DR. JOHNsON'S TRANS-LAUGHS
FROM THE FRENCH

Thesis {’09 “N Degree of DH. D.
MECHEGAN STATE UREYEESE’L‘Y
John Lawrence Abbott

1963

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thesis entitled

Dr. Johnson's Translations
from the French

presented by

John Lawrence Abbott

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Ph. D. degree in English

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ABSTRACT

DR. JOHNSON'S TRANSLATIONS FROM THE FRENCH

by John Lawrence Abbott

Throughout his long and productive career Dr. Johnson was an
active translator. Little scholarly or critical attention, however, has
been paid to his translations from the French which in quantity and
quality deserve investigation. Dr. Johnson's major French translations
are: Father Lobov's VOJEE to Abyssinia (1735) from Le Grand's Voyage
Historique d'Abissinie (1728); "The Life of Father Paul Sarpi" (1738)

 

 

from Le Courayer's "Vie Abregée de Fra—Paolo" (1736); A Commentary

 

on Mr. Pope's Principles of Morality, or Essay on Man by Monsr

Crousaz (1739) from Crousaz's Commentaire sur la Traduction en Vers

 

de M. l'Abbé Du Resnel, de l'Essai de M. Pope sur l'Homme (1738);

"A Dissertation on the Amazons" (1741) from Guyon's Histoire des

 

Amazones (1740); "A Panegyric on Dr. Morin" (1741) from Fontenelle's

 

"Eloge de M. Morin" (1731); in Dr. James's Medicinal Dictionary (1743)

 

the lives of Ruysch and Tournefort from Fontenelle‘s "Eloge de M. Ruysch"
(1731) and "Eloge de M. de Tournefort" (1708) and the lives of Aesculapius,

Archagathus, Aretaeus, and Asclepiades from Le Clerc's Histoire de la

 

Médecine (1723); and "A Dissertation upon the Greek Comedy" and the

"General Conclusion" from Brumoy's Le Theatre des Grecs (1730)

 

for Charlotte Lennox's The Greek Theatre of Father Brumoy (1759).

 

In speaking of Dr. Johnson's French translations the term trans-
lation needs to be qualified for it is often inadequate to describe just

what he does with his French sources. ‘ Johnson does not view translation

John Lawrence Abbott

simply as a tool to render meaning literally from one language to another
but as a means of commentary, criticism, and interpretation. Thus in
many of his French renditions he does not attempt to translate faithfully
but through condensation, compression, abridgement, and rearrangement
of his foreign text he recreates his foreign source rather than translates
it. Moreover, Johnson often intrudes upon his texts in various ways

and a careful comparison of the French and English reveals Johnsonian
attitudes, biases, and prejudices which we would hardly expect to find in
the supposedly objective medium of translation. In many cases, then, the
term translation fails completely to convey the highly original nature of
Johnson's French renditions. At least several of his French translations,
"A Dissertation on the Amazons, " "The Life of Father Paul Sarpi, " and

some of the biographies in the Medicinal Dictionary, for instance, deserve

 

full membership in the Johnson canon and are worthy of all the consider-
ation we give his wholly original works.

Johnson‘s style as translator from the French is no less obvious
than his style in his English writings. Certainly the chief stylistic
idiosyncrasy in his French translations is the "doublet, " often a doubling
of a modifier as in "une imitation fine" compared to Johnson's rendition,
"a remote and delicate imitation. " The doubtlet is seen so frequently
throughout Johnson's translations that it becomes a sort of signature and
coupled with his various translations of the French idiom, "venir de" plus
an infinitive, it becomes an aid in identifying doubtful translations as
J ohnsonian or not.

An analysis of Dr. Johnson's French translations is useful not only
as it sheds light upon one aspect of his life to which he devoted considerable
time and energy, but also as it reveals that even in what many consider a
less creative part of Johnson's work his personality, attitudes, and

abilities manage to shine through quite forcibly.

DR. JOHNSON'S TRANSLATiONS FROM THE FRENCH

By

John Lawrence Abbott

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCT OR OF PHILOSOPH Y

Department of English

1963

PREFACE

For the assistance‘I have received in writing this study I wish
especially to thank Professor Arthur Sherbo for his guidance, advice,
and suggestions and Professors Hazard Adams, William Heist,

C. David Mead, and A. J. M. Smith for reading and commenting

upon the text. I am also indebted to the staffs of the Reference and
Special Collections departments of the Michigan State University

library for their willingness to borrow, buy, and duplicate the materials
without which this thesis could not have been written. To my wife,
Mary, for her patience, understanding, and encouragement, I am

particularly grateful.

***>§<*****

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

 

CHAPTER PAGE
I. INTRODUCTION 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 1

II. FATHER LOBO'S VOYAGE TO ABYSSINIA . . . . . . 25

III. "THE LIFE OF FATHER PAUL SARPI" . . . . . . . 55

IV. A COMMENTARY ON MR. POPE'S PRINCIPLES OF

 

 

 

MORALITY...................... 72

V. "A DISSERTATION ON THE AMAZONS" . . . . . . . 94
VI. "A PANEGYRIC ON DR. MORIN'I . . . . . . . . . . 110
VII. THE MEDICINAL DICTIONARY BIOGRAPHIES. . . . 118
VIII. ASOURCE FOR IDLER NUMBER 8. . . . . . . . . . 142

IX. "A DISSERTATION UPON THE GREEK COMEDY"
AND THE "GENERAL CONCLUSION" . . . . . . . . 150

X. CONCLUSION............. 169

BIBLIOGRAPHY o' a o o o o o o ccccc o ...... o o o o o 175

iii

APPENDICES

APPENDIX 1 PAGE
1. POEMSooooooooooooo0000000000179

II. "PREFACE" TO SULLY'S MEMOIRS . . . . . . . 181 ,

 

iv

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

The variety and multiplicity of the gifts required of him make
the great translator as infrequent an apparition as the great
critic, who, as everybody knows, is an even rarer bird than the
great poet. Yet literature cannot afford to do without good
translators; in given situations, it may well need them even more
than good authors. Translators are after all the most cosmo-
politan among the citizens of the Republic of Letters; their absence
from the scene, or their presence in a too limited number, may
mean that the literary tradition will rest all too easily within the
‘Chinese wall it has erected around itself. By denying itself a
look beyond that wall, a literature is bound to die of slow exhaus-
tion, or, as Goethe said, of self-boredom.l
Renato Poggioli
Although Samuel Johnson was an active translator from many
languages, including French, Spanish, Italian, Latin, and Greek, little
scholarly or critical attention has been paid to this aspect of his work.
In quantity and certainly in quality his translations from the French
deserve examination. A brief survey of the scholarship on Dr. Johnson's
French translations reveals that there is much to be done on this aspect
of his life to which he chose, for various reasons, to devote a consider-

able amount of time and energy.

 

l"The Added Artificer, "‘ On Translation, ed. , Reuben A. Brewer
(Cambridge, Mass., 1959). p. 147.-

 

Dr. Johnson's first translation from the French, Father Lobo's

 

Voyage to Abyssinia (1735) from Joachim Le Grand's Voyage Historique

 

 

d'Abissinie (1728), has attracted some scholarly and critical notice not

 

only because it is Johnson's first prose work, but also because of its
relationship with Rasselas. _ Little has been said, however, about
Johnson's translation of his French source. Donald Lockhart in a recent

Harvard dissertation, Father Jeronymo 'Lobo's Writings Concerning

 

Ethiogia, Including Unpublished M85 in the Palmella Library, includes a
short discussion of Johnson’s translation of Le Grand's work, but he
does not go much beyond a structural comparison of the French and

English texts.z Donald Greene in The Politics of Samuel Johnson indicates

 

that a comparison of the French and English texts is necessary in any
serious study of the work. He says, "Johnson's fairly drastic cutting and
condensation of some parts of Le Grand's text should be kept in mind;

the serious student of the work will compare it with the French original
as he goes along. "3 A close analysis of the two texts is needed, then,“
and would provide, as Greene suggests, a base from which a serious
examination of Johnson's first prose work could be made.

Dr. Johnson's translation of Father Paul Sarpi's Hi story of the

 

Council of Trent from the French edition of Pierre-Frangois Le Courayer

 

(1736) never appeared because of his feud with a rival translator who
was working on the same text.4 Recently, however, the "Proposals"
for the printing of this work were discovered which contain the first few
paragraphs of Johnson's translation of Le Courayer's edition. From

this small sample we are able to get some idea of how he translated his

 

2Department of Romance Languages (1958), pp. 70-79.
3(New Haven, 1960), p. 302, n- 39.

‘See Edward Ruhe, "The Two Samuel Johnsons, " N810 (October
1954), 432-435 for an account of this feud.

French source. In 1738, moreover, an article by Johnson appeared in the
Gentleman's Magazine for November (581-583), entitled,- "The Life of
Father PAUL SARPI, Author of the History of the COUNCIL OF TRENT;

 

For Printing a new Translation of which, by S. JOHNSON, we have
publish'd Proposals. " E. L. McAdam, Jr. , in "Johnson's Lives of

Sarpi, Blake, and Drake, " suggests that the article was meant to be an
advertisement for Johnson's forth coming translation of Sarpi's History
and that it is a translation, paraphrase, and condensation of Le Courayer's
"Vie Abregée de Fra-Paolo" in his edition of Sarpi's work.5 Although
McAdam's comments about Johnson's translation of Le Courayer's "Vie
Abregée" are, sound throughout, there is need for a more complete
analysis of how Johnson works with his source.

7 Johnson's third translation from the French is A Commentary on

 

on Mr. .POpe's Principles of Morality, or Essay on Man by Monsr

 

Crousaz (1739) from Jean Pierre de Crousaz's Commentaire sur-la

 

Traduction en Vers de M. .l'Abbé Du Resnel, de l'Essai de M- Pope sur

 

l'Homme (1738), The commentary on these two works has been mainly
bibliographical, and there has been no examination of the French and
English texts.

In the Gentleman's MajLazine for April, 1741 (202-208) there is an
article attributed to Johnson by Boswell entitled "A DISSERTATION on

 

the‘AMAZONSa From the History of the Amazons, written in French by
the ABBE DE GUYON" which is a'translation of the Abbé de Guyon's

‘Histoire des Amazones Anciennes et Modernes (1740). The scholarship

 

on this translation is slight, and no thorough comparison of the French
and English texts has beenmade. In the Gentleman's Magazine for July,
1741 (375-377) there is an article entitled "A Panegyric on Dr. MORIN,

 

by Mr. Fontenelle" which Boswell attributes to Johnson on internal evidence.

 

5PMLA, LVIII (June 1943), 466-476.

This article, a translation of Fontenelle's "Eloge de M. Morin" from

his Eloges des Academiciens de l'Académie Royale des Sciences (1731),

 

has received little scholarly attention.
Dr. Johnson's contributions to Dr. Robert James's Medicinal

Dictionary (1743-1745) are not yet fully determined, and I shall examine

 

only those items mentioned by Professor Allen Hazen in two articles in

the Bulletin of the Institute of the History of Medicine as probable or

 

possible translations from the French by Johnson. In his "Samuel Johnson
and Dr. Robert James" Hazen suggests that the "Life of Tournefort" in
"Botany" is translated by Johnson from Fontenelle's "Eloge" from

Histoire de I'Académie Royals des Sciences (1708). In the same article

 

Hazen states that "Aesculapius" may well be drawn by Johnson from

Daniel Le Clerc's Histoire de la Médecine, and he has little doubt that

 

"Aretaeus" and "Archagathus" are translated by Johnson from Le Clerc.
Hazen also feels-that "Asclepiades, " which is a translation from-Le Clerc,
is "very probably" by Johnson.6 In "Johnson's Life of Frederic Ruysch"
Hazen suggests that the "Life of Frederic Ruysch" in "Anatomy" in the

Medicinal Dictionary is Johnson's translation of Fontenelle's "Eloge"

 

from Histoire de l'Académie Royale des Sciences.7 Since Hazen is more

 

concerned with questions of attribution in both these articles than trans-
lation, more work needs to be done on how Johnson used his French sources.

Johnson's last major translation from the French is "A Dissertation
upon the Greek Comedy" and the "General Conclusion" which he trans-

lated for Mrs. Charlotte Lennox's The Greek Theatre of Father Brumoy

 

(1759) from Pierre Brumoy's Le Theatre des Grecs (1730). No one has

 

examined the two sections Johnson translated or compared them with
the translations of other sections by Dr. Sharpe, Dr. Grainger, John

Bourryau, the Earl of Corke and Orrery, and Mrs. Lennox in the same work.

 

61v (June 1936), 455-465.
7VIII (March 1939), 324-334

The only other French translations which need to be examined are
a paragraph inlcllir No. 8 for'Saturday, 3 June 1758 and three short
poems. The probable source of the Idler paragraph is either the Abbé
de Vertot's Histoire des Chevaliers Hospitaliers de S. Jean (4th ed.
1755), II. 194-203 or a French version (1643) of Giacomo Bosio's
Dell 'istoria . . . de S. Gio. Gierosolno (1621-84),:II. 71-74. The three

 

poems are: ”Translation of Verses from a French Pantomine"; Trans-
lation of Lines by Benserade"; and "Translations of French Verses on
Skating. " Also, I have included a brief analysis of the "Preface" to
Sully's Memoirs in an attempt to determine if Johnson might have trans-
lated it.

Edward Niles Hooker in The Critical Works of John Dennis says

 

that in the early seventeenth century Jonson and Marvell headed a school
which held for literal translation while Harington and Chapman claimed
the translator had the right to deviate from the foreign text. Toward
the middle of the century, and probably under French influence, Cowley
and Denham advanced their theory of loose paraphrase which allowed the
translator considerable freedom.8 These men, in their translations and
pronouncements about translation, together with Dennis, Roscommon, ,-
Dryden, and Pope created that nexus of attitudes about translation that
Johnson inherited. It is only in examining their views on translation
that one can fully~under stand Johnson's translations from the French.
Ben Jonson, J. E. Spingarn points out, was the leading exponent
of literal translation and complimented May's M as late as 1627
for'its fidelity to the original.9 Opposed to Jonson, though, were such
men as George Chapman who vigorously defends his less thanliteral

translation of Homer in his "Preface. " Chapman says, "If any taxe me

 

‘ 8(Baltimore, 1939), I, 462. - Referred to hereafter as Hooker.

9Critical Essays of the Seventeenth Centug (Oxford, 1908), I, liv.
Referred to hereafter as Spingarn.

 

 

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for too much periphrasis or circumlocution in some places, let them

reade Laurentius Valla and Eobanus Hessus, who either vse such short-

 

 

nesse as cometh nothing home to Homer, or, where they shun that fault,
are ten parts more paraphrastical then I. " 10 Later in his "Preface" he
defends his translation with even more force. He writes, "Alwaies
conceiuing how pendanticall and absurd an affectation it is in the inter-
pretation of any Author (much more of Homer) to turn him word for word,
when (according to Horace and other best law- giuers to translators) it is
the best part of euery knowing and iudiciall interpreter, not to follow
the number and order of words, but the materiall things themselues, and
sentences to weigh diligently, and to clothe and adorne them with words,
and such stile and forms of Oration, as are most apt for the language
into which they are conuerted. " 11
Even more than Chapman, though, Sir John Denham and Abraham
Cowley were exemplars of the school of free translation which opposed

the literal translation favored by Jonson. Denham in "To Sir Richard

Fanshaw upon his Translation of Pastor Fido (1647)" praises the poet for

 

his avoidance of literal translation.

That ser'vile path thou nobly dost decline

Of tracing word by word, and line by line.

Those are the labour'd births of slavish brains,
Not the effects of Poetry, but pains;

Cheap vulgar arts, whose narrowness affords
"No flight for thoughts, but poorly sticks at words.
A new and nobler way thou dost pursue

To make Translations and Translators too.

They but preserve the Ashes, thou the Flame,
True to his sense, but truer to his fame.
Foording his current, where thou find'st it low
Let'st in thine own to make it rise and flow;
Wisely restoring whatsoever grace

It lost by change of Times, or Tongues, or Place.

 

10Spingarn, 70.
uSpingarn, 72.

Nor fetter'd to his Numbers, and his Times,
Betray'st his Musick to unhappy Rimes,

Nor are the nerves of his compacted strength
Stretch'd and dis solv'd into unsinnewed length. 12

Denham's poetical attack on the strictures of literal translation is rein-

forced in the "Preface" to his translation of The Destruction of Troi in

 

which he says, "I conceive it a vulgar error in translating Poets, to

affect being Fidus Interpres; . . . there being certain Graces and

 

Happinesses peculiar to every Language, which gives life and energy to
words; and whosoever offers at Verbal Translation, shall have the mis-
fortune of that young Traveller, who lost his own language abroad, and
brought home no other instead of it: for the grace of the Latine will be
lost by being turned into English words; and the grace of the English,
by being turned into the Latine Phrase. " 13

Abraham Cowley, like Denham, was an advocate of freedom in

translation. In the "Preface" to his translation of the Pindarique Odes

 

(1656) Cowley writes, "If a man should undertake to translate‘Pindar

 

word for word, it would be thought that one Mad-man hadtranslated

 

another; . . . We must consider in Pindar the great difference of time
betwixt his age and ours, which changes, as in Pictures, at least the
Colours of Poetry, and no less difference betwixt the Religions and
Customs of our Countr-eys, and a thousand particularities of places,
persons, and manners, which do but confusedly appear to our eyes at so
great a distance. "14- Later in the "Preface" he answers those who would
condemn the freedom of his translation saying, "It does not at all trouble

me that the Grammarians perhaps will not suffer this libertine way of

 

 

12The Poetical Works of Sir John-Denham, ed. , Theodore H. Banks,
Jr. (New Haven, 1928), pp. 143-144, vss. 15-32. Referred to hereafter
as Banks.

13Banks, pp. 159- 160.

l“Abraham Cowley: The Essays and Other Writings, ed. ,- Alfred
B. Gough (Oxford, 1915), pp. 18-19. Referred to hereafter as Gough.

 

 

rendring; foreign Authors, to be called Translation; for I am not so much

 

enamoured of the Name Translator, as not to wish rather to be Something

 

Better, though it want yet a Name. "15 Cowley continues, pointing out
that in his translation he omits from and adds to the original, feeling that
it is best for a translator to reveal his author's "way" and "manner"of
speaking rather than precisely what he spoke.

John Dryden was not only a student of translation and an active
translator in his own right, but he gave to it the nomenclature it badly
needed. Dryden's comments on translation made an impact on his own
time and on later generations of translators, including Johnson. In an
important passage in the "Preface" to his translation of Ovid's Epistles
Dryden describes three kinds of translation.

All translation, I suppose, may be reduced to these three heads.

First, that of metaphrase, or turning an author word by-
word, and line by line, from one language into another. Thus,

or near this manner, was Horace his Art of Poetry translated

 

by Ben Jonson. The second way is that of paraphrase, or trans-
lation with-latitude, where the author is kept in view by the
translator, so as never to be lost, but his words are not so

a strictly followed as his sense; and that too is admitted to be
amplified, but not altered. Such is Mr. Waller's translation of
Virgil's Fourth AEneid. The third way is that of imitation, where
the translator (if now he has not lost that name) assumes the
liberty, not only to vary from the words and sense, but toforsake
them both as he sees occasion; and taking only some general hints
from the original, to run division on the ground—work, as he
pleases. Such is Mr. Cowley's practice in turning two Odes of

A Pindar, and one of Horace, into English. 1"

 

15Gough, p. 22.

“Essays of John. Dryden, ed., W. P. Ker (Oxford, 1900), I, 237.
All subsequent references torthis work will be found in the text.

 

Dryden has little use for direct translation, or what he terms
"metaphrase, " He declares, "In short, the verbal copier is encumbered
with so many difficulties at once, that he can never disentangle himself -
from all. - He is to consider, at the same time, the thought of his author,
and hiswords, and to find out the connterpart to each in another'language;
and, besides this, he is to confine himself to the compass of numbers,
and take the slavery of rhyme" (238). Although Dryden wishes the
translator to eschew "metaphrase" and its strictures, he does not want
him to practice "imitation" as Denham and Cowley did. Dryden says of
their method, "I take imitation of an author, in their sense, to be an
endeavour of a later poet to write like one who has written before him,
on the same subject; that is, not to translate his words, or to be con-
fined to his sense, but only to set him as a pattern, and to write, as he
supposes that author would have done, had he lived in our age, and in
our country" (239). Dryden fears that in using "imitation" the trans-
lator will fail to present his author's thoughts and that although "iniitation "
is the best way for a translator to show his abilities, it is "the greatest
wrong which can be done to the memory and reputation of the dead" (240).
Dryden urges the translator to seek some sort of via media between
the extremes of "imitation" and "metaphrase" and says that the trans-
lator's art, like the painter's, must resemble the original from which
he works.

In his "Preface" to Sylvae: or, the Second Part of Poetical

Miscellanies (1685), Dryden also comments extensively on the nature of

 

translation and makes it clear that he views it more as acreative art
than merely the passive transmission of meaning from one language to
another.
. Yet withal, I must acknowledge, that I have many times exceeded
my commission; for I have both added and omitted, and even

sometimes very boldly made such expositions of my authors as

10

no Dutch commentator will forgive me. Perhaps, in such
particular passages, I have thought that I discovered some beauty
yet undiscovered by those pedants, which none but a poet could
have found. Where I have taken away some of their expressions,
and cut them shorter, it may possibly be on this consideration,-
that what was beautiful in the Greek or Latin, would not appear so
shining in the English: and where I enlarged them, I desire the
false critics would not always think, that those thoughts are wholly
mine, but that either they are secretly in the poet, or may be
fairly deduced from him; or at least, if these considerations
should fail, that my own is of a piece with his, and that if he were
living, and an Englishman, they are such as he would probably
have written. (252)
Later in his "Preface" Dryden reiterates the idea that translation is not
merely the transmission of meaning, but a creative search for the inner
essence of the foreign text. He writes, "'Tis one thing to draw the out-
lines true, the features like, the proportions exact, and the colouring
itself perhaps tolerable; and another thing to make all these graceful,
by the posture, the shadowing, and chiefly, by the spirit which animates
the whole" (252-253). Dryden suggests there is a harder task for the
translator than merely giving the author's sense and that he has "already
hinted a word or two concerning it; that is, the maintaining the character
of an author, which distinguishes him from others, and makes him appear
that individual poet whom you would interpr et" (254).
Dryden, then, thought penetratingly about translation and viewed
it as a creative, interpretive art rather than a mechanical process of
rendering one language into another. He discarded those "rules" which
required a close adherence to the foreign text and championed an approach
that did not hesitate to make those changes which facilitated a deeper

understanding and appreciation of the original. Always, though, he was

11

aware that the translator must strive to avoid the excesses of fidelity
on the one hand and those of liberality on the other.

Another important contributor to the theory of translation in the
seventeenth century was Wentworth Dillon, Earl of Roscommon in his

Essay on Translated Verse (1684). According to Edward Niles Hooker,

 

"Roscommon's remarks on translation probably better represent the
trend of the period following than do Dryden's. "‘7 Roscommon in his
Essay views translation as a noble endeavor and an important means to
enrich English literature. Although he does not feel that translation
draws upon the artist's highest creative powers, he does believe it
requires considerable ability.

'Tis true, Composing is the Nobler Part,
But good Translation is no easie Art;
For tho Materials have long since been found,
Yet both your fancy and your Hands are bound;
And by Improving what was writ Before,

. Invention‘Labours Less, but Judgement more.

 

18

 

A great author, he says, will prove difficult to translate.

For if yourAuthor be profoundly good,
'Twill cost you dear before he's understood.

(302, vss. 7-8)

 

 

But he exhorts the translator to strive for the meaning of the work.

Take pains the genuine Meaning to explore,
There Sweat, there Strain, tug the laborious Oar.
Search ev‘ry Comment that your Care can find,
Some here, some there may hit the Poets Mind.

(302,1vsss. 21-24)

 

 

Like Dryden, Roscommon condemns slavish literalness and suggests

that a translation should suit the time in which it is written.

 

l7Hooker, 426.

“Spingarn, II, 299, vss. 1-6. All subsequent references to this
work will be found in the text.

12

Words in One Language Elegently us'd

Will hardly in another be excus'd,

And some that Rome admir'd in Caesars Time
May neither suit Our Genius nor our Clime.
The Genuine Sence, intelligibly Told,

Shews a Translator both Discret and Bold.

 

 

 

(303, vss. 17-22)
Roscommon, however, is not willing to allow the translator the liberty
Dryden and others do, and in a famous statement in his Essay he warns
against too much freedom in translating a text.

Excursions are inexpiably Bad,
And 'tis much safer to leave out than Add.

 

 

(303, vss. 23-24)

John Dennis's comments about translation in the "Preface" to his
translation of The Passion of Byblis (1692) indicate that he was not
quite as strict as Roscommon in his conception of the duty of the trans-
lator, nor 'quite as liberal as Denham or Cowley. Like Dryden, though,
Dennis views the translator more as a creative artist than a passive
conductor of meaning from one language to another. In his "Preface"
he makes it clear that he has no qualms about "improving" or changing
the original. He says, "Some of my Friends to whom I have recited in
Conversation, the substance of what I have repeated in Writing, have
advised me to leave out this unreasonable similitude, [which Byblis
utters] especially since I have made so bold with Ovid; . . . All thatI
would do here, was by giving this passage another turn, to make that
appear in the Copy to be spoken in a short, but downright Fury, whose
fault it was in the Original to seem to be spoken with too much Consider-
ateness, and too much Coolness of Temper. "19

Translators in the seventeenth century, then, did not work from a

unified theory of translation. Generally, however, they rejected the

 

”Hooker, 2-3.

13

Jonsonian ideal of literalism and sought those methods which would
capture the "spirit, " "fame," and "character" of a work rather than
its exact sense. Translation was increasingly viewed as an art rather
than a mechanical process, and the ultimate goal of a translator often
became the creation of a new work rather than the transmission of a
foreign text into English. J. E. Spingarn summarizes concisely the
basic seventeenth-century views toward translation.
The gradual divergence of seventeenth-century opinion from the
literal conception of translation may be traced through various
stages. The attempt to approximate the sense rather than to
reproduce the words of the original was justified by the advice of
Horace. But from an author's sense to his spirit, from his
spirit to his 'fame', and from his fame to a new work intended to
replace his own, is a far cry. It is to be remembered, however,
that the seventeenth century had no conception of the historical
or. scientific functions of translation. The purpose of translating
a classic was not to further the understanding of outworn modes of
thought and experience, or even the subtler appreciation of undying
forms of art. The ultimate, as we have seen, was always the
creation of a new work of art, which could be enjoyed in itself,
and which would enrich English letters with the flower and fruit
of ancient eloquence. (I, lvii)
John W. Draper in "The‘Theory of Translation inthe Eighteenth
‘ Century" says that the "Eighteenth Century produced tons of translations,-
chiefly from the Latin and Greek, to a large degree from the French and
Italian, and to some extent from almost every known literature, ancient

or modern.- "20 The eighteenth-century translator, for the most part,

 

ngeophilologus, VI (1921), 241-242. Referred to hereafter as
Draper. For the substance of my remarks on translation in the eighteenth
century, I am indebted to Draper's article. ’

 

14

pushed to excess the freedom which prevailed in seventeenth-century
translation and displayed little interest in preserving the literal meaning

of the foreign text. There were several causes for this lack of fidelity

in eighteenth-century translations. One was moral. An eighteenth-

century translator was often offended by the immorality and obscenity

he found in the foreign work and felt the need to make much expurgation as
was necessary for the preservation of the taste and the morals of the time.
Mrs. Charlotte Lennox, for example, in her translation of Pierre Brumoy's

Le Theatre des Grecs was shocked and disgusted at the gross and unseemly

 

orations of Aeschenes and Demosthenes and felt that Greek tragedy

needed to be edited severely.21

Other reasons for the lack of fidelity in
the translations of the period were the translator's lack of preparation
and his attitude toward his work. Often the translator knew the foreign
language he was rendering so imperfectly that he resorted to a free trans-
lation to cover up his lack of ability. Translation, moreover, was viewed
as an endeavor distinctly inferior to that of original composition and as a
result did not elicit from the translators the full measure of their talents.
Finally, those who purchased the translations produced during this period,
the rich-who preferred pretty volumes to accurate renditions, and the
reviewers, who mouthed clichés about the beauties of the English version
and cant phrases about the exactness of the translation, did nothing to
promote the production of higher quality translations.

In his preachments about translation, though, if not in his actual
practice, Alexander Pope runs counter to the laxity that prevailed in
eighteenth-century translations. In the "Preface" to his translation of
the Iliad (1715), Pope makes a strong plea for translating an author with
accuracy and fidelity. He says, "It is the first grand duty of an interpreter
to give his author entire and unmained, . . . I know no liberties one ought
to take but those which are necessary for transfusing the spirit of the

original and. supporting the poetical style» of the translation; and I will

“Draper, 249.

15

venture to say there have not been more men misled in former times by
a servile dull adherence to the letter than have been deluded in ours by
a chimerical insolent hope of raising and: improving their author. "7‘2
Pope attacks Chapman and Hobbes for the inadequacy of their translations
of Homer declaring "Chapman has taken advantage of an immeasurable
length of verse, notwithstanding which there is scarce any paraphrase
more loose and rambling than his. . . . Hobbes has given us a correct
explanation of the sense in general, but for particulars and circumstances
he continually lops them and often omits the most beautiful. "7‘3 Pope,
however, in spite of his pleas for accuracy and fidelity in translation,

was not entirely free of the sins he saw so plainly in his fellow translators
and was guilty of such an expediency in translation as working from the
Latin instead of the original Greek.“

Although much of eighteenth-century translation was characterized
by liberty carried to license, the growing Romantic movement and other
factors undermined the Neoclassical theory of translation toward the end
of the century. Draper comments, "The rise of a more exact scholarship,-
the growing interest in the past for its own sake and in other literatures
for their unique gusto, slowly changed the ideal of English translations,

so that, in 1804, Herbert translated his Select Icelandic Poetry 'line

 

for line' in order to keep the 'energetic harmony of the original'. "25
Dr. Johnson never formulated a precise theory of translation but

he makes his views on the subject clear, particularly in Idler No. 68 and

 

”Scott Elledge, Eighteenth Century Critical Essays (Ithaca, ' New
York, 1961), I, 270-271. Referred to hereafter as Elledge.

”Elledge, 274-275.
2“Draper, 250.
25Draper, 254.

 

16

No. 69 which might be entitled "Johnson on Translation. " In_I_d_le_r No.

68 for Saturday, August 4, 1759 Johnson writes, "Among the studies
which have exercised the ingenious and the learned for more than three
centuries, none has been more diligently or more successfully culti-
vated than the art of translation; by which impediments which bar the way
to science are, in some measure, removed, and the multiplicity of

'36 He continues with an historical

languages become less incommodious. ’
survey of translation, pointing out that the Greeks, although they travelled
into Egypt, made no translations from the Egyptians and that later, the
Romans made little use of translations but learned instead to read Greek.
The Arabs, = Johnson states, were the first nation to become enthusiastic
about translation. When they had conquered the eastern provinces of

the Greek empire, they recognized the superiority of their captives and
hastened to transmit their knowledge from Greek to Arabic. Johnson
concludes I_d_l_er No. 68 with a brief discussion of the impact of the Dark
Ages upon the dissemination of knowledge, the revival of learning, and

the arrival of the art of translation in Britain.

In 1212' No. 69 for Saturday, August 11, 1759 Johnson examines
translation in England from Chaucer's time to his own. He begins, "He
that reviews the progress of English literature, will find thattranslation
was very early cultivated among us, but that some principles, either
wholly erroneous or too far extended, hindered our success from being
always equal to our diligence" (353). In general, Johnson finds much

fault with English translation. He criticizes Chaucer's translation of

Boethiu‘s's Comforts of Philosophy for being too literal, saying, ‘ "It may

 

be supposed that Chaucer would apply more than common attention to an
author of so much celebrity, yet he has attempted nothing higher than a

version strictly literal, and has degraded the poetical parts to prose,

 

2"The Works of Samuel Johnson, ed. , Francis Walesby (Oxford,
1825), IV, 350. All subsequent references to this work will be found in
the-text.

 

 

\-
(_ I

17

that the constraint of versification might not obstruct his zeal for
fidelity" (353).
Johnson also condemns Caxton's translations from the; French
"in which the original is so scrupulously followed, that they afford us
little knowledge of our own language; though the words are English, the
phrase is foreign" (353). -He points out that the Elizabethans continued
to translate literally but that in the Restoration translation was done
with considerable freedom. Johnson, however, has some reservations
about this new approach to translation.
But reformation is seldom the work of pure virtue and unassisted
reason. Translation was improved more by accident than con-
viction. The writers of the foregoing age had at least learning
equal to their genius; and, being often more able to explain the
sentiments or illustrate the allusions of the ancients, than to
exhibit their graces and transfuse their spirit, were, perhaps,
willing sometimes to conceal their want of poetry by profusion
of literature, and, therefore translated literally, that their
fidelity might shelter their insipidity or harshness. The wits
of Charles's time had seldom more than slight and superficial
views; and their care was to hide their want of learning behind
the colours of a gay imagination; they, therefore, translated
always with freedom, sometimes withlicentiousness, and, . per-
haps expected that their readers should accept sprightliness for
knowledge, and consider ignorance andmistake as the impatience
and negligence of a mind too rapid to stop at difficulties, and too
elevated to descend to minuteness. (354-355)
Johnson,though, feels there is a mean possible between slavish literal-
ness and excessive freedom in translation, a mean which is seen in the
translations of Dryden "who saw very early that closeness best preserved

an. author's sense, and that freedom best exhibited his spirit" (355).

18

In his "Life of Dryden" Johnson elaborates upon some of the ideas
on translation he discusses in Id_1_e_r No. 68 and No. 69 and reveals once
more his preference for an approach which avoids both slavish literal-
ness and complete freedom in translation. He again attacks Jonson for
his literal translation of Horace and berates Feltham, Sandys, and
Holyday for seeking verbal fidelity in their translations rather than the
grace and style of the original. Johnson, though, displays a sensitivity
to the problems translators encounter in their work and suggests some
criteria for excellence in translation.

When languages are formed upon different principles, it is im-

possible that the same modes of expression should always be

elegant in both. While they run on together the closest trans-
lation may be considered as the best; but when they divaricate
each must take its natural course. Where correspondence cannot
be obtained it is necessary to be content with something equivalent.

'Translation therefore, ' says Dryden, 'is not so loose as para-

phrase, nor so close as metaphrase. '

All polished languages have different styles: the concise,

the diffuse, the lofty, and the humble. In the proper choice of

style consists the resemblance which Dryden principally exacts

from the translator. He is to exhibit his author's thoughts in

such a dress of diction as the author would have given them, had

his language been English: rugged magnificence is not to be

softened; hyperbolical ostentation is not to be repressed, nor
sententious affectation to have its points blunted. A translator
is to be like his author: it is not his business to excel him.”
In his "Life of Denham" Johnson shows a partiality for more free-

dom and less literalism in translation. He compliments Denham's poem

 

zI’Lives of the English Poets, ed. , George Birkbeck Hill (Oxford,
1905), I, 422-423. All subsequent references to this work will be found
in the text.

 

19

praising Fanshaw's version of Pastor Fido (see pages 6 and 7 above)

 

and says Denham "appears to have been one of the first that understood
the necessity of emancipating translation from the drudgery of counting
lines and interpreting single words" (79). It would be a mistake,
though, to assume that Johnson saw no limits on freedom in translation.
Though he praises Nicholas Rowe's translation of Lucan for having
captured the genius and spirit of the original, he feels that the "sense

is sometimes weakened by toomuch expansion" (11, 77). In his "Life of
Addison," moreover, he attacks Addison for carrying freedom to excess
in his translations, declaring, "His translations, so far as I have com-
pared them, want the exactness of a scholar. That he understood his
authors cannot be doubted; but his versions will not teach others to under-
stand them, being too licentiously paraphrastical" (II, 145).

In his preachments about translation, then, it is possible to see that
Dr. Johnson approved of the seventeenth-century revolt against the
strictures of literal translation, though he voiced fears that excessive
freedom in translation might give rise to the elevation of the personal
and the idiosyncratic into a standard of excellence. In theory Dr. Johnson
felt that a suitable method of translation must avoid both the excesses of
a narrow literalism and those of a wanton liberalism. In his translations
from the French, however, Dr. Johnson often took great liberties with
his sources and frequently became more a creator and interpreter than
just a translator. In doing so he displayed an attitude toward translation
and the translator's relationship with his text that is very modern in
tone.

Modern commentary on the theory and practice of translation is
still concerned with the problem of determining whether the translator
should merely transfer meaning from one language to another or whether
he. should play a creative and interpretive role. Many critics today view

the translator as a creator and interpreter rather than a conductor of

20

meaning and see translation as an endeavor whose resultant production
is not simply a substitute for the foreign text, but an artistic com-
mentary upon it. D. S- Carne-Ross in "Translation and Transposition"
suggests that a true translation is not just a substitute for the original
but more a commentary on it and that translation, like criticism to
which it is closely related, must be essentially interpretative. He com-
ments, "Only when translation is seen in this way, as essentially an
instrument of criticism, is it going to be allowed the liberty it needs.
Where it is seen as a substitute for the original, the stress is likely to
fall on literal accuracy. If we are looking for a faithful account of the
letter of the original, we should use a crib, not a translation. . . .

