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NATIVE AMERICAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE
FORMATION OF THE MODERN CONSERVATION ETHIC

BY

George Leslie Cornell

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of English/American Studies

1982

© Copyright by

GEORGE LESLIE CORNELL
1982

ABSTRACT

NATIVE AMERICAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE FORMATION OF THE
CONTEMPORARY CONSERVATION ETHIC

BY

George Leslie Cornell

The contemporary literature on Native Americans does
not recognize the enormous contributions that Native
American spirituality/philosophy have had on the formation
of the modern conservation ethic. The popular image of
the Native American as conservator is rejected as ”myth,”
and in many instances Native peoples are scapegoated as
exploiters of natural resources and peoples who lack an
ethical relationship to the land. In reality though,
Native peoples have had an enormous influence on the estab-
lishment of modern conservation practices and these
strategies are an outgrowth of Native American relations
with the earth, their mother.

The Native American land ethic and perception of the
earth strongly influenced the conservation movement in
North America and assisted in the formation of scouting
organizations, camping, and outdoor activities. This is
clearly supported by the involvement of George Bird Grinnell,

Ernest Thompson Seton, Charles Alexander Eastman, and

Hamlin Garland with Native peoples and their subsequent
dissemination of Native American ideals.

The extensive writings of these men had a major impact
on the course of American conservation and popular percep-
tions of the environment. This is substantiated by the
environmental movements that followed the precedents of
these men, and the acknowledged role of Native American
philosophy in the formation of modern conservationist
thought. An examination of the outdoor literature, includ—
ing the outdoor magazines and popular publications, con-
firms the important role of Native American contributions
to the development of the conservation ethic. The scope
and magnitude of these contributions is clear when an
examination of popular environmental movements is under-
taken. This study examines the role and dissemination of
Native American philosophy which influenced diverse con-
servation movements and the American perception of the
environment, and is a response to the historical litera—

ture which has not recognized this impact.

DEDICATION

This dissertation is dedicated to my children, Waseya,
Kiwedin, and Akikwe and to the memory of my grandparents,
George and Ruth Tibbetts, who were both educated in
federal Indian schools. Their patience, understanding,
and most of all, their respect for the environment pro—
vided the impetus for my interests and this dissertation.
This work represents the continuity of their beliefs which

will shape my children's future.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to acknowledge the assistance and support
of those people who have made this dissertation a reality.
Dr. Victor Howard, the chairman of my graduate committee,
has encouraged my professional growth and provided an un-
restricted atmosphere in which to pursue personal interests
and research. For this I am extremely grateful. He has
also encouraged this dissertation as an outgrowth of the
American Studies Program, and assisted me at every impasse.

Dr. Russel B. Nye, also a committee member, has had a
major impact on my academic growth. His concern for
students and dedication to teaching profoundly influenced
this dissertation. He has assisted with this project at
every turn, and his insights and suggestions, as well as
his encouragement, are deeply appreciated.

Dr. Richard White, who also served on my graduate
committee, has conveyed to me in course work and readings,
the enormous complexity of Native American history. His
familiarity with the literature and his willingness to
work with students has significantly affected my scholastic
training. His close reading of this dissertation and his
support during this process have insured a competency in

Native American Studies.

Dr. John Humins, another committee member, has been an
influence on my academic growth since my undergraduate
years. As a teacher, he originally provided much of my
educational background in Native American studies, and he
has always demonstrated the highest degree of effectiveness
and dedication in the classroom. His interest in and work
on behalf of my educational growth will always be appreciated.

Dr. Jack Bain, for whom I have worked for many years,
has assisted me at every turn of my educational career.

He has encouraged my interests in Native American studies,
and allowed me to gain extensive teaching experience at
MSU. His trust in my abilities and his personal support
‘are largely responsible for the completion of this disser-
tation.

I would also like to thank the Center for the History
of the American Indian, The Newberry Library, for assist—
ing and supporting this dissertation. The D'Arcy McNickle
Memorial Fellowship that I received from that organization
enabled me to complete much of the research for this disser—
tation. I would like to thank David Reed Miller, the
Associate Director of the Center for his support and
personal interest in my work. He assisted in the prepara-
tion of this dissertation by freely sharing his work on
Charles Alexander Eastman, and he went out of his way to
make me feel at home in Chicago. I would also like to thank
Cal Fastwolf, who is also affiliated with the Center, for

his support and hospitality while in Chicago. John Aubry,

PL

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the curator of special collections at the Newberry, also
assisted in the preparation of this dissertation. His
knowledge of the applicable sources and suggestions regard—
ing the literature used in this dissertation enhanced my
research efforts. I would also like to thank the staff of
the Center for the History of the American Indian for
making my stay at the Newberry so productive and enjoyable.

I would also like to acknowledge the assistance of
Mrs. Donna McCune who typed the copy of this dissertation
for the graduate committee. Her support and encouragement
were extremely helpful.

Finally, I would like to thank Deborah Ball Cornell,
my wife, for putting up with the hardships of completing a
dissertation with three small children in our family.
Her support in caring for our children while I worked at
the Newberry in Chicago, and her unfailing belief in the
completion of this dissertation, were in reality the primary
reasons and motivators for finishing this work. For her

support and vote of confidence I will be eternally grateful.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgements

List of Figures

Chapter I. Introduction

Chapter II. Native American Perceptions of the
Environment

Chapter III. The Literary Treatment of Native
Americans in Elite Literature

Chapter IV. Native American Influences on the
Conservation Movement

Chapter V. The Dissemination of the Native
American—Modern Conservation Ethic

Chapter VI. Conclusion

Bibliography

Page

iv

viii

13

55

82

167
227

254

Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure

Figure

l.

5.

LIST OF FIGURES

 

 

 

Page
Editorial Page, Field and Stream,
June, 1900. 178
Editorial Page, Field and Stream,
June, 1902. 178
Editorial Page, Field and Stream,
November, 1903. 181
Editorial Page, Field and Stream,
April, I905. 181
The cover of Michigan Department of
Natural Resources pamphlet. 246

The rear—cover of Michigan Department
of Natural Resources pamphlet. 247

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Native American philosophy was one of the major fac-
tors which shaped the contemporary conservation ethic.

The "outdoor" ethic in this country was the outgrowth of
historical contacts with Native Peoples. Over time, this
acknowledged tie to American Indians wassevered amdthe
conservation ethic was attributed to the diversification
of western thought, and to the transcendental writers.

At the present time, the relationship of Native Americans
to the formation of the conservation ethic lies buried in
archival records and obscure publications. The scope of
these documents is enormous, and they have not been syste—
matically pieced together to portray the influence of
Native Americans upon the diverse segments of American and
Canadian society which would be responsible for the dis-
semination of the conservation ethic.

Native American philosophy is a very broad concept
that is closely linked with a spiritual view of the world.
It is impossible to separate philosophy/spirituality when
discussing American Indian peoples, since these concepts
represent a world view and a behavioral response of Native

Americans. Personal behaviors were the actualization of

spiritual tenets and dictates. This interaction was the
basis of Native American ecological patterns and percep—
tions of the environment. The diverse groups of Native
Americans who inhabited the North American continent had
differing perceptions of the environment, but certain
generalizations can be accurately stated. The Earth was
perceived as a femine figure, a mother, and it was from her
that all life came. Animals, were viewed as participants
which shared in the bounty provided by the Earth. These
animals were to be utilized and respected, but a balance
or harmony must be preserved, for all things in the crea—
tion were sacred. This doctrine of sustained utilization,
which insured the future and well being of the people, was
at the very core of Native American philosophy/spirituality.
Native Americans have always stated that "religion" in
American Indian societies was the primary reason for the
continuity of the respective groups. The philosophical
ties to the land, sky, water and living beings provided
the basis for a spiritual relationship with the environment.
The generic "man" was perceived by Native peoples as only
one part of the creation, and man was not permitted to
dominate the other beings who were a part of the "sacred
circle." Native American values and beliefs, as they re—
lated to the endless cycle of life, were the most important
determiners of personal behavior and intra—group relations.
The various spiritual orientations of Native peoples were

the backbone of Native societies.

(I)

(n

In.

Much of the past historical and descriptive scholar-
ship that has been conducted with Native peoples as the
subject, has not been focused on the crucial role of Native
American philosophy. A.F.C. Wallace, Robert Berkhofer,

P. Richard Metcalf, Adrian Tanner1 and others, have in
recent years placed Native peoples firmly in the middle

of Indian-White relations. This emphasis on Native peoples,
which negates some of the effects of paternalistic scholar-
ship, is a strong beginning for developing an understanding
of what Native peoples thought at a particular point in
time, and how these thoughts motivated group actions.

There are numerous ”bits and pieces” of philosophical
insights that can be gleaned from the literature, but these
fragments have not been reconstructed to present a coherent
record of the role and impact of Native American philosophy
on contemporary twentieth century life. Native American
spirituality/philosophy has had a tremendous influence on
the formation of the "modern" conservation ethic, yet they
have been virtually ignored for their contribution to the
growth of this movement.

One of the crucial events which assisted the dissem—
ination of Native American philosophy was the ”passing of
the great west" and the impact of the Industrial Revolution.
The advent of major urban areas, combined with the sweeping
changes that were witnessed in the American west during
the 1870's and 1880's, ushered in conservationist thought.

The last decades of the nineteenth century were a testament

to man's ability to manipulate and overutilize the natural
environment. The decimation of the American bison, passen-
ger pigeon, and othercfimmaspecies bore testimony to man's
insensitivity to natural beings and processes. These
actions, lamented the Lakota holyman Black Elk, caused the
"scared hoop” to be broken. The salvage of the sacred hoop
would be the rise of conservationist thought, which would
be strongly rooted in Native philosophy.

The last decades of the nineteenth century produced
many of the most influential individuals who would shape
the modern outdoor ethic. George Bird Grinnell, Ernest
Thompson Seton, John Muir, Charles Alexander Eastman,
Hamlin Garland, James Willard Schultz, Archie Belaney
(Grey Owl), and others came to the forefront in the
ecological or back to nature movement. The majority of
these men were not Native Americans, the exception being
Eastman, who was a Santee Sioux. For the most part, these
men were the products of western institutions, and many of
them were well educated. What they all had in common,
though, was extensive contact with Native peoples, and this
interaction was to have an enormous effect on their views
toward nature.

George Bird Grinnell was the founder of the Audubon
Society and the co—founder of the Boone and Crockett Club.
The Boone and Crockett Club is the recording organization
for North American big game trophies that are killed with

firearms, and it was one of the first major conservation

groups in the United States. John Muir would found the
Sierra Club, and Archie Belaney (Grey Owl) would lead a

one man crusade to save the beaver from extinction in Canada.
Ernest Thompson Seton would form "Seton's Indians,” which

as an organization was the forerunner to the Boy Scouts

of America. Seton would be installed as the B.S.A.'s

"Chief Scout" in 1910. Charles Alexander Eastman would
begin to write about the merits of traditional Indian life

in 1902, and Hamlin Garland would draw substantial informa—

tion from Native themes for his novel, The Captain of the

 

Grey Horse Troop. Garland and Eastman would also work

 

together to ”rename" the Sioux (Lakota) people via a pro-
ject that was ordered to be undertaken by Theodore Roosevelt
in 1902. James Willard Schultz would write about his life
as an "Indian" and his works would ahve an impact on the
perception of the American Indian as conservationist.

All of these figures, but in particular Seton, Grinnell,
Eastman and Garland, became staunch advocates on behalf of
the American Indian. Their contact with Native Americans
reinforced their views about the natural world, and American
Indian philosophy would play a major role in these men
forming a land or conservation ethic. The dissemination
of Native American philosophy would follow many avenues of
expression.

Seton, a renowned naturalist, would incorporate ”seeing
with a Native eye” techniques into his outdoor writings.

George Bird Grinnell would become a "chief" among the

Northern Cheyenne, and one of their finest ethnographers.
Eastman would continue his introspective writings on the
subjective Native American which would culminate in deep
phiIOSOphical insights with the publication of From the

Deep Woods to Civilization in 1916. Garland continued

 

to be an advocate of the American Indian and published his

Book of the American Indian in 1923. The impact of Native

 

peoples and indigenous philosophy helped to shape the out-
door ethic that these men would disseminate. These
individuals constitute the core of the dissemination move—
ment, but there were also other dissemination efforts.

George Bird Grinnell was the editor of Forest and

 

Stream for a period of over twenty years, and the outdoor
magazine became one of the major vehicles for the dissemina-
tion of Native American philosophy. The Boy Scouts of
America and the Y.M.C.A. both became involved in the camping
movement which began shortly after the turn of the twentieth

century. The popular articles that appeared in Boys Life

 

and other youth oriented magazines in the early 1900's

also conveyed some tenets of Native American philosophy

to young outdoor enthusiasts. The role of Ishi, the Yana
tribesman who was ”discovered” in Northern California in
1911, and his association with Dr. Saxton Pope and Art Young,
popularized bow hunting in this country. This is another
concrete tie to the impact of Native American philosophy upon

the rapidly growing outdoor movement.

The contribution of the Native American to the forma-
tion of the contemporary outdoor ethic has never been fully
explored. Very few texts even allude to the tie between
Native philosophy and the contemporary perception of the
environment and animal populations. I refer in particular

to Henry Nash Smith's, Virgin Land: The American West as

 

 

Symbol and Myth. This important work, published in 1950,

 

only refers to Native peoples in contrast to American
heroic figures like Kit Carson. The Native American is
never depicted as a "real” entity. They are invisible
beings to Smith, and they are presented as having no influ-
ence on the conceptual west. Smith describes the west as,
"the vacant continent beyond the frontier." This is a
serious distortion of the viability of Native American
peoples and their role in creating and bolstering environ-
mental thought in this nation and abroad. Smith's percep-
tions of the Native American have been continued to the
present day. If the west isn't described as vacant, as it
was in Ronald Reagan's summation at the conclusion of the
Carter-Reagan debates, it is described in the romatic terms
presented by the transcendentalist writers. Henry David
Thoreau has been identified as the major figure in the
creation of the pastoral view of the natural environment as
it relates to the contemporary outdoor ethic. Many his—
torians, when discussing the nature movements in this country,
begin with an examination of Thoreau's ideas, and his

influence upon individuals like John Muir. Aldo Leopold

is often identified as the heir apparent to the trans—
cendental (Thoreau, Muir) tradition. Roderick Nash, in his

Wilderness and the American Mind, is a proponent of the

 

Thoreau, Muir, Leopold school. He relegates Grinnell and
Seton, as well as other individuals, to a very minor
position in regard to the formation of an outdoor ethic and
a popular conception of the environment.

This dissertation will be a response to the distorted
role and underestimation of Native Americans in the forma-
tion of the outdoor ethic.

Native Americans are often treated, literally, as
artifacts of history. They were encountered, conquered,
quarantined and assimilated. This tradition of focusing
on the historical past, and on the impact of cultural con-
tact has a valued place in the literature, but this
approach often invalidates the responses of Native peoples
and negates the subjective aspects of American Indian
cultures which are so difficult to capture and record.
Native peoples have not been totally assimilated into the
mainstream of American society. As a matter of fact,
numerous contemporary concerns of Native peoples result in
perpetuated differences between Native American groups and
"mainstream" society.

The recent wave of litigation involving Native peoples
and state and federal governments, most of which centers on
fishing rights or land reclamation efforts, attests to the

fact that not only are Native peoples perceived as being

”different” in terms of their legal relationships; they are
being singled out for committing alleged acts of environ-
mental depradation. Contemporarily, Native peoples are
popularly presented in newspapers as despoilers and ex-
ploiters of the natural environment. This is hardly the
status of an assimilated group.

Native Americans have been presented in the media in a
very unfavorable light in recent years as an outgrowth of
the litigation that has centered on resource utilization.
Headlines that read: ”Grand Salmon to die in Nets?”,2
which presented Native American fishermen as potential
exploiters of a resource which they didn't even pursue in
Michigan waters (salmon), have captured the attention of
many outdoor enthusiasts. Many subscribers to these papers
have come to believe that Native Americans are environmental
culprits bent on profiteering and the destruction of
natural resources. This reaction by the readership of the
popular press has not fostered the cause of assimilation,
but rather widened the cultural gap between the ”opponents”
on these issues. Indians have been portrayed as the evil
influence that lurks behind every rock, awaiting unwary
game for easy exploitation. This image is more than
reminiscent of the depiction of Native Americans in the
nineteenth century.

The nineteenth century image of the Native American
was significantly influenced by the publication of James

Fenimore Cooper's Leatherstocking Tales. Cooper's novels

10

presented individual Indians as noble savages, but charac-
terized groups of Native Americans as untrustworthy and
capable of heinious crimes against the frontier. This
latter image was formalized by Robert Montgomery Bird in

Nick of the Woods.3 Bird is primarily responsible for

 

perpetuating the ”rape and pillage" depiction of Native
peoples in American literature.

Instead of Deerslayer, Nature's forest nobleman,
Bird created Nathan Slaughter, or ”Bloody Nathan,”
who spent his life murdering Indians, tracking them
down with his dog Peter, who could smell a savage

a half-mile away. A brutal, bitter book, Nick of
the Woods went through twenty-four American editions
and six abroad; turned into a play in 1838, it re—
mained a popular melodrama for years. Bird's
picture of the Indian in what he called ”his natural
barbaric state, as barbarian,” provided the model
for the dimerunmfl.treatment of the Indian a genera-
tion later. Bird's book was the first extended
pOpular treatment of "the only good Indian is a

dead Indian" theme. To Bird, the conflict of red

. . . . . . . 4
and white CiVilization was irreconCilable.

 

Instead of wagon trains and white women, contemporary Native
Americans are envisioned as ”attacking" sand dunes, timber
stands, mineral deposits and the fish and game resources
of the continent.

The popular image of the Native American as exploiter
is totally incongrous with another pOpular image of the
American Indian: conservator and ecologist. In recent
years, the tear-streaked face of Iron Eyes Cody has
appeared on television and on environmental posters. The
degradation of the environment is reversible, or so we are
told, if the advice and wisdom of the Native American is

heeded. This popular image of the American Indian as

ll

conservator has been attacked by the newspapers, and by
scholars. At the heart of this discussion is the incon—
gruity between what Native peoples were, in reality, and
what they have come to be presented as in the popular and
elite literature. How do a people that have stated and
restated their sacred perceptions of the environment become
stereotyped as ”exploiters” of the land, or pigeon-holed

as the whiteman's ecologist? An examination of what

Native American philosophy/spirituality encompasses will

act as a beginning point to clarify the issue at hand.

FOOTNOTES TO INTRODUCTION

lSee A.F.C. Wallace. The Death and Rebirth of the
Seneca. New York: Vintage Books, 1972. Robert F.
Berkhofer, Jr. "The Political Context of a New Indian
History," Pacific Historical Review, XL, August, 1971.
P. Richard Metcalf. "Who Should Rule at Home? Native

 

 

 

American Politics and Indian-White Relations," Journal of
American History, LXI, December, 1974. Adrian Tanner.
Bringing Home Animals. New York: St. Martin's Press,
1979.

2Frank Mainville. Lansing State Journal, Sunday,
April 27, 1980.

3Robert Montgomery Bird. Nick of the Woods. New
York: American Book Company, 1939.

, 4Russel B. Nye. The Unembarrassed Muse: The Popular
Arts in America. New York: The Dial Press, 1970, p. 284.

 

CHAPTER II

NATIVE AMERICAN PERCEPTIONS OF THE ENVIRONMENT

The term Native American refers to an enormously
diverse population that resided on the North American
continent for thousands of years before contact with
Europeans. There were well over 2,000 culturally dis-
tinct and autonomous groups of indigenous peoples habita—
ting in North America in the pre—Columbian era.l This is
well substantiated by the fact that these groups of people
spoke over 550 different languages,2 and exhibited cultural
diversity in subsistence patterns, ecological adaptations,
housing patterns, kinship systems and many other areas.
Collectively, Europeans would refer to these diverse
peoples as "Indians.” This infamous misnomer, has con-
founded Native peoples over the centuries. Many of the
New England nations (tribes) during the early contact
period would express dismay over being called "Indians".
They eventually realized that the term referred to all
Native inhabitants of the region, and it was an outgroup
name, an imposed name, that was used to describe the

collectivity of non—European peoples.3

14

The term "Indian" or ”Native American” does not
accurately deal with the concepts of sovereignty and diver-
sity. Each group of indigenous people had a name by which
they referred to themselves. The Anishnabeg, the Ikce
Wicasa, and the Odawa would become known in the post-con-
tact historical period as the Chippewa, the Sioux, and the
Ottawa. These individual names would be corrupted and
negated by the common usage of ”Indian” to describe all
Native peoples. Through the use of the term ”Indian", the
image of indigenous peoples would merge into a composite
View which did not reflect the uniqueness of the diverse
groups of peoples.

Like the diversity that was exhibited in groups names,
indigenous peoples had differing perceptions of the environ-
ment and the natural order of the universe, but there were
similarities between these spiritual ideologies. All
indigenous peoples had a cosmological interpretation of the
creation of the world, and many themes in Native American
philosophy/spirituality tend to recur among differing
groups. The prominent role of twins, often representing
the polarities of human nature, the trickster as a cultural
hero, and the significance of the number four (4) which
represents yearly cycles and the directions of the universe
are all commonly shared by many Native peOples. General—
izations about Native American philosophy/spirituality are
on firm footing when discussing the earth. Native peoples

view the earth, almost universally, as a feminine figure.

15

The Mother provided for the sustenance and well-being of
her children: it was from her that all subsistence was
drawn. The relationship of Native peoples to the earth,
their Mother, was a sacred bond with the creation.

The masculine counterpart to the earth mother was the
sky. Native peopels regarded the heavens as the domain of
the Creator, or the Great Mystery or Power on High as this
force has been verbally described. The sun, in particular,
often personified masculine power. The relationship be—
tween the earth mother and sky father was perceived as a
continuous love affair, which Native peoples were allowed
to witness and participate in. The power of the sun and the
rains that impregnated the earth mother, provided the
necessities of 1fie for Native peoples. These products of
love were sacred, and were to be respected and treated
with great care. All behaviors of Native peoples, in some
way, were related to this perception of universal interac—
tion and purpose.

Native peoples viewed many of the products of the
natural environment as gifts from the Creator. This was
particularly true in relationship to animals. Adrian Tanner,

in Bringing Home Animals, clearly states this relationship.

 

"Men make gifts to the animal world, that is, to the bush,
and in return are the recipients of gifts of game animals

killed by the hunters."4 Man, in the Native American con—
ception of the world, was not created to ”lord" over other

beings, but rather to cooperate and share the bounty of the

16

earth with the other elements of the creation. All things
in the creation had an essence, a reason for being, and
this relationship was taken very seriously. "Man” was to
function as a caretaker of the environment. Native peoples
realized that there was an intricate balance between the
elements of the world. Animals, air, water and plants all
co—existed in a fragile harmony that must be heeded to
insure the continuation of the people. It is this notion
of continuity that manifests itself in the Native American
adherence to the circle or cycle of life.

Christopher Vecsey and Robert W. Venables address the
concept of the "sacred circle” in the introduction to their

text, American Indian Environments: Ecological Issues in

 

Native American History.

 

The American Indians' concept of the sacred circle
expresses a physical and spiritual unity. This circle
of life is interpreted according to the particular
beliefs of each Indian nation but is broadly symbolic
of an encompassing creation. The English verb
”environ" has as its first definition in the Oxford
English Dictionary: "Of things: To form a ring
around, surround, encircle”. While non—Indians quite
willingly admit to the complexity of the circle of
"things" around them, what has been left behind by
the scientific, post—Renaissance non-Indian world is
the universal sacredness -- the living mystery —— of
creation's circle. One of the themes of this book

is the consequences of a conflict during which most
indigenous Indian nations, who saw their environments
as the sacred interdependence of the creator's will,
confronted waves of post—Renaissance Europeans who
saw in the environment a nagural resource ordained by
God for their sole benefit.

This statement, which provides accurate insight into the
environmental perceptions of Native peoples, emphasizes the

"relatedness" of all beings in the creation. Unfortunately,

17

many people refuse to acknowledge the credibility of such
"obvious” statements about the nature of Native American
views. Often, the simplicity of the very basic contentions
which are at the heart of Native American philosophy elude
scholars. As an example, William A. Starna, in his review

of American Indian Environments, condemed the notion of

 

a sacred circle, as a "pan-Indian mythology."6 The insensi—
tivity that is inherent in this statement is confirmed by
the reviewer's total lack of understanding of the con-
cluding chapter in the Vecsey and Venables text. The final
chapter is entitled, "An Iroquois Perspective," and is
authored by Oren Lyons.

In his review, Starna refers to Lyon's essay as ”a very
brief but rambling account”7 and casts doubts about the
intended meaning and message of Lyon's essay. The reason
that it seems rambling to Starna is the fact that he is
unable to perceive the implicit reality for Native peoples,
particularly the Iroquois, of the existence of a ”sacred
circle." Lyons very clearly addresses the issue in "An

Iroquois perspective," which is included in American

 

Indian Environments.

 

Respect the proper manner so that the seventh gener-
ation will have a place to live in. Let us look at
the large issues. We are concerned with all the
children of this earth. We are concerned with the
four colors of man. Natural Law is very simple.

You cannot change it: it prevails over all. There
is not a tight rule, there is no court, there is not
a group of nations in this world that can change this
Natural Law. The Indians understood the Natural Laws.
They build their laws to coéncide with Natural Laws.
And that's how we survived.

18

Lyons is referring to what can be called the ”sacred circle."
Whether or not this ideal has any meaning or validity for
Starna is not important. What is important is that the
existence of ”Natural Laws" is a contemporary reality for
a prominent leader of the Onondaga Nation, and this
present manifestation has strong historical roots among
many Native American groups.

In 1854 Chief Seattle of the Swamish and Suquamish
Tribes issued a statement in response to a federal request
to purchase the lands of the northwest from the Native
peoples who traditionally lived there. His response sheds
a great deal of light on the concepts that have been pre-
sented above, and for this reason it will be quoted at
length.

Younder sky that has wept tears of compassion
upon our fathers for centuries untold, and which to
us looks eternal, may change. Today it is fair,
tomorrow it may be overcast with clouds.

My words are like the stars that never set. What
Seattle says the Great Chief at Washington can rely
upon with as much certainty as our paleface brothers
can rely upon the return of the seasons.

The son of the Great Chief says his father sends
us greetings of friendship and good will. This is
kind of him, for we know he has little need of our
friendship in return because his people are many.

They are like the grass that covers the vast prairies,
while my people are few; they resemble the scattering
trees of a storm—swept plain.

My people are ebbing away like a fast-receding
tide that will never flow again. The White man's God
cannot love His red children or He would protect them.
We seem to be orphans who can look nowhere for help.

How, then, can we become brothers? How can your
God become our God and renew our prosperity and awaken
in us dreams of returning greatness?

19

Your God seems to be partial. He came to the white
man. We never saw Him, never heard His voice. He
gave the white man laws, but had no word for his red
children whose teeming millions once filled this vast
continent as the stars fill the firmament.

No. We are two distinct races, and must ever
remain so, with separate origins and separate destinies.
There is little in common between us.

To us the ashes of our ancestors are sacred and
their final resting place is hallowed ground, while
you wander far from the graves of your ancestors and,
seemingly, without regret.

Your religion was written on tablets of stone by
the iron finger of an angry God, lest you might forget
it. The Red Man could never comprehend nor remember
it.

Every part of this country is sacred to my people
Every hillside, every valley, every plain and grove
has been hallowed by some fond memory or some sad
experience of my tribe. Even the rocks, which seem
to lie dumb as they swelter in the sun along the silent
sea shore in solemn grandeur thrill with memories of
past events connected with the lives of my people.

The very dust under your feet responds more
loveingly to our footsteps than to yours, because it
is the ashes of our ancestors, and our bare feet are

conscious of the sympathetic touch, for the soil is
rich with the life of our kindred.

The white man will never be alone. Let him be
just and deal kindly with my people, for the dead are
not powerless.

Dead -—- did I say? There is no death. Only a
change of worlds!

There is a great deal of controversy about the authenticity
of the quotes which are attributed to Chief Seattle, and I
would like to clarify this or provide support for the above
version that has been cited. There is no doubt that enormous
license has been taken with the words of Seattle. As an
example, read the version of the Point Elliott Treaty speech

which has been copyrighted and circulated by the Augsburg

20

Publishing Company of Minneapolis, Minnesota.10 The dis-
tortion clouds the intended meaning of the Sachem's speech,
and the corruption of language seems to be aimed at pro-
moting brotherhood, which as illustrated by the above quote,
was not the desired result that Seattle sought. The version
of Seattle's speech which is cited above appeared in the

Seattle Sunday Star on October 29, 1887. It was recorded

 

by Dr. Henry A. Smith, who had been present at the Point
Elliott negotiations. The authenticity of the quote has
been attested to by Mr. Vivian M. Carkeek, who had dis—
cussed the matter with Dr. Smith before he died. A Seattle
attorney, Clark R. Belknap, supports the authenticity of

the transcription as it appears in Chief Seattle's Unan-

 

swered Challenge, and his conversation with Mr. Carkeek

 

was witnessed by Mr. William A. Harris, an associate of
Carkeeks.ll

Chief Seattle was not speaking in metaphoric language
when he referred to the land as sacred. The elements of
the creation were kindred, and were to be respected in
perpetuity. Throughout the recorded history of Indian—White
relations there have been numerous statements by indigenous
peoples that verify the attitudes and perceptions of Seattle.
The Lakota (Sioux) holyman Black Elk would lament that the
"Nation's hoop” was broken when the unrelated culture of

the non—Indian took possession of the lands of the Seven

Fires. In the classic Black Elk Speaks, which is an

 

account of the life of Black Elk as told to John Niehardt,

21

an insightful description of Lakota philosophy is presented
which points out the ”inter-relatedness” of man to the
natural environment. Again, the concept of the circle is
”12

present, this time being characterized as a ”hoop.

