. __ _, , ) ‘ - t { ~~ “- / M1330 5 2002 SOC 10 ' AN This 5 of discontent seniors in a 1 of discontent discontent 0\' what ways doe and does thiS consisted of Michigan, f“ 19%). The: Tliehigan Sta relevant to ABSTRACT SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS AND DISCONTENT - AN ANALYSIS OF CHANGES AMONG RURAL HIGH SCHOOL YOUTH BY Tej Pratap Singh This study was designed to investigate the dynamics of discontent at a low level of intensity among high school seniors in a rural county. The study focused on the level of discontent among rural youth, as well as the trend of discontent over time. The major questions asked were: In what ways does socio-economic status relate to discontent and does this relationship hold true over time? The sample consisted of the high school seniors of Ontonagon County, MiChigan, from three points in time (1957-58, 1968, and 1974). The data were collected by Rural Sociologists at Michigan State University and a portion of this information relevant to the tOpic was used in the present study. Discontent, as measured in this study, had only two dimensions;one arising from features of the community and the other arising from parental relations. Both were rele- vant dimensions in the experience of youth. Discontent was defined as a feeling of restlessness or tension generated by a discrepancy between legitimate expectations and the existing 5 ltd variables (tyj were used in t school context economic statt Based four main and for their emp to find the 1 The findings as well as pg ined the trei 17‘ individua' Patterns and tinuous USE rise, {0110“ testing for iilree main 1" Change {3 it Tej Pratap Singh existing situation. In addition to the two dependent variables (types of discontent), six independent variables were used in this study. They included sex, religion, school context, job certainty, ethnic origin, and socio- economic status. Based on social theory and review of the literature, four main and six sub-hypotheses were proposed and tested for their empirical validity. The data were first analyzed to find the level of discontent among the high school seniors. The findings suggested that the level of community discontent, as well as parental discontent, was very low. We then exam- ined the trend of discontent over time. It was found that 17 individual items of community discontent exhibited 3 main patterns and 3 minor patterns. The main patterns were: con- tinuous rise (4 items); continuous decline (3 items); and a rise, followed by a decline (7 items). However, after testing for the significance of differences in means, the three main patterns identified were: a rise, followed by no change (3 items); no change, followed by decline (3 items); and no change or stable (7 items). Similarly, the 9 items reflecting parental discontent showed only two patterns, namely, a continuous rise and a rise, followed by no change. The summated scores for community and parental dis- content did not exhibit any significant change between 1957-58 and 1968 or between 1968 and 1974. However, the level of pare. tween 1957-58 After four hypothes. predicted t‘na higher discor jected. Sin suggested t‘n tine would f in addition that the 3-. 810“; SCi‘iOO Shh-gmups, hypothesis ii“OP/tent ””9 or: taint)“: 3T terparts. PrEdicted interrele Tej Pratap Singh level of parental discontent increased significantly be- tween 1957-58 and 1974. After tracing the level and trends, each of the four hypotheses were examined. The first hypothesis, which predicted that middle socio-economic stratum would exhibit higher discontent than the upper or lower strata, was re- jected. Similarly, Part A of the second hypothesis, which suggested that the change in discontent over the period of time would follow an S-curve pattern, was also rejected. In addition, Part B of the second hypothesis, which stated that the S-curve pattern would hold true for SES, sex, reli- gion, school context, job certainty, ethnic origin, and their sub-groups, was likewise rejected. Furthermore, the third hypothesis was not supported. This hypothesis asserted that discontent would be greater for females, Catholics, those in a more privileged school context, those having job uncer- tainty, and those of Finnish background than for their coun- terparts. The only hypothesis which the data supported had predicted that the two measures of discontent would be interrelated. As the major hypotheses were not supported by the data, possible reasons for this failure were assessed. First, the special characteristics of the sample, coupled with the longitudinal character of the study, may be respon- sible. It was also considered feasible that the discontent scale may be inadequate. As a result of this appraisal, the suggestion tional attain: variables in i SES index. A sere indicate; tent at a low namely, the us Tej Pratap Singh the suggestion was made that income, occupation, and educa- tional attainment of the parents be treated as separate variables in future studies, instead of relying on Duncan's SES index. Additional suggestions for further research were indicated, such as the relationship between discon- tent at a low level of intensity and overt manifestations, namely, the use of alcohol or drugs. SOC; in SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS AND DISCONTENT - AN ANALYSIS OF CHANGES AMONG RURAL HIGH SCHOOL YOUTH BY Tej Pratap Singh A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology 1975 The a titude and tc professor, Dr unending pat advice and f ins. ilarry 1 liorrison, m cal ”View an also in: Of Connuni J- B. Chit “its, All; higher 5t {01‘ his I: on the if ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The author wishes to acknowledge a deep debt of gra- titude and to express his sincere appreciation to his major professor, Dr. J. Allan Beegle, for his continuing interest, unending patience in reading the manuscript, constructive advice and friendly counselling. My special thanks are due ' Drs. Harry K. Schwarzweller, John Useem, and Denton E. Morrison, members of my guidance committee, for their criti- cal review of the proposal and constructive suggestions. I am also indebted to Dr. Everett M. Rogers,former Professor of Communication and member of my guidance committee, Dr. J. B. Chitamber, Principal of Allahabad Agricultural Insti- tute, Allahabad, who inspired and encouraged me to undertake higher studies, and Dr. Krishna Kumar, Assistant Professor, for his personal interest in the proposal, critical comments on the first draft of the prOposal, and continued guidance through the months of research. I am especially grateful to Dr. A. M. Wiesblat and the Agricultural Development Council, Inc., for their conti- nued interest and their financial support which enabled me to complete my graduate study at Michigan State University. ii My Sf lirectors oi sanction of 5 Final by my wife a: the period 0 My special thanks are also due the Board of Directors of Allahabad Agricultural Institute for their sanction of study leave. Finally, I wish to acknowledge the sacrifices made by my wife and two daughters, Abha and Mukta, throughout the period of my study. iii AC‘nXC‘.‘§iEDGT-lif~ lISl 0F TABL] liST 0F FICU CHAPTER I. 11. AN .1 i hit Rai Sc Ti TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . viii LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix CHAPTER I. AN ANALYSIS OF CHANGES AMONG RURAL HIGH SCHOOL YOUTH . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Introduction - The General Problem . . . . 1 Objectives of Study . . . . . . . 2 Past Research and Study Focus . . . . . 3 Variables Included . . . . . . . . . . . 12 Statistics Used. . . . . . . . . . . . . l3 Rationale For Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . 13 Pattern of Discontent . . . . . . . 18 Sex Differences and Discontent . . . . . 21 Religious Preference and Discontent . . . . . . . . . 21 Ethnic Origin and Discontent . . . . . . 22 School Context and Discontent . . . . . 22 Certainty of Job and Discontent . . . . 23 Relationship Between Two Measures of Discontent. . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 II. RESEARCH TECHNIQUE AND CONCEPTUAL OPERATIONALIZATION . . . . . . . . . . . 27 Source of Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 The Study of Population . . . . . . . . . . 28 Preparation and Administration . . . . of Questionnaire . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 iv GRPTER Disco: Men Disc01F Con' Scaliz fro: Discor Rel: Socio Ethni Relig Schoc Job ; III. THE - R€11 Eth: H01: Ins Lik CHAPTER Page Discontent - Definition and Measurement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 Discontent Derived from the Community . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 Scaling of Discontent Derived from Community . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 Discontent Derived from Parental Relations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 Socio-Economic Status . . . . . . . . . . 39 Ethnic Origin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 Religion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 School Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 Job Awaiting After Graduation . . . . . . 40 Format of Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . 41 III. THE RESEARCH SITE AND BACKGROUND OF THE RESPONDENTS . . . . . . . . . . . 42 The Research Site . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 Background of Sample . . . . . . . . . . 46 Income . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 Occupation . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 Level of Living . . . . . . . . . . . 50 Religious Preference . . . . . . . . . . 50 Ethnic Origin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 Home Environment of Sample . . . . . . . 54 Parental Status . . . . . . . . . . . 54 Parental Education . . . . . . . . . . 54 Intention to get Further Training . . . . 57 Like and Dislike for the Community . . . 59 any. EhAPlER Value Summ; 1V. FIND Com? Com? Tr CHAPTER IV. Value Orientation . Summary . FINDINGS Community Discontent Level Community Discontent Trends A Continuous Rise in Discontent A Continuous Decline in Discontent A Rise, Followed by Decline . . Others . . . . Changed Pattern After t- -Test Major Patterns . . . . . . Minor Patterns . . . . . Trends of Discontent Based on Scale Score . . Trends of Parental Discontent Level and Trends A Continuous Increase in Discontent . . A Rise, Followed by Decline Difference in Parental Discontent Based on Scale Score Test of Hypotheses Hypothesis 1 . . ... Hypothesis 2 . . . . Socio- Economic Strata and 8- Curve Pattern Sex and S-Curve Pattern Religion and S-Curve Pattern School Context and S-Curve Pattern of Discontent Job Awaiting and S-Curve Pattern Ethnic Origin and 8- Curve. Pattern vi Page 59 62 64 64 74 74 75 75 76 77 77 78 78 79 79 81 81 82 89 90 91 93 94 95 CHAPTER Hypoth Mal Cat 1.8: Joi Fi Hypot Y. SUBTlA Es BIBLIOGRAPE‘ APPENDICES APPENDI APPENDI APPENDI CHAPTER Hypothesis 3 Males and Females . . . . . . Catholic and Non-Catholic . Less and More Privileged Schools. Job Awaiting and Not Awaiting Finnish and Non-Finnish Ethnic Origin Hypothesis 4 . . . V. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS Evaluative Comments BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDICES APPENDIX A. Questionnaire APPENDIX B. t-Tables APPENDIX C. Figures vii Page 99 99 100 102 102 103 105 112 115 Table \ C 10. 11. 12, 13. R631: Eth: 1596; par 195 Edu Don Int Lik 195' Table 10. 11. 12. 13. LIST OF TABLES Name of High Schools and Number of Respondents By Sex and Year of Graduation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . List of Items of Community Discontent Retained in the Final Scale Based on Item Analysis . . . . . . . . . . Population, Including Minor Civil Divisions of Ontonagon County, 1960 and 1970 . . . . . . Selected Economic Development Indicators for Ontonagon County, 1950, 1960 and 1970. Reported Annual Income of Parents of Respondents, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 . Occupational Distribution of Fathers of the Respondents, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 Level of Living Items Reported By Respon- dents, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 . . . Religious Preference of Respondents, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 . . . . . . . Ethnic Origin of Respondents, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 . . . . . . . . . . . Parental Status of Respondents, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 . . . . . . . . . . . . Education of the Father and Mother of Res- pondents, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 . . . . Intention For Further Training As Reported By Respondents, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 . . Like and Dislike for the Community of Residence As Reported by Respondents, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 . . . . . . . viii Page 29 36 43 45 47 49 51 52 53 55 56 58 60 idle 1d q I 14‘. 18. 19. 20. 24, The M Lifeti 1957-5 Mean Se 17 lte Among 1968 a Measu: for C Senio Perce High1 High 1957 Mean item AIIlOn Cour Fleas for Sen; Per Hig Amo 196 Dis Eco 195 281- Dis tex SE5 The ECO Chi and Table Page 14. The Most Important Quality Desired in Lifetime Work Mentioned By Respondents, 1957— 58-1968 and 1974 . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 15. Mean Scores and Standard Deviation for 17 Items Reflecting Community Discontent Among High School Seniors, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 16. Measures of Central Tendency and Dispersion for Community Discontent Among High School Seniors, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 . . . . . . . . 68 17. Percentage and Frequency Distribution of High, Medium, and Low Community Discontent, High School Seniors of Ontonagon County, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 18. Mean Scores and Standard Deviation for 9 Items Reflecting Parental Discontent Among High School Seniors of Ontonagon County, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 . . . . . . . . 71 19. Measures of Central Tendency and Dispersion for Parental Discontent Among High School Seniors, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 . . . . . . . . 72 20. Percentage and Frequency Distribution of High, Medium, and Low Parental Discontent Among High School Seniors, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 21. Distribution of Respondents by Socio- Economic Status and the Period of Time, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 22. Zero-Order Correlation Between Two Types of Discontent and Sex, Religion, School Con- text, Job Certainty, Ethnic Origin and SES, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 . . . . . . . . . . 84 23. The Mean Discontent Score and S.D. By Socio- Economic Groups, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 . . . . 86 24. Chi-Square Values for the Relationship Be- tween SES and Discontent, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 ix M. (11 0 ha 0 as. M. Cf} a C7" Mean an: Religio: Origin, The Meal Showing Five in. 1968 an t-Test in Hea Discon 1968 a t‘TGS‘ in th conte Years t-Tes in ti DISC( 1968 t—Te in n Midd 1957 t-Te int POir 1957 t‘Te in 1 YEa] Job and Table 25. 26. B-3. B-4. B-5. B-6. Mean and S.D. of Discontent Score by Sex, Religion, School Context, Job and Ethnic Origin, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 . . . . The Mean Discontent Score with t-Value Showing Significance of Difference for Five Independent Variables, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 . . . . . . . . . . . . t-Test for the Significance of Difference in Mean for 17 Items Reflecting Community Discontent Between the Years 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 . . . . . . . . . . . . t-Test for the Significance of Differences in the Mean of Community and Parental Dis- content of High School Seniors Between the Years 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 . . . t-Test for the Significance of Difference in the Mean for 9 Items Reflecting Parental Discontent Between the Years 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 . . . . . . . . . . t-Test for the Significance of Difference in Mean Discontent Score Between Low, Middle and High Socio-Economic Groups, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 . . . . . t-Test for the Significance of Difference in the Mean Discontent Score Between Two Points in Time by Three SES Groups, 1957-58,1968 and 1974 . . . t-Test for the Significance of Difference in the Mean Discontent Score Between Two Years by Sex, Religion, School Context, Job and Ethnic Origin, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974. . . . . . . . . . . Page 97 101 APPENDIX Figure LIST OF FIGURES Showing the histogram of community discontent for 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 (1-17) Pattern of rise and decline of each item of community discontent over time (1-9) Pattern of rise and decline of each item of parental discontent over time (a-e) Community discontent (f-j) Parental discontent xi Th social Sta from a re} years, an one oi EC United 31 1‘ l"‘Ould BYeryWhe marked The FY: tees c Causes diiSOra Urban tatic CHAPTER I AN ANALYSIS OF CHANGES AMONG RURAL HIGH SCHOOL YOUTH Introduction: The General Problem This study focuses on the relationships between social status and discontent over time among young people from a remote rural area. The period of the past 15 or 20 years, and particularly the decade of the 1960's, has been one of economic growth and social turmoil not only in the United States but in many other parts of the world as well. It would appear that deSpite rising per capita income almost everywhere, the level of discontent also appears to be rising. In the United States, the decade of the 60's was marked by radical social changes, including norms and values, accompanied by civil disorders, campus unrest and violence. The Presidential commissions and various task force commit- tees (1968, 1969, 1970) were appointed to investigate the causes and ramifications of these phenomena. Since civil disorders, campus unrest and violence were conceived to be urban-centered, little or no attention was given to manifes- tations as they may have occurred in rural environments. 1 Furthermore , cased in coll :anifestatio Since partic discontent a destructive social scie paid more 2 tensitieg . researcher 31 the 10‘. threat to base and ThereforE ata 10w. inl‘estig QUEStiO Furthermore, since students' unrest seemed to have been fo- cused in college environments, little attention was paid to manifestations of discontent at the high school level. Since participation of youth in protest rallies and violent discontent and since such manifestations were often dramatic, destructive and threatening to the existing social order, social scientists, Presidential commissions and mass media paid more attention to them. Thus, discontent at lower in- tensities did not receive the attention of the government or researchers to the extent it merited. Even though discontent at the lower end of the continuum did not pose any serious threat to the social and political order, it did provide a base and support for the protesters and revolutionaries. Therefore, an understanding of the dynamics of discontent at a lower level of intensity would seem to merit careful investigation. Objectives of the Study More specifically, we wish to address the following questions for high school seniors in a rural area: 1. What is the level of discontent among rural youths? 