The accuracy of translation—is of a very different kind. "28 Another
translator and critic, Jean Paris, states in an essay entitled "Trans-
lation and Creation" that it is false to assume that the function of the
translation is to imitate the original, that the goal of the translator is

to- seize the "music" of his foreign text which is of much greater value
and importance than its literal meaning. Translators today are keenly
aware of a multitude of problems confronting one who attempts to render
a foreign text into his own language, problems whichvmake a recreation
of the original a more feasible goal than its duplication. Werner Winter
in an essay describing the translator's difficulties, "lrnpossibilities of
Translation, " compares the translator not to a machine whomechanically
changes one language into another but to an "artist who‘is asked to create
an exact replica of a marble statue, but who cannot secure any marble.
He may find some other stone or some wood, or he may have to use a
brush or a pencil and a sheet. Whatever his material, if he is a good

craftsman, his work may be good or even great; it may indeed surpass

 

"The Craft 81 Context of Translation, ed. , William Arrowsmith
and Roger Shattuck (Austin, Texas, 1961), p. 6. Referred to hereafter
as Arrowsmith.

 

21

the original, but it will never be what he set out to produce, an exact
replica of the original. "7‘9 The views expressed by these three stu-
dents of translation, then, tend to be quite representative of much of

the modern commentary on the subject, and it is interesting to note

how closely their ideas about translation as a creative and interpretative
art coincide with Johnson's own practice in his translations from the
French.

Although‘French is often claimed as a second‘language by the
English- speaking person, it presents difficulties to the translator which
are never encountered by those who read it well enough only to get the
"gist" of an article or book or those who speak it well enough only to ask

directions of a village "gendarme. " T. H. Savory in The Art of Trans-

 

lgtian says, "Indeed it would not be at all difficult to develop and support
the thesis that French is one of the most difficult languages to translate
into English, especially if the translation is to be made with the highest
standards of accuracy and literacy. "3° Savory points out that part of the
difficulty in translating French is caused by the different evolutionary
histories of French and English. French resisted linguistic infiltrations
of various kinds and developed a homogeneous language with a limited
vocabulary in which each word has acquired a more or less definite
meaning. English, however, imported words from many sources and
developed a heterogenous language with a large vocabulary and many
synonyms. . As a result Savory states, "French is a language clear and
precise as classical Latin, English does not so readily achieve the same
degree of clarity and precision when used by writers or speakers of a

comparable degree of skill. " 3‘

 

”Arrowsmith, p. 68.
30(Philadelphia, 1960), p. 94. Referred to hereafter as Savory.
31Savory, p. 94.

22

In vocabulary, idiom, and sentence structure French presents
difficulties for the translator. The similarity of French and English
vocabulary, for instance, is often more apparent than real, and the
translator of French must be alert constantly for what have been
variously termed "deceptive cognates, " "illusory correspondences, " and
"faux amis. " Such French words as "joli, " "honnete, " and "brave" do
not necessarily mean the same as the English words they resemble and,
Savory even warns, "Before long it becomes an article of faith that if
a French word looks like an English word it is certain to have a different
meaning. "32 Besides the difficulties presented by a vocabulary which is
seemingly close to English though often very different, French has many
phrases and idioms which constantly test the translator's skill. In en-
countering such expressions as "ventre a terre" and "l'esprit d'escalier"
he must always be careful to distinguish what they say from what they
mean. Finally, in sentence structure, there is a precision about French
which-makes it difficult to render into English in many cases. The
translator is frequently faced with a French sentence whose meaning is
clear and concisely expressed, but which is hard to translate into an

equally clear and concise English. In her "Preface" to The Greek

 

Theatre of Father Brumol Charlotte Lennox comments on this difficulty

 

when she says, "The French language, although agreeable and easy to
read, is difficult and harsh to translate; smooth as ivory tothe sight,
rough as iron to the touch. "33 These, then, are some of the more com-
mon problems a translator of French faces, the same difficulties
Dr. Johnson encountered in his translations from the French and over-
came in many instances so very capably.

In the following chapters I have attempted to. show what and how

Dr. Johnson translates from the French. To do so I have used mainly

 

3,zSavory, p. 95,
33(London, 1759). i.

.IL

-

 

Vie

23

a running commentary, though in Johnson's "Dissertation upon the
Greek Comedy" and the "General Conclusion" from Brumoy's Greek

Theatre and his translation of Crousaz's Commentaire I have relied on

 

a series of tables to illustrate his method of rendering the French.

In many chapters I have also indicated in tables two chief Johnsonian
idiosyncrasies in his translations--the doublet, or doubling of a noun or a
modifier, and his various translations of the French idiom, "venir de"
plus an infinitive. The doublet appears so often (over 200 times) that it
becomes something of a stylistic signature and a means of identifying a
translation as Johnsonian or not. In his "Plan of a Dictionary of the
English Language" Johnson shows a keen awareness of the problem of

the meaning of words, or what he terms their "signification, " and he
warns that words thought to be synonymous need to be examined carefully
to determine their true meaning. The presence of so many doublets in
Johnson's French translations, then, is not so mucha needless redundancy
as his attempt to convey more fully the shades of meaning inherent in the
French words he translates. A check on some of Johnson's doublets in

his Dictionary reveals, moreover, that they were not synonymous in

 

meaning as far as he was concerned.34 Also, I have listed all of Johnson's

translations of the French idiom, "venir de" plus an infinitive Which in

English is usually translated "to have M done" something, though he

chooses to. render the meaning of this idiom in a variety of ways.
Throughout this dissertation I have avoided an unnecessary clutter

of footnotes by internal citation of the sources used, usually giving the

author, page, and line numbers of the passages quoted, though all

references to the Gentleman's Magazine are to page, column, and guide-

 

letters and those to the Medicinal Dictionagy to page signatures, column,

 

1

3“It will also be noted that Johnson occasionally includes a doublet
in his translations which actually doesn't double any word in the French
and sometimes "undoubles" a doublet in the French. Such variations,
however, do not occur often enough to become distinctive deviations from
the French.

24

and line numbers. Also, all accent marks and italics are given as I

found them in the sources used. Finally, all references to Boswell's

Life of Johnson are from the Hill-Powell edition (Oxford, 1934-50).

 

CHAPTER II

FATHER LOBO'S VOYAGE TO ABYSSINIA

 

Samuel Johnson's first translation from the French, Father Lobo's

 

Voyage to Abyssinia (1735) from Joachim Le Grand's Voyage Historique

 

 

d'Abissinie (1728), also happens to be his first prose work, and as: a

 

result it has attracted considerable scholarly attentionin contrast to the
scant notice his other French translations have received.1 Although this
chapter is primarily concerned with the question of how Johnson trans-

lated his text from the French, the Lobo is of sufficient importance to

 

comment in some detail about its background and composition.

Dr. Johnson's translation of Le Grand's 1:19:92 grew out of his
sojourn at Birmingham in 1733, a period in his life when he desired
greatness and suffered frustration at not being able to realize this desire.
Such frustration produced a despondency that gave rise to periods of
indolence which threatened to immobilize the great intellectual and
creative powers of the young Johnson. ~ Luckily for him, though, two

friends, Mr. Hector and Mr. Warren, a Birmingham bookseller, jolted

 

,1Some studies to be consulted on the substance and background of
the Loboare: James Clifford, Young Sam Johnson (New York, 1955),
144-148; Donald Greene, The Politics of Samuel Johnson (New Haven,
1960), 66-72, 271, 303-304; Joseph Wood Krutch, Samuel‘Johnson (New
York, 1944), 23-26; Ellen Douglass Leyburn, "'No Romantick
’ Absurdities or Incredible Fictions': The Relation of Johnson's Rasselas
to Lobo's V_oyege to Abyssinia, " PMLA LXX (December 1955), 1059-67;
Herman W. Liebert, "Dr. Johnson's Fir st Book, " The Yale University
Library Gazette, XXV (July 1950), 23-28; Donald Lockhart, Father
J eronymo 'Lobo's Writings ConcerninLEthiopia, Including Unpublished
M88 in the Palmella Library. Unpublished dissertation, Harvard Uni-
versity, Department of RomanceLanguages, 1958. 70-79.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

25

26

him out of his lethargy by urging him to translate Le Grand's Lobo

 

which he had mentioned earlier that he had read at Pembroke College
and felt that "an abridgement and translation of it might be a useful
and profitable publication. " 2 Boswell gives a fairly complete picture
of how the translation was accomplished.
A part of the work being very soon done, one Osborn, who was
Mr. Warren's printer, was set to work with what was ready,
and Johnson engaged to supply the press with copy as it should
be wanted; but his constitutional indolence soon prevailed, and
the work was at a stand. Mr- Hector, who knew that a motive of
humanity would be the most prevailing argument with his friend,
went to Johnson, and represented to him, that the printer could
have no other employment till this undertaking was finished, and
that the poor man and his family were suffering. Johnson upon
this exerted the powers of his mind, though his body was relaxed.
He lay in bed with the book, which was a quarto, before him, and
dictated while Hector wrote. -Mr. Hector carried the sheets to
the press, and corrected almost all the proof sheets, very few of
which were even seen by Johnson. In this manner, with the aid
of Mr. Hector's active friendship, the book was completed, and
was published in 1735, with LONDON upon the title-page, though
- it was in reality printed at-Birmingham, a device toocommon
withprovincial publishers. For this work he hadrfrom Mr.
Warren. only the sum of five guineas.3
The book the reclining Johnson translated was not French originally
but Portuguese. The full title of Le Grand's French edition, a two-volume

work published in Paris in 1728 is, Voyage Histoxfiue d'Abissinie, Du

 

R.) P. Jerome Lobo De'La Compggpie De Jesus. Traduit du Portugais,

 

 

 

2Life, 1, 86.
3Life, I, 86-87.

27

continue 81 augmenté de plusieurs Dissertations, Lettres 81 Memoires.
Par'M. Le Grand, Prieur de Neuvilleles-Dames 81 Prevessin. In his
"Preface" Le Grand tells how during a five-year stay in Lisbon as a
secretary to the late M. l'Abbé d'Estrées he occupied himself, since
official duties were light, in seeking out manuscripts and materials
dealing with the Portuguese colonial activity. Of all the information he
was able to obtain he found a manuscript by a certain Jerome Lobo the most
interesting. He writes, "Pour revenir aux Manuscrits que j'ai découverts
pendant mon séjour a Lisbonne, aucun ne m'a fait plus de plaisir que cette
Relation du Pere Jérdme Lobo Jésuite, que Mr. 1e Comte d'Ericeira eut
la bonté de m'apporter dans le tems que je desesperois de la deterrer"
(iii). Although aware of other accounts of Portuguese political and
missionary activity in Abyssinia, Le Grand most preferred Father Lobo's.
He says, "J'ai préferé cells du-P. Jérdme Lobo, pour deux raisons;
la premiere, parce qu'elle m'a paru plus simple 81 plus de nbtre gout;
la seconde, parce que le Pere Jérdme Lobo parle mieux des paY's par
ob. il a passé, 81 que les autres en disent trés-peu de choses; 81 que de
plus il a voyagé dans l'Abissinie 81 vi! plus de Provinces" (ix-x).

As the full title of his work indicates, Le Grand's Voyagg: Historique

 

is an augmentation as well as a translationof his Portuguese source.
Lobo's voyage to Abyssinia and his description of his missionary activities
there occupies only 222 pages of Le Grand's edition, and rest being
devoted to. sixteen "Dissertations" (225 pages) and a number of letters

and documents pertaining to Abyssinia (188 pages). In his "Preface"

Le Grand explains these additions. About his "Dissertations" he writes,

- "Enfin j'ai poussé mes récherches sur l'Abissinie aussi loin qu'il m'a

eté possible; 81 quoique tree-ignorant dans les langues qui sont on usage
parmi les Abissins, j'ai crtl que je pouvois, sur des Memoires plus stirs

que ceux de Mr. Ludolf, refuter plusieurs choses qu'il a avancées trop

28

legerement.‘ C'est ce que j'ai taché de faire dans plusieurs Dissertations,
81 de donner une idée juste de son travil dans la premiere, oh la Lecteur
trouvera bon que je le renvoye" (x). 50f the various documents whichtake
up the last 188 pages of his work Le Grand comments, "Comme j'ai voulu
continuer, j'ai eu recours aux Lettres, Relations, 81 Mémoires des
Missionaires de Syrie 81 Egypte, 81 des Consuls 81 Vice-Consuls d'Egypte"
(x). He includes this material, evidently, to make his study more
plausible and his text more complete, but Johnson translates no part of it.

Johnson does not translate any portion of Le Grand's "Preface, "
though it must have demonstrated to him as it does to us the excellence
of his French version of Lobo's voyage. He does, however, include his
own "Preface" which is the earliest piece of prose we have of Johnson's
since the Birmingham articles have never been recovered. r This
"Preface" not only offers a useful commentary on the substance of the
I_.._o_b_o and the way in which it is translated but it also contains themes
and attitudes which Johnson develops in later works and foreshadows
clearly the stylistic greatness to come. Three paragraphs illustrate the
importance of this earliest Johnsonian prose composition.

THE Portuguese Traveller, contrary to the general Vein of his

Countrymen, has amused his Reader with no Romantick Absurdities

or Incredible Fictions, whatever he relates, whether true or not,

is at least probable, and he who tells nothing exceeding the bounds

of probability, has a right to demand, that they should believe him,

who cannot contradict him.

HE appears by his modest and unaffected Narrative to have
described Things as he saw them, to have copied Nature from the

Life, and to have consulted his Senses not his Imaginations; He

 

‘The scholar, Hiob Ludolf, a German Lutheran, refuted the
Catholic view that the Abyssinian Church represented a corrupt, Judaized
type of Christianity. Le Grand, a Catholic naturally opposed his stand
throughout the "Dissertations" which he appended to his text.

29

meets with no Basilisks that destroy with their Eyes, his
Crocodiles devour their Prey without Tears, andhis Cataracts
fall from the Rock without Deafening the Neighbouring Inhabitants.

THE Reader will here find no Regions cursed with irre-
mediable Barrenness, or bless'd with Spontaneous Fecundity, no
perpetual Gloom or unceasing Sunshine; nor are the Nations here
described either devoid of all Sense of Humanity, or consummate
in all private and social Virtues, here are no Hottentots without
Religion, Polity, or Articulate Language, no Chinese perfectly
‘Polite, and compleatly skill'd in all Sciences: He will discover,
what will always be discover'd by a diligent and impartial Enquirer,
that wherever Human Nature is to be found, there is a mixture of
Vice and Virtue, a contest of Passion and Reason, and that the
Creator doth not appear Partial in his Distributions, but has
balanced in most Countries their particular Inconveniences by
particular Favours. (vii-viii)

Joseph Wood‘ Krutch in his Samuel Johnson not only notes the

 

stylistic maturity of these lines which one would hardly expect of

Johnson, then in his twenty-fourth year, but he alsocomments on the

thematic importance of these passages.5 James Clifford in his Young

Sam‘Johnson states that it might have been the sage of seventy instead

 

of the youthof twenty-four who wrote the above commentary and says,

"If the author ship were not already well known, if one stumbled on these

sentences merely by chance, there would be an irresistibl'eimpulsieto

cry out "'Samuel Johnson." Already the style is the man. "6 Donald

Greene in The Politics of Samuel Johnson sees in Johnson's comments

 

evidence of his empiricism, "his refusal to believe that human nature

 

3(New York, 1944), 24.
6(New York, 1955), 148.

30

varies greatly from one part of the world to another" and his "belief
in the essential homogeneity of human motivation. "7 The "Preface"
to the 1:92, then, is a necessary beginning for any analysis of Johnson's
style and of the themes and attitudes which permeate his later work.
The "Preface" is particularly important for this chapter because
it contains Johnson's comments about his translation of Le Grand's
text. I shall quote these statements in full since they form the basis
for an examination of the I_._o_l_)_o as a translation from the French.
IN this Translation (if it may be so call'd) great Liberties have
been taken, which, whether justifiable or not, shall be fairly
confess'd, and'let the Judicious part of Mankind pardon or
condemn them.

IN the first part the greatest Freedom has been used, in
reducing the Narration into a narrow Compass, so that it is by
no Means a Translation by an Epitome, in which whether every
thing either useful or entertaining be comprised, the compiler
is least qualified to determine.

IN the Account of Abyssinia, and the Continuation, the
Authors have been follow'd with more exactness, and as few
Passages appeared either insignificant or tedious, few have
been either shortened or omitted.

THE Dissertations are the only part in which an exact
Translation has been attempted, and even in those, Abstracts
are sometimes given instead of literal Quotations, particularly
in the first; and sometimes other parts have been contracted. (xi)
From these statements it is apparent that Johnson views his role

in rendering his French source as that of a translator-editor. He adds

very little to the French, usually no more than a sentence here and

 

7(New Haven, 1960), 67-68.

31

there topreserve the continuity of the text, and his chief method
throughout the work is condensation, abridgement, and paraphrase.

Johnson's main aim in his translation of Le Grand's Lobo is to reduce

 

the somewhat rambling and digressive French volumes into a smooth
narrative which would capture and hold the attention of his English
readers. 50 skillful are his excisions of the French that one rarely
gets the impression he is reading an abridgement of a longer work.

It is important to consider Johnson's omissions from the French,
however, for they reveal in part his attitude toward his text. In the
opening paragraph of his "Preface" he writes, "THE following Relation
is so Curious and Entertaining, and the Dissertations that Accompany
it so ‘Judicious and Instructive, that the Translator is confident his
Attempt stands in need of no Apology, whatever Censures may fall

on the Performance!’ (vii). In these lines we see expressed the familiar
idea that the function of literature is to delight and instruct and Johnson's
feeling that the Lobo does both. Of the two aims, however, it is evi-
dent that Johnson considers the instructional to be more important for
he condenses and abridges quite vigorously the early part of the 1:022,
which is definitely entertaining, and preserves almost intact the more
discursive and didactic "Dissertations" which to many an English
reader must have seemed somewhat of an anti-climax to the colorful
commentary that came before. The importance of analyzing the 111112
as a translation, then, and comparing the French and English carefully
is clear, for without such an examination Johnson's attitude toward

his French source would remain at least partially obscured.

One must not get the impression, though, that Johnson's conden-
sation of his French source lessens its value for English readers, for
in most places his abridgements are judicious and tend to tighten
~Le Grand's somewhat rambling narrative. Actually Johnson was

fortunate in working with a text that generated a good deal of excitement

32

and interest on the part of the reader. Father Lobo, the narrator of
the first section of the book (up to the "Dissertations") is characterized
by Le Grand-in his "Preface" as "un home a la fleur de son age,
d'une complexion forte 81 robuste, laborieux, infatigable, s'exposant
tofijours aux plus grands dangers" (ix). He heightens the adventures
he has by the very matter of fact way in which he tells about them.

The picarohimself scarcely ever encountered a broader selection of
humanity than does Father Lobo as he meets angry Turks and fierce
Galles, avaricious kings and evil counsellors, and plotting villains and
treacherous viceroys. Though Father Lobo sees "no Basilisks that
destroy with their Eyes" or crocodiles who "devour their Prey without
Tears," there are shipwrecks, beheadings, murders, various kinds of
torture, plains of salt, a region of snakes, and serpents who kill with
their breath. Even one marvel manages to creep into the text. . Inone
place Le Grand discusses the characteristics of the unicorn and -
Johnson translates his statements carefully and without comment.

In order to show clearly just how Johnson translates his French
source and to check at the same time his statements about translation
in his "Preface, " I shall use several methods. First, I shall consider
in some detail the first chapter of Johnson's 1:222, for it reveals how
muchhe condenses Le Grand's text. Second, I shall cite passages from
two other sections of the work, "A Description of Abyssinia" and "The
Sequel of the Account of Abyssinia" which illustrates Johnson's closer
rendition of the French. Third, I shall give a sample of his translation
of the" "Dissertations" to indicate how faithfully he translates this
particular portionof the I_.._o_b£. At the end of this chapter I have also
included a table showing the comparative lengths of Johnson's chapters
and their French sources and a tabular summary of two idiosyncrasies
which appear throughout his translation- -the doublet and his various

translations of the French idiom, "“venir de" plus an infinitive.

33

In his "Preface, " as we have seen, Johnsonadmits that hetrans-
lates the first part of Le Grand's text with considerable freedom. In
his first chapter, for example he compresses twenty-three and a half
pages of Le Grand's text into only seven and a half of his own. He
omits Lobo‘s description of his first attempt to reach Goa in a voyage
that ended in disaster near the Gulf of St. Thomas and his vivid account
of the hardships faced by the survivors due to disease, weather, and a
lack of supplies. Instead, Johnson starts translating at the beginning
of Lobo's second voyage to Goa. - Le Grand: (4: 32-40; 5: 1-26)

Ce voyage manqué nous coflta Ormus: les Perses assistez des

Anglois assiegérent cette Place au mois d’Octobre de cette

année 1621. Its la pr‘irent au mois de Mai de l'année suivante.

11 y a apparence que si nous étions arrivez a Goa avec le secours

que nous portions, nous aurions ou prévenu 1e siége d'Ormus,

ou empéché que cette Place importante ne fut prise, mal-

heureusement nous percnmes deux mois dans le Porte de Lisbonne,
faute de quelques Galeres pour nous mettre au large. Ainsi nous
part’imes si tard qu'étant prés de la Ligne, 81 ne trouvant plus

les vents qui nous vétoient necessaires pour continuer nOtre route,

nous fumes contraints de revenir enPortugal, aprés avoirlong-
tems souffert, 81 couru beaucoup de dangers. Comme je n'etois

pas bien guéri, je retombai malade presque en mettant pied a

terre; je gardai le lit jusqu'aux Fates de No'e'l, que mes Supérieurs
m'envoyerent a Conimbre pour me rétablir.

Alfonse Noronha ayant tofljours devant les yeux les peines
qu'il avoit souffertes, & les périls qu'il avoit courus dans les
voyage de l'année précédente, aima mieux renoncer a la Viceroyauté
des Indes, que de se rembarquer. On nomma a sa place 1e Comte
de Vidigueira, quo avoit déja été Viceroi de ce pai's-la, 8i qui

étoit alors Conseiller d'Etat.

34

Johnson: (1: 1-10; 2:1-4)
I EMBARK'D in M1 1662, in the same Fleet with the M
Vidigueira, on whom the King had confer'd the Viceroy- ship of
the Indies, then Vacant by the Resignation of Alfonso Noronha,

 

whose unsuccessful Voyage in the foregoing Year had been the

Occasion of the Loss of Ormus, which being by the Miscarriage

of that Fleet deprived of the Succours necessary for its Defense

was taken by the Persians and English.

It is clear from the above passages that Johnson's rendition is not
a translation at all but what he himself in his "Preface" calls an epitome.
The French text supplies him with the facts for his text but what he does
with them is very much his own. I think it interesting in connection with
the passage from‘Le Grand quoted above and Johnson's "translation" of

it to consider Boswell‘s comments about the Lobo in the Life.

 

This being the first prose work of Johnson, it is a curious object
of inquiry how much may be traced in it to that style which marks
his subsequent writings with such peculiar excellencef with so
happy an union of force, vivacity, and perspicuity. I have per-
used the book with this view, and have found that here, as I
believe in every other translation, there is in the work itself no
vestige of the translator's own style; for the language of trans-
lation being adapted to the thoughts of another person, insensibly
follows their cast, and, as it were, runs into a mould that is
ready prepared. 8

Now we may agree with Boswell that what we read in the above passage

is not the style of the mature Johnson but we cannot accept his dogmatic

assertion that Johnson is simply mirroring Le Grand's text. A compari—

son of the French and the English reveals that what we read is, indeed,

 

“Life, I, 87.

35

Johnson's, though it may lack the "force, vivacity,. and perspicuity"
of his later work. Again,“ though, it is only in examining the Lobo as
a translation and finding out just what Johnson does with his French

source that it is possible to refute such statements that in the Lobo

 

there is "no vestige of the translator's own style. "

Johnson omits Lobo's comments about the names of the ships
sailing to Goa and his discussion of their commanders. He also greatly
condenses Lobo's narration of the trip around the Cape of Good Hope.
In the following passage it is evident how freely he treats the French
even when he obviously borrows from it for the substance of his own
text.

Le Grand: (7: 11-29)

Nous arrivames en peu de jours sur les cOtes de la Terre de
Natal, si connu'é par le grand nombre de naufrages que les
' Portugais y ont fait. La Mer y est ordinairement fort grosse,‘
les vents y sont furieux, les tonnerres fréquens; on est souvent
obligé dans ce passage de lier les Navires avec de gros cables,
de peur qu'ils ne s'entr'ouvrent. Cette precaution que nous
pr‘imes ne nous fut pas inutile, car quoique nous n'eussions

pas d'abord un mauvais tems, néamnoins le jour de 'l'octave de

S. Pierre 8: S. Paul, l'air commence a se charger de nuages,

81 bien-tot aprés 1e tonnere se fit entendre; il tomba le long du

baton du Pavillon, 8L courut tout le tillac qui étoit couvert de

monde: cependant i1 ne fit d'autre mal que de brfller legerement un
soldat au visage, 81 en blesser un autre a la tate; puis sortit par

un sabor, 81 nous 1e Vimes faire plusieurs ricochets sur l'eau.
Johnson: (2: 8-15)

Herebegan our Misfortunes; these Coasts are Remarkable for

the. many Shipwrecks the Portuguese have suffer'd. The Sea is

 

for the most part Rough, and the Winds Tempestuous, we had

36

here our Rigging somewhat damag'd by a Storm of Lighting

which when we had repaired, we sailed forward to Mosambique,

 

where we were to'Stay for some time.

Here again it is clear how little Johnson is confined by his source and
how he uses it only for the facts of his paragraph. He is obviously
epitomizing his French text rather than translating it.

Following the above passage Johnson condenses slightly over five
pages of Le Grand's text, in which'Lobo describes a dramatic encounter
of Portuguese and Dutch and English ships, into the brief statement,

"I shall not trouble the Reader with the Particulars of this Fight, in
which though the English Commander ran himself a Ground, we lost three
of our Ships, and with great Difficulty excap'd with the rest into the Port

of-MosambicLue" (2: 23-27). Though Johnson manages to preserve the

 

sense of the French text in this single comment, he fails completely to
capture the excitement of Lobo's narration. , Such an omission, though,“
is the exception rather than the rule in Johnson's L_ob_o, and in most
cases his excisions add to rather than detract from his English version.
Even in the first chapter, in which epitome rather than translation
is the chief method, there are times when Johnson works more closely
with his French source. . Compare, for instance, his rendition of the
following passage of Le Grand's.
Le Grand: (12:40; 13: 1-13)
Nous ne trouvions pas dans l'Isle de Mozambique beaucoup de
consolation, il y avoit a peine de quoi nourrir nOtre équipage 81
‘les gens du pais. L'air y est trES-mauvais, 81 particulierement
dans le mois de Septembre. Quoique les chaleurs y soient
excessive, 1e Soleil y est beaucoup moins a craindre que le serein
81‘ 1e frais de la nuit; quand on va 1e soir par les rues, on est
obligé de se bien vétir, 81 de se boucher 1e nez 81 1a bouche;

sans cette précaution, on tombe dans des maladies mortelles.

37

Rien ne peut mieux faire connottre la malignité de -l'air que la
roiiille qui ronge en peu de terns le fer 81 1e bronze, si on n'a
soinlde les couvrir de paille.

Johnson: (2:28-29; 3: 1-9)
This Place was able to afford us little Consolation in our uneasy
Circumstances; the Arrival of our Company almost caused a
Scarcity of Provisions: The Heat in the Day is Intolerable, and
the Dews in the‘Night so unwholesome, that it is almost certain

. Death to govout with ones Head uncover'd. Nothing can be a

stronger'Proof of the Malignant quality of the Air, than that the
Rust will immediately Corrode both the "Iron and Brass, if they ‘
are not carefully covered with Straw.
Inrthese passages, though the relationship of the French and the English
is muchclearer, particularly in the last sentence, Johnson is still look-
ing to his French source for the facts but not the language of his trans-
lation.

A An analysis of the first part of the Logo. substantiates Johnson's
statements about translation in his "Preface. " We can see very clearly
in examining the above passages that he treats the French with great
freedom and that what he offers his English readers is less a translation
and more an epitome of Le Grand's text. Johnson's condensation and

abridgement of the first forty-two pages of the'Lobois for the most part

 

skillfully done, and a reader of the English text has little sense that a
considerable amount of material is omitted throughout. One would have
to agree, I think, in comparing the two texts, that the liberties he takes
with his French source are justifiable, in most instances, and with few
exceptions he includes in his translationall that is useful and entertain-
ing in‘Le Grand's work.

‘ After-his fairly drastic cutting of Le Grand's text for the first

portion of his English version, Johnson translates the French more

38

closelyin. "A Description of Abyssinia" and "The Sequel of the Account
of Abyssinia. " Throughout these sections there are frequent omissions
and» condensations of the French but rarely any of the proportionfound
in thevfirst forty-two pages of the 1:219. As the table included at the
end of this chapter indicates, Johnson's chapters in these sections and
their French sources are about the same length. A single example
from "A Description of Abyssinia" and from' "The Sequel of the Account
of Abyssinia" will suffice, I think, to show that Johnson renders Le
Grand, as he says in his "Preface, " with "more exactness. "
Le Grand: (86: 7-26)
Un Lion s'étoit adonné au lieu oh je demeurois. 11 y étrangloit
tous les boeufs 81 toutes les vaches, 81 faisoit plusieurs autres
maux, dont chaque jour on me venoit faire des plaintes. J'avois
un valet qui résolut d'en delivrer 1e pa'i’s. Un mercredi, il prit deux
zaga'ies, 81 sans me rien dire, i1 alla chercher 1e Loin. ’Il battit
beaucoup de pa'is, sans pouvoir 1e rencontrer; enfin comme .il
demandoit a un jeune homme, s'il n'avoit point vfi 1e Lion, i1
l'appergflt , la gueule toute ensanglantée d'une vache qu'il venoit
d'etrangler, 81 dont il avoit mangé une partie. Mon valet courut
sur lui, 81 lui passa sa zagua'ie dans la gorge avec tant de force,
qu'elle vint sortir entre les deux épaules. Le Lion ne fit qu'un
cri 81 qu'un saut, 81 tomba dans un fossé qui étoit 1a proche, oi).
mon valet fier de sa victoire acheva de la tuér. Il m'en apporta
la tate 81'1a peau jointes ensemble; je les mesurai, je trouvai
que le Lion avoit seize palmes entre la tate 81 1a queu'é.
Johnson:: (50: 1-17)
A Lyon having taken his Haunt, near the Place where’l lived,
ki‘ll'd all the Oxen and Cows, and did a great deal of other Mischief,
of which I heard a new Complaint every Day. A Servant of Mine

having taken a Resolution to free the Country from this Destroyer,

' r

be ;,
.
“i.

39

went out one Day with two Lances, and after he had been some

time in quest of him found him with his Mouth all smear'd with

the Blood of a Cow he had just devour'd, the Man rush'd upon

him, and thrust his Lance into his Throat with such violence that

it came out between his Shoulders, the Beast with one dreadful

Roar, feel down into a Pit, and lay struggling, till my Servant

dispatch'd him. I measured the Body of this Lyon, and found

him, twelve feet between the Head and the Tail.

Johnson's translation of the French in this passage is close but not
exact. He omits a phrase here and there and generally condenses Le
Grand's text. There are also small changes in wording which indicate
Johnson is not just mirroring his source but interpreting it to~a certain
extent. Note, for example, his rendition of Le Grand's phrase, "Le
Lion ne fit qu'un cri" by "the Beast with one dreadful Roar,- " a version
which is certainly more colorful and descriptive. In these variations
from the French, then, Johnson refutes Boswell's statement that in a
translation. the translator's personality must necessarily be subsumed
by his author's text. In the gob—o, as in most of his translations from the
French, Johnson's attitudes and personality are there if one only takes
the trouble to look. ~A similar but somewhat freer method of translation
is seen in "The Sequel of the Account of Abyssinia. "

Le Grand: (186: 17-40; 186: l)

Cette exécution fut suivie de plusieurs autres; c'étoit un crime

d'avoir été des amis du jeune Prince: on n'épargna aucun de ceux

qu'on crut avoir eu quelque liaison avec lui. Les Seigneurs les
plus distinguez furent les prémiers punis; on confisqua les biens
de Caflamariam, du Viceroi Zamariam, du fils du Viceroi, 81 on
les envoya en éxil. On traita de la meme maniére deux fils
d'Onguelavi, tante de l'Empereur, cette Dame qui avoit marque

tant d'animosité contre les Missionnaires 81 contre l'Eglise Romaine:

40

on n‘épargna pas mame les femmes. Oleta Christos, femme

du Viceroi Flavi, fut releguée sur un rocher; Mascal Abea, 1a

fille de Molaco‘Fave, 81 plusieurs autres eurent le mame sort.

7 Tons ces chat iments ne furent pas capables de mettre
l'esprit du Roi en repos. Il crfit au contraire qufiils avoient
augmenté le nombre des mécontens, 81 que pouvant atre attaqué
au dedans 81 au dehors, i1 avoit besoin de se fortifier d'amis 81
d'alliez. ~ 11 envoya vers l'Yemen, 81 pour l'engager davantage
dans ses intérets, i1 lui fit entrendre qu'il vouloit bien-permettre
l'exercice de la Rél igion Musulmane dans ses Etats: il lui
demanda méme des Docteurs pour la précher 81 l'enseigner.

Johnson: (158: 24-36; 159: 1-5)

This Execution prepared a way for many others, and all who-were

suspected of favouring either the Prince or the Roman Church

shared in his Sentence, and had their Goods confiscated, and

their Persons confined; the Persecution was carried on without

regard toDignity, Age, or Sex. All these Severities were not

able to set the Emperor's Mind at quiet, for imagining that he had
rather excited than suppress'd the Murmurs of his Pe0ple, and
encreased the Numbers, as well as aggravated the Malice of the

Malecontents, he thought it necessary to secure himself on his

Throne by Leagues and Alliances, and therefore sends Ambassa-

dors to a Mahometan Prince, with Proposals of Tolerating the

Exercise of his Religion, in Abyssinia, and a request that some of

their learned Men might be sent to instruct his People.

Johnson's chief method in the above passage is not literal trans-
lation but condensation and paraphrase. He tightens Le Grand's text with-
out omitting-anything of substance except a series of names which he felt
. would probably be somewhat tedious for his English readers. This

passage illustrates, moreover, the incorrectness of Boswell's view that

41

the translator's style must mirror his author's. What we read here is
definitely Johnson's own style and if it is not that of the mature later
works, it still contains no small hint of what is to come.

In his "Preface, " as we have seen, Johnson says that the
"Dissertations" are the only part of Le Grand's work in which-an exact
translation has been attempted. Again, an examination of this rather

lengthy portion of the Lobo confirms Johnson's statement. Though there

 

are occasional omissions, minor abridgements, and a certain amount of
paraphrase throughout, the "Dissertations" are translated much more
closely than the earlier sections of the L212. The single exception is
Johnson abridgement of the first "Dissertation" in which twenty- six pages
of the French are compressed into only nine and a half in the English.
A brief citation from the third "Dissertation, " "Upon the Nile" will
illustrate quite clearly the method of translation Johnson uses throughout
this part of Le Grand's text.
Le Grand: (262: 1-17)
Les plus grands hommes de l'Antiquité, ont souhaité avec passion
de pouvoir découvrir les sources du Nil, s'imaginant apres
plusieurs conquEtes que cela manquoit a leur gloire. Cambise a
perdu beaucoup de terns 81 du monde dans cette recherche.

- Lorsqu' Alexandre consulta l'oracle de Jupiter Ammon, la
prémiére chose qu'il demanda fut oh étoit la source due Nil; 81
depuis ayant campé a la tate du fleuve Indus, i1 crflt que c'étoit
celle du Nil, 81 i1 en eat une jo'i'é infinite. Ptolomée Philadelphe
un de ses successeurs porta 1a guerre en Ethiopie, afin de pouvoir
remonter le Nil. 11 prit la ville d'Axuma, comme ontle voit par
des’ Inscriptions que Cosmas Indoplustes nous a conservées, 81
qu'il a copiées sur le lieu du tems de l'Empereur Justin-Premier.