J.R. Walker's The Sun Dance and Other Ceremonies of

 

the Oglala Division of the Teton Sioux contains one of the

 

most descriptive narratives of the ”sacred circle." The
following was obtained form an informant who was called
Tyon, prior to 1917.

The Oglala believe the circle to be sacred because the
Great Spirit caused everything in nature to be round
except stone. Stone is the implement of destruction.
The sun and sky, the earth and moon are round like
the shield, though the sky is deep like a bowl.
Everything that breathes is round like the body of
man. Everything that grows from the ground is round
like the stem of a tree. Since the Great Spirit

has caused everything to be round mankind should

look upon the circle as sacred for it is the symbol
of all things in nature except stone. It is also the
symbol of the circle that marks the edge of the world
and therefore the four winds that travel there.
Consequently, it is also the symbol of a year. The
day, the night, and the moon go in a circle above the
sky. Therefore the circle is a symbol of these 13
divisions of time and hence the symbol of all time.

The idea of the cyclic motion of the planets, as well as
their physical shape, and the direct observation of nature
have reinforced the sacredness of the circle.

There is a continuity present in the Native American
conception of the environment throughout the post—contact
period which is very strong and easily recognized. In

Seeing With A Native Eye: Essays on Native American

 

Religion, Barre Toelken argues that there is a continuity
of cultural perceptions of the physical environment among

the Pueblos.

22

We might consider the Pueblo view that in the spring-
time Mother Earth is pregnant, and one does not mis-
treat her anymore than one might mistreat a pregnant
woman. When our technologists go and try to get
Pueblo farmers to use steel plows in the spring, they
are usually rebuffed. For us it is a technical

idea — "Why don't you just use the plows? You plow,
and you get "X” results from doing so." For the
Pueblos this is meddling with the formal religious
idea (in Edward Hall's terms). Using a plow, to
borrow the Navajo phrase, "Doesn't hold any sheep.”
In other words, it does not make any sense in the

way in which the world operates. It is against the
way things really go. Some Pueblo folks still take
the heels off their shoes, and sometimes the shoes off
their horses, during the spring. I once asked a

Hopi whom I met in the country, "Do you mean to say,
then, that if I kick the ground with my foot, it will
botch everything up, so nothing will grow?" He said.

"Well, I don't know whether that would happen or not,
but it would just really show what kind of a person
you are."

This same persistance of Native American environmental
perceptions is also apparent in Lame Deer Seeker of Visions.
This work, very reminiscent of Black Elk Speaks, is the
combined efforts of John (Fire) Lame Deer, a Lakota Holyman
who participated in the occupation of Mount Rushmore in
the Black Hills to protest the violations by the United
States of the 1868 Fort Laramie Treaty, and Richard Erdoes,
a European born illustrator and journalist. In the text,
John (Fire) Lame Deer provides numerous ecological insights
about the nature and priorities of contemporary society.
The green frong skin - that was what the fight was all
about. The gold of the Black Hills, the gold in every
clump of grass. Each day you can see ranch hands
riding over the land. They have a bagful of grain
hanging from their saddle horns, and whenever they see
a prarie—dog hole they toss a handful of oats in it,
like a kind little old lady feeding the pigeons in
one of your city parks. Only the oats for the prairie
dogs are poisoned with strychnine. What happens to

the prairie dog after he has eaten this grain is not a
pleasant thing to watch. The prairie dogs are poisoned

23

because they eat grass. A thousand of them eat up
as much grass in a year as a cow. So if the rancher
can kill that many prairie dogs he can run one more
head of cattle, make a little more money. When he
looks at a prairie dog he sees only a green frog
skin getting away from him.

For the white man each blade of grass or spring of
water has a price tag on it. And that is the trouble,
because look at what happens. A bobcat and coyotes
which used to feed on prairie dogs now have to go
after a stray or crippled calf. The rancher calls
'Uuapestcontrol officer to kill these animals. This
man shoots some rabbits and puts them out as bait with
a piece of wook stuck in them. That stick has an
explosive charge which shoots some cyanide into the
mouth of the coyote who tugs at it. The officer has
been trained to be careful. He puts a printed warning
on each stick reading, ”Danger, Explosive, Poison!"
The trouble is that our dogs can't read, and some of
our children can't either.

And the prairie becomes a thing without life - no

more prairie dogs, no more badgers, foxes, coyotes.

The big birds of prey used to feed on prairie dogs,

too. So you hardly see an eagle these days. The

bald eagle is your symbol. You see him on your money,

but your money is killing him. When a people staig

killing off their symbols, they are in a bad way.
Oren Lyons, Chief Seattle, Tyon, Black Elk, the unidentified
Hopi and Lame Deer all address the Native American percep—
tion of the environment and man‘s relationship to it. These
environmental perceptions, which were in practice the
attitudes, values and beliefs of Native peoples as they
interacted with the land, flora and fauna, and other in—
tangible forms of existence (spirits) formed the core of
Native American adaptations to the natural world. Environ—
mental perceptions for Native Americans were responsible
for dictating behaviors and defining the limits of Man—Nature
relations. The above statements emphasize the need for

individual respect and a spiritual tie to the natural world.

The "sacred hoop”, or cycle of life, is not something to

24

be tampered with. These diverse examples of the Native
American image of the earth provide a glimpse of what would
become touted as the twentieth century outdoor ethic.

The elements of Native American philosophy described
above, became very appealing to certain segments of the
American population at the close of the nineteenth century.
This appeal was based on the radical changes that took
place in American society. Massive urban areas came into
existence at this time as a result of the enormous number
of immigrants who came to the United States seeking
employment opportunities, or escape from European conflicts.
This large influx of people caused a noticeable decline in
the quality of life for most working class peoples in the
urban areas. This, when coupled with the "passing of the
great west," which had acted as a overflow valve to stem
population buildups in specific regions, produced a cultural
mileau that was unrelated to the land and natural environ-
ment. This ”unrelatedness" was noticed by diverse observers
of American society; Black Elk noticed it, as did the
American poet and author William Carlos Williams who
vividly wrote about it in his collection of essays, In The

American Grain, where he described the contemporary

,16

 

American as, "an Indian robbed of world.‘ The impact of
the industrial revolution upon the environment and the
"settlement" of the west, with its subsequent destruction of

wildlife, ushered in the age of environmental thought.

25

In 1890, Jacob Riis published How the Other Half Lives.

 

This text, which is an indictment of the tenements in New
York City, epitomized the urban problems that were beginning
to plague the United States. The large groups of diverse
peoples in these tenements had no chance of interacting
with the romanticized American West, and were trapped in
urban servitude.

It is ten years and over, now, since the line divided

New York's population evenly. To-day three—fourths

of its people live in the tenements and the nineteenth

century drift of the population to the cities is send—

ing ever increasing multitudes to crowd them. The

fifteen thousand tenement houses that were the despair

of the sanitarian in the past generation have swelled

into thirty-seven thousand, and more than twelve

hundred thousand persons call them home. The one way

out he saw - rapid transit to the suburbs — has

brought no relief. We know now that there is no way

out; that the "system" that was the evil offspring

of public neglect and private greed has come to stay

a storm—centre forever of our civilization. N thing

is left but to make the best of a bad bargain.

The massive scale of urban degradation was only a
part of the changes that had occurred during the latter
part of the nineteenth century. The American West had been
subdued, and was being controlled by massive special
interest groups. The large consolidated ranches, which came
into being after the Homestead Act of 1862 by establishing
claims to water sources and controlling access to these
sites, used federal range lands as private property. The
railroads, given land easements and right-of-ways as induce-
ments to build lines in the west, became the primary factor
in determining the prices that would be paid for western

commodities. These developments were an outgrowth of the

exploitation of the natural resources of the American West.

26

The west harbored tremendous herds of the American
bison in the mid-nineteenth century, but during the decade
of 1870—1880, the major herds of the buffalo were decimated
by the hide hunters who flocked to the west. It was not
until 1871 that a viable market developed for the hide of
the bison. Prior to this time, the hides were left to rot
on the plains, while the meat was sold to the railroads,
army posts, or to local restaurants for table fare. The
buffalo hide was not desired prior to 1871 because of the
difficulty of tanning the hide. Many of the early tanning
experiments with buffalo hides were conducted in England
and Germany. When these efforts proved successful, the
market for hides as lap robes or leather products rapidly
escalated. By 1883, the majority of the great herds of
the American Bison had been exhausted. Much of the depre-
dation upon the buffalo was the result of local citizenry-
who sought get rich quick schemes. The slaughter of the
American Bison was perceived as a way to supplement local
wages and provide needed meat.18

The demise of the buffalo was also tied to the control
and domination of Native American populations in the west.
The destruction of the bison, although primarily caused by
economic motivations, was welcomed by the United States
Army as a military solution to the ”Indian problem." If
Native Americans did not have access to the continued food
supply, which was provided by the buffalo, the Indian would

have to become dependent on the federal government. Frank

27

Mayer, one of the most notorious of the hide hunters,
commented upon the ease of acquiring ammunition from the
military to kill buffalo.19 This policy of encouraging

the destruction of the buffalo, would lure large numbers of
hunters to pursue the "shaggies."

The destruction of the American Bison marks the zenith
of exploitative practices and thoughts in the late nine—
teenth century. The decimation of the buffalo had the
effect of freeing up major range areas that would be con-
solidated into large ranches that were already flourishing
in some areas in the west. The buffalo, as free grazer,
would be supplanted by the steer, an animal which could be
corralled, controlled, and genetically manipulated to pro-
duce saleable beef. This contrast between the bison and
the steer provides insight into the nature of non-Indian
environmental perceptions in the late nineteenth century.

At the close of the nineteenth century, the contemporary
non—Indian perception of the environment emphasized the
necessity of bringing the natural world under the control
of ”man." The earth was to be dominated and used to pro-
vide not only the basic needs of man, but a margin of
profitability. This process of utilization was not accom—
panied by a philosophy which "related" man to the environ-
ment. The concepts of surplus and markets were closely
allied with the contemporary perceptions of resources at
this period of time, and these perceptions dictated

behaviors in relation to the natural world. Under the

28

auspices of Social Darwinism, American business demanded
that only the strong survive. A philosophy of exploitation,
which led to the extermination of the Great Auk, the Passen—
ger Pigeon, and the Heath-Hen, to name a few of the animal
resources, permeated the American psyche. Animals were
perceived of as mere commodities, not as "fellow beings”,
and this short-sighted perception quickened the pace of the
competition for animal resources and exacerbated environ-
mental depradation. The American Bison has come to
symbolize this epoch in American history. Cy Martin, in

his Saga of the Buffalo, described the role of the American

 

Bison in the west.
The buffalo played an important part in the opening
of the West; Without him, railroads would have gone
bankrupt, homesteaders would have starved, and
perhaps Indians would still roam the Great Plains of
our western states. The buffalo, with his shaggy
hair and hump, is a symbol of the growth of the
United States. URL like t28 Indians, should consider
him with awe and respect.
This statement is an ironic eulogy for the American Bison:
Now that you are gone, we will lament your passing. Lame
Deer was correct when he said, I'When a people start killing
off their symbols, they are in a bad way."
It was crucial to the future of American environmental
thought that the contemporary practices of resource use
in the west were being called into question. George Perkins

Marsh was instrumental in the formation of a conservation

ethic, and his The Earth as Modified by Human Action,

 

published in 1874, became the model for numerous environ-

mental texts.21 For the most part, the contributions of

29

Marsh and others have received attention in the literature
for their role in the development of conservationist thought.
Modern conservation, in which natural resources are pur—
posely preserved and used, was only beginning to develop in
1870—1880. An example of this can be illustrated by the
establishment of Yellowstone Park by Congressional action

in 1872. The park was preserved because it was distinct

from the surrounding western countryside. The presence of
hot springs and geysers prompted a movement to establish

a museum of ”curiosities” and wonders.22 Very little thought
was given to the historical significance or popular appeal
that the park would hold for future generations. Congress
did not purpose to "save" this region for the posterity of
the nation, but rather to withdraw it from settlement and
exploitation because of its unique physical attributes.
Although this action is different fromeamodern definition

of conservation, it was an attempt to strike a balance
between over—utilization and the preservation of natural
resources. This balance would eventually become twentieth
century conservation.

The literature of conservationist thought and practice
has acknowledged the important contributions of George
Perkins Marsh but has neglected other prominent figures.
One of the earliest critics of the decimation of the
western animal resources was George Bird Grinnell, born in
1849 and raised in New York City, who accompanied the

Othniel C. Marsh Expedition of 1870 to the American West.

30

Marsh, a Yale paleontologist, went west to survey geological
and fossil deposits and the expedition reached the present
state of Wyoming in the late summer of 1870.23 Grinnell,
complete with his eastern biases, and a self—avowed
"pilgrim”, found himself in the American West in all its
glory. The Pawnee; Cheyenne, Blackfoot, and Sioux were
present in large numbers in the west and were frequently
encountered on the 1870 expedition. Later, in June of
1875, Grinnell traveled as the expedition naturalist of the
Ludlow party to Montana to survey Yellowstone Park. In his
official report to Washington, he prefaced a "Letter of
Transmittal” with a comment on the destruction of western
animal resources.
It may be out of place here to call ... attention to
the terrible destruction of large game, for the hides
alone, which is constantly going on in those portions
of Montana and Wyoming through which we passed.
Buffalo, elk, mule deer and antelope are being
slaughtered by the thousands each year, without
regard to age or sex, and at all seasons. Of the
vast majority of animals killed, the hide only is
taken. Females of all these species are as eagerly
pursued in the spring, when just about tg4bring
forth their young, as at any other time.
This wholesale slaughter of North American animals had been
addressed in 1843 by John James Audubon when he predicted
the demise of the buffalo for many of the same reasons that
. . 25
Grinnell described.
The focusing of public attention upon the exploitation
of animal resources in the United States signals the advent

of conservationist thought, which would eventually develop

into the contemporary "outdoor ethic.” This development

31

was not without ironic twists, for while the Congress was
protecting Yellowstone Park, it was also condoning the
destruction of the American Bison via appropriations to
the military that allowed hide hunters to obtain free powder
and lead from military installations. Conservationist
thought would develop very slowly between 1870 and 1900,
but this development would accelerate as the rapacious
destruction of animal resources continued. The need for an
"ethical” relationship between man and the environment
would become a commonsense adaptation to the demise of
game populations. The development of this "ethical" tie
with the environment would be significantly influenced by
the examples and philosophy of Native Americans as the
destruction of wild game became more prevelent.

The literature is resplendent with examples of the
destruction of natural resources as a result of western

expansion. Peter Matthiessen, in his work, Wildlife in

 

America, states that "At one time or another the white

man has substantially diminshed all the hoofed mammals of
North America.”26 It is ironic that Native peoples were
popularly blamed for the destruction of many of the great
herds of game animals that roamed the west. Richard H.
Pough, in his introduction to Matthiessen's text, singles
out the Indian as the "scapegoat" in relation to dwindling
western game populations. "The Indians were the first to
be blamed, and then, as their numbers decreased, the blame

was shifted to predators.”27 Pough was referring to the

32

tradition of blaming Native Americans for the decimation
of animal populations.

”The Indians, by a very bad policy, prefer the flesh

of the Cows; which in time will destroy the species.”

(The idea that the Indian was the sole culprit in

the destruction of the bison was to gain fig popularity

as its slaughter by white men increased.)

The popular stereotype of the Indian during the late nine-
teenth century as an exploiter was a classic case of
”blaming the victim”.

It must be stated, though, that Native Americans did
play a role in the decimation of natural resources on the
North American continent. Native peoples benefited from
and participated in the destruction of animal populations,
particularly the beaver and large western hoofed mammals,
during the contact period. Native Americans participated in
the overhunting of these species out of necessity. When
Indians did take part in the destruction of game animals
during the historic contact period and into the late
nineteenth century, it was not for the same reasons that
non—Indian market hunters and hide hunters did. Subsis—
tence and cultural autonomy, rather than avarice, were the
motivators for Native American participation in the trade.

The role of Native Americans in the destruction of

game animals has recently been addressed by the publication

of Calvin Martin's, Keepers of the Game. This text has

 

generated a great deal fo critical interest, and it is
important to any discussion of Native peoples as conser-

vationists. Martin postulates that Native Americans, who

33

were engaged in the fur trade, waged a war on ”revenge"
against fur bearers, in particular the beaver. He surmises
that the effects of European diseases, which decimated
Native populations, were eventually attributed to the
beaver, and this provided the rationale for Native hunters
to exploit the beaver for the fur trade.

The work is a provocative attempt to provide a new
rationale for the behavior of Native hunters in the fur
trade, but Martin's contentions are weakly supported, and
the argument is riddled with contradicitons. Martin con-
tends that Native Americans were not conservationists, and
that this image is simply a popular "stereotype”.

Late in the 1960's the North American Indian acquired

yet another stereotypic image in the popular mind:

the erstwhile "savage", the ”drunken" Indian, the

"vanishing" Indian was conferred the title of the

"ecological” (i.e., conservationist-minded) Indian.

Propped up for everything that was environmentally

sound, the Indian was introduced to the American

public as the great high priest of the Ecology Cult.

Depending upon one's point of reference, this might

appear to be another crass commercial gimmick, a

serious case of misread or ignored history, or a

logical outgrowth of the conservation movement.

Actually, it was some of all three. The idea would

never have taken hold had it not been that the

conservationists needed a spiritual leader at that
particular point in time, and the Indian, given the
contemporary fervor and theglogy of environmentalism,
seemed the logical choice.
Martin's perception of Native peopels as non-conservation-
ists, when coupled with his allegation that Native Americans
engaged in a war of revenge on the beaver, portrays Native

peoples as exploiters and disavows the consistantly reiter—

ated "sacred" relationship between man and environment.

34

There is no doubt, as Martin and others contend, that
Native Americans were the principal agents in overharvesting
furbearers during the fur trade, but reasons for this
activity have been totally misconstrued. As Martin points
out, the analysis of the fur trade and Native participation
via western economic theory is a fruitless past-time.
Western conceptions of markets and incentives cannot be
imposed upon culturally distinct groups. Martin prefers
the notion that ”traditional”, time honored religious
systems were undermined, and this led to Native American
involvement in the trade. Without the long standing
religious ties to animals, Native Americans were lured
into the trade because of the incentives that were provided
by Europeans in the form of trade goods. Native Americans
were not "seduced” into the trade, rather the disintegra-
tion of cultural systems provided an appropriate environ-
ment in which the trade could occur. Once the trade cycle
began, and Native peoples came to rely on European trade
goods, indigenous practices and material culture fell into
disuse. This, when coupled with the tremendous effects
of disease upon Native populations, tied Native peoples
to the trade to sustain themselves.

There are a number of assumptions that seriously flaw

Keepers of the Game. In many instances, Martin takes his

 

sources at face value, without a critical appraisal of the
information. This is particularly true of the discussion

of the Midewiwin (Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwe).

 

35

Martin agrees with Harold Hickerson, "that the Midewiwin

was a post—contact, nativistic cult."3O

Martin supports
Hickerson's interpretation because Hickerson, who "has
combed the Jesuit Relations and other appropriate seven-
teenth century sources, found no signs of it prior to the
early eighteenth century."31 This interpretation is highly
ethnocentric and denies the oral traditions of Native
peoples, particularly the Ojibwe, which Martin sees fit
to use when they suit his purposes. To disavow the
existence of a highly secret society because it is not
mentioned in the literature, when that society functions in
an oral culture, is a bias that contemporary historians
must come to grips with. The emphasis on the quantification
of literary sources detracts from the examination of cul-
turally viable phenomena. The oral traditions of the
Ojibwe place the Midewiwin in the precontract period,
and this has also been stated in the literature that has
been written by Native Americans.32

Martin's work is seriously marred by his inadequate
knowledge of animals, particularly, the beaver. Referring
to the relationship between man and beaver, Martin states:
"The two were locked in mortal combat, with the Indian the
perennial underdog. Man's primitive tools were pitfully
inadequate to penetrate the fortress—like lodge, reasoned
Thompson. So the Indian stood by and watched, helplessly,

as beaver multiplied and became a nuisance, and then a

menace, assuming possession of every waterway that lent

36

itself to their purposes.”33 Martin goes on to cite a
conversation between two Cree hunters during the late
eighteenth or early nineteenth century, which was recorded

by David Thompson in his Narrative,34 to provide evidence

 

for the spiritual sanction for the destruction of the
beaver. One of the elder Cree spokesman stated: "the
Great Spirit has been, and now is, very angrey with them
and they are now all to be destroyed."35 Martin uses

this statement, which seems to be a classic rationalization
for decimating beaver during the peak of the fur trade,

as support for the contention "that on the eve of European
contact man and beast were at war.”36 This proposal
entirely denies the beneficial nature of the beaver in the
Native hunters eco—system.

The beaver, with its aquatic environment, is a blessing
to the hunter. The beaver's backwaters, from the construc-
tion of dams, support fish populations and provide habitat
for water mammals other than the beaver. Migrating water—
fowl use the beaver ponds for stop-overs, and in the spring
the beaver marshes are prime nesting areas for these winged
travelers. The beaver dams provide major causeways for
mammals, which allow the trapper prime spots to catch game,
but more importantly, the beaver ponds have the effect of
funneling deer and other land animals into narrow spots
where they can be taken by the hunter at close range while

waiting in concealment. In the northern range of the

beaver, they provide the perfect habitat for the moose,

37

which can also be hunted from the land or the water, using
a canoe. The beaver may have been viewed as having fallen
into disfavor with the Great Spirit during the peak of

the fur trade, so as to rationalize the negation of
traditional man—animal relations to Native peoples, but

in thepme-contactwwrld, and the post-fur trade period,

the beaver was viewed as the ally of the Native hunter.
This is especially true when the beaver-man relationship

is examined in the pre—fur trade period, and the effects

of other forms of natural predation are considered. The
beaver was, and is, predated upon by wolves,lqwng wolver—
ines, otters, bears, and coyotes, not to mention eagles,
great horned owls and hawks which will prey upon the young.
The beaver, in the natural eco-system, was never perceived
as a ”nuisance", and most certainly, never infringed on the
land holdings of man.

Martin's explanation of the role of tularemia in act—
ing as a catalyst to the destruction of animals by Native
hunters is equally unsupported. Tularemia, a bacterial
disease, is thought to have been present on the North
American Continent in the form of the "type A" strain of
the disease, which is associated with land organisms, and
"type B", which is the less virulent form of the disease,
and is associated with wetlands.37 The ”type B" form would
be the strain of the bacteria that would likely affect
beaver. This disease, as stated by Martin in his footnote,

is fatal in less than 1% of the untreated cases in humans.

38

Martin concludes, after his discussion of tularemia, without
making any direct connections between Native peoples citing
animals as the causes of their sickness that:

Speculation and conjecture aside, it is obvious

that these Eastern Canadian and other North

American Indians blamed wildlife for their diseases

precisely because they wgre, indeed, the source of

many of their ailments.

This statement is in opposition to the historic perception
of animals by Native peoples, and does not accurately
reflect the causes of illness among tribes in the eastern
woodlands.

William C. Sturtevant, in his critical essay of
Martin's text states that, "There appears to be no evidence
that Northern Indians blamed wildlife in this way; rather,
they blamed themselves for contravening the rules governing
the relations between humans and animals."39 Sickness,
as clarified by Sturtevant, and further supported by A.I.
Hallowell, is caused by the behaviors of peoples. Hallowell
contends that "any serious illness is associated with some
prior conduct which involved an infraction of moral rules:
the illness is explained as a penalty for bad conduct."4O
Even if Martin's assumption was correct pertaining to the
causes of illness among Eastern Canadian Indians, and it
wasn't, it would be a quantum leap in logic to infer that
a disease that is fatal to less than 1% of the untreated
cases was associated as the causal agent of pandemics which

destroyed up to 95% of the members of certain Native

American groups. Native peoples had absolutely no reason

39

to attribute the effects of European diseases to the beaver
and the least virulent form of tularemia.
The primary reason for this digression to explicitly

criticize Keepers of the Game is to point out that Martin's

 

consideration of Native peoples as non—conservationists is
based on incorrect assumptions. He states in the concluding

paragraph of Keepers of the Game: "Nature, for virtually all

 

North American Indians, was sensate, animate, and capable of
aggressive behavior toward mankind."41 Martin was only par-
tially correct. The environment was sensate and animate, and
it was capable of inflicting harm, but animals were not the
purveyors of these ill—tidings. Martin erroneously surmised
that these qualities of the environment predisposed Native
peoples to "wage war” on animals, and this is simply not true.
Martin's underestimation of Native peoples is clearly
exhibited in his inability to understand man-animal rela—
tions and the performance of condolances or rituals of
atonement. Native peoples conducted rituals of atonement
to assist the slain animals' spirit to the next world, and
to give thanks for providing food for the hunter's family.
This ritual was perceived as being a renewal of the formal
ties of man and animal, and an acknowledgement of each re
spective parties role in the creation. These atonements
were conducted because Native peoples desired to dwell on
the very serious nature of their behavior. They had just
KILLED another being to insure the survival of their family,
and this was a part of the Creator's will. Animals were

gifts to man, and this relationship must be taken seriously.

40

These rituals were not conducted, as Martin contends, to
stop animals from ”inflicting disease.”42 Since Martin
proposes that these rituals were only performed as protec—
tive devices, this of course, negates any ”ethical" ties
that Native hunters may have had with game animals. These
ethical ties, are the cornerstone of modern conservation,
and Martin's inability to perceive of atonements as anything
other than protective measures forces him to pigeon-hole
Native peoples as non-conservationists. There can be no
doubt that western game animal populations would have fared
much better if non-Indian hunters would have "ritualized"
their actions of killing, or simply reflected on their
"ethical” tie with the Creation, as Native hunters did.
Even when the Utes of Colorado were forced to kill
thousands of antelope for their hides and meat in 1878,
this was not a wanton act of destruction but rather the
only vehicle for the Utes to maintain some semblence of
equality between the encroaching settlers, the military and
themselves. They distained the slaughter, but by 1878 the
buffalo were scarce on the northern plains, and this meant
that the subsistence patterns of the Ute were severely
disrupted. They, as a people, were faced with minimal
alternatives to ensure their continued survival. One
alternative was to participate in the widespread butchering
that surrounded them: by participating, they could at
least sustain themselves. It was a matter of selecting

the lesser of two evils. They could be exterminated

41

or confined to reservations, or they could provide for
themselves by hide hunting. The only choice was the latter.

Some scholars have used the examples of Native American
complicity in acts of destruction to rationalize the con-
duct of non—Indian hunters. John F. Reiger states, for
instance, that ”It appears that the Indian once corrupted,
could give up his customary reverence for nature and

"43 Reiger

exploit it just as ruthlessly as the white man.
and others neglect the effects of the primarily non-Indian
resource exploitation on Indian actions. This represents

a ”we're not the only ones” phenomena. The inclusion of
Native peoples as resource exploiters diffuses the
responsibility for the destruction of game resourCes, yet
the brunt of the responsibility clearly rests with non—
Indian hunters and profiteers who possessed few "spiritual"
ties to the land.

The actions of western settlers and hunters belie the
absence of a land ethic or conservationist thought during
the period from 1870-1900. This is not to say that there
were not efforts in that direction: some of these movements
will be discussed in the next chapter. The fact remains
though, that if these land or environmental philosophies
were present, they were not popularly perceived or practiced
by the “frontiersman.”

In contrast to the frontiersman, Native Americans have
been identified as having and practicing a philosophical/

spiritual tie with the land and with animal populations.

42

This relationship with the environment was intact during
the decades from 1870-1900, and no groups of people de-
cried the decimation of the American Bison more than Native
Americans. The prefacing remarks at many treaty councils
between the United States Federal Government and Indian
Nations included statements that protested the destruction
of game animals. With the destruction of food sources,
indigenous peoples were forced to become more dependent
upon the federal government. The resulting cultural dis-
ruption and change would cause innumerable problems for
Native peoples.

The frequent contact between American Indians and
military personnel, guides, settlers and travelers was
destined to result in acculturation. Acculturation,
which is the process of modifying culture via contact
between differing groups, is not a unilateral phenomena.
It has been proposed that acculturation only affects the
"primitive” or lesser developed peoples when cultural
contact occurs. This is simply not the case. Numerous
examples can be cited which support the contention that
acculturation is, in reality, a two-way street. The adop—
tion of tobacco by European populations, the reliance on
corn and bean crops that were indigenous to North American
by early colonial settlers, the utilization of Native
American modes of transportation (canoe, snow shoes,
tobaggon), and the acquisition of Native American hunting

techniques are examples of the acculturation of European

43

populations to indigenous cultural patterns. The influences
of Native peoples upon the development of the North American
continent are undeniable. It is not a preposterous assump—
tion then, that the philosophy of Native Americans should
eventually impact on the "American" perception of the
natural world. Of course, this development was gradual

and the movement encompassed many years.