2. What is the trend of their discontent over time? 3. How is social status related to discontent and does the relationship hold true over time? Soci advance a nu of disconter of social cl different 5 Sap has occ (Davis: 19: Bensnan: 1. economic 5 discontent the VIEWS 11W 0f 1‘: techno10g: influence and econo CiviliZat fast that niliEU. on nol’rns TON-Red, 1964). and Simi. expressm COR-ling 1 SElf‘dQSI Past Research and Study Focus Sociologists, psychologists, historians and others advance a number of theories to explain the causes and growth of discontent. Some sociologists suggest that the rapid rate of social change has given the younger generation a new and different social context. As a consequence, a generational gap has occurred, which has produced increased discontent (Davis: 1940, Lerner: 1958, Hobbs: 1971, Flacks: 1971, Bensman: 1973, Deutsch: 1961). Thus, they see the social and economic structure of society to be a breeding ground for discontent. A noted French sociologist (Ellul: 1964) supports the views of structuralists and assigns the major responsibi- lity of rising discontent to technological forces. Although technology does not create discontent, according to Ellul, its influence is indirect. He believes that technological forces and economic considerations have created new criteria of mass civilization. During this process, the changes have been so fast that populations could not remain at variance with their milieu. To quote him, "The indirect influences have operated on norms of modern society, and these norms have been trans- formed, without men knowing what was happening." (Ellul: 1964). This disequilibrium brings about discontent, neurosis and similar manifestations in many cases. A similar View is expressed by Schaar and Wohin (Schaar and Wohin: 1973). Ac- cording to them, this civilization inherently moves towards self-destruction. They further suggest that radical rethinking will not stc 1971), have nmdernizati hmther soc tion that cation , W3"; grit)“. Thus, he for SOCl: dissatis nent , pa rethinking must start from the premise that destructiveness will not stop. Other sociologists (Mayhew: 1971, Olson, Jr.: 1971), have supported the view that rapid economic growth and modernization create a de-stabilizing effect on the society. Another sociologist (King: 1956) also shares the general no- tion that structural differentiation has caused social dislo- cation, which is the root cause of discontent. King says: ..... a spectacular abundance of social movements marks the society whose traditions have been shaken by industrial urbanism and whose structure is scarred by cleavages between diverse groups. (p. 13) Thus, he too considers industrial and urban growth as a cause for social movements. And he further explains that those dissatisfied with existing conditions either start the move- ment, participate, or support it. In contrast to the structuralists, the radical soci- ologists have attempted to explain the causes of rising dis- content in a Marxian framework. According to this view, dis- content is inevitable in the capitalistic economic system where youths and intellectuals have increasingly become an exploited and alienated part of a powerless stratum (Mondel: 1969, Parkin: 1970). This implies that as a result of exploi- tation and alienation the intellectuals are frustrated, which causes disequilibrium in the society. Sociologists engaged in the study of social movements have proposed the theory of relative deprivation to explain the cause of discontent (Curr: 1969, Runciman: 1966, Morrison: 1971, Morrison and Steeves: 1967, Davies: 1971). This seems to be an important refinement social disc ness and th causes of d tire deprii and the ex create dis results {1 what one levels. deprivaei "TE-1CD thl age 01: Q 0 refinement over the Marxian explanation of the growth of social discontent. In the Marxian approach, class conscious- ness and the existence of inequality are treated as basic causes of discontent and class conflicts. However, the rela- tive deprivation theorists suggest that class consciousness and the existence of inequality in an absolute sense do not create discontent. According to these theorists, discontent results from the relationship between what one "has" and what one "legitimately expects", regardless of the absolute levels. In other words, deprivation causes discontent and deprivation occurs in relation to some point of reference which the individual feels he deserves to reach. The block- age of one's legitimate expectation is believed to be crucial in the genesis of discontent. Another structural sociologist (Merton: 1957) takes the same line of approach as the relative deprivation theo- rists and suggests that a discrepancy between culturally de- fined goals and effective access to their realization causes a "strain". He uses the term "strain" instead of relative deprivation, but this concept is essentially the same con- cept as discontent used in this study. The President's National Commission on Campus Unrest, taking the structuralist approach, issued a report which stated that a number of structural conditions facilitated student's participation in the protest rallies and violent demonstrations. Similar reports came from psychologists, Heniston: students in the univers her of stud faculty, 31 that facil though Lis mentioned he genera In DaVis; x: but that CTeaSe i 1902) FT PETWeen in Whlc met her meant 1 (Keniston: 1970) suggesting that students had more time, students lacked definite responsibility, and attendance in the university was voluntary. In addition, an increased num- ber of students, less personal relations of students with faculty, and size of the campus, were some of the factors that facilitated students' participation in rallies. Al- though Lispet (Lispet: 1973) contradicted some of the points mentioned in the National Commission report and by Keniston, he generally agreed with the approach. Some social scientists (Feierabend 33 al.: 1969, Davis: 1940) suggest that discontent is a mental phenomenon, but that environmental stimuli are necessary to cause an in- crease in the level of discontent. An economist (Ridkar: 1962) pr0poses that discontent is a function of the distance between what a person wants and what he has and that the way in which the discontent manifests itself depends upon the net benefit expected to be derived from various actions meant to alleviate discontent. Ridkar presents a theoretical model and shows that discontent rises in the early stage of economic development, but begins to decline when the economy reaches the take-off stage. Though Ridkar's definition of discontent is similar to that of the relative deprivation theorists, his theoretical model has two important implica- tions. The first point relates to the role of level of living as a major factor in the growth and decline of discontent. The second point deals with trends over a period of time. According t: l-curve pat linear patt content ris which affec capital sat discontent planation tion in ar Ports (Bri been more they are answer to like the l Vation tl The diff. According to Davies (Davies: 1969), discontent follows a J-curve pattern, but according to Ridkar, it follows a curvi- linear pattern. In the early stage of economic growth, dis- content rises because peOple have to save for investment, which affects their level of living; after the take-off stage, capital saving does not affect level of living as much, hence discontent declines. This line of argument provides an ex- planation for the causes of the impact of the French revolu- tion in areas where the economy was improving. It also sup- ports (Brinton: 1965) Brinton's notion that revolutions have been more frequent when social classes are closer than when they are far apart. But Ridkar's model does not provide an answer to the causes of rising discontent in an affluent nation like the United States. How do structuralists, psychologists, relative depri- vation theorists, and Marxists differ in their approaches? The differences may be summarized as follows: a) Psychologists lay more emphasis on individual traits in the origin of discontent, giving secon- dary importance to structural stimuli. b) Structuralists accept discontent as a mental phenomenon, but they emphasize that no mental pro- cess can take place if the social structure does not provide a stimulus. Therefore, it appears that there is not much difference in the line of argument, but merely a difference in emphasis. 4) C) d) The Marxian approach lays emphasis on the exist- ence of inequality and the awareness of such ine- quality. But the reference point is class rather than individuals. Secondly, the concept of ine- quality specifically refers to economic or politi- cal aspects of life; whereas, the structuralists' concept covers both economic and noneconomic aspects. Relative deprivation theorists differ from Marx in the location of inequality. According to the Marxian approach, inequality between classes leads to class conflict and revolution. Relative depri- vation theorists believe that discontent can vary within a class. Secondly, the reference group to which an individual relates need not be only class. An upper class person may relate to a person of the same, or lower class. Thus, discontent occurs when a person compares his own status or situation with a person or situation to which he relates. In other words, discontent occurs when an individual (or group) finds himself lower than he feels he de- serves. For example, an Assistant Professor in a college will not feel any discrepancy if he com- pares his salary with that of the President of the United States. Yet, he will feel discontent if he finds a gap in his salary and the salary of Mert relative de] of referenc tive deprio except that scope to 8: However, 3 bliit)’ and it"? the deprf 51111 rem People (ii are some diSConten “1'9? A] some 311m ceive mO‘ Paradigm 13 that ‘ hariatiO] Assistant Professors in other departments of the same college or other colleges. Under such a si- tuation, he will feel deprived of what he deserves. Merton and other structuralists are not far from the relative deprivation theorists, especially when Merton talks of reference group theory. We believe that Merton and rela- tive deprivation theorists have the same line of argument, except that relative deprivation theorists confine their scope to economic and/or political sources of discontent. However, Merton's paradigm suggests a wider range of applica- bility and is far more useful. Whether we accept the structural, Marxian, or rela- tive deprivation theorists' approach, certain basic questions still remain to be answered. The basic question is: why do people differ in their response to structural stimuli? Why are some more discontented than others? Why is the level of discontent high at one point of time and lower at another time? Although relative deprivation theorists do provide some answers, the question still remains: why do some per- ceive more blockage and thus experience greater discontent than others? Our proposition is based on a synthesis of Merton's paradigm, relative deprivation theory, and the Marxian approach. The fundamental prOposition underlying this study is that discontent found in young peOple is derived from variations in the structural positions of their parents. The every socia and institu achieve suc has the sat to the near tified in carry diff tionalized tinate ext Usually, "higher" ‘0 be £11 level of to mEanS: Date equ the levee fTOm per and “Eal PECted prestige fOre’ Eta that the 0f the O O 10 The above proposition is based on the notion that every social structure has several culturally defined goals and institutions which provide certain legitimized means to achieve such goals. However, not every member of society has the same value for a goal nor the same degree of access to the means legitimized by the society. As people are stra- tified in a hierarchical order, these hierarchical ranks carry differential power, prestige, and access to institu- tionalized means. As a result, persons differ in their legi- timate expectations and means to achieve such expectations. Usually, though not always, the legitimate expectation is "higher" than the existing situation. Thus, there is a gap to be filled in order to bring the existing situation to the level of legitimate expectation. Due to differential access to means, the possibility of achieving such goals (legiti- mate expectations) varies from person to person. Therefore, the level of anxiety, strain, or frustration also varies from person to person. Those who have more power, prestige and wealth, may find it relatively easier to achieve the ex- pected goal while those who do not have such high power, prestige or wealth, may find it more difficult and, there- fore, manifest greater discontent. It should be mentioned that the level of discontent does not depend on the extent of the gap between what one legitimately expects and what one has. Rather, it depends upon how important the goal is, and how difficult this goal is to achieve. The difficulty Ali; in achiever has to the of blockage 0nd nental asse in the diff the socio-e affects 11o- mining s tation 01‘ T1 cal notio Paradigm, economic using e11 cept of , SOCiO‘ec prestige discOnte aspects. fTOm CO“ 11 in achievement of the goal depends upon how much access one has to the means of achieving the goal. Thus the perception of blockage is conditioned by parental socio-economic status. Under this general theoretical framework, our funda- mental assertion is that the blockage to realize a goal lies in the differential access to means, which is reflected in the socio-economic status of the parents of youth. This affects not only the gap between legitimate expectations and existing situations but also the level of legitimate expec- tation or the referent point. Thus, it should be apparent from the above theoreti- cal notion that our approach is in the context of Merton's paradigm, with some ideas taken from the Marxian notion of economic or political discontent. We are not, however, using either the Marxian notion of class or the Marxian con- cept of discontent. Our notion of class is based on Duncan's socio-economic index constructed on the basis of income, prestige of occupation and education. Also, our concept of discontent is not confined to political and/or economic aspects. Rather discontent, as used in this study, is derived from community and parental relations. Since Merton and the relative deprivation theorists do not differ much on the con- cept of discontent, our concept of discontent is the same as Merton or the relative deprivation theorists', with modifi- cations widening its scope from the political or economic realm to encompass community and parental relations. We do ,“ not treat t: expectation about the s; dent to em: tuation and reflected ir. Statement , ( A11 explained Series of the 1€Ve1 ethnic or: SChOOl at dilation f 1 ’l Dints if youth ) WE S up 5 ex: Stud)’: 12 not treat the gap between what exists and the legitimate expectation as a level of discontent. We make a statement about the situation of the community and allow the respon- dent to evaluate the statement in the light of his own si- tuation and expectations. The intensity of his feeling as reflected in the level of agreement or disagreement with the statement, denotes his level of discontent. Variables Included Although discontent, the dependent variable, is to be explained in terms of socio-economic status of parents, a series of other variables are seen as potentially affecting the level of discontent. These variables include: sex, ethnic origin (ascribed attributes), religion, quality of school attended, and whether or not a job awaits after gra- duation from high school. Since our data relate to three points in time, each representing a different cohort of youth, we shall, in effect, replicate patterns and relation- ships over time. The following variables are used in this study: Dependent variables: (Discontent indicators) (3) community dissatisfaction (b) parental dissatisfaction Independent variables: (a) socio-economic status (b) sex A more deta next chap te 13 (c) ethnic origin (d) religion (e) school context (f) job awaiting after graduation from high school A more detailed account of each variable is given in the next chapter. Statistics Used Simple statistics are employed for the purposes at hand, the most basic are the mean, t-test and chi-square. Multiple regression and factor analysis are also used but only to explore certain dimensions. Rationale For Hypotheses We now wish to attempt to specify the reasons and ra- tionale surrounding the assumption that perceptions about the community and perceptions about relations with parents can reflect discontent. We also will try to specify how the le- vel of discontent derived from the community and parental relations should be related to the socio-economic status of parents. As a general proposition, it appears that, except for peer groups, the two most relevant and significant social systems to which youths are exposed, especially in rural areas, are the family and the community. In isolated, homo- geneous rural societies, where roles are rigidly defined and is rather f Out the On lation to c in the pas‘ White Pine developnep EYIdERCe < H in ODtOna 358855 LT PlaCES, in relac. that dis in relat vant SOC has OCCu has bEEr and aSPi Th1S gar whether Status C 14 unchanging, there is little latitude for discontent. For Ontonagon County, however, such a description is not appli- cable. While this area is geographically isolated, there is rather full exposure to outside areas. Despite the fact that the Ontonagon area has been relatively deprived in re- lation to other areas, considerable development has occurred in the past fifteen or twenty years. The expansion of the White Pine Cepper Mine, major highway improvement, and the deve10pment of recreational resources constitute partial evidence of development. Hence, it is our assumption that most young people in Ontonagon County are fully able to make comparisons, to assess the community in which they live in relation to other places, and to make similar appraisals of their own family in relation to families elsewhere. Therefore, it would seen that discontent, if it is to manifest itself, would appear in relation to community and to the family, both highly rele- vant social systems. Furthermore, while local development has occurred, it seems probable that the pace of development has been outstripped by the legitimate rising expectations and aspirations of young people growing up in the area. This gap, it is reasonable to assume, will cause discontent. The level of discontent on the part of young peOple, whether based on features of the community or family rela- tions, will be influenced, we believe, by the socio-economic status of the parents. Socio-economic status is viewed as afar-react to mass me. of differe:. there will point of re status of r expectatior status, ch. Young peep Pa ted t0 Chi PEISOnali- difierenc PraCtheS Ships by peer firm of disco ThErefOr as eVide Panied t is a We ‘ hand. 15 a far-reaching instrumentality in affording relative access to mass media, outside contacts and mobility. As a result of differential access to such sources of communication, there will be differences in the level of empathy and the point of reference. The level of empathy and the type and status of reference groups affect the level of legitimate expectation and, thus, the level of discontent. Parental status, therefore, may well be important in determining young people's legitimate expectations of the community. Parental socio-economic status is known to be rela- ted to child rearing practices, household amenities, and the personality development of the child. Therefore, personality differences, as deve10ped due to differential child rearing practices, may influence the perception of parental relation- ships by the child and the pattern of relationships with the peer group as well. Furthermore, it is known that one type of discontent is often related to other types of discontent. Therefore, it would seem likely that the level of discontent as evidenced in the evaluation of community would be acCom- panied by a similar evaluation of parental relations. That is, we eXpect the two sources of discontent to go hand in hand. In general, one would assume that those belonging to lower socio-economic strata would exhibit a higher level of discontent, because they are the most deprived. If we look at this assumption from the Marxian point of view, it would appear very shown that does not at discontent expectation blockage ca discontent economic 51 question r El'idence t cents are and Steev. Report of 389-395) bemefiin rr among Co] have liti econOmic {Manoff Vellum)- hents. turther 16 appear very logical. But relative deprivation theorists have shown that the existence of deprivation in an absolute sense does not affect the level of discontent. ’They believe that discontent occurs when there is a gap between the legitimate expectation and the existing situation. The perception of blockage causes tension or strain which, in turn, causes the discontent (Runciman: 1966, Morrison: 1971). Even if socio- economic status does affect the level of discontent, the question remains -; who is it that is most discontented? Evidence thus far indicates that participants in social move- ments are more discontented than nonparticipants (Morrison and Steeves: 1967). Results of a recent Harris Poll (Source: Report of Harris Survey of Students, May 20-28, 1970, p. 389-395) indicate that there is a persistent relationship between middle class status and support for the far left among college students. In other words, far left movements have little or no support either in the upper or lower socio- economic groups. Similar findings come from a Wisconsin study (Manoff and Flacks: 1971), which indicate that the relatively well-to-do and better educated tend to support radical move- ments. Bensman (Bensman: 1973) has proposed a theory of middle class revolutions in which he says: The new middle class youthful rebel is the child of relatively prosperous, educated middle class parents, who are primarily professionals, administrators, and higher level technicians. (p. 75) Further, he argues that: Thus, his will be me The same a Flacks (Fj gests tha' integrate. 