Johnson: (206:1-17)
The greatest Men of Antiquity have passionately wish'd to find

42

the Head of the Nile, and have thought after all their Conquests that
their Glory was not compleat without this Discovery. V Camb ses
lost in this search much time and great numbers of Men. When

Alexander consulted the Oracle of Ammon, the first enquiry he

 

made was after the Sources of the Nile, and having afterwards en-
camp'd at the head of the River Indus, which he imagined to be

that of the Nile, was overjoy'd at his Success. . Ptolomy PhiladelJJhus,

 

one of his Successors carried his Arms with this view into Ethiopia;

where he took the City of Axuma, as appears by the Inscriptions

preserV'd uponthe spot in the Time of the Emperor {list—in the First.
In this passage it is possible to see that Johnson follows his French source
more faithfully than ever before, though there are enoughvariations,
however minor, to‘require that the label "exact" be qualified somewhat.

. Though he translated Father Lobo's Voxage to Abyssinia in a re- »

 

clining position, it is evident that Johnson's mind was fully on his work.
From his statements in his "Preface" it is clear that he had a firm con-
ception of just how he wanted to translate Le Grand's text, and in his
abridgement, condensation, paraphrase, and close translation of the
French, he brought to his English audience a text faithful to its original
but without its digressiveness. Though Johnson was not particularly
interested in impinging his personality, attitudes, and style upon his
‘French- source (except in the Opening pages), he does so often enough in
the Mto refute Boswell's contention that there is nothing of Johnson
in this work. ~ Had Boswell taken the trouble tocompare the French and
the English texts, he would have found more of Johnson present than he

suspected. , Inthe first pages of the book it is Johnson's Lobo we read,

 

which he translated from the French, and not simply Le Grand's Voyage
Historique whichhappened to be translated into English by Samuel Johnson.

 

In the early pages of the book especially we see Johnson not as mimic

and mirror but Johnson the artist calling upon his creative powers and

43

his judgment in order to recreate from his French source a work at
least partially his own. Had he continued in this way the I:_o_l_)_o_ might
have been even a more interesting work than it is.

There is in the Life an epilogue of sorts to the I_.._o_b_9_. Boswell
writes:

On Sunday, March 31,, [17'76]l called on him, and shewed him

as a curiosity which I had discovered, his 'Translation of Lobo's

Account of Abyssinia, ' which Sir John Pringle had lent me, it

being then little known as one of his works. He said, 'Take no

notice of it,- ' or 'don't talk of it. ' He seemed to think it beneath

him, though done at six-and-twenty. [actually 24] I said to him,

"Your style, Sir, is much improved since you translated this. '

He answered with a sort of triumphant smile, 'Sir, I hope it is. ' 9
At sixty-seven, with fame already achieved, it is not surprising that
Dr. Johnson brushed aside this work of his youth. We must, however,-
reject his command that we "take no notice of it, " for as the Iflbgis
examined and especially as it is seen just how Johnson worked with his
Frenchisource, it is apparent that what Boswell saw only as a trans-

lation is really a clear foreshadowing of the greatness that was to come.

A Comparison of Chapter Lengths in Johnson's and Le Grand's Versions
10

 

of Father Lobo's Vogge to Abyssinia

Johnson Le Grand Difference
A VOYAGE TO ABYSSINIA

- Chapter I. (1-8): 7%pp. (1-24): 23%pp. 16 pages
Chapter II. (8-15): 7%— pp. (25-37): 12 pp. 4%pages
Chapter III. (15-22): 7 pp. (37-50): 13%pp. 6%pages

 

9Life, III, 7.

10This table is meant to suggest the comparative length of Johnson's
chapters and their French sources in order to indicate just how much he
condenses Le Grand's text. A completely accurate comparison cannot be
made since Johnson's pages are slightly shorter than Le Grand's.
Generally, however, if a difference of a page or less is indicated, it
means that Johnson abridges or expands the French very little.

Johnson
Chapter'lV.
Chapter V.
Chapter VI.
Chapter VII.
Chapter VIII.

44

(23-27): 5 pp.
(28-31): 3%pp.
(32-34): 2 pp.
(34-38): 4 pp.
(39-42): 3%;pp.

A- DESCRIPTION OF ABYSSINIA

.- Chapter I.
Chapter" II.
Chapter III.
Chapter’IV.

‘ Chapter V.
Chapter VI.
Chapter VII.
Chapter VIII.
Chapter'IX.
Chapter X.
Chapter XI.
Chapter XII.
Chapter XIII.
Chapter XIV.
Chapter XV.

(43-50): 7 pp.
(50-53) 3 pp.
(53-58): 5 pp.
(59-72): l3i—pp.
(73-78): 6 pp.
(79-83): 4 pp.
(83-86): 3 pp.
(86-92): 6 pp.
(93-97): 4 pp.
(97-107): 10%pp.
(108-112): 5 pp.
(113-121): 8 pp.
(121-130): 9%pp.
(131-137): 6 pp.
(137-144): 7 pp.

Le Grand
(50-59): 9%pp.
(59-64): 4%.;pp.
(64-67): 3 pp.
(67-72): 5%pp.
(72-78): 6 pp.

(79-86): 7 pp.
(86-90): 3i—pp.
(90-95): Si-pp.
(95-111): 16 pp.
(111-117): 6%pp.
(117-121): 4 pp.
(121-124): 3 pp.
(124-129): 5 pp.
(129-132): 4 pp.
(132-142): 9%pp.
(142-146): 4 pp.
(146-152): 7 pp.
(152-160): 8 pp.
(160-165): 5 pp.
(165-172): 6 pp.

THE SEQUEL of the ACCOUNT OF ABYSSINIA

' Chapter I.
Chapter II.
‘ Chapter‘III.
Chapter IV.
' Chapter V.
Chapter VI.
Chapter VII.

(145-150): 4%pp.
(150-153): 3 pp.
(154-160): (ii-pp.
(161-164): 3%- pp.
(164-172): 8 pp.
(173-178): 53,—pp.
(178-183): 5 pp.

(172-178): 5%pp.
(178-181): 3 pp.
(181-188): 7%pp.
(188-199): log-pp.
(199-212): 13 pp.
(212-217): slypp.
(217-222): 5%pp.

Difference
4%pages

1 page

1 page
1%pages

2%pages

Opages
%- page
i-page
Zfi-pages
it page
0 page
0 page
+1 page
0 pages
+1 page
+1 page
+1 page
+lé-pages
+1 page
+1 page

1 page
0 pages
1 page
7 pages
5 pages
Opages

7‘:- page

 

Johnson

Dissertation the First,
Upon Mr. Ludolf's History
of Abyssinia.

(185-194): 9%;pp.

Dissertation the Second,
Upon AEthiopia, or Abyssinia
(195-205): 11 pp,

Dissertation the Third,
Upon the Nile.
. (206-221): 15 pp.

Dissertation on the Eastern
Side of Africa, from Melinda
to the Streight of Babel-

: Mandel.

(222-233): 11 pp.

Dissertation the Fourth,
7 On Prestor John.
(234-254): 20 pp.

Dissertation the Fifth, on the
Kings of Abyssinia, their
Coronation, Titles, Queens and
Sons. Of their Armies, and the

Manner of Distributing Justice.
(255-265): 10 pp.

Dissertation the Sixth, on the
Red-Sea, and the Navigation of
Solomon's Fleets.

(266-278): 12 pp.

Dissertation the Seventh,
on the Queen of Sheba.
(279-288): 10 pp.

Dissertation the Eighth, upon
, Circumcision.
(289-301): 12%pp.

45

' Le Grand

(223-249):

(250-261):

(262-278):

(279-294):

(295-312h

(313-325):

(326-336):

(337-346):

26 pp.

lli-pp-

16 pp.

15 pp.

18 pp.

12 pp.

11 pp.

9i-pp-

(1-12): 11%pp,

Difference

15%pages
1
fpage

1 page

4 pages

+2 pages

2 pages

+1 page

+i-page

+1 page

Johnson

Dissertation the Ninth, on

the Conversion of the Abys sins.

(302-326): 24 pp.

Dissertation the Tenth,

on the Errors of the Abyssins,
relating to the Incarnation.
(327-335): 8 pp.

Dissertation the Eleventh,
Concerning the Sacramants,
particularly those of Baptism
and C onfirmation.

(336-349): 13 pp.

Dissertation the Twelfth,

on the Eucharist and Pennance.

(350-364): 14 pp.

Dissertation the Thirteenth,
on Extreme Unction, Ordi-
nation, and Marriage.
(365-376): 11 pp.

Dissertation the Fourteenth,
on the Invocation of Saints,
Miracles, Prayers for the
Dead, Fasts, Images, and
Reliques.

(377-387): 10 pp.

Dissertation the Fifteenth,

on the Hierarchy or Government

of the Church of AEthiopia
(388-396): 8 pp.

Le Grand

(13-36):

(36-45):

(45-60k

(60-75h

(76-86k

(87-95k

24 pp.

8i-pp-

15 pp.

15 pp.

11 pp.

(96-102): 7 pp.

Difference

0 pages

i- page

2 pages

1 page

0 pages

+1 page

+1 page

Doublets in Johnson's Father Lobo's VoyaLeto Abyssinia

 

Le Grand 40: 27-29
Nous abordames un peu
aprEs midi & un des meilleurs

Ports de cette Isle; ce qui allarma
extramement les habitants

59: aa
quand ils virent sortir le feu
59:27-28

81 pour parager avec nous les
travaux de la mission

64: 17-18

Mais ce malheureux vieillard

66: 28-29

mais on veut nous faire
mourir de faim

68: 40; 69: l

jusqu'a ce que nous fumes
arrivez dans un chemin

72: 33-34

lorsque nous sortlmes de ce
mauvais chemin

78: 7-8

On ne peut dire avec quelle
joie nous nous embrassames
les uns les autres

Johnson 17: 16-18

we came to Anchor; very much
to the Amazgmgniand '_I‘_e3_ror_ of
the Inhabitants

27: 19-20

at the {13.3 and Noise

27: 27-28

and a desire of sharing the
Labours and Merits of the Mission

32:1-2

But such was either the hatred
or _a_v_a_ri_c_e of this Man

33:30-31

but are doom'd to a more
lingering and painful Death

35: 26-27

till we came to a Channel
or Hollow

39: 1-3 '

we came to the End of this
_to_i_1§_or3e and _1_'_u_g_g_e_d Path

42: 10-11

It is not easy to express the
Benevolence and Tenderness with

which they embraced us

48

Le Grand 79: 1-3

L'origine des Abissins n'est pas
moins incertaine que celle de
tous les autres peuples du monde

81: 17

que plusieurs abandonnerent
leurs biens

82: 40; 8‘3: 1

On peut dire que les autres sont
entiérement barbares

89:17-18

a un instinct tout particulier
pour découvrir 1e miel des
abeilles

91: 37-38

Les femmes 's'habilent encore
plus magnifiquement que les hommes

92: 3-4

Elles ne sont pas fort
retirees

96: 33-34

qu'on ne leur permet jamais
pour quelque raison-que ce soit
de imanger -de la viande

106: 23-24

Elle me dit ingénu'ément

Johnson 43: 1-3

The Original of the Abys sins
like that of all other Nation,
is gbgcgrg, and uncertain

45: 24-25

Many, they say, abandon'd all
the Plgaguieg and Vanities of
Life

47: 4-6

The rest . . . are entirely
Rude and Baibargug

52: 33-34

with a peculiar ingtlngt or
fagulty of discovering honey

55: 13-14

The Ladies dress is yet more
magnificgni and Expensive

55: 19-20

They are not much regeide
or confind

60: 27-29

and no Reason or Necessity

whatsoever can procure them
a Permission to eat Meat

68: 35-36

He confess'd with the utmost
frankness: and ingeeuyx

49

‘ Le Grand 108: 38

que si je ne pouvois pas lui
conserver la vie

110: 12-14

Si ce Chumo est bien content
de la maniere dont il a été
régalé, il lui donnera une

> declaration

125: 18

I1 connut que les plus
puissants

127: 15-16

i1 me prioit par des termes
pressans

127:, 35-36

11 n'en témoigna aucun chagrin

134: 34

81 les confirme dans l'aveugle-
ment oh ils sont

135: 10-11
combien-ils ont formé de

vains raisonnemens sur les
sources de cette riviere

138: 3

81 porter l'abondance en Egypte

Johnson 70: 17- 18

that if I could not preserve
this uncertain and peri_s_habl_'e
Life—

71: 10-12

If the Chumo is. pleased with
the Tr_e_at and Pres_e_nt_, he will
give —him— a Declaration, or
Writing - — — — —

87: 31-33

He knew . . . that those of
greatest_ In_t_erest and Pov_ver

90: 20-21

he desired me in terms very
Etiogg and pr_e_8_s_i2g

91: 9-11

The Viceroy . . . didnot
discover any goncern, or
chagrin

99: 26-27

and confirms them in their

éupeififiisa

100: 3-5

and the vain Conjectures
and Re_a_sgn_i_n_g_s which have
been form'd upon its Original

103:4-5

and convey Wealth and Elgniy
into Egypt

50

"Le Grand 138: 26

Lorsqu'il est dans l'eau, il
est hardi

144: 35-36

non- seulement afin de nous
consoler les uns les autres

147: 26-28

81 je gofitai la un peu plus de
repos que je n'avoit fait
depuis que j'étoit sorti de
Portugal

154: 26-29

Je devois aller répresenter a
' Goa, :1 Madrid, 81 :1 Rome les
besoins de la Mission 81 des
Missionnaires d'Ethiopie

158: 24-26

oh nous trouvames heureusement
nos cabanes encore entieres

198: 3-4

que jamais Roi d'Abissinie
n'avoit eu un regne plus
glorieux -

222: 16-18
toutes entreprises qui
paro‘ltront chimeriques a

ceux-qui cennott ront
l'Abissinie 81 les Abissins

259: 17-18

81 on n'y trouve qu'une nature
toute brute

Johnson 103: 32

In the Water he is‘Daiigg and
Fierce

111:14-15

not only that we might comfort

and entertain each other

—_—-—

and enhoyed a longer _qu_ie_t_
and £82038 than I had ever
done since I left Portugal

123: 17-20

I should represent at Goa,
at Rome, and at Madrid, the
Distresses and Necessities

of the Mission of AEthiopia-
128:12-13

where we were so fortunate to
find our Huts yet uninjured
and 8951.123

163: 27-28

that no Emperor had ever a
Reign of more Honogr and
Tranquillity

183: 20-23

a Design which to all who

have any Knowledge of that

Empire and its Inhabitants will
appear Chimgrical and lmpractigable

203: 18-19

and nothing is to be met
with but Nature Eazage and
uncultivated

51

Le Grand 263: 16-17

ils le font passer sous les
terres

Peut-on croire que des masses
si pesantes puissent sortir
du corps de quelqu'animal

292: 1

loin d'Etre feroc e

314: 17-18

n'eflt pas de peine a s'en
rendre maitre

325: 1

‘Apres avoir parlé de la guerre

337: 8-9

que les peuples sauvages
d'Afrique

7: 35—36 (Vol. II)

On n'eut pas de peine‘awroi're
que la violence faite au
Metropolitain

10: 29-30

l'actionla plus éclatante de
sa vie

10: 32-33

d'une maniere si forte

Johnson 207: 26-27

have conducted it under _Landfi
and Seas

tis scarce credible that
Pieces of such Weight and
Bu_l_k should be voided by an
animal

232: 11-12

but so far from being _Fisrge

256: 22-24

took possession of it with
very little Difficulty or
gapegiiéga

265: 5-6

After having given an Account
of their Wars and‘F_or_c§_s

279:8-9

that the wi_l_d and Engliliged
Nations of Africa

 

296: 3-5

The Abyssins were easily
persuaded that the Viglgnge
andlngi‘gnitieg offered to
their Metropolitan

299:9-10

The most important and
celebrated Action of his Life

299:14-15

in such strong and moving
Terms

52

’Le Grand 13: 9

Saint Mathieu les fit
.fructifier dans le pa'is

26: 10 (Vol. II)

Ce service si signalé fut
trés-mal reconnu

37:5-6

qu'on ne pouvoit reprocher a
ces peuples aucune erreur

49: 12- 14

118 recitent dans leur
psalmodie tous les livres de
l'Ancien 81 du Nouveau Testa-
ment

65: 37-39

81 nous vous rendons grace de
ce que vous nous avez faits
dignes de participer :1 cc
Mystere de sainteté

67: 15

un vin veritable

97: 9

81 traite de violence

Johnson 302: 11-12

which St. Matthew cultivatgd
and raised to Fruit—

315: 25-26

a great Service, very ill

327:8-9

and that no Error or Corruption

can be charged upon them
340:6-8

they iepeat or fling over all
the Books of the Old and New
Testament

354: 35-37

and we give thee Thanks that
we have been thought worthy to
Communicate in the Mystery of
Glgry and _I-_lo_l_i_11e_s_s

356: 22

true and natural Wine

389: 29

and calls that _I_nj_ur_y and
Violence

53

Johnson's Translations of the French idiom "Venir de" plus an
infinitive in Father Lobo's Voyage to Abyssinia

Le Grand 76: 9-12

‘Ainsi nous marchames jusqu'a
ce que nous sussions arrivez
au pied des montagnes de Duan,
qui séparent l'Abissinie du pa'i's
des Galles 81 des Mores que
nous legions de t__raverser

85: 28-31

Les Noirsméme de cette partie
de l'Afrique, ne sont point laids

81 villains, comme ceux des
Royaumes que je zigng _de _nor_r_1m_e_r

98:5-7

C'est ainsi qu'ils abusent de
l'Ecriture sainte, pour authOri-
ser des pratiques beaucoup plus
mauvaises que j_e Xigngde iappgr-
ter

175: 20-21

qu' il venoit d'apprendr e

218: 15-16

_1_1 zegqit d_'_arriver une grande
revolution dans l'Abissinie

321: 38-40

un des premiers de la Cour crie
h haute voix, que'le’ Roi vient
2e _fairg sa servante une—tglfi,
Reine

Johnson 41: 14- 18

our Pains at last found some
Intermission at the foot of the

‘ Mountains of Duan the frontier

of Abyssinia which separates it
from the Country of the Moors,
through which we had travel'd

 

49:1-3

The Blacks here are not ugly
like those of the Kingdoms

l haxe spoken of, but have
better Features

62: 2-5

Thus they misapply the sacred
Writings, to defend practices,
yet more Corrupt than those

_I. perigee 2132.21.19.48 2f

148: 2

that he has _l_a_t_ely _be_e_n

informgd

179:17-18

A Great Revolution happgxid
at that Time in Agbyssinia

 

261:8-10

upon which one of the principal
Men of the Court proclaims
aloud that the‘King hag made
his Servant Queen - —

54

'Le Grand: 337: 7-8

On vient de vo_ir sur le
témoignage du- Pere Dos
Santos

346: 9-10

comme on=le vient de dire

14: 29-30 (Vol. II)

Athanase veno_i_t d'Etre_
fait Evéque de— cette grande
ville

60: 17-19

Si quelqu'un en veut sgavoir
davantage, il peut consulter
A les Auteurs que nous xenons
de citer

88: 2-3

81 avec ceux dont nous venons

de faire commemoration

88: 12-13

81 avec ceux dont nous venons
de-reciter des noms

Johnson 279: 7-8

We haze already from the
Writings of Father Dos-
Santos Eegn

288: 28

as has be e}: bsfgrs 3.1183921.

304: 18-19

where he found" St. Athanasius

 

newly made Bishop of that
great City

349: 11-13

of which whoever desires
a more perfect Knowledge,
may consult the Authors
already cited

378: 12-13

and with those whom we have

now commemorated

378: 21

and with those whose'Names
we have now _{epeatgd

C HAPTER III

"THE LIFE OF FATHER PAUL SARPI"

In the Gentleman's Magazine for November, 1738 onpages 581-

 

583 there appeared an article entitled, "The Life of Father'PAUL

 

SARPI, Author of the Historl of the COUNCIL 2f TRENT: For printing

 

 

. a new Translation of which, by S. JOHNSON, we have publish'd Proposals.

 

 

Signed "S. J. , " this article is evidently a kind of advertisement for
Johnson's translation of Le Courayer's French edition of Sarpi's History

of the Council of Trent which never appeared because of Dr. Johnson's

 

dispute with another "Samuel" Johnson who was also translating the same
book.’- E. L. McAdam, Jr. in a PMLA article, "Johnson's Lives of
Sarpi, Blake, and Drake" points out that the source for Johnson's "Life
of Father'Paul Sarpi" is Le Courayer's "Vie Abregée de Fra-Paolo"
(also called "Vie de I'Auteur") which he includes‘in his French trans-
lation of Sarpi's History.z Although McAdam's critique of Johnson's
translation of Le Courayer's "Vie Abregée" is sound throughout, I wish
in-this chapter to consider it in more detail than he is able to do in his
brief article. Also, I shall examine in some detail McAdam's analySis
of an important Johnsonian omission from the French and offer some
textual evidence to temper somewhat his charge that Johnson distorts his

source.

 

lSee Edward Ruhe's, "The TwoSamuel Johnsons,- "Egg, 199
(October 1954), 432-435. Ruhe points out that many details of the event
are still unclear, and even the name of Johnson's rival has been obscured--
it was John, not Samuel, Johnson. A clergyman who knew Le Courayer
personally, he appeared to have more support for his translation and more
reasonable expectation of completing it, all of which probably discouraged
Johnson from pursuing his work any further.

ZLVIII (June 1943), 466-476. Referred to hereafter as McAdam.
55

56

There is no mention in the Gentleman's Migazine that Johnson's

 

"Life of Father Paul Sarpi"‘is a translation from the French, although
his debt to‘Le Courayer is obvious. Yet Johnson's article is less a
translation of the "Vie Abregée"-than a skillful reworking of the
French‘text in which he does much more than simply translate the
French into English. Like his "Dissertation on the Mazons; " Johnson's
"Life of Father Paul Sarpi" is a condensation of a much longer work.

His biography in the Gentleman's Magazine is only about five columns

 

and twenty-five paragraphs, and Le Courayer's life of Sarpi is thirty-
four closely printed quarto pages. Such a difference in length makes it
evident that Johnson does much more than mechanically translate the
French into English. Instead, he works with his French text much as
he does with Guyon's Histoire--paraphrasing, compressing, and con-
densing the French. He selects passages that interest him, omits
considerable portions of his French source, adds-comments of his own,
rearranges the facts Le Courayer presents, and generally reworks the
"Vie Abregée"'into something quite his own. ‘Le Courayer clearly
presents the material for Johnson's article, but its style, arrangement,
and expression are very much Johnson's own. Still, it is not inaccurate
to call "The Life of Father Paul Sarpi" a translation, provided the term
is properly qualified, for in many places in the article it is possible to
see a close relationship between the French and the English.

Johnson's method of translating Le Courayer can be seen inhis
rendition of the opening paragraph of the "Vie Abregée. "
Le Courayer: (XL: 1-16)

FRA-PAOLO,nommé’.dans le monde Pierre Sarpi, naquit a Venise

 

1e 14 d'Aoflt MDLII. Son pere Frargois Sarpi, originaire de San-

 

Vido dans le Frioul, exerga le Commerce avec peu de succés.
D'un temperament naturellement violent 81 plus porté aux armes

qu'a sa profession, i1 rui'na ses affaires, 81 laissa en mourant

57

ea famille avec peu de ressources du cbté de la fortune, mais
dédommagée d'ailleurs par des biens plus précieux que l'bpulence

81 l'élévation. Sa mEre Isabelle Morelli, d'une famille Citadine de

 

Venise, d'un caractbre doux 81 naturellement porte a la piété,‘ d'une
conduite reguliere 8; édifiante, suppléa a ce qui manquoit a ses
enfans du c8té des richesses, par les semences de religion 81 de
vertu qu'elle leur inspira, 81 par l'éducation qu'elle leur procura

par le moyen de son frére Ambroise Morelli Recteur des Religieuses

 

de‘Ste Ermagore, 81 Maitre d'une Ecole a Venise, d'ofi sortirent

plusieurs E18ves, qui ont fait honneur :1 sa mémoire 81 a ses soins.
Johnson: (C.3_1\_I1 581 cl. 1, G-H)

Father‘P_a__ul, whose Name, before he entered into the wmonastic

Life, was Peter Sarpi, was born at Venice, August 14, 1552.

 

His Father follow'd Merchandise, but with so little Success, that

at his Death, he left his Family very 111 provided for, but under

the Care of a Mother, whose Piety was likely to bring the Blessing

of Providence upon them, and whose wise Conduct supplied the

want of Fortune by Advantages of greater Value.

Happily for young m she had a Brother, Master of a

celebrated School, under whose Direction he was placed by her.
It is clear that although Johnson's rendition is based upon the French,
he does not tr anslate literally. Instead, he paraphrases and condenses
his source, but with such skill that the substance and sense of the original
are well preserved.

In his next three paragraphs (Cid 581 cl. 2, A-F) Johnson stays
fairly close to his French source, in which Le Courayer comments
about Sarpi's academic excellence, but again he does not translate
literally. In‘Johnson's translation of Le Courayer's discussion of Sarpi's
entrance into the order of the Servites it is possible to get a clear idea

of how he handles his French text.

58

'Le Courayer: , *(XLI: 25-40)
En vain son oncle 81 sa mére, qui avoient sur lui d'autres vues,
s'opposérent-ils a sa resolution, 81 tachErent mame de l'en détourner
pas des mortifications 81 des duretés, auxquelles peut-Etre il n'eut
pas cru devoir s'attendre; il demeura ferme dans son dessein,‘ 81 prit
l'habit de *l'Ordre le 24 de Novembre'MDLXVI, n'ét ant encore'agé
que de quatorze ans: age bien tendre pour un tel engagement, m-ais
qui dans le jeune 52:31 étoit accompagné de tant de maturité,
81 secondé de dispositions si conformes a une telle profession, que
ni les affaires dont il fut charge, ni les occasions qu'il eut de s'en
prévaloir pour changer de condition ou se soustraire a la pratique
des Observances, no le dégofltErent jamais de son état loin de l'en
repentir, 81 ne servirent mame qu'a lui inspirer plus d'inclination
pour le repos 81 la retraite. En MDLXVIII 11 fit profession tacite
dans l'Ordre, qu'il renouvella ensuite solennellement le 10 Mai

MDLXXII, entre les mains d'Etienne Bonucci alors General des

 

Servites, 81 depuis Cardinal.
Johnson: (GA/l 581 cl. 2, C-D)
[His Uncle and his Mother] represented to him the Hardships and
Austerities of that kind of Life, and advis'd him with great Zeal
against it. But he was steady in his Resolution, and in 1566 took
the'Habit of the Order, being then only in his 14th Year, a Time of
Life in most Persons very improper for such Engagements, but in
him attended with such Maturity of Thought, and such a settled
’Temper, that he never seem'd to regret the Choice he then made,
and which he confirm'd by a solemn public Profession, in 1572.
Here again Johnson paraphrases and condenses the French, but it is
evident that he still manages to maintain the sense, if not the language,

of his foreign text.

59

Johnson follows Le Courayer's comments‘about William, Duke of
Mantua, who noticed the great capabilities of the young Sarpi and gained
permission from his superiors to retain him at his court. (G_M 581 cl.
2, E-F). Like Le Courayer he says that young Sarpi left this position
in two years. Johnson, though, says Sarpi left simply because he did
not find life at court "agreeable to his Temper, " a phrase which hardly
. duplicates Le Courayer's statement that Sarpi was "dégoflté par les
caprices du Due Guillaume, qui joignoit beaucoup de bizarrerie a
beaucoup d'esprit" as well as by the general atmosphere of the court
and "d'une station oil 11 vivoit moins pour lui que pour les autres"
(XLII: 20-26). Johnson does, however, translate Le Courayer's
description of Sarpi's intellectual achievements quite closely as can be
seen by a comparison of the following passages.

Le Courayer: (XLII: 29-37)

Car outre celle des Belles-Lettres 81 des Langues Latine,

Grecque, Hébraique 81 Caldéenne, il etoit trés habile dans la

Philosophie, la Théologie, 81 1e Droit Canon, 81 déja trés instruit

duDroit Civil, des Mathématiques, de toutes les parties de la

Physique, de la Chymie mame, 81 de plusieurs autres choses, qui

sembleroient ‘avoir demandé l'étude d'une grande partie de la vie,

81 qui exigeoient au moins un esprit vif, une mémoire heureuse,

une conception aisée, 81 une tate parfaitement claire 81 capable

de réunir tant de différens objets sans la moindreconfusion.
Johnson: (9% 581 cl. 2, G-H)

' [He was not] only acquainted with the Latin, Greek, Hebrew and

 

 

Chal'dee Languages, but with Philosophy, the Mathematicks, Canon
and Civil Law, all Parts of natural Philos0phy, and Chemistry
itself; forhis Application was unintermitted, his Head clear, his

Apprehension quick, and his Memory retentive.

60

For his first six paragraphs, then, Johnson stays fairly close
to his French source, though he paraphrases in almost every instance
instead of translating literally. Throughout the rest of his article,
however, he moves more rapidly through‘Le Courayer's "Vie de
I'Auteur," abridging, condensing, omitting large sections of the text,-
and even altering the sequence of facts Le Courayer presents. Johnson
omits, for example, Le Courayer's comments about Sarpi's rigid
schedule of study, his precarious health, and his diet. Such omissions,
though, are consistent with Johnson's apparent aim in his biography of
dealing mainly with Sarpi's religious and political ventures rather than
his personal life.

Johnsonfollows Le Courayer's commentary in stating that at
twenty-two Sarpi was made a priest and found favor with the illustrious
Cardinal Borromeo who often consulted him on theological matters.
Johnson also writes that persons envious of Sarpi's rise to fame wished
to ruin him [and charged "him before the Inquisition, for denying that the
Trinity could be proved from the first Chapter of Genesis" (G_M 582 c1.

1, A), not quite an accurate translation of Le Courayer's statement that
Sarpi was accused ".qu'il ne croyoit pas qu'on put prouver'le mystére
dela Trinité par le prémier Chapitre de la Genése" .(XLIII: 29-31).

A typical Johnsonian variation on the French is seen shortly later in his
translation of Le Courayer's discussion of Sarpi's intellectual abilities.
The French reads, "Il discouroit de’Mathématique avec les MathEmaticiens,
,d'Astronomie avec les Astronomes, de Médecine avec les Médecins,
d'Anatomie avec les Chirurgiens" (XLIV: 31-34) which Johnson translates,
~ "He frequently convers'd upon Astronomy with‘Mathematicians, upon
Anatomy with Surgeons, upon MediCine with Physicians" (Eta-II- 582 cl. 1 B).
Such variationfrom the French is found throughout Johnson's article

and is clear evidence that he considered his French source not as a text

61

to be followed slavishly but as a model or guide to help him create a
fairly original article of his own.

' Le Courayer discusses in some detail Sarpi's rise to the post of
"Procurer-Général" of his order and his success as an administrator,
teacher, and scholar (XLIII-XLIV), all of which Johnson summarizes
briefly in his comment, "After this he passed successively thrd' the
Dignities of his Order, and in the Intervals of his Employment applied
himself to his Studies with so extensive a Capacity, as left no Branch
of Knowledge untouch'd" (G_M 582 cl. 1, A). Johnson omits Le Courayer's
description of the internal disturbances Sarpi faced within his Order and
the admirable way he conducted himself. Such an omission, however, is
not surprising, for Sarpi was soon involved in a much greater
controversy--one which ultimately cost him a bishOpric.

Sarpi, it seems, did not come out of the internal dispute within
his order without enemies who wished to destroy him. A certain Colissoni,
bent on ruining Sarpi, made public a letter Sarpi had written him.

Le Courayer writes, "11 s'y agissoit d'une Lettre écrite en chiffre a

Colissoni lui-mame, qui pour gagner la confiance de Fra-Paolo lui

 

aiant propose quelques moyens de s'avancer 1 Rome, ce‘Pére en montra

beaucoup d'éloignement 81 de mépris, 81 répondit, qu'on ne s'avancoit

 

aux Dignités de cette Cour mic Ear de mauvais moyens, 81 que loin d'en

 

faire aucun cas, il en avoit horreur" (XLV: 36-42). Johnson translates,

 

- "A former Acquaintance produced a Letter written by him in Cyphers,

in which he said, that he detested the Court of Rome, - and that no

 

 

‘Preferment was obtained there but by dishonest Means" (GM 582 cl. 1,

 

, D). It is immediately apparent how loosely Johnson translates Sarpi's
remark. :Nowhere does he say, for example, that he "detested the Court
of Rome. " But this variation from the French text is only a minor one
compared to what follows. Johnson completes his comments about the

affair with the statement, "This Accusation, however dangerous, was

62

passed over on account of his great Reputation, but made such Impress-
ions on that Court, that he was afterwards denied a Bishoprick by Clement
VIII" (G_M 582 cl. 1, D-E).

McAdam points out in his article what a comparison of the French
and English immediately reveals--Johnson omits a second and perhaps
the real reason why Sarpi was denied a bishopric.3 According toLe
Courayer, Sarpi was also accused of having consorted with Jews and
heretics and this contact, rather than the letter he wrote, appeared to
be the immediate cause of his loss of the bishOpric. Le Courayer writes,

"Car lorsque du tems de Clement VIII on le proposa pour "'Evéché de

 

Milopotamo 81 ensuite pour celui de N__013, l'accusation avoit tellrement
frappé ce Pape, que quoiqu'il avouat que ce PEre étoit un homme de
Lettres 81 de capacité, i1 ajouta que le commerce qu'il avoit entretenu
avec les Hérétiques 1e rendoit indigne de l'Episcopat (XLVI: 17-22).
McAdam comments, "This omission not only distorts his source, but
perverts history. Johnson apparently felt that the real reason for the
refusal was Sarpi's almost open opposition to Rome, and that the heretics
were but a convenient pretext. " 4'

McAdam's charge has a clear textual basis--Johnson obviously
does omit a second reason for Sarpi's loss of the bi shopric. But McAdam
himself grants that apparently Johnson "felt" that the real reason was
Sarpi's opposition to Rome prior to the second charge. There are two
passages in the French text, moreover, which support the idea that
Johnson has a basis in seeing the letter as a fundamental cause for
Sarpi's failing to obtain the high church post and that the second accu-
sation was more a pretext. Concerning the first episode, Sarpi's letter

attacking the means of advancement in Rome, Le Courayer writes,

 

3McAdam, p. 467.
‘McAdam, p. 467.

63

"On peut juger quelles impressions put faire :1 Rome une telle Lettre,-
81 quoiqu'on n'y trouvat pas dequoi procéder criminellement contre

son Auteur, on sent assez qu'il étoit impossible qu'elle ne laissat des
préventions contre lui, qui se revéillérent des que la défense de sa
Patrie l'eut obligé de se déclarer contre les prétentions déraisonnables
de IF_’_a_1_1_l \_l" (XLV: 42-44; XLVI: 1-3). From this statement it is evident
that Sarpi's letter was sufficient cause for him to be put under sus-
picion in Rome even though the letter itself was not grounds for action.
Le Courayer's phrase, "On peut juger quelles impressions put faire 8
Rome une telle Lettre" is fraught with the ominous implications that
Sarpi definitely was on the suspect list as far as the Churchhierarchy
was concerned.

A second passage in the French text, moreover, tends to mitigate
McAdam's charge that Johnson, in his omission of the second accu-
sation, "distorts" his source and "perverts" history. Le Courayer
himself refers to the letter when he discusses the second accusation
against Sarpi. He writes, "L'autre accusation, quoique plus frivole
encore, lui fit également tort 5 Rome; c'est qu'il entretenoit commerce
avec des Juifs 81 avec des Hérétiques. Dans d'autres conjonctures, un
tel crime eat peut-Etre paru ridicule: mais l'idée que l'on a :1 Rome,
qu'on ne sauroit mal penser de cette Cour sans penser mal en meme
tems de la Religion, y fit juger que celui qui avoit écrit la Lettre déférée,
pourroit bien aussi n'étre pas trop zélépour 1"Orthodoxie Romaine"
(XLVI: 4-10). Thus the French text clearly reveals what Johnson perhaps
overemphasizes--the letter Sarpi wrote did much damage to his repu-
tation. Once suspected he was marked for a fall, and any subsequent
deviation, however innocent, was all that was needed to seal his doom.

There is, then, textual support for McAdam's position that
Johnson's omission distorts the French text and also, I think, enough
evidence for believing that the omission was caused simply by Johnson's

view that the real reason for the denial of the bishOpric was the letter

64

Sarpi wrote. Condensing as he does because of the small space he
had to work in, Johnson probably felt that the omission of the second
accusation against Sarpi would not seriously distort the substance of
the work he was translating. At any rate, such an omission reveals
that Johnson's French translations are not simply mechanical render-
ings of one language into another, but they offer complexities and
problems of interpretation that one would hardly expect to find.