Initially, Europeans lacked real interest in the work—
ings of Native American cultures. This lack of understanding
was exacerbated by the continuing hostilities between the
divergent groups of peoples that were involved in the
conquest of North America. By the mid—nineteenth century
though, attitudes toward the Native American had started
to change. The effects of the Removal Act of 1830, and
the "pacification" of the eastern tribes created an atmos-
phere of concerned parternalism among eastern and New
England populations. These regions were destined to become
the centers of "Indian reform”, which ironically was
directed by non-Indian peoples, and in the late nineteenth
century these areas were concerned about the future of
the American Indian. These regions would nurture the
”friends" of the American Indian who would lead fights to
protect Native rights, and look out for the interests of
their poor "brethren." The bent of the reformers was pro-
assimilationist, but this was to be expected. These same
geographic regions that would produce prominent reformers,

would also yield the men and women who recognized the

44

\
tenets of Native American philosophy/spirituality that

would develop into the twentieth century conservation ethic.
Henry David Thoreau, George Bird Grinnell, Ernest
Thompson Seton, Hamlin Garland and Charles Alexander
Eastman, to name a few, would be strongly influenced by
the growing concerns of the eastern "friends” of the Native
American. These men, excepting Charles A. Eastman, who
was a Santee Sioux, gradually became familiar with the
basic values of Native American philosophy via their
travels and involvement with American Indians. Theirt
insights were often at odds with the eastern "friends”, who
desired to obliterate Native American culture, and after
extensive contact with Native peoples, they genuinely per—
ceived the validity of Native American ties with the environ-
ment. It must be clearly stated that these men were also
influenced by the contemporary images and perceptions of
Native Americans that were the outgrowth of historical
contact and cultural biases. Thoreau, Grinnell, Seton and
the others, were not immune to the effects of literary
traditions that had created a definition of Native peoples.
The concept of savagism, which defined the parameters of
Native American existence intfluemid and late nineteenth
century, provided a popular interpretation of Native peoples.
Savagism created the image of Native peoples at this period
of time, and this image, even though it was a distortion of
reality, constrained the thinking of nearly all educated

people. Robert F. Sayre, in Thoreau and the American

 

45

Indians, has outlined the major tenets of savagism.

The major stereotypes in savagism were that Indians

were (1) solitary hunters rather than farmers; (2)

tradition-bound and not susceptible to improvement;

(3) childlike innocents who were corrupted by

civilization; (4) superstitious pagans who would

not accept the highest offerings of civilization

like Christianity; and, therefore, (5) doomed to

extinction.

These ideas would ”color” the perceptions of Thoreau,
Grinnell and others, for a period of time, but eventually
these notions would be seriously questioned and overturned
in favor of more realistic definitions of Native American
individuality and existance.

George Bird Grinnell and Ernest Thompson Seton were
strongly influenced by savagism during their early contacts
with Native Americans. These influences were vivid and can
be witnessed in their first observations of Native peoples.
Grinnell, as a member of the Marsh Expedition of 1870,
remarked one day that, ”only one Indian was seen and no
one could get a shot at him.”45 Over the next forty years,
George Bird Grinnell would greatly moderate his views
toward the American Indian. He would become a prominent
ethnographer of the Cheyenne and Blackfoot and draw heavily
upon his extensive contact with Native Americans to shape
his contributions to the formation of conservationist
thought in America. Ernest Thompson Seton, while forming
his Woodcraft Indians in 1902, proposed to adopt the
”best of the Indian ways" for his organization. There can

be no doubt that Seton's idea of "the best”, incorporated

stereotypic images of what he considered Native Americans

46

to be. After extensive contact with Native peoples during

the next thirty years, Seton would publish The Gospel of

 

the Redman. This text is a condemnation of the civiliza—

 

tion of the "whiteman", and in the epilogue, Seton would
address his readers as an Indian when he expounded on the
”Redman's Message."

We offer you the Message of the Redman, the Creed of

Manhood. We advocate his culture as an improvement

on our own, if perchance by belated repentance, re-

morse, restitution, and justification, we may save
ourselves from Divine vegeance and total destruc-
tion, as did the Ninevites in their final stance;

so that we may have a cggnce to begin again with a

better, higher thought.

It is obvious that both Seton and Grinnell had changed
their opinions of Native peoples because of their exten—
sive contact and interaction with Native Americans.

The intimate contact that Grinnell and Seton had with
Native peoples and consequentially, their changed percep—
tions of Native Americans, was indicative of the transfor-
mations that others would accomplish. As personal relation—
ships were established with Native peoples, the tenets of
savagism were undermined because the individual character-
istics of Native people, rather than group generalizations,
surfaced. As many of the proponents of the contemporary
conservation ethic learned more about the intricate workings
of Native American societies, they began to be influenced
by the philosophy of indigenous Americans which closely
tied people to the land. The Native American's ties with

the earth and the environment became the prototype of modern

conservationist thought. It is interesting to note that

47

prior to the development of American conservation in the
late nineteenth century, there were no popular western models
of sustained yield management plans in relationship to
natural resources. There were elite management systems

that had emigrated to North America from Europe, but these
"preserves" were the domain of the affluent, and certainly
were not accessible to the "public". Animal resources

and other natural resources were protected by ownership
rights and land tenure systems that actively excluded

large segments of populations from using private property.
This system was nearly impossible to implement in the
American West because of the vastness of the country, and
the abundance of game animals. As a result, there was no
control over man's relationship to the environment.
Behaviors pertaining to man—animal relations were not inter-
nalized by settlers and the purveyors of western civili-
zation to the plains, and as a result, had to be regulated
by the passage of game laws and sanctions in the late
nineteenth and early twentieth century. In contrast to this
orientation with its roots in European law, Native Americans
had internalized perceptions of the environment and philos—
ophically/spiritually controlled behaviors in relation to
natural resources. It was this cultural appreciation for
the earth and her bounty that appealed to Grinnell and
Seton, and others who would eventually disseminate the

"outdoor ethic."

48

Western civilization had not produced a systematic and
internalized format for promoting a "relatedness" between
man and environment. This lack of an ethical tie would
prompt exploiters of American resources to make outrageous
statements and claims.

As late as 1879 Mr. E.T. Martin, self-advertised as
the ”largest dealer in live pigeons for trap shooting
in the world, also a dealer in guns, glass balls,
traps, nets," gave it as his opinion, in American
Field, that the birds of the air and the beasts of
the field were purely and simply a gift fig man from
God above, "for his benefit and profit."

 

These sentiments were the historical outgrowth of the
"American" attitude toward nature. Exploitation had always
been condoned in the "New World.” The initial, presettle-
ment contacts between Europeans and indigenous populations
of North America centered on the exploitation of natural
resources, whether they be animal, plant, or human re-
sources (slaves). Russel B. Nye in "The American View of
Nature", discusses the philosophical and religious concepts
that led to the exploitation of the ”New World”.48 The
preoccupation with wealth, which could be obtained from the
over-utilization of natural resources, was present in the
earliest colonial times. Christopher Smith, upon his return
to England from the Jamestown colony, assessed the new
lands of North America in terms of ”an expectuance and

,49

assurance of great wealth.‘ The natural beauty of the

land was perceived by the early colonist, but as Nye states
it, "America was beautiful, but more important, it was

profitable."50 The utility of the land soon outstripped

the aesthetic qualities of natural beauty.

49

To the European colonist, nature posed an onmipresent

threat.

Over the centuries Europe and Asia had worked out a
kind of symbiotic relationship between man and nature,
but those who first settled on the edge of this huge,
unknown expanse possessed no knowledge of wilderness
nor an understanding of how to live with it. American
nature was new, strange, and hostile, not at all so
responsive and predictable as the Old World had become
over generations of mutual acquaintance with man.
Nature had to be subjugated, if the Colonists' goals-
ranging from the Puritan's desire for God's common-
wealth to the adventurer's search for jgwels in
Virginia's sands — were to be realized.

Two major perceptions of the environment would be quickly
formed by the early colonists on the North American con—
tinent.

First, they regarded nature as a commodity, a source
of food fiber, wealth, power and physical and social
well-being, to be utilized for man's comfort and
profit. Second, they considered nature to be a
source of knowledge, a visible lesson designed by a
wise and beneficent Creator for man's instruction.
Nature had both use and meaning. It was to be

both exploited and contemplated; it was tool and
symbol. These two attitudes have controlled the
patterpzof American's reactions to nature ever
Since.

 

 

By the nineteenth century, the concern for profit that could
be derived from the land, vastly outweighted any ”lessons”
that could be gleaned form the environment.
The second half of the nineteenth century witnessed
unparalleled decimation of resources and unequaled
examples of personal avarice. This was particularly true
in the American west.
With neither rules nor guidelines to follow, the
settler had no reason to consider the West as any-
thing more than so much raw material to be exploited

here and now. A man's time and effort and profit
seemed much more important than the resources at

50

hand, so he used the resources as he pleased. Since

wood ash was commercially more valuable than trees,

Ohio settlers burned whole sections of foreSt for

the ashes alone. Passenger pigeons, killed by the

thousands, became hog food. California loggers,

John Muir found, burned out smaller sequoias to get

at the big ones, which they blasted into manageable

pieces with gunpowder, wasting half the tree. If

nature was to be used, the Americans used it with

vengeance, literally ripping the land to pieces,

leaving3the evidence still visible in the West

today.
The development of a western ”relationship” with the land
differed significantly from the environmental perceptions
and actions of Native Americans. The notion of capitalistic
profits, by the acquisition of large surpluses and wealth
from the environment, was not a part of "traditional"
Native American philosophy as it related man to the land.
Natural resources, for Native peoples, were tied to the
well—being and continuation of the people. The natural
world did not ”belong” to anyone, rather it was to be
used in a manner that would insure subsistence and survival
for future generations. The idea of procuring large
financial gains as a result of exploiting the resources of
future generations was repulsive to Native Americans, and
it was also distainful to the proponents of the conservation
movement in the latter part of the nineteenth century. As
the destruction of American resources continued during
this period of time, the need for a personal, ethical tie to
the environment increased. This need was met in part by
the presence of Native Americans and their spiritual rela—
tionship to the land. The ”First Americans” would play a

crucial role in the establishment and dissemination of the

modern conservation ethic.

FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER II

lClark Wissler. Indians of the United States. New
York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1949, p. 301.

 

2Alvin M. Josephy, Jr. The Indian Heritage of America.
New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1968, p. 12.

 

3Robert F. Berkhofer, Jr. The White Man's Indian.

New York: Vintage Books, 1978, p. 4—5.

 

4Adrian Tanner. Bringing Home Animals: Indigenous
Ideology and Mode of Production of theMistassina Cree
Hunters. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1979, p. 173.

 

 

5Christopher Vecsey and Robert W. Venables, Eds.
American Indian Environments. Syracuse: Syracuse Univer-
sity Press, 1980, p. X.

 

6William A. Starna. Review of American Indian

Environments, in American Anthropologist, Vol. 84, 1982,
p. 468.

 

 

 

7Ibid. p. 469.
8Oren Lyons. "An Iroquois Perspective,” in Vecsey and
Venables' American Indian Environments. Syracuse: Syracuse

 

University Press, 1980, p. 174.

9John M. Rich. Chief Seattle's Unanswered Challenge.

Fairfield, Washington: Ye Galleon Press, 1970, p. 32-41.

 

lOUnauthored Pamphlet. Shalom for the Land.

Minneapolis: The Augsburg Publishing Company.

 

llOp. Cit. Rich, p. 45.

12John G. Neihardt. Black Elk Speaks. New York:

Pocket Books, 1972, p. 230.

 

52

l3J.R. Walker. The Sun Dance and Other Ceremonies of

The Oglala Division of the Teton Sioux. New York: AMS
Press, 1971, p. 160.

 

 

l4Barre Toelken. "Seeing With A Native Eye: How Many

Sheet Will It Hold?”, in Walter Holden Capps, Ed. Seeing
With A Native Eye: Essays on Native American Religion.
New York: Harper Forum Books, 1976, p. 14.

 

15John (Fire) Lame Deer and Richard Erdoes. Lame Deer

 

Seeker of Visions. New York: Pocket Books, 1972, p. 32—33.

 

16William Carlos Williams. In The American Grain.

New York: Boni Press, 1925.

 

l7Jacob A. Riis. How the Other Half Lives. New York:

Hill and Wang, 1957, p. 2.

 

18Cy Martin. The Saga of the Buffalo. New York:

Hart Publishing Company Inc., 1973, p. 138.

 

lgIbid. p. 94.

ZOIbid. p. 170.

21Peter Matthiessen. Wildlife in America. New York:

Viking Press, 1967, p. 189.

 

22John R. Reiger. The Passing of the Great West:

Selected Papers of George Bird Grinnell. New York:
Winchester Press, 1972, p. 109.

 

 

23Ibid. p. 29—30.

24Ibid. p. 118.

25Op Cit. Matthiessen, p. 147.

261bid. p. 144.

27Ibid. p. 14.

28Ibid. p. 84.

53

29Calvin Martin. Keepers of the Game. Los Angeles:
University of California Press, 1978, p. 157.

 

30Ibid. p. 85.
3lIbid. p. 85.
32Edward Benton-Benai. The Mishomis Book: The Voice

 

of the Ojibway. St. Paul: Indian Country Press, 1979,
p. 94-102.

 

33Op. Cit. Martin, p. 106.

34David Thompson. Narrative, 1784-1812. Edited by

Richard Glover. Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1962.

 

35Op. Cit. Martin, p. 107.

36Ibid. p. 107.

37Ibid. p. 141.

38Ibid. p. 144.

39William C. Sturtevant. ”Animals and Disease in

Indian Belief," in Indians, Animals, and the Fur Trade:
A Critique of Keepers of the Game, edited by Shepard Krech
III. Athens: The University of Georgie Press, 1981, p. 180.

 

 

4OIbid. p. 183.

41Op. Cit. Martin, p. 187.

 

421bid. p. 82.
43 . .
Op. Cit. Reiger, p. 141.
44Robert F. Sayre. Thoreau and the American Indians.
New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1977, p. 6.
45

Op. Cit. Reiger. p. 35.

46Ernest Thompson Seton. The Gospel of the Redman.

Santa Fe, New Mexico: Seton Village Press, 1966, p. 108.

 

54

47Op. Cit. Matthiessen, p. 160.

48Russel B. Nye. This Almost Chosen People. East

Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1966.

 

49Ibid. p. 257.

SOIbid. p. 257.

SlIbid. p. 258.

SZIbid. p. 260.

S3Ibid. p. 278.

CHAPTER III

THE LITERARY TREATMENT OF
NATIVE AMERICANS IN ELITE LITERATURE

Historians of the conservation ethic have not acknow-
ledged the contributions of Native Americans in the forma-
tion of that ethic. This trend has been reinforced by the
heavy reliance upon the transcendental writers as the
basis for the development of nature and conservation
movements in the 19th century. The role and contribution
of the transcendentalists is undeniable, but they alone
were not totally responsible for the developing ethical
relationship of man to the environment.

In 1835, Ralph Waldo Emerson published a short volume
entitled, Nature. The publication of this short essay is
credited with significantly influencing subsequent writings
which portray or describe the natural world,1 and it also
had the effect of legitimizing the field of ”sentimental”

literature.2 Hans Huth, in Nature and Man: Three Centuries

 

of Changing Attitudes, states that, "this essay would be

 

regarded as the philosophical constitution of transcen-
dentalism, and that it would be a source of some of the
main future trends of thought.”3 The idea of nature, as an
appropriate topic for elite writing, was beginning to take

hold and the rise of transcendentalism would be influenced

56

by Emerson, and at a later date, by his friend Henry
David Thoreau.

Transcendentalism, as a recognized school of American
thought, was a response to the romaticism of the early
19th century. The romanticist focused upon natural beauty
as a form of opposition to city life. The vastness and
picturesque nature of the American landscape fascinated
the romatic mind and the environment provided an unobstruc-
ted setting for escapism through literature or the graphic
arts. Transcendentalism, as a response to romantic thought,
feared the effects of the industrial revolution and the
rapid social changes that accompanied industrial growth.

The transcendentalist was interested in the self-sufficiency
of the individual, and independence from societal constraint,
and held an uncompromising belief in divinely santioned
personal morality. Human beings, because of their reason—
ing ability, were capable of ethical and moral behavior

that was not regulated by governments and bureaucracies.

The faculty of reason allowed man to decide what was

"right" and when left alone, she/he would invariably exhibit
the appropriate behavior.

When in a state of nature, people were free to act
according to personal dictates of conscience. In nature,
man was unfettered by the laws of other men, which
corrupted because of influences that were not divinely
inspired. The state of nature allowed man, without the

influences of economics or peer pressure, to decide

57

questions of justice and humanitarianism. Obviously, the
transcendentalist had a very optimistic perception of mankind.
Transcendentalism was not a philosophy of the frontier, but
rather an ideology that grew and found support in the

eastern regions of the United States.

Emerson sympathized with Native Americans but was only
slightly influenced by them. He had very little contact
with Native peoples, but like many educated easterners, he
kept abreast of Indian ”problems” by reading the newspaper.
In 1838, after the culmination of years of legal struggle,
the Cherokees were ordered removed from Georgia. They had
exhausted their legal alternatives, and even though Chief
Justice John Marshall and the Supreme Court ruled in their
favor in Worchester — vs - Georgia (1832), President Jackson
ignored the decision and allowed the forced removal to
begin.4 Emerson, upon hearing that the army was to be
used to forcibly relocate the Cherokee to Indian Territory,
penned a public letter to President Van Buren.

A crime is projected that confounds our understandings

by its magnitude, a crime that really deprives us as

well as the Cherokees of the country, for how could

we call the conspiracy that should crush these poor

Indians our government, or the land that was cursed

by their parting and dying imprecations our country,

any more?

There can be no doubt that Emerson sympathized with the
Cherokee during the removal period, but Native Americans
as subject matter had little effect on Emerson's writing.

The influence of the American Indian would be imprinted

upon Emerson's friend, Henry David Thoreau.

58

If Emerson is to receive the credit for focusing
attention upon the natural environment, then Thoreau must
be singled out as one of nature's most elequent spokesmen.
Henry David Thoreau, although not a particularly popular
writer during his life, would leave a ubiquitous legacy and
contribution to contemporary perceptions of nature. It is
Thoreau who ultimately receives the accolades of past and
present day scholars for providing much of the impetus for
the modern conservation movement.

Henry David Thoreau was born in Concord, Massachusetts
on July 12, 1817. He was one of four children and the
family enjoyed the study of natural history. The family
owned a pencil and graphite business, and this opreation
provided a degree of financial security to the family.
Henry Thoreau attended Concord Academy, one of the better
prepatory schools in the east, and eventually entered
Harvard in 1833. He met Emerson in 1835, and the friend-
ship blossomed. Thoreau was particularly influenced by
the publication of Nature in 1836, and his association with
Emerson would prove to be one of the important vehicles
to achieve his literary career.

More than any other transcendentialist, Thoreau would
exert a major impact upon the developing perception of
nature. His contribution to the environmental movement
can be traced to the impact of his major publications. In
1849, Thoreau published his now famous essay on civil

disobedience, and A Week on the Concord and Merrimack Rivers.

 

59

This latter publication would become one of his most fre—
quently quoted naturalist works. The publication of

Walden; or, Life in the Woods in 1854, would solidify his

 

reputation as a nature writer. A number of shorter works
that were written between 1848 and 1860, would culminate

in the publication of The Maine Woods in 1864. These pre-

 

ceding works would become identified as the major nature
publications of Thoreau. His focus on the relationship of
man to the natural world would have a profound influence
on future generations.

Thoreau died in 1862, and his writings have become the
acknowledged cornerstone for ecological and conservationist
literature. The scholarly debt to Thoreau is frequently
alluded to in writings on nature, but until recently the
influence of Native peoples upon Thoreau has not been
acknowledged. For the most part, the writings of Thoreau
are viewed as the result of his elite education and the
influences of American thought and letters.

Hans Huth, in Nature and the American, differentiates

 

Thoreau from Emerson and discusses his special contribution
to the American perception of nature.

Emerson engaged in philosophical speculation, whereas
Thoreau provided detailed information gathered under
the stimulating influences of transcendentalism. And
he offered it in a form which he had shaped to suit
his needs—-the nature essay introduced a new way of
presenting information about nature. In them, in-
stead of romantic sentiment, superficial enthusiasm,
or a quest for novelty, there is genuine inspiration,
realistic style, unfailing perception, and above all
a deep feeling for and understanding of every small
bit of God's creation. Somehow Thoreau seems to have

60

made himself a part of nature and have learned more
from it than all the scientific observers had learned
by rationalistic study. With his thoughts and obser-
vations as an example, Thoreau's followers continued
to emulate the nature essay thrgughout the second
half of the nineteenth century.
Huth goes on to discuss the influence of Thoreau upon
Nathaniel Hawthorne, Thomas Wentworth Higginson, and
Thomas Starr King, each of whom helped shape the develop-
ing perception of nature.7 Of the prominent nature
writers of the second half of the nineteenth century, only
John Burroughs disavowed the influence of Thoreau. The
egotistical Burroughs, although rejecting the impact of
Thoreau, focused on man's harmonious relationship with the
environment.8 Burrough's inflated self—perception often
led him to vehemently deny any influence that may dis—
credit his own place in the literature.
Other scholars and naturalists besides Huth have

stressed Thoreau's influence. Peter Matthiessen's Wildlife

in America attributes the writings of Burroughs, along

 

with Bradford Torrey, and John Muir, to the "tradition

of Emerson and Thoreau."9 Roderick Nash's Wilderness and

 

the American Mind pays homage to Thoreau as one of the
prominent pioneers of environmental writing. Nash traces
the development of conservationist thought from Thoreau,
to John Muir, to Aldo Leopold. The acknowledged contribu—
tion of Thoreau has continued to the present day, and has
gained strength in recent years. The text of the 1962
Sierra Club publication "In Wildness is the Preservation

of the World”, which derives its title from Thoreau, is a

61

collection of exquisite photographs by Eliot Porter,
accompanied by the prose of Thoreau.10 This publication
links Thoreau with one of the most prominent conservation/
preservation organizations in the United States. The Sierra
Club was founded by John Muir in 1892, and the "club" has
extensively used the sentiments of Thoreau to expound on

the organizations philosophy.

The role of the transcendentalists on the development
of the modern conservation ethic is undeniable. The
transcendentalists, by focusing on the natural beauty of
the world, and by keen observations of the interdependent
nature of the environment, have provided a valuable per—
spective that will assist man in his future ecological
pursuits. Unfortunately though, scholarly attention on
the transcendental movement has had the effect of detract-
ing from the influences of Native peoples on the formation
of the outdoor ethic. The advent of transcendental writers
firmly entrenched nature writing in American elite thought.
The transcendentalists were American writers, and they
poignantly acknowledged the significance of man's relation—
ship to the natural world in the literature; hence, these
developments m3§£_have been the product of American genius.
This seems to be a logical assumption, but it denies the
influences on the transcendentalists that were non-western
in origin: namely, the American Indian.

The development of conservationist thought, which has

been attributed to the transcendentalists, has perpetuated

62

a situation whereby it is nearly impossible for any other
movement to receive credit for assisting in the evolution
of conservationist thought. This can be clearly illustrated
by examining the literature of the American West and nature.

Virgin Land: The American West as Symbol and Myth,

 

by Henry Nash Smith is a classic example of a major publi—-
cation that totally relies on American letters and literary
precedents when discussing land and perceptions of nature,
and it ignores the contributions of Native Americans.
Smith's work, published in 1950, is highly regarded in

studies of Americana. Virgin Land received prestigious

 

awards from the historical profession: The Bancroft Award
in American history from Columbia University, and the

John H. Dunning Award in American history from the American
Historical Association.11 Smith depicts the transcenden-
talists as contributing to the notion of the American West

as symbol and myth and as exerting an influence on other

writers. Walt Whitman's Leaves of Grass, which was pub—

 

lished in 1855, is identified as being influenced by
Emerson.12 Moreover, Smith states that, "By 1860 Whitman
had become aware that his original assumptions logically
implied the western orientation inherent in the cult of

"13

manifest destiny. In Virgin Land, the contribution of

 

the transcendentalist is clearly recognized and described,
yet even when the concept of Manifest Destiny, which is
solidly linked to Native peoples is discussed, there is no

mention of Native Americans.

63

Unfortunately, the transcendentalists and other
literary schools receive critical attention at the expense
of Native peoples. Smith treats Native Americans as
invisible beings, who exert no real influence on the
developing perception of the American West. Native
Americans are only referred to in contrast to American
”heroic” figures such as Kit Carson. They are not presented
as the sovereign entities who controlled the American West
for generations, but rather as a casual aside to the
”progress" of western civilization. Smith describes the
American West as, ”the vacant continent beyond the fron-
tier".l4 This is a serious distortion of the reality of
the American West, and the role of Native peoples who
resided there. It is totally unrealistic to consider the
American West without bringing Native peoples into the
discussion. Smith's text doesn't allude to Native peoples
as contributing to the developing perception of the
environment, and it completely ignores the enormous liter-

ature of the American West that focuses on Indian—White

relations. Virgin Land, as the name implies, discusses

 

the history of a vacant continent, as perceived by the
ethnocentric historian, and is the product of an unquestion—
ing reliance on American literary traditions. The text
fails to incorporate the "symbol and myth" of Native
American policy and perceptions of the land.

Roderick Nash's, Wilderness and the American Mind

 

follows in the tradition of Virgin Land.15 Nash's text,

 

64

which is an otherwise excellent work on the American con—
cept of wilderness, only briefly treats Native people.
Again, Native peoples are presented as only a footnote to
the development of American thought and letters. Nash either
describes Native peoples as a terrifying aspect of the
wilderness, who exhibit demonic qualities,cu'as noble
savages.l6 He discusses Native Americans as portrayed by
Henry David Thoreau, Francis Parkman, James Fenimore Cooper,
and George Catlin but ignores the reality of tribal exis—
tance. Not once does Nash allude to the influences of
Native peoples on the formation of American conservationist
thought. Instead, Nash relies on the contributions of
prominent American writers and environmental spokesman to
develop his subject. This reinforces the "Great Man"

school of environmental thought, which highlights only the
contributions of writers such as Henry David Thoreau,

John Muir, and Aldo Leopold.

These three men are the subject of the three biographi—
cal chapters in Nash's text. They have all made enormous
contributions to man's perception of the natural environ-
ment, but all of these men have come to be strongly aligned
with the preservationist philosophy. This is an important

point: the preservationists, who envision wilderness as

 

an environment removed from the influence of man, differ

significantly from conservationists. Wilderness and the

 

 

American Mind is really a history of the preservationist

 

movement in America. Nash's bias becomes clear in the

65

text: he supports the preservationist ideology, and as a
result, downplays the role of conservationist movements.
This point is crucial, because Native peoples were never
preservationists. Native philosophy dictated a utilization
of the natural world, and this relationship is perceived as
a spiritual bond or contract between the participants of

the Creation. Native philosophy, even though it is a dis—
tinct view of man-nature relations, is much more compatible
with conservationist thought, which advocates an intelligent
utilization of the environment.

Nash does not exert a great deal of energy in discuss—
ing the conservationist movement. He refers to Gifford
Pinchot, one of the most famous proponents of the conser—
vationist school, in the context of the preservationist-
conservationist split which occurred in the 1890's.

Pinchot represents the conservationist point of view, which
is merely a foil used to develop the idea of John Muir's
preservationist philosophy.l7 This propensity on the part
of Nash to extol the virtures of preservationist philosophy,
may be one reason why Native Americans receive such short
play in the text. A more logical explanation would be

that like Henry Nash Smith, Roderick Nash has been strongly
influenced by a literature that has continuously under—
estimated the role of Native peoples in forming the con—
servation ethic.

Wilderness and the American Mind clearly supports the

 

idea that American perceptions of the natural environment

66

were heavily influenced by the transcendentalists. The
reiteration of the Thoreau, Muir, Leopold connection places
American attitudes in relation to nature in the realm of
western letters and science. Aldo Leopold, the well known
ecologist and forester, became a strong proponent of wilder-
ness as an important vehicle for scientific study.18 This
reliance on American letters and the evolving concept of
science, again fails to acknowledge the role of Native
Americans in the formation of American perceptions of
wilderness.

The relationship of Henry David Thoreau to Native

peoples has been superficially dealt with by Nash. The

publication of Robert F. Sayre's, Thoreau and the American

 

Indians, has sought to change this historical interpretation.19

Sayre's text is a comprehensive examination of the influence
of Native peoples upon the writings and environmental in—
terpretations of Thoreau. This work is extremely important
because it presents a synthesis of ideas about Native
American influences upon Thoreau. The importance of Thoreau

and the American Indians rests in the fact that Native

 

peoples had an influence upon what many consider to be the
foundations of American environmental thought: the writings
of Thoreau.

Sayre's text is strengthened by the examination of
Thoreau's "Indian Books." Thoreau, over a period of nine-
teen years, kept 12 manuscript notebooks on Native Americans.

These notebooks contained more than 2,800 pages of

67

ethnographic information on the American Indian and in-
cluded personal insights which were gleaned from Thoreau's
travels.20 There has been a great deal of discussion of
the possibility that Thoreau intended to write a book about
Indians. Franklin Sanborn puts forth this notion in his

Life of Henry David Thoreau. Sayre contends that Thoreau

 

was thinking most seriously about this undertaking from

"December, 1852, through February, 1858."21

Thoreau referred
to his Indian notes as the ”Indian Books”, and these manu—
scripts were used as fact books.

For all we know, this somewhat ambiguous name may

have been partially responsible for people's thinking

he planned to write an Indian Book, but "Indian

(Commonplace) Books” or "Indian (Fact) Books" is

clearly what he meant, as can be seen by comparing

them with his yarious other commonplace books and

II "2

Fact Books.
The importance of Thoreau keeping these manuscripts is
that these voluminous notes on Native Americans influenced,
to some degree, Thoreau's perception of nature.

Sayre has compiled a list of the subjects that Thoreau
recorded in the ”Indian Books" which is extremely informa-
tive in relation to Thoreau's interest in the environment.23
Thoreau was preoccupied with the culture of indigenous
peoples, rather than ”with the countless biographies of
famous chiefs and the repeated tales of massacres and cap-
tivities, of Indian vengeance and white perfidy which were
the contents of the popular books."24 Thoreau's emphasis
upon the cultural relations of Native peoples and their sub—

sistence patterns and customs, corrolates to his interests

in mans relationship to the land.