1 Other 10g Class. F try may it middle St be the Oh Suffers 1 relatiVe: to highe: dle Stra- and to in thEre is fEeling ( SOCiO‘eC( 17 The basis of the youth rebellion, we believe, is to be found not in youths themselves but in the structure of American society as it has emerged since World War II and as middle class youth is related to that structure. The spe- cific relationship of middle class youth to its society is, of course, through its parents. (p. 75) Thus, his arguments clearly suggest that middle class youth will be more discontented than lower or upper class youth. The same argument of middle class revolutions has come from Flacks (Flacks: 1971). Stockton (Stockton: 1973) also sug- gests that the most discontented in Kenya are those who are integrated into the power structure. In addition to the points just stated, there are other logical reasons to expect high discontent in the middle class. First, the middle socio-economic group in this coun- try may well be the most exploited stratum. Members of the middle stratum are often on fixed salaries and are prone to be the object of new taxes. It may well be that this stratum suffers the greatest inequality, in that its tax rates are relatively high and benefits are relatively low as compared to higher or lower socio-economic strata. Second, the mid- dle stratum tends to possess higher legitimate expectations and to have these expectations blocked often. As a result, there is greater relative deprivation, yielding a greater feeling of discontent than that found in upper or lower socio-economic groups. The lower socio-economic stratum is not characterized by expansive, legitimized expectations and therefori deprivat tive der higher, viewed econoni oflmr g States. other . about class presti theor' [Erin 0CCur In 0t a fem 108 n thErE the t c1aSS highe hyPot 18 therefore, we believe this stratum to have lower relative deprivation. Similarly, the upper stratum feels lower rela- tive deprivation because, even though expectations are higher, they are less often blocked or at least are not viewed as structurally blocked. Third, the middle socio- economic group may well exhibit greater discontent than other groups because of status inflation. In the United States, the size of the middle class is increasing while other classes are declining. This amplification has brought about status inflation, as a result of which the middle class feels a loss of identity and erosion of the level of prestige previously enjoyed (Parkin: 1974). The fourth reason lends indirect support to the theory of middle class discontent . It is based on Brinton's (Brinton: 1965) argument that discontent is more likely to occur when a society is closer than when it is far apart. In other words, there is more discontent when there are only a few people who are very poor or very rich and an overwhelm- ing majority is in the middle class. Under such a situation, there will be very little disparity among the people, but the discontent will be higher because of the large middle class. Thus, based on the above arguments, we hypothesize a higher level of discontent among middle stratum youths. Pattern of Discontent An S-curve pattern in the level of discontent was hypothesized, in part because of the time period for which we had data. sodal d: ind been and valut war, by ronmenta ity in fore am 1960, r- at a le growth 19 had data. The decade of the 60's was characterized by rapid social changes, turmoil, and student unrest. This period had been marked by challenges to existing patterns of norms and values, by sharp divisions brought about by the Vietnam war, by the growing strength of women's liberation and envi- ronmental movements, and by challenges to patterns of author- ity in government and in the family. Our hypothesis, there- fore anticipated levels of discontent to be the lowest before 1960, reaching a peak in 1968, and then declining by 1974 but at a level above that in 1957-58. There are two theories relating to the pattern of growth and decline in the level of discontent over a period of time. The first theory, which proposes a J-curve pattern, is suggested by James Davies (Davies: 1969), a sociologist; while the second theory, which pr0poses an S-curve, comes from an economist (Ridkar: 1962). According to the J-curve theory, when economic growth occurs, the aspirations of peo- ple also rise, but there is a gap between the rising aspira- tions and actual need satisfaction. When there is a sudden and sharp decline in economic growth, there is a sharp and sudden increase in the level of dissatisfaction because the gap between aspiration and actual need satisfaction suddenly widens. Thus, the level of dissatisfaction follows a J-curve pattern. Ridkar, on the other hand, proposes that when there is economic growth, the level of living of the peOple im- proves. But at the beginning of economic growth, more capital is require save and ‘ therefore nomy is i reached, can save Conseque does no after a 0f disc other 1 disco“ {inent m (I) (I) F a m 20 is required. In order to accumulate capital, pe0p1e have to save and this saving affects their level of living and, therefore, the level of discontent rises. But when the eco- nomy is in a "take-off stage", where affluence has been reached, the demand for capital saving is such that people can save without this saving affecting their level of living. Consequently, the level of discontent begins to decline. There are some weaknesses in both theories. Davies does not explain what happens to the shape of the J-curve after a revolution has succeeded or failed. Does the level of discontent continue to rise or does it stabilize? On the other hand, Ridkar does not explain why there is so much discontent in the United States, which has reached an af- fluent stage. Our hypothesis is a synthesis of both theories. It assumes a J-curve pattern up to the time that discontent reaches a stage of crisis. After a success or failure of the revolutionary manifestations, the level of discontent declines to some extent, but it remains higher than the period before the sharp rise in the level of discontent. We also hypothesize that an S-curve of the curve will be exhibited when controls are instituted for socio- economic status, sex, ethnic origin, religion, school con- text, and job awaiting after graduation. However, it is expected that variations in the level (but not the pattern) will be found among the sub-groups mentioned above. status anc movement. and in th criminati and that ful in t} sume th; that re the lev Since c of Tel: (Manof fiTSt the m0 Should The $6 the a] There: QCOHQ] w HIT; relat 21 Sex Differences And Discontent It is our hypothesis that girls will exhibit a higher level of discontent than boys due to existing inequities in status and the growing strength of the women's liberation movement. Females suffer discrimination in the job market and in the household. It is our expectation that such dis- crimination has been more severe in rural than in urban areas and that the equalitarian ideology has been especially force- ful in the period under consideration. Religious Preference And Discontent In modern industrial society, one has reason to as- sume that religious influences are declining and, therefore, that religious preference may have little or no influence on the level of discontent. Further, it might be expected that since our sample is of young people, the possible influence of religion would be minimized. However, a study in Wisconsin (Manoff and Flacks: 1971) indicates that Catholics are the first supporters of radical movements. If participation in the movement is any indicator of discontent, then Catholics should exhibit a higher level of discontent than non-Catholics. The second reason for the hypothesis is that Catholics, in the area from which our sample comes, are a minority. Therefore, they may feel some discrimination in social and economic activities of the community. The third reason for assuming a higher level of discontent among Catholic youth relates to the possible contradiction between obedience to 22 Church authority and the concept of individual freedom and liberty. Since Catholic churches exercise more authority than Protestant churches, we expect some differential reac- tion of resentment on the part of the youth. Ethnic Origin And Discontent The Finnish population migrated to this country and has been living in Ontonagon County for two to three genera- tions. Their numbers are substantial and there has been a relatively strong tendency to maintain their culture. There- fore, they cannot be considered fully integrated into the mainstream. It is our contention that they face some dis- crimination, despite readily assimilable traits. Much past research (Myrdal: 1969, Blau and Duncan: 1967) reports the existence of discrimination due to race and ethnic back- ground. There is also another reason to hypothesize a higher level of discontent among those with Finnish ethnic origin. It may be that the descendants of recent migrants cannot be fully integrated and feel the conflicting pressures of two societies. Migration as a cause of discontent has been re- ported by the President's Commission on Civil Disorder (1968). School Context And Discontent Social scientists, engaged in the study of causes of student unrest (Keniston: 1970, Lispet: 1971 and Presi- dential Commission reports), report that the campus environ- ment is one of the major factors inducing student unrest. Rule thi vironment for yout? the imme markedly surrounc than th. Berglan buildir Under 5 in the 0f dis dlSCor Youth. COMmu] asPir Small will 23 While this finding may not be applicable to high school en- vironments, the high school does provide a meeting ground for youth. The high schools in Ontonagon County, as well as the immediate communities in which they are located, differ markedly. The Ontonagon and White Pine schools and their surrounding communities are comparatively more privileged than the remaining schools and their surrounding communities. Bergland and Ewen-Trout Creek are relatively poor; their buildings are old and facilities are generally less adequate. Under such circumstances, one might assume that the students in the less privileged schools will exhibit a higher level of discontent. But as previously mentioned, the level of discontent is hypothesized to be higher among middle class youth. The students from the less privileged schools and communities,we expect, will be more realistic in terms of aspirations and achievement expectations. They will have a smaller gap between aspirations and expectations; thus, they will exhibit a lower level of discontent. Hence, our expec- tation is that students from more privileged schools will exhibit a higher level of discontent. Certainty of Job And Discontent High school seniors are at a life cycle stage where they must make decisions about their future. Some will want to go to college or obtain further training, while others will want to go to work. Some, of course, will not know what they will do after graduation. Those who definitely know that they to be les; noshort-z anxiety. mic condit level of Another re content a; Hm possi 0f depriv 24 that they have a job awaiting after graduation are likely to be less discontented. For this group, there is little or no short-run uncertainty and, hence, less mental tension and anxiety. Although some must go to work because their econo- mic condition does not permit them to go to college, their level of discontent will probably be lower than others. Another reason for the assumption of a higher level of dis- content among those with an uncertain immediate future is the possibility that this group may experience a higher level of deprivation. Relationship Between Two Measures of Discontent The two measures of discontent, which are based upon the community features and parental relationships, are ex- pected to be related. This expectation is based upon the multidimensional character of discontent and its manifesta- tions. It is likely that dissatisfaction with the community and with family relations are interconnected. It is diffi- cult to imagine, for example, that a student would be highly satisfied with the community as a place to live, if that student were highly dissatisfied with the way he/she was treated in the family. Hypotheses Based on the above rationale and conceptual thought, the following hypotheses are drawn: Hypothesis 1 Youth from middle socio-economic stratum exhibit a higher level of discontent than hypothesis HYTJOllhes Hypothesis 2 Hypothesis 3 25 youth from either upper or lower stratum. (a) The level of discontent, over a period of time, assumes an S-curve form. That is, the discontent level is lowest in 1957-58, highest in 1968, then lower in 1974 but above that for 1957-58. (b) The S-curve pattern of level of discon- tent holds true for each sub-group, namely: socio-economic strata, sex, re- ligion, ethnic group, school context and job certainty. Sex, religion, ethnic origin, school con- text and job certainty are related to dis- content such that: 1) Females exhibit a higher level of dis- content than males. 2) Catholics exhibit a higher level of dis- content than non-Catholics. 3) Those of Finnish ethnic origin exhibit a higher level of discontent than those of non-Finnish ethnic origin. 4) Those in a more privileged school con- text have a higher level of discontent than those in a less privileged school context. Hypothes is 26 5) Those without a job awaiting after gra- duation have a higher level of discon- tent than those with a job awaiting. Hypothesis 4 The two measures of discontent are intercorrelated. The above four hypotheses are tested in Chapter 4. T data , S ax mentS an study, Of a qu in 1957 DUrpQSE to car. 1'10 dir‘ Scheduf Ures O: CHAPTER II RESEARCH TECHNIQUE AND CONCEPTUAL OPERATIONALIZATION The aim of this chapter is to present the source of data, sampling techniques, development of measuring instru- ments and the operationalization of concepts used in the study. Source of Data The data for the study come from selected portions of a questionnaire administered to all high school seniors in 1957-58, 1968, and 1974 in Ontonagon County. The primary purpose of these studies was to investigate problems related to career plans, migration and subsequent mobility. While no direct questions relating to discontent appeared on the schedule, a series of items did permit us to deve10p meas- ures of discontent. The data used for this study were collected by a number of researchers associated with the Ontonagon Project over a number of years, including Harold Goldsmith, Jon Rieger, J. Allan Beegle, and Harry Schwarzweller. The data were coded and transferred to computer tape and stored by the Sociology Department of Michigan State University. A 27 ___ ___ selected g tapes for Dr series of project c- region all level of luring if } ted With. in the 5' in SuCCe triCts’ SChools, Table 1 the COUI SChoo1. 28 selected portion of the data were made available from these tapes for analysis. The Study Population Ontonagon County was selected to represent one of a series of county types defined in the North Central regional project concerning migration. It represented areas in the region characterized by out-migration, low farm Operator level of living, and low proportions employed in manufac- turing in 1950. All of the seniors in all of the high schools loca- ted within the boundaries of Ontonagon County were included in the survey. There were six high schools in 1957-58, but, in succeeding years, through consolidation of school dis- tricts, three high schools were merged with the remaining schools, and a fourth high school, White Pine, was created. Table 1 provides the list of names of the high schools in the county and the number of respondents by sex from each school. 12$ x: XQW -0: 41:02.} flu! mu 1252 OH! HO 3:.» cczbv .1 .C :3: c v < 0 E r P . a o N L ck. 29 How ooH HOH commaouco .ocua moan: .xoohu psoue-cozm .wamamgom whoa mmH MOH om dommGOHCO .oaum mafia; .xmogu unouH-co3m .wcwamumm mama omH we co :ommcouco .mmmz .wcmfixuom .xmmuu emN usogh .cmzm .wcwampom mmma «NH co mm commcouco .mmmz .vumflxuom .xmmuu usoyh .cmzm .vcmampom nmma mHmEmm mo onEmm mam: .o: HmuOH Hoozum mo oEmz awe» mucmwcommmp mo .02 coflumswmuo we use» cam xom km mucoucommom mo ponesz use mHoogum swam mo oemz .H manmh question a prepat were fii during 30 Preparation And Administration of Questionnaire The data were collected through self-administered questionnaires. However, a member of the research team read a prepared statement in each class before the questionnaires were filled out. A team member was present in the room during the period to answer questions. Students who did not finish the questionnaire during the class period or who were absent from the class on the day questionnaires were filled out, reported to the guidance counselor's office during a study period to complete the questionnaire. Essentially the same questionnaire was administered in 1957-1958, 1968 and 1974 to the high school seniors of the county. Questionnaires were obtained for juniors as well in 1957-58 and 1974, but our study is confined to seniors only. Since the number of respondents for 1957 and 1958 were small and represent successive graduation classes, they are added together to make one group of respondents. Therefore, there were 254 cases in 1957-58, 193 in 1968 and 201 in 1974. Discontent - Definition And Measurement No precise definition of discontent has emerged from the literature. Some social scientists use the term for dis- satisfaction or unhappiness (Freand: 1961), while some (Gamson: 1968) say that dissatisfaction, alienation and dis- affection fall under the general rubric of discontent. it as anxi continuint mising fr product 01 D restlessn the legit it is not 510“ due tent is tion Tel the T6311 -‘ from \inr. 31 Relative deprivation theorists (Morrison: 1971) and econo- mists (Ridkar: 1962) define it as the gap between what one aspires to and what one expects to get. King (1956) defines it as anxiety about the future, frustration in the present, continuing tensions from unsatisfied desires, or bewilderment arising from inexplicable situations. Social upheaval is the product of discontent. Discontent in this study is defined as a feeling of restlessness or tension generated due to discrepancy between the legitimate expectation and the existing situation. Thus, it is not the gap, as such, but rather the intensity of ten- sion due to existence of the gap. Our measurement of discon- tent is indirect. We present a statement specifying a situa- tion relating to the community or to parental relations and the respondent evaluates the statement in the light of his or her perception of the situation. Discontent as viewed here ranges greatly in intensity -- from relatively inactive dissatisfaction with any aspect of life to active dissatisfaction manifested in overt beha- vior. Discontent, as exhibited in our data, is not manifes- ted in overt behavior. Measures of discontent, in this study, are indirect and are drawn from two series of questions on the schedule. The first measure of discontent is derived from questions re- lating to perceptions concerning what is liked and disliked about the community. The second measure of discontent derives from the ( thirrc]: 8c satisfacti oi the C01 ures tail only thos live as x to measx used in and Tet scale 1 becaus. the SC ble t( ment he a: mEnt they Stat D051 32 from the questions relating to the way young people view their relationships in the home with their parents. Both measures are viewed as reflecting levels of dis- satisfaction (or satisfaction) with the existing conditions of the community and parental relations.i Clearly these meas- ures fail to tap all dimensions of discontent, but rather only those deriving from the community in which the youth live as well as those deriving from parental relationships. Discontent Derived From the Community Schultz, Artis and Beegle (1963) developed a scale to measure community satisfaction employing the same items as used in our study. They utilized the Guttman scaling technique and retained eight items. We felt the necessity of a new scale because our data related to three points in time, and because it was possible that some of the items included in the scale might not be stable. In addition, it was not possi- ble to produce a Guttman scale for all three points in time. Our questionnaire has 19 statements and each state- ment seeks the reaction of the respondent in terms of whether he agrees or disagrees with that statement. Out of 19 state- ments, two statements are deleted from the analyses because they are highly skewed and ambiguous. Of the 17 remaining statements, 8 statements are negative and 9 statements are positive. All the positive statements are scored as follows: VETSE t1 negativ and ar satisf commun is Sat munity progre faCilj which ”There H StrOr H lQaSt 33 Strongly agree = 1 Agree = 2 Undecided = 3 Disagree = 4 Strongly disagree = 5 The negative statements, however, are scored in re- verse to the positive statements. Thus the scoring for negative statements is as follows: Strongly agree = 5 Agree = 4 Undecided = 3 Disagree = 2 Strongly disagree = 1 All the 17 statements appear to have face validity and are assumed to measure the level of satisfaction or dis- satisfaction of the respondents with respect to his/her own community. These statements solicit how much an individual is satisfied or dissatisfied with such features of the com- munity as the community's leadership, cooperativeness and progressiveness of residents, cultural facilities, shopping facilities, location of the community, and families into which one would want to marry. If the statement says, "There are adequate shopping facilities" and the response is "strongly agree"; then, it is assumed that the person is "least discontented" with the shopping facilities of the com- munity. But if the response to "The place is not located in scalir ticulz score in 191 raise: matic are a at 31 Study ingft SEt’ SCalE Same 34 a desirable place" is "strongly agree"; then it is assumed that the respondent is "highly discontented" with the loca- tion of the community. Scaling of Discontent Derived from Community In a longitudinal study, one of the major problems in scaling is the stability of items. It is possible that a par- ticular item will have very high correlation with the scale score in 1957-58 but it may have very weak or no correlation in 1968. In such a situation, the measurement of discontent raises methodological questions and it becomes further proble- matic if a trend line is to be drawn. Unless all the items included in 1957-58 are retained for 1968 and 1974, the com- parison of level of discontent over three points in time will yield misleading conclusions. In order to overcome this problem, two alternatives are available; either take only those items which are common at all three points in time or retain all the items. In this study, we followed both procedures. In order to provide mean- ingful information, two sets of items are used. In the first set, all the 17 items are retained and treated as 17 different scales. The level of discontent as measured by each statement is compared with the level of discontent as measured by the same statement over other points in time. The second set of items are those which were subjected to factor analysis and item analysis. In the factor analysis, the only purpose is to be sure that the items are unidimensional. The S.P.S.S. method of has been loaded on been extr should be that onl) been subj the final (1) A t< (11} ii (iii) T (iv) I 0m). 