Johnson mentions briefly Sarpi's retirement from the turmoil
he had been involved in, during which he studied, wrote, and attempted
to improve himself Spiritually (EM 582 cl. 1, E-G). His time of
repose was soon interrupted, however, by the feud between Pope Paul V
and the Republic of Venice. This conflict occupies almost two columns
in Johnson's five-column article, and it is evident that it must have
interested him considerably. The quarrel between the Pope and the
Republic of Venice was a complex affair concerning impingement upon
the papal power by the Venetian state which was seizing church property
and putting members of the clergy in prison. Pope Paul was determined
to force the Venetians to submit to his demands and when they refused,
he countered by laying the state under an interdict. LeCourayer dis-
cusses this stage of the controversy in three long paragraphs (XLVII-
XLVIII), but Johnson condenses it into a single sentence, "But the most
active Scene of his Life began about the Year 1615, [Johnson incorrectly
transcribes the Roman numeral MDCVI] when P0pe gall Vth, exasperated
by some Decrees of the Senate of Venice that interfered with the pretended
Rights of the Church, laid the whole State under an Interdict" (G_M 582 cl.
1, G).

In continuing his narration of the fight between the Pope and Venice,
Johnson condenses four pages of Le Courayer (XLVIII-LII) into three
short paragraphs (G_M_ 582 cl. 1, H-cl. 2, C). Though Johnson manages

quite skillfully to extract from his French text the main events in the

65

dispute, he gives little mention to the important role Sarpi played in
the controversy. * Johnson cites two works Sarpi wrote in defense of
the Venetian cause, one not his own but a translation, and he does not

even mention a third and more important one entitled Considerations

 

sur les Censures de‘Paul V. Le Courayer praises this book-highly

 

saying,- "Cet Ecrit, aussi recommandable par sa modération que par
la force des raisons 81‘1'érudition dont il est rempli, étoit seul capable
de terminer la disputes, si les préventions étoient susceptibles de
conviction" (LI: 34-36).

Johnson's chief interest in the conflict, however, is not with
Sarpi or the other Venetian writers who came to the support of the
Republic, but with a list of twelve "principles" by which the supporters
of Paul attempted to justify his interdict. When one considers that
Johnson's whole life of Sarpi is only about five columns in the

Gentleman's Magazine and the paragraph he devotes to a close trans-

 

lation of these "principles" is over a half a column, it is evident he
finds them to be of considerable significance. Though Johnson re-
arranges the order of the twelve "principles" and condenses them to
nine, he generally follows the French quite closely. Compare, for
example, "principle" ten which reads in French, "Que 1e Pape est un
Dieu en Terre, que sa Sentence 81 celle de Dieu sont la mame chose,
que c'est le mame Tribunal, 81 que douter de sa puissance est autant
que douter de celle de Dieu" (LII: 44; L111: 1-3) and Johnson's trans-
lation, "That the Pope is God upon Earth, that his Sentence and that
of God are the same, and that to call _l_'1_i_s_ Power in Question, is to call
in Question the Power of God" (G_M 582 cl. 2, F).

Johnson omits the Venetian reply to these "principles, " eight
in number (LIII), feeling evidently that the justice of their cause was
self-evident. He summarizes in a single paragraph (CM 582 c1. 2 H)

Le Courayer's discussion of the settlement between Rome and Venice,

66

brought about by the mediation of Henry IV, but he omits the terms
of the settlement (LV). Johnson them moves onto a brief narration
of the unsuccessful attempt on Sarpi's life by five assassins (EM 583
CI. 1, A-C) and he devotes a whole paragraph (G_M 583 cl. 1, C-E) in

praise of Sarpi's History of the Council of Trent, hOping perhaps to

 

create further interest in the translation he expected to bring out.

From this point Johnson begins to move much more rapidly through

the French and omits over ten pages (LVIII-LXVIII) in which’Le Courayer
discusses in detail Sarpi's writings, his partial reconciliation with Rome,
and his Protestant leanings.

To conclude his article Johnson moves on to Le Courayer's
description of Sarpi's approaching death, and it is interesting, I think,
to compare Johnson's rendition with the French original.

Le Courayer: (LXIX: 10-18)

Le Dimanche 8 de Janvier il ne laissa pas, tout accablé qu'il

Etoit, de se lever pour célébrer la Messe; ensuite de laquelle il

s'en alla, come a son ordinaire, prendre son repas avec les

autres. Mais c'étoient les derniers efforts d'une nature presque
éteinte, 81 qui se roidissoit contre la force du mal. Aprés

avoir iété surpris le Lundi d'une foiblesse qui fit craindre pour

sa vie, il se prépara 1e Jeudi a son dernier moment par le

demande du Saint Viatique, qu'il recut avec des sentimens de foi,

de piété 81 de résignation, qui firent admirer sa religion, 81

tirbrent des larmes des yeux de tous les psectateurs.
Johnson: (EA/l 583 cl. 1 F-G)

On Sunday the eighth of January of the next Year, he rose weak

as he was, to Mass, and went to take his Repast with therest,

but on Monday was seized with a Weakness that threatened im-

mediate Death, and on Thursday prepared his Change by receiving

the Viaticum with such Marks of Devotion as equally melted and

edified the Beholders.

67

Though Johnson condenses and paraphrases Le Courayer's description
of the dying Sarpi, it is clear that his rendition is in no way inferior
to the original and may in its conciseness actually excel it.

Johnson follows Le Courayer's comments about Sarpi's death
quite closely (EM 583 cl. 1, H- c1. 2, B) but he omits his closing
discussion of Sarpi's virtues and physical appearance (LXX-LXXII).
For most of the remainder of his article, Johnson returns to an earlier
episode in the "Vie de l'Auteur" in which Le Courayer talks about
Sarpi's Protestant tendencies and his particular dislike of the Jesuits.

Quoting a letter Sarpi once wrote, Le Courayer writes, "11 n'xa rien de

 

plus essentiel, dit-il, qge de rui'ner le crédit des Jésuites. En les ru'inant

 

 

 

on rui'ne Rome; 81 si Rome estJaerdue, la Religion se réformera d'elle-

 

m8me'!(LXVI: 8-10). Johnson translates the letter quite closely saying,

"'There is nothin more essential than to ruin the Re utation of the
t 8 L

 

Jesuits: By the Ruin of the Jesuits, Rome will be ruin'd; and if Rome

 

 

 

is ruin'd, Religion will reform of itself" (GM 583 cl. 2 C). For his next

 

to last paragraph (_GM 583 cl. 2, D-E) Johnson borrows from the same
place in the "Vie de l'Auteur" (LXVI-LXVII) in which Le Courayer tells
of a situation in which a certain Fulgentio, a friend of Sarpi's, adminis-
tered to a sick Englishman in Venice the sacrement according to the
manner of the Church of England. Only in his last paragraph (GA/l 583
cl. 2, E) does Johnson return to the final paragraph of the "Vie de
l'Auteur" in which Le Courayer describes how Sarpi was buried with
great pomp and how a monument was erected to his memory (LXXIII).
Johnson's "Life of Father Paul Sarpi, " then, is an impressive
piece of condensation and compression. In it he has managed with great
skill to extract the most important facts about Sarpi as well as the times
in which he lived, and he has combined these into a narrative whose
smoothness belies the fact that it is a series of extracts from a much
longer work. In Johnson's "Sarpi" it is possible to see fully realized

the creative potentialities of translation.

68

Although Dr. Johnson's never finished his translation of

Le Courayer's French edition of Sarpi's History of the Council of Trent,

 

we do have, at least, the "Proposals" for this work which give a small,-
but adequate sample of how Johnson translated his French source.5
Due to the short length of this item, I shall quote the French original
and the English in full.
Le Courayer: "Livre Premier" (5-7)

Quoique plusieurs Historiens céIEbres de notre siécle aient touché

quelques particularities du Concile de Trente dans leurs Ecrits,

81 que Jean Sleidan Auteur fort exact en ai décrit avec soin les

 

causes 81les motifs; comme cependant tout ce qu'ils en ont dit
joint ensemble ne suffit pas pour en faire une narration suivie 81
entiére, je me propose d'en écrire ici l'Histoire.

A peine avoi-je commence a prendre quelque connoissance
des affaires du monde, que je me sentis une extréme curiosité
d'apprendre tout le d'étail de ce qui s'étoit passe dans ce Concile.
Ainsi, aprés avoir lu avec soin tout ce que je pus rencontrer de
monuxnens publics imprimés ou manuscrits, qui ont rapport a
cette Assemblée, je me mis 5. rechercher tout ce que les Prélats
81 les autres qui y avoient assisté nous en ont laissé, 81 je
n'épargnai ni soins ni peines pour recueillir les Memoires, les
Votes, 81 les Suffrages publics, ou qu'ils nous ont conserves
eux-mémes, ou que d'autres nous ont transmis, 81 jusqu'aux
Lettres d'avis, qui se sont écrites de Trente pendant la tenue de
cette Assemblée. J'ai mame été assez heureux pour voir des
recueils entiers de Lettres 81 de Notes de ceux qui ont eu une
grande part dans toutes ces intrigues. Et c'est a l'aide de tous
ces monumens, qui peuvent fournir une matiére assez ample, que

je me propose d'écrire cette Histoire.

 

5The "Proposals, " once thought to be lost, were recently discovered
by Dr. Moses Tyson, Librarian of Manchester University. For a complete
account of their background and origin see, J. A. V. Chapple, "Samuel
Johnson's Proposals For PrintinLThe History of the Council of Trent [1728]"
Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, Manchester, 45 (March 1963), 340-369.

 

69

Je reconterai donc les causes 81 les intrigues d'une

Assemblée Ecclésiastique, qui durant le cours de vingt-deux
ans a été pour diverses fins 81 par différens moyens recherchée
81 sollicitée par les uns, 81 arrétée ou retardée par les autres;
81 qui pendant dix-huit ans, tantOt assemblée 81 tant8t interrompue,
mais toujours tenue dans des vues différentes, a eu enfin un
succés tout contraire a l'attente de ceux qui l'avoient procurée,
81 a la crainte de ceux qui l'avoient traversée. Belle legon, qui
nous apprend a remettre tout entre les mains de Dieu, 81 a ne
point reposer sur la prudence humaine.

Johnson: "Book I. " (3-4)
My Design is to write the History of the COUNCIL of TRENT; of
which, tho' some particular Occurrences have been touch'd on in
the Writings of many celebrated Historians of our Time, and the
Causes preceding it been very exactly recounted by that accurate

Author John Sleidan, yet all these Accounts put together will not

 

amount to a compleat Relation.

I, for my Part, as soon as I had attained some Knowledge
of Mankind, found myself seized with a strong Curiosity to be
acquainted with this Transaction in its whole Extent. And having
diligently perused whatever I met with written on that Subject,
and the publick Instructions as well Printed as Manuscript, I
applied myself, with indefatigable Industry, to search the Remains
of the Writings of the Prelates, and other who were at the Council,
for such‘Memoirs as they had left, and for Votes and Opinions
pronounc'd in publick, and preserv'd either by their Authors or by
other Men, together with the Advices transmitted from the City of
23323; and have been so fortunate as to obtain the‘Sight even of
whole Registers of Notes, and Letters written by Persons who had

a great Share in the Business of the Council. Having there made-a

70

Collection of Materials sufficient to furnish a Relation of the
whole Progress of this Affair, I shall digest them into their
proper order.

I SHALL relate the Causes and the Intrigues of an

Ecclesiastical Assembly, for the Space of twenty-two Years,

by various Means and for several Ends promoted and solicited

by one Party, and by the other retarded and opposed; and for

eighteen Years more, sometimes assembled, sometimes dis-

solved, always conven'd for different Purposes, and at last
modell'd and concluded in a Manner wholly contrary to the

Design of those who had procured, and to the Apprehensions of

those whose utmost Efforts had been employ'd to interrupt it:

A plain Instruction to resign all our Cares into the Hands of

God, and to put no trust in Human Prudence!

Johnson once told Boswell that history books could be translated
exactly, and it is apparent here that he attempts to approximate this
goal. There are, of course, frequent minor variations from the French
in Johnson's translation of Le Courayer's text--paraphrases, changes
in word order, slight omissions and additions, and changes in diction.
A minor variation which prevents one from assigning without qualifi-
cation a "literal" label on this translation is Johnson's rendition of
Le Courayer's use of the word "intrigues" (lines 29 and 23 above).

It is evident, I think, that Le Courayer uses the word in both instances
pretty much as it is defined in Larousse: "Pratique secréte, qu'on
emploie pour faire réussir ou manquer une affaire. " In his first trans-
lation of the word (line 19 above), Johnson gives its English equivalent
as "Business" which changes somewhat the force and meaning of the
passage. Later, however (line 23 above), he translates it as "Intrigues"
which preserves more adequately the sense of the French. Even though

we have only a small sample of Johnson's translation of Le Courayer's

71

text we might assume, had he continued, that his method of translation
would be essentially the same and that we would encounter variations

similar-to the one cited above.

 

CHAPTER IV

A COMMENTARY ON MR. POPE'S PRINCIPLES
OF MORALITY

 

Dr. Johnson's third translation from the French, A Commentary

 

on'Mr. Pope's Princijgles of Moraligy, or Essay on Man BX Monsr

 

 

Crousaz (1739) from Jean Pierre de Crousaz's Commentaire sur'la

 

Traduction en‘Vers de M. l'Abbé Du Resnel, de l'Essai de M. P0pe

 

sur l'Homme (1738), grew out of the stir that Alexander Pope's Essay

 

on Man created, especially in France. Though this chapter is primarily
concerned with the question of how Johnson translates his French source,-
something of its background and origin is needed for a full understanding

of the book. Etienne de Silhouette translated Pope's Essay on Man into

 

«prose in 1736 and the Abbé Du Resnel followedin 1737 with a verse
translation. As a result of reading these versions, JeanPierre de
Crousaz, a professor of mathematics and philosophy in the University of

Lausanne, wrote two attacks on Pope's poem: an Examen de l'Essai

 

de‘Monsieur Pope sur l'Homme, published in 1737 at Lausanne and

 

Amsterdam, and a Commentaire (see above) published in Geneva in 1738.

 

Of Pope's attacker Edward Bloom writes, "A pious man who distrusted
metaphysics and Pope's optimism (and, according to one critic, incompe-
tent to understand Pope's meaning and purpose), Crousaz identified
Pope's views with those of Leibnitz and Spinoza, concluding in the
Examen that the 1232.2: was irreligious. " 1

This dispute did not go unnoticed, however, and Bishop Warburton,

heretofore not exactly a champion of Pope, came to his defense in a

 

‘Samuel Johnson in Grub Street-(providence, Rhode Island, 1957),
p. 32.

 

72

73

2

series of letters, one of which Crousaz includes in his Commentaire.

 

A controversy of such international proportions coupled with the
inability of many to read French necessitated the translation-of
Crousaz's two works. The Examen was translated by the poetess and
writer, Elizabeth Carter, and was printed by Cave in 1738. At the
same time apparently Johnson himself was working on Crousaz's

second attack onPope, the Commentaire, but without much success.

 

In an undated letter to Cave he indicates little hope for the project but
urges the completion of Elizabeth Carter's work on the Examen.3
Indolence and inertia probably had as much to do with the slow progress

of the translation of the Commentaire by Johnson as anything else, but

 

the appearance of Charles Forman's translation (issued by Edmund Curll
in 1738) may have put even a greater damper on Johnson's will to work.
Forman's edition was not complete, however, and the revelation of this
fact, coupled perhaps with Cave's renewed urging, might explain
Johnson's hasty completion of the text, during which he admitted to com-
posing forty- eight quarto pages in one day.‘

What is clear to us today, though, long remained obscured because
of Boswell's confusion of Crousaz's two works. Only recently have
scholars been able to describe accurately Johnson's role in the trans-

lation of the Commentaire and the actual time it saw publication.5

 

Incorrecting the proofs of the Life Boswell altered Johnson's remark,

 

 

.zSee Life, v, 491.

-3Life, 1, 137.

‘Life, IV, 127, 494-495; v, 67.

55ee Allen Hazen, "Crousaz on P0pe, "Times Literary Supplement,
November 2, 1955, p. 704; Allen Hazen and E. L. McAdam, Jr., "First
Editions of Samuel Johnson: An Important Exhibition and a Discovery, "

Yale UniversiLLibrarx Gazette, X (January 1936), 45-51; R. 'W. Chap-
man, "Crousaz on‘Pope, " RES, n. s. I (January 1950), 57.

 

 

74

which he had recorded in his Journal, that he had "in one day written
six sheets of a translation of Crousaz onPope" to read "a translation
from the French. " L. F. Powell in a note comments, "This deliberate
rejection of his own record, made at the time, is, I believe, due to

his confusion of one 'translation of Crousaz onPope' withanother.

He knew very well that the pamphlet published in 1739, AntExamination

 

of Mr. Pope's Essay on Man. Translated from the French of M. Crousaz,

 

 

although attributed to Johnson, was really by Miss Carter, but there is
no evidence that he saw the entirely different book publishedin 1742, or
recognized the reference to it in Johnson's undated letter to Cave,
which he himself had printed. "6 Though-a long overlooked footnote in
Elwin-CourthOpe's P223 (1871 edition, II, 307) had suggested Johnson's

relationship with the Commentaire, it remained for Powell in his

 

revision of Hill's edition of the Life to identify Johnson as the translator

of the work. Moreover, Allen Hazen in an article in the Times Literary

 

Supplement for November 2, 19357 reported that the 1742 edition of the

Commentary was not the first but merely a reissue of the original 1739

 

edition published by A. Dodd. A final item in connection with the Crousaz

controversy is Johnson's two-part article in the Gentleman's Ma azine

 

for March and November of 1743. This article is taken mainly from his

translation of the Commentaire and appears to be less a serious attempt

 

to- elucidate the dispute and more a puff for his rendition of Crousaz's
second attack on“ Pope.

Crousaz's Commentaire is essentially a criticism of the Essay on

 

Man through the vehicle of Du Resnel's verse translation of the poem
which’Johnson includes in his edition with an interlinear translation.

Also found in Johnson's translation, but not in Crousaz's text, is

 

6Liie, 1v, 494-495.

7"Crousaz on Pope, " p. 704.

75

Du Resnel's"Preface" to his translations of the Essay on‘Man asvwell

 

as the Essay on Criticism.8 Of considerable interest in Johnson's

 

version are some forty-six notes which taken together not only constitute

his "commentary" onethe Commentaire, but also show Johnson the

 

literary critic at work. Many of these notes are quite short, some more
lengthy, and most are found in the fir st three Epistles. In them Johnson
points out the deficiencies of Du Resnel's translation of the 1.331341, and
Crousaz's commentary on the poem. Scattered throughout Johnson's
translation are such comments about Du Resnel's rendition as‘, "In this
place six whole Lines are omitted" (36) or "This Couplet is an Addition
by the Translator" (53), criticisms which sometimes culminate in a
more extensive condemnation such as: "'On this Passage where sixteen
Lines are translated into thirty-three, it is not necessary to make any
other Remark than may be made in general on the whole Work, that it

is extremely below the Original in Spirit, Propriety, and notwithstanding
the Diffuseness of his Expression, in Perspicuity" (67). Johnson is highly
critical of Crousaz's comments as well, particularly when he misinter-
prets Pope through a foolish trust in the accuracy of Du Resnel's trans-
lation. Johnson states in one place, "Mr Crousaz ought, at least, when
he met withNon-sense, to have consulted Mr 132p}. in the Prose Version.

To attribut e such an uncommon Sentiment, as that the Passions constitute

 

the Union between the Soul and Body, toa wrong-Author, is such

 

Injustice as'no Man ought either willingly or negligently, to be guilty of"
(107).
‘It is only in his notes, though, and not in his translation that we see

Johnson the personality and critic. His rendition of Crousaz's

 

8Johnson translates from Du Resnel's Les Princtfis de la Morale

. et du Gout , en Deux Poémes (Paris, 1737)., In comparing the French
and the English I found seventeen doublets, two typical Johnsonian trans-
lations of the idiom, "venir de" plus an infinitive, as well as the vari-
ations from the French found throughout the Commentaiy.

 

 

 

76

Commentaire is quite close for the most part, though it is by no means

 

exact. , Below I shall cite a brief passage from Johnson's translation to

give an idea of the method he uses throughout the Commentary. - Mainly,-

 

though, I rely on a series of tables to reveal the various deviations
Johnson makes from his French source. Under "Paraphrases" it is
seen how his rendition of the French is frequently less than literal;
under "Variations in Diction" are illustrations of how he sometimes
selects an English word that is not quite the equivalent of the French;
under "Word Order Changes" are examples of how he recasts a French
sentence to create what he probably thought was a smoother or more
forceful English sentence; and under "Additions to the French and
"Omissions from the French" are further variations which show that
this translation is not completely literal. Also, I list a number of

doublets which are scattered throughout the Commentary, though the

 

twenty in the table are only a small percentage of the more than ninety
I found. (Some of the other tables will also contain doublets.)

Dr. L. F. Powell in a note about the Commentary says, "The trans-

 

lation does not, I am bound to admit, exhibit a striking resemblance
to Johnson's style, but the Annotations, which are avowedly by the
translator, are distinctly Johnsonian. "9 The presence of somany
doublets in this translation, a chief idiosyncrasy throughout Johnson's
translations from the French, is certainly added support, though none
is really needed now, that Johnson is indeed the translator of this work.
Finally, I have listed Johnson's translations of the idiom, "venir de"
plus an-infinitive.

In the passages below it is possible to see quite clearly Johnson's

method of translation‘in his Commentaiy and many of the variations

 

which are listed in the tables which follow.

 

9Life, IV, 495.

77

Crousaz: (65: 3-25)
Cependant Dieu, qui voit infiniment plus clair dans l'avenir que
les hommes, 81 qui a les événemens en sa main, souvent par
bonté pour eux, ne permet pas que leur desseins tournent comme
ils se l'étoient proposé, parce que ce succés leur auroitété
moins avantageux. Plus souvent encore il réduit a rien la
témerité 81 l'orgueil de leurs entreprises, 81 11 les laisse courir
a desmaux qu'ils ont bien mérités. Les hommes abusent sur ce
sujet de leur liberté: tant8t ils se persuadent comme certain ce
qu'il leur plait, sans en avoir des preuves raisonnables, 81 tantOt,
avertis d'éviter les malheurs qui les regardent, ils refusent de
se soflmettre a des conseils qui ne leur plaisent pas. On en a un
exemple bien frapant dans la conduite des Isra'élites, un peu avant
leur captivité.

Johnson: (31: 1-16)10
But God, whose Views of Futurity are infinitely more clear than
Man's and who has the sovereignDisposal of all Events, very
often mercifully disappoints human-Designs, because the Dis-
appointment is more to our Advantage than Success. He often
brings to nothing the Pride and Rashness of their Undertakings,
and suffers them to fall into the Calamities they deserve. Men,
with regard to Futurity, make an ill Use of their‘Freewill, some-
times persuading themselves, without just Grounds, of the
Certainty of what they wish for; and sometimes, when they are
inform'd of the Approach of Misfortunes, disregarding Advice
because they do not like it: Of this we have an affecting Instance

in the Conduct of the Israelites a little before the Captivity.

 

10I quote from the 1742 edition.

78

An examination of Johnson's translation of Crousaz's Commentaire

 

reveals quite clearly an attitude that is found throughout most of his
translations from the French. Essentially it is his view that the trans-
lator is more than an imitator, mouthpiece, or mirror . His function

is not only to transmit the meaning from language to language but also to

make some comment on it. In the Commentaiy, though Johnson stays

 

out of the text itself, he manages through the many notes he appends to

.create a considerable "commentary" on the Commentaire and at the

 

same time to reveal his own attitudes toward the work he is translating.
In many of his translations from the French the distinction between
Johnson the critic and personality and Johnson the translator is more
subtle and only a close comparison of the French and English texts can
substantiate which is which. Though in the Commentary we always
know who is talking, the translator or the critic, we still see clearly
implied the notion that translation must be a means of criticism as

well as a tool of transmission.

79

Paraphrases
Crousaz 4: 17

Aprés cette humble réponse

6: 14-15

C'est unlanguage 'équivoque,
mais decisif 81 sacré

12:28-29; 13: 1

On en a gravé les Definitions
dans sa Mémoire, fondées ou
arbitraires, c'est de quoi on
s'est peu embarrassé

 

15: 5-9

On cesse d'Etre enfant, on
devient adulte, on passe dans

des Auditoires, ou des Personnes
accreditées debitent hardiment
une Doctrine qui étonne

25: 19—23

81 1e mécontentement de quelques-
uns de ces Messieurs (car ils
veulent tout ou rien) n'a paru
aller jusqu'a le soupconner

plfltOt de'Spinosisme

36: 1-3

C'est une tache que j'accepte;
81 je suis ravi de savoir a
quoi mes recherches doivent
se borner

Johnson iii: 20- 21

If, after having returned an
Answer in this humble Strain

v: 9-10

The Expression in these is
equivocal, but considered as
sacred, and appeal'd to as
decisive

x: 3-6

They have fixed Definitions

in their Memories, without
being much concerned whether
they have any Foundation in
Reason, or are merely arbitrary

 

xi: 23-26

When he is grown up, he enters
the'School, where he hears a
Doctrine, that strikes him with
astonishment, boldly advanced
from Men of great Reputation

xix: 25-29

And some of these Gentlemen
seem so far disgusted (for he
that admits any part of their
System is expected to) swallow
the whole) that they incline
rather to suspect him of
Spinosism.

 

9: 5-7

This TaskI embrace, with

the utmost Satisfaction, to find
how my Searches are to be
confin'd.

80

Paraphrases
Crousaz 47: 1-3

11 me paroit qu'il faut 'etre
bien facile pour trouver cette
réponse satisfaisante

56:7-1lv

L'un ou l'autre m'arrive
suivant que je me rens plus
an moins attentif 1 mon
devoir, aux discours des
personnes sages 81 a leur bons
exemples

182: 14-16

On ne peut s'empécher de
frémir a l'idée d'un
Systéme qui conduit 18

206: 7-10

Mr. POPE,a' pu voir des exemples
de ce détachement en Angle- ‘
terre; mais je doute mame qu'ils
y soient universels

231: 1-4

Les per sonnes qui ont eu des
blessures, s'apercoivent des
changemens de terns par des
douleurs, 81 en sont avertis par
avance

265: 1-2

Mr. POPE n'est pas plus
heureux Théologien qu'habile
' Philosophe

Johnson 18: 1-3

I must own that, in my

Opinion, the Man, whom this
Answer can send away satisfied,
is very cheaply contented

24: 6-10

I act one way or the other,
according as I apply myself
with greater or less Diligence,
or observe with more or less
Care, the Precepts of the Wise,
and the Examples of the Good

126: 3-5

nothing can be more horrible
than a System that insinuates
such a Doctrine

147:6-9

Mr PoEe may have seen, perhaps
in England, some Instances of
this Disregard for Life, and
Willingness to resign it, but I
much doubt whether it be even
there the general Temper

171: 16-18
Men that have been wounded,
often perceive any impending

Change of Weather, by Aches
in the healed Part

204: 9-10

Mr Pope succeeds no better in
his Divinity than his Philosophy

8'1

- Paraphrases
Crousaz 287: 8-10

81 l'effet d'un arrangement
merveilleux auquel il est
impossible de rien changer

311: 3-6

Mais la Grandeur appartient
a des hommes privilégiés par
les talens qu'ils ont, ou
qu'on leur impute

330: 1-3

La Raisonainsinu'é que cela
doit Etre ainsi, la Révélation
l'assure 81 l'expérience 1e prouve

343: 1-7

Nous sommes nés pour aimer,
c'est un devoir; 81 plus nous nous
en acquittons, c'est-a-dire, plus
nbtre coeur fait aimer tendrement,
plus vivement nous éprouvons a
que point 11 est doux d'aimer
autant qu'on doit

352: 5-7

car je n'en eu jamais la moindre
ombre contre lui

Johnson 224: 10-12

and the inevitable Consequence
of an invariable Concatenation

247: 2-4

but Greatness is the Privilege
of Men distinguish'd either

by real or imputed‘Superiority
of Genius

265: 1-3

This Truth, which is hinted to
us by Reason, is confirmed by
Revelation, and proved by
Experience

274: 21-25

We are born to love one another,
and the more any Man indulges
his Benevolence, the more
sensibly he perceives the Happi-
ness of Loving; the more he
practices his Duty, the more
agreeable does his Duty grow

283: 13; 284: 1
for I never had the least Reason

for personal Malevolence to his
character.

82
Variations inlDiction
Crousaz 22: 12
dans leur mo:t_e_:lle_hypgth_e _s_ e
31: 25-27

81 pour profiter avec plus
de docilité des lumieres qu'ils

vont acquerir
38: 2-3

sur ma geitinée
123: 13-14

Ce n'est pas Dieu qui _f_a_i_t
naitr_e_dans le coeur des

hommes
138: 14- 15

L'Homme, nait-il condamné
au_t_r_aya_i_l

186: 2-3

Le Ma‘itre de ce second-Elia:

188: 14

see. praise. 2111212 see
257: 16

Le _c_o§_u_r humain

267: 22-23

_le_s_ Commsngemens de la
félicité parfaite

Johnson xvii: 3-4
in their _cl_e_s-tru_c_ti_v_e_ System

5: 20-21

and that I may attend more
tractably to the _new Instruc-

_ti_o_n_s_ which are to be received
11: 3

upon the Eng gfymy Being

78: 1

God does not_i_n_f_e_c_t the Heart
of Man

89: 2-3

Was Man at his Birth sentenced
to peipstgel. £931 gas

129: 1

The King of this _de_te§_t2b1_e
Rage

131: 15

his Sailing .1292 8.1.92
198: 1

The 154in of Man
206: 20-21

the_f_i_r_st__I_)av_yn of that perfect
Felicity

83

Variations in Diction
Crousaz 268: 11-12

on pourroit faire unlrgs
grand abus

278: 5-6

11 sent sa présence gags_s_qn
intérieur

une l1be rté réelle

mais ses desirs sont_t_r§_s
modérés

313: 2-3

se réduit 1 un exte’rieur

318: 9-10

Leur passion dominante est la
Brutalité

328: 18-19

un mauvai s coeur

351: 16-17

se trouvera 382111191 Cl: dogt£s_

360: 16-17

ces réflexions si affreuses

_-—_--——_—__——

363: 20

Johnson 207: 11

will lead us to very destruc- .

—-——_-

216: 2-3

He feels his Presence_i_n_
215.911.13.19}?le 5.8

3 I: r_e_ egom 2f_Action

242:7-8

but his Passions are subjected
to _e_xact Regula_t_ions

249: 2-3

is a mere external Advantage

254: 4-5

Their ruling Passion is a
2r2t31_521£-l°xe

263: 8

find his Mind clouged with
Enseiteistx

289: 10-11

Thi_s_ ngd 2f_ s_lavish _a_d_herents

84

Word Order Changes
Crousaz 11: 18-22

Un tems a été qu'il falloit parler
comme ARISTOTE 81 ses plus
autorisés Commentateurs, pour
se faire une Reputation, 81 se
parvenir a la Fortune

15: 15-17

sans cesser d'Etre riches en
Vertu, vous deviendrez égale-
ment riches en connoissances

19:20-21

J'ai connu ces Combats par
experience

33: 10-12

La Po'ésie adopte le grand, mais
mon coeur souhaite du simple 81
du clair

49: 26-30

ils se seroient instruits de

la Chute de l'Homme dans une
ancienne Histoire, que de trés
habiles gens ont demontrée tout-
a-fait digne de foi

96: 1-3
C'est un Sophisme de mettre

enrparalléle, comme'égales, des
choses tres differentes

139: 19-20

La Raison condamne ‘également
ces extrémités

Johnson ix: 4-7

There was a Time, when to
establish a Reputation, and raise
a Fortune, it was necessary to
speak in the same manner with

Aristotle, and the most approved

of his Commentators
xii: 2-4

by these means you will enrich
your Mind with Knowledge, with-
out impoverishing it in Virtue

xv: 12-13

These Struggles I once
experienced

7: 6-7

Grandeur is the Delight of Poetry,
but my Heart is set upon Clear-
ness and Simplicity

19: 32-35

they would have consulted an
ancient History, whichimany Men
of the fir st Class have shown to
be highly credible, for an: Account
of the FALL

55: 10-11

To draw a Parallel between
Things of a Nature entirely

different, is mere Sophistry

90: 4-5

Each of these Extremes is con-
demn'd by Reason

85

Word Order Changes
Crousaz 181: 12-13

La Divine Providence ne fait
point na'itre, dans 1e coeur
des hommes, des inclinations
vicieuses

245: 17-21

J‘ai déja fait mes remarques
sur l'insuffisance de ces instruc-
tions pretendu'e's, que nous donnent

les animaux, 81 sur le peu de fonde-.

ment de cette Harangue Romanesque

274: 14- 15

De quels assemblages de
merveilles no me trouve-je pas
environné

307: 11-12

Les vers suivans ne sauroient
étre trop 105

322: 1-4

Ce n'est point par le mépris
qu'il a pour les hommes envieux,
qu'un homme sage se met au
dessus de leur injustice

372: 5-9

La pureté de ses moeurs 81
‘l'exactitude de sa conduite ne
souffrirent aucun relachement d'une
Hypothése, qui auroit plongé une
infinite de gens dans le desordre

Johnson 126: 1-2

Vicious Inclinations are
not implanted by Divine
Providence in the Heart of Man

186: 4-8

Upon the Insufficiency of these
pretended Instructions, whichswe
receive from the Brute Creations,
I have already made my Observ-
ations, and shewn upon what weak
Foundations the Author raised
this Romantic Structure

213:23-24

and see myself surrounded by
an immense Assemblage of
Wonders

242: 1-2

It is impossible to read the
following Lines too often

256: 11-12
A wise Man has a more certain

Method of eluding Envy than
that of despising it

297: 3-6

- Many would have been corrupted

in their Morals, and made irregu-
lar in their Conduct by such an
Opinion; but this Man did not
suffer his Hypothesis to have any
Effect upon his Conduct

86

Additions to the French
Crousaz 20: 4

Mais cela posé, pourquoi prior

33: 14-15

les Corps dont je suis
environné

50: 22

81 disposés a choisir mal

71: 4-7

Plus un'Auteur a de reputation,
plus il doit se rendre attenif 3
ne laisser rien échaper

126: 9-11

c'est une sécurité qui va au
renversement de la Morale 81 de
la Religion

155: 3-4

Mr‘POPE tient exactement parole

190: 1-2

qu'on peut les comparer a ces
nuances

195: 9-10

Que repondra-t-on a l'Etre
eternel

Johnson xv: 23-24

But when this Position was laid
down, what need was there of
Prayer, 2r 2f Confession

7:10-11

that 3831613121333 of Bodies with
which I am surrounded

20:17-18

and disposed to chuse Evil
Lathsrjhas 9.029

35: 5-7

The more Reputation an Author
is arriv'd at, the more cautious
ought he to be, that nothing drops
£er 1.1.12. Beg

80: 6-8

anilL-grgugdgd Security that
tends to the _to_t_al_ Overthrow of
Morality and Religion

101:5-6

Mr. Pope keeps his Promise with
_gr_e_a£_ Exactness

132: ll; 133:1

be compared to those Shades
in a Picture

— _ _-‘ _—

137: 8-9

What Answer will such a

V_Vr_e_t_<_:_h_be able to make t_o the
Eternal

87

Additions to the French
'Crousaz 205: 25-26

les hommes s'étourdissent
sur la mort

237: 14-15
mais dans d'autres endroits,
11 se laisse voir un grossier
Epicurien

237: 19-20

on passe a des vu'és plus pures

255: 26-27

Le Culte des Dieux ne pouvoit
tomber

275: 26-27

ce qu'il demande de moi

278: 1
d'avoir re§u la vie
324: 2-4

qu'elle ne leur laisse pas le
tems necéssaire pour decider

359: 21

Ce n'est pas tout

Johnson 146: 20

Men harden themselves against
the _Fe3r_o_f_ Death

177:7-8

but, in other Places, appears a
very gross Epicurean, a rrnre
Sensualist

177: 12-13

Men rise to more pure Desires,
and mo_r_e_ exalted Views

196: 10-13

There was no Danger that the
Worship of the Gods, es_t_ ab-
l_i_shed uppn_ this Pr_inci_ple,

could ever fall to the Ground

214: 21-22

and of the_ Duties which he

requires —from- me

215: 34-35

to have received the Gift of Life
259: 2-3

that they never stop_i_n _t_heir
Capepr, long enough to examine

288: 20-21

But this is not all that may

of the Leibnitzian Universe

Omissions from the French
Crousaz 9: 4-5

Mais cette réponse qpe_v_o_u_s_
venez h'de faire, est-elle

conforme
21: 3-4
a leur Systéme ppécplitif

27: 9-10
que j'ai trouvées dans giyeps
Ouvrages

91: 4-6

Mais le Systéme se découvert
ici plus clairement gu_'_o_r_1_ 2e
souhaiteroit

108: 1-7
A tout coup Mr. POPE oublie

une des grandes régles, 8__1_
des plus-essentielles que

217: 4-8

'Notre sensibilité pour ses

bienfaits, nOtre reconnoissance, '