68

Thoreau and the American Indians examines the major
works of Thoreau that elucidate the transcendental percep-

tion of Nature. Sayre critically evaluates A Week on the

 

Concord and Merrimack Rivers, Walden, the ”Indian Books",

 

and ThekaJKEWoods in relation to Native peoples. Sayre

 

prefaces his analysis of these works by devoting chapter
one of his study to an examination of the concept of savagism.
Savagism postulated that Native peoples would become extinct
because of their ”heathenistic" tendencies and their rejec-
tion of Christianity.
With its intricate and influential relationships to
other American ideas of civilization and manifest
destiny, Christianity and the purpose of Europeans
in the New World, savagism was the complex of theories
about Indians held by nearly all Americans of Thoreau's
time. His use of it, his testing of it in various
ways, and his eventagl liberation from it are the
story of this book.
Thoreau's ability to progress beyond the concept of savagism
in his understanding of Native peoples is extremely important
to establishing Indian influence upon his perceptions of

nature .

In A Week on the Concord and Merrimack Rivers, Thoreau

 

presented his experiences and observations, along with
philosophical digressions, during a boat trip with his
browther John on the Concord and Merrimack Rivers. Sayre
contends that, ”from a savagist perspective", "It contains
a condensed history, in an inferential poetic form, of
Indian—European relations in America, as represented in the
little corner of northeastern Massachusetts and southern

"26

New Hampshire which is the book's microcosm. Native

69

Americans are not the primary subject in A Week on the

Concord and Merrimack Rivers, but are mentioned frequently

 

enough to gain insight into Thoreau's perceptions of
Native peoples. In the text, Throeau goes to great lengths
to refer to geogrpahic locations by the indigenous language
of the New England tribes, often tying Native peoples with
the natural pristine qualities of the land.
In his quest for an American aesthetic, he looks to
the original Americans as predecessors who have been
superior in some respects and inferior in others.
Collectively, these visions and references make up
his initial literary savagism. It is drawn from the
savagistzgythology of other writers, but it is also

his own.

A Week on the Concord and Merrimack Rivers presents Native

 

peoples as being a part of the land and the original con—
sciousness of the land. Thoreau expands upon these notions,
but is bound by the influence of savagism in his depiction
of Native peoples.

In Walden, Thoreau again deals with Native Americans
as examples of an unfettered lifestyle which opposes the
constraints of ”civilization”. These notions are obviously
cluttered with savagist images and biases, yet, the fact
remains, Walden and the mention of Native peoples bears
some scrutiny. Sayre analyzes Walden as a Native American
"vision quest”. The vision quest in Native American groups
was used to provide young initiates to adulthood with the
opportunity to fast and isolate themselves from society so
as to receive or discover the purpose to their life. Sayre

is very careful in refuting the idea that Thoreau perceived

70

of his retreat to Walden as a Native American vision quest.

Walden, therefore, is the record of the vision quest
of a transcendental savage, and I would like to study
it in this way, rather than in reference to the
European, Puritan, or Emersonian traditions to which
it has often been compared. I am not arguing that

it corresponds to any particular quest form of American
Indians. On the contrary, I will sometimes point

out how different it is or how, to some Indians,
Thoreau's activities might have seemed very strange
or comical, obvious or pathetic. I will simply show
how he begins with a primitivist critique of civili—
zation and then attempts wild meditations. Thirdly,
I will dwell on some of the visions and discoveries
he made, and finally I will describe his renewals,
represented in his kind of creation tale. It is a
white quest. But it bears comparison with Indian
ones because the white fictions of Indian life helped
inspire it. Sometimefi it penetrates beyond these
fictions into truth.

Thoreau's spiritual undertaking may well have had the same
effect for him that the vision quest had for Native peoples.
He undoubtably strengthened his personal ties with nature
and his experiences, while at Walden, would have profound
meaning for the rest of his life.

One of the most insightful ties between Thoreau's
perception of nature and Native Americans is presented by
Sayre's examination of the "Indian Books" and Walden. In
the spring of 1852, Thoreau was taking notes on Native
American names for the "moons” of the year. It is at this
same period of time that Thoreau ”began to round out the
book's full cycle of the seasons."29 Sayre contends that:

The spring of 1852, therefore, was a crucial time in

Thoreau's larger conceptions of Walden. At this time,

when he was seeing "Indian red" and revisiting the

railroad cut, he was also learning the Indian calender.

The Journal entry of April 18, 1852, when he records

realizing ”that the year is a circle”, honors th30
Indian god who played a part in the realization.

71

Native American names for the months reinforce the cyclic
nature of the world. The Moon of Strawberries, Sturgeon
Moon, the Moon of the Crusted Snow, etc., not only convey
environmentally specific information, but also address
renewal and circular patterns of natural events. This con-
cept of utilitarian reference was shared by Thoreau and
Native peoples.

The Maine Woods is the work of Thoreau which goes

 

beyond the constraints of savagism. In the three parts of

The Maine Woods, ”Ktaadn," "Chesuncook,"and "The Allegash

 

and East Branch," which were all based on trips to Maine,
Thoreau begins to perceive Native peoples as individuals.
Sayre states that, "From the standpoint of Thoreau's Indian
education, it is, unquestionably, his most important book,

"31 It was on

"the book about Indians" which he did write.
the trips to Maine in 1846, 1853, and 1857, that Throeau
began to clarify some of the savagist notions which had
shaped his previous thinking and writing. It is through
the utilization of Indian guides in Maine, that Thoreau is
introduced to individuality of Native Americans, and this
requires him to examine ”Indians" as complex people rather
than make character judgments based on the oversimplified
dictates of savagism.

During Thoreau's first trip to Maine, the two Indian
guides who are engaged for the trip to Mount Ktaadn failed

to appear at the appointed rendezvous. White guides were

hired to lead the party in their climb of Ktaadn, and

72

Thoreau was deprived of an "Indian experience" in the woods
of Maine. Many of his comments while he is engaged in the
business of procurring the guides, present Native peoples
in the savagist tradition. In ”Ktaadn", Thoreau is guilty
of making pan—Indian generalization and stereotyping the
Indians that he encounters. The use of alcohol, and the
impact of "civilization” upon Native peoples is commented
upon by Thoreau as leading to the extermination of indigen-
ous peoples. The supposition that Native peoples were
disappearing was one of the key concepts in savagism.
Thoreau's use of I'cliches", in reference to Native peoples,
is addressed by Sayre.

Such cliches and stock responses come, as we have

seen, from the most hackneyed commentary on the Indian

plight. They seem sympathetic, but there is no

understanding. They shift the burden of guilt to the

Indians themselves or the French missionaries, and

they set up the peculiar logic of savagism and

civilization. Drunken or Catholic Indians are bad

because they are improperly civilized; dancing or

torturing ones are bad because they are too savage.

To sayzthat the latter are”more respectable" is

idle.
Thoreau's impressions of Native peoples would undergo ex-
tensive revision in his subsequent trips to Maine.

In 1853, Thoreau returned to Maine, and this time
procurred the services of an Indian guide, Joe Aitteon,
a Penobscot, to direct the party's river trips and selection
of camp sites. This was Thoreau's first opportunity to
spend time traveling with an Indian guide, observing his

behavior and interacting with him. It is this personal

intercourse that is instrumental in Thoreau's rejection of

73

the tenets of savagism. Interestingly enough, some of
Thoreau's more romantic ideals come into conflict with the
realities of Native American "wilderness" utilization
practices. Thoreau comments on the killing of a cow moose
by Aitteon and Thoreau's cousin, which almost eluded the
hunters after being wounded. Thoreau called the butchering
of the moose, "tragical business", and adopts an anti-
hunting stance on sport hunting, and even subsistence hunt«
ing by those that have other alternatives for providing
food for their families. “He further objects to all the
hunting he has seen in Maine, however, because it is a
courser use of nature than the philosopher's, artist's,
or poet's.”33

It was near the conclusion of the 1853 trip that
Thoreau had his most intimate contact with a group of Native
peoples. Thoreau and his traveling companion, George
Thatcher, along with Joe Aitteon, spent the night with
Indian hunters who are camped near Moosehead Lake. The
Thoreau party had the choice of camping with local lumber
camp residents, or the Indians. Thoreau opted for the
Indian camp. Sayre contends that, "The choice is the more
remarkable because the Indians had been out two months and
killed twenty-two moose."34 Throughout the night and the
next morning, Thoreau was privy to the reality of what and
who Native peOples were. Humorous stories were told,
historical information was shared, and the indigenous place

names for the land were exchanged. It was through this

74

conversation that Thoreau began to understand the com-
plexity of the Native American as an individual, thus
freeing himself from the ideological strait-jacket of
savagism. Sayre states that:

We can see the change in Thoreau's attitudes from

the sense of his different responses to the old

bugaboofknrcleanliness and coarseness and his more

divegse portraits of the Indians he met from here

on.
The influences of Native peoples that were free from
savagist conotations were beginning to surface.

It is on Thoreau's final trip to Maine in the summer
of 1857 that the clearest depiction of a Native American
is developed. Joe Polis, a Penobscot, was selected to guide
Thoreau and Ed Hoar on an extensive river trip into the
interior of Maine. Thoreau's description of Polis in
"The Allegash and East Branch" is clarified by Sayre.

Joe Polis, the guide, is also the most complex of

Thoreau's Indian characters, indeed, the most

fully developed person (after the author himself)

to appear anywhere in Thoreau's writing. As Jim

in Huckleberry Finn is the most realistic black

portrait by a white writer in nineteenth-century

American literature, Joe Polis is tag most realis-

tic and attractive Native American.
Polis was a man of the woods with extensive experience and
personal skills. He was an accomplished hunter and trapper,
but was much more complex than Thoreau had initially assumed.
Polis was a protestant, who was devout in his beliefs, and
he was also engaged in real estate deals and labor manage-
ment practices in the operation of his potato farm.37 Many

of these characteristics of Polis tended to contradict the

stereotypic ideas that Thoreau had about Native peoples.

75

On the trip into the interior, it is Polis who emerges
as the "leader" of the expedition. Even though he is in
the employ of Thoreau and Hoar, Polis becomes the bond
which holds the party together and prevents any serious
mishaps. On more than one occasion, Polis must find
Thoreau and Hoar, who are lost.38 Sayre alludes to
Thoreau's "initiation" to tfmaforest, via the teachings
of and expertise of Joe Polis, but it is the humor and
individuality of Polis that begins to exert an influence
upon Thoreau. Polis, unlike the "stoic Indian" of savagism,
enjoys a good joke and conversation, and it is this
"discovery“ of the social nature of Native peoples that
undermines Thoreau's preconceptions about Native Americans.

It is interesting to note that Thoreau did not refer
to Polis by name in "The Allegah and East Branch." Only
infrequently did Thoreau describe Polis by his given name,
but rather he referred to him as "the Indian” throughout
most of the book. This fact may reflect the difficulty
that Thoreau had in discarding the years of acquired
societal biases about Native Americans.

The imperfections in Thoreau's portrait of Polis are

not as gross as these, but they may have come from

similar misconceptions in European and American
imaginations. A journey into the wilderness with an

Indian, was an exploration of the unknown interior—

inferior. In the journey, conditions changed; the

Indian became the guide, the white men the initiates.

But in reporting it, conditions changed again. The

memory and the audifiBce saw the polis—Island as part

of the Indian-Main.

Thoreau may have been compelled to describe "the Indian in

76

terms that were readily accepted by his contemporaries,
but he had undergone a personal catharsis because of his
extensive contact with Native Americans.

Thoreau's studies of Native peoples, and more impor-
tantly, his contact with his Indian guides in Maine, in-
fluenced his perception of the environment and man's
relationship to it. To a certain extent, Thoreau had
freed himself from the constraints of savagism in his
observations and interactions with individual Native
Americans. Thoreau perceived the utility of the environ—
mentally specific knowledge of the diverse groups of Native
peoples, and offered this information as a positive addi-
tion to the growing scientific literature of nature.

For years Indian names and stories had enhanced his
walks and discoveries. First treating as a foolish.
superstition the Indian belief that the world was

a turtle's back, he had nevertheless gone on to
observe turtles more closely and to see the truth.
Now Rasles' dictionary held out the promise of
renaming and reconstruction of all that he knew.

He seems to have been eager to share his excitement,
for there is a record in the journal of John Langdon
Sibley, the Librarian at Harvard, of a long conver—
sation with Thoreau in May 1858. "Today (Thoreau)
enlarged to me somewhat on the mistakes of men of
science in not giving more attention to the Indians
and their languages and habits. In relation to
geology, botany, zoology, &c., they stand between
the men of science and the subjects which they
study." Thoreau talked of how he was using the
insights in the language, as learned from Polis

and Rasles' dictionary, and how Polis could hear

"a little whistle" made by snakes and imitate the
notes and sounds of musquash and other animals.

The Indian name for the pout, Thoreau said, was
descriptive of the fish's habit of leading its
young as a hen does its chickens - somethipg
Thoreau had noticed but seen in no books.

There is little doubt that Native peoples had an influence

on the environmental perceptions of Thoreau.

77

Native peoples acted as the guides, not only for
Thoreau's physical wanderings in the woods of Maine, but
for his inner search for an understanding of place and psyche.
Man's relationship to the land had to be learned, and it
was Native peoples who taught Thoreau that the artist's
brush and the author's pen were not the ”highest" use of
nature, but rather the hunter's eye and keen senses which
take in everything, even if it is not stalked and killed.
The basis of man's interaction to the land was tied to the
”circle" which Thoreau had inadventantly stumbled into while
researching Native American languages, and the fact that a
personal bond exists between man and nature. The world
could only be understood in an experiential manner, as
Thoreau had done, and even then he but scratched the surface.
Yet, through his readings and studies of Native peoples,
in particular his Maine guides, he came to know "Indians”
as people, and the very basic truth that there is a "related~
ness" of each individual to the Creation. Upon his death-
bed, Thoreau was asked by his Aunt Louisa if he had "made
his peace with his maker"; he replied, "I did not know we

"42 Thoreau had never argued with the

had every quarrelled.
Creation, only with those who did not recognize the
inherent beauty and relatedness of all things.

Native American philOSOphy, place names, and environ-
mentally specific knowledge had a role in the formation of

the land ethic that was developed by the Transcendentalist

writers. This relationship has not been acknowledged in

78

the literature of conservationist—preservationist thought.
The Transcendentalist writers have exerted a tremendous
impact on the elite literature of America. This focus on
elite writings, as they relate to the development of
conservationist philosophy, negates the existance of a
popular movement that also assisted in the formation and
dissemination of environmental ethics and practical con-
siderations as they relate to the land. This popular
movement, which relied heavily upon Native American philosophy,
was spearheaded by George Bird Grinnell, Ernest Thompson
Seton, Charles Alexander Eastman, Hamlin Garland, Archie
Belaney (Grey Owl), Dr. Saxton Pope and Ishi, to name a

few. John Muir, the heir to the Thoreau legacy, was also

a part of the popular movement, but his preservationist
tendencies separated him from the conservationists, who

were much more closely aligned with Native American philoso-
phy. Gifford Pinchot was also at the forefront of the
conservationist movement, although his contributions were
mostly on the policy level of resource management, and not
strongly tied to Native peoples. It is through an examina—
tion of the popular movements and literature that assisted
in developing an ethical relationship between man and nature
that the significant role of Native American philosophy

can be readily discerned.

FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER III

lHans Huth. Nature and the American: Three Centuries
of Changing Attitudes. Berekley: University of California
Press, 1957, p. 88.

 

 

2Ibid. p. 88.

3Ibid. p. 88.

4Ronald N. Satz. American Indian Policy in the
Jacksonian Era. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press,
1975, p. 49.

 

 

Robert F. Sayre. Thoreau and the American Indians.
Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1977,
p. 23.

 

6Op. Cit. Huth, p. 95.

7Ibid. p. 95—101.

8Ibid. p. 103.

9Peter Matthiessen. Wildlife in America. New York:
The Viking Press, 1967, p. 178.

 

0Henry David Thoreau with photogrpahs by Eliot Porter.
”In Wilderness is the Preservation of the World.” San
Francisco: The Sierra Club, 1962.

Henry Nash Smith. Virgin Land: The American West
as Symbol and Myth. New York: Vintage Books, 1950, bio-
grpahical statement on author.

 

 

lZIbid. p. 47.

13Ibid. p. 48.

80

 

l4Ibid. p. 4.

15Roderick Nash. Wilderness and the American Mind.
New Haven: Yale University Press, 1967.

16

Ibid. p. 36—37 and p. 65.

l7Ibid. p. 134.

lBIbid. p. 198.

19Op. Cit. Sayre.

ZOIbid. p. 110.

21Ibid. p. 118.

22Ibid. p. 106.

23Ibid. p. 120.

24Ibid. p. 121.

ZSIbid. p. 3.

26Ibid. p. 28.

27Ibid. p. 29-30.

28Ibid. p. 63.

29Ibid. p. 99.

30Ibid. p. 99.

31Ibid. p. 155.

3ZIbid. p. 161.

33Ibid. p. 33.

34Ibid. p. 170.

3SIbid. p. 172.

81

361bid. p. 172.

37Ibid. p. 174—54.

381bid. p. 178—79.

39Ibid. p. 183.

40Ibid. p. 187.

41Ibid. p. 191.

4ZIbid. p. 214.

CHAPTER IV

NATIVE AMERICAN INFLUENCES ON THE CONSERVATION MOVEMENT

The presence of a popular movement influenced by the
diverse aspects of Native American philosophy is extremely
important in the development of the contemporary conserva-
tion ethic. Popular movements, in contrast to elite tradi-
tions, have a much broader appeal and impact on pOpulations.
As an example, consider the widespread dissemination of
popular literature — vs - elite writing. Popular paper-
backs are frequently read by hundreds of thousands of people,

whereas Henry James' The Portrait of a Lady is predomin—

 

antly read in literature classes and does not have a
widespread popular appeal.

Popular movements emerged in full bloom in the middle
part of the nineteenth century, and constituted a major
shift in the definition of cultural traditions. Affluent
society would no longer dictate cultural preferences and
the ”masses" of American society would become consumers of
art forms and popular literature. John Cawelti provides

a working definition of popular in ”Popular Culture

 

Studies."

Popular can mean that which is most used, purchased,
enjoyed or practiced by a large number of people. But
popular can also refer to the culture of non—elite
groups.

83

Outdoor writing, youth publications, and short stories would
become extremely popular vehicles for conveying Native
American influences to non-Indian audiences. Russel B. Nye,

in The Unembarrassed Muse, describes the formalization of

 

the popular movement.

The appearance of the popular artistic tradition,

therefore, derives from a shift - initiated in the

eighteenth century and completed during the nine-
teenth — from the patronage of the arts by the

restricted upper class to the support offered by a

huge, virtually unlimited, middle—class audience,

within the context of great technological, social

and political change. Modern mass society was fully

formed by the middle of the nineteenth century; the

modern mass media, in various stages of development,
already provided the dominant forms of communication.

Popular culture developed with it. The twentieth

century established both more securely.

Native American contributions bathe formation of the modern
conservation ethic were included in the popular literary
movements of the nineteenth and twentieth century.

This fact is often overlooked, and this may be one
reason why Native peoples have not received attention as
major contributors to the formation of the conservation ethic
as it exists today. Native phiIOSOphy, as a precursor to
the development of the conservation ethic, has been almost
totally ignored in elite publications. Even though a close
examination of the elite literature exposes the contribution
of Native Americans, the role of Native peoples is seriously
underestimated. This is not necessarily true in the con—

text of the ”popular literature” and movements at the turn

of the twentieth century.

84

There are a number of key people, who at the turn of
this century, participated in the growth of the conserva-
tion movement. John Muir, Gifford Pinchot, and Charles
Sprague Sargent would all leave lasting marks and would have
an acknowledged position in the history of the movement.
Muir, the prophet of preservationists, would receive
tremendous attention in the late nineteenth century for
his literary works on the envirOnment, and his unwavering
attachment to and work on behalf of Yosemite, California.
Pinchot, the father of ”scientific" forestry, was an
avowed conservationist and championed intelligent utiliza-
tion of the natural resources. The philOSOphical differ-
ences between Muir and Pinchot lead to an ideological split
between the preservationists and the conservationists in
the early twentieth century. Stephen Fox characterized

Muir and Pinchot in John Muir and his Legacy.

 

In his quarrels with utilitarian conservationists,
Muir was called sentimental, softheaded, for speak-
ing of the intangibles while his adversaries talked
in political terms of material resources and jobs.
It was elitist esthetes, Pinchot might say, against
democracy and progress. Yet, in sheer numbers Muir
represented a larger constituency. The utilitarians
were better organized and more intent, with more
money and livelihoods at stake. They had more
political power. The preservationists, though more
numerous, made up a relatively inchoate, nebulous
bloc, lacking the goad of practical self-interest.

This statement, while accurately stating the basis of the
developing schism, incorrectly assumes that the preserva-
tionists were in the majority. The preservationists, and
particularly Muir, were alienating numerous "sporting men"

because of their anti-hunting stance. Hunters aligned

85

themselves with the conservationists, which was the logical
thing to do in self-interest. The conservationist groups,
which had broad support from sporting organizations, vastly
outnumbered the preservationists.

One has only to consider the reality of the sporting
climate at the turn of the twentieth century. Hunting was
an important aspect of survival for many families in rural
areas. Unfortunately, game populations were at all time
lows because of over hunting, and the lack of hunting regu-
lations. It is important to note that at this time, except—
ing personal codes, there was no hunting or land ethic.

If there would have been, the rise in hunting regulations

would have been unnecessary. Stephen Fox, in John Muir

 

and his Legacy clearly addresses this issue in a discussion

 

of hunting behavior and animal populations at 1913.

Now there were more hunters - some three million -
and fewer animals. Some species have been wiped
out. The gun companies, moreover, kept improving
their products. Instead of the old single-«or
double-barreled shotgun, hunters now might use
automatic weapons that could deliver six shots in as
many seconds. Halfway solutions such as bag limits
or limited seasons would not suffice. The choice
was simple: long closed seasons or a continent

with no game.

Hunting was becoming a difficult pursuit because of the
lack of game, and the decline in animal populations began
to influence the thinking and actions of sportsmen. The
formation of many sporting organizations resulted from the
significant reduction of game animals on the North American
continent. The rapid increase in state and federal hunt-

ing regulations accompanied the formation of many local

86

conservation organizations. This was, for the most part,
both a rural and urban phenomena. Many urban centers had
large populations of hunters who had the resources to be-
come active in conservation efforts. Even if hunters did
not participate in conservationist organizations, they
most certainly opposed preservationist philosophy because
it impinged on what they considered to be their right: the
taking of game.

Even though Muir and Pinchot had their differences,
the prospect of enlightened concern for the environment was
better off because of the efforts of these men. Pinchot,
who founded under the Theodore Roosevelt administration,
the U.S. Forest Service in the Department of Agriculture,
at times did represent or facilitate an exploitive con—
servationism. Pinchot championed the cause of western stock—
men to be allowed to graze their animals in the National
Forests. Pinchot may have worked on behalf of the western
stockmen to solidify political relations between those
western interests and the Roosevelt administration.3 Pinchot
was a politician and policy maker, as well as being a
competent forester who favored the utilization of natural
resources. He in no way though, represented a popular view.

Pinchot, in his autobiography, Breaking New Ground, paid

 

homage to the conservation practices of Native Americans
which would influence popular perceptions of the environ-

ment.

87

Curiously enough, waste and destruction had not
always been rampant throughout America. Long be-
fore the white man came, certain tribes of Algonquin
Indians had learned the wisdom of dividing their
tribal hunting grounds into family—sized parcels in
which none but family members had the right to hunt
or fish. These family parcels descended from father
to son. In them the game was kept account of, closed
years for certain kinds were sometimes established,
and killing was strictly regulated within the limits
of natural increase.

Centuries before the Conservation policy was born,
here was Conservation practice at its best. The
natural resources on which these Indians depended.
for their very life, as you and I depend on natural
resources for ours, were being handled with foresight
and intelligence. So far as game was concerned,
their future was secure.

It seems almost impossible that the early settlers
should have escaped all knowledge of this native wis—
dom. But if they failed to learn foresight from the
Indians, they did bring European tfiaditions of forest
preservation with them to America.

Based on past history and resource exploitation, it seems
quite unclear what Pinchot was referring to by "European
traditions of forest preservation." Pinchot's remarks are
very similar to those of Frank G. Speck, when he observed
the hunting practices and social life of some Algonkian
groups in the early twentieth century.

Economically these family territories were regulated
in a very interesting manner. The game was kept
account of very closely, so that the proprietors
knew about how abundant each kind of animal was,

and hence could regulate the killing so as not to
deplete the stock. Beaver were made the object of
the most careful "farming", the numbers of
occupants, old and young, to each "cabin" being kept
count of. In certain districts, moose, or caribou,
were protected during one year, and other districts
the next year. The killing of game was regulated

by each family according to its own rules.

It was John Muir, much more so than Pinchot, who

initiated a semipopular environmental movement. His early

88

publications were extensively read in popular magazines,
but he did not represent the interests of most sportsmen
who were hunters and fishermen. Statistical evidence
illustrates the point that Muir's preservationist philoso-
phies did not constitute the "popular" movement. In 1975,
there were 1,217,600 nationwide members in the five major
conservatoin groups in the United States, yet in 1966,
there were only 439,400 members in these same organizations.6
A portion of that membership are hunters, and are not in
agreement with the prepetuated anti-hunting stance of

Muir and like-minded preservationists. If only one—third
of the membership of these organizations are hunters, which
is a minimal estimate, there would be in excess of 800,000
members of these organizations that could be considered
preservationists.7 Yet, the State of Michigan, in 1975,
issued 799,424 individual deer licenses,8 and nationwide

in 1981 there were 16,638,584 hunting licenses purchased.9
When John Muir was publishing the majority of his writings
in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, hunting
was an important subsistence activity for many families.
Hunting and fishing, at the turn of the century, were much
more necessary pursuits than they are today. By projecting
the current hunter-preservationist ratio back in time, to

a period when hunting was an imperative activity, it can

be inferred that the preservationists then, did not out—
number sportsmen, and hunters in particular. Muir's

brand of preservationism appealed to the more affluent

89

citizens, who were well educated, and who did not need to
depend on the environment for a living or cost savings.
Even though Muir did not represent the larger popular
movements that were beginning in conservationist thought,
he still acknowledged the role of Native Americans as pro-
totype conservationists.

John Muir rebelled against the Christian perception
of nature, and found his future and solace in an environ—
mental view that accomadated purpose and life for all
beings. This philosophy is strikingly similar to Native
American philosophies which do not preclude any living
beings from participating within the cycle of life.

Christian man also sorted out the rest of the natural

world according to his own tastes: thus alligators

were indicated as ugly and ravenous, and useless to

man. Could these two conditions be connected? Did

Christian man approach the natural world in a spirit

of arrogant manipulation because nothing else had a

soul, nothing else was so loved by the Christian

version of God? "Doubtless these creatures are happy”,

Muir wrote of alligators, "and fill the place

assigned them by the Creator as usual. Fierce

and cruel they appear to us, but beautiful in the

eyes of God....How narrow we selfish, conceited

creatures are in our sympathies! HoYOblind to the

rights of all the rest of creation!"
Muir also commented that, "to the Indian mind all nature
. . . . "11
was instinct w1th deity.

Whether or not Native American beliefs and practices
influenced Muir and Pinchot is conjectural, but the fact
remains that positive Native American adaptations and
philosophic tenets were acknowledged by these prominent

men. It is interesting to note though, that while Native

Americans were regulating their own hunting practices to

9O

sustain animal populations, noneindian hunters had to be
externally regualted to insure the survival of many game
species, particularly the larger hoofed mammals on the
North American continent.

Muir and Pinchot did nOt represent or typify the
popular movements in conservation reform. This task was
undertaken by men who have not received adequate attention
for their enormous contributions to the development of
popular environmental attitudes. George Bird Grinnell,
Ernest Thompson Seton, Archie Belaney (Grey Owl), Dr.
Charles Alexander Eastman, Hamlin Garland, James Willard
Schultz, Ishi and Dr. Saxton Pope, to name a few, had a
ubiquitous influence on the development of popular images
of the environment and the outdoor ethic. These men also
had regular contact with Native Americans, and that contact
assisted in the formation of conservationist ideals. Dr.
Charles Alexander Eastman and Ishi were Native Americans.
Eastman was a Santee Sioux (Lakota), and Ishi was a Yahi
from Northern California, and his story has been popularized
because he was the last surviving member of that group.

He was "captured" in northern California in 1911, and was
heralded as ”the last stoneage man" in North America. The
discovery of Ishi received a great deal of publicity,

much more so than his enormous contributions to the growth
of bow hunting in this country.

Each of these men made a significant contribution to

the popular perception and understanding of the natural

91

world. Their contributions were diverse; from forming
conservation groups to organizing boys and girls camps, yet
their activities had one thing in common: they were in-
fluenced by extensive contact with Native American popula-
tions. Not only were these men influenced by their contact
with Native Americans on environmental issues, but they were
advocates on behalf of Native American populations.
Stephen Fox indicts conservationists for their casual
relationship to Native peoples.

In another sense, conservationists' interests in

Indians was curiously manipulative and vicarious.

Few conservationists dealt with actual living

Indians, or listened to their problems in a white

man's world, or helped them maintain the old ways

of which conservationists spoke so reverently.

Grinnell did campaign for Indian rights, but

even he hoped the reservations would be broken
up and the Indians dispersed into white society.