10 [TOSt Of and the 35 method of Factor Analysis with varimax rotation is used. It has been found that in 1957-58 and 1974, all the 17 items loaded on only one factor, while in 1968, two factors have been extracted. Now the question arises as to which items should be retained in the final scale. In order to be sure that only desirable items are retained, all the 17 items have been subjected to item analysis. The selection of items for the final scale is based on the following six criteria: (i) A given item should have high correlation with the total score of the scale. (ii) The score of each item should have clear cutting points. In other words, it should not be skewed on either side (strongly agree or strongly disagree). (iii) There should be consistency in the pattern of item- scale relationships at all three points in time for both sexes. (iv) Insofar as possible, there should be no difference in the pattern of cutting points and strength of rela- tionship between item and scale. (v) The items should have face validity. (vi) As far as possible, items should load on the same factor. Based on the above criteria, 7 items were dropped and only 10 items were retained. Of these 10 items, 4 items met most of the criteria, 5 items were not as good but acceptable, and the remaining 1 item was accepted with reluctance. Table 2 lten n LIJ 36 Table 2. List of Items of Community Discontent Retained in the Final Scale Based on Item Analysis Item no. Content of item 1 Anything of progressive nature is generally approved 2 Everyone helps to decide how things should be run 3 The future of the community looks bright 4 With few exceptions, the leaders are capable and ambitious 5 It is difficult for pe0ple to get together on anything 6 Not much can be said in favor of a place this size 7 There are not many families you would care to marry into 8 The people have to do without a good many conveniences, like telephone service, sewage disposal, waterworks and good roads 9 The people have to do without adequate shopping facilities 10 A person has to leave town in order to have a good time !F The list 1 Table 2. l, 2, and or less ( factor 2 was acce lbecaus more in minimum from 10 SCOTe o 5 indic interpr the HEg 10 iten tal Te Statem how he Parent pErCei 37 The list of items retained in the final scale was given in Table 2. From the point of view of factor analysis, items 1, 2, and 4 loaded on factor 2. However, item I loaded more or less equally on both the factors, though slightly more on factor 2. Items 2 and 4 loaded heavily on factor 2. Item 2 was accepted with reluctance. Item 4 was retained with factor 1 because it had very high item-scale correlation and it fit more in factor 1 based on its content. Since each item carried a maximum of 5 points and a minimum of l, the sum of scores of all the 10 items ranged from 10 to 50. The scoring of positive items was such that a score of l or 2 indicated "satisfaction", while a score of 5 indicated "dissatisfaction". In order to have parallel interpretations with parental discontent, we first recoded the negative items into positive and, then, recoded all the 10 items as follows: 4, 5 = 1 3 = 2 1, 2 = 3. Discontent Derived From Parental Relations For the measurement of discontent derived from paren— tal relations, the questionnaire contains 9 statements. These statements seek the reaction of each respondent in regard to how he/she perceives the home atmosphere, parental love, and parental criticism. The assumption is that if the person perceives that his/her parents try to understand and extend L__f_.__ _ real lovc parental parents assumed will be negative follows: The p05 all the Outcome loaded Scale 2 tual 3C SCOre d 38 real love, the respondent will indicate satisfaction with the parental relationships. But if the respondent perceives that parents expect too much or criticize too much; then, it is assumed that dissatisfaction with the parental relationship will be indicated. Of the 9 statements, 2 are positive and seven are negative. In this scale, the negative items are scored as follows: Strongly agree = 1 Agree = 2 Undecided = 3 Disagree = 4 Strongly disagree = 5 The positive items are scored as follows: Strongly agree = 5 Agree = 4 Undecided = 3 Disagree = 2 Strongly disagree = 1 For the selection of the items for the final scale, all the statements were subjected to factor analysis. The outcome for 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 was that all the items loaded on one factor. No item analysis was done for this scale and all the 9 items were retained. The sum of the ac- tual scores on each item was used as the overall discontent score derived from parental relations. As one could score a minimum 0: ranged frc were not I It which an 3 structure education socio—eco (Duncan: and Educ; bOrer in dOCtor S on their 0r “ati populat among ethnic 39 minimum of l and maximum of 5 on each item, the total score ranged from 9 to 45 for the scale. The scores in this scale were not recoded since there was no need to do so. Socio-Economic Status The socio-economic status refers to the position which an individual or group occupies in the socio-economic structure of the society on the basis of such indicators as education, occupation, income, caste or race. In this study, socio-economic status is measured by Duncan's SES index (Duncan: 1961). This index is based on income, occupation and education, and ranges from O to 96. For example, a la- borer in tobacco manufacturing scores 0, while an osteopath doctor scores 96. Since high school students are dependent on their parents, the socio-economic status of the parents is used in this analysis. Ethnic Origin Ethnicity refers to groups sharing a common racial or national background and distinctive culture. Since the population of Ontonagon is approximately equally divided among those of Finnish and non-Finnish background, the ethnicity variable is operationalized as follows: (a) Those who have no Finnish blood (b) Those who have some Finnish blood (from one or both parents T3 pondents coded in . religious tants (ex purpose 0 together. Schools ; and gene part of Conteth land Whj In 1968 only 4 land an privile the mOr 40 Religion The questionnaire has a question which asks the res- pondents to give their religious preference. The answers are coded in 9 categories but for the purpose of this study, the religious preferences are collapsed as follows: all Protes- tants (except Lutherans); Catholics; and Lutherans. For the purpose of bi-serial correlation, all Protestants are grouped together. School Context School context refers to variations among the high schools and their immediate surroundings. Older high schools and generally poorer facilities characterize the southern part of the country. In 1957-58, the less privileged school contexts included Bergland, Ewen, Trout Creek, Mass and Rock- land while Ontonagon, represented a more privileged context. In 1968 and 1974, due to consolidations of school districts, only 4 high schools remain in the county. Therefore, Berg- land and Ewen-Trout Creek are grouped to represent the less privileged; White Pine and Ontonagon are grouped to represent the more privileged. Job Awaiting After Graduation In order to find out about immediate job plans after high school graduation, the question was asked: "Do you have a job awaiting for you when you graduate?" The responses are coded as "yes", "no", and "don't know”. If ....q‘ by a bri~ used. T3 analyzed chapter naire us this Stu 41 Format of Analysis The results are presented in tabular form, followed by a brief description of each table. Some graphs are also used. This study has five hypotheses and each has been analyzed using various statistical techniques. The last chapter is followed by Appendices which contain the question- naire used (only those items are included which are used in this study), as well as relevant tables. Populat area 10 The vi] with a Smalle areawi C0Unt~ Was U 1501; “Oug‘ and. dec] -0. it < out. amok in] CHAPTER III THE RESEARCH SITE AND BACKGROUND OF THE RESPONDENTS The Research Site The research site, from which our high school senior population comes, was Ontonagon County, Michigan, a rural area located in the western part of the Upper Peninsula. The village of Ontonagon was the largest center in the county with a population of 2,358 in 1960 and 2,432 in 1970. Seven smaller villages were scattered about the county, which, areawise, was the third largest in Michigan. Many of the county's 10,548 population lived in the open country. There was no urban population in the county and it was relatively isolated in relation to other urban centers. Ironwood and Houghton-Hancock, small regional centers, were between 60 and 70 miles to the south and north, respectively. The p0pulation of Ontonagon County showed a slight decline between 1960 and 1970, a percentage decline of -0.3%. Since births greatly exceeded deaths in this period, it could be inferred that there was considerable loss through out-migration. The estimated out-migration from the county amounted to 715 persons in the 1960-1970 decade. As shown in Table 3, there were marked differences in population 42 Table 3. Location Bergland Bohemia f Carp Lake White Pi: Greenlanc haight T} Interior Tlcllillan Matchwood Ontonagor OHtonagOr ROCkland Stannard \ l l Table 3. POpulation, Including Minor Civil Divisions of Ontonagon County, 1960 and 1970 Location 1970 1960 Population Population Percent change Bergland TWp 784 762 2.9 Bohemia TWp 99 133 -25.6 Carp Lake Twp 1544 1284 20.2 White Pine (U) 1218 - - Greenland TWp 1210 1370 -ll.7 Haight Twp 225 242 -7.0 Interior TWp 601 818 -26.5 McMillan Twp 821 823 -0.2 Matchwood Twp 167 156 7.1 Ontonagon Twp 3751 3506 7.0 Ontonagon Vill. 2432 2358 3.1 Rockland TWp 368 460 -20.0 Stannard Twp 978 1030 -5.0 Ontonagon County 10548 10584 -0.3 Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, United States Census of Population: 1970, Number of Inhabitants, Michigan, PC(l)-A24; pp. 21-34. growth T Seven to- and Bohe well as township n for 3 sn tant act declined reviVal ( importani Centered This COpj Vided jo mill Whi ployment p Comparec that the was Pres 1950, ls families median i WheH COm 44 growth (or decline) within the townships of the county. Seven townships reported losses during the decade, Interior and Bohemia townships by more than 25%. Four townships, as well as Ontonagon village, gained p0pulation, with Carp Lake township reporting a gain of slightly more than 20%. Agriculture, once important in the area, accounted for a small fraction of the work force. Of 284 farms in 1964, 199 were still existing by 1969. Lumbering, an impor- tant activity around the turn of the century, subsequently declined and was, at the time of the study, experiencing a revival due to surging prices of pulpwood. By far, the most important economic activity in the county was copper mining, centered near a modern, planned "new town", White Pine. This copper mine, which employed 1000 pe0ple in 1956, pro- vided jobs for over 3,200 people in 1974. Similarly, a paper mill which employed about 100 people in 1957, provided em- ployment for about 250 peOple in 1974. Although the county was economically backward when compared with other counties of Michigan, this did not mean that there had been no development in the county. Table 4 was presented to show selected indicators of development for 1950, 1960 and 1970. As Table 4 shows, the median income of families and unrelated individuals in 1950 was $1,718 but had risen to $7,490 in 1970, a four-fold increase in the median income of the county. However, income was still low, when compared with the median income of Michigan which was IT Table 4. Developn Median i unrela Per capi Per cap: Percent finan< real 1 Percent 25 ye. with F tion Number units Infant (DEr Gini I} Glni I: ineq‘ \ SOUrCe Table 4. 45 1950, 1960 and 1970 Selected Economic Development Indicators for Ontonagon County, Development Indicator 1950 1960 1970 Median income (family and unrelated individuals) $1718.00 $4160.00 $7490.00 Per capita bank deposits $ 343.23 $ 620.20 $1716.10 Per capita retail sales $ 706.00 $ 912.20 $1094.50 Percent employed in finance, insurance and real estate 1.02% 1.53% 1.79% Percent of population, 25 years old and over with High School educa- tion or more 21.7% 31.4% 49.7% Number of manufacturing units 27 30 32 Infant mortality rate (per 100 live births) 3.74% 2.86% 1.57% Gini Inequality Index 0.541 0.325 0.305 Gini Index of status inequality 0.319 0.267 0.275 Source: The information on the first 5 items come from the U.S. Census Reports for 1950, 1960 and 1970. Item 6 has come from current Business Affairs for Michigan and items 7 and 8 have been com— puted based on the information obtained from the U.S. Census Report. 46 $12,296 in 1970. Similarly, there were large increases in per capita bank deposits and retail sales. In terms of the welfare of the people of the county, infant mortality had declined over the 1950 to 1970 period, from 37.4 for every 1000 live births in 1950 to 15.7 per 1000 live births in 1970. With regard to social justice and distribution of in- come among various income groups, the Gini Index (an index to measure the level of inequality) showed a considerable decline in income inequality by 1970. The condition of the county was further apparent from the fact that the county had no community college or univer- sity. No radio or television station was located within its boundaries. The county did not have air service nor bus service. There was a railway station in Ontonagon but passen- ger rail service had been discontinued. The Ontonagon Herald was the only weekly newspaper published in the county. Background of Sample Income In 1957-58, most of the respondents came from a very low income group. As evidenced from Table 5, in 1957-58, about 64.7 percent of the respondents came from families whose income was less than $5000 per annum. There were only 2.8 percent of respondents in 1957-58 whose parental income was $9000 or above. But the situation changed by 1968 and 1974. In 1968, only 30.3 percent reSpondents came from the Table 5. Income R (U.S. Do Below $31 3000 to l 5000 to l 7000 to T 9000 and -————____ Total REporti N0 TeSpQ] don't 1 \ Total 58 ..‘~§~‘ NOte: Fl 017 47 Table 5. Reported Annual Income of Parents of Respondents, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 r _ Income Range 1957'58 1968 1974 (U.S. Dollars) No. Percent No. Percent No. Percent Below $3000 47 22.7 17 9.7 7 5.4 3000 to 4999 87 42.2 36 20.6 4 3.1 5000 to 6999 53 26.6 55 31.4 10 7.7 7000 to 8999 14 5.7 30 17.1 13 10.0 9000 and above 6 2.8 37 21.2 96 73.8 Total Reporting 207 100-0 175 100.0 130 100.0 No response or don't know 47 (18.5) 18 (9.3) 71 (35.2) Total Sample 254 100.0 193 100.0 201 100.0 Note: Figures in parenthesis indicate percentage based on total sample. l group W. in 1974, tively h 1957-58 Therefor than the pondents as high T inflatio siderabl deSpite SGniors 1957-58 1 dents 1T two larg kindred COUnted Slightly fathers only 4,0 mOre’ fa‘ CTQaSed ( 48 group whose income was less than $5000. It further changed in 1974, when only 8.5 percent of respondents came from the same income group. Similarly, the proportion of respondents from compara- tively well-to-do families increased from 2.8 percent in 1957-58 to 21.2 percent in 1968 and 73.8 percent in 1974. f“ Therefore, our sample in 1974 was much better off financially 3 than the sample of 1957-58. The annual income of 1968 res- pondents was higher than the sample of 1957-58, but was not a as high as recorded for the 1974 sample. 9 The steep rise in the median income was partly due to inflation. During the last 20 years, there had been a con- siderable increase in the consumer's price index. However, despite such inflation, the level of living indicated that seniors in 1974 were economically better off than those in 1957-58 and 1968. Occupation The occupational distribution of fathers of respon- dents in the three points in time is shown in Table 6. The two large occupational categories, "Craftsmen, foremen and kindred workers" and "Operatives and kindred workers", ac- counted for nearly half of the fathers in 1957-58 and slightly over 60% in 1974. Nearly one-fourth (24.9%) of the fathers in 1957-58 were laborers, except farm and mine, but only 4.0% of the fathers were so employed in 1974. Further- more, fathers employed as professionals and managers in- creased substantially during the period. .wminmmH . mHCUUCOQmDZ 0:.» MO "uhbzuml k0 :Ow uzswhumw: gamma ~13. mcmw N ~22: u $120.03 .0 O~Q~Nh ..l1 h.v.ou r&..4.;;1.74 ... I . 0. . I... [Br 49 000 - 000 - 000 000000 00000 0.0 0 0.0 00 0.0 00 003000 02 0.000 000 0.000 000 0.000 000 000000000 00000 0.0 0 0.00 00 0000 00 000s 0 0000 000000 .00000000 00 o o - o n.0 m :oEopom w m0opoan E0mm 00 0.0 0 0.0 00 0.0 00 000000000 0000000 ummuxo w0mxpoz ouw>0om m o.o o 0.0 o 0.0 0 0000003 000:00305 opm>0um m 0.00 00 0.00 00 0.00 00 0000003 0000000 0 000000000 0 0.00 00 0.00 00 0.00 00 0000003 0000000 Ucm CmEmhom .coEmpmmHU o 0.0 0 0.0 0 0.0 0 0000003 00000 0 0.0 0 0.0 0 0.0 0 0000003 0000000 000 00000000 0 0.00 00 0.00 00 0.0 00 00000000000 0cm mHmfioflwwo .m0mwmcmz m o.m o 0.~ m m.m m0 m0owmcme 500m 0:0 mpoehmm N 0.00 00 0.0 00 0.0 00 0000003 0000000 000 Hmuficcumu .Hmcowmmowo0m 0 0 .oz 0 .oz 0 .oz 00n830 0 0 0000 momH - mm-0mm0 000 0000 Hmcofiummsuuo >00 opmu 0000 0:0 mama .mm-0mm0 .mucowcoamom 0:0 mo m0msumm mo :00039000009 Hmcowummsuuo .0 00909 50 Level of Living The possession of selected level of living items reported by respondents in 1957-58, 1968, and 1974 has been shown in Table 7. A high rate of ownership of nearly all the items listed in the table was reported in each of the three years for which there was information. In general, percent- ages reporting a given item increased over time. Ownership of a deep freeze, for example, increased from 40.9% in 1957- 58 to 52.3% in 1968, and to 65.7% in 1974. More than 90% of the respondents in the 1968 sample had electricity, running water, and indoor toilets, an auto- mobile, a TV, telephone, and radio. The incidence of most of these items was greater than in 1957-58. Since the ownership rate was so high by 1968, some of the questions were not asked of the 1974 respondents. Religious Preference In 1957-58, 72.2 percent reported their religious preference as Protestant, while only 27.8 percent reported Catholicism. Among the Protestants, Lutherans were the single largest group. This pattern for religious composi- tion of the sample was similar in 1968 and 1974. The per- centage of Catholics, however, increased over time while the percentage of Lutherans declined. See Table 8. Ethnic Origin The history of Ontonagon County indicated that a large number of migrants had come from Finland and settled 51 Table 7. Level of Living Items Reported By Respondents, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 Items 1957-58 1968 1974 No. % No. % No. % Own house 196 77.2 142 73.6 187 93.0 Electricity in home 248 97.6 187 97.9 * - Running water 222 87.4 188 97.4 * - Indoor toilet 193 76.0 183 94.8 * - Deep freeze 104 40.9 101 52.3 132 65.7 Power wash mach. 243 95.7 180 93.3 181 90.0 Television 178 70.0 186 96.4 * - Car 230 90.6 185 95.9 195 97.0 Telephone 176 69.3 180 93.3 191 95.0 NewSpaper 220 86.6 166 86.0 179 89.0 Radio 253 99.6 191 99.0 * ' Total sample 254 100.0 193 100.0 201 100.0 *These items were deleted from 1974 questionnaire because of the high frequency reported in 1968. Table 8. Religious Preference of Respondents, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 52 Religious 1957-58 1968 1974 Preference No. % No. % No. % Catholic 70 27.8 64 33. 78 38. Lutheran 118 46.8 88 45. 76 37. Other Protestants 56 22.2 40 20. 41 20. Other 8 3.2 1 0. 6 3. Total reporting 252 100.0 193 100. 201 100. No answer 2 0.8 - - - - Total sample 254 - 193 - 201 - 53 Table 9. Ethnic Origin of Respondents, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 Ethnic 1957-58 1968 1974 Background No. 8 No. 8 No. % Non-Finnish 115 47.9 87 46.3 30 18. Some Finnish (one parent) 44 18.3 47 25.0 78 47. Some Finnish (both parents) 81 33.8 54 28.7 56 34. Total reporting 240 100.0 188 100.0 164 100. Don't know or no answer 14 5.5 5 2.6 37 18. Total sample 254 - 193 - 201 54 in the county. Although they had been in this area for the last 2 or 3 generations, they had maintained their ethnic identity and culture. As indicated in Table 9, 50% or more of the three populations of seniors had Finnish background. The proportion with Finnish background was smallest in 1957-58 and highest in 1974. Home Environment of the Sample Since home environment has a significant influence on the personality of individuals, and for other reasons, a brief description of home environment is presented. Parental Status By parental status we meant the relationship of the respondent to the head of the household in which he or she lived. As evident from Table 10, about 80 percent of the sample for each of the years lived with both parents. The remainder resided with only one parent, with step-parents, and with other relatives. The proportions living in broken homes or other relatives were similar during each of the three periods of time. Parental Education The educational status of the parents of the 1957-58 and 1964 samples indicated that an overwhelmingly large number of the students had come from families with high school edu- cation or less. However, by 1974, this trend had changed. As evident from Table 11, 72.8 percent of the fathers and 55 Table 10. Parental Status of Respondents, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 Parental 1957-58 1968 1974 status No. % No. % No. % Lived with both own parents 205 80.7 156 80.8 161 81. With step-parent 13 5.1 9 4.7 7 3. With one parent 23 9.1 19 9.8 19 9. With other relative 13 5.1 9 4.7 10 5. Total reporting 254 100.0 193 100.0 197 100. No answer - - - - 4 2. Total sample 254 - 193 - 201 - S6 - HON - mmH - 4mm madamm HmuOH m.a mH H.m o a.