81 la sincérite de nos actions

de graces, la crainte enfin
de ses jugemens

268: 25-26

au dessus de _t_opt reproche 81
de poptp punition

88

Johnson vii: 6-7

But is this Answer of yours
agreeable

xvi: 14-15

to their System

1: 9

which I met with in Books
51: 19-20

But the Systeme appears
here too plainly

65: 15-17

Mr. Pope forgets, almost
in every Line, one of the
chief Rules laid down by
Mr. Des-Cartes

156: 6-8

Our Sense of his Benefits,

our Thanksgivings, and even
our Dread of his Judgments

207: 22-23

as out of reach of Reproach
or Punishment

89

Omissions from the French
Crousaz 273: 23-26

Ne me hazardai-je point trop,

8_1_ ne__ craindrai_ - j_(e2 point g'_a_van:_
cer un sentiment qui paroitra
trop paradoxe

284: 3-5

ne présentent pas des idées
assez nettes 81 _a_._ssez instruc-

_t_iyes pour un sujet si intéressant
309: 1-3

Aprés avoir pombitp 81 démontré
l'erreur des préjugés si communs
sur les richesses

320: 21

81 de toutes les lumiéres

368: 22-25

je me suis rappellé plus d'une
fois 1e souvenir de deux
événemens, qui ont trop de
rapport a ce sujet popr_l_<3s_
omettre

Johnson 213: 8-9

SHALL I not too rashly expose
expose myself to the Character
of a paradoxical Writer

221:8-9

is a Manner of speaking scarcely
clear enough on so great and
important a Subject

244: 1-2

After having shewn the Falsehood
of the common Notions about
Riches

255: 23-24

and that Knowledge

294: 23-25

I have more than once called

to mind two Occurrences which

have a close Connection with
Subject

90

Doublets
Crousaz 7: 23-24

pour joui'r purement du
vrai

12: 25-27

81 son parti s'est empressé
A la met en crédit, avec un
zéle du plus vifs

37: 9-11

sans quoi tout l'Univers
se seroit d'abord réduit
en une Masse trés compacte

84:21-23

dans l'espérance de voir
Eternellement ses Loix regner
en nous 81 sur nous

103:7-10

J'ouvre mes yeux, 81 je ne
puis me lasser d'admirer
avec ravissement, les beautés
que la Divine Providence
étale- 1 nos yeux

1 14: 4-6

81 auxquelles le Po'éte ordonne
de s'attendre avec la plus ferme
certitude

132: 10-11

ce sont des vérités constantes

Johnson vi: 9- 10

than quit it for the Enjoyment
of pupe and pimple Truth

x: 1-2

and his Party has exerted
itself with great Warmph
and Zeal to bring it into Credit

10: 9-10

or the World would at once
become a Mass of compact

and 30112 Matter
46: 15-17

in hopes of living to all Eternity
in Obedience and Submis_s_ion to

his Laws
61:3-6

We open our Eyes, and behold
with _Ex_t_a_§y and Admiration
the Beauties which Divine
Providence has displayed
before them

79:3-5

which we are directed by the
Poet to entertain without the
least Uncertainty or Doubt

84: 7-8

These are certain and unvaried
Truths

91

Doublets
Crousaz 140: 1- 3

se reléve 81 retombe, 81
toute sa constance se
réduit a ces inégalités

195: 3-4

dont l'effet naturel est
tout opposé a la vigilance

214: 2

a sa lumiére

215: 1-7

11 est triste de voir

l'espérance la plus respectable,
81 pour laquelle nous devons a
Dieu des graces infinies,
marcher 1 la suite d'une liste

de chiméres, effets de nOtre
orgueil, 81 de la légéréte de nOtre
attention

232: 17-18

Mr. POPE a un grand goat
pour les exagérations

276: 13-15

qui, a son air, le reconnoit

trés agité, 81 lui en demande
la cause

Johnson 90: 13- 15

rises and falls alternately,
and is nothing but Ipeguility
and Inconstancy

137: 1-3

which naturally tends to
discourage all Vigilangie
and Attention

153: 18-19

from her 2133': and ptgagy
light

154: 12-20

I cannot, without Melancholy

and Pi}, see that —I-I,op; _which is
so firmly grounded, so strongly
supported, and so highly valued;
that Hope for which we owe such
ardent and _f_r_equent Acknowledg-
me-ntgz to the Goodness of our
Creator, rank'd among Eipy;
Visions, and wild_C_llirpera_s,
which are indebted for their
lnfluenc_e_ and Ex_i_stenc_e_ to nothing

but our Pride and our Inattention
173: 1-2

Mr Pope seems to have a strong
Inclination to the Marvellous and

who seeing Perturbation and

In_quietude in —his Look _and
Goptprp, inquires —the Reason

92

Doublets
Crousaz 298: 17- 18

que la laideur du vice y
relevat l'éclat de la
vertu

306: 9-1 1

l‘empécheroient de parvenir
jamais a une plénitude de
satisfactions

320: 18-19

qui, dans la sincérité
de son coeur

352:11-12

e n toute sincérité

368: 7-8

que la Sagesse ét ernelle
371: 5-6

J'e lui ai toujours reconnu
de la probité

372: 14-16
87- il ne tarda pas a tomber

tout jeune qu'il étoit,
dans l'imbécillité

Johnson 235: 14- 16

and that the Lustre of
Virtue becomes more
amiable and conspicious
by the Blackn_e_ss and
Deformity of Vice

241: 1-2

would never suffer him to
arrive at 11512133583 and
Eeatsni

255: 21

who, without Afieptiitipn or
117209151

283: 9

without any Artifice or
Ilisgpise

294:10-11
that the _s_uprpmg and _e'tgrpai
296:9-10

I always observed him to
be a Man of Conspienpe
and Probi_ty

297: 12-13

young as he was, he sunk
into l_30_t_age and §t1_1_pi_di_ty_

93

Johnson's Translations of the French idiom "venir de" plus anvinfinitive

Crousaz 26: 17-21

Ayez, pour moi, je vous
prie, 1a compaisance de
lire une nouvelle fois
l'Essai de l\_/l_1_'. POPE,
dans le meme esprit que
je_ v_i_ens_ de le lire

166: 1

Que viens- je_ de _l_ire_

256: 6-8

‘ L'origine 81 les progrés de
l'Idolatrie, dont j_e viens

de decouvrir les sources

i—ntérieures

264: 9-11

dont Mr. POPE vient __d_e__fai_r3

1' éloge 81 de feliciter— 1e
Genre humain

280: 26-27

1111 Essai
3 52: 1-3

38 _v_i_ens, Monsieur ge_l_i_'r3

Chez— v8tre Ami 1e Manuscrit
de votre Examen

371:4-5

comme je_ v_i_ens__ de le dire

Johnson xx: 19-22

I intreat you to favor me so
far as to read once again the

Essays of Mr P_____ope, with the same
Frame of Mind that I have done

114:1

What hav_e_ _1_ _been _rpading

196:20-21

The Original and Progress

of Idolatry, of which _1_
have here discovered the

interior Causes
204: 2-3

upon whom Mr POpe_ has
congratulated the World

218:3

of which here I have

your second Examen in your
Friend's Hands

296: 8-9

yet as I Before said

CHAPTER V
"A DISSERTATION ON THE AMAZONS"
"A DISSERTATION on the AMAZONS. From the History of the

Amazons, written in French by the ABBE DE GUYON" appeared in
Gentleman's Magazine for April, 1741 on pages 202-208. According

 

to Boswell, Johnson translated this article from the Abbé Guyon's

Dissertation on the Amazons. Boswell, though, confused the title of

 

the French work Johnson used, a confusion that exists to this day.

The correct title of Johnson's French source is Histoire des Amazones

 

Anciennes et Modernes, published in Paris in 1740. Though a minor

 

item in the Johnson canon, "A Dissertation on the Amazons" reveals
his interest in the faraway and exotic (which he had already exhibited

in his Father Lobo's prage to Abyssinia) and was later to display in

 

Rasselas. Moreover, the "Dissertation" may be, asEdward Bloom
has suggested, a source for Idler No. 87, a satire in which Johnson

1 Scholars have neither

compares English women with Amazons.
challenged Boswell's attribution of the article nor paid much attention

to-its content. Bloom in his Samuel Johnson in Grub Street (1957)

 

comments more extensively on the article than most. He says,
"Contemporary interest in the Amazons was colored by incredulity,

as would appear from the translation of Abbe de Guyon's Dissertation

 

on the Amazons which Boswell attributed to Johnson. Thus Johnson

 

characteristically advised his readers that scarcity of information

about this female society was no reason for disbelieving its existence.

 

1Samuel Johnson in Grub Street (Providence, Rhode'Island),
1957, p. 26. Referred to hereafter as Bloom.

94

 

95

Considering the exoticism rather than the moral implications of the
subject, Johnson—as in his life of Drake—developed primitivistic
details most likely to attract English periodical readers: the customs
of the Amazons, their dress, warlike traits, and abnormal lives. "2
Johnsonin talking to Boswell at one time about the nature of
translation said: "You may translate books of science exactly. You
may alsoitranslate history, in so far as it is not embellished with

"3 According to this comment it would seem

oratory, which is poetical.
that Guyon's Histoire could be easily translated. . But the mainpoint I
should like tomake and substantiate in this chapter is that Johnson's
"dissertation" is not a translation in the narrow mechanical sense of
the word. A cursory comparison of Johnson's "Dissertation" and
Guyon's Histoire reveals immediately that Johnson did not attempt to
reproduce literally in English the French text from which he worked.
The difference in the length of the two items would have made this

impossible. Guyon's Histoire is around three hundred octavo pages

and Johnson's article in the Gentleman's Magazine about six pages,

 

twelve columns, and thirty-nine paragraphs.

Johnson condenses, abridges, and paraphrases his French
source. He omits from the‘French and often adds his own, comments
and observations. In places he rearranges the order of events Guyon
presents, rounds off Guyon's chronology, and even quotes in one place
anhistorian that is not even mentioned in the Histoire. Generally
Johnson. does not come close toliteral translation: in his "Dissertation, "
for a literal rendition of the French into English was not the end he
sought. Guyon's Histoire was for Johnson simply a model, a frame-
work, or a series of guideposts to.§he'lp him createa fairly original
article of his own. He had no intention to translate slavishly from the

French, but wished to use its substance to create his own work.

 

I .

zBloom, p. 26.
3Life, 111, 36.

96

In comparing the Histoire and the "Dissertation"‘it becomes immediately
apparent that Johnson the personality was never suppressedlong by
Johnson the translator. That Johnson's method in translating Guyon
was a success is attested, I think, by the fact that his "Dissertation"
can be read without the sense that it is simply a condensation and com-
pression of a much longer work. - Johnson, quite clearly, managed to
create out of Guyon's Histoire a unified and cohesive work of his own.

It is inaccurate, however, to speak of only one method used by
Johnsonto translate Guyon, for there are actually three. At the
beginning Johnson merely echoes his source, then follows it more
closely for a number of paragraphs, and toward the end of his article
comes close to a literal translation. In fact, Johnson illustrates quite
clearly Dryden's three methods of "metaphrase, " "paraphrase, " and
"imitation, " though he was undoubtedly unaware that he was varying
his method of translation in certain parts of the article. It appears,
though, from this pattern that as time went on Johnson grew weary of
the more arduous process of echo and paraphrase and chose the more
expedient method of direct translation to hasten the completion of his
article.

Obviously: in twelve columns in the Gentleman's Mpgazine

 

Johnson could not hOpe to duplicate more than a portion of Guyon's book,
so his "Dissertation" represents only a sampling of Guyon's work,
evidently those portions which interested Johnson and whichhe thought
would interest his readers. Johnson does not translate any part of
Guyon's long "Preface" and of the nine chapters in the Histoire Johnson
translates only from II,» "De l'Origine, du Tems, 81 des Moeurs des
Amazones, " III, De l'Habillement 81 des Armes des Amazones; " IV, "Des
Guerres des Amazones, "VIII, "Tems 81 Durée des Amazones, " and IV,

‘ "Amazones Etrangeres ou Modernes. " In other words Johnson chooses

to concentrate on those chapters dealing with the origins, times, and

97

customs of the Amazons as well as such items as their dress, arms,

and wars. Johnson treats in considerable detail Guyon's fourth

chapter on the wars of the Amazons and the five articles which accompany
it, each one dealing with a particular military engagement the Amazons
were involved in.

Johnson's opening paragraph (EM 202 cl. 2, C-G) is almost wholly
original, though it is apparent that he had Guyon's long "Preface" in
mind when he composed it. . Both” Johnson's introductory paragraph and
Guyon's "Preface" have the same end--to give support to the idea that
Amazons once existed. Johnson's opening lines, "The History of the
Amazons, however disguished by poetical Fictions" (GA/l c1. 2, C), .‘
seems to be a faint but distinguishable echo of Guyon's comment in his
"preface, " "Soit qu'on ignore ce que toute l'Antiquité nous a transmis
sur leurs guerres 81 sur leurs établissemens, soit qu'on le prenne
pour des fictions po'étiques" (vi: 16-20; vii: l). - Johnson's second para-
graph(§£/l_ cl. 2, H- 203 cl. 1, B) is again almost wholly his own,
though it is possible to isolate its probable source in Guyon's second
chapter (" De l'Origine, du Tems, 81 des Moeurs des Amazones").

It is only in Johnson's third and fourth paragraphs (G_M 203 CI. 1, C-E)

that it is possible to see him working closely with his French source.

I shall give the French source and Johnson's rendition to show how he

translates Guyon.

Guyon: (73:3-17; 74: 1-4) Chapter II, "De l'Origine, du Tems, 81 des
Moeurs des Amazones"

Ilinois 81 Scolopite deux jeunes Princes du Sang Roi'al des Scythes,

furent chassés de la Cour 81 du pai‘s par la faction de quelque

rivaux qui aspiroient a la Couronne. Forcés de se retirer dans
une terre étrangere, ils emmenérent avec eux une nombreuse
jeunesse touchée de leur malheurs; 81 passérent dans la Sarmatie

Asiatique, au-dessus du Mont Caucase, d'oh ils firent des courses

98

sur les Provinces voisines du Pont Euxin. Mais les Peuples
qui l'habitoient ne pouvant soutenir leur violences 81 leurs
usurpations, se jettérent sur eux dans le terns qu'ils s'y atten-

doient le moins, 81 les massacrérent sans pitié.

Johnson: (EM 203 CI. 1, C-F)

By these Commotions Ilinos and Scolopites, two young Princes,

 

 

near to the Throne, were driven from the Court, and obliged to

- seek a safer Residence in- a distant Country; and such was the Art
of their Address, the Integrity of their Conduct, or the Justice of

their Claims, or such, perhaps, the unhappy State of Scythia, that
great Numbers of both Sexes followed them into Exile, and estab-

lished themselves in the impenetrable Coverts of Mount Caucasus,
from whence it was their Practice to make Incursions upon the

Countries about them, to destroy the Inhabitants, and drive away

their Cattle.

These Ravages they continued for some Time, and were by
uninterrupted Success, and 3. Confidence of the Impossibility of
invading them in their Retreats lulled into such a State of Security,
that the People whom they had so long harassed, broke in unex-
pectedly upon them, and considering them as the common
Enemies of Mankind, slaughtered them without Mercy.

A comparison of the French and Johnson's translation reveals
immediately how loosely he treats his source. It is evident throughout
that although“ Johnson. draws upon Guyon for the substance of his para-
graphs, the style and expression are very much his own. Johnson not
only paraphrases but adds to and omits from his source as in his
addition, "and such was the Art of their Address, the Integrity of their
Conduct, or the Justice of their Claims" and his omission of Guyon's

phrase, "dans la Sarmatie Asiatique. " A most interesting Johnsonian

99

intrusion is his mention of the cattle which were driven away by the
invaders, a fact which has no basis at all in Guyon.
In his next four paragraphs (G_M 203 CI. 1, F-cl. 2, F) Johnson
continues in much the same manner, paraphrasing his source freely
and using Guyon for the substance but not the language of his
"Dissertation. " I shall quote the French source for each of Johnson's
paragraphs and comment briefly on his method of translation.
Guyon: (74: 5-19; 75: 1-16) Chapter 11, "De l'Origine, du Tems, 81
des Moeurs des Amazones"
Ce carnage affreux donna ocasion 1 l'origine des Amazones.
Les femmes de ces victimes infortunées de leurs propres
usurpations, se crurent menacées d'un sort aussi fatal. Chassées
de leur patrie, 81 privées de leurs maris, elles prirent une re’-
solution que le désespoir leur inspira. Ce fut de démeurer unies
entr'elles de se choisir une Reine, 81 de former un Etat jusqu'alors
inconnu dans l'univers. Depuis ce jour elles embrassérent la
profession des armes; elles s'exercérent a manier l'arc, la lance
81 1e bouclier; elles se livrérent a tout ce qui est du ressort des
fonctions militaires. L'ardeur avec laquelle elles s'y portérent
donna un prompt succés a leur enterprise. Elles devinrent bien-
tOt formidables a ceux qu'elles avoient apréhendés; elles s'assuré-
rent la possession du pai’s oh elles se trouvoient; dans peu elles
étendirent les bornes de leur domination. Redevables 1 leur
seule bravoure de ces prosperités rapides 81 flateuses, elles se
persuadérent qu'elles n'avoient pas besoin du secours de leur

maris pour se soutenir.

Johnson: (CA/1203 cl. 1, F- cl. 2, A)
By this Massacre was produced the Monarchy of the Amazons;
for the Women seeing themselves deprived of their Husbands, by

whom they :had hitherto been defended, andhaving Reason to

100

imagine that their Enemies might take Occasion to compleat
their Butchery by treating them in the same manner, resolved

to sell their Lives at the clearest Rate, and to dye like the
Descendants of the Conquerors of _A_s_i_a_. ln‘Pursuance of this
Resolution they applied themselves diligently to the Use of Arms,-
and particularly to the Bow, and, meeting probably with Success
is some of their first Encounters, soon discovered that they had
no need of the Government of Men for the Sake of their'Protection,
and that they had lived hitherto in Subordination, for want of
examining into their own Abilities, and determined therefore to
sink no more in Dependence, but to govern their State by their

own Wisdom, and defend it by their own Valour.

Johnson's rendition is not simply a translation of the French,
though it is obviously based upon it. Again, he treats his French source
freely, adding, omitting, and paraphrasing throughout. Note how
Guyon's "se crurent menacées d'un sort aussi fatal" is extended by
Johnson. to, "and having Reason to imagine that their Enemies might
take Occasion to compleat their Butchery by treating them in the same
manner, " and how he finishes the sentence with a phrase which has no
basis at all in the French. Johnson omits Guyon's lines dealing with
the choosing of the queen and the forming of the Amazonian state and
condenses Guyon's description of the arms the Amazons applied them-
selves to and the success they met in battle.

Guyon: (75:16-21, 76: 1-2). Chapter II, "De l'Origine, du‘Tems 81
des Moeurs des Amazones"

Elles massacrérent ceux qui étoient 'échapés a la fureur des

Sarmates, 81 elles renoncerent pour jamais au mariage; ne 1e

regardant plus comme le lien d'une societé douce 81 nécessaire,

mais comme une servitude 81 un esclavage indigne d'elles.

101

Johnson: (C_}_l_\/l_ 203 cl. 2, A—B)

With their new Scheme of Liberty they were so much charmed,

that they put to Death those Men, who by Flight or Accident had

been before preserved, and established a Plan of Life so different
from that of all other Communities, that the Accounts whichre-
main of it deserve to be collected.

It is evident that the connection between the French source and
Johnson's translation is quite tenuous, the French serving Johnson with
the idea for his paragraphbut not its language and expression.

Guyon: (76: 2-17) Chapter II, "De l'Origine, du Tems 81 des Moeurs
des Amazones"

L'envie de perpétuer une République qu'elles avoient si glorieuse-

.ment établie les mit dans l'obligation de recourir quelque fois
aux hommes. Elles se firent une lois d'aller tous les ans pendant
deux mois sur les frontiEres des Provinces voisines; d'y apeller
les habitans, de se livrer 1 eux sans choix ni attachment, 81 de
retourner ensuite dans leur demeures. - Pour montrer que ce
n'étoit point par amour pour eux qu'on les recherchoit, i1 falloit

en avoir tué trois avent que de pouvoir fairele voi'age.

Johnson: (G_M 203 cl. 2, B-E)
Their-State was at its first Erection like that of the Romans,

as mentioned by the Historian, An Establishment that could-last

 

but for one 3&1, and a Nation of one Sex: But their Ambition was

 

not confined to themselves, but extended to distant Times, and
prompted-them toiperpetuate a Race of independent Females.
For this Purpose they did not marry, lest whatever Stipulations
should be made, they might have been reduced by Degrees to
their former Servitude, but went every Year for two Months to
the Frontiers of their Country, and invited Men of the neighbour-

ing: Nation to .cohabit with them, without Distinction or Affection;

102

and lest any Lady might give Reason for Suspicion that she had

any tender Passion for the other Sex, no Virgin was allowed to '

pay this annual Visit, till she had, by killing three Men, shewn
how much her Race deserved to be propagated.

An analysis of these two- paragraphs reveals again how freely
Johnson translates his French source. - There is no '"Historian"
mentioned in Guyon, nor does the quote Johnson attributes to him have
any. basis in the French. 1 Such anintrusion is just another example of
how-little Johnson lets himself be confined by his source. Though the
relation of the French and the English is clear throughout, Johnson
paraphrases, adds, and omits instead of translating literally. He omits,
for example, - Guyon's phrase, "81 de retourner ensuite dans leurs
demeures" and adds a phrase of his own, "shewn how much her Race
deserved to be propagated. "

Guyon: (76: 17-18; 77: 1-10) (Chapter II, "De l'Origine, du Tems 81
des Moeurs des Amazones"

Les enfans males qui naissoient de ce commerce de brutalité,

ainsi que le nomme Cedrene, éprouvoient en voi’ant 1e jour, la

haine 81 la cruauté de leurs meres. - Quelque-unes avoient la
barbarie de les-étouffer, d'autres leur tordoient les bras 81 les
jambes pour les rendre incapables des exercises miliaries; les

plus humaines les renvoi’oient a leurs peres.

Johnson: (_C_E_M_ 203 cl. 2, E-F)
When the Children were born, the Girls only were thought worth
the Attention of the Mother: Of the Boys, some were strangled,
some crippled to. disable them from military Exercises, and
condemned to perpetual Slavery; and some, whose 'Mothers had
not wholly divested themselves of Tenderness, sent to. their

Fathers.

103

Johnson's method of free translation is also well illustrated in
this paragraph. There is no basis in the French, for instance, for
' Johnson's "and condemned to perpetual Slavery," and his paraphrase
of Guyon's "les plus humaines" by "whose Mothers had not wholly
divested themselves of Tenderness" is extreme indeed.

These paragraphs, then, reveal clearly Johnson's method of
translating Guyon and call attention. to the inadequacy of the term when
applied to his "Dissertation. " Rather than continue a close comparison
of the French and English, which soon becomes tedious, I shall show
through the quotation of brief passages that Johnson's emethod follows a
fairly consistent pattern throughout his article. ~ I shall also indicate
at the same time the type of material he chooses to extract from his
French» source.

Johnson follows Guyon's description of the training of the Amazons
quite closely but condenses his comments considerably. Thus Guyon's
statement about the type of food the young Amazons had to eat, "Le
plfitOt qu'il étoit possible on les mettoit aux alimens communs, c'est-a-
diree 3.1a chair des bates fauves, U33 Souvent cruié, 8i pour l'ordinaire cuite
imparfaitement" (78: 7-12, Chapter II) becomes in Johnson simply,

. "They were fed with the strongest Food" (CA/I 203 cl. 2, G). Frequently,
though, Johnson expands the French he translates. Thus when Guyon
describes the Amazons' robes, "Mais quelque forme qu'ils eussent, les
uns 81' les autres étoient communément faits de la peau des bates que
les Amazones tuoient a la chasse" (4: 12-16, Chapter 111,. "De l'Habille-
ment & des Armes des Amazones"), , Johnson translates, "Their Robes
were made wholly of the Skins of Beasts which they killed in the Chase,
and probably nothing would have been more reproachful among them,
than to have wornthe Spoils which had been gained by another; their
Ornamentswere the Trophies of their Bravery, and she was doubtless
dressed to-most Advantage, who wore the Skin of the most formidable

Beast" (9311» 204 cl. 1,» C).

104

At least in one place the "Dissertation"‘is more accurate than
the Histoire, and what first appears to be merely another Johnsonian
paraphrase turns out to be more reliable than the French text itself.
» Johnson in following Guyon's description of Amazonian dress as it is
illustrated-on various ancient medals writes, "On another [medal] is
an Amazon onHorseback, without Weapons, flying from Hercules, whose
Club is held up in a menacing Posture"‘((_3_h_/I 204 cl. 1, B). This line
seems to be based on Guyon's comment,- "Dans une de ces pieces
anciennes on voit Hercule armé de sa massué‘qui combat contre une
Amazone a cheval (4: 3-6, , Chapter III). A person comparing the English
with the French might conclude that Johnson simply adds the phrases
"without Weapons" and "flying from‘Hercules" and softens somewhat
Guyon's use of the verb' "combattre" which is stronger in meaning than
"menace. " Actually what happens is that both Johnson and Guyon describe
this scene as it is represented on one of the medals which Guyonin-
c ludes in his Histoire. Johnson's description, though, is more accurate
than Guyon's. From the illustration on. the medal it is possible to see
that the Amazon on horseback is, indeed, without weapons, her pose
is definitely one of flight, and Hercules' club is quite obviously in a
menacing posture thoughnotactual contact has been made. In this
particular case, then, the translation proves to be more accurate than
the original.

7 Of all the chapters in the Histoire Johnson-is evidently most
interested in the fourth, "Des Guerres des Amazones, “ and the five
'articles which accompany it. He devotes eighteen of his thirty-nine
paragraphs and about five of the twelve columns in his article to a dis-
cussion of the wars the Amazons fought, the victories they won, and
the defeats they suffered. For him and for his readers as well the vision
ofthe Amazons going to battle with all kinds of opponents, including the

famous‘Hercules and Achilles, must have been exciting. In translating

105

the sections pertaining to the Amazonian wars in Histoire Johnson's
primary method is again paraphrase and condensation, and his eighteen

paragraphs in the Gentleman's Magazine represent something over sixty

 

pages in Guyon. Suchecondensation reveals again that for Johnson
Guyon's Histoire is less a source from which he translates slavishly
thana model or guide to help him create his own fairly original article.
It is impressive, moreover, to see how much he is able to retain of
the substance and excitement of the Amazonian wars even though he
works in a much smaller space than Guyon.

Much of what Johnson says about the wars of the Amazons can be
divided intosfour major conflicts concerning Hercules, Achilles and
two attempted revenges by the Amazons. Inthree paragraphs (EM 205
CI. 1,.E-.-c1. 2,- E) Johnson compresses some eight pages of the Histoire
Iin which Guyon tells how Hercules, commanded by Euristheus, brings
back the scarf or girdle of the Amazon queen whom he defeats in a
bloody battle. Though much of what Johnson writes is only loosely
based upon his French source, it is possible to see him working at times
quite closely with the French. Compare, for instance, Guyon's, "Les
Amazones soutenirent quelque terns ses assauts, [by Hercules and his
followers] mais enfin elles crurent qu'il étoit honteux pour elles de
demeurer dans leur enceinte, 8: de se tenir toujours sur la défensive"
(52: 18-19; 53: 1-4, Article II, "Seconde Guerre des Amazones") and
Johnson‘s rendition, "Hercules pressed the Siege with his natural
Bravery, and the Amazons, after having sustained his Attacks for some
Time, determined that it was reproachful to act only defensively, and
that it was necessary, for the Support of their Reputation, to sally out
upon their Invaders" (EA/I 205 CI. 2, A-B).

In three paragraphs (C_3_l_\_/I 205 CI. 2,. E - 206 cl. 1, F) Johnson
condenses about seven pages of Guyon's third article, "Troisiéme

Guerre des Amazones" in which the Amazons in seeking revenge for

106

Hercules' theft of the queen's girdle are defeated by Theseus. Though
generally translating quite freely in this section, Johnson does keep

an eye on the French. For instance incommenting about the monuments
commemorating the dead Amazons Guyon writes, "Ces monuments
seront pour tout esprit raisonnable des preuves sans replique de la
réalité des Amazons 81 de leur Histoire" (61: 17—21, Article III,

1 "Troisiéme guerre des Amazones") and Johnson translates, "These
Monuments are a sufficient Confutation of those, whose Incredulity would
question. their Actions, or their Existence" (9111206 cl. 1, D).

In one of the most extreme examples of condensation in the
"Dissertation, " Johnson manages to compress one of Guyon's most ex-
citing articles, "Quatriéme Guerre des Amazones" amounting to some
sixteen pages in the Histoire, into two short paragraphs (EL/I 206 cl. 1,
G-H). In this particular case, though, Johnson fails completely to capture
either the substance or the spirit of the original. Guyon's article might
be entitled the "Achilles Episode, " and it contains one of the most rous-
ing incidents in the whole of his Histoire—the confrontation of Achilles
and the Amazon Penthesilea. There is considerable drama in Guyon's
description of the meeting of these two warriors, their exchange of
insults, the ensuing battle in which Achilles mortally wounds his opponent,
and his joy over his victory which soon turns into a deep sorrow when
he recognizes the: quality of the person he has destroyed. - All this,

1 including the Amazon's burning and burial, Johnson summarizes in the

statement, "Penthesilea led a Troop of Amazons to the Assistance Of'the

 

King of M, and if she was not successful, she had at least the Honour
of falling by no imeaner Hand than that of Achilles, the great Achilles,
by whom Hector had been slain (CM 206 CI. 1,- H).

In three long paragraphs (CM 206 cl. 2, A-G), however, Johnson
spendsconsiderable time in relating how the Amazons, furious at

Penthesilea's death, attempt to destroy the memory of Achilles as it was

107

consecrated on a magical island in the Euxine Sea. In these three
paragraphs Johnson manages to compress most of the essential facts
that Guyon presents in eight pages in Article V, . "Cinquiéme Guerre
des Amazones, " though Johnson does omit his discussion of the
curiosities found on the island. As usual Johnson condenses the
French considerably, especially in his summation of the difficulties
the Amazons faced in their attack on Achilles' island. He refers to
the "rough Reception" they received, hardly an adequate phrase to V
describe the terrors they faced. Guyon, though, details vividly their
disastrous invasion during which their horses went mad and chewed
them up like fierce lions.

For the rest of his "Dissertation, " amounting to some seven
paragraphs (G_M 206 CI. 2, G- 208 cl. 1, F), Johnson borrows from
Guyon's eighth chapter, "Tems 81 Durée des Amazones" (largely for
the episode of the Amazonian queen's desire to have a child by
Alexander the Great) and his ninth chapter, "Amazones Etrangeres ou
Modernes. " Johnson continues his same method of paraphrasing,
condensing, and abridging, but it is evident in places that he follows
the French more closely. > Perhaps he grew tired of the more arduous
process of creating a fairly original article out of the Histoire and
wished to finish up as quickly as possible.

In chapter nine, for instance, Guyon tells of a conversation between
a certain young warrior named Chardin and the son of the Prince of
Georgia. - Guyonereports Chardin as saying:

Je reportai a ce jeune Prince ce que les Histoires Grecques 81

Romaines racontent des Amazones 81 aprés avoir discouru

quelque terns sur ce sujet, son avis fut que ce devoit atre un ,peuple

de Scythes errans, comme les Turcomans 81 les Arabes, qui

déféroient la souveraineté a des femmes, comme font les Achinois,

81 que ces Reines se faisoient servir par des personnes de leur

108

sexe, qui les suivoient par tout. Nous comprimes aisément
qu'elles alloient a :cheval comme les hommes, 81 mame aussi
bien; parce qu'en Orient toutes les femmes montent a cheval,

81 que les Princesses y portent 1e poignard au caté. (185: 7-21;
186: 1-4)

Johnson writes, "His Opinion, upon hearing the (11:25 and Roman
Accounts of the Amazons, was, that they must be some Nation of
Scflhia, who had conferr'd the Sovereign Power upon Women, and that
their Queens had chosen Attendants of their own Sex, who followed them
in all their Expeditions, which might easily be imagined in that Part of
World, where the Women ride like Men, and Princesses carry their
Dagger at their Sides" (G_M 207 c1. 2, D-E). But such fidelity to the
Frenchis the exception rather than the rule’, and the manner in which
Johnson concludes his "Dissertation" is more typical. . In speaking of
the death of the wicked ruler Vales sa, Guyon writes simply, "La mort
de la Princess rétablit les choses dans l'ordre natural" (189: 7-8,

, Chapter IX). Johnson translates, "But after her Death no Woman of
equal Spirit or Capacity seizing upon the Throne, the Ladies lost the _
Pleasure of governing, forgot their military Exercises, and fell back
intottheir original Subordination" (G_M 208 cl. 1, F).

Johnson's "Dissertation, " then, is much more than a mere trans-
lation. ~ Althoughfor the substance of his article his debt to Guyonis
clear, the style, expression, and arrangement of his article are very
much his own. - In conclusion I think it interesting to look at Guyon‘s
statement of aims in the "preface" to his Histoire. He says, '11 ne
s'agit pas ici de copier plusieurs lambeaux des Anciens; il faut les
traduire avec gout, élaguer ce qu‘ils ont d'inutile ou d'étranger, dbméler
1e vrai d'avec 1e faux, arranger'les faits véritables, refondre en un
seul corps les endroits disparates, leur donner du stile, les réduire

a une narration naturelle 81 coulante, attacher le Lecteur par les graces

109

81 la netteté du récit. Tels sont les devoirs de l'Historien, qu'il est
trBs difficile ideremplir :1 cc dégré de perfection que demanderoit la
delicatesse de notre siecle!’ (iv: 13-20; v: 1-10). It would seem,
perhaps, that Johnson had Guyon's aims in mind in writing his
"Dissertation" and accomplished them more successfully than Guyon

himself did in his Histoire.

CHAPTER VI

"A PANEGYRIC ON DR. MORIN"

"A Panegyric on ,Dr MORIN, By Mr FONTENELLE" appeared in

 

the Gentleman's Magazine for July, 1741 on pages 375-377. A trans-

 

lation of Fontenelle's "Eloge de Monsieur Morin" from his Eloges des

 

Academiciens de “l'Académie Royale des Sciences, this article illus-

 

trates Johnson's life-long interest in science and men of science.
EdwardBloom comments, moreover, that "Fontenelle was afortunate
- choice of biographer since both-authors were compatible in moral
attitudes. " l Johnson's translation is generally quite faithful to his
French source, although-a close examination of the French and English
texts reveals a number of minor variations. Johnson paraphrases the
French frequently and adds to it and omits from it incertain instances.
There are moreover in Johnson's "Panegyric" a scattering of those
doublets which are such a conspicious idiosyncrasy of Johnson's French
translations. - In the following pages I shall give sufficient citations to
(show clearly how Johnson handles his French source, beginning with

'Fontenelle' s fir at two- paragraphs.

Fontenelle: (280: l-lO; 281: 1-11)
Louis‘Morin naquit au Mans le 11. Juillet 1635; son Pere,
Controlleur au Grenier a Sel de la Ville, 81 ea Mere étoient tous
deux d'une grande pietl. ' Il fut l'ainé de seize enfans, charge
rpeu proportionnée aux facultés de la Maison, qui auroit effrayé

des Gens moins résignés a la Providence.

 

1Samuel Johnson-in Grub Street (Providence, Rhode Island, 1957),

 

p. 23.
110

Ils donnerent a l'éducation de M. Morin tous les soins que
leur fortune leur permit, 81 que la Religion leur demanda. Dés
qu'il put marquer une inclination, i1 en marque pour les Plantes.
Un Paysan, qui en venoit fournir les Apoticaires de la Ville, fut
son premier Maitre. - L'enfant payoit ses Legons de quelque
petite monnoye, quand i1 pouvoit, 81 de ce qui devoit faire son
léger repas d'aprés-diné. Deja avec le gout de la Botanique la
sliberalité 81 la sobrieté c ommencoient a éclorre en lui, 81 une
inclination indifferent ne se dévelOppoit qu'accompagnée de ces deux

vertus nai s santes.

Johnson: (gt/I 375 C1. 2, B- E)
Lewis M_or_in_ was born at M, on the 11th of J_u_ly, 1635, of
Parents eminent for their'Piety. He was the eldest of sixteen
Children, a Family to which their Estate bore no Proportion,
and which in Persons less resigned to‘Providence, would have
caused great Uneasiness and Anxiety.
His Parents omitted nothing in his Education, which
‘Religion requires, and which their Fortune could supply. Botany
was the Study that appeared to have taken Possession of his
Inclination, as soon as the Bent of his Genuis could be discovered.
A Countryman, who supplied the Apothecaries of the Place, was
his first Master, and was paid by him for his Instructions with the
little Money that he could procure, or that which was given him
to buy something to eat after dinner. Thus Abstinence and
Generosity discovered themselves with his Passion for Botany,
and the Gratification of a Desire indifferent in itself, was pro-
cured by the Exercise of two Virtues.
It is apparent from these paragraphs that Johnson translates
Fontenelle quite faithfully, and his method as exemplified in these lines

is consistent throughout his "Panegyric. " Nowhere does he deviate

 

gre.
min
sho
firs
om
Sel
phi
inc
hox
Jo}
ap]
Be
ex.

im

J .