12
This statement is basically true, but clarification of
George Bird Grinnell's motives and actions is needed.

George Bird Grinnell was one of the most outspoken
advocates of Native Americans in the latter part of the
nineteenth century. He had extensive contact with Native
peoples in the American West, which resulted form his partici-
pation with the Marsh expedition of 1870. Grinnell returned
to the west in 1872, and accompanied the 1874 Custer expe-
dition into the Black Hills, and Grinnell also traveled
with the Ludlow expedition of 1875, which was charged with
surveying Yellowstone National Park. Grinnell was selected

as the naturalist for the expedition because of his

experience and writings in the areas of zoology and

92

palentology. In 1880, Grinnell completed his Ph.D. in

Zoology at Yale, and in the same year, he became the

editor of Forest and Stream.l3

 

Grinnell was extremely ethnocentric in his view of
the differences between Native and western cultures, yet,
over time, because of extensive contact with Native peoples
in the west, he began to understand the very complicated
nature of cultural interaction between Indians—whites in
the American West. In an editorial on the front page of

the November 26, 1885, Forest and Stream, entitled, "Where

 

We Stand", (on the Indian question), George Bird Grinnell
was introduced to the readership of that publication.

The editorials on this subject in Forest and Stream
are written by one who professes to occupy a middle
ground between the sentimentalist on the one side

and the Indian haters on the other. He has for the
past fifteen years met with the Indians under a great
variety of conditions. He has lived with them for
months at a time, eating of their food and sleeping
in their lodges; he has heard their hostile bullets
sing, and more than once has depended on his pony's
speed and the irresolution of his pursuers. He knows
the Indians in their agencies, in their camps and on
their battlefields, and is thoroughly familiar with
their modes of thought, and the views they hold withl4
regard to their own position and that of the whites.

When Grinnell made any decision in relation to Native
peoples, he was attempting to insure fairness in the deal-
ings between cultures. He knew the realities of Indian-
white relations and conflicts, and fully realized that the
interests of Native peoples must be protected until they
understood the workings of a complicated and sometimes un-

just society.

93

This can be clearly illustrated by an editorial which
was undoubtedly penned by Grinnell in the January 7, 1886

edition of Forest and Stream. The editorial, entitled,

 

"THE INDIANS' LANDS”, is well written and insightful, as
it sets forth its opposition to allotting Indian lands.
This procedure would become law in 1887, with the passage
of the Dawes Act or as it is sometimes referred to, the
General Allotment Act. Grinnell's early opposition to the
Allotment policy is intriguing because well known Native
American activists such as Sherman Coolidge, Carlos Montezuma,
and Charles Alexander Eastman initially favored the allot-
ment policy. Obviously, these prominent Native Americans
had acquired the biases of their "civilized" education:
both Eastman and Montezuma were physicians, and Coolidge
was a college educated minister. They believed that the
only hope for the future of the Native American was to
adopt "civilized” ways, the quicker the better. Eastman
would eventually recant his tenstimony in favor of "civilized"
life, and profess the superiority of Native traditions over
western life-styles.

In the editorial, Grinnell points out the numerous
shortcomings of the proposed allotment policy.

A new project for the amelioration of the condition

of the Indians is now in high favor. It is a kind

of patent plan, which is to civilize the Indians and

make them self-supporting -- if he survives its

adoption. It is advociged with a little qualifica-

tion by Gen. Sheridan.

Grinnell points out the fallacious reasoning behind the

proposal which intends to allot 320 acres to Indian

94

families and sell the surplus lands at $1.25 per acre.
The majority of lands could not be sold, because they were
nothing but "dry uplands, the arid sage plains and the rough
and rocky mountains sides", and if sold they would not be
worth $1.25 per acre. This is an important notion, since
the idea behind the allotment policy was to sell surplus
lands to raise the money to fund the Indian appropriations.
The proceeds from the sale of surplus land were to be
invested in government bonds and the annual income from
those bonds would fund the Indian service. Of course, this
would be accomplished while Native Americans were being
assimilated into Christian—farmer roles. Grinnell continues
to find fault with the proposal.

Moreover, the income mentioned would not support the

Indians. The beggarly appropriation made by Congress

sufficed up to two or three years ago, but they are

sufficient no longer. Up to that time there were

some buffalo left, and a good deal of smaller game,

on which the Indians subsisted. Now all the game is

gone except a few grouse, prairie dogs and sand

rats, and the Indians must have government food or

starve. For the last gwo or three years a great many

1

of them have starved.
Grinnell goes on to explain the "covetous glances" that are
being focused on the better poritons of the Indian reser—
vations, and the fact that reservations and Indian land
holdings are continually being invaded by ”supposed settlers,
who coolly defy the proclamations of the President.”

Their lands should not be allotted to the Indians in

severalty unless it can be shown that such a plan

will result beneficially to those people. The time

will come, and we trust soon, when this may be done;

but it has not come yet. The proposition to allot
the land in severalty takes it for granted that the

95

land holders would be able to manage farms and to
use them at least as a partial means of support.
This is not true at present, nor can it be for years.

17
Grinnell did hope that Indians would eventually be dispersed
across society at large, but held strong concerns about how
and whentflUjscould be accomplished. He certainly did not
advocate pushing Native peoples into the mainstream because
he intimately knew the Plains tribes, and realized that
they were not ready to assume the trappings and ideologies
that would be expected of them as implied in the allotment
policy.

Grinnell was not exempt from ethnocentric comments or
observations. In his concluding remarks to the January 7
article, Grinnell states:

Immediate contact with the white man the wild Indian

cannot survive. He must be protected from himself

until he has made some progress toward the self—
control which is a distinguishing character of
civilized people. It will be time enough to turn him
adrift to take part unaided in the struggle for
existance, when he has learned in part the lesson of
civilized life. These savage descendants of bar-
barous sires are the weaker race. Put into compe-

tition with the whites they must perish unless a

helping hand is extended to them. In such a

struggle the weaker must go to the wall. It is

a law of life that the fittest shall survive}8
One is forced to wonder about the sincerity with which
these words were written. Did Grinnell truly believe
what he intimates, or was he simply pulling the wool over
the eyes of his eastern ”liberal" readers? I tend to
favor the latter explanation. Grinnell is playing on the

sympathies ofeasiern'friends"'UJgaintheir support and

assistance on the allotment matter. He is telling his

96

readers what they have come to believe as true, yet some-
thing that he does not accept himself. A highly polished
literary strategy for gaining allies, and nothing more.
This can be substantiated to some extent by examining
the contacts that Grinnell had with the Pawnee, Cheyenne,
or Blackfoot, and his impressions of them as people. Accom—
panying the Marsh expedition of 1870, Grinnell admitted
that he was a "Pilgrim". Grinnell was born and raised in
New York City, and had very few outdoor skills until he
travelled to the west with Marsh. He attended the Churchill
Military School beginning in l863.and graduated from that
academy in 1886. It was in the fall of that year, with the
assistance of tutors, that he passed the entrance exam and
entered the freshmen class at Yale.19 Grinnell had exten-
sive contact with the Audubon family, who lived next door
to the Grinnells in Audubon Park. The naturalist, John
James Audubon, had been dead for six years when the
Grinnells acquired their property. George Bird became very
good friends with the Audubon grandchildren, and "Grandma"
Audubon, the naturalist's widow, was to have a profound
effect on the young Grinnell.20 There was little experi-
ence in Grinnell's early years that would prepare him for
his trip to the west in 1870, and Grinnell eventually
commented on the general ineptness of the 1870 party.
Everyday Major North took ahead with him one of
the young men, who he permitted to shoot at antelope.
No member of the party killed anything, which is not

surprising in view of the fact that none of us knew
anything about hunting or rifle shooting...As a result,

97

it was “Major North and thellndians (who) kept us
supplied with fresh meat."

Grinnell had to acquire his skills and knowledge from the
Pawnee scouts who were hired to guide the expedition.
Grinnell became a highly regarded hunter and outdoorsman,
but his initial lessons were at the hands of military men,
who had been taught by Indian scouts, or by Indians them-
selves.

Grinnell eventually became closely allied with the
Blackfoot and the Cheyenne. In 1897, while visiting the
Blackfoot reservation, Hamlin Garland heard a great deal
about George Bird Grinnell. He was asked to transcribe
letters for the Indians and present them to Grinnell, who
had become a friend as well as an ethnographer of the
Blackfoot.22 Grinnell was also well known to others who
resided with the Blackfoot. James Willard Schultz, who
lived with the Blackfoot for many years and was married to
a Piegan woman, Nat-ah—ki, wrote to Grinnell for assistance
in 1882. Schultz was living with his Blackfoot wife near
the reservation and heard from various sources about the
devastating conditions for the tribe and the lack of food
which was causing starvation. During the winter of 1882-83
conditions became worse, and many of the Blackfoot died.
Schultz was moved to action upon finding out how badly the
tribe needed immediate assistance.

A thought had suddenly struck me which I at once

put into execution. I sat down and wrote a letter

to a New York man with whom I had had some corres-
pondence, but had never met, explaining fully the

98

sad plight the Blackfeet were in. My story in due
time reached a sympathetic hand, and I was told to go
on up to the agency and write an account of what I
saw there. Unknown to me this gentleman had ridden
several trials in the West and had formed a diffegent
opinion of Indians from what most white men have.

The gentleman Schultz referred to could be none other than
George Bird Grinnell. An investigation was eventually
initiated, and an inspector from the Bureau of Indian
Affairs relieved the agent who had allowed five hundred
and fifty-five Blackfoot to starve to death. This was
nearly one-fourth of the existing Blackfoot Nation.24
In 1885, Grinnell visited the Piegan (Blackfoot) agency,
the Piegan being a sub-tribe of the Blackfoot Nation, and
probably visited with Schultz.25 The October 22, 1885

edition of Forest and Stream included an article entitled,

 

"Indians at Work." The article described the Piegan agency,
and commented on the work projects that were ongoing at

the reservation, and the children at their studies at the
agency school.

Why should they sing so enthusiastically for the
Red, White and Blue, which robbed them of their
land and of their subsistence, and made them
paupers, living on its charity and tenets on
sufferance of so small a portion of the country
that was once all their own. To think of what hgg
been and what is seemed to me inexpressibly sad.

This editorial was signed Yo, which was a nickname which
George Bird Grinnell frequently used, or was referred to
by.27 The appearance of two articles by J.W. Schultz in

the September 2, 1886 issue of Forest and Stream corroborates

 

this connection between James Willard Schultz and Grinnell.

99

The stories were ethnographical in nature and dealt with
arrow making and bird stories, and of course, they focused
on the Blackfoot.

To further substantiate the realtionship between
Grinnell and Schultz is the fact that Schultz's book,

My Life As An Indian, was printed in serial form in

 

Forest and Stream. In the 1907 edition, which was published

 

by John Murray in London, George Bird Grinnell added the
following editorial note:
The chapters of this volume were published serially
in "Forest and Stream" under the title "In the Lodges
of the Blackfeet” and over the pseudonym W.B. Anderson.
The title page now bears the author's real name. Not
only is the story a true one, but many of the charac-
ters still live, though to-day under conditio§§ as
different as though centuries had intervened.
It is interesting that Schultz used a psuedonym to initially
publish his material, which was undoubtably edited by
Grinnell. It is likely that Schultz feared repercussions
from his work by the agency officials upon the Blackfeet
people.
The above information, in conjunction with the numerous
other articles that George Bird Grinnell wrote on behalf
of Native Americans, negates some of the ethnocentrism that
seemed implicit in his plea to hold off the allotment
policy. Much of what he said was a rhetorical device to
help liberals feel righteous about paternalistic practices.
As a scientist, Grinnell may have fully believed in the

survival of the fittest, but he had interacted with enough

Native Americans to perceive the utility of cooperation.

100

Between 1885 and 1887, Grinnell authored numerous articles
(editorials) on Native Americans that appeared in Forest
and Stream. He advocated Indian education, condemned the
practices of the Indian service in the contracting pro-
cedures that were handled by civilians, issued pleas for
assistance to starving Chippewas at Leach Lake, criticized
the reduced appropriations for Indian affairs and the
reduction of game populations around reservations by non-
Indian hunters.29 Grinnell also exposed a plan to remove
the Puyallup Nation to another location so that their lands
could be sold. Secretary of the Interior, H.M. Teller,
considered this plan until it was exposed and criticized.
“But the action of this cabinet officer is a fair example
of the shameful course of fraud and oppression carried on
by the government toward the Indians.”30 When George
Bird Grinnell wrote those words, he was not belittling
Native peoples as "savages”, rather he was dealing with the
facts why Native Americans should not receive their property
in fee-simple patent. He knew, along with many others,
that Native peoples stood little chance of retaining their
holdings from the avarice of politicians and special in-
terest groups.

Grinnell's loudest and most prolonged public harangue
involved the Crow Reservation and the cattle industry.
A number of Crow leaders had brought the matter of tres-
passing by non-Indian cattlemen on reservation lands to

Grinnell's attention. In an article entitled, "Capture

101

of the Crow Reserve," which appeared in the June 17, 1886

Forest and Stream, Grinnell exposed the trespass issue,

 

which was being santioned by the Crow agent.31 The agent
was issuing permits to cattlemen to graze animals on the
Crow Reservation, even though there were no laws on the
books that allowed this action. In another article which
appeared one week later, Grinnell continued his attack on
the agent and the Interior Department. Leases could be
issued to cattlemen to graze reservation lands, but not
one of the cattlemen who was grazing animals on the Crow
Reservation had a lease. The cattlemen were simply tres-
passing, and this action was still being condoned by the
Crow agent. Grinnell, in still another article, advocated
that the federal government send an inspector to interview
the Crow Chiefs: Plenticous, Bobtail Crow, Bear Wolf,
Spotted Horse, and Deaf Bull to get to the bottom of the
trespass issue. This request was made by a man who knew
and respected the character of the old "long hairs” of the
Crow Nation. All too frequently, when conflicts arose
between Indians and whites, officials handled the problems
without consulting Native Americans.

While advocating the causes of Native Americans,
Grinnell also formed the Audubon Society in 1886. This
society, dedicated to the protection of wild birds in
nesting areas, was named after the late John James Audubon,
and his wife, whom Grinnell greatly admired. In early

1888, Grinnell, along with Theodore Roosevelt, formed the

102

Boone and Crockett Club and this organization became the
forerunner of conservation groups across the nation. The
organization was comprised of large game hunters who were
deeply concerned about the slaughter of game animals on the
continent, and they were committed to an intelligent use of
game resources. The Boone and Crockett Club, in their by—
laws, proposed ''to work for the preservation of the large
game of this country”, but eventually fought for the
establishment of Yellowstone Park, supported the forest
reserve system, and supported legislation which prohibited
hunting deer in the water. The Club also originated the
idea of game refuges, and "caused to be introduced" legisla-
tion which established Glacier National Park.32 They were
not total preservationists, in any sense of the word, and
were antagonistic towards groups who advocated complete
restriction of human intervention in all wildlife areas.
Theodore Roosevelt was the first president of the organiza-
tion, and Archibald Rogers was the secretary. Founding
members included: George Bird Grinnell, Albert Bierstadt,
Heber R. Bishop, Benj. F. Bristow, J. Coleman Drayton,

D.G. Elliott, Arnold Hague, James H. Jones, Clarence King,
W.H. Merrill, Jr., Thomas Paton, John Hay Pierrepont,

W. Hallett Phillips, E.P. Rogers, Elliott Roosevelt, John
E. Roosevelt, J.W. Roosevelt, Rutherford Stuyvesant, and
W.A. Wadsworth.33

At a later date, Gifford Pinchot would become a member

of the Boone and Crockett Club, and this undoubtedly bolstered

103

his friendship with Theodore Roosevelt, who was then
President of the United States.34 Other prominent members
of the Club, who were either regular, associate or honorary
members, included: Francis Parkman, Gen. Philip Sheridan,
Gen. William Tecumseh Sherman, and Henry L. Stimson.3S The
shared friendship and support of Roosevelt for Grinnell and
Pinchot, furthered the cause of conservation in this country,
and the ”Club” has evolved into the premier hunting organ—
ization in the United States. The Boone and Crockett Club
is the recording agency for all North American big game
trophies which are killed with firearms. Most modern
hunters have heard of the Boone and Crockett Club, and even
have fantasies of killing game that will some day put them
in the record books. The Boone and Crockett Club has
always supported the adherence to hunting regulations and
the development of ethics in the field.

George Bird Grinnell was one of the most prominent
conservationists in the late nineteenth century. His
activities carried over into the twentieth century, but

ironically, he is one of the most neglected figures in

the history of conservation. John F. Reiger, in The Pass-

 

ing of the Great West, Selected Papers of George Bird

Grinnell summarizes Grinnell's life and the influences

 

upon him.

While a number of factors would go into making him
the great conservationist and ethnologist he later
became —- the assimilation of his father's ethical
code, the acquisition of his uncle's natural history
interests, the reinforcement of those ideas by the

104

Audubons, and the broad perspective given by the

new academic sciences -- none would be as important

as the fact that in a little more than a decage, he

had witnessed the passing of the Great West.
As flattering as his remarkseuth Reiger has left out one
of the most important factors: contact with Native
Americans. In 1872, Grinnell made his second trip to the
American West, and he was strongly influenced by a Pawnee
buffalo hunt that he witnessed in that year.

Soon the chase was ended, and the plain is dotted

with the dark objects over which bend two or three

Indians busily engaged in securing the meat. Every

ounce of this will be saved, and what is not eaten

while fresh, will be jerked and thus preserved for
consumption during the winter. How different would
have been the course of a party of white hunters

had they the same opportunity. They would have

killed as many animals, but would have left all but

enough for one day's use to be devgured by the

wolves or to rot upon the prairie.

The importance of this remark is that in 1872, large herds
of buffalo still roamed the land. Grinnell was alluding to
the "ethical" relationship that must be maintained between
animal and man. Thus, this contact with Native peoples was
important to George Bird Grinnell, and it would become
important to the future of American conservation.

George Bird Grinnell was the "omnipresent pioneer of
eastern conservation",38 and his contributions to the
conservation movement have, for the most part, been sorely
underestimated. Grinnell remained a force in the politics
of conservation until the 1920's, and his involvement in the

movement was linked with friends and contemporaries who

shared similar ideas and concerns. Among Grinnell's close

friends was Ernest Thompson Seton, the famed Canadian

105

artist—naturalist, who achieved tremendous popularity at
the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the
twentieth century for his vitally rich animal stories.
Seton's penchant for animal tales would create fame for him,
as well as rivalries and obstacles that had to be overcome.
Ernest Thompson Seton was born in South Shields, which
is in the northern regions of England, on August 14, 1860.
The Seton family emigrated to Canada when Ernest was six
years old, and set up residence in Ontario. The family
settled in Lindsay, where they cleared land to farm and
raise animals, but eventually moved to Toronto. In 1870,
the city of Toronto encompassed a great deal of "wilderness”
land, and many of Seton's earliest stories were set in the
immediate vicinity. After completing his studies at the
Ontario Art School, Ernest was awarded an arts scholar-
ship to the Royal Academy in London, England. He became
ill while studying in England though and was forced to
return to Canada in 1881. He eventually recuperated and
traveled to Manitoba in 1882, and after visiting western
Canada, he went to New York City where he obtained work
as an illustrator. Seton began publishing his sketches and
stories in 1882, and by 1887, his writings were appearing

regularly in Forest and Stream, which was edited by George

 

Bird Grinnell, Century Magazine, Saint Nicholas and

 

 

Canadian Science Monthly. Seton's first book of short

 

stories, Wild Animals I Have Known, published in 1898, won

 

immediate acclaim.

106

The publication of Wild Animals I Have Known also

 

created controversy for Seton. John Burroughs, the arm—
chair naturalist, severely criticized Seton's collection
of stories. He accused Seton of being a "fraud” and "sham”
naturalist in an article that appeared in the March, 1903

edition of Atlantic Monthly.39 Burroughs, who obviously

 

overestimated his own talents, took offense to Seton's rapid
popularity and unique style of nature writing. Seton
intimately knew his subject, whereas Burroughs examined
nature through a windowpane whenever possible. Seton, who
preferred field work to pure intellectual pursuits, held
an experential attitude toward nature: It must be felt as
well as observed. In many ways, this notion was somewhat
analogous to John Muir's perception of the environment.
John Muir persuaded Burroughs to join him in Yosemite in
1909.
Burroughs wrote nature books as a detached observer,
denied animal intelligence, accepted a godless uni—
verse, and -- worst -— spoke irreverently of glaciers.
All these errors, Muir supposed, derived from spend-
ing too much Eime indoors, reading books in a comfor-
4
table study.
Seton and Burroughs had very little in common when it came
to the methodology of nature study, and less still, when
it came to attributing intelligent behaviors to animals.
Seton had an interest in studying unusual behaviors of
animals, and frequently noted these behaviors in his daily

journals. He actively solicited reports of unusual animal

behavior from his friends and contemporaries.

107

My twenty-five years of journals had been copied and
the copies cut up so that incidents referring to each
subject might easily be filed. I found several new
subjects well represented, such as the evolution of
sanitation, amusement, intercommunication, etc., and
a final department of unexplained strange instances;
when I got many of these together I found that they
began to explain each other. To make this clear I
give several of them now:
lst. Dr. G.B. Grinnell tells me that when out shoot—
ing with Custer's party near the Black Hills in 1874,
they observed a Falcon in pursuit of a wild pigeon,
when the latter saw that it could not escape its
winged foe, it took fefuge among the men, resting on
4
one of the saddles.
Seton notes the salvation of a fox from the attack of
coyotes at the feet of a Canadian woman, the rescue of a
rabbit, who sought refuge with a hunter while being pursued
by a weasel, and the case of a young moose, which chose
the companionship of a man over the threats of a dog.
Seton labeled these behaviors instincts, but surmised that
these actions may be the "beginnings of the spiritual life
of Man," because these animals sought a superior power with
which to ally themselves. Burroughs, of course, would
attribute these behaviors to coincidence, denying any
intelligent decision on the part of "lower species".
Seton, on the other hand, like Native peoples, had little
trouble with the notion that animals made decisions, and
unfortunately this animistic tendency of Seton's would
become a major criticism of his work.

The resolution to the Seton-Burroughs controversy is

explained by Seton in his autobiogrpahy, Trail of an Artist-

 

Naturalist.

 

108

\

Andrew Carnegie was giving a dinner to the fifty out-
standing New York writers. Hamlin Garland and

Clarence Stedman, among the number, called at my

New York apartment that night, so we could go together.

Hamlin's first question was: "What are you going
to do about Uncle John's attack?"

"Nothing at all", I replied.

”What! Nothing!"

"No, nothing. The attack is a sufficient answer
to itself."

"Well, said Garland, and Stedman agreed: "That
is all very well as a general attitude; and would do
now, if Uncle John were a nobody. But there is no
question that Burroughs has a seat on Mount Olympus,
and what he says goes around the world. Some one
must reply - the attack is so unjust and so untrue.
How would you like me to reply?”

"For yourself, Hamlin, do as you please.
Authorized by me, not one wozg. I am going to sit
tight, do nothing, and win."

At the Carnegie dinner that night, Seton approached
Burroughs, who was also in attendance, and greeted him pro—
fusely, and then began to heckle Burroughs, in a good—
natured fashion. While feigning ignorance of Burrough's

attack upon Wild Animals I Have Known Seton requested Mr.

 

Carnegie to seat him next to Burroughs for the dinner,
and the host, sensing a "sporting proposition" honored the
request.

Burroughs looked unhappy and terribly nervous,
but I assumed the mastery and talked with academic
aloofness. Part of our dialogue ran thus:

"Mr. Burroughs, did you ever make a special study
of wolves?"

”NO . ll

"Did you ever hunt wolves?"

"NO . II

"Did you ever photograph or draw wolves in a zoo?"
"NO . ll

"Did you ever skin or dissect a wolf?"
"No. II

"Did you ever live in wolf country?“
"NO . II

"Did you ever see a wild wolf?"

"NO . II

"Then, by what rule of logic are you equipped to
judge me, wao have done all of those things hundreds
of times?"

109

Seton contends that he invited Burroughs to his home and
showed him the thousands of volumes of naturalist writings
which he possessed, and the extensive collection of animal
photographs he had taken. Seton also showed Burroughs

the hundreds of specimens of wildlife that he had cap—
tured, skinned and prepared for mounting. All of this
"evidence” of Seton's professionalism swayed Burroughs from
his earlier position, and he apologized to Seton for the
unfair attack upon his competency and writings. There is
support for Seton's explanation of Burrough's apology.
Burroughs never made a public withdrawal of his remarks,

but he did, in the July, 1904 edition of Atlantic Monthly,

 

refer to Seton in glowing terms, which also included a
disclaimer.

Mr. Thompson Seton, as an artist and raconteur, ranks

by far the highest in this field, and to those who

can separate the fact from the figtion in his animal

stories, he is truly delightful.
Interestingly, Seton did not mention the concluding remarks
made by Burroughs that refer to "fact from fiction” in his
autobiogrpahy, choosing to cite only the beginning of
Burrough's statement. Further support for Seton's con-
tention that Burroughs apologized is provided by Hamlin
Garland. In February of 1904, Garland engaged in con—
versation with John Burroughs in New York. While dining
with Burroughs, Garland states that, "Burroughs admitted to
a growing regard for Seton, and was willing to exempt him

from the charge of nature faking."4S Burroughs may have

made the private apology, but being the egotist that he

c‘

«L

B.

.1
«\u

110

was, chose to refrain from any public correction, which may
have had the effect of undermining his reputation.

Seton developed a very deep interest in the customs,
rituals, crafts, and other general aspects of Native American
life while engaged in his studies of animal populations.

As he learned more aboUt the environment, he began to
research and gain respect for the ”first Americans” adapta—
tions to it, and his interest in woodcraft became one of
his primary pursuits. Seton became an expert in woodcraft
and while doing so he began to realize that he was simply
learning the skills that Native peoples had already per—
fected. The ”relatedness" of the Native Americans inter-
action with the environment was very similar to the
techniques that Seton advocated for studying the natural
surroundings. Both orientations relied on experience and
the personal insights that could be gained from close obser-
vations of nature.

In 1897, Seton was taught sign language by White Swan,
a Crow scout who had served with the ill-fated Custer
expedition of 1876. This would later enable Seton to write,

Sign Talk: A Universal Signal Code Without Apparatus for

 

Use in Army, Navy, Camping Hunting and Daily Life which

 

was eventually published in 1918. In the text, Seton
stated that ”American Indian Sign Language is the Best
extant. It is theoretically perfect and practically com-

plete.”46 In 1917, Seton published The Book of Woodcraft

 

and Indian Lore, which was the eleventh edition of the

 

111

Birch Bark Rolls. The Birch Bark Rolls were the annual
republication of texts on woodcraft and Indian lore which
contained essentially the same material year after year.
They were revised and updated, and used by diverse outdoor
organizations. In the 1917 edition, Seton stated his rela—
tionship to Native peoples.

As the model for outdoor life in this country I

took the Indian, and have thus been obliged to

defend him againit the calumnies of those who coveted

his possessions.

Sign Talk and The Book of Woodcraft and Indian Lore stress

 

 

the experiential nature of man's "relatedness" to the
environment which can be developed by close observation.
It is also in the preface to the eleventh edition of the
Birch Bark Roll, that Seton again mentions his friend,
George Bird Grinnell.

The portions of the manuscript called "Spartans of
the West”, and "Campfire Stories of Indian Charac-
ter", have been submitted to George Bird Grinnell,
of New York, whose life has been largely spent among
the Indians, and have received from him a complete
endorsement.

In a similar vein, I have heard from Dr. Charles
A. Eastman, and from4§early all of the many who have
seen the manuscript.

Seton also mentioned James Willard Schultz as a source of

information in compiling The Book of Woodcraft and Indian

 

£2.

Ernest Thompson Seton was not just an Indian hobbyist.
Seton advocated a bond with the environment that could only
be achieved by experiencing and directly observing animals
and their habitat. The essence of "nature” was to be

witnessed and felt, and this realization could not be

112

cultivated behind a desk. Seton was an accomplished hunter,
tracker and trapper, and for these reasons he could esti-
mate the skills of Native peoples in these areas. As his
knowledge of Native American hunting practices and environ-
mental practices was expanded, he began to realize the deep
reverence in which Native Americans interacted with the
environment. This "spiritual” interaciton was the key to
understanding the relationship of ”lower" animals to Man.
Seton's second wife, Julia Moss Seton, stressed their
tie to Native American philosophy.
We laid great store by the little rituals and cere-
monies we performed at home through the years. Every
hearth fire was blessed on its first lighting, each
of our r0295 carried on the door the totem of the
occupant.
The rituals and ceremonies were obviously behaviors that
were prompted by knowledge gained from the study of and
interaction with Native Americans.
Ernest Thompson Seton made enormous contributions to
the growth of camping and youth organizations in the
United States and abroad. After steeping himself in Native
traditions for many years, Seton decided to make use of the

knowledge that he had acquired. In 1902, ”American Wood-

craft," appeared in the May edition of the Ladies Home

 

Journal. This article announced the formation of the
Woodcraft Indians, which became known as "Seton's Indians,"
and this was the first outdoor organization for boys in

the United States. The organization was founded on Native

American lore, and the ideals of the organization were to

113

promote the very best of Indian life.

First, guided by my own preferences, I selected a

hero as a model. Not Robin Hood, nor Rollo the

Sea King, nor King Arthur; but the ideal of Fenimore

Cooper, perfectly embodied in Tecumseh, the great

Shawnee — physically parfect, wise, brave, picturesque,

unselfish, dignified.

The Fenimore Cooper ideal is obviously tied to a romantic
or savagist image, but by selecting Tecumseh as a model,
many of the characteristics of the fictional ”leather-
stocking" heroes were dispelled. Seton was engrossed with
the character and abilities of Tecumseh, and any who are
familiar with the prominent Shawnee can hardly slight
Seton's selection as a model for the outdoor organization.
The Woodcraft Indians would eventually become the Boy
Scouts of America, and this transition would occur rapidly
by circuitous means.