“ ON aofipmeHowafi o: no socx u.:oo o.ooa owfi o.ooa awfi o.oo~ 4mm mcfiohoaoh Hmpoe m.wH mm N.HH Hm o.~H mm mmmfifloo a.mm HHH ~.m¢ Na N.m~ mm Hoosum swam m.HN 94 o.mm 45 m.~o 54H .m.: zofiom 60:50: o.OH HON o.ooH mmH o.ooH qu «HaEmm Hence 0.0H ON m.a 0H m.HH om coflpmstomafi o: no zocx u.:oo 0.00H Hwfi c.00H 45H o.ooa 4mm mcfluhoamh Hmpop a.- H4 5.0H mm m.NH mm omofifiou m.N¢ “a 5.4N m4 5.4H mm Hoogum gm“: w.¢m mo o.wm NOH m.- mOH .m.: zofimm genome w .02 .wl. .oz ya. .02 vamfi momfi mm-ammfi mmmflu cacao: to pagan» .mm-nmma .mpcowcoamom mo gozuoz paw pocumm on» we cofiumosnm vnma new mama .HH manmh 57 62.8 percent of the mothers in 1957-58 had less than a high school education. The number of high school educated fathers and mothers had reached 24.7 percent for fathers and 49.2 percent for mothers by 1968. The situation in 1974 had fur- ther improved; the percentage of high school educated fa- thers and mothers increasing to 42.5 and 59.7 percent, res- pectively. There was also a growing percentage of fathers and mothers attending college. In the early 1957-58 sample, only 12.5 percent of the fathers and 12.0 percent of the mothers had a college education. In 1968 and 1974, the number of college educated fathers and mothers increased slightly. Therefore, the major difference between the earlier samples and the 1974 sample was the changing percentage of fathers and mothers with high school education and the overall trend for both parents to be better educated. Intention to Get Further Training As Table 12 shows, a large percentage of our sample indicated an intention to go for further training after high school graduation. The percentage of those desirous of going to college was highest in 1968. However, even in 1974, 81.9% of the boys and approximately 77.8% of the girls planned to go for further training. It appears, from the table, that boys and girls did not differ markedly in their plan to go for training, except in 1957-58. In 1957-58, however, a much larger proportion of boys than girls planned to go to college. 58 o.ooa HOfl o.oo~ OOH o.ooa moa o.ooa om o.ooa omH o.ooa eNH HmuOH m.mH om o.m~ mm e.mH ON ~.NN om 0.0m mm o.o~ mm “mamam on yo Bocx p.:om o.ooa Hm o.ooa Nu o.ooa mm o.ooa on o.o0H Hm o.ooa Hm mcfiuuomeu Hayes N.~N wH H.wH ma N.n o m.v m m.mv mm N.¢N NN oz m.nn mo m.Hm mm w.~m um n.mm no H.5m mm m.mn mo mm» m .62 w .02 a .02 a .02 a 02 w .02 amfim eHmEmm mamz. mHmEem mfimz eHmEem mHmz mo muwono enma mama wmuvmma «50H wan mama .mm-nmma .mucowcommom km weakened m< mcwcwmhh honuhsm pom :ofiuceucH .NH manna 59 Like and Dislike For the Community One of the factors considered to influence the level of discontent was the liking or disliking for the community of residence. Those who disliked the community were prone to be more discontented. As shown in Table 13, only 21.8 percent of the males and 30 percent of the females in 1957-58 said they disliked their community. In 1968, almost half of the females indicated their dislike for the community, while less than one fourth of the males liked their community. However, in 1974, almost equal percentages of males and fe- males expressed dislike, 25% and 27.7%, respectively. .Almost identical percentage of males over the period of time repor- ted that they liked the community. Value Orientation What was the value orientation of our respondents toward work? Were they money-minded? Were they security- minded? Did they have intellectual curiosity? The seniors in Ontonagon County were asked to indicate the most desired quality in one's lifetime work. The results for boys and girls have been presented in Table 14. As Table 14 indi- cates, chances for advancement, money, and security of job were the most valued qualities mentioned. Security of job was the most desired quality in one's lifetime work for both males and females in 1957-58. Chance for advancement, how- ever, was mentioned most often by both sexes in 1968, and money was most often selected as the most important quality 0.00H HOH o.ooa 00H o.oo~ moa o.ooa om o.ooH omH o.ooa «NH HmHOH 60 m.mv we o.mm mm m.n~ wN m.~m we o.n¢ Ho m.nm an mxfiq w.¢~ mN o.o~ om ~.mN ow ¢.qm NN o.mN om m.o~ om pampemmflwaH n.5m mm o.m~ mN o.n¢ me m.m~ Hm o.om mm m.HN 5N oxfiamfia » oz » .02 w .02 w .02 w .02 w .02 mHmsmm maaz. eHmEem efimz eHmEem mfimz xpficSEEou pom quad mama mm-ummfi oxwfimfio\mxfiq «Baa use mama .wm-ammfi .mpaoenommom xn wephomom m< oucewflmem mo xufl::EEou may now mxwamfln mam mafia .mH manwh 61 O.OOH HOH O.OOH OOH O.OOH OOH O.OOH OO O.OOH OOH O.OOH ONH OOOOU mo .0: HOOOO N.ON ON O0.0N ON O.OH NH 0.0N ON O.NH OH 0.0H NH OOHOHHOOO OOOOO O.HH HH O.H N 0.0 O O O O.O O OHOO OOOOO o» OeHO O.OH OH O.O O O.O O H.HH OH O.ON NO O.ON NO Ooh Oo OOHOOUOO O.OH OH O.ON ON N.OH HH O.OH OH O.OH OH N.OH NH Omaoz O.O N O.O O O.O O O.O O O.O O N.O O OOOOHHOOU HangooHfiouaH O.OH OH 0.0 O N.ON NN 0.0 N O.OH OH O.N O OOHOOEOH ow uflwoaem O.O O O.O O N.OH HH O.O O O.NH OH O.OH OH OHOOOOOHOO O.OH OH O.OH OH O.NH OH H.HN OH O.ON HO 0.0N ON Hume . -oo:m>vm mo mocmsu O 00"“ m .0nH O OOHH O 00"“ W 002 onEmm mHmz mHmEmm mam: mHmEem eHmE Auwamsc OOOH OOOH OO-NOOH OOOHOOO Omoz ONOH Ocm OOOH-OO-NOOH .OOOOOOOOOOO km wocowucoz xpoz mefiuemOH :fi wonfimem xufiamzo ucmpuomsH umoz use .OH efinmb 62 by both males and females in 1974. The intellectual chal- lenge was never mentioned by more than 7% as the most impor- tant quality in a job. In all years, a higher proportion of males than females mentioned money as most important. Summary In this chapter, an effort was made to give a back- ground of the locale, Ontonagon County, and selected charac- teristics of the study group. The county was rural with a history of out-migration. It had been economically deprived as compared with other counties of lower Michigan. However, due to the White Pine C0pper Mining and a paper mill, the employment situation was relatively favorable. Tourism was the next most important source of income for the people of the county. Although Ontonagon was a rural county, the number of farms had been declining each year. Most of our respondents were Protestants. Among the Protestants, Lutherans were the single largest group. Catho- lics were next to Lutherans in number. All our respondents were White. At least 50% of them had a Finnish ethnic back- ground, the majority's grandparents migrating from Finland 2 to 3 generations ago. The Finnish population appeared to be well integrated into the social life of the area. A large percentage of the respondents came from lower socio-economic strata in 1957-58 but the number from middle and upper strata had increased with time. The parents of respondents, except in 1957-58, generally had a high 63 school education but very few had a college education. Rela- tively few of the mothers worked outside the home. Both boys and girls were equally eager to go on for further edu- cation and a majority wanted to go to college. CHAPTER IV FINDINGS This chapter presents the results on discontent among high school seniors in Ontonagon County. The order of pre- sentation follows the sequence of objectives as specified in Chapter I. The first two objectives seek to portray the level and trends in discontent, while the third objective is devoted to a test of the hypotheses. As mentioned previously, two measures of discontent have been developed, one based upon discontent with features of the community and the other based upon dissatisfactions with parental relations. Hereafter, the two measures will be referred to as "community discontent" and "parental discontent". Community Discontent Level The level of community discontent on the part of high school seniors is presented in three tables. Table 15 shows the mean scores for 17 items relating to various dimen- sions of the community, Table 16 depicts summated measures of central tendency for 10 community items, and Table 17 pre- sents the distribution of respondents having high, medium, and low levels of community discontent. 64 65 The items in Table 15 may be grouped into three cate- gories, namely those relating to community facilities and location (11,12,16 and 17), those relating to the community as a functioning entity (l,3,5,6,7,10,l3 and 15), and those relating to characteristics of community residents (2,4,8, 9 and 14). The highest level of discontent among high school seniors related to cultural facilities; that is, the absence of cultural and educational facilities (item 16). The next highest level of discontent related to the characteristics of the community residents. Students expressed a high level of discontent in responding to item 4, "People as a whole mind their own business". At the other extreme, the lowest level of discontent was exhibited in regard to community faci- lities, that is, conveniences such as telephones, sewage dis- posal, and good roads (item 12). Only slightly greater dis- content was exhibited in response to "The community is not located in a very desirable place." (item 11). In general, respondents expressed relatively low levels of discontent with the community as a functioning entity. Among the items in this category, greatest discontent was reflected in items 5 and 13, "Everyone helps to decide how things should be run" zuul "A person has to leave town in order to have a good time." The average scores on ten items selected from the 17 original items, as found in Table 16, show a low level of community discontent. While the level of community discontent 66 HOOHO HOOHO HOONO OOOHOOOOOO OOO HO.O OO.N OO.O HO.N OO.O NO.N OOHHHOO HOOO OOH: OOOOOOO O HOOHO HNOHO HOONO OOHOOOEOO OO OOson NO.O OO.N OO.O NO.N OO.O OO.N OOOOOHOOO mo “Ones: O OOHOO O HOOHO HOOHO HOONO OOooH NO.O OO.N OO.O OO.N NO.O OO.N OOHOOEEOO OOH 20; OOOOO Ono 02 N HOOHO HOOHO HOONO OOOHOO OOOOH OO.O OO.O OO.H HO.O OO.O HO.O OOHOOEEOO may we OOOOOO OOH O HOOHO HNOHO HOONO any OO OHOOOO OOOHOO OO.O HN.O OO.O OO.O OO.O NN.O 20; OOHOOO 0O OOHOO OOOOOO>O O HOOHO HOOHO HHONO OOOOHOOO O30 OO.H OO.O OO.H OO.O OH.H OO.O OHOOO OOHE OHogz O OO OHOOOO O HOOHO HNOHO HOONO OOOOOOOO :0 OOOOOOOO OOO OO.H OO.N OO.H OH.O OO.H OO.O Op OHOOOO OOO “HOOOOOHO OH OH O HOOHO HNOHO HNONO OOOHOHOEO OOO OHOOOOU OOO _ OO.O OO.N OO.H HO.N OO.O OO.N OOOOOOH .OOOOOOOOOO 3mm O OOH: N HNOHO HHOHO HHONO Oo>OOOOO OHHOOOOOO OH OO.O NO.N OO.H OO.N OO.O OO.N OOOOOO o>HOOOOOOOO mo OOHOOOO< H 0.0 LE8: 0.0 1E8: 0.0 KOO: ONOH OOOH OO-OOOH OOOOOOO eOOH oz OOOH ONOH OOO OOOH .OO-NOOH .OOOHOOO HooauO OOHO ana< OOOOOOOOHO zuO::EEou mcfiuooamem mEeuH OH How aofiumfl>eo upmwcmum cam monoum cam: .mH oHnOH 67 .HcmpcoomHv map He:MH: exp .eHoom map HecwH: oz» .mm woumhmueucH mum mmpoom« .mmmmu Mo Hones: OH mHmegucoumm :H oHDMHm ”epoz HOOHO HOOHO HNONO OOHHHHHOOO OOHOOOOO OHOOO NN.H OO.N OO.H ON.O HN.H OO.O -OOO HOOOHH3 OO OH O>OO OHOOOO NH mumscovm mum HOOHO HOOHO HHONO .OEOOOOO OOO OHOHOOOH .OOHH NO.O ON.O HH.H OO.O NH.H OH.O -OHOHH .OOOOHHOO OOHH OOHHHH -Homm HmcoHumozwe wan HOHSHHDU OH HNOHV HmmHv HNmNV HH OOOQHSO :mo mczou wcHHon OO.H OO.N OO.H ON.N OO.O OO.N -OOHOO OOH OO .OOO OH .zOO O OH HOOHO HOOHO HHONO OHOH HHHOE OH OHOO OHOOz so» OH.H OO.N NH.H OO.N NH.H OO.N OOHHHOOO OOOO HOO OHO OHOOH OH HOOHO HOOHO HNONO OOHH OOOO O O>OO OH HOOHO NN.H OO.N OO.H OO.O ON.H OO.O OH OOOH O>OOH OH OOO OOOHOO O OH mwmop woom cam mxpozhepmz .Hmm HOOHO HNOHO HNONO -OOOHO OOOzOO .OOH>HOO OOOOO ON.O OO.H ON.H OH.N NO.H OO.N -OHOH OOHH OOOOOHOO>OOO OOOH woom Hsonqu ow 0H e>mn mHmoem NH HOOHO HNOHO HHONO OOOHO OHOOHHOOO OHO> O OH OO.O NH.N OH.H OO.N OO.H NN.N OOHOOOH HOO OH OHHOOOOOO OOH HH HOOHO HOOHO HOONO OHOH OOHH OOOHO OO.H NO.N HH.H NO.N OO.H OO.N O HOO OHOO OO OOO some HOz OH .0.0 OOOOz .0.0 OOOOz .O.O OOOOz ONOH OOOH OO-NOOH HOOHOOO OOHH .Oz EOHH H.H.OOOO .OH OHOOH Table 16. Measures of Central Tendency and Dispersion 68 for Community Discontent Among High School ‘Seniors, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 Description 1957-58 1968 1974 Mean* 20.70 20.33 21.44 Median 20.47 20.33 21.95 Mode 20.00 19.00 22.00 Maximum 30.00 29.00 30.00 Minimum 11.00 8.00 11.00 S.D. 4.11 4.00 4.67 C.V. 19.70 19.69 21.80 *Mean scores are interpreted as, the lower the score, higher the discontent. the 69 Table 17. Percentage and Frequency Distribution of High, Medium, and Low Community Discontent, High School Seniors of Ontonagon County, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 Level of 1957-58 1968 1974 discontent No. % No. % No. % High (10-17) 52 21.0 43 22.3 34 16.9 Medium (18-22) 117 46.0 92 47.7 76 37.8 Low (23-30) 84 33.0 58 30.0 89 44.3 70 is highest in 1968, it does not vary markedly in the other two . As shown in Table 18, the mean score of virtually all items was above 3, suggesting a very low level of dis- content with parental relations. Very little discontent was elicited by high school seniors in response to the item, "It is hard for me to feel pleasant at home" (item 1). The most discontent was expressed in response to item 7, "Too often, my parents compare me unfavorably with other children." However, minimal discontent was expressed for any item in Table 18. The summated scores, ranging from a minimum of 9 to a maximum of 45, are shown in Table 19. The means of above 30 suggest a low level of discontent, but the coefficients of variation suggest substantial variation among individual respondents (Appendix C, Figure 1(a)). Hence, our respondents were classified into low, me- dium, and high groups, as shown in Table 20. Only 24 percent of the youth fell in the high discontent group in 1957-58. The percentage in this high group, however, was even larger in 1968 and 1974. Similarly, 31.1 percent of the youth fell into the low discontent group in 1957-58, but percentages in 1968 and 1974 were only 22.8 and 13.4 percent, respectively. These findings illustrated a low level of parental discon- tent as expressed by the youth in our sample. (Appendix C, Figure l(b)). 71 .HcmpcoumHv exp HmzmH: exp .OHoom man Heon may .mm voHonHoucH eHm mopoom :we2¢ .eHmEmm mo Hanan: mum memoauceHOm cm OOHSMHH Hepoz HOONO HHOHO HOONO Os OO OO.O OO.O OO.H OO.O OO.O OO.O Hose OOH HOOOxO OHOOHOO 22 O HOONO HNOHO HOOOO HOOOO OH OOHH ON.O ON.O OO.H ON.O HO.O OO.O HHHOOO 22 .HH O3OOH O>OO H OO O :QHUszu HOONO HHOHO HOONO HOOHO OHHz OHOOHO>OOOO.OO OH.H HO.O ON.H OO.O NO.H NO.O OHOOEOO OHOOHOO 2O OOHOO OOH N HHONO HHOHO HOONO OO H OOOH OOOOO OO.O NO.O OO.O OO.O N0.0 OO.O HOHOOOO O>OO OOOOHHH 22 O HHONO HNOHO HOONO OOOO HH.H HO.O OO.H OO.O OO.O O0.0 OOH Os ONHOHHHHO OHOOHOO 22 O HOONO HOOHO HOONO OOOO HO O2 HOH OOHHOOHOO HO.H OO.O OO.O OO.O OO.O OO.O OOO O>OH HOOH OH OHOOH O HHONO HHOHO HOONO OOHHO: HOOHOHOHO OzH OH OH.H OO.O NH.H NO.O OO.H OO.O O>HH H OOO OHOOHOO 22 .OOOHOO -cou mum mmowH OE mm Ham m< m HOONO HNOHO HOONO OOHHHOz OOO OOOHOOHO 2a OO.O O0.0 NO.H OO.O O0.0 O0.0 OOOHOHOOO: OH OOH OHOOHOO 22 N HHONO HNOHO HOONO OEOO HO HOOOOOHO NO.H ON.O OH.H OO.O NO.O NH.O HOOO OH OE HOO OHOO OH HH H .O»O OOOO2 .O»O OOOO2 .O.O OOOO2 ONOH OOOH OO-NOOH HOOHOOO OOHH .Oz OOHH ONOH OOO OOOH .OO-NOOH .HHOOOO OOOOOOHOo OO OHOHOOO HOOOOO OOH: OOOO< HOOH -noomHn Hmucepmm mcHHuonmx maeuH m pom mcoHumH>oo whmvcwum wan mehoum awe: .mH oHan 72 Table 19. Measures of Central Tendency and Dispersion for Parental Discontent Among High School Seniors, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 Description 1957-58 1968 1974 Mean* 32.63 30.81 30.34 Median 33.33 32.46 31.23 Mode 34.00 34.00 34.00 Maximum 43.00 41.00 42.00 Minimum 14.00 13.00 17.00 S.D. 5.33 6.45 5.32 C.V. 16.30 20.93 17.52 *Mean scores are interpreted as, the lower the score, the higher the discontent. 73 Table 20. Percentage and Frequency Distribution of High, Medium, and Low Parental Discontent Among High School Seniors, 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 Level of 1957-58 1968 1974 discontent No. % No. % No. % High (9-29) 61 24.0 67 34.7 80 39.8 Medium (SO-35) 114 44.9 81 42.5 94 46.8 Low (36-45) 79 31.1 44 22.8 27 13.8 17 74 Community Discontent Trends In the analysis of trends, we first deal with the individual community items (Table 15). The mean scores for each item over time indicates the following patterns of discontent: 1. 2. 3. 4. 15. A continuous rise Items 1,2,8,15. A continuous decline Items 7,12,17. A rise, followed by decline Items 3,4,5,9,10,1l,l6. Others: No change, followed by rise (item 6); No change, followed by decline (item 13); A decline, followed by rise (item 14). A Continuous Rise in Discontent Four items show a continuous increase in the level discontent over time. These items are as follows: Anything of progressive nature is generally approved. With a few exceptions, leaders are capable and ambitious. Quite a number of residents amount to something. A few, if any, of the neighboring towns can surpass it. It is evident from the content of these items that youth are increasingly unhappy with aspects of the community as a functioning entity and community residents. In some cases, however, the magnitude of the increase is not large. (Figure 2 (l-l7)). 75 A Continuous Decline in Discontent The following three items show a continuous decline over time: 7. No one cares how the community looks. 12. People have to do without a good many conveniences like telephone services, sewage disposal, waterworks and good roads. 17. People have to do without adequate shopping facilities. Objective measures indicate that during the last 20 years considerable development has taken place in the Ontona- gon area, and the responses of young people appear to confirm it. Thus, the level of discontent with items concerning physical facilities in the community and with community pride declined during the three time periods. A Rise, Followed by Decline Seven items show a level of discontent that was higher in 1968 than in 1957-58, with a decline in 1974 (Table 15). The list of the items which follow this pattern are: 3. It is difficult for people to get together on anything. 4. People as a whole mind their own business. 5. Everyone helps to decide how things should be run. 9. Persons with real ability are usually given recognition. 10. Not much can be said for a place like this. 76 11. The community is not located in a desirable place. 16. Cultural and educational facilities like colleges, libraries, theaters and museums, are adequate. The pattern of rise, followed by a decline, repre- sents items related to community facilities and location, the community as a functioning unit, and community residents. In some instances, the level of discontent reflected is re- latively high and in others relatively low. Thus, this pat- tern is found for a diversity of items representing numerous community dimensions. Others Only one item exhibited a pattern of no change, fol- lowed by a rise. Item 6, "The future of the community looks bright," changed very little between 1968 and 1974. Item 3, "A person has to leave town in order to have a good time", was the only item which showed the same level of discontent in 1957-58 and 1968, but a decline in 1974. Finally, a de- cline, followed by a rise, was the pattern displayed by item 14, "There are not many families you would care to marry into." This pattern, it should be pointed out, was based lipon extremely small differences in means. Changed Pattern After t-Test The discussion of changes over time up to this point has been based on the observation of mean scores. Since the difference in the means are often very small, we do not wish 77 to rely solely on them. Therefore, the t-value for each year is computed and, then, the pattern of change is consi- dered. The t-value is presented in Appendix B, Table B-1. This table shows that some of the items in a category have been shifted to another category based upon the level of significance tests. The following patterns of discontent emerge when the t-values are taken into account: Major Patterns: 1. No change (stable) . Items l,6,9,10,ll,l4,15 2. A rise, followed by no change Items 2,4,8,l6 3. No change, followed by decline Items 3,13,17 Minor Patterns: 4. Continuous decline Item 12 5. A rise, followed by decline Item 5 6. A decline, followed by no change Item 7 Thus, we are able to specify three major patterns and three minor patterns. On the basis of an examination of significance of difference, we identify two major patterns not identified before. They are the "no change" pattern and the "rise, followed by no change" pattern. In summary, 7 items indicate no change from 1957-58 to 1974, and 10 items show no change from 1957-58 to 1968. Five items show a decline in level of discontent from 1968 to 1974. In essence, 10 items exhibit a curvilinear pattern of varying degrees and types. 