112

greatly from his French text. At most the changes he makes are
minor--a slight paraphrase of a sentence, an addition of a word or a
short phrase, or a brief omission from the French. In Johnson's
first paragraph (all 375 cl. 2,“ B) it is evident, for instance, that he
omits Fontenelle's phrase, "son. Pere, Controlleur au Grenier. e
Sel de la Ville" (1: 2). In Fontenelle's second paragraph Johnson para-
phrases quite freely the comment, "Des qu'il put marquer une
inclination, i1 en marque pour les Plantes" (11: 9-10). 7 Note, however,
how flat the French would be if translated literally and how much
Johnson improves upon it in his rendition--"Botany was the Study that
appeared to have taken Possession of his Inclination, as soon- as the
Bent of his Genius could be discovered" (11: 9-11). Here is a good
example where a lack of fidelity to the original is a virtue and a clear
indication of Johnson's constant endeavor to translate his foreign text
into-a forceful, idiomatic English.

Though' Johnson's method of translating Fontenelle does not
vary much from the examples cited above, I shall give a few additional

illustrations toshow how he works with his French source.

Fontenelle: (282: 25-34)
M. Morin ne savoit ni s'intriguer, ni faire sa cour, l'extréme
moderation de ses desirs lui rendoit cet art inutile, 81 sa vie
retirée lui en foisoit ignorer jusqu'aux premiers élemens. A la
fincependant on fut forcé de lui rendre justice. Mais l'argent
qu'il recevoit de sa pension d l'HOtel-Dieu y demeuroit, il
remettoit dans le Tronc aprés avoir bienpris garde a n'étre

pas découvert.

Johnson: (9&4 376 c1. 1, E-G)
Morin had no Acquaintance with the Arts necessary to carry on

Schemes of Preferment; the Moderationvof his Desires preserved

113

him from the Necessity of studying them, and the Privacy of his

Life debar'd him from any Opportunity.

At last, however, Justice was done him in spite of Artifice
and Partiality; but his Advancement added nothing to his Condition,
except the Power of more extensive Charity; for all the Money
which he received as a Salary, he put into the Chest of the Hospital,
always as he imagined, without being observed.

The above paragraphs reveal again that although Johnson's trans-
lation of Fontenelle is far fromliteral, he still manages very ably to
capture the spirit and the substance of the French. Characteristically,
though, he makes frequent changes in his rendition, the most obvious here
being a general expansion of the French passage, frequent paraphrase,
and such an addition as--"in spite of Artifice and Partiality" (11: 6-7).
The impreciseness of English as opposed to French, coupled with Johnson‘s
own natural tendency to wordiness, sometimes causes him to expand
Fontenelle's text considerably, especially in the following passages where
Johnson takes fifty-three words to say what Fontenelle expresses in

thirty-nine .

Fontenelle: (285: 1-6)
Une Plante est un monument plus durable qu'une Medaille ou
qu'un Obelisque. Il est vrai cependant qu’il arrive des malheurs
mame aux noms attachés aux Plantes, témoin la Nicotiane qui

ne s'appelle plus que Tabac.

Johnson: (EM 377 cl. 1, A-B)
For a Plant is a Monument of a more durable Nature than a
Medal or an Obelisk; and yet, as a Proof that even these Vehicles
are not always sufficient to transmit to Futurity the Name con-
joined with them, the Nicotiana is now scarcely known by any

other Term than that of Tobacco.

114

Johnson concludes his translation of Fontenelle in much the same
way he begins--with a very close but not completely literal rendition of
the French. I shall quote Fontenelle's final two paragraphs and

Johnson‘ 3 rendition.

Fontenelle: (286: 27-35; 287, 1-10)
11 en est de mame d'un Journal de plus de quarante années, 00.
i1 marquoit exactement l'état du Barometre 81 du Thermometre,
la secheresse ou l'humidité de l'Air, 1e Vent, 81 ses changemens
dans le cours d'une journée, 1a Pluye, 1e Tonnerre, 81 jusqu'aux
Brouillards, tout cela dans une disposition fort commode, 81 fort
abregee, qui presentoit une grande suite de choses differentes
en peu d'espace. - Il échaperoit un nombre infini de ces sortes
d'observations a un homme plus dissipé dans le Monde, 81 d'une
vie moins uniforme.

II a laissé une Bibliotheque de pres de 20000 Ecus, un

Medaillier, 81 un Herbier, nulle autre acquisition. Son esprit

lui avoit sans comparison plus coflté a nourrir que son-corps.

Johnson: (GA/1 377 cl. 2, D-F)
There is likewise a Journal of the Weather, kept without Inter-
ruption, for more than forty Years, in which he has accurately
set down the State of the Barometer and Thermometer, the
Dr-yness and Moisture of the Air, the Variations of the Wind in
the Course of the Day, the Rain, the Thunders, and even the
sudden Storms, in a very commodious and concise Method, which
exhibits, in a little Room, a great Train of different Observations.
What Numbers of such‘Remarks had escaped a Man less uniform
in his Life, and whose Attention had been extended in common

- Objects ?

115
All the Estate which he left is a Collection of Medals,

another of Herbs, and a Library rated at two thousand Crowns.z

Which make it evident that he spent much more upon his Mind

than upon his (Body.

Throughout his translation of Fontenelle‘s "Eloge," then,
Johnson seems to have one aim in mind- -to maintain the sense and
Spirit of the French text if not its exact language. A comparison of the
‘ "Eloge" and the "Panegyric" demonstrates clearly that Johnson fully
realizes this aim in almost every instance in his translation.

Though not directly concerned with the immediate question of
' "how" Johnson translates Fontenelle's "Eloge, " attention should be
called, nevertheless, to the two notes Johnson appends to his
"Panegyric. " The first note is called forth by Fontenelle's comment
concerning Dr. Morin's increased dosage of wine as he grew older.
He writes, "Sa foiblesse augmentoit, 81‘il falut augmenter 1e dose du
Vin, mais toujours avec la balance" (285, 15-17).

Johnson declared in his first note (w 377 cl. 1 G-H):

The Practice of Dr Morin is forbidden, I believeLby every

Writer that has left Rules for the Preservation of Health, and is

directly gaposite to that of Cornaro, who, by his Regiinen re-

paired a broken Constitution, and protracted his Life without any
painful Infirmities, or anLDecay of his intellectual Abilities, to
more than a hundredjears; it is generally agreed, that as Men
advance in Years, they oujht to take lijhter Sustenance, and in
less Quantities; and Reason seems easily to discover that as

the concoctive PowerSjrow weaker, they oujht to labor less.
Johnson's other note is in response to Fontenelle's comment about the
great works Dr. Morin left behind after his death: A "On a trouvé dans
ses'Papiers un Index d'Hippocrate Grec 81 Latin, beaucoup plus ample

81 plus correct que celui de Pini. Il ne l'avoit fini qu'un an avant sa

 

2There must be a misprint here, or perhaps Johnson himself
slipped. The-"ecu" and the "crown" were supposed to be equivalent.
See 9.2.12: - "Ecu--A French silver coin commonly regarded as equiv-
alent tothe English 'crown'. "

116

mo-rt. 1 Un pareil Ouvrage demande une as siduité 81 une patience
d'Hermite" (286: 21-26). To this praise Johnson replies with obvious
disdain (GA/1 377 CI. 2, G): i "This is an Instance of the Disposition

 

generally found in Writers of Lives, to exalt every common Occurrence
and Action in-Wonders. Are not Indexes daily written by Men who
neither receive nor expect very loud Applauses for their Labours?"
Though resisting the urge to intrude upon the text itself (as he
does in his "Dissertation on the Amazons"), Johnson nevertheless fails
to refrain from commenting on tworpassages in Fontenelle inva couple
of pungent footnotes. So it is often that Johnson the personality refuses

to be suppressed by Johnson the translator.

1 Doublets in Johnson's translation of Fontenelle's "Eloge de Monsieur

‘ Morin"
Fontenelle 280: 6-7
qui auroit effrayé des

Gens moins resignés a la
' Providence.

Fontenelle 28 1: 33-35

'il se ménageoit beaucoup
d'autorité pour précher
unjour la diette a ses
Malades

Fontenelle 282: 29-30

a la fin cependant on fut
forcé de lui rendre justice
Fontenelle 283: 11-12

il ne relache rien de son

austerité dans 'l'interieur
de sa vie

Johnson GM 375 cl. 2,. B 5-8

and which in Persons less

resigned to Providence would
have caused great Uneasiness
and Anxiety. .— — —— .-

Johnson EM 376 CI. 1, A 4-6

it gave him an Authority to
preach Diet and Abstinence
to his Patients

Johnson GM 376 CI. 1, F 1-2

At last, however, Justice was
done him in spite of Ami-gig e and
Partialit y

Johnson GM 376 CI. 2, A 3-5

he remitted nothing of his
former Austerity in the more
private and _e_sse‘nti_a_l_ Parts of
his Life _ '—

CHAPTER VII

THE MEDICINAL ,DICTIONAR Y BIOGRAPHIES

 

One of the most interesting sources of Johnson's Frenchtrans-

lations is Dr. Robert James's Medicinal Dictionaiy (1743-1745) which,

 

according to the title page, includes material on "Physic, Surgery,
Anatomy, Chymistry and Botany. In all their Branches relative to
Medicine. Together with a History of Drugs; An account of their
Various Preparations, Combinations, and Uses; and An Introductory
Preface, tracing theProgress of Physic, and explaining the Theories
which have principally prevail'd in all Ages of the World. " In later
years Dr. James's ponderous three-volume work with its closely-
printed foliopages came under the cutting scrutiny of Mark Twain who
examined it in an essay entitled "A Majestic Literary Fossil" and said
that "If it had been sent against the Pretender's troops there probably.
wouldn't have been a, survivor. " Althoughfrom our vantage point the

Medicinal Dictionary appears to be nothing short of a compendium of

 

medical horrors and repetitive examples of the physician's inhumanity
toman, in its own day it must have been considered definitive, by
weight alone, if by nothing else.

(It is really not surprising to find Johnsonian pieces scattered in
the pages of this work, knowing as wedo about his close association

with Dr. James and his part in the Dictionary's "Dedication" to-Dr. Mead.

 

J ohnson's contributions to the Medicinal Dictionary have not yet been

 

fully determined, and more discoveries and attributions are still being
made. In this chapter I am going to- examine only six biographies of

famous scientists and physicians, all translations from the French,

118

119

- which Allen'Hazen attributes to Johnson in two articles in the Bulletin

1 of the Institute of the History of Medicine.1 Finding Johnson's trans-

 

lations of the lives of scientists and physicians in the Medicinal

 

Dictionary is not unexpected, since he had already demonstrated his

 

interest in medicine and science in his biographies of Boerhaave and
Morin. We may assume, I think, that his translation of the various
lives of these men for the Dictionary was a positive pleasure for. him
rather than an arduous mechanical task and that the substance of what
he translated interested him no less than the problem of rendering his
French sources into the lucid English he constantly sought inall his
translations. Two of the lives I shall be considering in this chapter,
those of Ruysch and Tournefort are based on Fontenelle's "Eloges"

in his Histoire de l'Académie Royale des Sciences (1708 and 1731) and

 

four, those of Aesculapius, Archagathus, Aretaeus, and Asclepiades

are all translated from Daniel Le Clerc's Histoire de la Médecine (1723).

 

Johnson's "Life of Frederic Ruysch" occupies about four

columns in the Medicinal Dictionarl and except for a single passage is

 

a fairly close translation of Fontenelle's "Eloge de M- Ruysch" in the

. Histoire de l'Académie' Rgale des Sciences for 1731. Though. close,

 

Johnson's translation of Fontenelle's "Eloge" is by nomeans literal,
and as in most of his French translations he looks to the French for the
substance of his own work but not the style. Johnson paraphrases
Fontenelle's text throughout, adds to-it (usually a phrase or a line or
two), and occasionally omits a phrase, a line, or a whole passage from
his source. It is clear 'in the "Life of Frederic Ruysch" as it is, in
fact, in all the biographies Johnson translates from the French-forethe

Medicinal Dictionary that his primary aim is not simply to bring to

 

Dr. James's work French biographies translated into English, but his

 

.1"Samuel Johnson and Dr. Robert James, "IV (June 1936), 455-
465 and "Johnson's Life of Frederic Ruysch, " VIII (March 1939), 324-334.

120

own fairly original articles which are based on French sources. It is
evident, I think, in reading the biographies that Johnson translates

for the Medicinal Dictionary that he in no way considers such endeavors
an easy way out from the more rigorous process of composing completely
original works. Indeed, a comparison of Johnson's translations of his

French sources, not only in the Medicinal Dictionag but elsewhere,

 

indicates that he views them less as translations and more as recreations.

Translation is for him more a creative and less a mechanical act.
Johnson's freedom and flexibility in working with his French

sources can be seen, for instance, in the following passages in his

"Life of Frederic Ruysch. "

Fontenelle: (100: 7-19)
M. Ruysch se destina a la Médecine, 81 i1 commen§a par
s'appliquer a la matiére Médicinale, aux Plantes, aux Animaux
ou parties d'Animaux, aux Mineraux qui y appartiennent, aux
opérations de Chimie, aux dissections Anatomiques, 81 de tout
cela i1 se fit de bonne heure un Cabinet déja digne des regards 81
desel'attention des Connoisseurs. Il étoit tout entier 1 cs qu'il
avoit entrepris; peu de sornmeil avec beaucoup de santé, point
de ces amusements inutiles, qui passent pour des délassements
necessaires, nul autre plaisir que son travail, 81 quand i1 se maria
en 1661, ce fut en grande partie pour Etre entiérement soulagé
des soins domestiques, ce qui lui réussit aisément dans le Pays

oh 11 vivoit.

Johnson: (5221. col. 2, 12-26)
This Gentleman, from his Infancy, devoted himself to-Physic,
and began his first Researches with the Materia Medica. The
Virtues of Plants, the Structures of Animals, the Qualities of

Mineral Bodies, Chymical Operations, and Anatomical Dissections,

121

were the Objects that first struck. his Fancy, andcalled for his
improving Hand. . He was none of those superficial _Inquirers,
who-either thro" Prejudice, or‘Indolence, rest satisfied on this
Side of Truth; for he had stripp'd his Mind of all those unreason-
1 able Attachments, which'are inconsistent with the Temper of a
vPhilosopher; andacquir'd such- an indefatigable Turn, , that his
hardest Labours in'Pursuit of Truth became his highest Pleasures,
and his only Recreations. And even when he married in 1661 it
was in a great measure with a View to render his Circumstances
easy, that he might pursue Truth to the greater Advantage.
It will be noted immediately in comparing the above passages how loosely
Johnson treats his source. He paraphrases throughout rather than
translates literally and adds to and omits from the French. . Nowhere in
Johnson's version, it should be pointed (out, is there a- mention of
Ruysch's famous "Cabinet" which‘Fontenelle suggestswas worthy of the
' “regards 81 devl'attention des Connoisseurs. " Johnson's additions,
however, are more striking than his omissions, especially his phrase,
1 "He was none of those superficial Inquirers, who either thron'~ Prejudice,
or Indolence, rest satisfied on this Side of Truth; for he had stripp'd his
Mind of all those unreasonable Attachments, which are inconsistent
withthe Temper of a Philosopher. " Such a statement both-in style and
substance is patently J ohnsonian and accords perfectly with what we
- know of his attitude toward truth as reported by Boswell in the I_.:_i;_f_e_.
Inone place in the‘1_.if_e, .for instance, Boswell writes, "He would have
been under no temptation to deviate in any degree from truth, which he
held very sacred" and in another, "No vman was more incredulous as to
particularfacts, which were at all extraordinary; and therefore no ,man

was more scrupulously inquisitive, in order to discover the truth. " z

 

2Life, 1, 355; 11, 247.

122

Such an'addition, then, coupled with his general method of paraphrase,
, shows Johnsonto be less the sedulous translator carefully trans-
mitting meaning from one language to» another than a creative artist
seeking to present to the world his own interpretation of the facts he
has before him.

The Johnsonian intrusion and the loose paraphrase become, it
seems, a means by which he may temporarily break the shackles which
translation necessarily imposes upon him and a device by which he not
only brings a fresh-slant to his material but alsoexpresses hisown
feelings about it. Consider, for'example, Johnson's addition in the

following passage.

Fontenelle: (100: 20—23; 101: 1-3) /
En‘ce temps-la vint a Leyde un Anatomiste‘assés fameus nommé
Bilsius, que le Roid'Espagne avoit envoyé professer a‘Louvain.

. Ce Docteur traitoit avec trés-peu de considération ceux qui
avoient jusque-la le plus brillé dans cette Science 81 préferoit de
beaucoup, 81 hautement ses découvertes auxleurs, principale-
ment sur ce qui regarde le mouvement de la Bile, de'la-Limphe,

du Chile, de la Graisse.

Johnson:: (522r col. 2, 27-34)
About this'Time, the famous Bilsius,, being appointed'Professor
of Anatomy at Louvain, made his Appearance at Leyden. . This
Physicianbore it with’a high‘Hand; undervalued those who .were
justly esteemed the Ornaments of their‘Profession, and, with all
the haughty and supercilious Airs of a Spaniard, extoll'd his own
Discoveries above theirs, especially with-regard to the‘Motioniof
the Bile, the'Lymph, the Chyle, and Fat.

The phrase in the above-passage, "with all the haughty and supercilious

*Airs» of at Spaniard, " is obviously Johnson's own and not Fontenelle's

123

and another example of how he manages to imbue the somewhat im-
personal medium of translation with his own attitudes and prejudices,
this time his anti-Spanish bias which also appears in London and his
"Life of Blake. "

Johnson's "Life of Tournefort" under "Botany" in the Medicinal

Dictionary is a translation of Fontenelle's "Eloge de M. de Tournefort"

 

in the 1708 edition of theHistoire de l'Académie Royale des Sciences.

 

The long opening paragraph of the biography is entirely Johnson's own
and has no basis in the French. ~ In it he says that everyone is interested

in how the great achieved their glory and "as Mr. Tournefort is uni-

 

versally allow'd tohave carried Botany to a higher Degree of Perfection
than any who went before him, by enriching it with numberless
Discoveries, advancing it into a Science, giving it an Air of Accuracy,
which is formerly wanted, and smoothing all its Difficulties; it must,

of course, be an uncommon Satisfaction tobecome acquainted with the
Education, the Genius, the Disposition, and the Studies of this cele-
brated Botanist" (10CV col. 2, 11-18). 1 In the rest of his article on
Tournefort, however, Johnson works with Fontenelle’s "Eloge" in

much the same way he translates the life of Frederic Ruysch- -he para-
phrases the French in many instances, adds a few lines of his own now
and then, and omits an occasional passage in the French, including one
major portion of over a page in which Fontenelle describes Tournefort's
somewhat complex system of plant classification. In general it seems

as if Johnson's translation of the life of Tournefort is closer to the
French than his rendition of the life of Ruysch, and he appears less
interested inthis biography in imposing his attitudes and personality

upon his French source. The "Life of Tournefort" is still far from

being a literal translation, though, and is marked throughout by a common
Johnsonian idiosyncrasy, the doublet, whichsappears noless than eighteen

times in this four and a half column biography. There is also in Johnson's

124

"Life of Tournefort" an echo of his earlier translation, "A Panegyric

on Dr. Morin" in the Gentleman's Magazine for July, 1741 where he

 

writes, "Botany was the Study that appeared to have taken Possession

of his Inclination, as soon as the Bent of his Genius could be discovered"

 

 

(Vol. XI, 375, col 2, C-D). Compare this statement to that in his

Medicinal Dictionary biography of Tournefort where he comments, "But,

 

as soon as he saw any Plants, the Bent of his Genius discover'd the

 

future Botanist" (lOCV col. 2, 24-26) (My italics).
The following rather lengthy passage illustrates quite clearly

' Johnson's method of translation throughout his biography of Tournefort.

Fontenelle: (144: 22-37; 145: 1-5)
La Botanique n'est pas une science sedentaire 81 paresseuse,
qui se puisse acquerir dans le repos 81 dans l'ombre d'une
Cabinet, comme la Geometrie, 81 l'Histoire. ou qui tout au‘plus,
comme la Chimie, l'Anatomie, 81‘1'Astronomie, ne demande que
des operations d'assés peu de mouvement. Elle veut que l‘on
coure les Montagnes 81 les Forets, que l'on gravisse contre des
Rochers escarpés, que l'on s'expose aux bords des Précipices.
Les seuls Livres qui peuvent nous instruire a fond dans cette
matiere, ont été jettés au hazard sur toute la surface de la Terre,
81 i1 faut se résoudre a la fatigue 81 au peril de les chercher 81 de
les ramasser. Dela vient aussi qu'il est si rare d'exceller dans
cette Science, 1e degre de passion qui suffit pour faire un
Sgavant d'une autre espece, ne suffit pas pour faire un grand
Botaniste, 81 avec cette passion meme, i1 faut encore une santé
qui puisse 1a suivre, une force de corps qui y réponde. M. de
Tournefort‘étoit d'un temperament vif, laborieux, robuste, un
grand fonds de gai’eté naturelle 1e sofitenoit dans le travail, 81

son corps aussi bieneque son esprit avoit été fait pour la Botanique.

125

Johnson: (10CV col. 2, 82-90; 10C2r col. 1, 1-16)
Botany is not an unactive and sedentary Science, which like
Geometry or History, may be acquir'd by a recluse and solitary
Application within the narrow Precincts of a- Closet; or which, like
Chymistry, Anatomy, and'Astronomy, demands only such'Opera-
tions as may be perform'd without a great deal of Exercise, Toil,
and Fatigue. . The Botanist must wander thro' Mountains and
Valleys, range the gloomy Forests, climb the steepest Rocks, ;and
expose his Life on the Brinks of hideous Precipices, in Quest of
Knowledge. The only Books capable of instructing us thoroughly in
this Science, are, with a rich'and liberal Hand, scatter'd up and down
the whole Surface of our Globe. But Resolution and Patience,
Industry, and Contempt of Danger, are necessary to collect and
gather them. This is the Reason why so few excel in this Science:
‘ That Degree of Ardor which is capable of rendering a Man skill'd
in other Branches of Literature, is by no means sufficient for
forming a complete Botanist; who, besides the insurmountable Ardour of
his Soul, must have an uncommon Strength of Body, and Soundness
of Constitution, to bear him up under the Toils and Fatigues he

must necessarily undergo. Now, Mr. Tournefort had a brisk

 

laborious Turn of Mind, a robust Constitution, and a large Fund

of natural Gaiety in his Temper, to support him under his painful

Researches; so that both the make of his Body, and the Turn-of

his Mind, joined their united Force to qualify him for a Botanist.
Johnson's rendition, though close to the French, is much more than a
translation. Not only does he eXpand his French text but he intensifies
Fontenelle's ratherprosaic commentary, most particularly in the passage
describing the wanderings of the botanist. IniJohnson‘s version the
botanist roams through‘ "Mountains and Valleys; " not just mountains,

the forests he encounters are "gloomy, " and the precipices, "hideous. "

126

In contrast to Fontenelle's more expository narrative, we almost feel
in-Johnson's that we are seeing the romantic's vision of the awful
beauty of nature and following not the peregrination of a botanist but
of aManfred or a René. Yet one must admit, I think, that in
Johnson's translations the variations are often asource of a vitality
which is frequently missing in the original, and we can only be pleased
that in viewing translation as he did as a creative rather than an
imitative or mechanistic process he avoided the fidelity which would
have frequently given rise to flatness.

Johnson's source for his biographies of Aesculapius, Archagathus,

Aretaeus, and Asclepiades in the Medicinal Dictionary is Daniel Le Clerc's

 

Histoire de la Medecine (1723). . Something of a medical dictionary itself,

 

though. of much smaller sc0pe than Dr. James's massive three-volume
work, Le Clerc's Histoire is a storehouse of biographies of famous
physicians of the past and an encyclopedia of medical practices in ancient
times. 1 It is probably fortunate for Le Clerc that Mark Twainsnever

got hold of his work, for he would have been no less appalled by the
accounts of medical horrors in the Histoire than he had been by Dr.
James's descriptions of doctors who killed far more often than they
cured.

Themost interesting biography Johnson translates from the
Histoire is that of Aesculapius. Only in the largest sense of the word,
however, can this life be calleda translation, for what Johnson does is
to condense some forty-eight pages in Le Clerc's work into about five

columns in the Medicinal Dictionary. Johnson uses Le Clerc's facts

 

about Aesculapius but he treats them in a very original manner. Most
noticeable is the way in which Johnson drastically rearranges the
sequence of facts Le Clerc gives in his chapters on Aesculapius, and
how he moves rapidly through the French text, extracting here and

there the material he wishes to use for his own article. 7 In‘many instances

127

Johnson's paraphrases of the French are much freer than even he is
accustomed to make in most of his translations and in at least one
place he adds a whole paragraphthat is not found in the Histoire.
Though the connection between the French‘and the English’is frequently
hard to detect, and when found, often quite tenuous, it is still evident
that Johnson'is indebted to Le Clerc for the substance of his life of
Aesculapius. A few passages will reveal just how Johnson works with

his Frenchvsource to create one of his most original translations.

Le Clerc: (38: 16-19)

Ce Dieu [Aesculapius] avoit accountumé de soulager ceux a qui

 

les mouvemens violens de l'esprit rendoient 1e temperament du

 

corps plus chaud qu'il ne faut, avec des chansons, 81 parple

 

moyen de la mélodie 81 des farces.

 

Le Clerc: ; (42: 6-9)
Galien, dans l'endroit que nous avons cité, ou i1 dit qu'Esclape

guerissoit les maladies par la Musique, 81c, ajoflte, qu'il

 

ordonnoit s plusieurs d'aller a cheval, de prendre de l'exercisev

 

étant armez, 81 qu'il leur marquoit les sortes de mouvemens

 

' qu'ils devoient faire, 81 la maniere dont ils devoient s'armer.

 

Johnson: (Xx2V col. 1, 84-90; col. 2, 1-4)

AEsculapius, the Deity of our Country, prescribed entertaining

 

Songs, Buffoonery, and some Sorts of Music, for such‘as by the
too vehement Motion of the Mind had rendered the Temperament
of their Body hotter than was consistent with Moderation: To
others, and those not a few, he enjoined Hunting, Riding, and
Exercises at Arms, and directed the Kind of Motion they were
to be employed in, and the Arms in which they were to exercise.
He did not think it enough to teach in general, how the Mind,
when sunk, might be raised, without ascertaining the Measure

of it from the Idea of Exercise.

128

From the above passages it is apparent not only how Johnson
composes a single paragraph from two widely separated portions
of Le Clerc's text but also how he translates his French-source quite
freely. Johnson's rendition, it is seen upon close examination, is
more of a rewriting of the French than a simple translation of it.
. Such freedom in translation is pretty much the method he uses
throughout his article on Aesculapius, but there are times when he is
content tofollow his French. source somewhat more closely. Compare,
, for instance, Johnson's rendition of the following rather long passage

from'Le Clerc.

Le Clerc: (61: 17-32)
Ce fut celle [referring to the snake whichcame to be the symbol
of Aesculapius] qu'il prit pour venir délivrer la ville de Rome

de la peste, l'an CCCL de sa fondation. ‘ Les Romains, dit

 

Aurelius Victor, envoyerent a Epidaure, par le conseil de l'Oracle,

 

dix Députez, dont le principal étoit Q. Ogulnius, pour faire venir
1e Dieu Esculape 1 Rome. Ces Députez étant arrivez a Epidaure,
comme ils admiroient la statue d'Esculape pour sa grandeur
extraordinaire, on vit a l'instant sortir de son gite un‘Serpent qui
imprimoit dans l'esprit de tout le monde plutOt de la veneration
que de la terreur, 81 qui passant par le milieu de la ville au
travers de la foule étonnée de ce prodige, se rendit auvaisseau
des'Romains, 81 s'alla jetter dans la chambre d'Ogulnius.

Les Députez ravis d'emporter avec eux 1e Dieu, se rendirent
heureusement: Antium oh i1 firent quelque séjour. ~ L'agitation
de la mer ne leur permettant pas de naviger pendant ce temps-la,
le Serpent se glissa dans un temple voisin dédié a Esculape, mais
il revint au vaisseauvquelques jours aprés, 81 continua sa route
en remontant le Tibre, jusqu'a qu'étant arrivé dans l'Isle que forme
cette riviere, .il sauta a terre. On‘lui batit un temple dans ce

mame lieu, 81 1a peste cessa.

129

' Johnson: (er col. 1 47-64)
Rome, at that Time, and the adjacent Territories, were ravaged
by a Plague. Upon this Occasion an Ambassy, consisting of ten,
with Q. Ogulnius at their Head, was dispatched to Epidaurus, in

order to invite the God AEsculapius to Rome. When these

 

Ambassadors arrived at Epidaurus, as they were admiring the

extraordinary Statue of AEsculapius, a large Serpent came from

 

under the Altar, and passing from the Temple to the RomanShip,
went into the Apartment of Ogulnius. The Ambassadors rejoiced
at this Prodigy, immediately set Sail, and arrived safe at

Antium with their Charge, but being detained there some Days by
the Tempestuousness of the Seas, the Serpent got out of the Vessel,
and lodged himself in a neighbouring Temple dedicated to

‘ AEsculapius, but as soon as it was calm, returned, and then the

 

Ambassadors pursued their Voyage; but when they arrived at the

Island of Tiber, the God in the Shape of a Serpent quitted the Ship,

and went on Shore, where they built him a Temple, and the Plague

immediately ceased.
More in this passage than in many other places in his biography of
Aesculapius, Johnson stays fairly close to his source and although he
paraphrases throughout and condenses the French slightly in‘a few
places, he still preserves the sense of his foreign text if not its exact
language. Such fidelity to the French in Johnson's life of Aesculapius,
however, is the exception rather than the rule, and it is clearly one of
his most original translations.

Inhis biographies of Archagathus, Aretaeus, and Asclepiades,

all based on" Le Clerc's Histoire de la Medecine, Johnson's method of

 

translation is much like that he uses in his lives of Ruysch and Tournefort.
He follows his French texts closely but not literally and looks to his

sources for the substance of his articles but not the way he expresses

130

them. In all cases his major aim seems to be to preserve the sense
of the French original but not its language. A Johnson's biography of
‘ Archagathus is the shortest, occupying only two columns in the

Medicinal Dictionary. There are no significant additions and no

 

Johnsonian intrusions except for a small conclusion which has no basis
in the French. There are the usual variations from the French, though,
and in one place Johnson includes one of Le Clerc's footnotes in the
.body of text. One paragraph is sufficient, I think, to indicate just how

Johnson translates Le Clerc for his life of Archagathus.

Le Clerc: (384: 23-31)
Plutarque observe touchant 1a Médecine de Caton, qu'il n'approu-
voit pas que l'on s'abstint de manger dans les maladies; qu'il
recommandoit les herbages, 81 les chairs de canards, de pigeons,
81 de lievres. Mais cet Auteur ne fait pas un si grand cas de
cette Medécine de Caton, qu'en a fait Pline. Il remarque au
contraire que la femme de ce Romain, 81 son fils moururent
avant lui; ajofltant que si Caton lui-méme vint a un age fort avancé,
il en‘avoit eu plus d'obligation a son bon temperament qu'a sa
Médecine. - Plutarque étant Grec pourroit étre soupgonné d'avoit
voulu vanger les Médecins de sa nation, quoi que ce qu'il dit soit

fort vraisemblable.

~ Johnson: (7Tv col. 1, 47-60)
Plutarque observes, with regard to, the Practice of (_3_a_tp, that
he did not approve of Abstinence for the Cure of Diseases, but
recommended Herbs, and the Flesh of Ducks, Pigeons, and
Hares. But this Author does not pay so profound a Veneration to
the Physic of 28:22 as lflipy does; he observes on the contrary,
that the Wife and Son of that Roman died before himself; adding

at the same time, that if Cato lived to so great an Age, it was

 

131

owing to the natural Goodness of his Constitution, and not the

judicious and happy Choice of his Medicines. As Plutarch was

a Grecian, he may possibly be suspected of being animated with

too keen a Desire of revenging the Cause of the 93335 Physicians;

though, - at the same time, what he asserts has very muchtthe

Air of Probability.

Johnson's method of translation, as illustrated in the above
passages, is not to improvise upon his French source but totfollow it
quite closely. This he does in most cases except for such‘a slight addition
as "and not the judicious and happy Choice" (of his Medicines) and his
slight expansion of Le Clerc's last sentence. Johnson uses much the
same method of translation in his biography of Aretaeus, one of his

longer articles in the Medicinal Dictionary whichcovers about four and

 

a half columns. Except for an original introductory paragraph and a few
additions, usually nomore than a sentence or two, as well as a few
minor omissions, this biography parallels the French quite faithfully

as can be seen from the following passage which is representative of

the translationas a whole.

Le Clerc: (508: 7-17)
On devroit trouver quelque chose de plus précis dans les
Commentaires d'Henischius, Médecin d'Ausbourg, sur Arétéef
mais il est de meme avis que Castellanus; 81 ce qu'il y a de
particulier c'est qufiil. semble n'avoit fait ces Commentaires que
pour faire dire a Arétée des Choses auxquelles celui-ci n'a
jamais pensé. Au lieu d'expliquer-les endroits difficiles de son
Auteur, il a taché de suppléer ce qui manquoit au texte, pour
tachever de t-raiter chaque matiere, non pas au sens d'Aretée,
mais a celui de Galien, ou au sien propre. Mercurial, qui
étoit si fort versé dans la lecture des anciens Medecins, 81 qui

n'avoit pas manqué de lire Arétée, comme il paro‘lt par divers

132

endroits de ses ouvrages, n'a pas pris garde non plus a la Secte

de ce Medecin.

Johnson: (7Ur col. 2, 75-89; 7UV col. 1, 1.)
Something more accurate and explicit might have been expected

from Henischius, a Physician of Ausburg, who wrote Commentaries

 

upon Aretaeus; but he declares himself of the same Opinion with

Castellanus, and all along discovers such a Fund of Prejudice and

 

Partiality, that one would be tempted to think he had written his
Commentaries with no other View than to misrepresent Aretaeus,
and make him say things he never so much as thought of. Instead
of explaining the difficult Passages of his Author, he endeavours

to supply the Defects of the Text in such a manner as to speak his
own or Galen's Sentiments, and not those of Aretaeus. And what is

still more surprising, Hieronymus Mercurialis, who was so

 

throughly [sic] acquainted with the Writings of the antient Physicians,
and who had undoubtedly read Aretaeus, as appears from several
Passages in his Works, forgets to take Notice of the Sect to which
this Physician belonged.

For his brief, three-column biography of Asclepiades in the

Medicinal Dictionary Johnson borrows from chapters four, nine, and

 

ten in Le Clerc's Histoire:3 His method of translation in this article is
much the same as that in his lives of Archagathus and Aretaeus, except

that he seems to stay even closer to his French source. The following

 

3Though Professor Hazen feels that the life of Asclepiades is "very
probably" by Johnson, Professor Sherbo informs me that he doubts that
Johnson is the author. In my examination of the biography I found a
sprinkling of doublets, a definite Johnsonian idiosyncrasy in his French
translations and the French idiom, 1"venir de" plus an infinitive, rendered
in typical Johnsonian fashion. Compare, for instance, Le Clerc's state-
ment, "L'Auteur que l'on vient de citer" (409: 12), and the English trans-
lation, "The Author last quoted" (8Mr col. 2, 36). Such evidence, I feel,
tends to confirm Professor Hazen's attribution.

133

short paragraph is sufficient to illustrate his manner of translating

‘Le Clerc's comments on Asclepiades.

Le Clerc: (392: 23-30; 393: 1-5)
Le voye la plus sure que ce Médecin trouva pour se mettre en
crédit, ce fut de prendre tout le contrepied d'Archagathus, qu'il
savoit avoir été blame a cause de la méthode cruelle qu'il avoit
suivie, 81 de condemner, non seulement cette méthode, mais
encore une grande partie des remedes que les autres Médecins
pratiquoient tous les jours. Les remedes qu'Asclépiade
improuvoit, consistoient, selon la remarque de‘Pline, a étouffer
les malades a force de les charger de couvertures pour tirer
de la sueur de leurs corps é. quelque prix que ce fut, ou les 1_'_6_t_i_£
auprés du feu, ou aux rayons du Soleil. Asclépiade condamnoit

encore une ancienne maniere de guérir les esquinancies, en

 

introduisant dans la gorge avec beaucoup de peine 81 d'effort un
certain instrument qui servoit a ouvrir le passage. Mais ce

contre quoi il se récrioit le plus, c'étoit contre les Vomitiss, que

 

l'on prenoit alors trés frequement, 81 méme contre les Purgatifs,

 

qu'il regardoit comme nuisibles a l'estomac.