The first edition of the Birch Bark Rolls, to be
referred to by that name, was published in 1906. Seton sent
this edition to Robert Baden—Powell, the English military
hero, and the two arranged a meeting for later in that
year. In October of 1906 Seton met with Baden—Powell at
the Savoy Hotel in London, and this meeting had significant
repercussions for the development of world wide scouting.51
Both Seton and Baden-Powell had tried the camping experience
with boys and obtained favorable results. Seton had organ-
ized a campout for local toughs on the grounds of his

Connecticut home, while Baden-Powell had taken twenty—two

youths to Brownsea Island, which is off the coast of

114

England. As a result of these camping ventures, and the
enormous interest of both men in outdoor skills, the Boy
Scouts of America was formed in 1910.

There is little doubt that the Woodcraft Indians were
the forerunner to the Boy Scouts of America. From 1902 until
1910, Seton worked diligently toward the formation of an
outdoor organization for youth. During 1910, Seton was
the Chairman of the first Committee on Organization for
the Boy Scouts, and he was present at all of the important
organizational meetings held during that year. He was in
attendance at the Martha Washington Hotel in New York City
when the formal handing over of documents to the corporation,
Boy Scouts of America, was completed on October 27, 1910.
Ernest Thompson Seton was named the Chief Scout of the
organization. President William H. Taft, was named honorary
president, Theodore Roosevelt became the honorary Vice-
president, Daniel Carter Beard was named National Scout
Commissioner, and James West was appointed executive
officer. The acknowledged founders of the Boy Scouts of
America are Seton, Baden-Powell, Beard, West, and William
Boyce, who in 1909 became lost in the fog of London and
was rescued by a scout. This eventually led to a meeting
with Baden-Powell, and Boyce became one of the incorporators
of the B.S.A.53

Seton's affiliation with the Boy Scouts would prove
to be short lived, however Seton wrote the ninth and tenth

edition of the Birch Bark Rolls of 1910 and entitled them

115

\
\

respectively, The American Boy Scout, and The Boy Scouts

 

 

of America, and during 1910-1911, numerous publications re-

 

ported that the Boy Scouts of America were under the control
of Seton.S4 Seton's home at this period of time was Cox
Cobb, Connecticut, and this was also the organizational
seat of the Boy Scouts. Yet an issue of contention was
arising within the ranks of the scouting leadership that
would signal Seton's rejection of the group. This issue
was militarism. Increasingly, the Boy Scouts of America
was becoming a militarized organization, and this was
reflected in the uniforms, the reliance on "military spirit",
and the postualted use of such an organization in a time
of war.55 Seton found these propensities repulsive and
protested the "elimination of the beautiful, the political,
the symbolic and spiritual."56 This schism is clearly
reflected in the use of Indian lore and social organization,
which were so important to the Woodcraft Indians. In 1910,
Boy Scout President Colin Livingstonestated that the intent
of the scouting movement "is not an attempt to make an
Indian of the American boy," while Colonel Peter S..Bonus
claimed, "There is no attempt in our organization to
approach any of the Indian names or style of conducting
the movement. Ours is to be along soldierly lines."57
Seton obviously felt that his idea as well as organiza-
tional efforts were being perverted by individuals who did

not truly understand the meaning of nature or woodcraft.

These feelings were solidified in his fued with James West,

116

who became Chief Executive Scout in 1912. Seton intensely
disliked West, who was a city bred attorney, and thought
that outdoor organizations should not be entrusted to or
lead by people who had no comprehension of the natural
environment, or understanding of benefits that could be
derived from interactions with it. The West-Seton contro-
versy escalated until 1914, at which time Seton remarked:
By a succession of ruses, my life-work which I began
and developed alone at the beginning, has been taken
out of my hands and put in charge of a group of men,
absolute new-comers, whg do not understand it and are
. . . 8
leading it to disaster.
The increasing hostility of the Seton-West issue would
lead to the expulsion of Seton in 1915 on technical
grounds.
Seton was a Canadian citizen, who never applied for
United States citizenship.
During the winter of 1914, the fact became publicized
that the federal charter of incorporaiton required
that the national council must be made up of American
citizens. Seton was requested to apply for U.S.
citizenship, knowing full well that the Canadian
naturalist would never do so. Seton's position with
the Boy Scouts of America became contingent upon his
application for citizenship, and when he refused,
his connections with the orgnaization were severed.
In early 1915, Seton statedsghat he wished ”simply
to drop quietly out of it."

However, Seton openly opposed the Boy Scouts during the

winter of 1915. He published articles in The New York

 

Times in December of that year, which accused the scouting
organization of undermining the imagination of young men,
as well as militarizing the Boy Scouts. Seton quickly be-

came regarded as the heretic of the scouting movement, and

117

was essentially ostracized by the "inner circle" as well
as other prominent men who supported the goals of scouting.6O
It is noteworthy that Seton, in his autobiography,

does not present any information about his activities between

1907 and 1930. Trail of an Artist-Naturalist was published

 

in 1940, so the intervening years afforded Seton more than
enough time to deal with that period. It would seem that
his involvement with the Boy Scouts was so distasteful
that he refused to present his side of the story in a
public hearing. This self-imposed silence was certainly
not the act of a ”charlatan", but rather the act of a man
who refused to further tarnish the image of scouting.
Although Seton dropped out of sight from the Boy
Scouts, he continued to work with the Woodcraft League of
America. This organization, similar in goals to the early
Boy Scout movement, would never achieve great success, but
Seton would be affiliated with the organization until 1934.
He would also continue to write the Birch Bark Rolls which
were now used by the Woodcraft League. In 1930, Seton sold
his eastern land holdings and purchased 2,500 acres outside
of Santa Fe, New Mexico. When Seton moved west, so did
Julia Moss Buttree, who would eventually become Julia
Seton.61 Seton had deeply loved and respected Julia Moss
Buttree for a number of years, but their life together was
complicated by the fact that Ernest had been unable to

gain a divorce from his first wife.

118

When, some twenty years before, I set out to answer
my critics by writing the Lives of Game Animals, my
most ambitious undertaking, I had need of an effec-
tive helper. The hand of providence brought into

my life at that time a young woman of rare excell-
ence, of unusual gifts, college bred, talented,

a scholar, a writer, an artist, a joyful comrade, an
indefatigable worker; and, above all, giftegzwith
that most unusual gift called common sense.

 

When the move west occurred, Julia became the ”Chatelaine
of Seton Castle," in an area that Ernest Thompson Seton
described as being "the land where still the Indian lives
unchanged, and the Buffalo Wind is blowing."

It would be in Seton Castle, Seton Village, that
Ernest and Julia Seton would produce their most articulate
statements about the inherent beauty, generosity, and
humanism that they had observed in various Native American

societies. \Julia Seton would write The Rhythm of the

 

Redman (1930), The Pulse of the Pueblo (1939), and The

 

Indian Costume Book (1938), which were illustrated by

 

Ernest Thompson Seton. These works described Pueblo,

and other Native American dances, music and clothing. The

major literary projects for E.T. Seton would be co—author—

ing The Gospel of The Redman (1936), and the writing of his
autobiography (1940). The work which vividly demonstrates

the Seton's commitment to Native American philoSOphy and

ideals is unquestionably, The Gospel of the Redman.

 

In the foreward to The Gospel of the Redman, Seton

 

singles out those individuals who assisted with the text.

In compiling these records of Indian thought and
culture, I have been assisted by a committee of men
and women whose lives have been given to such studies.

119

Some are Indians; some, White folk. Without theig3
approval, nothing has been included in this book.

Included in that list of names are George Bird Grinnell,
and Dr. Charles A. Eastman, (Ohiyesa). Of all the books

that Ernest Thompson Seton wrote, The Gospel of the Redman

 

is the most concise appraisal of Native American values,
and Seton was well aware that what he was proposing in

the test would not set well with his contemporaries who
held a grossly inaccurate and simplistic view of indigenous
peoples.

The Gospel of the Redman focuses on many of the sub-
ject areas of Native American life that had been ignored
during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century.
Spirituality, religion, duty of tribal customs, marriage
and divorce, chastity, medicine men, cleanliness, honesty,
and wisdom are some of the topics that Sexton expounded
on. When these subjects were developed, so emerged the
schism, the blatant contrast, that existed between Native
cultures and western civilization. It becomes clear that
Seton prefers the traditions of Native peoples and has
grown to resent the materialistic nature of American
society. This harsh condemnation of western society is
illustrated in the opening lines of the text.

The culture and civilization of the White man are

essentially material; his measure of success is,

”How much property have I acquired for myself?"

The culture of the Redman is fundamentally spiritual;

his measure of success is, "How much service have

I rendered to my people?" His mode of life, his

thought, his every act are given spiritual signifi-

cance, approached and colgfied with complete realiza-
tion of the spirit world.

120

From beginning to end, The Gospel of the Redman maintains

 

this tome of pro—Indian discourse.

The summation of the text is contained in the last
'UMJShortchapters. Chapter VIII, entitled, "Whither?
The Vision," is a harsh denunciation of the frontiersman,
or backwoodsman, while Seton was searching for an American
ideal "who would be clean, manly, strong, unsorid, fearless

and kind, gentle with his strength dignified, silent and

..65

friendly. Instead of the mythic American ”frontiersman",

Seton chose the Native American. Early in his career, when
he formed the Woodcraft Indians, Seton actualized his per-
ceptions of an "ideal" type by aligning himself with Native
peoples. It is in the Epilogue though, that Seton demon-
strates the extent of his identification with indigenous
peoples.

Does your system work for the greatest happiness
of the greatest number?

Is your civilization characterized by justice
in the courts and gentleness in the streets?

Are its largest efforts to relieve suffering and
misery?

Does your civilization grant to every individual
the force and rights of humanhood?

Is everyone in your community guaranteed food,
shelter, protection, dignity, so long as your group
has these things in its gift?

Does your system provide for the sick, the help-
less, the weak, the old and the stranger?

By every one of these tests, the White civiliza—
tion is a failure.

How is it that we of the White man's way have
as much food in the land as ever we had, just as
much wealth as ever we had, just as much need for
labor, just as much material of every kind, just as
much readiness to work; and yet we are facing a
breakdown because we cggnot co-ordinate these things
into effective action?

121

\\
\
\
\

The answers to these questions are provided by Seton.
Western civilization must follow the ideals of the "Redman,"
which will allow contemporary society to ”begin again with

a better, higher thought."67

Ernest Thompson Seton was an outspoken proponent of
Native American values and life styles, and was severely
criticized for his personal beliefs. He was ridiculed as
a "socialist" because he believed that "The Indian was a
socialist in the best and literal meaning of the word,”68
and his animal stories and naturalist writings were attacked
as being "animistic," because he subjectively understood
nature and the personal relationship of people to the
environment. There is little doubt that the writings of
Ernest Thompson Seton achieved their objectives. Seton
played a significant role in influencing American outdoor
enthusiasts and sportsmen, using insights gained from
Native American societies, to help create a uniquely
American conservation ethic.

The contributions of Grinnell and Seton, were matched
in kind by two other prominent men of the late nineteenth
and early twentieth century. Hamlin Garland and Charles
Alexander Eastman also played key roles in disseminating
information abotu Native Americans that would influence
popular perceptions of the environment.

Hamlin Garland was born in West Salem, Wisconsin on

September 14, 1860. The Garland family owned a quarter

section of land, and the family extensively farmed their

122

property. As a young boy, Hamlin had seen bands of Indians
passing the family farm, and the country surrounding the
family land was abundant with wildlife. The family moved
to Osage, Iowa in 1869, and established a farm. In Osage,
Hamlin completed his studies and was awarded a diploma from
the Cedar Valley Seminary in 1881. His parents eventually
moved to South Dakota, and Hamlin followed them to home-
stead land in that state. His homestead was located in
Ordway, South Dakota, but the enterprise was shortlived:
He obtained the claim in 1883, but by 1884 he was in Boston
pursuing a literary career. He enrolled in the Boston
School of Oratory, and covered the costs by doing research
for Moses True Brown, who was a prominent member of the
faculty.69

Garland's rise in the literary world was meteoric. In
1885 Garland taught summer sessions at the Boston School
of Oratory, published his first article, and conducted
literary evenings for local Bostonians. By 1890, he would
be extensively published. He published descriptions of
prairie life as well as literary insights and reviews in

Harper's Weekly, American Magazine, and New England

 

 

Magazine. In 1891, Garland published the first edition of
Main-Travelled Roads, his collection of "local color”
vignettes and short stories, WhiChVflflllimited acclaim.
Between 1891 and 1895, he published numerous articles and
books. In 1896, his attention turned to the American

Indian as subject matter.

123

In June of 1895, Garland traveled to the American West,

after finishing his novel, Rose of Dutcher's Coolly.7O

 

This trip rekindled Hamlin Garland's boyhood interest in
the American Indian. The western tour of 1895 has been
described as a "profound influence" on Garland by Underhill

and Littlefield, in Hamlin Garland's Observations on The

 

American IndianL41895-1905. The western trip included

 

visits to Colorado, New Mexico, and Arizona, where Garland
came in contact with the Utes, Hopi, Navajo, and Pueblo
peoples. Garland records his images and experiences of the

Hopi Snake Dance in Roadside Meetings, and they are ex-

 

tremely vivid.

I saw the painted priests of the cult snatch rattle-
snakes from a bag and take them in their mouths. I
saw these serpents bite the cheeks of the devotees.
I saw the snakes writhing in a great heap at my
feet. I stood like a man in a dream. I ceased

to hear a sound. The dancers circled the plaza in
silence, two and two, the one holding the serpent
in his lips, the other teasing it with a feather.
It was all so far reaching, so deep-sounding in
human experiences that I forgot every other fact

in the wopld. I heard nothing, felt nothing - I
only saw.

This account of the snake dance is significantly different
from the one that Garland would publish in "Among the

Moki" in 1898. ”Among the Moki," refers to the dance in a
very impersonal, descriptive manner, while the account

from his autobiographical journals relates Garland's sensa-
tions and subjective experiences at the dance. This event,
and the entire trip west, would mark the beginning of
Garland's relationship with Native peoples as subject

matter and a tie with indigenous philosophy. Garland

124

would become a prominent advocate on behalf of Native
peoples in the following years.

In October of 1896, Garland had the good fortune to
meet Ernest Thompson Seton at a luncheon at The Players
Club in New York City. In attendance at the affair was
Theodore Roosevelt, then Commissioner of Police in that
city. Garland described Seton as ”a dark-eyed, black-
haired Canadian hunter, artist, and story writer," who was
introduced to the guests at the luncheon as "Wolf Thompson."72
The nickname obviously came from Seton's habit of signing
his works with hds signature and a scrawled wolf print
below it. This encounter would eventually blossom into a
life-long friendship between the two writers.

The year.l896 began a notable increase in the litera-
ture which Garland published on the American Indian. "Into
the Happy Hunting Grounds of the Utes,” appeared in that
year as did "The most Mysterious PeOple in America.” and
"The Dance at Acoma,” While among the Utes, Garland
developed an interest in Native languages, particularly
the naming systems of indigenous peoples.73 This would
become one of his primary interests shortly after the turn
of the twentieth century. In 1897, Garland published

”The Stony Knoll" in Youth's Companion, which recounts

 

the story of an old woman, Capeawitz, who is scheduled to
select an allotment from the reservation proper and must

meet with the agent concerning the details.

125

Garland introduces the simple story with an attack

on the theory of allotment, resenting "that the

beautiful sentiment which had considered the earth

as common property should give way to the system

of the white man." In like fashion, he attacks

the white settlers, "hard, eager and greedy,'' who

wait to enter and occupy the surplus Indian lands

and in whose eyes ”the red man was4a pest to be

exterminated like the tarantula."
Upon beginning to write about American Indians Garland
began, almost immediately, to act as a staunch advocate
for Native peoples. This advocacy would become more zealous
in time, leading Garland to soundingly criticize the whites
that surrounded Indian reservations: "Their savagery is
worse than the Indian's for it has in it Saxon greed.”75

In 1897, Garland again traveled to the American West.
It was on this trip that he came in contact with the Black—
foot while visiting their agency. He recorded a number of
observations about the tribe, and was requested by White
Calf to take a message to George Bird Grinnell upon re-
turning to the east. The message was, evidently, a series
of notes from individual Blackfoot who wished to communicate
with Grinnell.76 This letter was undoubtedly delivered
to George Bird Grinnell, for Garland and the prominent
conservationist became friends in the future. Garland
continued to publish articles that focused on Native
Americans in 1897-98, though his major concern was finishing
his biogrpahy of Ulysses S. Grant, which was published in
the fall of 1898.

Garland published the third edition of Main-Travelled

 

Roads in 1899, along with numreous shorter articles, some

126

of which focused on Native Americans. It was also in that
year that Hamlin Garland married Zulime Taft, the sister
of Lorado Taft, an eminent sculptor of the day. The newly-
weds accepted an invitation to visit Oklahoma in 1900
from George W.H. Stouch, the agent at the Southern Cheyenne
and Arapaho agency. This trip to Oklahoma would prove to
be very important to Garland; it would set the stage for
his involvement with the project to "rename" Native
Americans. While in Oklahoma, Hamlin met Chester Poe
Cornelius, an Oneida attorney, who brought to Garland's
attention the problem of inheritance for Native Americans
due to the absence of surnames.

Cornelius had located here, after a most astonishing

educational career in New York. "I intend to grow

up with the law business of this country,” he said.

”Lawyers here will always be concerned largely with

Indian lands, inheritance, and titles. The agency

roles do not show family relationships. Each man

and woman has an individual name and there is cer-

tain to be much litigation."

"That is true," I replied. "Now that the
Indians are landowners their names show no family
connections, just as in the case of the Italians

or Greeks or any of our immigrant races. I shall
bring this to the attention of President Roosevelt."

77
Garland had known the President since their first meeting
at The Players in 1896, and they became fast friends while
Garland was working on the Grant Biography. The renaming
project would eventually be authorized by the Secretary
of the Interior, with the full support of Roosevelt.

The Oklahoma trip also brought Garland into contact

with John Homer Seger. Seger had formed a ”colony" of

Cheyenne and Arapaho peoples in 1886 and by 1900 the

127

community was thriving. Seger had become thesub-agentof
the tribes and had taught them the "white man's road."

Seger came out to meet us, a stocky, middle—aged
man, with pleasant blue eyes and a modest manner of
speech. Although somewhat daunted by the strangers
whom the major had brought, his words were hospitable.

His clothing was commonplace - nothing but a huge
white hat indicated his many years of life among the
red.

As I walked with him toward the office, a tall
red man stopped him with graceful motions of his
hands asked him a question. Seger replied in the
same silent way, with amazing skill and fluency.

When I spoke of it he said, "Yes, I transact all my
business in the sign talk. You see, my colony is
about equally divided between Cheyennes and Arapahoes
- and while I spoke Arapaho when I came out here,

I had to drop it. It wouldn't do to slight the
Cheyennes. As I couldn't talk both languages, I
compromised by using signs which they all understood.

78
Seger's colony and success among the Cheyenne and Arapaho
would continue to have an effect upon Garland. The colony
would set the example for what Garland though was possible
for Native Americans when they were dealt with in an honest
and committed manner.

Garland returned to Oklahoma in 1901, and recorded
notes on the Cheyenne for a novel that he was working on.
He gained tremendous insights from further conversations
with John Seger, and many of the topics relating to Native
peoples that Seger and Garland discussed would eventually
become short stories or details of novels. When Garland
returned to the east, he immediately set to work to complete
The Captain of The Grey—Horse Troop. The novel, a romance

set in the west during hostile relations with the Cheyenne,

was published in March of 1902. On April first, Garland

128

called at the White House to leave a copy of the novel for
Roosevelt. Roosevelt greeted Hamlin and his wife, Zulime,
inviting them to attend a musicale. Roosevelt also extended
an invitation to Hamlin to attend a cabinet meeting the
next day.

You are interested in conversation. Come to my cabi-

net meeting tomorrow morning. Gifford Pinchot will

be there.7
At this meeting, Garland continued his advocacy on behalf
of Native Americans.

These people of the polished Stone Age require time

to pass from their age to the age of electricity.

It is a mistake to imagine that a single generation

or even three can bridge the chasm. They are gregar-

ious. To make solitary homesteaders of them is to

destroy them. Their lands should be allotted in

such wise that they can live as the French peasants

do, in villages, and farm their outlying lands.

Others of them, like the Navajo, are natural

herders and should be allowed to conganue as such.

They must have time for adjustments.
It was at this same meeting that Garland presented his plan
for imposing a system of surnames upon reservation peoples.
Roosevelt listened to the plan, and fully understood the
necessity of common last names in relation to the allotment
policy.

Roosevelt listened to me in silence as I outlined

my plan. At the close of my address, he took a
small card from his desk and penciled a few words

upon it. "See the Secretary of the Interior," he
said, handing me the card, "and lay your plan be—
fore him." And as we rose to go he added, "I know

the Indian service is cursed with bad agents and
inefficient department heads, but I intend to see
that the red man gets substantgal justice. You
may depend on my cooperation."

The support of Roosevelt would lead to the implementation

of Garland's plan in the fall of 1902.

129

Garland selected Dr. Charles Alexander Eastman
(Ohiyesa — The Winner), a Santee Sioux, to work with the
project. George Bird Grinnell was also consulted on this
project, and briefly worked as a part of the project staff
along with John Homer Seger, W.J. McGee of the Bureau of
Ethnology and Clinton Hart Merriam from the Department of
Agriculture.82 George Bird Grinnell provided useful
direction to the project in a letter to Garland on November
22, 1902.

I feel as if present names ought to be adopted. Of

course, many of these present names are unpronounce—

able in present shape, but some abbreviation of them
might be used, and I think it better to do that than
to saddle a family with such names as Side Hill Calf,

Boss Ribs Hunter or something of that kind. Why

should an Indian name necessarily mean anything to a

white man? When I pronounce the name of my friend

Smith, I do not think of a blacksmith, or locksmith,

or tinsmith. His name is merely a verbal label by

which he can be identifieg3 Something of this sort

I wrote the Commissioner.

Charles Eastman was employed by the project until 1909,

and the naming project continued for eight years, but
eventually lost bureaucratic favor and became the responsi-
bility of agents on the reservations. The undertaking,
none the less, made significant inroads in the translating
and renaming of family groups. There is little doubt

that without this effort land fraud and deceptive practices
involving Indian lands would have been exacerbated.

Garland's interest in the Native American continued

for the rest of his life. Unfortunately, his published

writings on the American Indian ceased in 1907, until the

130

publication of The Book of the American Indian in 1923.

 

His interests turned to forestry and conservation, but
Native peoples still exerted an influence on him. The
influence was a heightened respect for the environment and
man's relationship to it. In 1905, Garland was requested
to present the commencement address at the University of
Chicago by Dr. Harper, then president of that institution.
Garland accepted the invitation on the condition that

the address would be on an "outdoor theme".84 He attended
the graduation and gave the address in September of 1905.

No man can know the essential majesty of the
wild till he has lain down beside his fire, in a
land of pines and peaks and roaring, ice-cold
water, alone and uncertain of his way. Swift as the
the turning of a hand, the primeval reasserts its
dominion over you, and you shudder with awe and
thrill with a subtle, fearsome joy. Shall a man
be of less resource than the cony? Sha % the cry of
the brave brown robin put him to shame?

Near the end of the address, Garland makes a vivid connec-
tion with the environmental influences of Native Americans.

Many of our greatest men are the sons of the
trail. Who shall estimate the value of the wilder—
ness in the training of Washingotn, of Lincoln, and
of Grant? Simplicity and directness of purpose,
tenacity, and resource, they certainly drew from
their border experiences, and they are but shining
graduates of the Pine Tree Academe. For more than
two hundred years we have been schooled by the
Algonquin and the Sioux. Let us acknowledge this.
We killed them, we swep§6them before us; but they
taught us as they died.

It is indeed unfortuante, that Garland thought his oration
failed to impact the faculty in attendance.

In 1910, Garland published Cavanaugh, Forest Ranger,

 

which contains a "sensitive rendering of the beauties of

131

the wilderness,"87

but it is only an average novel. The
novel, very similar to the ”sociological" approach to litera-

ture that Garland had attempted in The Captain of the Grey-

 

Horse Troop, reinforces the need to conserve natural re-

 

sources. This interest in conservation was a logical out-
growth from Garland's contact with Native peoples, George
Bird Grinnell, Ernest Thompson Seton, John Muir, Charles
Alexander Eastman and Theodore Roosevelt, all of whom had

a major influence on the conservaitonist movement. Garland's
relationship with Seton was particularly enjoyable, and the
two often went on outings together.

Seton was up early and at his work while I went on
superintending my carpenters. At night we all went
out to picnic in the open air. I cooked the steak
as usual. After supper we drew round the fire and
Seton gave out the calls of loons and Wolves and
we all took turns telling stories. Some boys who
camped near were scared by the howling of a wolf -
Ernest - and came up to see what it was all about.
Seton was at his jolliest and made friends with
everyone he met. He is nearly fifty years of age
but the boy is in him yet. He seemed to enjoy be-
ing with us and we certainly enjoyed having him in
our home. He is a great figure for the American
boy and his books ar§81ikely to be read by many
generations of boys.

One of the most significant events that demonstrates the
degree to which Garland identified with Native Americans
occurred in 1902, and involved Ernest Thompson Seton.

Throughout the year 1902 Garland wrote steadily on
his new novel. Sometimes he worked in the Indian
tepee which he had brought back with him from the
reservation to set up at Egale's Nest, where he and
Zulime spent part of the summer. Complete with
blankets, parfleches, willow beds and other
accessories, this lodge was an excellent replica

of a Cheyenne dwelling and filled Garland with
inordinate pride. Seton came by one day to assist
in the dedication of its firehole, and the two old

'0

an
51'
Wh.‘
in;
she

dOe

Birc
Was

Comm

132

campers smoked together a symbolic pipe of medita-
tion. This primitive shelter Garland found an
appropriate study in which to write of Indian lore
and to compose the lectures he was scheduled to
give that autumn at the University of Ch'gago on
the "The Outdoor Literature of America."

The Eagle's Nest was in Oregon, Illinois, and of course,

the novel that Garland was working on was The Captain of

 

the Grey-Horse Troop.

 

The dedication of the firehole was, undoubtedly, an
attempt to ceremoniously "break-in" the dwelling. The
"symbolic pipe of meditation" was the vehicle by which
the honoric event was concluded. The pipe, to Native
peoples, represents a tie with the creation, and tobacco,
when offered to the fire or through a pipe was a sacred
offering to the Great Mystery and Garland and Seton were
well aware of this symbolic use of tobacco from their con-
tact with Native peoples. Garland found his teepee to be
a source of inspiration for writing about the environment

and indigenous peoples. Jean Holloway's Hamlin Garland a

 

Biography includes among the pictures in the text, one

 

which depicts Garland in mountainman-Indian apparel stand-
ing next to the teepee. It is ironic that this picture
should be included in the Holloway book, for the index
does not list one mention of Indians or Native Americans.

Hamlin Garland, like Ernest Thompson Seton and George
Bindeinnell,had an appreciation of the environment which
was influenced by Native Americans. Glimpses of this

commitment can be gleaned from his writings and actions.

133

In 1923, Garland published The Book of the American Indian,

which was illustrated by Frederic Remington.90 The publi-

 

cation of this text marked the conclusion of Garland's
literary career which focused on the American Indian.

This book, issued after years of abandoning the Native
American as a literary topic, signified Garland's concern
for accurately depicting Native peoples. "My stories might

have been better stories, that I will admit, but they

are never falsifications of life and character."91 Garland

opposed the inclusion of the Remington illustrationijlthe
volume but was eventually forced to compromise on this
point.

My design was directly opposite to that of Remington,
who carried to the study of these hunters all the
contempt, all the conventional notions of a hard and
rather prosaic illustrator. He never got the wilder-
ness point of view. His white hunters were all
ragged, bearded, narrow between the eye, and his

red men stringy, gross of feature and cruel. I
recognized no harmony between the drawings and my
text, but as I was poor and my publishers agreed

that they could not publish the book as I wished

to have it done, I laid my maggscript on their
editorial desk and went away.

The publication of The Book of the American Indian did not

 

sever the tie between Native peoples and Garland, but
rather marked the end of Garland's published writings on
American Indians.

Hamlin Garland's efforts on behalf of Native Americans
are linked with Charles Alexander Eastman. Eastman, a
Santee Sioux, worked with Garland on the tribal renaming
project that began in 1902. Eastman, who was a friend and

confidant to Garland, Grinnell and Seton, provides an

134

interesting counter-point to the literary careers and en—
vironmental ties that these gentlemen developed from con-
tact with Native Americans. Whereas Garland, Grinnell,

and Seton came into contact with the attitudes, values and
beliefs of Native people, Eastman was raised in a tradi-
tional Sioux encampment, and later on acquired the trappings
of the "white man's road."

Eastman was born in February, 1858, near the present
site of Redwood Falls, Minnesota. His mother, Nancy Eastman,
was the daughter of Seth Eastman, an army officer, and
Wakan Tankawin, a full blood Santee. Eastman's father was
Many Lightning, also of the Santee Sioux. Eastman was
initially given the name "Hakadah," which means ”the Pitiful
Last," due to the fact that his mother died shortly after
his birth. He was raised by his maternal grandmother in
the traditions of the Santee. He resided in a lodge (teepee)
and white influences, other than material culture, were
minimal on the Band. The years 1858-1860, witnessed growing
hostilities between the Santee in Minnesota, and the white
populace of the area. This schism between cultures would
culminate in the "Santee Uprising" of 1862.

This “uprising" has frequently been discussed in the
literature,93 and the impact of this event upon Hakadah
rests upon the fact that his father, Many Lightnings was
a participant in the conflict. Hostilities were the
result of widespread Santee-starvation due to the late

payment of annuities.94 A local trader, Andrew Myrick, was

135

asked if he could help provision the Santee until the
annuities were paid: he replied, ''Let them eat grass."95
Ths hostilities lasted only a month, and by late September,
1862, The Santees sought peace. Many of the "hostile"
Santee fled Minnesota, but by December 1862, three hundred
and three Santees had been convicted for their participation
in the war. Among those convicted was Many Lightnings,
Hakadah's father. On December 22, 1862, after intercession
by President Lincoln, which reduced the number of Santee

to be executed, 38 of the Santee were hung in the town
square at Mankato, Minnesota.