78 Trends of Discontent Based on Scale Scores As evident from Table 20, there is no significant difference in the level of discontent of youth from 1957-58 to 1974. Although the mean score, as presented in Table 16, indicates higher discontent in 1968 as compared to 1957-58 and 1974, the t-value, given in Appendix B, Table B-2, sug- gests that such differences are insignificant. Trend of Parental Discontent Level—and Trends Parental discontent is the second dependent variable and is examined here in the same manner as community discon- tent. In Table 19, we present the mean parental discontent score of each itemZ Nearly all the items have a mean score above 3.6, which shows a rather low level of discontent. In 1974, however, the lowest mean score of one item is 2.34, a relatively high level of discontent. As evident from this 'table, 8 out of 9 items show a regular increase in the level (Jf parental discontent. The discontent level is lowest in 1957-58 and highest in 1974 (Figure 3 (a—i)). After a close observation of mean discontent scores for each item, the following patterns of discontent emerge: (1) A continuous increase (2) A rise followed by little or no change Thus, only two patterns have emerged and each will be discussed, in some detail. 79 A Continuous Increase in Discontent The following eight items show a continuous increase in the level of parental discontent: 1. It is hard for me to feel pleasant at home. 2. My parents try to understand my problems and worries. 3. As far as my ideas are concerned, my parents and I live in two different worlds. 4. There is real love and affection for me at home. 5. My parents criticize me too much. 7. Too often, my parents compare me unfavorably with other children. 8. As I have known it, my family life is happy. 9. My parents expect too much of me. Item 1, with a mean score of 4.12 in 1957-58, indi- cated that almost every respondent disagreed strongly with that statement. In other words, practically all the youth in 1957-58 felt that it was not hard to feel pleasant at home. But the number of those who found it difficult to feel pleasant at home increased in 1968 and, again, in 1974. ihi the remainder of the items the level, as well as the pairtern, were relatively similar over the period of time. A Rise Followed by Decline Only one item shows an increase in the level of dis- contenrt in 1968 and a slight decrease in 1974. This is item 6 Whi42h reads as follows: "My friends have happier homes than 1! do." While the increase in discontent between 1957-58 80 and 1968 is substantial, the increase between 1968 and 1974 is very marginal. The question arises: Are the differences in level of parental discontent between the years significant? The t-values have been computed and are presented in Appendix B, Table B-3. As evident from the table, with the exception of items 1,5 and 8, none of the items are significantly dif- ferent between 1957-58 and 1968. None of the items, except item 8, show a significant difference between 1968 and 1974. However, all items, except for item 2, show a significant difference between 1957-58 and 1974. Item 2 does not show a significant difference for any period of time. Item 2 states, "My parents try to understand my problems and worries." It is interesting to note that youthof 1957-58 felt as much satisfaction with parental understanding as the youth of 1968 and 1974. On the rest of the items, the youth of 1974 feel more conflict with their parents than the youth of 1957-58 or 1968. Item 4, "There is real love and affection for me at home", reflects a significant difference between 1968 and 1974 and 1957-58 and 1974. In a ten-year span of ‘thne, between 1957-58 and 1968, there are three items which differ significantly; yet, in 1974, when the span was only six years, only one item differs significantly from 1968. Tflua Span between 1957-58 and 1974 represents 17 years, and 8(M1t of 9 items do differ significantly during this time. 81 Since 8 out of 9 items show an increase in the level of discontent, we consider it a strong indication of rising parental discontent among high school seniors. Difference in Parental Discontent Based on ScaleIScores The mean, standard deviation and coefficient of varia- tion are presented in Table 19. From this table, it is ap- parent that the level of parental discontent is lowest in 1957-58 and highest in 1974. The difference between 1968 and 1974, however, seems to be very small. Therefore, it is ne- cessary to find out if the difference between the years are significant. The t-values have been computed and the results are presented in Appendix B, Table B-2. Table B-2 clearly shows that there is no significant difference between 1957-58 and 1968 or between 1968 and 1974. The difference between 1957-58 and 1974 is highly significant, however. The infer- ence would seem to be that discontent from parental relations is rising at such a slow rate that differences are visible only after a longer period of time. Test of Hypotheses In what way does the socio-economic level affect the level of discontent and, does this relationship hold true over time? In order to answer these questions, we will state eacll hypothesis and analyze its validity. 82 Hypothesis 1 "Youth from the middle socio-economic stra- tum exhibit a higher level of discontent than the youth from the upper or lower stratum." It is necessary to explain initially that we cate- gorize our respondents based on a frequency distribution of SES scores. All those scoring from 0 to 14 are categorized as lower strata while those scoring from 15 to 43, and from 44 to 96, are classified as middle and upper strata, respec- tively (Table 21). In terms of occupational categories, the lower SES group consists of operatives and kindred workers. For example, workers in carpets, rugs and other floor mate— rial manufacturing are given a score of 14, while those in printing, publishing, and allied industries have an SES score of 31. Similarly, peddlers among sales workers have an SES rank of 8, while grading, excavating and road machine opera- tors have a rank of 24. Those who work in sawmills, planing mills and millwork have a score of 44. Hence, when our data is interpreted, it should not be linked with the overall occupational or class structure of American society. Our first step in exploring the relationship between socio-economic status group and discontent is to compute zero-order correlations. The results are presented in Table 22. It is apparent from this table that SES has no signifi- cant influence on community discontent or parental discontent for any of the years. A low correlation between SES and 83 O.OOH HON O.OOH OOH O.OOH OON OHHOOO HOHOH - - O.O OH O.N O OOHHOOHOHOH Oz O.OO ON O.OO NO O.ON NO HOO-OOO OOH; O.OO NO O.OO OO O.ON NN HOO-OHO OHOOH2 0.0N HO O.HO HO N.OO ONH HOH-OO 2OO O .oz O .Oz O .Oz ONOH OOOH OO-NOOH EOHOOHO OOO ONOH OOO OOOH .OO-NOOH .OOHH OO OOHHOO map wcm msumum uHEocoum-oHoom On mucovaommem mo coHuanHumHa .HN oHan 84 .HO>OH HO.O HO HOOOHOHOOHOO ONO.O ONO.O- NO0.0- ONO.O OOHO.O OO0.0 OOO HOO.O OOO.O- OOH.O ONO.O OOO.O HOO.O- OHOHHO OHOOHO OOO.O «OOH.O NHO.O HNO.O OHNH.O- NNO.O- OHOHOHHOO OOO OOOH.O- OOO.O- «NOH.O- OO0.0- OOO.O- ONON.O HOOHOOO HOOOOO OHH.O NH0.0- ONH.O- OO0.0- OHH.O NOH.O OOHOHHOO OOO.O- NOO.O- OOO.O- OOO.O- OOON.O- OO0.0- xOO .OOOH OOOH, NOOH ONOH OOOH OO-NOOH OOHOOHHO> HcmucoomHn Hmucoumm HcoucoomHn zuHazesou ONOH OOO OOOH .OO-NOOH .wmm mam :HwHuo ochum .xuchHHeu now .uxeucou Hooaom .aonHHem .xem mam unopcoumHQ mo menus ozhceezpom :oHumHeHHoo Howuo-ouem .NN oHan 85 level of discontent, however, could be due to a curvili- near relationship. Our next step, then, is to find out if the mean discontent score for the middle stratum is highest. The mean discontent score for each SES stratum have been computed and the results are presented in Table 23. From this table, it is evident that the lower stratum exhi- bits more discontent than the middle or upper stratum. This pattern is opposite that proposed in our hypothesis. However, it is not clear if the differences between the SES groups are significant. In order to test the significance of differences between the socio-economic strata, two statis- tical techniques have been used. First, we computed the chi-square values and the results are presented in Table 24. The chi-square values clearly indicate that the SES groups do not differ significantly in level of discontent. Second, a t-value has been computed. As shown in Appendix B, Table B-4, the t-value between the low and middle SES groups in 1957-58 is significant, but the difference between the middle and high is not significant. No significant difference among SES groups is found in 1968 and 1974. Therefore, the expec- tation of curvilinearity in the relationship is ruled out. The second part of the question concerns the pattern over time. In 1957, the lower SES group is most disconten- ted;in 1968, the middle stratum; and, in 1974, the upper Stratum. Thus, we find no persistent pattern over time. Furthermore, the differences in the means for the three stra- ta are not significant for any of the years. 86 .xhommumo esp cH momma mo Hones: unomeumon momogpconm :H mmHSmHm Houoz HON OOH OON HON OOH OON OHOOOO HOHOH - OH O N OH O OOOOO wchmHz HON OOH OON OOH OOH OON OOHHHOOOH HNHOH HONO HNOO HNOO HNNO HNOO HNOO OO.O OO.OO HO.O OO.OO ON.O ON.NO HO.O OO.HN OO.O OO.HN HN.O OO.HN HOO-OWO O H2 HNOO HOOO HNNO HOOO HOOO HHNO ON.O NO.ON HO.O NH.HO OO.O OO.OO HO.O OO.HN OO.O OO.OH OO.O OO.HN HOO-OHO OHOOH2 HHOO HHOO HONHO HHOO HHOO HONHO OH.O O.HO OO.N OO.OO OO.O NO.NO HH.O HO.HN OO.O OO.ON NO.O OO.ON HOH-OO 2OO .H»O OOO2 .0.0 OOO2 .0.0 OOm2 .0.0 OOO2 .OMO OOO2 .OHO OOO2 OOOH, OOOH OO-NOOH OOOH OOOH OO-NOOH OOHOHHO OOO coHumHem Hmucopmm Eon HaeucoomHa AHH::EEOU on» Eoum ucoucoumHm OOmH cam momH .mm-nmmH .mmsouo oHEocoom-oHoom Om .Q.m pew eHoom HcoucoumHn awe: 0:5 .mN oHan 87 .O.z .O.z .O.z .O.z .O.z .O.z .OHO mo He>oq O O v v O O .m.Q OH.O mmO.H Om.O OO.m mm.m mmm.N msHm> Nx ON Om 0O mO 0O no wO mHH mm mm 0O Om Om mm HO mm mHH Hm mH mN Hm NH ON OH OH NN NH Hm mN mH HN mN HH mH HN NH cmH: a NO on OH mN mN ON ON 0H 0O mm HH OH mN wH ON mm NH ewaHz m mN m OH ON NN Nm mo on OH NH m mH Om NH Om Ho ON 30H :OH OO2OOOO on OO2OOHO zOH Om2 OOHO 3OH Ow2 OOOO onO 2 OOH: OOH OO2 OOH2 ONOH OOOH OO-NOOH ONOH OOOH OO-NOOH GOHHOHmm Hmpcegmm Eopm HceucoomHa NHH::EEou Eopw ucepcoomHo OOHOOHO OOO mOmH was momH .mm-OmmH .HcmucoumHo wan mmm cmezuom mHamcoHumHem on» How mesHm> eHmncm-H:u .ON mHan 88 Before making any decision on whether to accept or reject the hypothesis, we must examine the relationship be- tween SES and parental discontent. In regard to parental discontent, as shown in Table 23, we again fail to find a consistent pattern of high discontent associated with the middle stratum. Furthermore, tests of significance, shown in Appendix B, Table B-4, indicate that for parental discon- tent none of the differences for any year are significant. Therefore, the hypothesis must be rejected. Why is there no significant difference in the mean discontent scores of the three SES strata? In the first place, our sample is relatively homogeneous. Although we have created three strata, it may be that in reality little differentiation exists in the population under study. This seems plausible since the frequency distribution shows very few cases having an SES score of 60 or more. If we take an SES rank of 48 as a cutting point between high and low, only about 10% of the respondents come from the upper class. This proportion would be somewhat higher in 1968 and 1974, but an overwhelming majority remain in the two lower strata. Therefore, it is possible that social class, strictly de- fined, might affect the level of discontent but the strata we use are not so defined. In the second place, the SES scale itself may be faulty in that it was developed 16 years ago and may no longer be valid. Furthermore, it represents a mixture of income, education, and occupational prestige. 89 As a result, there are a number of anomalies in occupations and their SES rank. For instance, laborers in different types of mills are assigned different SES ranks. Since most of the people in Ontonagon County are working in mines or the paper mill, it is difficult to conceive how they would differ markedly in SES rank. Finally, we attempt to measure discontent from questions which were designed for a different purpose. It may be that the scale does not measure discon- tent in the sense of relative deprivation. The questions are not phased to elicit legitimate expectations in relation to the current situation. Hypothesis 2 (a) "The level of discontent, over the time period, assumes an S-curve. That is, the discontent level is lowest in 1957-58, highest in 1968 and intermediate in 1974." As evident from Table 16, the lowest level of community discontent is exhibited in 1968, with that in 1957-58 being intermediate. Furthermore, as indicated in Table B-1, there are no significant differences in mean community dis- content scores between the years. Similarly, parental discontent scores do not support the hypothesis. In the case of parental discontent, the lowest level is found in 1974, followed by 1968 and 1957-58, a pattern contrary to the hypothesis. No significant dif- ference in the level of discontent is found between 1957-58 90 and 1968. There is, however, a significant difference be- tween 1957—58 and 1974. But this indicates a monotonic rather than the hypothesized pattern of change. Since nei- ther community discontent nor the parental discontent exhi- bit the hypothesized pattern over time, we reject the hypo- thesis (Appendix C, Figure 3(a-j)). We now turn to the second part of the hypothesis: (b) "The S-curve pattern of level of discontent over time holds true for each sub-group, namely: socio-economic strata, sex, religion, school context, job certainty and ethnic origin." Socio-Economic Strata and S-Curve Pattern As we have seen in the case of community discontent (Table 23), the low stratum mean is relatively stable for the three points in time. After the test of significance of differences between the mean scores for three points in time, we find no significant difference in the lower or the higher strata (Table B-S). However, the middle stratum is most discontented in 1968, followed by 1970 and by 1957-58. The t-values also support the above point, in that there is a significant difference between 1957-58 and 1968, and between 1968 and 1974, but no significant difference between 1957-58 and 1974. Hence, insofar as the peak period is concerned, the S-curve is suggested but the level at the beginning and end is similar. Because of equality in the mean scores of 1957-58 and 1974, we cannot support this hypothesis in full. 91 The hypothesis does not have support in the lower and higher strata, with only partial support in the middle stratum. In case of parental discontent, the situation is slightly different. There is a significant difference in the mean scores of the lower SES groups only between 1957-58 and 1968. Therefore, the pattern of change is not the hypo- thesized S-curve but rather curvilinear, with an initial rise followed by a levelling off. The middle stratum fails to show a significant differ- ence between 1957-58 and 1974, and exactly the same pattern is observed in the high SES group. Hence, the pattern of change in discontent does not follow the S-curve. However, it is ap- parent that changes in the level of discontent in the middle and upper strata follow the same pattern. Yet, the pattern is different for the lower stratum. In the case of community discontent the increase is very small while in the case of parental discontent, there is no difference in the level of discontent between 1957-58 and 1968 and between 1968 and 1974. Nevertheless, when the 1974 level is compared with 1957-58, the difference is significant. This suggests that there is a gradual increase which is not of sufficient magnitude to be significant. Sex and S-Curve Pattern In the case of community discontent, the highest le- vel for males is found in 1957-58. However, the differences in the level of discontent over time for males is insignifi- cant. Therefore, the changes in the level of discontent for 92 males does not follow an S-curve (Table 25). The females, unlike the males, exhibit the highest level of discontent in 1968. While there is a tendency for female discontent to follow the S-curve, the hypothesis assumes lowest discontent in 1957-58, which is not the case. The highest level of discontent for females is found in 1968, followed by 1957-58 and 1974. If the difference be- tween 1957-58 and 1974 is significant, it would support the hypothesis. However, Table B—6 clearly shows that the t-value for differences between 1957-58 and 1974 is not significant. Integard to parental discontent, it appears that there is no support for the hypothesis. The highest level of discontent for males is found in 1974. Although males significantly differ in their level of discontent between 1957-58 and 1968, they do not differ significantly between 1968 and 1974. Therefore, the pattern of change does not take the expected S-curve form. In this type of discontent, females have a pattern similar to that of males (Table 28). Thus the pattern of discontent (community and paren- tal), among males and females, does not follow the S-curve form. In the case of parental discontent, males and females have the same pattern. However, they differ in their pat- terns of community discontent. 93 Religion and S-Curve Pattern As evident from Table 25, Catholics and non-Catholics have the highest level of community discontent in 1968 and the lowest in 1974. Thus, while both Catholics and non- Catholics have the same pattern of change in discontent, they do not follow the S-curve pattern, as hypothesized. Even though the Catholics have the highest parental discon- tent in 1968, the differences between 1957-58 and 1968 and between 1968 and 1974 are not significant. Non-Catholics do not differ in their level of parental discontent between 1957-58 and 1968, but they do differ between 1968 and 1974 and between 1957-58 and 1974. Therefore, while the pattern of change is curvilinear, it does not assume the hypothe- sized S-curve form. School Context and S-curve Pattern of Discontent As evident from Table 25, the schools representing the less privileged school context have the highest level of community discontent in 1957-58 and the lowest in 1974. This clearly indicates a straight line decline rather than the S-curve pattern. Further, the difference in the level of community discontent between 1957-58 and 1968 is insigni- ficant. Those in the more privileged school context exhibit the highest discontent in 1968, followed by 1974 and 1957-58. The difference between 1957-58 and 1974 is insignificant. 