Johnson: (8Mr col. 15-28)
The Method this Physician used to establish his Character was,

to run directly counter to the Practice of Archagathus, who had

 

been condemned for his Cruelty; and to decry not only his Method
but also a great Part of the Medicines daily recommended by other

’Physicians. The Practice of Asclgaiades consisted principally,

 

in throwing the Patient into a Sweat, by means of warm Coverings,
or by exposing him to the Heat of the Fire, or the Rays of the Sun.

Asclepiades also condemned the antient Manner of curing Quinseys

 

by thrusting an Instrument forcibly down the Throat, in order to

134

clear the Passages. But of all other things, he made the highest
Remonstrances against Vomits, which, in these Days, were
frequently used; and even against Purgatives, which he looked
upon as hurtful to the Stomach.
In the above passages from the life of Asclepiades it is clear as in
Johnson's translation of his biographies of Archagathus and Aretaeus
that he is content for the most part to follow the French quite closely.
A careful comparison of the French and English, however, reveals
frequent minor variations from the French text, most of which‘I think,
tend to make his version more palatable and interesting to the English
reader.

A In his biographies in Dr. James's Medicinal Dictionary Johnson

 

uses several methods of translation. There is, first of all, his fairly
close approximation of the French in his articles on Tournefort,
Archagathus, Aretaeus, and Asclepiades. Secondly, there is his some-
what freer approach in his rendition of the life of Ruysch and, finally,
his extremely loose handling of Le Clerc's material on Aesculapius
which is really the method Dryden termed "imitation. " What emerges

from a close study of Johnson's biographies in the Medicinal Dictionary

 

and their French sources is more, though, than simply Johnson's methods
of translation. More important is the fact that in Johnson's hand trans-
lation is not so much a tool of transmission as one of creation. In the

Medicinal Dictionary we read not the writings of Le Clerc and Fontenelle

 

as translated by Johnson, but Johnson's biographies which are based upon

the works of these-authors. The lives in the Dictionary, if not sub-

 

stantively Johnson's own, are very much his in style, arrangement,
expression, and spirit. He is never subsumed by his foreign sources
but consistently leaves the stamp of his personality and attitudes upon
them. A translation of Le Clerc or Fontenelle by almost any other

author would remain simply a translation, but with Johnson we see

135

combined bothsubstance of value and the sensitive interpretation-and
vigorous style of a great man of letters. A study of the "translated"

lives in the Medicinal Dictionary and of Johnson's French translations

 

in general is important, then, not only in that it reveals just how he
works with his sources but also because it demonstrates that even
within a medium which on the surface appears to, be a mechanistic
destroyer of personality, that which we term with many feelings and

meanings, "Johnsonian, " is still very much present.

Doublets in the "Life of Frederic Ruysch" (in "Anatomy")

Fontenelle 101: 9- 10

81 leur mettre en main
dequoi étonner Bilsius

102: 24-25

'ce qui demande, comme on
voit, une grande précision

104: 13

81 de s'attacher a l'ancienne
doctrine si solidement ét ablie

106: 28-29

11 les dissequoit avec la mame
adresse que les Animaux

Johnson 5Z2r col. 2, 40-41

presented them with Materials
proper for enpopntering and

c onfoundlng—Bilsius

522v col. 1, 38-39

This, no doubt, required a
very pipe and dispepnln‘g
Judgement

522v col. 2, 15-16

and tread in the safe
and peat-En Paths of his
Predecessors

6Ar col. 1, 14-15

which he pipspcieg and
preservepl with incomparable

Art

Doublets in the "Life of Tournefort" (in "Botany")

Fontenelle 143: 8

il vouloit scavoir leurs noms

143: 20

81 n'y touchent point

144: 3

dans tous les Lieux fermés

Johnson 10Cv col. 2, 26-27

for he was aniipus and
pnpapy, till he found out
their Names

ioc" col. 2, 39-40

without enriching it
with‘any thing that is
solid and satisfactopy

ioc" col. 2, 59-60

to the most plpsp and
conceal'd Places

_1 3.7

144: 6-7

il se resolvoit plutOt a
y entrer furtivement

144: 23

qui se puisse acquerir

144: 27

Elle veut que l'on coure
les 'Montagnes

145: 11-12

81 en rapporte des Plantes
inconnués aux Gens meme du
Pai‘s

145: 35-36

une magnifique Bibliotheque

146: 13

de tout ce qu'elles lui
avoient coflté

147: 19-21

'La Patrie d'unSijavant ne
seroit pas sa veritable Patrie,
si les Sciences n'y-étoient
florissantes

147: 27-28

qu'il ne connoissoit ni l'un
ni l'autre que par le nom qu'ils
s'étoient fait.

10CV col. 2, 62-63

that he would make his
Way into them in an
unlawful and clandestine

manner
loc" col. 2, 83-84

by a _r_e_c_lpsp and politapy
Application

loc" col. 2, 87-88

The Botanist must wander
thro' Mountaips and Y_a_l_lgy£

10c21‘ col. 1, 2223

found Plants pnknpwp and
unheard of by the'Inhabitants

31 the Country
10C2r col. 1, 49-50

a magnificient and well stor' d

Library
ioczr col. 1, 67-68

for the $011 and Painp they
cost him

10C2r col. 2, 42-26

for the native Country of a

. seems and 21112823

Virtuoso would be but a 21111
and pnpomfprlaplp Scene to
him, if the Sciences did not
t_hpi_y_e and prpspep in it.

10c2r col. 2, 33-35

tho' he was no Stranger to

they justly acquirfid.

138

149: 19

81 mEme assés polie de part 81
d'autre

149: 20-21

ne valoit guerre la peine
qu' on: s' échauffat

152: 21-22

81 sur terre ils prennent les
chemins les plus battus

152: 24-25

'On lira bien-tOt avec un
plaisir male. d'horreur

153:11-12

oh tant de Plantesétrangeres

153: 27-28

il voulut travailler a la

Relation de son grand Voyage

154: 15-16

qui a 'été ‘trouvé dans un état

0%. il n'y avoit rien a desirer
Doublets in the "Life of Archagathus"

Le Clerc 383: 24-25

tant il y a eu d'autres
choses considerables en sa
personne

lOCzr col. 2, 45-45

but even with a certain Air

ioch col. 2, 48

to pu_ff_l_e their Spirits or
inflamp their Passions

10C2V col. 1, 55-56

they take the most peatpn
and paiept Roads by Land

10C2V col. 1 58-59

A Pleasure, blended with
912013 and I-_I_o_1;rpr

10sz col. 1 84

to which so many_fo_1;e_igp
and pnpxpeptpd Plants

10sz col. 2, 9

he wanted to _r_e_y_i_s_eand
pqliph and Relation-of his
last Voyage

locz" col. 2, 25-26

which was found pepf_e_C_t_ and
and finished

Johnson 7Tr col. 2, 64-65

since so many other Circumstances
concurr'd in his Person to render
him venerable and‘awful

139

384: 3-4

Croirons-nous donc, dit-i1
pour conclusion, que Caton

ait condamne une chose si utile,
C'est a dire, la Medecine

 

 

 

384: 21-22

parmi les plus habiles d'entre
les premiers Medécins Grecs
384: 29

sa Medecine

385: 4-5
bien loin d'y atre estimée;

parce que ce peuple étoit encore
fort grossier en ces temps-la

Doublets in the "Life of Aretaeus"
‘Le Clerc 508: 7-8

On devroit trouver quelque de
plus précis dans les Commen-
taires d'Henischius

508: 24-25

'lequel recevant quelque

alteration cause diverses
maladie s

509: 6-7

qui ont du rapport aux
extérieures

7TV col. 1, 4-5

Must we then believe that Cato
condeumn'd a thing so uspfpl and

7TV col. 1, 45-46

among the most _learned
and _s_kilfu_l_ of the first

Greek- Physicians

7'1" col. 1, 55-56
the judicious and happy
Choice of his Medicines
7Tv col. 1, 73-75

much less was it ps_tepmed
and valued, because the

People of these Days were
yet payage and pnpolipe

Johnson 7Ur col. 2, 75-76

Something more acpura_te and
explicit might have— been

expected from Henischius

 

7Uv col. 1, 6-8

the Chpnges and Alpepaliipnp
of which, according to them,
laid the Foundations of
various Diseases

7U" col. 1, 35-36

which bear an Anplpgy and
Resemblance tosuch-as are

external

1'40;

511: 24

81 afin d'adoucir [leur mal 81
leur inquiétude

512: 22

de quelque super stitieux

513: 13-14

aux maigres

516: 3

qui ont été les premiers des
pneumatiques

Doublets in the "Life of Asclepiades"
Le Clerc 392: 14

qui la remit en crédit

393: 6

En mame temps qu'Asclépiade
condamnoit les remedes

393: 14-14

contribuerent encore beau-
coup a faire recevoir cette
nouvelle Medecine

394: 21-22

quelque invention nouvelle pour
faire du plaisir a ses malades

7U" col 2, 41-42

and in order to r_r_11_t_igate
and a1_la_y their Disorder
and Inquietude
7U;r col. 1, 2
by some weak and superstiipipus
Trifler

r
7U2 col. 1, 49
to those who were-lein and
extenuated

7U2r col. 2, 60

who were the_fipsp and
mopt_cplpb_r_a£eg of the

' Pneumatic Sect

Johnson 8Mr col. 1, Ql-LZ

who restablished its

8Mr col. 1, 29-30
At the same time that
Asclepiades condemned and

decried the above Medicines

8Mr col. 1, 40-42
contributed not a little to
the favourable and ready
Reception of this new Physic
8Mr col. 2, 142
some new Invention to pl_e_a_s_e
and pumopr his Patients

1141

409: 11-12

devenoient utiles lorsque lui-
mame les avoit ordonnez

409: 23

dans un lieu clair

409: 30-31

c'est a dire, une
cure extraordinaire

410: 5

eflt 6té assez fou pour
parler de cette maniere

8Mr col. 2, 35

became safe and _s_a_lut_ary,
when prescribed by him

8Mr col. 2, 49

to a clear and open
Light

8M” col. 2, 58-59

he calls the Cure here
mentioned, bol_d and
extraordinary-

8Mr col. 2, 74-75

would have talked in
so ridiculous and foolish

a manner

CHAPTER VIII

A SOURCE. FOR IDLER NUMBER 8

In Idler‘Number 8 for Saturday, . 3 June 1758, a satiric commentary

 

onpreparing English soldiers for battle, Johnsonconfesses that he
borrows a passage from a Frenchman. The Yale editors in a footnote
write, "Johnson, if he borrows 'from a Frenchman, "as he, says,
certainly refers to the account by the Abbé de Vertotg in Histoire des

Chevaliers Hospitaliers de S. Jean (4th ed. 1755), 11. 194-203.

 

 

However the earlier volumes of Giacomo Bosio's Dell 'istoria . . . di

 

S. Gio. Gierosolno' (1621-84), where a more complete account is given

 

(II. 71-74), had also appeared in French (1643), and the Gallicized name
of the author, Pierre de Boissat, may have lingered in Johnson's
memory as that of a 'Frenchman'. "1 I have secured both sources
mentioned in note one above and will present them below with Johnson's

paragraph to show just what he does with the French.

Johnson: Iggy No. 8. Saturday, 3 June 1758 (27: 1-22)
When the Isle of Rhodes was, many centuries ago, in the hands
of that military order now called the Knights of Malta, it was
ravaged by a dragon, who inhabited a den under a rock, from
which he issued forth when he was hungry or wanton, and without
fear or mercy devoured men and beasts as they came in his way.
Many councils were held, and many devices offered, for his

destruction; but as his back was armed with impenetrable scales

 

"Iihe Yale Edition of the Works of Samuel Johnson. Idler and
Adventurer, ed. W. J. Bate, J. M. Bullitt,‘ L. F. Powell (New Haven,
1963), 27.

 

 

142

143

none would venture to attack him. At last Dudon, a French
knight, undertook the deliverance of the island. From some
place of security he took a view of the dragon, or, as a modern
soldier would say, "reconnoitred" him, and observed that his
belly was naked and vulnerable. He then returned home to take
his "arrangements"; and, by a very exact imitation of nature,
made a dragon of pasteboard, in the belly of which he put beef
and mutton, and accustomed two sturdy mastiffs to, feed themselves,
by tearing their way to the concealed flesh. When his dogs were
well practised in this method of plunder, he marched out with
them at his heels, and shewed them the dragon; they rushed upon
him in quest of their dinner; Dudon battered his scull while they
lacerated his belly; and neither his sting nor claws were able to

defend him.

Pierre de Boissat: Histoire des Chevaliers de l'Ordre de'S. Jean de

Hierusalem. (67-68)3‘

 

 

11 y avoit en l'Isle de Rhodes un grand Dragon en une caverne,
d'ou il infectoit l'air de sa puanteur, 81 tuoit les hommes 81 les
bestes qu'il pouvoit recontrer: 81 estoit defendu a tous Religieur
sur la peine de privation de l'habit, 81 a tous sujets de passer en
ce lieu-la, qui s'appelloit Maupas. Le Dragon qui estoit de la
grosseur d'un cheval moyen avoit une teste de serpent des
oreilles de mulet couvertes d‘une peau fort dure 81 escaillée,
des dents fort aigu'és, la gorge grande, les yeux caves, luisans
comme feu, avec un regard effroyable, quatre jambes comme
un Crocodil, les griffes fort dures 81 aigu'és; sur le dos deux
petites aisles, dessus de couleur d'un Dauphin, dessous jaunes
81 .verdes comme estoit le ventre, & la queue comme un Lezart.
I1 couroit batant de ses aisles autant qu'un bon cheval, avec un

horrible sifflement. Le Chevalier de Gozon ayant entrepris de le

 

zI preserve the original spelling but for typographical clarity change
the French "u" and "i" to the modern "v" and "j".

144

combattre, s'en alla a Gozon chez son frere, oh il fit un fantosme
qui representoit na'ifvement le Dragon, 81 accoustuma son cheval

81 deux chiens a l'approcher 81 attaquer courageusement sans
crainte. Apres retourné a Rhodes, iI fit un jour‘ porter ses
armes a l, Eglise de sainct Estienne prés du Man-pas, 01‘1 il envoya
ses serviteurs, et lui avec un seul valet s'y en alla, sans qu'aucun
reconneut son dessein. Il laissa ses gens sur le coustau, 81 leur
commanda qu'ayans veu 1e combat s'il estoit vaincu 81 tué, ils
s'enfuissent; sinon qu'ils vinssent a lui pour le secourir. Alors
armé de toutes pieces, la lance sur la cuisse, il marcha vers

la caverne, laquelle il trouva suivant contre le courant d'un
ruisseau qui en sortoit. Dans peu de temps le Dragon vint a lui

la teste levée, 81 batant les aisles avec son sifflement accoustumé,
Le Chevalier lui courut courageusement contre, 81 baissant sa
lance l'atteignit a une espaule, qu'il trouva couverte d'écailles

si dures, que la lance se mit en pieces sans l'offencer. Cependant
les chiens assaillirent vivement le Dragon de tous costez, 81 l‘un
d'eux l'assera par les genitoires: chose qui vexa 81 retarda
aucunement le Dragon: de sorte que le Chevalier eut loisir de
mettre pied a terre, - retourna l’espée au poing contre le Dragon,
81 lui plongea sous la gorge, ob. la peau se trouva tendre, 81 1a
maniant 81 l'enfong'cnt tousjours de plus en plus, lui trencha 1e
gosier, A 81 soustint ainsi son espée, 81 soi-mesme buté contre le
Dragon jusques a ce qu'il eut jetté 81 perdu tout son sang: 81 lors
1e Dragon se sentant faillir se laissa tomber en terre, 81

accueillit des sous soi le Chevalier, a qui les forces failloient de
lassitude 81 de la puanteur 81 pesanteur de cette épouventable
charongne. Ses serviteurs voyant 1e Dragon par terre, y
accoururent, 81 comme il ne bougeoit plus, avec grande peine 81

travail, ils l'osterent de dessus leur maistre, qu'ils trouverent

145

tout pasmé. Mais voyans que le poux lui battoit encore ils 1e
rafraichirent promptement avec l'eau du ruisseau, 81 incontinent
i1 reprit ses esprits 81 son sens. Alors ils 1e desarmerent, 81

1e remirent a cheval, 81 s'en retourna plein d'alegresse telle qu'on
peut penser, ayant mis si heureusement a fin une si haute entre-
prise.

Abbe de Vertot: Histoire des Chevaliers Hospitaliers de S. Jean.3

(22-25)‘
Ce fut par ce méme esprit de charité 81 par des vues de prudence,
qu'il [Le Grand Ma‘itre] défendit a tous les Chevaliers, sous pein
de privation de l'habit, de s'attacher a combattre un Serpent an un
Crocodile, espece d'animal amphibie qui vit 81 qui se nourit dans
les marais 81 au bord des grandes rivieres. Ce Crocodile étoit
d'une enorme grandeur, causoit beaucoup de désordre dans l'Isle,
81 11 avoit mame dévoré quelques habitans. Pour l'intelligence
d‘un évenement si extraordinaire, 81 que quelques Auteurs ont
traité de fabuleux, nous rapporterons simplement ce qu'on en
trouve dans l'histoire, 81 nous laisserons au lecteur a juger de la
verité d'un fait si étonnant, selon ses lumieres, 81 le dégré de
probabilité qu'il trouvera dans notre narration.

La retraite de ce furieux animal dont nous parlons, étoit
dans une caverne située au bord d'un marais au pied du mont
Saint Etienne, a deux milles de la Ville. 11 en sortoit souvent
pour chercher s‘a proye. Il mangeoit des Moutons, des Vaches,
81 quelques fois des Chevaux quand ils approchoient de l'eau 81 du

bord du marais: on se plaignoit méme qu'il avoit dévoré de jeunes

 

3There is a close translation of this version in volume nineteen of
the Gentleman's Magazine for 1749 on pages 196-198.

 

4These are the page numbers of the photoduplication I used of this
passage.

146

'Patres qui gardoient leurs troupeaux. Plusieurs Chevaliers 81
de plus braves du Couvent, en differens temps, 81 a l'insgu les
uns de autres, sortirent séparément de la Ville pour tacher de
le tuer; mais on n'en vit revenir aucun. Comme l'usage des
armes a feu n‘étoit point encore inventé, 81 que la peau de cette
espece de monstre étoit couverte d'écailles a l'épreuve des
fleches 81 des darts les plus acerez, les armes, pour ainsi-dire,
n'étoient pas égales, 81 1e Serpent les avoit bien-tat terassez.
Ce fut le motif qui obligea le Grand Ma‘itre a défendre aux
Chevaliers de tenter davantage une entreprise qui paroissoit
au-dessus des forces humaines.

Tous obéi’rent a l'exception d'un seul Chevalier de la Langue

de'Provence, appellé Dieu-donné de Gozon, qui, au prejudice de

 

cette dé fense, 81 sans étre épouvante du sort de ses confreres,
forma secretement le dessein de combattre cette béte carnaciere;
81 i1 résolut d'y périr, ou d'en délivrer l'Isle de Rhodes. On
attribua cette resolution au courage déterminé de ce Chevalier.
D'autres prétendent qu'il fut encore engagé par des railleries
piquantes qu'on fit de son courage dans Rhodes, 81 sur ce qu'étant
sorti plusieurs fois de la Ville pour combattre 1e Serpent, il
s‘étoit contenté de le reconno‘ltre de loin, 81 que dans ce péril i1
avoit fait plus d'usage de sa prudence que de sa valeur.

Quoiqu'il en soit des motifs qui déterminerent ce Chevalier
a tenter cette avanture, pour commencer a mettre sonxprojet
execution, il pas sa en France, 81 se retira dans le chateau de
Gozon, qui, subsiste encore aujourd'hui dans la Province de
Languedoc. Ayant reconnu que le Serpent qu'il vouloit attaquer
n'avoit point d'ecailles sous le ventre, il forma sur cette observa-

tiOn 1e plan de son entreprise.

147

11 fit faire en bois ou en carton une figure de cette béte
énorme, sur l'idée qu'il en avoit conservée, 81 i1 tacha sur-tout
qu'on en imitat la couleur. Il dressa ensuite deux jeunes Dogues
a accourir a ses cris, 81 a se jetter sous 1e ventre de cette
affreuse béte, pendant que monté a cheval, couvert de ses armes,
81 1a lance a la main, il seignoit de son cbté de lui porter des
coups en differens endroits. Ce Chevalier employa plusieurs
mois a faire tous les jours cet exercice, 81 11 ne vit pas plutOt
ses Dogues dressez a ce genre de combat qu'il retourna a Rhodes.
A peine fut-11 arrivé dans l'Isle que sans communiquer son dessein
a qui que ce soit, 11 fit porter secretement ses armes proche d'une
Eglise située au haut de la montagne de Saint Etienne, 06. i1 se
rendit accompagné seulement de deux domestiques qu'il avoit
amenez de Frence. Il entra dans l'Eglise, 81 aprés s‘étre
recommandé a Dieu, il prit ses armes, monta a cheval, 81 ordonna
a ses deux domestiques, s'il périssoit dans ce combat, de s'en
retourner en France, mais de se rendre aupres de lui, s'ils
s'appercevoient qu'il eflt tué le Serpent, ou qu'il en eflt été
blessé. Il descendoit ensuite de la montagne avec ses deux chiens,
marcha droit au marais 81 au repaire du Serpent, qui, au bruit
qu'il faisoit, accourut la gueule ouverte, 81 les yeux étincelans
pour le dévorer. Gozon lui porta un coup de lance que l'épaisseir
81 la dureté des écailles rendit inutile. 11 se préparoit a redoubler
ses coups; mais son cheval épouvanté des sifflemens 81 de l‘odeur‘
du Serpent, refuse d'avancer, recule, se jette a cbté; 81 i1 auroit
été cause de la perte de son ma‘itre, si, sans s'étonner, i1 ne se
fut jetté a bas; 81 mettant aussi-tot l'épée a la main, accompagné
de ses deux fideles Dogues, i1 joint cette horrible bate, 81 lui
porte plusieurs coups en differens endroits, mais que la dureté

des écailles l'empécha d'entamer. Le furieux animal d'un coup

148

queue 1e jetta méme a terre, 81 11 en auroit été infaillement
dévoré, si les deux chiens, suivant qu'ils avoient été dressez,
ne se fussent attachez au ventre du Serpent qu'ils déchiroient
par de cruelles morsures, sans que malgré tous ses efforts, il
put leur faire lacher prise.

Le Chevalier, a la faveur de ce secours, se releve, 81 se
joignant a ses deux Dogues, enfonce son épée jusqu'aux gardes,
dans un endroit qui n'étoit point defendu par des écailles: i1 y fit
une large playe dont il sortit des flots de sang. Le monstre
blessé a mort, tombe sur le Chevalier qu'il abbat une seconde
fois; 81 i1 l'auroit étouffé par le poids 81 la masse énorme de son
corps, si les deux domestiques, spectateurs de ce combat,
voyant 1e Serpent mort, n'étoient accourus au secours de leur
ma‘ltre. Ils 1e trouverent évanoui, 81 1e crurent mort; mais
aprés l’avoir retiré de dessous le Serpent avec beaucoup de peine,
pour lui donner lieu de respirer, s'il étoit encore en vie, ils
lui 6terent son casque, 81 aprés qu'on lui eut jetté de l'eau sur le
visage, il ouvrit enfin les yeux. Le premier spectacle 81 le
plus agréable qui se pouvoit presenter a sa vfle, fut celui de voir
son ennemi mort, 81 d'avoir réussi dans une entreprise si
difficile, ou plusieurs de ses confreres avoient succombé.
Pierre de Boissat's version and the Abbé de Vertot's rendition

of the story of the knight and the dragon are quite similar, and it is
evident that Johnson bases his paragraph on one of them. The Yale
editors in the note quoted above feel the Abbé de Vertot is the more
likely source and‘from my analysis of the passages, I would confirm
their view. For instance, Johnson in his passage uses the word
"reconnoitred" (143: 4 above) which while not appearing at all in Pierre
de Boissat's verion is seen in the Abbé de Vertot's phrase, "i1 s'étoit

contenté de le reconnoitre de loin" (146: 21 above) Johnson, mentions

149

that the dragon's belly "was naked and vulnerable" (1431.5 above), a
comment which has no parallel in Pierre de Boissat's text but which

is apparently based on the Abbé de Vertot's line, "Ayant reconnu

que le Serpent qu'il vouloit attaquer n'avoit point d'écailles sous 1e
ventre" (146: 27-28 above). Finally, Johnson's statement that the knight
"made a dragon of pasteboard" (143: 7 above) while having no basis in
Pierre de Boissat's. version seems to be close to the Abbé de Vertot's
comment, "11 fit faire en bois ou en carton une figure de cette bate
enorme" (147: 1-2 above). I would hesitate, however, to dismiss Pierre
de Boissat's rendition as a possible source if only because of one
striking parallel with Johnson's paragraph. Pierre de Boissat writes
in the Opening lines of his narration that the beast "tuoit les hommes

81 les bestes qu'il pouvoit rencontrer" (143: 2-3 above) which appears to
be the source of Johnson's comment that the dragon "devoured men and
beasts as they came in his way" (142: 5 above). Perhaps the closeness
is purely coincidental, but it appears that Johnson's line is a fairly
close translation of Pierre de Boissat's phrase and if this is the case,
then he is indebted to both French sources quoted above. At any rate
the paragraph in 1312 No. 8 shows how necessary it is to qualify the
term translation when Johnson is the translator. Here, it is seen, we
are not dealing so much with a translation from the French but a
recreation of it in which Johnson uses only the substance of his French

source to create a highly original passage of his own.

CHAPTER IX

"A DISSERTATION UPON THE GREEK COMEDY" AND THE
" GENERAL CONCLUSION"

Pierre Brumoy's monumental three-volume Le Theatre des Grecs

 

was published in 1730 and became in its own time the definitive com-

mentary on the classical theater. In the Nouvelle Biographie Générale

 

it is said, "Rien ne prouve mieux 1e mérite réel de l'ouvrage du P.
Brumoy que le succés qu'il obtint a l'époque ou il parut. Depuis long-
temps les auteurs grecs et surtout ceux qui illustrerent 1e scéne

antique n'étaient accessibles qu'aux savents de profession et a un petit
nombre d'érudits, hommes de gout. L'heureuse idée du savant jésuite
et son execution, tout imparfaite qu'elle fut d'abord, répandirent et
populari'se rent en France la connaissance et la juste app’réciation des
chefs-d'oeuvre du theatre d'Athénes. "1 In 1759 there appeared an
English version of Brumoy's work which was translated by Charlotte
Lennox and a distinguished group of scholars, including Samuel Johnson.

Allen Hazen in Samuel Johnson's Prefaces and Dedications says the

 

translation was apparently undertaken by Mrs. Lennox as a commission

from the booksellers but met with little success and was never reprinted.z
Volume one of the English version contains a "Dedication" entitled

"To His Royal Highness George, Prince of Wales" which is signed by

Mrs. Lennox but actually written by Dr. Johnson. The Earl of Corke

and Orrery is the author of a lengthy "Preface" in which he discusses

the condition of the theater through the ages and the sad condition of

 

1Tome Septiéme (Paris, 1885), 593.
V7‘(New Haven, 1937), p. 91.

150

151

the present English stage. He also praises Johnson's contributions to
the text. ' Lord Orrery translates Father Brumoy's first three essays,
- ”Discourse upon the Theatre of the Greeks, " "Original of Tragedy, "
and "Parallel of the Theatres. " Mrs. Lennox translates the whole of
the second volume which includes plays, synopses of plays, commen-
tary, and criticism. In volume three, however, she receives con-
siderable help: the comedies, The Birds and 29393, are translated by
an unidentified "young gentleman"; The Frogs by Dr. Gregory Sharpe;

The Cyclops by Dr. Grainger, famous for his translation of Tibullus;

 

the Discourse on the Cyclops by John Bourryau; and "A Dissertation

 

upon the Greek Comedy" and the "General Conclusion" by Dr. Johnson.
Next to the translations of Lord Orrery and Mrs. Lennox,
Johnson's are the longest. It is not too surprising, really, to find him
joining this company of translators of Brumoy's volumes, knowing as
we do his high admiration of Mrs. Lennox and his undoubted interest in
the material he was asked to translate. Johnson's method of rendering
the French of Brumoy's "Discours sur la Comedie Grec" and "Conclu-
sion Generale" is not, however, that of the translations from the
French we have already investigated. A close analysis of the more
than eighty-six quarto pages he translates for Mrs. Lennox's text re-
veals that he works with his French source quite closely and avoids the
method of loose paraphrase, condensation, compression and "recreation"
which is evident in such works as "A Dissertation on the Amazons,- "

"'The Life of Father Paul Sarpi, " the biographies in the Medicinal

 

Dictionary, and the Opening pages of Father Lobo's Voyage to Abys sinia.

 

 

There are in the sections he translates from Brumoy's text no

' Johnsonian intrusions which in his previous renditions allowed us to get
a glimpse of his personality, his attitudes, and in some cases his feel-
ings about the work he translated. One would hardly expect, though, to

find Johnson working in such a manner in a text where the presence of

152

many translators necessarily precluded the expressionrof individuality
and interpretation and required a common effort to reach a certain
stylistic uniformity in all the translations. I have compared all the
translations in the English version with their French sources and
found for the most part that all the renditions are a fairly close approxi-
mation of Brumoy's text. More fidelity to the French is seen, I think,
in the work of "the young gentleman, " Dr. Sharpe, and Lord Orrery
and somewhat less in that of Dr. Grainger, ' Mrs. Lennox, and Dr.
Johnson.

To indicate as concisely and clearly as possible just how Johnson
translates Brumoy's text closely, but with frequent variations from
the French, I shall quote the opening lines of "A Dissertation upon the
Greek Comedy" and the "General Conclusion.- " Mainly, however, I
rely on a series of tables to reveal the kinds of variations Johnson
makes from his French source. Under "Paraphrases," for instance,
it is possible to see how he frequently recasts the French in a different
form and avoids a slavish, literal translation; under "Variations in
Diction" are examples of how he sometimes choses a word in English
that is not quite the equivalent of the'French; under "Changes in Word
Order" are illustrations of how he often, rephrases a French sentence,
mainly, I think, to give his English rendition either more smoothness
or force, though some variations in this section have no. logical basis;
and under "Additions to the French" and "Omissions from the French"
are seen further deviations which indicate that in a very limited way
Johnson treats his foreign source with'a certain amount of freedom.
Also, I have listed in one table fourteen doublets which appear in the
pages of his translation, one variation which seems even in the Brumoy
to be peculiar to Johnson alone and which more than any other marks
"A Dissertation upon the Greek Comedy" and the‘ "General Conclusion"

as Johnsonian. Finally, I have included three examples of Johnson's

153

translations of the French idiom, "venir de" plus an infinitive. Although
this idiom is probably best rendered into-English with the idea of having
just done something, Johnson chooses to convey its meaning in different
ways.

The opening lines of "A Dissertation upon the Greek Comedy" and
the "General Conclusion" give a fairly clear picture of just how Johnson

translates Brumoy' 8 text.

Brumoy: (1: 1-21) "Discours sur 1e Comedie Grecque" J'ai balancé
long-tems si je toucherois l'article de la Comédie des Grecs,
tant a cause du petit nombre de Pieces qui nous en reste, qu'a
cause de la licence effrenée d'Aristophane leur Autheur, 81 de
la difficulté d'établir une idée sure de la Comédie Grecque sur
les oeuvres d'un seul Poéte. D'ailleurs la Tragedie m'avoit
paru mériter toute l'attention dont j'vétois capable pour la bien
peindre, comme le morceau le plus estimé des Atheniens 81 des
Grecs sensés, particulierement de Socrate qui n'estimoit ni les
Comédiens ni les Comédies. Mais 1e seul nom d'un ouvrage de
Théatre qui dans les beaux siecles, 81 beaucoup plus dans le n6tre,
a fait tant de progrés, qu'il est devenu égal, pour ne pas dire
préférable au Tragique mame, m'a fait juger qu'on pourroit
peut-Stre me reprocher de n'avoir pas rendu mon Ouvrage
complet, si aprés avoir approfondi, autant qu'il m'aété possible,
ce qui regarde 1e Tragique des Grecs, je n'ébauchois au moins le

caractere de leur Comique.

Johnson: (367: 1-17) "A Dissertation upon the Greek Comedy" 3

I was in doubt a long time, whether I should meddle at all with

 

3All citations from "A Dissertation upon the Greek Comedy" and the
"General Conclusion" are from The Works of Samuel Johnson, ed. F. P.
Walesby (Oxford, 1825), Vol. IV which I have collated with Charlotte
Lennox's, The Greek Theatre of Father Brumoy (London, 1759).

 

 

154

the Greek comedy, both because the pieces which remain are very
few, the licentiousness of Aristophanes, their author, is exorbi-
tant; and it is very difficult to draw, from the performances of a
single poet, a just idea of Greek comedy. Besides, it seemed
that tragedy was sufficient to employ all my attention, that I might
give a complete representation of that kind of writing, which was
most esteemed by the Athenians and the wiser Greeks, particularly
, Socrates, who set no value upon comedy or comick actors. But
the very name of that drama, which in polite ages, and above all
others in our own, has been so much advanced, and it has become
equal to tragedy, if not preferable, inclines me to think that I may
be partly reproached with an imperfect work, if, after having gone,
as deep as I could, into the nature of Greek tragedy, I did not at

least sketch a draught of the comedy.

-Brumoy: (297: 1-11) "Conclusion Generale"
Voila l'exporé fidelle des restes d'AristoPhane. Je ne crains
pas qu'on se plaigne que je les aye dé’guist‘lf’s~ J'ai rendu compte
de tout, autant que la matiere 81 les bonnes moeurs ont pfl 1"
s'accorder. Nulle plume, fflt-elle payenne 81 cynique, n'oseroit
produire au grand jour les horreurs que j'ai dérobées aux yeux
des Lecteurs: 81 loin d'en regretter 1e moindre trait, , de ce silence

nécessaire on conclura aisément quel étoit 1e libertinage d'esprit,

81 quelle la corruption du coeur qui regnoit parmi les Atheniens.

Johnson: (414: 1-11) "General Conclusion"
Thus I have given a faithful extract of the remains of Aristophanes.
That I have not shown them in their true form, I am not afraid
that any body will complain. I have given an account of every
thing, as far as it was consistent with moral decency. No pen,

however cynical or heathenish, would venture to produce, in open

155

day, the horrid passages which I have put out of sight; and,
instead of regretting any part that I have suppressed, the very
suppression will easily show to what degree the Athenians were
infected with licentiousness of imagination, and corruption of
principles.
In these passages it is possible to see how closely Johnson translates
Brumoy. It is also evident, however, that there are a number of
minor variations from the French, variations, as the following tables
show, that are found throughout Johnson's rendition of the two sections

from Le Theatre des Grecs. In his translation of Brumoy's text, then,

 

we do not see the expression of Johnson's personality and attitudes
which are such an interesting and integral part of many of his trans-
lations from the French. Charlotte Lennox's work was simply not the
proper place for the display of the idiosyncratic and the personal.

If we miss, though, in "A Dissertation upon Greek Comedy" and in the
"General Conclusion" those elements which so clearly identify his

other translations as Johnsonian, we must still compliment Dr. Johnson
on his skill and proficiency in rendering the French of Brumoy into a

supple and readable English.