Hakadah thought that his father was one of the victims
of the retalitory act in Mankato, and for many years he
would believe his father a casualty of the "uprising."
Hakadah spent the next ten years with the Santee Sioux and
hunted buffalo and other large game animals while learning
the customs of his people. Hakadah's name was changed after
his village defeated a rival band in a lacrosse game, and
he was awarded the name Ohiyesa, "The Winner."96 Ohiyesa's
life among the Santee has been graphically recorded in

Indian Boyhood which was published in 1902, and there is

 

little doubt that this formative period had enormous impact
on the young Santee. Ohiyesa lived from the fruits of
the land, and by the time he was an adolescent, he had
interalized the Santee "way."

At the age of fifteen, Ohiyesa was a boy becoming

a man. His childhood had taught him a harmony with
nature and a self reliance that was not dependent

136

upon material objects. As one approaching warriorhood,
he had been trained to spare only Canadian whites,
believing that Amerggan whites were responsible for
his father's death.
One can understand Ohiyesa's consternation, when in September
1872, his father, Many Lightnings, entered the Santee
encampment. Many Lightnings was now called Jacob Eastman,
and wore the clothes of a white man.
In 1862, Many Lightnings had been captured and sent
to prison for his involvement in the "uprising." While in
prison, he converted to the Christian faith, and was

released from prison in 1866.99

In 1869, Jacob Eastman
moved to Flandreau, South Dakota and became a part of an
Indian agricultural community. As soon as Jacob was
settled in the community, and time permitted, he went in
search of his family. The confrontation between father
and son in 1872 was an awkward meeting. Okiyesa in the
traditional garb of the Sioux, and his father in the
foreign clothes of the "wasicu.”

Jacob Eastman desired to take his son back to Flandreau
with him, and eventually Ohiyesa consented to return with
his father. After reaching Flandreau, and becoming some—
what acclimated to the new surroundings, Ohiyesa began to
attend the local day school. In 1874 he traveled to the
Santee Normal School, located in Nebraska, and became a
boarding student in that institution. Ohiyesa was strongly

encouraged by his father to learn the ways of the white man.

Education was a necessity for existence in the unfamiliar

137

world, and Jacob Eastman characterized the tools of the
white man as ”the bows and arrows" of the dominant culture.
It was also at Santee Normal School that Ohiyesa took a
new name. He would use Eastman as his last name, it being
his mother's maiden name and the name which had been
selected by his father and brother, and for first names he
chose Charles Alexander. Henceforth, Ohiyesa would be
known as Charles Alexander Eastman.
One must stop and ponder for a minute the enormous
upheaval that had occurred in young Eastman's life:
Fifteen years of traditional experience overturned by the
reappearance of a father who was presumed dead. The
forfeiture of Santee customs, dress, language, and even-
tually, religion for the lifestyle of the white man. All
of this accomplished in a span of two years. Charles became
a Christian at Santee Normal School and fervently followed
the wishes of his father. He worked deligently to obtain
and master the educational curriculum which was offered
at the school, proving to be a very successful student.
Eastman rapidly learned what the Normal School had to
offer, and was encouraged to enter the preparatory program
at Beloit College in Wisconsin.100
Jacob Eastman's death in 1876 was a severe blow to
Charles, but he continued to follow the instructions of his
deceased father. He entered Beloit College in 1876 and
pursued his education with tenacity. Eastman became some-

what of a curiosity at Beloit, but he responded to this

138

with hard work and an amiable personality. Eastman trans-
ferred to Knox College in Galesburg, Illinois in the fall
of 1879. He completed his studies at Knox in early 1881,
pondering a future in medicine or law. He eventually
decided upon medicine and selected Dartmouth College as
the institution where he would obtain his undergraduate
accreditation. He traveled to Dartmouth in January of
1882 to begin his preparation for medical school.

The fact that Charles Alexander Eastman was nearly a
full—blood Sioux, and had resided among the Santee in a
traditional manner, never ceased to amaze eastern liberals.
In the east, Charles became much more of a curiosity than
he had been in Wisconsin or Illinois. The physical transi—
tion was also something that Eastman was forced to reckon
with.

In upstate New York he viewed mountains, valleys,

green meadows, and streams that brought back mem-

ories of his days in the wild. This appealed to

Charles' deep love for nature. The city of Boston

again was like Chicago, with sad people moving

about crooked streets. The contrastzwas welcome

when he arrived in Hanover, New HampiBire, in the

rugged granite hills of New England.

Eastman was admitted to Dartmouth in 1883, and enjoyed

an immediate, but somewhat stereotypical, popularity.
While at Dartmouth, Eastman attempted to integrate himself
into college activities and was tremendously adept at
doing so. He played football, joined a fraternity, and
largely enjoyed the friendships that he made. It was also

at Dartmouth College that Eastman became the "model" for

what Native Americans could become if given the opportunity.

139

While at Dartmouth, Eastman was befriended by the

Frank Woods family who supported Charles financially and
introduced him to the affluent lifestyle of the eastern
states. It was also the Woods family who connected Charles
with the Y.M.C.A., which would later beocme a factor in
his life.102 Charles graduated from Dartmouth in 1887,
and applied to the University of Boston Medical School.
He was accepted, and began his studies in that same year.
In June of 1890, Dr. Charles Alexander Eastman graduated
from the medical school. In a matter of seventeen years,
the transition from traditional Santee to the educational
elite of American society had been accomplished.

While at the University of Boston, Charles began to
lecture on the condition and future of the American Indian.
This would become an avocation in his life, and he fre-
quently derived financial support from his lectures.

There is no doubt though, that Charles strongly believed
in what he was engaged in. He viewed education as the
vehicle for freeing Native peoples from the exploitation
of the dominant society, and Christianity as the means to
true salvation. Later in his life, he would question
both these assumptions.

Upon completing medical school Eastman had difficulty
in finding employment. After a great deal of communication
and support from Frank Woods, Eastman obtained a positiOn
in the Indian service. He was assigned as the physician

to the Pine Ridge Sioux Agency, South Dakota, in the fall

140

of 1890.103 Eastman desired to serve his own people, which

was an admirable gesture, but he also wanted to act as an
agent of acculturation to the Sioux. It is ironic that
Charles Alexander Eastman happened to be the agency
physician at Pine Ridge when the United States Seventh
Cavalry massacred the Sioux at Wounded Knee. On December
29, 1890, Dr. Charles Alexander Eastman began to treat
the handiwork of the Hotchkiss guns which had been trained
upon Big Foot's Band of the Oglala Sioux. Eastman also led
the belated rescue attempt seeking survivors of the
massacre. On December 30, a tremendous blizzard struck the
agency, making rescue efforts impossible. Because of the
severity of the storm, it was not until three days later
that the rescue mission got underway.
Charles had been deeply moved by the scenes of horror
at Wounded Knee. He had trustingly put his faith
in Christian love and the high ideals of white civil-
ization. But on that New Year's Day of 1891 a con—
tradiction was realized by Charles that would bring
him inner torment and ordeal for the rest of his
life. He had been confronted graphically with the
difference between a liberal oratory of the virtues
of white civilization and the grim reality of that
civilization's cultural and racial genocide of the
American Indian. The impact $64that day stayed with
him for the rest of his life.
Charles Eastman began to clearly perceive the injustices
and corruption that were an integral part of the Indian
service.
While at Pine Ridge, Eastman had met Elaine Goodale,

who was serving as the Superintendent of Indian Education

for the Dakota Agency. They were attracted to each other

141

because of their mutual concerns, and after the Wounded
Knee tragedy subsided, they were married. Elaine Goodale,
a well educated white woman from the Berkshires Hills of
Massachusetts, had pursued a career in Indian education and
missionary work, and had done an excellent job serving in
various capacities. She, along with Charles, publicly
exposed the incident at Wounded Knee for what it was;
the slaughter of innocents. Elaine and Charles were
married on June 18, 1891, in New York City.105 After
honeymooning, the Eastmans returned to the Pine Ridge
Agency, where Charles attempted to surface the existence
of an "Indian ring" at the agency and the ensuing conflict
with the Indian service forced his resignation. The
Eastmans left Pine Ridge disconsolate and hardened to the
realities and ineptness of federal Indian policy.

Elaine Goodale, before her marriage to Charles Eastman,

had published a number of peotic texts and articles. In

1879, Elaine and her sister Dora released In the Berkshires

 

with the Wild Flowers, and both were thought to have

 

promising literary careers. Elaine's writing skills proved
to be an asset to Charles as he ended his tenure with the
Indian service. Charles and Elaine eventually settled in
Minneapolis, and Charles put out his shingle as a practicing
physician.106 Eastman, during this period of time, was
effectively ostracized from the Indian service. Even

though he attempted to find another agency position, he

was consistently rebuked. His medical practice afforded

142

the Eastmans some degree of financial security, but
Charles wanted to continue his work among the Lakota.

In 1893, Charles Eastman, with assistance from Elaine,
turned his interest to descriptive writing about Indian
life and ideals. In December of 1893, Eastman's first

article appeared in St. Nicholas. This publication was

 

the first of a series of articles entitled, "Recollecitons
of Wildlife," and they continued to be published in St.

Nicholas until May of 1874. While the Eastmans were jointly

 

pursuing a literary career, Charles was approached by
Charles K. Ober, the Secretary of the International Com-
mittee of the Young Men's Christian Association.107 In
June of 1894, Eastman accepted a position with the
International Y.M.C.A. and began to organize the existing
Indian Y.M.C.A.‘s. Eastman continued to work for the
Y.M.C.A. until 1898.

By the fall of 1898, Charles had grown weary of

his evangelism with its limited results. The

YMCA was not really serious about supporting

the work among Indian people beyond the fagances

which Charles was able to raise himself.
There is an interesting analogy here between the relation—
ship of the Y.M.C.A. and Puritan solicitors on behalf
of Native American religious projects. It has been well
documented that early religious zealots used Indian work
to raise funds which were never utilized for Indian pro-
graming,109 and this may have been the case with the

Y.M.C.A. during Eastman's association with that organiza—

tion. The Y.M.C.A., by alluding to their work among

143

Indians, may have used the "cause" in general fund raising
efforts, even though the Indian program was forced to bring
in enough money to be self-sufficient in the organization.

Eastman severed his connection with the Y.M.C.A. in
1898 and became a lobbyist for the Santee Sioux, eventually
lobbying on behalf of other Sioux groups. During this
period of time, Eastman continued to lecture on the American
Indian, and developed a reputation as an authority in the
field. He was constantly in demand for public appearances,
and again, he served as a "model" of Native American
achievement. At this time Eastman also began to question
the "civilization” of the white man. By 1898, Eastman had
ample opportunity to sample the nature of western civiliza—
tion and to contrast it with his early traditional upbring—
ing. Charles' lobbying efforts were short-lived due to the
economic hardships his work inflicted on his family, and
when Elaine was offered employment at the Carlisle Indian
School in 1899, they accepted.

While at Carlisle, Eastman worked as the "outing" co-
ordinator. The outing program was charged with placing
Carlisle students in the homes of white citizens in the
surrounding Pennsylvania area. 'muaouting program operated
during the summer months, so that Indian students could not
return to the reservations over the school vacation. This
program fostered the "civilization" of Indian children into
dominant behavior patterns, and it successfully separated

the children from Native culture. The Eastmans stayed at

144

Carlisle until the fall of 1900, at which time Eastman
secured the position of physician at the Crow Creek Agency
in South Dakota. Charles had been seeking employment in
the Indian service for many years, but his activism at
Pine Ridge had not been forgotten by the bureaucracy. It
was with high hopes that the Eastman family moved west in
1900, to again serve the People.

It was at Crow Creek that Charles Eastman began to
write about the American Indian with renewed interest.
Eventually, Elaine and Charles reworked the stories that
had been published in St. Nicholas and the result was

Indian Boyhood, the Eastman's first book.110 Indian Boyhood,

 

 

 

published in the spring of 1902, was well received and
accorded favorable reviews. The text is an examination of
Eastman's first fifteen years among the Santee Sioux, and
contains a great deal of ethnographic and environmental
information which appealed to the growing number of "out—

door" enthusaists. Indian Boyhood was held in high esteem

 

by George Bird Grinnell, for in late December of 1902

he wrote to Eastman requesting him to speak before the

Sequoya League in New York City.
This is an association which has for its object the
general improvement of Indians at large and I happen
to be the chairmiflof the executive committee of the

New York League.

The publication of Indian Boyhood marked the beginning of

 

Eastman's involvement with the growing environmental move—
ment in the United States that would be influenced by Native

American philosophy.

145

' \
\

Charles Eastman's stay at the Crow Creek Agency was
again marred by scandal. Charles and Elaine were aligned
with the Democratic Party, and a rift developed between
South Dakota Republicans and the Eastmans.112 The Republi-
cans requested the transfer of Eastman to another agency,
where his political ideology would not cause problems.

The confrontation eventually led to manufactured charges
leveled against Charles Eastman. The charges, including one
of sexual misconduct with a matron at the agency boarding
school, were aimed at removing Eastman from office. Eastman
defended himself against the charges, as did the matron,

but uncertainty surrounded Eastman's future with the

Indian Service. He was frustrated and tired of political
chicanery, and resigned form his appointment on March 12,
1903.113 The Eastman family now had six children, their
future was uncertain, and in the spring of 1903, they moved
east.

Eastman's resignation from his appointment as Crow
Creek physician did not sever his connection with the
Indian service. Hamlin Garland was actively seeking his
assistance on the renaming project, and with the endorse—
ment of President Roosevelt, secured an appointment for
Eastman from W.A. Jones, Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
shortly before Eastman resigned from the Sioux Agency.114
Eastman and Garland would continue to work on the renaming
project for the next six years. A frienship between the

J

two grew rapidly, and Garland and Eastman shared many

146

interests, the most important being advocacy on behalf of
the American Indian and the relationship of Native peoples
to the environment.

While working on the renaming project, Eastman began
to write and publish considerable information on the
American Indian. In 1904 Eastman published Red Hunters and

Animal People.115 His return to literary pursuits would

 

 

bring him into extensive contact with Grinnell, Garland,

and Seton. Red Hunters and Animal People, as the name im—

 

plies, deals with the relationship of Native hunters to the
animals that they pursue. The text presents Native peoples
as conservationists, who existed in a symbiotic relationship
with the environment. Much of the content, though fiction—
alized to a certain extent, was drawn from Eastman's early
years and observations, and personal interaction with game

animals. Shortly after Red Hunters and Animal People

 

appeared in print, George Bird Grinnell sent a letter to
Eastman.

The book is full of the spirit of the solitary
places of the Old West, and renews a thousand memories
of bygone days. The stories charm me by their sim-
plicity and their faithfulness. They bear the stamp
of actual knowledge of old conditions of the west,
of the Red Hunters, and of the animals with whom they
lived and who gave them food.

You are greatly to be congratulated on the produc—
tion which reminds me a little of the jungle books of
Kipling, and yet is full of the old timelflavor of
our own beloved and then untouched west.

The text would eventually carry an endorsement by George
Bird Grinnell, which was excerpted from the above letter,

and Grinnell would later support Eastman in his bid to

147

receive a grant from the Carnegie Foundation to write a

historical and ethnographic study of the Sioux.117
During the following years, Eastman's literary produc-

tivity increased rapidly, and between 1906 and 1910, he

wrote, with the assistance of Elaine, three articles and

two books. Old Indian Days (1907) and SmokygDay's Wigwam

 

 

Evenings: Indian Tales Retold (1910) were compilations of

 

stories that were told by a tribal orator, Smoky Day, who
resided in Canada, as they were remembered by Charles
Alexander Eastman. Elaine'sname appeared on the title page

of Smoky Day's Wigwam Evenings along with Charles'.118

 

During this period, Charles Eastman was a sought after
lecturer, and one of the most famous Indians in America.
His advice on "Indian matters" was highly valued, and he
was recognized as one of the foremost experts on Native
Americans.

In the early months of 1910, Eastman accepted an offer
of employment from the University of Pennsylvania Museum,
which hired him to travel to northern Minnesota to purchase
Native American artifacts from the region. It was during
this summer that Eastman returned to the land, to languish
in the memories of his youth.119 David Reed Miller,
Eastman's biographer, postulates that, "It was the Lake of
the Woods area that reawakened in Charles his love of the

wild life."120

As a result of this renewed contact with
the environment, Eastman's writings began to take on a

deeper philosophical character. The northern trip

148

provided the impetus for the Soul of the Indian which was

 

published in 1911. Here Eastman acknowledges strong
environmental ties which are necessary for self—understand-
ing, and he actively begins to question the plausibility

of the Christian faith for Native peoples.

Long before I ever heard of Christ, or saw a white
man, I had learned from an untutored woman the
essence of morality. With the help of dear Nature
herself, she taught me things simple but of mighty
import. I knew God. I perceived what goodness is.
I saw and loved what is really beautiful21 Civiliza-
tion has not taught me anything better.

Eastman's process of introspection would eventually lead
to drastic changes in his life.

The period after 1910 strongly links Eastman to the
formation of the outdoor ethic. His published articles
were practical pieces that were intended to inform popular
readers about the benefits of interacting with nature.

Throughout the secomddecadecfi'the TWentieth Century,

Charles continued writing with Elaine's assistance.

His articles, although more philosophical, continued

to range widely in subject on various aspects of

Indian culture, traditions, and current problems

and conditions. His belief in the out-of-doors was

vividly a part of the titles of articles, such as

"Education without Books," "Song of the Birch

Canoe,""The Language of Foot Prints,9133d "What

the Out of Doors Can Do For Children."

Eastman's interests would bring him into contact with
Ernest Thompson Seton, and the emergence of the scouting

movement in North America. The earliest meeting between

Eastman and Seton has not been documented in the literature

I

but there is good_reason to believe that they were acquain-

tances before 1910. Seton refers to Eastman in his

149

autobiography, Trail of an Artist-Naturalist, as ”my old
"123

 

sioux friend, Charles Eastman (Ohiyesa). This statement,
when combined with the fact that Eastman authored Indian

Scout Talks: A Guide for Boy Scouts and Camp Fire Girls

 

in 1914, assures an early connection between the two.

In 1914, and in the prior year Eastman's publication was
being prepared, Ernest Thompson Seton was the key figure
in American scouting. This publication could not have
surfaced without the support and unqualified endorsement
of Seton. Both men had mutual interests, there is no hint
or mention of a rift between the two outdoorsmen in the
literature, and Eastman was one of the people who heartily

assisted in the preparation of Seton's The Gospel of the

 

Redman which was not published until 1936.

Charles Eastman adopted traditional Santee regalia
for his public lectures and presentations during 1910, and
continued this practice until his death. There is little
doubt that this activity heightened the emotional impact
of his talks, but one can only speculate on the reasons
he donned authentic native dress. The clothing may have
been a mark of Showmanship, or an honest effort to reconvey
the attributes of the American Indian to his audiences by
holding their visual and aural attention. Whatever the
reason, Charles Eastman's presentations were extremely
popular, and he became one of the most prominent Indians

in the United States.

150

In 1911, Charles Eastman became one of the founding
members of the Society of American Indians (SAI). This
organization was founded on the campus of Ohio State
University in the spring of that year. The SAI became the
most powerful and prestigious Indian association in the
early twentieth century, and as one of the most highly
educated and influential Indians in America, Eastman's
participation was sought by the organization. Eastman
has been characterized at this period of time as the
"unofficial dean of the progressive and educated Indian."124
Eastman was not active in the Society after the initial
formation of the group until he assumed the presidency for
1919, and his association was again brief, because in early
1920 he severed connections with the Society.

Charles Eastman was extremely busy with camping ven-
tures between 1911 and 1920 and this interferred with his
full participation in the Society of American Indians.
Eastman continued to write during these years, and the family
made an effort to live a more "natural" life.

The Eastman family sought to translate their love

for the out-of-doors into an occupation to support

the family. Already popular among the newly—founded

Boy Scouts and Campfire Girls, Charles became

fascinated with the American fad of camping out

or "roughin it."

In the summer of 1914 Eastman began working in organized
scouting and was hired as the director of Camp Archibald
Butt, in Maryland, which was one of the largest Boy Scout

camps in the nation.126 The Eastman's began to explore

151

the idea of owning and operating their own camp. The idea
became a reality in 1915, when the Eastman family opened

the School of The Woods. This camp was a girls facility

. . . . 7
and it was located on Granite Lake in Keene, New Hampshire.12

The camp brochure for the 1915 session of the School of the
Woods vividly portrays Native American influences.

THE AIMS AND IDEALS of this new camp will be in line
with the best thought of today, which is striking in
harmony with the original philosophy of the Native
American.

THE AMERICAN INDIAN is our national model as an efpgrt
woodsmen, and the hero of the younger generation.

This initial effort would prove a success, and a boys
camp was planned to open in the future.

During the 1916 camping season, the Eastmans changed
the name of the girl's camp to "Oahe", which translates

,,129

from Santee to English as ”the hill of vision. In

1916 Charles Eastman also published his most prophetic

work: From the Deep Woods to Civilization.130 The

 

publication of this text marked a near total transition in
Eastman's life: If not a transition, a regression to
earlier meaning and significance, which was provided by his

traditional Santee upbringing. From the Deep Woods to

 

Civilization is the continuation of Eastman's autobiography

 

which he began in The Soul of the Indian. The book is a

 

strong condemnation of Christianity, and a rejection of
modern society.

From the time I first accepted the Christ ideal
it has grown upon me steadily, but I also see more
and more plainly our modern divergence from that
ideal. I confess I have wondered much that

152

Christianity is not practiced by the very people

who vouch for that wonderful conception of

exemplary living. It appears that they are

anxious to pass on their religion to all races

of men, but keep very ltitle of it for themselves.

I have not yet seen the meek inherit thelearth,

or the peacemakers receive high honor.

The publication of this text marked the end of Eastman's
serious literary career.

In 1917 the Eastmans attempted to open a boys camp
near the site of Oahe. A promotional brochure was prepared
for the summer season of 1917, and Camp Ohiyesa was endorsed
by Hamlin Garland, Richard Henry Pratt, the founder of the
Carlisle Indian School, and Ernest Thompson Seton. Seton's
comments on the flyer read: ”You have all the gifts
necessary to make a splendid original camp scheme go."132
The camp was never opened though, and the reasons for this
can only be speculated. It may have been that there was
parental resistance to the coeducational nature of the
facility, or it may have been the lack of capital to finance
the needed additions to the camp to accomadate the new
campers. Whatever the reason, only Camp Oahe continued to
operate.

During the year of 1917, the EaStman's only son,
Ohiyesa, joined the army and eventually sailed for the war
in Europe. In the same year tragedy struck the family
when Irene Eastman, one of the very talented daughters of
Elaine and Charles, died during the flu epidemic that

133

ravaged the east coast. ffluadeath of his daughter greatly

affected Charles, and he often wandered the woods seeking

153

solitude and consolation.134 The camp continued to thrive

under the supervision of Elaine, while Charles removed
himself from the operation of the camp whenever possible.
He still performed duties at the facility, but preferred to
tell stories, or lead expeditions into the woods. He was

a figure-head for the camp and still exerted drawing power
to entice new outdoor enthusiasts to the facility.

In the fall of 1918, an event occurred which provides
some insight into the character of Charles Eastman. In
that year, Eastman was apprehended for hunting out of
season. When taken before the justice of the peace and
asked if he pled innocent or guilty, Eastman responded
that he was an Indian and could rightfully take game for
his personal subsistence.‘ Interestingly, the judge agreed,
and Eastman was released.135

By 1920 Camp Oahe was in financial trouble. The
Eastman's marriage had been under a great deal of strain
since the death of Irene, and there are some indications
that it was in jeopardy long before that. A threatened
paternity suit against Charles Eastman by one of the camp
personnel ended Charles' and Elaine's life together. The
allegation seems to be unfounded, but Charles deeded the
camp to his wife and left New England.136

For a very brief period of time he worked as a lobbyist
for the Santee Sioux who were about to be paid an annuity

from the federal government which was related to the

claim that Charles Eastman had assisted them with in 1898.

154

Eastman eventually received a payment of $5,000.00 for his
efforts and this undoubtedly helped his financial situa-
tion, since he left New England destitute. Shortly after
Eastman received his fee, he was appointed as an inspector
in the Indian service and in the summer of 1923 he traveled
extensively performing his duties. Eastman selected a
delegation of Sioux to particiapte in the festivities that
accompanied the trip of David Lloyd George, the Prime
Minister of Great Britian, to Canada and the United States.
Eastman coordinated the event, and when George entered
Minneapolis, the Cheyenne River delegation of Sioux were
waiting for him with gifts. Eastman acted as translator
and answered the questions that the Prime Minister had about

the American Indian.137

Eastman continued in the Indian service until 1925,
and was forced to resign for health reasons. He had just
completed a report on the burial place and history of
Sakakawea (Hidatsa spelling that translates to Bird Woman;
Sacajawea is the Shoshone spelling and this translates to
boat-pusher)138 which was seriously debated during this
.period of time. Eastman's report supported the notion
that she had died as an elderly woman. This confirmed the
popular theory of the day which had been used as a political
argument in assisting women to get the vote. For the
remainder of his life, Charles Eastman lived by giving

public lectures, by the republication of his books, many

of which were endorsed by George Bird Grinnell, and by

155

"performances" of Indian lore. Performances may be a
misnomer in this case, beCause Eastman began to practice
the "Old Ways" of the Santee and undoubtedly approached
these things with an honest respect and reverence.

Eastman eventually built a cabin in Desbartes, Ontario
spending summers there and his winters in Detroit with his
only son, Ohiyesa.

During the winter in the Detroit area, Charles

involved himself in activities of the Boy Scouts

and YMCA. The YMCA was especially appreciative

of his positive effect upon boys and consequently

renamed the regional YMCA camp at Fish Lake near

Holly, Michigan, Camp Ohiyesa in his honor. He

often danced and entertaiggd the boys for both

the Scouts and the YMCA.

Charles' activities deminished as his advanced age began to
take effect. He traveled infrequently but was still a
very popular figure. His books were waning in popularity
though, and Eastman lamented the fact that he could not
produce the quality of literature he had in the past with
the assistance of Elaine. In 1938, he returned to Granite
Lake and the former site of Camp Oahe, to reminisce
the most enjoyable days of his life. No doubt he pondered
the death of his favorite daughter, Irene, and visited
the grave which was unmarked and located on the Eastman
property. This may have been a pilgrimage of sorts, for
Charles Eastman died in Detroit on January 11, 1939.
Eastman's lifemwas a study in cultural contact. From

traditional Santee origins, to the seats of academia and

political power. From the "pagan" rites of the Lakota,

156

to evagelism on behalf of the Y.M.C.A.; and then back
again, to traditions that were deeply rooted in nature.
His influence during his life time was widespread as he
consistently poSited the notion that people can learn from
the environment. These beliefs brought him into contact
with Ernest Thompson Seton, Hamlin Garland and George Bird
Grinnell, who shared Eastman's Opinions and perceptions
of Native peoples. These men exerted tremendous power over
the environmental images and ethics that were being formu-
lated at the turn of the Twentieth Century, and many of
these perceptions can be directly attributed to their con—
tact with Native Americans. Generations that would grow
to maturity in the early twentieth century would carry with
them vivid images of Native American conservation, land
ethics, and the personal essence of man's "sacred" relation-
ship to the world. This image was founded in truth, for
it was the reality that had been experienced by Eastman,
Seton, Garland and Grinnell. The words of Mrs. Malcolm
Wallace, who resided near Eastman's cabin in Desbartes,
summarize the impact of Eastman and the ideals of Seton,
Garland and Grinnell.
He was convinced that the civilization of the North
American Indian was the noblest the world has ever
seen. He admitted that they could not pile bricks,
nor drive sharp bargins, but they valued truth above
all else; a lie was the greatest sin anyone could
commit, the only sin which deserved capital punish—
ment. They believed that the strong should help the
weak, that worldly goods should be held in common,
that each individual should be trained to endure

hardship, pain and sorrow, and that no one should
defraud his neighbor. He may have idealized the

157

life of his ancestors, but he was a good example of
the faith he held, gentle, kindly, sensitive, gracious
to those of humble or high degree, I feel that our
lives are richer for having known him.

FOOTNOTES FOR CHAPTER IV

lStephen Fox. John Muir and His Legacy. New York:
Little, Brown and Co., 1981, p. 121.

 

2Ibid. p. 150.

3Samuel P. Hays. Conservation and the Gospel of
Efficiency: The Progressive Conservation Movement,
1890-1920. New York: Atheneum, 1980, p. 57.

 

 

 

4Gifford Pinchot. Breaking New Ground. New York:
Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1947, p. 25.

 

5F.G. Speck. "Family Hunting Territories and Social

Life of the Various Algonkian Bands of the Ottawa Valley",
Ottawa: Memoir 70, No. 8, Anthropological Series, Govern-
ment Printing Bureau, p. 5.

6Op. Cit. Fox, p. 315.

7Ibid. p. 314.

8Department of Natural Resources, State of Michigan,

personal communication.

9The Lansing State Journal. "Outdoor Notes", Sunday,

August 1, 1982, p. 8C.

10Op. Cit. Fox, p. 52.

llIbid. p. 350.

12Ibid. p. 351.

13John F. Reiger. The Passing of the Great West:

Selected Papers of George Bird Grinnell. New York:
Winchester Press, 1972, p. 143.

 

 

159

14Editorial, "Where we Stand,P Forest and Stream, Vol.
25, No. 18, November 26, 1885, p. 341.