94 Thus, the pattern of change follows the S-curve pattern but not precisely as hypothesized. According to our hypothesis the level should have been lowest in 1957-58 and slightly higher in 1974 and,therefore, the pattern does not support the hypothesis. The pattern of change in parental discontent among seniors from the less privileged schools is different than that for community discontent. The less privileged schools have the highest parental discontent in 1968, followed by 1974 and 1957-58. The difference in the means between 1968 and 1974, however, is not significant and the pattern does not conform to the S-curve. The highest discontent for the more privileged school context is in 1974, followed by 1968 and 1957—58. This is not the hypothesized S-curve pattern and, consequently, does not support the hypothesis. Job Awaiting and S-Curve Pattern On close observation of Table 25, one finds no sup- port of the S-curve hypothesis among those who have and those who do not have an assured job after graduation. The table indicates that those who have a job awaiting after graduation have the highest level of community discontent in 1957-58, followed by 1968 and 1974. Those who do not have a job awaiting exhibit the highest discontent in 1968. Thus, the two groups differ in their patterns and neither group exhibits the S-curve pattern. In the case of those with an assured job, the tendency is toward continuous de- cline over the period of time, but for those who do not have 95 an assured job, a tendency of the S-curve pattern is found. However, owing to the insignificant difference between 1957-58 and 1968 and between 1968 and 1974, we cannot say that community discontent follows the S-curve pattern. Therefore, neither of these groups support the hypothesis. What is the pattern of parental discontent? Table 25 indicates that those with a job waiting, have the highest parental discontent in 1968, followed by 1974 and 1957-58. Table B-6 shows that there is no significant difference be- tween 1968 and 1974, and as a result, no S-curve pattern is found. For those who do not have a job waiting after gra- duation, the highest discontent is in 1974, followed by 1968 and 1957-58. However, Table B-6 indicates no significant difference in the mean parental discontent scores for those with no job between 1957-58 and 1968 and between 1968 and 1974. Therefore, this variable does not lend support to the hypothesis. Ethnic Origin and S-Curve Pattern The level of community discontent among those with and those without Finnish background, is highest in 1968, as is evident from Table 25. Both groups exhibit the same pattern: highest in 1968, followed by 1957-58 and 1974. Yet, Table B-6 indicates that for the non-Finnish groups, the differences in level of community discontent over the time period is insignificant. In the case of those with Finnish ethnic background, the level of discontent does not 96 significantly differ between 1957-58 and 1968. Therefore, neither group lends support to the hypothesis. The non-Finnish group exhibits the highest parental discontent in 1974, followed by 1968 and 1957-58. Those of Finnish background have the highest parental discontent in 1968, followed by 1974 and 1957-58. Thus, both differ in their patterns of discontent. Not only do they differ, but they do not support the hypothesis, as the non-Finnish group is characterized by a relatively unchanging level of discon- tent. Furthermore, those with Finnish background do not show an S-curve pattern since there is no significant dif- ference in level of parental discontent between 1968 and 1974. In no instance did any of the 6 variables support the hypothesis of an S-curve pattern. Furthermore, there is no uniform pattern of change in either measure of dicontent. If we ignore the statistical tests, we find a number of variables that support the hypothesis of an S-curve pat- tern. The different patterns of discontent observed in our data are displayed in Figure 3 (a-l). In a number of cases, the tendency for change in discontent to take the form of an S-curve is found in this figure. We have chosen to use statistical tests since the differences in our data were often very small. (See the controversy over the statistical tests of significance (Morrison and Henkel, 1969)). Several reasons may be suggested for the failure of our data to support the S-curve hypothesis. First, a low 97 .uceucoomHO mo Hm>eH exp HoflmHHoau .ehoum ecu HoBOHIemu mm OeHeHmHoHcH on OHso:m eHnmp OHH Houoz NO Om.m H0.0m HOH O0.0 H0.0m mNH N0.0 mm.mm anach :HmHuo OO H0.0 O0.0N OO Om.O HO.Hm mHH N0.0 OO.Nm :chch-:oz uchum ONH mO.m O0.00 mOH mO.m NO.Hn OOH Nm.m HO.Nm wcHuHmzm uoz OO mH.m ON.Om OO O0.0 ON.ON mO mv.m OO.Nm mchHm3< OOO omH Hm.m O0.0N NHH O0.0 O0.0m OOH ON.O OO.Hm OeweHH>HHm ope: HO O0.0 OO.Hm HO O0.0 ON.Hm OOH m0.0 ON.Om OoonH>HHm mmeH Hoonom OHH O0.0 ON.Om ONH O0.0 OH.Hm NOH O0.0 NO.mm uHHonumu-:oz OO mn.m Om.Om OO mm.O O0.0m OO HH.O OO.Hm uHHonpmu HHOHMHHom :oHHOHem HOH O0.0 ON.Om mOH O0.0 O0.0m OOH Om.m OO.Nm onEem OOH O0.0 N0.0m OO O0.0 O0.00 ONH O0.0 Om.Nm eHmz Xmm Hmucmhmm HO O0.0 NO.HN HOH OH.O O0.0N mNH mH.O O0.0N :chaHm :HwHuo OO Nm.O HO.HN Om O0.0 N0.0N OHH HO.m OO.HN cmHachucoz oHacum mNH O0.0 OO.HN OOH mN.O ON.ON mOH N0.0 O0.0N mchHmzm uoz OO mm.O OO.HN OO HH.m OO.HN mO OO.m OO.HN wcHuHm3< OOO ONH Om.O Om.HN NHH HH.O OH.HN OOH O0.0 OO.HN OOMOHH>HHm ehoz OO OO O OO HN HO mm m an ON OOH OO O HO OH OomeHH>Hum mmmq Hoonom OHH::EEoo OHH NH.O HO.HN ONH OH.O O0.0N HOH O0.0 O0.0N uHHonumoucoz OO NN.O HO.NN OO OO.m m0.0N OO OO.m mO.H~ uHHozumu :onHHmm Eoum OOH O0.0 mO.HN mOH ON.O O0.0H omH O0.0 O0.0N eHOEem OO O0.0 OO.HN OO Om.m mm.HN mNH OO.m O0.0N eHmz xem uceucoomHQ .oz .Q.m can: .021..m.m can: .02. .Q.m cam: oHOmHHm> mHanum> useucouwHO OOOH OOOH O0-0mOH mo msoumunsm mo maze OOOH cam OOOH .Om-OmOH .chHHo uchum Ocm OOO .erucou Hooaom .conHHmm .xem On euoum ucoucoomHQ mo .Q.m Ocm ewe: .mN oHan 98 level of intensity of discontent was registered for most items relating to the community and the family. No radical changes appeared to have occurred during the interval to produce large changes in response patterns. Second, the time intervals of 6 and 10 years may not have been suffi- ciently long to have expected substantial changes in the items used to elicit discontent. Hypothesis 3 Sex, religion, school context, job certainty and ethnic origin are related to discontent such that: (i) Females exhibit higher level of discontent than males. (ii) Catholics exhibit higher level of discontent than non-Catholics. (iii) Those in more privileged school context exhibit higher level of discontent than those in less privileged school context. (iv) Those without a job awaiting after high school graduation, have higher level of discontent than those without a job awaiting. (v) Those of Finnish ethnic origin exhibit a higher level of discontent than those of non-Finnish ethnic origin. In order to test the validity of these hypotheses, we will compare the means and then test the means for signi- ficance of differences. 99 Males and Females As indicated in Table 25, males have a slightly higher level of community discontent than females in 1957-58. However, in 1968, females show a much higher level of dis- content than males, a difference of 2.89 points. Again in 1974, females show a slightly higher level of discontent than males but the difference is only 0.46 points. No sig- nificant difference in the level of community discontent is found between males and females in 1957-58 and 1974 but the difference is statistically significant in 1968. In the case of parental discontent, while males have slightly higher discontent than females in 1957-58 and 1968, females have marginally higher discontent than males in 1974. Differences are not significant at any point in time. Therefore, males and females do not differ significantly in parental discontent in any year. Hence, there is no sup- port for this sub-hypothesis. Catholics and Non-Catholics Table 26 clearly indicates that in 1957-58 non- Catholics had a significantly higher level of community dis- content than Catholics. While the level of community dis- content was higher for non-Catholics than Catholics in 1968 and 1974, these differences were too small to be statisti- cally significant. 100 As far as parental discontent is concerned, Catholics and non-Catholics do not differ significantly in any year, although Catholics show slightly higher discontent in 1957-58. In 1974, non-Catholics have slightly higher discontent than Catholics (a difference of 0.26 points). While one signifi- cant difference is found in 1957-58, the difference is Oppo- site to what we hypothesized and we, therefore, reject this sub-hypothesis. Less and More Privileged Schools The third sub-hypothesis assumes that youths from more privileged school contexts will be more discontented than youths from the less privileged schools. The data in Table 26 do not support this hypothesis because in 1957-58 the mean community discontent for the less privileged schools is higher than that for the more privileged schools. Al- though a similar relationship existed in 1968, the situation in 1974 is reversed. The differences in 1968 and 1974 are minor and insignificant as evident from the t-values. Relationships are reversed in the case of parental discontent. Those in the more privileged school contexts show higher levels of discontent in 1957-58, 1968 and 1974, as compared to the less privileged schools. The differences in 1957-58 and 1974 are significant but the difference in 1968 is insignificant. According to our hypothesis, those in the more privileged school contexts should exhibit higher levels of discontent. In parental discontent, the situation 101 .OOHUHHHOOHO “oz n .m.z . . . HO.OO . . . HO.Om . . . OO.OO OOHOOHO m 2 HO O O0.0N m 2 NH O HO.HO m 2 OO H HO.NO OOHOOHO-coz . . . OO.OO . . . NH.HO . . . HO.NO OOHOHHOH Ho: OOO m 2 OH O . m 2 OO H . m 2 OH O . . ON Om ON ON OH NO OOHHHmzm OOO OOOHOHHOH . . OO.ON . . . OH.ON . . OO.HO OOOOHH>HOO ouoz . . . ON.ON . . . OH.HO . . . NO.OO UHHOOOOO-Ooz OH O 2 NH O HO.OH m 2 OH H OO.OO m 2 NO H HO.Hm UHHOOOHO e H . . . NN.OO . . . OO.OO . . . OO.NO OHHEOO OOOOOOUOHO m 2 ON O NH.OO m 2 OH O HN.OO m 2 HO O OO.NN OHH: . . . NO.HN . OO.ON . . . OO.ON OHHOOHO m 2 OO O HO.HN NO O NO.ON O 2 OO O HO.HN OHHOOHO-Ooz OO.HN ON.ON OO.ON OOHOHHOH .m.z OO. OO.O HH.N .m.z OO.O Oo: OOO OO.HN HH.HN OO.HN OOHOHHOH OOO . . . OO.HN . . . HH.HN . . OO.HN OOOOHH>HHO ago: m 2 HO O HO.HN m 2 HO O OO.ON HOO O ON H HO.OH OOOOHH>HHO OOOH O . uHCSEEOU . . . HO.HN . . . OO.ON . . HH.ON uHHoguHu-:oz . m 2 OO O HO.NN m 2 NO H OO.ON HO O NO N OO.HN UHHOOHHO HOH . . . OH.HN . . OH.OH . HO.ON OHHEOO m 2 OH O OO.HN HOO O OH O HO.HN .O.z ON O OO.ON OHH: OOOOOOUOHO .mHm osHm>-p :moz .mHm osHm>-u :mo: .me osHm>-p :mo: moHanpm> maze HOOH OOOH OO-OOOH HOOH OOH OOOH .O0-000H .moHOmHOH> OOOOOOOOOOH O>HO pow ousohomeO mo oocmuHmHame mcHzonm osHm>-u :qu ouoom pcoucoomHQ cmoz one .ON oHOmO 102 is opposite the hypothesis; in community discontent, the hypothesis is not supported in all years. Therefore, the hypothesis is rejected in the case of parental discontent and partially rejected in the case of community discontent. Job Awaiting and Not Awaiting As hypothesized, those with no job awaiting after high school graduation exhibit a higher level of community discontent in 1957-58, 1968 and equal levels in 1974, as compared to those who have an assured job. In 1957-58, the difference is only 0.45 points while in 1968, it is 1.20 (a significant difference). In 1974, both groups have the same level of discontent. Thus, the tendency is in the hypothesized direction, even if it is not significant in 1957-58 and 1974. In parental discontent, those who have an assured job show slightly higher discontent for every year than those without a job. Although the difference is not sig- nificant, the tendency is clear, opposite to that hypothesized. Finnish and Non-Finnish Ethnic Origin From Table 26, we find no significant difference in either community discontent or parental discontent as be- tween those with and without Finnish background. The Finnish group tends to show greater community discontent in 1957-58 and 1968. In 1974, however, community discontent among Finns is slightly higher than among non-Finns, but not significantly 103 higher. In the case of parental discontent, non-Finns have marginally higher discontent in 1957-58 and 1974, while Finns are slightly higher in parental discontent in 1968. Thus, in community as well as parental discontent, the differences be- tween the Finnish and non-Finnish groups are insignificant. This sub-hypothesis, then, is also rejected. We now conclude that none of the five sub-hypotheses are supported by the data. Therefore, all sub-hypotheses must be rejected. Why are none of the hypotheses in this group supported by our data? Why do both types of discon- tent differ in pattern over time? A clear-cut answer is difficult to suggest. It seems probable that the items re- lating to community and parental discontent are not suffi- ciently salient. Very low levels of discontent are elicited by the young people studied. We do not believe our logic is faulty since the contrary hypotheses as well could not be accepted. Hypothesis 4 This hypothesis states that community and parental discontent are interrelated. In order to verify this hypo- thesis, the two types of discontent have been correlated and the strength of the relationship has been ascertained. The zero-order correlation for 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 indi- cates that the relationship between the two is significant. The strength of the relationship is as follows: 104 1957-58 1968 1974 Zero-Order Correlation 0.219 0.181 0.291 Thus, in all three years studied, the strength of the rela- tionship is significant, although it is not very high. One more thing is evident if the gamma relationship is taken into consideration. That is, the strength of the relation increases over the period of time. In 1957-58, the gamma value is 0.237, which rises to 0.311 in 1968, and then, rises to 0.452 in 1974. Thus, it is clear that one type of discontent does contribute to the other type and we accept this hypothesis. CHAPTER V SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS In recent years, student movements, often accompa- nied by violence, have been viewed as posing a threat to the existing social order. As a result, Presidential Com- missions have been appointed to investigate the causes and ramifications of such phenomena. Since most of the distur- bances have been conceived to be college, university and urban-centered, little or no attention has been paid to manifestations of discontent among high school youth in rural environments. Furthermore, violence and protest ral- lies are behavioral expressions of discontent at very high levels of intensity. They are dramatic and often destruc- tive. Little attention has been paid to discontent at low levels of intensity which are neither destructive nor.dra- matic. Yet, low levels of discontent may nurture and pro- vide support for more radical steps taken by youth. This study, therefore, is designed to investigate the dynamics of discontent at a low level of intensity among high school seniors in a rural county. The main focus of the study is to examine the level of discontent among rural youth, as well as the trend of discontent over time. How 105 106 is socio-economic status related to discontent and does the relationship hold true over time? Our sample consisted of the high school seniors of Ontonagon County from three points of time (1957-58, 1968 and 1974). The data were collected by Rural Sociologists of Michigan State University through a structured question- naire administered to the students. Primarily, the data had been collected to investigate problems related to career plans, migration and subsequent mobility, but only selected portions of the information relevant to the topic were used in this study. No direct questions designed to measure discontent appear on the schedule, but a series of items have permit- ted us to develop measures of discontent. Discontent has many dimensions, but in this study we have included only two; those arising from features of the community and those arising from parental relations. Both are relevant and affect the everyday life of youth. Discontent in this study is defined as a feeling of restlessness or tension generated by a discrepancy between legitimate expectations and the existing situation. Thus, it is not the gap, as such, but rather the intensity of tension resulting from the existence of a gap. The measures of discontent used in this study are indirect and are drawn from two series of questions on the schedule. In the first measure of discontent, there are 17 items related to the youth's perceptions of the community. 107 The second measure of discontent contains 9 items related to the way young people view their relationships with their parents. The items related to community and parental rela- tions are presented to the respondents and each reSpondent evaluates the item in the light of his or her perception of the existing situation. Six independent variables are used in this study. They include sex, religion, school context, job certainty, ethnic origin, and socio-economic status. One of the basic problems in the measurement of discontent arose from the instability of items over the time period. This problem was resolved by using two sets of measurement for the level of discontent. In the first set, we treated each of the 17 items as an individual scale. In the second set, we selected 10 out of the 17 items and a summated score of 10 items to measure community discon- tent. A similar procedure was adOpted for parental discon- tent, except that there were only 9 items and the second measurement retained all 9 items for a summated score. Based on social theory and review of the literature, four main and six sub-hypotheses were formulated and tested for their empirical validity. The data was first analyzed to find the level of discontent among the high school seniors. Both measurements showed the level of community as well as parental discontent to be very low. In fact, the level fell between the end of "satisfaction" and beginning of "dissatisfaction". The second objective sought to 108 discover the trend of both community and parental discon- tent over time. The trend was examined through 17 items separately, as well as a summated scale for community dis- content, and through 9 items separately and a summated score for parental discontent. The 17 items of community discontent showed the following six patterns: 1) Continuous rise 2) Continuous decline 3) A rise, followed by decline 4) No change, followed by rise 5) No change, followed by decline 6) A decline, followed by rise. When t—tests were applied in order to ascertain the sig- nificance of differences, the following six patterns emerged: l) A continuous decline 2) A rise, followed by decline 3) A rise, followed by no change 4) No change, followed by decline 5) A decline followed by no change 6) Stable or no change. As evident from the list of new patterns, the following patterns disappeared: a) Continuous rise b) A decline, followed by no change 109 c) No change, followed by rise. When we examined the pattern using the summated score, no significant differences were found. This sug- gested that the mean level of discontent remained rela- tively the same over time. The 9 individual items of pa- rental discontent showed only two patterns. These were: 1) A continuous rise in discontent 2) A rise, followed by no change. However, one thing became apparent with the summated as well as individual items, namely, that there was a significant difference in the level of parental discontent between 1957-58 and 1974, but not between 1957-58 to 1968 and be- tween 1968-74. This implied that the rate of change in discontent was so low that no significant change occurred during a lO-year period. However, there was strong evidence that parental discontent was rising. Our third objective dealt with the testing of seve- ral hypotheses. The first hypothesis, crucial in this study, suggested that the middle stratum youth would be more discontented than the lower or upper strata youth. Our data failed to confirm this hypothesis since no significant dif- ferences were found in either type of discontent among the various socio-economic strata. Similarly, the second hypo- thesis was also rejected because we could not find support for an S-pattern of rising discontent for the data as a whole or for each of the independent variables. However, 110 in a few cases, an S-shaped trend was observed, but in no case was it significant. The third hypothesis assumed that sex, religion, school context, job certainty and ethnic origin of respondents would affect the level of discontent. It assumed that females, Catholics, those in the more pri- vileged school contexts, those having job uncertainty, and those with Finnish background would exhibit higher levels of discontent than their counterparts. Our data did not support this hypothesis, for we did not find any signifi- cant difference in the level of discontent among any of the groups. Furthermore, we could find no recurrent pattern in the relationship. In one year, the males and females dif- fered significantly in their community discontent while in another year there was no significant difference. The same was true in regard to parental discontent. Instead of the patterned relationship expected in the hypotheses we found a diversity of erratic relationships from year to year. The only hypothesis which could be accepted was the fourth, which pr0posed that the two measures of discontent were in- terrelated. Our data supported this proposition, although the strength of relationship was not very high. This sug- gested that if a person was discontented with any aspect of his or her life, it would add to other types of discontent. In other words, parental discontent could add not only to community discontent but it may enhance political discontent as well. 111 The following conclusions are drawn from this study: The measurement of any attribute over a period of time has methodological as well as explanatory difficulties. Scaling is more difficult in a longitudinal study, such as this, than scaling in a cross-sectional study. The low intensity of discontent exhibited in the items used appears to change at such a low rate that a time span of 10 years is not adequate to register significant changes. Socio-economic strata as developed in this study do not appear to affect the level of discontent. The strata used serves to group into low, middle, and high groups a population known to be relatively homogeneous, pre- dominantly from the low and lower middle class. Per- haps for this reason, we do not find any significant differences in discontent among the various SES groups. Different types of discontent exhibit different patterns of change over time. Community discontent and parental discontent differ markedly in their change patterns. Sex, religion, school context (in terms of more or less privileged), certainty of job, and ethnic origin do not appear to affect the level of either community or paren- tal discontent. The two types of discontent measured in this study are interrelated. In this study, we find that parental dis- content has a moderate correlation with community discontent. 112 7. This study indicates that parental discontent tends to rise, although at a very slow rate. Our data suggest that over a longer time interval, parental discontent will probably rise significantly. 8. Although we do not find support for the S-curve pattern of rise and decline of discontent levels, a large num- ber of items show a curvilinear pattern. Evaluative Comments on the Study As the major hypotheses failed to be confirmed, a criti- cal appraisal of our sample and methods was felt to be necessary. In retrospect, our failure to accept most of the hypotheses could be traced to two factors; the special characteristics of the sample and the nature of the data from which measures of the dependent variables were cons- tructed. The uniqueness of the respondents stemmed from their being high school seniors from a remote, rural county; an area that could be considered relatively deprived econo- mically. Furthermore, the class structure in this area ap- peared to be relatively homogeneous. An overwhelming majo- rity of our respondents came from the lower middle class. The educational and occupational levels of the respondents' parents suggested minimal social class differentiation. Our endeavor to split this relatively homogeneous popula- tion into three socio-economic strata may have served only to create artificial categories; the consequence being no significant relationship with the level of discontent. 