156

Paraphrases

Brumoy v: 15 ("Discours sur
le Comedie Grecque)

elles sont nées dans le mame
berceau

vi: 2

qu'il me paro‘lt demontré

vi: 12-13
leur donna des masques
viii note

11 étoit aus si timide guerrier
que hardi Comedien

xii: 27—28

11 n'en faut pas séparer celle
qu'on appelloit Trabeata a
cause de Trabea

xiii: 25 -26

que ne nous apprend presque
rien de solide

xiii: 27
nous instruisent mieux
xvi: 28-29

si l'on peut former unjugement
juste sur les fragmens

xix: 4

une facilité admirable

Johnson 370: 16

they had both the same
original

371: 8

as to amount to demonstrative
proof

371: 17
covered their faces with masks
372: note

he was a .daring writer,
but a cowardly warriour

376: 23

This is the same with that
called trabeata, from trabea
377: 11

affords us no solid satisfaction

377: 13
give us a fuller notion
379: 27

if we may venture to judge
upon the fragments

381: 7

a wonderful readiness of
composition

157

’ Paraphrases
Brumoy xxi: 8-9

81 que ses caprices, méme les
plus vifs 81 les moins attendus
paroissent comme des suites
necessaries des incidens qu'il
a préparés

xxi: 26- 27

on ne connoit pas encore tous
les charmes 81 toutes les beautés
de Grec

xxiii: 13-14

vrai Elixir de tous les
thrésors nés de la Gréce

xxiv: 6-8

que pour des hommes perdus
d'envie, de noirceurs 81 de
débauches

xxix: 7-9

Ce n'est donc pas sur cet
assemblange de serieux 81 de
comique qu'il faut condemner
Aristophane pour élever
Menandre

xxx: 2-3

Tel étoit le goat d'une
Comedie licencieuse que se
permettoit tout

xxxi: 26 -28

un Po'e'te pouvoit Etre
excusable de peindre les
ridicules 81 les scélerats
publics tels qu'ils sont

Johnson 382: 25-27

and even the most quick
and unexpected of his
desultory sallies appear
the necessary consequences
of the foregoing incidents

383:4-5

we cannot yet know all the
charmes and beauties of that
language

384: 14

an extract of all the
treasures of Greece

384: 37-38

as for minds blackened with
envy, and corrupted with
debauchery

388: 29-31

It is not, therefore, this
mixture of tragick and
comick that will place
Aristophanes below Menander

389: 13-15

Such was the turn of a
species of comedy, in which
all he entiousness was allowed

390:20-21
a poet could be excused for

painting publick folly and
vice, in their true colours

158

Paraphrases

Brumoy xxxiii: 9-10

Comme je joins ici mes raisons
bones on mauvaises, pour 81
contre Aristophane

xlii: 8

quel siecle ne mérite pas
d‘étre condamne

lix: 28-29
A bien pénéfrer ces deux'

fins

"Conclusion Generale"
297: 1- 2

Voila l'éxpose fidelle des
restes d'AristoPhane

297: 6-7

les Horreurs que j'ai
dérobées aux yeux des
Lecteurs

297: 13- 14

'la Religion81 la probité ne
permettent pas d'en faire
parade

300: 19-20
i1 n'y a nul lieu de

comparer siecle a siecle, 81
'Comedie a Comedie

Johnson 392: 4-5

As I add my own reasons,
such as they are, for or
against Aristophanes

398: 21-22

what age shall we spare

411: 7

To go to the bottom of those
purposes

414: 5

Thus I have given a faithful
extract of the remains of
Aristophanes

141: 10-11

the horrid passages which
I have put out of sight

414: 17-18

religion and virtue at least
oblige us not to spread it
before the eyes of mankind

416: 33-34
there can be no comparison

made of one age or comedy with
another

159

Paraphrases
Brumoy 306: 25-26

Cela ne peut s'accorder

307: 13- 14

Voici mon de‘nouement en
deux mots

311: 26-27

11 avoit deux sortes de
mimes moins distingués par
leur objet que par leur
‘étendué‘

Johnson 421: 9

These are glaring incon-
sistencies

421: 22-23

I shall not solve the
question with great brevity

424: 22-23

These mimi were of two
sorts, of which the length
was different, but the
purposes the same

160

Changes in Word Order

Brumoy iii: 23-25 ("Discours
sur la Comedie Grecque")

1 S'il eflt fallu prouver aux

Grecs 81 aux Troyens qu'Helene
6toit belle, il n'y auroit

point eu de guerre de Troye

v: 7-9

'Un précis de tout a la fin

achevera peut-étre 1e dessein

que je me suis proposé

xi: 8-9

Ctest; 12 proprement la belle
Comédie, 1a Comédie de Menandre
81 celle de Terence

xi: 14- 15

Une histoire nué de la .po'ésie
81 des Poétes

xi: 24-25

sans médisances personnelles
81 sans choeurs

xii: 18-19

1e fidelle copiste de
Menandre 81‘1'ami de’Lélius

xiv: 16- 17

L'on sgait peu de chose de
la personne d’Aristophane

Johnson 369: 11-13

If Helen had not appeared
beautiful to the Greeks and
Trojans but by force of
argument, we had never been
told of the Trojan war

370: 9-10

I shall conclude with a
short view of the whole and
so finish my design

375: 13-14

The comedy of Menander and
Terence is, in propriety of
speech, the fine comedy

375: 18-19

A naked history of poets
and of poetry

375: 27

without chorus or personal
abuse

376: 16

the friend of Lelius, and the
faithful copier of Menander

377: 30-31
Of the personal character

of An'ist0phanes, little is
known

161
Changes in Word Order

Brumoy xviii: 18 - l9

Je ne dirai rien de Cecilius
dont il ne nous est resté que
des fragmens

xix: 13- 15

11, no consultoit point d'autre
commentaire quand il composoit,
que le gout de ses Auditeurs

xviii: 18- 19

Plutarque ne sgauroit finir
sur l'article de Menandre

xxvi: 2-3

On n',est point Poi-Ste pour
scavoir précisement diverter
ses acts ou des libertins

xxxiii: 12- 14

81 qui peutétre a mis
Plutarque de mauvaise humeur
sans compter le reste

liv: 23-24

'Heureux genie, qui sans
imitation 81 sans regles

"Conclusion Generale"
297: 2- 3

Je ne crains pas qu'on se
plaigne que je les aye
déguises

.303: 27-29

Les plaisanteries sur les
Po'e'tes les plus estimés sont
encore une partie considerable
d'Ari stophane

Johnson 380: 28-29

Of Cecilius, since we have
only a few fragments, I shall
say nothing

381:15-16

When he wrote, he consulted
no other laws than the taste
of his auditors

384: 18—19

Upon this article of Menander,
Plutarque does not know how
to make an end

386: 15-16

To be able, in the highest
degree, to divert fools and
libertines, will not make a poet

392:6-8

and which, perhaps, without
taking in the rest, put
Plutarque out of humour

407: 16

Happy genius! that, without
rule or imitation

414: 6-7

That I have not shown them in
their true form, I am not afraid
that any body will complain

419:5-6

Another part of the works
of Aristophanes, are his

pleasant reflections upon
the most celebrated poets

162

Variations in Diction

Brumoy iii: 1“("Discours
sur la Comedie Grecque)

Mais outre cet obstacle

viii: 7- 8

qu'Aristophane étoit _1_e
plus cglgbie

ix: 9-10

81 de laiibeité qu'elle
s'étoit donné

xvii: 8

Une femme _e_firgntée
xxvi: 4-5

le_t_a-l_e£1_t d'Aristophane
xxviii: 16

que le veut Plutarque
lii: 24

leur dit ngtiemegt

liv: 20-21

81 par cet élan extraordinaire

de son génie
"Conclusion Generale"
302: 8

Il est aisé de gonclure

304: 20-21

C'etoit l'art de contreiaire,

Johnson 368: 30

But, besides this objection
373: 2

that Aristophanes had
212 arsaiest 913136163.

373: 23

and of theligentlousneis
which is practised

379:34

and abandoned prgsliiuie

368: 18

the Sharaqter of Aristophanes
388: 8-9

as Plutarch has vented

406: 2

he tells them, int-plaigleimg

407: 13-14

and, by that prodigious
_f_li_gh_t of his genius

418: 1
It may easily be gathered

419: 24

it was the art of gross mimickry

163
Additions to the French

Brumoy ("Discours sur la Comedie Johnson 367: 12
Grecque") "Avertissement": 35-36

que j'abandonne au jugement du which I leave entirely to the
public judgement of the publick
iv: 1-3 369: 20
il est l'unique dont on puisse we find him the only author from
tirer l'idée de la Comedie de Whom may be drawn a just idea of
son tems the comedy of his age
v: 26—27 371: 2
avec le méme artifice by the same artifice of
r _e_pr_ e s_e_n_t_a£i_ on
ix: 18 374: 2-3
en masques 331a}; 3s_c2uld_b_e_ done in a mask
xix: 16 381: 17
que sur la raison than 1_)_y_t_h_e_rl1_l_e_s of reason
xxv: 14-16 386: 2
Il passe d'abord condamnation he condemns, wi£h_m3r£y

sur les obscénités 81 les bouffonneries his ribaldry and obscenity

lvi: 1-2 409: 3-4

Le violent Achille laissera The st_qrmy violence of an
lieu au tableau du violent Achilles will always leave
Alexandre room for the stormy violence

of Alexander
"Conclusion Generale"
297: 20 414: 22-23

Elle ne ressemble a rien which has no likeness to
any thing _i_n nature

164

Omissions from the French

Brumoy ("Discours sur la
Comedie Grecque") ii: 3

quelques Pieces iéparées
d'Aristophane

iii: 14- 17

car 1e petit nombre des
Sgavans qui aiment les
délices Attiques, (pour
pa_r_l_e_r_lgur xrii_lan_g_age)

s'embarasse assez peu des
traductions

v: 13
i1 y a grande apparence
xii: 21

distinguoient 20mm3ném3n£
les Comedies

xii: Z9; xiii: 1

81 des Generaux triomphans
2125.2 111.8265:

xiv: 27- 28

I1 fut toutefois déclaré
citoyen d‘Athenes, malgié
ses ennemis

par les divers jugemens
xx: 14-16

mais le'ordonnance de ses

Comédies est toujours defectuese
en quelque chose, 81 ses dénoue-
' r_r_1e_r_1_s_n_e__s_o_nt_pp_i_r_1_t_l'-1—3u£e_ux — —

Johnson 368: 4

some pieces of Aristophanes

369:4-6

As for that small number of
writers, who delight in
those delicacies, they give
themselves very little
trouble about translations
370: 14

and there is an appearance

376: 17

distinguished their comedies

376: 24-25

and the generals in triumph

378: 5-6

He was, however, formally
declared a citizen of
Athens

378: 27

by the judgement

382: 5-6

but the disposition of his

comedies is always defective
some way or another

165

Omissions from the French
Brumoy xx: 19-23

Quoiqu'elles ne soient pas

toutes des oracles, on en peut
tirer avantage; 81 elles approchent
beaucoup de la vérité que les juge-

ments de Baillet, do nt- 1e gout un

3211— 339132— é-téif 21.118.129.122 9.

xxi: 28- 29

mais suspendons notre jugement
81 daignons écouter Plutarque

xxiii: 14-15

digne d'Etre toujours 10.,
1821'??sz spsritpsr
331301.13 81 toujours digne de plaire

xxvi: 19-21

L'Apologiste a oublie une
raison qui me paro‘it essentielle
pour fonder 1e déchiigeme2t_d3
£193}33:—232733.1113tspha2e

xxxi: 20-23

disons ici seulement que l'esprit
regnant, ou l'amour des peintures
parlantes, 81 deg £O£t33_t2u£h§_s
_c_i_e_p_i_n£e_a_u justifieroient encore
Aristophane

"Conclusion Generale"
309: 9-13

Ils n'osoient attaquer overtement
1e religion réelle. Ils ne s'en
prenoient qu'a la fable: 81 comme

sells-£11924 313.21%: 5.321} 5a. _.
82 stiasusnl liable. .113 “32.1.1622
insgnsiblement la religion du pa_1:3_

Johnson 382: 10-11

though they are not all
oraculous, some advantages
may be drawn, as they always
make some approaches to truth

383:6-7

but let us suspend our Opinion,
and hear that of Plutarch

384: 14-15

who deserves always to be
read, and always to please
386:29-30

The apologist has forgot one
reason, which appears to be
essential to a just account
390: 16-17

in this place we say only
that the reigning taste,

or the love of striking likenesses,
might justify Aristophanes

422:29-30

They dur st not Openly attack
real religion; but destroyed
it by attacking fable

166

Doublets

Brumoy xvi: 12-14 ("Discours
sur la Comedie Grecque")

81 gata un peu 1e génie qu'il
avoit de railleur, par ses
manieres rudes 81 outrées
xix: 26—27

81 ses graces deviennent

froides pour Etre trop fines

xxii: 13- 14

sans négliger le comique
un peu fort
xxiv: 15

de ses libertés en paroles

xxxv: 11-12
les Anglois nos voisins ne

1e trouvent-ils pas un peu
froid

xxxix: 25-26

81 aller bride en main

lxii: 9

Rapportons tout au gout
universel

lvi: 10- 12

Or les characteres bien
-marqués dela nature sont
eux-mames trés-bornés

Johnson 379: 13-15

and the turn of his genius

to ridicule was di_s_f_g_u_red

and _c_orrup_ted by the indelicacy
and outrageousness Of his manner

381: 25-27

and his beauties lose their power
of striking by being tOO deligaie
and acute

383: 23-24

rising, when it is necessary,
to vigorous and sprightly
comedy

385: 5-6

to the _i_n51_e_c_ent or ma1__1ciou_s_
sallies

393:21-22

our neighbours, the English,
think he wants_fo_r_c_e_ and
fire

396: 32

and proceed with _c_aution and
timidity

398: 22-23

Let us refer every thing to
permanent and universal taste

408: 22-23

but _distin_c_t and remarkable

characters are very rare

167

Doublets
"Conclusion Generale"
Brumoy 297: 20-21

Son génie est si bizarre

298: 11-13

concluons que la Comedie
d'alors consistoit dans
l'allegorie pour le fonds

304: 20

une imitation fine

314:11-12

pour faire sentir l'abus
qu'on fit du plus noble
des spectacles

1314: 30

comme si elle s'y passoit
réellement

Johnson 414: 23-24

Its genius is so wild and
strings

415: 12-14

we may conclude, that the
comedy Of those days consisted
in allegory: drawn out and
continued — — ———

419: 23-24

a remote and delicate
imitation

426: 17-18

to show how the most noble
Of publick spectacles were
£O_r_r_up_t_e£1_ and abused

426: 33-34

as if it was a present

and real transaction

Johnson's Translation of the French idiom, "venir de" plus an infinitive

Brumoy xlv: 16-17 ("Discours
sur la Comedie Grecque")

nous venons d'en voir trois
especes

1: 13-14

tout différent des trois que
je viens de dire

liii: 7-9

Or la question proposée revient
a la comparison que je viens de
faire entre'le talent 81 la
correction

Johnson 400: 36

we shall again find three sorts

404: 14-15

wholly different from the
three'I have mentioned

406:11-12

The question proposed comes
back to the comparison which
I EaXe_b_e_ep_ mayng between
—g-enius and corruptiOn

CHAPTER X
CONCLUSION

An examination of Dr. Johnson's French translations reveals
both-what and how he translated. In every case there is a close
relationship between his translations and his known interests, a
relationship which supports the view that he took his translations
seriously and considered them no less worthy Of attention than his

more original compositions. In his Father Lobo's Voyage to Abyssinia

 

and "A Dissertation on the Amazons, " for instance, we see his
fascination with the faraway and exotic; in his "Life of Father Paul
Sarpi" his absorption with-religious matters; in his translation of

Crousaz‘s Commentaire and "A Dissertation upon the Greek Comedy"

 

and the" "General Conclusion" from Brumoy's Le Theatre des Grecs

 

his life-long pre-occupation with philosOphy, literary history, and

criticism; and in his "Panegyric on Dr. Morin" and the Medicinal

 

Dictionary biographies his curiosity about science and men of science.

 

Thus in the choice of subjects which he translated from the French
Johnson demonstrated a clear attitude toward his work, an attitude
which reveals that he turned to the French not in a desperate search
for new material but because it held out to him fresh information about
areas in which he was vitally interested.

Johnson's attitude toward translation is even more clearly
expressed in the way he translated from the French. From the pre-
ponderance Of creative translations he did from the French as Opposed
to more literal ones it is possible to see that Johnson viewed the trans-

lator less as a mimic or mirror and more as a creator and commentator.

169

170

In many of his own Frenchtranslations- Johnson acted not only as
translator but also as critic and editor. 1 Translation for him was not
only a process of transmission but of interpretation as well and he
rarely regarded his French source as something so sacrosanct that it
had to be translated into English intact and unchanged. Often Johnson
used his French source only for the substance Of his own highly original
work and in doing soabandoned the more mechanical role of translator
for the more original one of creative artist. In many Of Johnson's
French translations what we read is not a French work translated by
Dr. Johnson but a J ohnsonian composition which he happened to take
from the French. ~ The shift in emphasis is important, for is Johnson
had been content merely to translate his French sources literally, we
would have little interest in reading them today. They would be simply
French-works translated by Dr. Johnson and in this role he was not
that much better qualified than many of his contemporaries. But
Johnson's French translations are important because they are often
Johnsonian, with all that term implies, and because they tell us more
about a man we wish to know better.

Throughout this dissertation, then, I have emphasized those
aspects of Johnson's French translations which are personal, idiosyn.-
cratic, andinteresting, those aspects, insshort, which reveal Johnson
the individual rather than Johnson the translator. Only through‘a care-
ful comparison of the French and the English is it possible to identify
those elements which show how Johnson's biases, feelings, and attitudes
permeate a medium which is usually thought to suppress personality
and individuality; only through an analysis of the French and English
is it possible to determine whether we are reading Johnsonor
Fontenelle, Le Clerc, and Le Grand.

In his "Life Of Father Paul Sarpi"-we see not only Johnson the

critic, commentator, and editor at work but also the fact that the

171

supposedly Objective medium of translation can present real problems
of interpretation. E. L. McAdam,“ Jr. ,_ as I point out, accuses
Johnson Of an omission which distorts the true meaning Of his source
while I cite textual evidence to mitigate his charge somewhat. The
important point here, it seems, is not so much the dispute but the
fact that in a Johnsonian translation there is Often more to deal with
than simple questions Of how he renders the language of the foreign text.
In making an interpretation Of his French source Johnson also requires us
to be as sensitive to the validity of such an interpretation as McAdamis
in his article. What emerges, finally, is the realization that a trans-
lation like the Father Paul biography demands as much attention as a
wholly original item and repays in full any such consideration. Johnson's
"Life of Father Paul Sarpi" reveals, moreover, his biases and attitudes,
particularly in his handling of the twelve principles by which the sup-
porters of Pope Paul attempted to defend his interdict of the republic Of
Venice and in the way he concludes his article with Sarpi's attack on the
Jesuits. In working with these episodes as he does Johnson gives his
biography an anti-papal tone that is scarcely present in the French
original.

In his "Dissertation on the Amazons" we see another example Of
how Johnson uses his French source only for the substance of his
article while its style, expression, and arrangement are entirely his
own. Here, especially, it is apparent how freely Johnson treats the
French and how close his article comes to being wholly original. ~ Parts
of it actually are. There is no mention in Guyon's text, for instance,
that the followers of Ilinos and Scolopites drove away the cattle of various
peoples and neither does the historian Johnson quotes appear in the French.
Another indication of the freedom with which Johnson treats the French
is in his description Of the medal which depicts Hercules fighting an

Amazon. Here we see that Johnson renders the scene more accurately

172

than does Guyon and the translation proves more rreliable than the
original. Such a silent correction, thoughvminor, still is indicative
of how Johnson works with his French sources more as an interpreter
than simply as a sedulous translator.

The Medicinal Dictionary biographies are particularly good

 

good examples Of how Johnson transforms his French sources into
compositiOns that are veryrmuch his own. . What we read in the '

MediCinallDictiOnaLy are not really the works of Fontenelle or Le Clerc

 

but Johnson's biographies which are clearly stamped with his personality
and attitudes. For instance, the Spanish physician whom Fontenelle in

his "Eloge" of Frederic Ruysch describes in quite neutral terms becomes
in Johnson's rendition a man with "all the haughty and supercilious Airs

Of a Spaniard,- " an example Of a Johnsonian prejudice we would miss if

we failed to compare the French and the English texts. In'JOhnson's
rendition Of Fontenelle‘s "Eloge" of Tournefort we see him acting as
interpreter as well as translator as the forests and precipices Fontenelle's
botanist encounters become "gloomy" forests and "hideous" precipices

in Johnson's version. Among the other biographies in the Medicinal

Dictionary which are at once Johnsonian and quite original, the life of

 

Aesculapius stands out clearly. For this item Johnson borrows only a
few facts from'Le Clerc and in style and presentation it is entirely his
own.

Though Johnson's style of translation stands out most vividly in
his more creative renditions, this study has revealed that in all his
translations there is a constant pattern of variation from the French--
paraphrases, additions, omissions, changes in diction and in word order.
Undoubtedly the chief stylistic idiosyncrasy Of Johnson's French trans-
lations, though, is the doublet, a feature so common that it almost
amounts to a signature. The presence of doublets in the life Of

"Asclepiades" in the Medicinal Dictionary, for instance, and in the

 

173

"Preface" to Sully's Memoirs would certainly lend support to those

who feel these are translated by Johnson. Also, Johnson's various
translations of the French idiom,- "venir de" plus an infinitive serve

as a useful idiosyncrasy to keep in mind in determining whether

Johnson is the author Of a particular work in question. One of the

useful adjuncts of this study, then, is the delineation of Johnson's style
as a translator from the French. Just as his style in his English compo-
sitions is used to make attributions so too does a knowledge of his style
as a translator from the French equip one with a tool in making attribu-
tions where translations from the French are involved.

Ultimately, though, what this dissertation has demonstrated is
the need tO qualify the term "translation" when applying it to Johnson's
'French renditions. Though in theory Johnson felt the translator had
a duty to approximate his foreign text quite closely, in his own practice
as a translator from the French he Often deviated considerably from
his sources. Thus I have been forced to resort to. such terms as
‘ "rendition" or "recreation" to describe the works Johnson translated
from the French. Edward Bloom after his analysis Of Johnson's
"Panegyric on Dr. Morin" states, "In an evaluation of Johnson's early
biographical writings, the Morin translation may be considered as
much a part of the canon as the original pieces, both for choice and
treatment of subject. "1 After my examination of the whole of Johnson's
translations from the French, I feel that many of them deserve the
high estimation Bloom accords the Morin rendition. ~ "The Life of
Father Paul Sarpi, " "A Dissertation on the Amazons, " and the lives
Of Ruysch, Tournefort, and Aesculapius, for instance, are worthy of
full membership in the Johnson canon, with none of the stigma the

term translation so often brings to a work and with all the consideration

 

1Samuel Johnson in Grub Street (Providence, Rhode‘Island, 1957),
p. 23.

 

174

we grant an original Johnsonian composition. These items, along with
some others, reveal that even in this less creative aspect of his work
Johnson's personality, abilities, and attitudes manage to: emerge with

force and vigor.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

PRIMARY SOURCES

Boissat, Pierre de. Histoire des Chevaliers de l'Ordre de ‘S.-'Jean
de Hierusalem. 3rd edition. Paris, 1643.

 

Brumoy, Pierre. Le Théat re des Grecs. Paris, 1730.

 

Crousaz, Jean Pierre de. Commentaire sur‘ la Traduction enVers de
Mr. l'Abbé Du Resnel de l'Essai sur l'Homme. Geneva, 1738.

 

Du Resnel Du Bellayi, Jean-Frangois. LesiPrinciEes de la Morale et
dU'GOflt, en Deux Po'e'mes. Paris, 1737.

 

 

Fontenelle, Bernard 1e Bovier de. - "Eloge de M. De Tournefort" in
Histoire de l'Académie Royale des Sciences. Paris, 1708.

. "Eloge de M. Ruysch" in Histoire de l'Académie Royale des
Sciences. ,Paris, 1731. 7

 

. -"Eloge de Monsieur Morin" in Eloges des Academiciens de
l'Académie Royale des Sciences. Hague, 1731.

 

 

Guyon, Claude-Marie. Histoire des Amazones Anciennes et Modernes.
Paris, 1740.

 

James, Robert. A Medicinal Dictionary. Vol. 1. London, 1743.

 

Johnson, Samuel. A Commentary on Mr. Pope's Principles of Morality,
or, Essay on Man By Monsr CrOusaz. London, 1742.

 

. "A Dissertation on the Amazons, " Gentleman's Magazine,
XI (April 1741), 202-208.

 

"A Dissertation uponthe Greek Comedy" and the "General
Conclusion" in Charlotte Lennox's The Greek Theatre of Father
Brumoy. London, 1759.

 

"A Panegyric on Dr. Morin, " Gentleman's Magazine, XI
(July .1741), 375-377.

 

175

176

Johnson, Samuel. Father Lobo's Voyage to Abyssinia. London, 1735.

Idler Number 8 in The Yale Editionof the Works Of Samuel

Johnson. ed. W. J. Bate, J. M. Bullitt, L. F. Powell. Vol. II.
New Haven, 1963.

. Proposals for Printing the History of the Council Of Trent
1738. -London, 1738.

. "The Life Of Father Paul Sarpi, " Gentleman's Magazine,
VIII (November 1738), 581-583.

. "Translation of Verses from a French Pantomime, "
"Translation of Lines by Benserade, " and "Translation of French
Verses on Skating, " in The Poems of Samuel Johnson, ed. David
Nichol Smith and E. L. McAdam. Oxford, 1941.

 

Le Clerc, Daniel. - Histoire de la Medecine. Amsterdam, 1723.

 

Le Courayer, Pierre-Frangois. Histoire du Concile de Trente,
Amsterdam, 1736.

Le Grand, Joachim. Voyage Historique d'Abissinie. Amsterdam, 1728.
Mémoires de Maximillien de Bethune, Duc de Sull . London, 1788.

Memoirs Of Maximillian de Bethune, Duke of Sully, trans. , Charlotte
Lennox. London, 1778.

Vertot, Rene Aubert de. Histoire des Chevaliers Hospitaliers de S. Jean.
4th ed. Paris, 1775.

SECONDARY SOUR CES

Arrowsmith, William, Roger Shattuck. The Craft 81 Context of Trans-
, lation. Austin, Texas, 1961.

Banks, Theodore H. , Jr. The Poetical Works Of Sir John Denham.
New Haven, 1928.

Bloom, Edward. Samuel Johnson in Grub Street. Providence, Rhode
Island, 1957.

 

177

Boswell's Life Of Johnson, ed. G. B. Hill and L. F. Powell. 6 vols.
Oxford, 1934-50.

 

Brower, Reuben A. On Translation. Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1959.

 

Brown, Joseph. The Critical Opinions Of Samuel Johnson. Princeton,

1926.

 

Chapman, R. W. "Crousaz on Pope," RES, n. s. I (January 1950), 57.

Chapple, J. A. V. "Samuel Johnson's Proposals for Printing the History,
of the Council of Trent 1738, " Bulletin of the John Rylands Library,
Manchester, 45 (March 1963), 340-369.

 

 

 

Clifford, James. Young Sam Johnson. New York, 1955.

 

Draper, John W. "The Theory Of Translation in the Eighteenth Century, "
Neophilologus, VI (1921), 241-254.

 

Elledge, Scott. Eighteenth Century Critical Essays. Vol. I. Ithaca,
1 New York, 1961.

 

Gough, Alfred B. Abraham Cowley: The Essays and Other Writings.
Oxford, 1915.

 

Green Donald. The Politics of Samuel Johnson. -New Haven, 1960.

 

Hazen, Allen. - "Crousaz on‘ Pope, "Times Literary Supplement,
XXXIV (November 2, 1935), 704.

 

. E. L. McAdam, Jr. -"First Editions Of Samuel Johnson:
An Important Exhibition and Discovery, " Yale University Library
Gazette, X (January 1936), 45-51.

 

"Johnson's Life of Frederic Ruysch, " Bulletin Of the Institute
of the History Of Medicine, VIII (March 1939), 324-334.

 

 

"Samuel Johnson and Dr. Robert James, " Bulletin of the
Institute Of the History of Medicine, IV (June 1936),.‘455-456.

 

. Samuel Johnson's Prefaces and Dedications. New Haven,
1937.

 

Hooker, Edward Niles. The Critical Works Of John Dennis. Vol. 1.
Baltimore, 1939.

 

178

Johnson, Samuel. Lives ofthe English Poets, ed. G. B. Hill.
Vols. 181 11. Oxford, 1905.

 

. The Works Of Samuel Johnson, ed. F. P. Walesby.
Vols. IV 81 V. Oxford, 1825.

 

Ker, Walter P. Essays of John Dryden. Vol. 1. Oxford, 1900.

 

Krutch, Joseph Wood. Samuel Johnson. New York, 1944.

 

Leyburn, Ellen Douglass. "'NO Romantic Absurdities or Incredible
Fictions': The Relation Of Johnson's RasSelas to Lobo's Voyage:
to Abyssinia, " PMLA, LXX (December 1955), 1059-67.

 

 

Liebert, Herman W. "Dr. Johnson's First Book, " Yale University
Library Gazette, XXV (July 1950), 23-28.

 

 

Lockhart, Donald. Father Jeronymo Lobo's Writing: Concerning
Ethiopia, Includi_ng Unpublished M55 in the Palmella Library.
Unpublished dissertation, Harvard University, Department Of
Romance Languages, 1958.

 

 

McAdam, E. L., Jr. "Johnson's Lives of Sarpi, Blake, and Drake,"
PMLA, LVIII (June 1943), 466-476.

Nouvelle Biographie Générale. Tome Septiéme, Paris, 1885.

Ruhe, Edward. 1 "The Two Samuel Johnson, " N810, n.s. I (OctOber 1954),
432-435.

Savory, T. H. The Art Of Translation. Philadelphia, 1960.

 

Small, Miriam. Charlotte Ramsay Lennox: An Eighteenth Century
Lady of Letters. New Haven, 1935.

 

Spingarn, J. E. . Critical Essays Of the Seventeenth Century. Vols.
I 81 II. Oxford, 1908.

APPENDIX I
POEMS

This dissertation has been entirely concerned with Johnson's
prose translations from the French. For the sake of completeness,
however, I am including three poems Johnson translates from the
French. They do not add any new knowledge about how he translates
the French but they do illustrate that he is just as capable of handling

French verse as French prose in a pleasing and skillful manner.

"Translation Of Verses from a French Pantomime" 1
Je suis Cassandre descendu des Cieux
Pour vous faire entendre, Mesdames et Messieurs,

Que je suis Cassandre degendu des Cieux;-

Johnson:
I AM Cassander, come down from the Sky,
TO tell each Bystander, what none can deny,

That I am Cassander come down from the Sky.

"Translation Of Lines by Benserade"
Theatre des Ris et desPleurs,
~Lit on je nais etv ou je meurs;
Tu nous fais voir comment Voisins

Sont nos Plaisirs et nos Chagrins.

 

1I take these poems from The Poems of Samuel Johnson, ed.
David Nichol Smith and Edward L. McAdam (Oxford, 1941), 173, 183-
184, 202—203.

 

179

180

Johnson:
In bed we laugh, in bed we cry,
And born in bed, in bed we die;
The near approach a bed may shew

Of human bliss to human woe.

"Translation Of French Verses on Skating"
Sur un mince Chrystal l'hyver conduit leurs [vos] pas,
Le precipice est sous la glace;
Telle est de nos [vos] plaisirs la légEre surface;

Glissez, mortels, n'appuyez pas.

Johnson: (two renditions)
O'ER ice the rapid skaiter flies,
With sport above and death below;
Where mischief lurks in gay disguise,

Thus lightly touch and quickly go.

O'er crackling ice, o'er gulphs profound,
With nimble glide the skaiters play;
O'er treacherous pleasure's flow'ry ground

Thus lightly skim, and haste away.

Inthese poems, then, we see Johnson, as in his prose translations,
using the French for the substance but not the language of his own: work,

and in doing so he becomes more of the creator and less a translator.

APPENDIX 11

"PREFACE" TO SULLY'S MEMOIRS

 

Allen Hazen in Samuel Johnson's Prefaces and Dedications

 

 

examines in some detail J ohnson's connection with Charlotte Lennox's

Memoirs of Maximillian de Bethune, Duke Of Sully (1756). He points

 

out that although'J Ohns on once gave the impression tO Mr. Levett that
he was the author Of the "Preface" to this work, he later told Boswell
that he had not written it. Hazen comments, "Perhaps it is a danger-
ous expedient, but I am inclined to believe that Boswell was a literal-
minded man, and that when Johnson asserted that he had not furnished
the Preface, it never occurred to him that Johnson might very well
have written the Dedication. " l Hazen also cites a certain Tyers who
indicated that Johnson had written the "Preface" to Mrs. Lennox's
work, but he feels that he, too, might have been referring to the
"Dedication. " Hazen makes a convincing case for J Ohnson's author-
ship Of the‘ "Dedication" on stylistic grounds, but he dismisses the
"Preface" as a possible Johnsonian piece. The fact remains, though,
that rightly or wrongly the "Preface" to» Sully's Memoirs has been
linked tO-John'son. Professor Sherbo has suggested to me an alternate
explanation of Johnson's comment to Boswell that he had not written
the "Preface. " He says that that what Johnson might have meant to
imply was that he had translated the "Preface"~which, in a way, is not

the same as writing it.

 

‘(New Haven, 1937), p. 112.

181

182.

There is, after all, nothing strange about the possibility that
Johnson might have had a hand in both the "Preface" and "Dedication, "
and inlight of what I have discovered about his method of translating
French, I have compared the "Preface" of the French edition Of Sully's
Memoirs with that Of the English. Also, since Charlotte Lennox is
the only other logical candidate for the authorship of this item, I have
examined her method ofxtranslation not only in the Memoirs but in her

translation Of Pierre Brumoy's Le Théatre des Grecs as well. Although

 

the results of my investigation are not as conclusive as I might wish,

I feel that the "Preface" to Sully's Memoirs could very well be by
Johnson. There is nothing in it that could nit have been translated by
him and much that could have been. Though the translation of the French
is quite close throughout, it is not literal. There are fairly frequent
paraphrases, Occasional omissions and additions Of words and phrases,
and minor changes in diction--all characteristics Of Johnson's method

of translating French. Moreover, I found three doublets, a fairly good
sampling for the number of pages in the "Preface, " though more would
strengthen the case for Johnson's authorship. ' In addition, in examining
the Memoirs I felt I detected a slight difference in the exactness of the
translation Of the text as compared with the "Preface. " Such a variation,
if really there, would suggest the presence Of another pen and that pen

might be Johnson's. Below, in order to illustrate this difference in

translation, I shall quote a brief passage from the Memoires and

 

Charlotte Lennox's rendition and then two short citations from the

"Prefac e. "

Memoires: (1: 1-9; 2: 1.4)2

On se flattoit, a le cour de Charles IX, que les malheurs, arrivés

 

aux Réformés sous les regnes précédens, les Obligeroient de

 

1I use the London, 1788 edition.

183

céder, enfin, aux volontés du roi, ou de sortir du Royaume.
La mort du prince de Condé, leur chef, 1a perte de deux
grandes batailles, l'entiere dispersion de leur gens de guerre,
le peu d'apparence qu'on pfl rassurer ce foible reste de
troupes, abattues par une longue suite de mauvais succés;

tout faisoit croire qu'ils touchoient au moment de leur ruine.

Memoirs: (1: 1-12) 3
They flattered themselves at the court of Charles IX that the
miseries which befel the protestants under the preceding reigns,
would at last oblige them either to submit to the king's will, or
to leave the kingdom. The death of the prince Of Condé, their
leader, the loss of two great battles, the utter dispersion of
their soldiers, and the little probability of their being able to
re-animate the feeble remainder of their troops, discouraged
by a long train of misfortunes, all contributed to persuade them,

that the moment of their ruin approached.

"Preface": (v: 1-11)

Les Mémoires de Sully ont toujours été mis au rang des meilleurs

 

livres que nous ayons. Cette vérité, établie, depuis long-temps,
par le jugement de tous nous bon critiques, 81 de tous les amateurs
de le littérature, me dispensera d'entrer, ici, dans une discussion,

inutile, pour ceux qui connoissent ces memoires.

"Preface": (1: 1-7)
As in the judgment of good critics and lovers Of literature,
THE MEMOIRS OF SULLY have been ranked amongst our best
books, I have no need to enter here into a disquisition which will

be of little use to those who are acquainted with the work.

 

3I use the London, 1778 edition.

184

"Preface": (vi: 15-28)
Les mémoires de Sully tirent un autre prix, peut-étre, encore
plus grand, d‘une infinité de récits plus particulieres, qui ne
sont pas du ressort d'une histoire; c'est l'avantage prOpre aux
memoires. Ils souffrent la multiplicité des sujets, 81 toute la
variété des incidens qu'on y veut faire entrer: Et d'ailleurs, ils
se sont point assujetis au joug que la nécessité impose a
l'histoire, de ne rien omettre de ces choses trop générales, dont

on sent soi-méme tout le dégofit, en les écrivant.

"Preface": (ii: 9-20)

The Memoirs of Sully take their value, perhaps their greatest

value, from the innumerable recitals of a private kind, which

scarcely belongs to the province of history; this is the particular
advantage of memoirs, they admit all subjects, however numerous,
and all incidents however various, which one can desire to insert;
and they are not subject to the burthen imposed upon history, of
continuing the narrative through dry generalities, with which

even the writer finds himself disgusted.

Mrs. Lennox's translation of the Opening lines Of the Memoirs is
almost literal and there are few variations from the French. So it is
throughout her rendition of Sully's Memoirs. In the first citation from
the "Preface" above it is apparent how the translator has condensed
the French slightly and rephrased it considerably and in the second there
are minor variations from the French, particularly in the last four lines.
Note, for instance, how the French phrase, "de ces choses trOp
générales" becomes in the English "dry generalities, " and how the
translator omits the final words, "en les ecrivant. " Yet such examples
are hardly irrefutable proof of author ship, and in a fairly literal trans-

lation like the "Preface" to the Memoirs something quite tangible is

185

needed to distinguish one translator from another. - I must conclude,
then, that while there is much evidence to point to Johnson's authorship
of the "Preface, " there is not_enough to say categorically that he wrote

the piece.

ROOM USE OELY.

 

 

 

 

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