the Okiek most of all means being fed
and being given drinks. These are the things which they believe are
the conditions of living. The gratification of oral needs becomes

associated from birth with love (but also rejection) and with caring

 

 

 

 

 

 

312
(but also self—reliance) and persists beyond the memory of the oldest
ancestor. How one relates to others as a child, as an adult, and as
an ancestor is contingent on establishing significant relationships,
in large part through the most obvious expression of caring for others:
feeding and drinking. An object or action becomes a symbol when it
conveys more than its objective qualities. Honey, honey water, and
honey wine convey a multiplicity of specific meanings in social
relations and cultural beliefs and practices, but also a common meaning
in all relations and beliefs; by giving honey or honey wine an Okiot
symbolizes what he feels, but cannot articulate: that he wishes to
overcome his usual sense of self-preserving mistrust of others and join
in a sense of trust with others, a feeling of communitas--the essence
of real social life and the "religious experience." It is most
significant that this fundamental personality conflict of trust vs.
mistrust is rooted in the same phase of early experience which deter-
mines a person's and a society's response to oral functions. The role
of honey in Okiek society, culture, and personality is uniquely suited
to the dispositions of both personal and interpersonal needs, by
providing the symbol and substance in a single object by which one
disposition appears uniquely coherent with the other, and thus con-

firming in the Okiek mind the truth of their beliefs about honey.

...4

4.1

 

 

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