113 The study itself was unique in that it was a longitu- dinal study (three comparable cohorts at three points in time) and covered a period of 17 years. To seek patterns of discontent under these conditions posed complex problems. In fact, if the analysis had been restricted to a cross- sectional explanation, a number of the hypotheses would have been accepted. Secondly, this study concerned itself with discontent at low levels of intensity, expressed by the respondents with respect to items that did not reflect be- havioral manifestations. The measurement of community and parental indicators was, therefore, especially problematic due to the lack of any apparent criteria to validate the scales. Furthermore, there may be inadequacy in measurement instruments employed, particularly for community discontent and socio-economic status. For example, great difficulty was experienced in developing a scale to measure community discontent. There were too few items, covering only a res- tricted number of community dimensions. In addition, all of the items were loaded on one factor in 1957-58 and 1974, but two factors appeared in 1968. This problem led to the deve10pment of two sets of scales, a summated score and in- dividual items as a variable. The summated score, based on 10 items, appeared to be less accurate than desired. More- over, the SES index employed may not be valid for our res- pondents. The Duncan SES index, developed about 15 years 114 ago, was based on the income, education, and occupational prestige of the entire American population. Therefore, this index may be inappropriate when applied to Ontonagon County, which was rural, comparatively less developed, and relatively homogeneous occupationally. In addition, the re- lative prestige ranking of occupations may have changed during the last 15 years. As a consequence of these dif- ferences, a new SES index should be deve10ped or the income, educational attainment, and occupational prestige of the parents should be treated as separate variables in future research endeavors. Discontent at low levels of intensity, especially parental discontent, may have ramifications on overt mani- festations, such as the increasing use of drugs among high school youth. Although this study did not deal specifi- cally with this aspect of discontent, further research should be instigated to answer questions of this nature. B I BL IOG RAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY Bensman, Joseph. "Youth And Class Structure," in Harry Silverstein (ed), The Sociology of Youth - Evolution And Revolution, New York: Macmillan Company, 1973. Blau, Peter M. and Otis T. Duncan. The American Occupa- tional Structure, New York: John Wiley 6 Sons, 1967. Brinton, Crane. The Anatomy of Revolution. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1965. Coleman, James S. The Adolescent Society. New York: The Free Press, 1961. Dahrendorf, Ralf. "On The Origin of Inequality in Men," in Essays in Theories of Society. Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 1968. Davies, James C. "J-Curve of Rising And Declining Satisfac- tion As a Cause of Great Revolutions And Contained Rebellion," in Hugh D. Graham and Ted Robert Gurr (ed), Violence in America: Historical And Compara- tive Perspectives,VOl. II. washington, D.C.: U.S. Gov't. Printing Office, 1969. Davies, James C. "Toward A Theory of Revolution," in Ameri- can Sociological Review. XXVII, (February), 1952. pages 5-19. Davis, Kingsley. "The Sociology of Parent Youth Conflict," American Sociological Review. 5, (August), 1940. Deutsch, Karl. "Social Mobilization And Political Develop- ment," American Political Science Review. 55, 1961 Duncan, Otis Dudley. "A Socio—Economic Index for all Occu- pations," in Albert J. Reiss (ed), Occupations and Social Status. New York: Free Press, 1961. pp.109- 138. 115 116 Dunlop, A. Riley. "Radical and Conservative Student Acti- vists: A Comparison of Family Background," Pacific Sociological Review. 13, (Summer), 1970. pages 178-197. Eisenstadt, S. N. From Generation to Generation. New York: Free Press, 1956. Ellul, Jacques. The Technological Society. New York: Vintage Books, 1964. Feierabend, Ivo. K., Rosalind Feierabend and Betty E. Nesvold. ”Social Change And Political Violence - Cross-National Patterns," in Hugh D. Graham and Ted Robert Gurr (ed), Violence in America: Histori- cal And Comparative Perspectives. Vol. II. Washing- ton, D.C.: Gov't Printing Office, 1969. Flacks, Robert. Youth and Social Change. Chicago: Markham Publishing Co., 1971. Freud, Sigmund. Civilization And Its Discontent. New York: Norton 8 Co., 1961. Friedman, Sammuel R. "Students Movement,9 Social Problems. 20: 3 (Winter), 1973. pages 283-299. Fromm, Eric. The Sane Society. New York: Holt,Rinehart G Winston, 1955. Gamson, William A. Power and Discontent. Homewood: Dorsey Press, 1968. Goldsmith, Harold and J. Allan Beegle. The Initial Phase of Voluntary Migration. Agricultural Experiment Station,Rural Sociology Studies No. 1. East Lansing: Michigan State University, 1962. Gurr, Ted Robert. "A Comparative Study of Civil Strife," in Hugh D. Graham and Ted Robert Gurr (ed), Violence in America: Historical And Comparative Perspectives. VOIT II. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Gov't. Printing Office, 1969. pages 443-495. Hobbs, Daryl J. "Some Contemporary Sociological Perspec- tives in Social Change," in George M. Beal, et_a1., (ed), Sociological Perspectives of Domestic DevET- opment. Ames: Iowa University Press, 1971. Jamison, Knox. Ontonagon. Copyright: Knox Jamison, 1971 117 Keniston, Kenneth. "What is Bugging the Students," in Donald C. Nichols (ed), Perspectives on Campus Tension. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Gov‘t. Printing Office, 1970. pages 47-67. Keniston, Kenneth. "The Sources of Student Dissent," in Harry Silverstein (ed), The Sociology of Youth - Evolution And Revolution. New York: Macmillan Company, 1973. pages 353-376. King, C. C. Wendel. Social Movements in The United States. New York: Random House, 1956. Lerner, Daniel. The Passing of Traditional SocietygAnd Modernization of Middle East. New York: Free Press, 1958. Lispet, Seymour Martin. Rebellion in The University. Boston: Little Brown Co., 1971. Manoff, Milton and Richard Flacks. "Changing Social Base of i American Student's Movement: Its Meaning And Im- plications," The Annal of American Academy of Political And SOcial Sciences, 1971. Marx, Karl. Sixth Edition. Abridged Das Kapital. Chicago: Henry Regnery Co., 1970. Mayhew, Leon. Society, Institutions and Activity. London: Foresman GCo., 197T. Mondel, Earnest. "The New Vanguard," in Tariq Ali (ed), The New Revolutionaries. New York: Morrow, 1969. Morris, Ray C. Attitudes And Plans of Ontona on County High SEhool Students - A Report of reliminary Results. Agricultural ExperimentiStation, Rural Soc1ology Studies No. 3. East Lansing: Michigan State University, 1969 Morrison, Denton E. "Some Notes Towards Theory of Relative Deprivation, Social Movements and Social Change," American Behavioral Scientists. 14: 5 (May-June) I971, pages 675-6891 Morrison, Denton E. and Allan D. Steeves. "Deprivation, Discontent and Social Movements Participation: Evidence on a Contemporary Farmer's Movement, The NFO," Rural Sociology. 32: 4, 1967. 118 Morrison, D. E. and Ramon E. Henkel. "Significance Tests Reconsidered," American Sociologists. (May), 1969. pages 141-40. Myrdal, Gunnar. An American Dilemma. New York: Harper 5 Row, 1969. Olson, Jr. "Rapid Growth As Destabilizing Force," in James Davies (ed), When Men Revolt And Why. New York: Free Press, 1971. Parkin, Frank. Class Inequality and Political Order. New York: Prager Co., 1974. Reissman, Leonard. Inequality in American Society - Social Stratification. Glenview: Scott, Foresman & Co., 1972. Rhoades, Lawrence Joseph. "The Relation Between Social Strata And Occupational Aspirations And Occupa- tional Expectations Measured Absolutely And Rela- tively," Unpublished M-A. Dissertation. East Lansing: Michigan State University, 1969. Ridkar, Ronald. "Discontent And Economic Growth," Economic Development And Cultural Change. 11:1 (October), 1962. pages l-lS. Rieger, Jon H. "Geographical Mobility And Occupational Achievement of Rural Youth: A Ten Year Longitu- dinal Study of An Upper Michigan Sample," Unpub- lished Ph.D. Dissertation. East Lansing: Michigan State University, 1971. Rogers, Everett, M. and Lynne Svenning. Modernization Among Peasants - The Impact of Communication. New York: Rinehart G Winston, 1969. Runciman, W. G. Relative Deprivation And Social Justice. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966. Russel, Bruce M. "Inequality And Instability," World Politics, 16:3 (April), 1964. pages 442-454. Schaar, John H. and Sheldon Wolin. "Campus Unrest - Signal of Discontent in a Technological Society," in Le Roy Ashby and Bruce M. Stare (ed), The Discontented Societ . Chicago: Rand McNally 8 Co., 1973. pages 220-232. 119 Schultz, Ralf, Jay Artis and J. Allan Beegle. "The Measure- ment of Community Satisfaction and Decision to Migrate," Rural Sociolo . 8: 3 (September), 1973. pages 220-232. Simwanza, Kamutondo K. "The Influence of Family in the Migration Process," Unpublished M.A. Dissertation. East Lansing: Michigan State University, 1969. Singh, Tej P. and Gelia T. Castillo. "The Effect of Aspi- rational Level On the Adoption of Recommended Practices in Rice Cultivation," Allahabad Farmer. 52: 5 (September), 1968. pages 283-295. Stockton, Ronald Ralf. "Development And Discontent: A Study of Social Mobilization in the Nyeri District of Kenya," Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation. East Lansing: Michigan State University, 1973. Tocqueville, Alexis de. Democracy in America. New York: Vintage Press, 1954. Tregea, William. "Patterns in Circular Migration: An Exploratory Study of Rural Returned Migrants As A Type," Unpublished M.A. Dissertation. East Lansing: Michigan State University, 1968. The National Commission on the Causes And Prevention of Violence. Washington, D.C. U.S. Gov't. Printing Office, 1969. Positive Action Program: Ontona on-White Pine Houghton: Western Upper Peninsula conomic Development District, 1972. Report of the President's Commission on Campus Unrest. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Gov't. Printing Office, 1970. Report of the National Commission on Civil Disorder. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Gov't. Printing Office, 1968. APPENDICES APPENDIX A The Questionnaire used in the study of "Socio-Economic Status and Discontent -- An Analysis of Changes Among Rural High School Youth" for 1957, 1958, 1968 and 1974 Data APPENDIX A Michigan State University Sociology Department WHAT THIS STUDY IS ABOUT This survey is an attempt to get a better picture of the problems high school students in Michigan face in selecting an area where they would like to live and work. You and only you can provide the answers. By carefully filling out this questionnaire you will help us to gain a better understanding of these problems. This information will be of great value in developing counseling programs for high school students. For this reason we are anxious to have you answer the questions on this form to the best of your ability. PLEASE FOLLOW THESE DIRECTIONS a. Read each question and all items listed beneath the questions carefully. Then answer the question to the best of your knowledge. b. Be sure to answer each question, but do not spend too much time on any one question. c. If you are in doubt or don't understand an item, raise your hand and you will receive aid. 1. Your name: (First) (Middle) (Lasf) 2. Your High School: (Name and Location) 3. Your date of birth: (Month) (Day) (Year) 4. Your class: Junior Senior 5. With whom do you live regularly? a. My own parents b. A parent and a step-parent c. One parent only d. My grandparents e. Uncle or Aunt R f. Others (write in who they are) I 6. Your Church preference: a. Baptist b. Catholic ; c. Episc0pal d. Lutheran e. Methodist f. Presbyterian g. Other (write in the name) Are you a member? Yes No YOUR COMMUNITY -- All of us have feelings about the commu- nity in which we live; there are things in it that we like and things that we do not like. We should like to have your honest Opinion about the following ques- tions as they apply to your community. As a place to live soon after graduation, how well would you like your community? a. Strongly dislike it d. I like it b. I dislike it e. I am enthusiastic about it c. I am indifferent Below is a list of statements that express opinions about any given community. Read each item carefully and check the phrase that most nearly represents your personal belief about the community in or near wh1c you IIVe. Stronly Strongly Sample: Working is Agree Agree Undecided Disagree Disagree great fun a. Anything of pro- gressive nature is generally approved b. With few excep- tions, the leaders are capable and ambitious c. It is difficult for people to get together on any- thing d. The people as a whole mind their own business e. Everyone helps to decide how things should be run f. The future of the community looks bright g. No one seems to care how the community looks h. Quite a number of residents have really amounted to something Strongly Agree Persons with real ability are usually given recognition Not much can be said in favor of a place this size . The community is not located in a very desirable place The people have to do without a good many conveniences like telephone ser- vice, sewage dis- posal, waterworks, and good roads . A person has to leave town in order to have a good time There are not many families you would care to marry into Few if any of the neighboring towns are able to surpass it Cultural and educa- tional facilities like colleges, li- braries, theaters, and museums are adequate The people have to do without adequate shopping facilities Strongly Agree Undecided Disagree Disagree YOU AND YOUR PARENTS -- Regarding your relationships with your parents (or guardian, the people you live with): (Check the phrase that most nearly represents your own personal belief). Strongly Unde- Strongly Agree Agree cided Disagree Disagree a. It is hard for me to feel pleasant at home b. My parents try to understand my prob- lems and worries c. As far as my ideas are concerned, my parents and I live in two different worlds d. There is real love and affection for me at home e. My parents criti- cize me too much f. My friends have happier homes than I do g. Too often my parents compare me unfavora- bly with other children h. As I have known it, my family life is happy i. My parents expect too much of me YOUR FUTURE OCCUPATION -- Now that high school graduation is nearing, we would like to know something about your plans for your future life's work. 1. What jobs are you now seriously considering as a lifetime work? a. First choice b. Second choice 2. Generally, what do you most expect of the job you want to make your life's work? (Check as many statements as am”) a. ____ Freedom of behavior b. _____Chance for advancement c. ____ Friendship with fellow employees d. ____ Power and authority e. _____Intellectual challenge f. ____ Prestige or respect g. ____ Money h. _____Security i. Public recognition Benefit to humanity k. Time to enjoy myself 1. Other (indicate) A. Which of the above do you consider most important? (Please write the letter of the two most important) First Second 3. Do you intend to get further training after high school? Yes No Don't know If yes what do you plan. a. _____College. Where b. ____ Trade School. Where c. ____ Apprentice. Where d. Other. What and where 4. Do you have a job waiting for you when you graduate? Yes No Don't know YOUR PARENTS -- Now we would like to have some information about your parents. 1. Your parents are: a. ____ Both living together b. _____Both dead. c. ____ Father is dead. d. _____Mother is dead. e. _____Divorced. f. ____ Separated 2. Your father's occupation is: (or was, if dead or retired) (Specify the kind of work he does and not where he works). Main occupation Part time occupation How much formal schooling (does, did) your father have? a. Less than 4 years b. 5-7 years c. 8 years d. 9-11 years e. _____High School graduate f. Some college College graduate h. Don't know i. Other (indicate) How much formal schooling (does, did) your mother have? a. ____ Less than 4 years b. _____S-7 years c. ____ 8 years d. ____ 9-11 years e. ____ High School graduate f. ____ Some college g. ____ College graduate h. ____ Don't know 1. Other (indicate) Where was your father born (State or country) Where was your mother born (State or country) What nationality is your father What nationality is your mother Indicate by a check the number of the category in which your parent's income fell last year (If not sure, make an estimate) Under $1000 f. 5,000 to 5,999 1,000 to 1,999 g. h 1 6,000 to 6,999 7,000 to 8,999 9,000 and above 2,000 to 2,999 3,000 to 3,999 4,000 to 4,999 (DD-IOU” Your parents' home is: a. Owned b. Rented c. Being bought If renting, how much is your rent The construction of your house is: a. ____ Brick b. _____Unpainted frame c. ____ Painted frame d. Other or none The lighting in your house is: a. Oil lamp b. Electric c. Gas mantle d. Other or none What kind of refrigeration do you have a. Ice b. Mechanical (gas or electric) c. Other or none Do you have a deep freeze locker in your house? Yes No Do you have running water in your house? Yes No Do you have indoor toilets? Yes No 10. 11. 12. 10 Does your family take a daily newspaper? Yes No Do you have a radio in your home? Yes No Do you have a TV in hour home? Yes No Does your family have a car? Yes No Does your home have a telephone? Yes No APPENDIX B t-Tables Table B-1. APPENDIX B t-Test for the Significance of Difference in Mean for 17 Items Reflecting Community Discon- tent Between the Years 1957-58, 1968 and 1974 t-value between t-value between t-value between Items 1957-58 and 1968 1968 and 1974 1957-58 and 1974 t-value level of t-value level of t-value level of 51g. 51g. 51g. 1 0.54 N.S. 0.80 N.S. 1.46 N.S. 2 4.67 0.001 0.20 N.S. 5.28 0.001 3 1.11 N.S. 2.20 0.05 1.21 N.S. 4 3.48 0.001 0.28 N.S. 3.18 0.01 5 2.72 0.01 2.66 0.01 0.11 N.S. 6 0.09 N.S 0.40 N.S. 0.44 N.S. 7 5.80 0.001 1.37 N.S. 7.58 0.001 8 1.99 0.05 1.85 N.S. 4.21 0.001 9 0.96 N.S. 1.14 N.S. 0.22 N.S 10 1.73 N.S. 1.35 N.S. 0.29 N.S. 11 1.60 N.S. 2.05 N.S. 0.51 N.S 12 3.70 0.001 5.14 0.001 10.28 0.001 13 0.00 N S. 3.40 0.001 3.76 0.001 14 0.45 N.S. 0.09 N.S 0.36 N.S. 15 0.91 N S. 0.54 N.S. 1.55 N.S 16 1.97 0.05 0.67 N.S. 1.42 N.S. 17 0.97 N.S. 2.07 0.05 3.38 0.001 N.S. = Not significant H:OUHchme uoz n .m.z H0.0 ON.O .m.z O0.0 .m.z OH.H mcoHpmHou Hmucohmm EOHH uaoucoomHQ .m.z OO.H .m.z OO.H .m.z O0.0 OHH::EEoo map Eonm uaoucoomHQ .mHm mo Ho>oH osHm>-u .mHm mo Ho>oH oan>-u .me mo Ho>oH osHm>-u pzoucoumHO HH.H HOOH - OO-OOOH . 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E new. I. 3-8 3.8 OH.H 8.5m. I4 -4 , , V. . .vOm. 23 32.31.82... £2886 £5558 .3 £932.... 2: 2.32m .3: 952... 070. 9:». «To. 1 j 1 O n O. 0. ON on o o O. n. ON nu on AONBOOSUJ .LNBOHBd MEAN SCORE 35 3x) 21) ‘30 20 30 20 1&0 30 13 4x) 30 figure 2 (l-i7)= Pattern of rise and decline of each item of community discontent over time. 3.0 k 7 t : U 30 \ - - - 2.0 _. - a _ 8 I- A 3.0 l l J 20 A n n '1’ 9 50- . 2.5 - ,_ 1_,_1 ‘1 l 2.0 - - - 3.0 r ZO- .14 l5 0 ISSFGB 868 SW! I95F58 868 IQWQ YEAR YEAR MEAN SCORE MEAN SCORE figure 2(l-9)* Pattern of rise and decline of each item of parental discontent over time. I- 3" I 2 I. /. 4'. A J 5 A_ A A P 3. 3 4 I- ‘i- A A A 5 A A A 5 / 3P 6 h 4. A J J 5 4 A A WSFOO “‘8 “HQ names HBO NW! YENR YEAR I- 3P . / 4. " weir-ea nice I974 YEAR NGFOO IOGB NW4 YEAR MEAN SCORE C—4 FIGURE 2(1-9) continued l3 2 A A A 4. I4 BI- W“ 2 #1 YEAR l5 Ty H—ai : l6 IT \\ I957-58 I969 I974 IOSIJNI l968 YEAR fifl‘ MEAN SCORE MEAN SCORE MEAN SCORE 20 22 20 2| 22 Figure 3 (a-ei ' Community Discontent Figure 3(ai= Pattern of rise and decline of community discontent for male and female over a period of time FIgure 3(c)= Pattern of rise and decline of community discontent for less and more priviledged schools over a period of time ISM-58 1968 YEAR IS'M Figure 3(ei' Pattern of rise and decline at community discontent tor Finns and non-F inns over a period of time 20 Eli- 22 A I figure 3(b)= Pattern of rise and decline of community discontent for Catholic and non-Catholic over a period of time i- ’ I‘ d I , ' \Joo owning \ \ i- \ Figure 3(d)I Pattern of rise and decline at community discontent tor those with job awaiting and not awaiting over a period of time MEAN SCORE MEAN SCORE MEAN SCORE 30 3| 32 33 Figure 3 (f - jl= Parental Discontent ( . O Figure 3(t)= Pattern of rise and decline of parental discontent for male and female over a period of time 30 - I, 3| I I I I’P Mogul I h I "V. 00 Less Priv. School Figure 3(hi: Pattern of rise and decline of parental discontent for less and more priviledged schools over a period of time 3|.O - 3|.5 . i 32.5 - 33.5 A A .1 067-58 MS 874 YEAR Figure 3(j)= Pattern of rise and decline of parental discontent tor Finns and non-Finns over a period of time 30 3| 32 29. 5 30.5 - 3| .5 32.5 Catholic Figure 3(g)= Pattern of rise and decline of parental discontent for Catholic and non-Catholic over a period of time ‘ Figure 3| i): Pattern of rise and decline of parental discontent for those with job awaitm and not awaiting over a per' at time