 

15Editorial, "The Indians' Lands," Forest and Stream,
Vol. 24, No. 25, January 7, 1886, p. 462.

 

lslbid. p. 462.

17Ibid. p. 462.

lBIbid. p. 462.

190p. Cit. Reiger, p. 26-27.

2OIbid. p. 23—24.

21Ibid. p. 37.

22Lonnie E. Underhill and Daniel F. Littlefield, Jr.

Hamlin Garland's Observations on the American Indian,

1895—1905. Tuscon: The University of Arizona Press,
1976, p. 28.

 

 

3James Willard Schultz. My Life as an Indian. New
York: Fawcett Columbine Books, 1981, p. 215. This text
is a reprint of the 1905 edition.

 

24Ibid. p. 219.

25Op. cit. Reiger, p. 151.

26Editorial, "Indians at Work,” Forest and Stream,

Vol. 25, No. 13, October 22, 1885: p. 242.

 

27See Forest and Stream, Vol. 33, No. 12, October 10,

1889, p. 221. Grinnell's Pawnee book is referred to as
"yo's" Pawnee Book.

 

28Geroge Bird Grinnell, editorial note to James Willard

Schultz's, My Life as an Indian. London: John Murray,
1907. This note only appeared in the Murray edition of
the text.

 

29See Forest and Stream, Vol. 25, No. 12, October 15,

1885, p. 221; Vol. 25, No. 14, October 29, 1885, p. 261;
Vol. 25, No. 14, October 29, 1885, p. 262; Vol. 26, Vol.
26, No. 4, February 18, 1886, p. 61.

 

160

30Editorial, "A Nations Honor," Forest and Stream,
Vol. 26, No. 13, April 22, 1886, p. 241.

 

31Editorial, "Capture of the Crow Reserve," Forest and
Stream, Vol. 26, No. 21, June 17, 1886, p. 405.

 

2George Bird Grinnell. Hunting At High Altitudes:
The Book of the Boone and Crockett Club. New York:
Harper & Brothers, Publishers, 1913, p. 436—441.

 

 

33"The Boone and Crockett Club" Forest and Stream,
Vol. 30, No. 7, March 8, 1888, p. 124.

 

 

34Op. Cit. Hays, p. 40.

35Op. Cit. Grinnell, Hunting at High Altitudes, p.
507-411.

36 . .

Op. Cit. Reiger, p. 153.

37Ibid. p. 68-69.

38Op. Cit. Fox, p. 61.

39John Burroughs. ”Real and Sham Natural History??

Atlantic Monthly, Vol. 91, March, 1903, p. 298-309.

 

40Op. Cit. Fox, p. 119.

lErnest Thompson Seton. The Natural History of the
Ten Commandments. Santa Fe: The Seton Village Press,
1938, p. 63-64.

 

 

2Ernest Thompson Seton. Trail of an Artist—Naturalist.
New York: Charles sScribner's Sons, 1941, p. 367.

 

43Ibid. p. 368.

44John Burroughs. "The Literary Treatment of Nature,"

Atlantic Monthly, July 1904, p. 42.

 

45Hamlin Garland. Companions on the Trail. New York:

The MacMillan Co., 1931, p. 224.

 

161

6Ernest Thompson Seton.

Code Without Apparatus for Use in Army,
New York:

Hunting and Daily Life.
1918, p. xxxvi.

7Ernest Thompson Seton.
Indian Lore, (11th Edition of
York: Doubleday, Page & Co.,

 

48Ibid. p. vi.

9Ernest Thompson Seton.

Sign Talk: A Universal Signal
NavyLVCamping

Doubleday, Page & Co.,

The Book of Woodcraft and

 

Birch Bark Rolls). New
1917, p. v.

Ernest Thompson Seton's

 

 

 

 

America: Selections From The writings of the Artist-
Naturalist, edited by Farinda A. Wiley. New York: Devin—
Adair Co., 1954, p. ix.
50Op. Cit. Seton, Trail of an Artist-Naturalist, p. 376.
51

William Hillcourt.

Baden-Powell:

The Two Lives

 

of a Hero. New York: G.P.

 

52

William D. Murray.

Putnam's Sons,

1964, p. 257.

The History of the Boy Scouts

 

of America. New York:

 

53Boy Scouts of America,
1977.

This is a handout that
request.

54David Kay.

I Era," unpublished paper.
p. 17-18.

55Ibid. p.

56

Ibid. 18.

p.

57

Ibid. 18.

p.

58

Ibid. 19.

p.

59

Ibid. 19.

p.

60

Ibid. p. 20.

61

Op Cit. Seton,

Boy Scouts of America,

”The Founders,"

1937, 41-42.

p.

February,
the B.S.A. sends out upon

"The Boy Scouts of America in the World
The University of Chicago,

1981,

Trail of an Artist-Naturalist,

 

p. 386—387.

162

SZIbid. p. 387.

3Ernest Thompson Seton. The Gospel of the Redman.
santa Fe: Seton Village, 1936, p. vii.

 

64Ibid. p. 1.

65Ibid. p. 112.

661bid. p. 115—117.

67Ibid. p. 118.

68Ibid. p. 13.

69Jean Holloway. Hamlin Garland: A Biography. Austin:

University of Texas Press, 1960, p. 12.

 

7OIbid. p. 126.

71Hamlin Garland. Roadside Meetings. New York:

The MacMillan Company, 1930, p. 296.

 

7ZIbid. p. 327.

730p. Cit. Underhill and Littlefield, p. 14.

74Ibid. p. 18.

7SIbid. p. 27.

76Ibid. p. 28.

77Op. Cit. Garland, Companions on the Trail, p. 23.

 

78Ibid. p. 26.

79Ibid. p. 135.

BOIbid. p. 136.

81Ibid. p. 137.

163

82Op. Cit. Underhill and Littlefield, p. 46—47.

83Letter to Hamlin Garland from George Bird Grinnell,
New York, November 22, 1902. Los Angeles: University of
Southern California Library, Hamlin Garland Papers.

84Op. Cit. Garland, Companions on the Trail, p. 279.

 

85Ibid. p. 285-286.

86Ibid. p. 289-290.

87Op. Cit. Holloway, p. 207.

88Donald Pizer, Editor. Hamlin Garland's Diaries. San

Mariano, California: The Huntington Library, 1968, p. 185.

 

89Op. Cit. Holloway, p. 181.

90Hamlin Garland. The Book of the American Indian.

New York: Harper & Brothers, 1923.

 

9J'Op. Cit. Underhill and Littlefield, p. 55.

920p. Cit. Holloway, p. 272.

93See Ralph K. Andrist, The Long Death. New York:

The MacMillian Company, 1964.

 

94David Reed Miller. "Charles Alexander Eastman:

One Man's Journey in Two Worlds." Unpublished Master's
Thesis, University of North Dakota, 1975, p. 32.

95Ibid. p. 33.

96Ibid. p. 39.

97Charles Alexander Eatsman. Indian Boyhood. New

York: McClure, Phillips & Co., 1902.

 

98Op. Cit. Miller, p. 54.

99Ibid. p. 56.

164

100Ibid. p. 71.

lOlIbid. p. 78.

102Ibid. p. 84.

103Ibid. p. 94.

104Ibid. p. 125-126.

lOSIbid. p. 130.

lO6Ibid. p. 156.

107Ibid. p. 163.

108Ibid. p. 174.

109See Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America:

Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest. New York:
W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1975, p. 53-55.

 

 

110Op. Cit. Eastman.

111Letter to Charles Alexander Eastman from George Bird

Grinnell, December 30, 1902. Fairfield, Connecticut:
Grinnell File, Birdcraft Museum of the Connecticut Audubon
Society.

112Op. Cit. Miller, p. 191.

ll3Ibid. p. 201.

ll4Ibid. p. 212.

115Charles Alexander Eastman. Red Hunters and Animal

People. New York: Harper & Brothers, Publishers, 1904.

 

116Op. Cit. Miller, p. 237.

ll7Ibid. p. 237.

118 . . . .
James D. McLaird. "From the Deep Woods to CiViliza—

tion”; Charles Alexander Eastman, Dakota Author, Dakota
Book News, 3, January, 1968, p. 7.

 

165

119Op. Cit. Miller, p. 239.

12011616. p. 241.

121Charles Alexander Eastman. The Soul of the Indian:
An Interpretation. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company,
1911, p. 87.

122Op. Cit. Miller, p. 242—243.

l230p. Cit. Seton, Trail of an Artist-Naturalist, p. 275.

 

Op. Cit. Miller, p. 251.

lzslbid. p. 260.

lzslbid. p. 260.

127Ibid. p. 261.

128School of the Woods camp brochure, 1915. Amherst,

Massachusetts: The Jones Library, Eastman Collection.

129Op. Cit. Miller, p. 263.

130Charles Alexander Eastman. From the Deep Woods to

Civilization. Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1916.

 

 

131Ibid. p. 96.

132Camp Ohiyesa brochure, 1917. Edward Bennett Collec-

tions, Lake Forest, Illinois, Charles Eastman.

133Op. Cit. Miller, p. 264.

134Ibid. p. 265.

135Ibid. p. 266.

136Ibid. p. 269.

137Ibid. p. 285.

138Ibid. p. 301.

166

l391bid. p. 322.

140Ibid. p. 329—330.

CHAPTER V

THE DISSEMINATION OF THE NATIVE
AMERICAN-MODERN CONSERVATION ETHIC

George Bird Grinnell, Ernest Thompson Seton, Hamlin
Garland, and Charles Alexander Eastman played a major role
in disseminating an outdoor ethic that relied heavily upon
Native American philosophical insights. Grinnell and
Seton were directly involved with the formation of the
conservation ethic at the turn of the twentieth century,
and they were, to a large extent, influenced in their
thinking and actions by Native American ideals. All four
authors were extensively published in popular magazines
and youth publications, and their efforts reached millions
of readers in the early twentieth century. Their writings
accurately described Native Americans and treated the
"Indian" as an individual, rather than as a glossy general-
ization that was highly reminiscent of savagism. Their
influence can be measured by the environmental movements
that followed or those that were analogous in concern
and scope to the activities that Grinnell, Seton, Garland
and Eastman began. The ”Indian” lore that is still a
part of every camping program or activity in this country.

reflects the enormous influence of Grinnell, Seton,

168

Garland, and Eastman. They disseminated an image of the
Native American as conservationist, ethical hunter, and

a vivid characterization of the Native American as en—
vironmental "caretaker" and wise sage. These depictions,
whether presented in literature, lecture, or experiential
setting, were lessons that Grinnell, Seton, Garland and
Eastman believed were true. These "lessons" were more than
simple fact, they were strategies for environmental sur-
vival in the future.

The dissemination of Native American philosophy/
spirituality that influenced the formation of the conser-
vation ethic was accomplished through many popular vehicles.
The youth magazine was used extensively by Grinnell, Seton,
Garland, and Eastman, and certain texts by these authors
were issued in a form that was sure to appeal to youth.
George Bird Grinnell began to publish a series of children's

books in 1899. The first was entitled, Jack the Young

 

Cowboy. Jack Among the Indians was publiShed in the next

 

year, and Grinnell's depiction of Native Americans was
significantly different from the non-Indian hero legacies
that were created by the dime novels, which by this time,
had run their course.1 Grinnell's descriptions of Native
peoples demonstrated the human qualities and the individu-
ality of these people. This is in stark contrast to the
distortion that was often passed to the readership of the
earlier dime novels. Oliver Gloux, a Frenchman who had

resided in the west working as a hunter and trapper,

169

returned to France to write about his experiences in
America. He wrote under the name of Gustav Aimard and

published Prairie Flower in 1878. This novel clearly

 

reflects the license that was taken with subject matter

in the west, for Aimard describes ostriches, which he
claimed were still abundant in the west, being chased by
”red-skins” for amusement.2 Grinnell's writings retained
an honesty that was founded upon his contact with and
observations of Native peoples and he never compromised his
perceptions of Native Americans for the purpose of spinning
a "yarn.”

The works of Ernest Thompson Seton and Charles Eastman
were no less influential in forming attitudes of Native
peoples than were Grinnell's publications. As a matter
of fact, Seton and Eastman directly sought the younger
audiences as recipients of their messages. Eastman's first

publications were in St. Nicholas: An Illustrated Magazine

 

for Young Folks, and his books were popular with the young

 

readers of the day. Seton, like Eastman, has been described
as "a very popular children's writer," and many of his
publications appeared in youth oriented magazines and

periodicals.3 St. Nicholas, Boys Life, and American Boy

 

 

 

printed stories and articles that were penned by Seton,
and his enormous contributions to the literature of
scouting must be included in his "youth" writings. His
scouting publications were most often referred to as the

Birch Bark Rolls. Julia Seton contends that there were

170

thirty editions of the Birch Bark Rolls, and these hand-

books were printed from 1902 until the early 1930's.4

The second Birch Bark Roll is entitled How To Play Indian,

 

was intended to be used in conjunction with "Seton's
Indians."5 Seton's later involvement with the Boy Scouts
of America, and Eastmanhs work with the Y.M.C.A. and the
Boy Scouts, further supports the influence of these men
upon the attitudes of young Americans.

Seton, Eastman, Garland and Grinnell had a profound
effect upon mature readers of the day. Although some of
the literary efforts of these men have been loosely
labeled "children's books," their contributions to the
adult world of letters were enormous. The majority of
Grinnell's works, as well as Seton's, Garland's, and
Eastman's, were intended for adult audiences. Seton's

Lives of Game Animals was issued in four volumes between

 

1925 and 1928 and is considered to be one of the finest

professional sources of its kind in North America.6

Eastman's Indian Boyhood, The Soul of the Indian, and From

 

 

the Deep Woods to Civilization present autobiographical

 

material and are very philosophical. In certain instances
these works are highly critical of American morals and
conduct; hardly the stuff that makes for good children's
reading. Hamlin Garland's works have been studied in the
vein of elite literature in the twentieth century. Of
course not all of Garland's efforts approximate the

"pinacle" of literary achievement in the twentieth century,

171

\-

\

but many of his writings, Main-Travelled Roads, A Daughter

 

 

of the Middle Border, and others, are still critical

 

additions to American literature at the turn of the cen-
tury. The influence of Garland, Grinnell, Eastman and
Seton had a pervasive influence on young and old alike.
One of the most prominent vehicles for the dissemina—
tion of Native American philosophy other than youth maga-
zines and popular publications was the outdoor magazine.

George Bird Grinnell, as the editor of Forest and Stream,

 

the largest outdoor publication at the turn of the century,
was in a perfect position to present Indian material to

the public. Grinnell became the editor of Forest and

 

Stream in 1880, and used the newspaper as a platform to
express his views on the Indian problem, and to present
ethnographic information about Native Americans to the

public. Forest and Stream was initially organized in 1873

 

and published weekly newspapers that covered sporting
pursuits of interest to men and women. The paper had a
section for kennels, natural history, yachting, sea and
river fishing, fish culture, game bag and gun, the sports-
men tourist, and editorials. Canoeing became a regular
feature during the 1880's as this activity gained in
popularity with outdoor enthusiasts and rifle and trap
shooting also became a regular feature during the same

decade. The attitude of Forest and Stream concerning

 

Native Americans changed radically after George Bird
Grinnell assumed the editorial control of the magazine/

newspaper.

172

The articles that Forest and Stream initially published

 

about Native Americans reflected the nature of contemporary
relations between the federal government and Native peoples.
In the 1870's hostilities occurred frequently in the
American West, and of course the articles that appeared in
the popular outdoor publications reflected this hostility.
For instance, there is an article in the November 27, 1873
edition of Forest and Stream that was writtenkaneorge
Custer and was originally printed in Galaxy. The piece,
entitled, ”Indian Smoke Signals,” discusses the use and
efficiency of smoke signals for communicative purposes on
the plains8 and appeared almost three years before Custer
met his defeat at the Battle of the Little Big Horn.
Another article that focused on conflict between Indian-
white factions was included in the January 13, 1876 Forest

and Stream. "The Indians at St. Augustine? is a classic

 

description of the Kiowa and Cheyenne prisoners of war who
were incarcerated at Ft. Marion, Florida.9 These prisoners
were under the supervision of Captain Richard Henry Pratt,
who eventually established the Carlisle Indian School in
Pennsylvania. The Kiowa and Cheyenne prisoners were tourist
curiosities in 1876, and they danced and made trinkets

to entertain the gapping visitors. Certain Indian cap—
tives even went on hunting expeditions with local sports—
men who observed "Indian" conduct and mannerisms in the
woods. The prisoners eventually participated in an enomous

spectacle which was led by White Horse, a Kiowa Chief,

173

that attracted between 1200 and 1500 onlookers. White Horse
led the POW's in an "authentic” buffalo hunt, while the
spectators closed in to watch the killing, butchering, and
skinning of the animal. The buffalo had been shipped east
by railway, and was considered to be a prime specimen of
’the free—ranging bison. Numerous spectators stayed to
watch the captives cook and feast oniflugbuffalo meat.
Obviously, no aspect of their behavior went unnoticed and
this demonstrates the interest that the general populus
focused on "Indians."

Some of the early articles that appeared in Forest

and Stream, particularly those that were written shortly

 

after Custer's resounding defeat, were staunchly anti-
Indian. The July 20, 1876 edition of the magazine carried
an editorial entitled, "Indian's Arms,v which decried
supplying modern guns to the "savages" of the west because
it was feared that these weapons would be "used against
helpless women and children on the frontier."10 After
George Bird Grinnell became the editor in 1880 this type
of journalistic fervor decreased, but there must have

been strong resistance to pro-Indian articles, for the
editorial advocacy of Grinnell does not begin until 1885.
The defeat of Custer and the Seventh Cavalry was evidently
a "tough pill" to swallow, and this was eventually made

palatable by the confinement of nearly all western Native

Americans to reservations by 1885.

174

Grinnell's advocacy began in earnest in 1885, and much
of this has already been described. This period of time
also witnessed a tremendous upsurge in ethnographic articles
that focused on Native peoples. Indian crafts, stories and

songs began to appear in Forest and Stream, and as the

 

former hostilities faded into the memories of the reader-
ship, opportunities to learn from "Indian" practices became
more frequent. By late 1889, almost every issue of Forest

and Stream would contain at least one article pertaining

 

to Indian adaptations and "traditional" practices. There

is little doubt that these features were supported by
Grinnell. These ethnographic descriptions were of interest
to readers, but they also counteracted the popular percep—
tion of the Native American as "savage" or "heathen" because
they presented the intelligent actions, skills and abilities
of Native peoples. These articles were subtle vehicles

for changing the attitudes of non—Indian populations toward
Native peoples, and they had the effect of formalizing the

image of Native Americans as conservationists. Forest and

 

Stream began this tradition of recognizing the skills and
contributions of Native Americans on the pages of outdoor

magazines, but it was Field and Stream that would perfect

 

the "Indian connection."

Field and Stream magazine was originally founded in

 

1895 as Northwest Field and Stream and was edited by John

 

Burkhard. The editorial offices were located in St. Paul,

Minnesota, and in 1896 the name of the magazine was changed

175

to Western Field and Stream. In 1898, the magazine's
offices were moved to New York City, and the name Western
Field and Stream was retained.11 The name of the magazine

would eventually become, Field and Stream, and in July

 

of 1930, Field and Stream would merge with Forest and

 

 

Stream. The July issue of Forest and Stream was the last

 

weekly publication of that magazine. That edition carried

a feature entitled, "Hail, and Farewell,f which announced

the takeover of "name and subscription list" by Field and

 

Stream, which was then published by Elton F. Warner, and

edited by Ray Holland.12

The early editions of Field and Stream contain numerous

 

articles on Native Americans that describe the participation
of Native peoples in outdoor activities or events. In the

April, 1901 edition of Field and Stream there is an article

 

entitled, "Lights and Shades at the Sportsman's Show,u
written by Alvah Dorseerames, which describes a group of
Ojibwe who presented a drama in their village setting at
the show.13 The exhibit was funded by the Canadian Pacific
Railway, Co., and this again demonstrates the interest

that outdoor enthusiasts had in Native peoples. There was
a strong interest and desire to know how Native peoples
lived, and this curiosity was tied to the ability of Native
Americans to live in the natural environment and use their

surroundings to provideiflnanecessities of life. Another

consistant theme in Field and Stream is the Indian guide

 

who provides information to tourist—sportsmen about local

176

sporting opportunities. ”With Rod and Paddle on the
Headwaters of the Ottawa," by J.E. Meiers, is a good

example of this type of reporting.14 The Native American
guides are the experts, and the sportsmen are the novitiates,
who learn from Native peoples. Things had not changed much
from the time of Thoreau's trips to Maine.

Field and Stream also included a number of ethnographic

 

accounts about Native peoples. ”A Day in the Desert."
which described life in the arid southwest, and "The Snake
Dancers," which recounted the ceremonies and home life of
the Hopi, were included in the July and August, 1904
editions.15 Ethnographic insights of Native peoples were
also presented in the regular feature column of Marstyn
Pogue. Pogue's articles were always entitled, "Moccassin
Tracks," and he parenthetically referred to himself as
(Trail Maker).l6 Pogue's columns used numerous Ojibwe
words that were translated in the text of the article, and
he recounted Native American animal stories to teach the
characteristics of certain wildlife species. Pogue relied
very heavily on Native American accounts to reinforce the
credibility of what he was writing about. "The Phantom
Canoe of Beaubocage Lake," which was told to Pogue by
Michigan Shegog (skunk), and "Memory Pictures of Summer,"
are Indian stories that also teach morals and depict man-
environment relations.l7 Pogue was undoubtedly capitaliz-

ing on the contemporary perception of Native Americans as

outdoor informants to substantiate his message to the

readership.

177

The most interesting feature of Field and Stream that

 

visually linked Native peoples with the formation of the
outdoor ethic was the editorial page of the magazine

which was entitled, "In the Council Lodge." The graphic
heading of the first ”In the Council Lodge" editorials,
depicted a western plains scene of a Teepee encampment with
a ceremonial pipe draped across the corner of the grpahic
(Figure 1).18 This vivid depiction of a Native American
village with the accompanying environmental images is a
concrete tie between the philosophy of Native peoples and
the formation of the conservation ethic. ”In the Council

Lodge," was used to convey the environmental messages of

the editors of Field and Stream to subscribers and the word—

 

ing of the editorial heading suggested that editor/reader
were “sitting” in the lodge (Teepee), which of course re—
flected wisdom and environmental knowledge. In June of
1900 ”In the Council Lodge,” stated that ”those who meet
here are on neutral ground and speak a common language,”
and in August of the same year, the editorial proposed
”Early training" of conservationist thought of young children
to instill outdoor ethics.19 Again, these ideas were rein—
forced by using Native Americans as credible sources.

"In the Council Lodge,”vwn5used by the editorial staff

of Field and Stream to convey conservation messages. In

 

the June and July editions of 1901, under the heading ”In
the Council Lodge,9 the editors reminded the readership

of the magazine what was legal and non—legal game at that

178

Figure l - Editorial Page, Field and Stream, June, 1900.

 

. \f
f

" * ‘ ' ’9 ML".
DUNCIL’KOD‘GT: a

1i
0
I

m T' '

-'

Figure 2 — Editorial Page, Field and Stream, June, 1902.

 
    

      

‘ j). ..t"',’ /' , I l u ,1 I [IV I "' 4‘ .2.
',f;,«'.«_ 17,!" «‘7 .r "' ./‘J '1’ g “1:"- T . (“L I
3“” ' wWJh‘y,;}1

3105 we Cd/ 64/ Lad e

179

time of year. The editors requested the "moral aid" of all
sportsmen to enforce game laws, and suggested that this
could be partially achieved by ignoring restaurateurs
menus that include game that is out of season, and they pro—
posed a boycott of trafficking in illegal game.20 In
November of 1901, "In the Council Lodge," had an ethical
statement under the Native American graphic that reiterated
the need for personal responsibility afield.

It rests upon every man of us who loves his gun,

his game and his world, to teach high principles of

sport everywhere, and always by personal influence

of precept and example.
These obvious ties with the popular conception of Native
Americans as conservators were based in fact, not perpetuated

myth, and were consistently made over a five year period of

time by Field and Stream. During that period of time, when

 

the Native American graphic appeared, June, 1900—March,
1905, numerous other environmental and ethical messages
were conveyed to the readership. The editorials sought to
"teach the small boy moderation" (not to kill song birds),
to refute ”The Mark of Greed," by developing an ethic

that would counteract the ireesponsibility of market
hunters, and to intelligently consider the future of animal
populations and habitat.22 All of these messages were
silently sanctioned by onlooking Native Americans. Native
peoples were the graphic sources of these environmental

ethics, and they were lending their support to the restate-

ment of these messages by the editors of Field and Stream.

 

180

"In the Council Lodge,” went through four graphic
designs while it was used on the editorial page of Field

and Stream. The first illustration (Figure 1) was used from

 

June 1900 until May 1902. The June 1902 graphic has some
interesting additions to it: noticably a hatchet and bow
and arrows (Figure 2).23 This would continue to be the
illustration for "In the Council Lodge,” until October of
1903. The November, 1903 graphic would depict a Native
Amreican pipe smoker with three old men in the background
(Figure 3).24 This new illustration was significantly
different from the previous graphics, and had a wise but
ominous character to it and it would continue to be used

until March of 1905. The April, 1905 editorial page of

Field and Stream would have a new graphic and a new name.

 

The editorial page would no longer be known as "In the
Council Lodge,” but as ”The Council Lodge "and the new

illustration demonstrates why the name change was needed
(Figure 4).25 Native Americans had been supplanted as the
credibility source for environmental messages and replaced
by a pipe smoking, boot shod outdoorsman at one end Of
a library table, and a cigar smoking business man at the
other end. The outdoor ethic had been usurpted from Native
peoples and placed completely within the confines of American
intellectual thought.

This is an interesting point; since there is no

question that Native peoples had a hand in the formation of

conservationist thought and outdoor ethics, why should they

181

Figure 3 — Editorial Page, Field and Stream, November, 1903.

 

Figure 4 - Editorial Page, Field and Stream, April, 1905.

   

;

\ '4 ’3':

‘ 77.. COUNCIL"; M“,
L T LOD GE 5232:.

  

 

 

 

182

be pushed into the background and their contributions ignored?
The answer lies in the social reality of Native American
life at the turn of the twentieth century. There were

very few spokesmen for Native peoples at this period of
time, and their primary concerns were to achieve better
living conditions for Native Americans confined on federal
reservations. The conditions for Native American people

in this country at the turn of the century were deplorable.
Native peoples were dying as a result of federal neglect,
and the greed of individual agents was contributing to
ration shortages. The populations of Native Americans who
were incarcerated on federal reservations did not resemble
the honorable and majestic peoples that had existed only
short decades before. Starving, disheveled Indians did

not look like the "possessors” of the American West. By
1905, the American public was becoming aware of the con—
ditions on reservations in the West. It's possible that

the editors of Field and Stream consciously decided to

 

discontinue the Native American graphics that headed the
editorial page as a reaction to public knowledge that the
”old ways” were rapidly deteriorating. It is more plausible
though, that the editors simply chose to usurp the environ—
mental image of Native peoples as their own. After all,
Native Americans weren't there to protest, and what was
wrong with propogating an environmentally sound idea? The
editors continued to expound the ethic, but the connections

between Native peoples and that message decreased over

183

time. Luckily though, there were numerous other Native
American influences that could not be ignored.

On the morning of August 29, 1911, an event occurred
that would significantly change the course of bow hunting
in North America. On that morning a ”wildman” was discovered
near Oroville, California and was taken by the local sheriff
to the town jail. The ”wildman“ was Ishi, or ”man" in the
Yahi language, and he was the last survivor of the southern-
most Yana Tribe. His entire family group and tribe had
succumbed to hostilities with California ranchers, diseases,
or old age. As word rapidly spread of the ”wildmans”
capture, two University of California anthropologists becam
interested in the case. Alfred Kroeber and T.T. Watterman
from the State University took a particular interest in
the incident, and eventually, Watterman was dispatched to
the Oroville jail to examine the captive. Watterman attemp-
ted to converse with him using Native American languages
which were indigenous to California. He tried and failed
to communicate with the man and then tried the Yana language.
Ishi did not recognize any of the phonetically written words
which Watterman read until he spoke the word siwini (yellow
pine), and Ishi's recognition confirmed that he was, indeed,
a member of the Yahi. Further conversation proved that
Ishi had been actively avoiding contact with white civili-
zation, and that he had lived in a ”traditional" manner
all his life. He was, as Kroeber and Watterman explained, a

stone-age man discovered in the twentieth century.

184

Watterman recorded his early observations of Ishi in
a letter to the museum of the University of California
at Berkeley.

We had a lot of conversation this morning about deer

hunting and making acorn soup, but I got as far as

my list of words would take me. If I am not mis—

taken, he's full of religion - bathing at sunrise,

putting out pigches of tobacco where the lightning

strikes, etc.
These early observations shed a great deal of light on the
untainted perceptions of the environment by the Yana
(Yahi) and the strength of religious beliefs in pre-
contact society. Ishi was transported to the University of
California Museum and was studied and befriended by
Watterman and Kroeber. While at the museum, Ishi met Dr.
Saxton Pope, who had received an appointment to teach at
the university medical school which was next door to the
museum. Pope was interested in the bow and arrow and
discovered Ishi on the museum grounds constructing a bow.
This initial event had a profound influence on Pope and
he and Ishi became close friends and hunting companions.
Pope had mastered sleight of hand, which he used to enter—
tain his children, and because of his ”magical" abilities,
Ishi held him in great esteem.27 Pope became part of a
"team” that included Watterman and Kroeber, and they worked
with Ishi to "discover" the secrets of his past existence.

Ishi became tremendously popular at the university
museum, and hundreds of visitors patiently watched him

make tools or start a fire with the bow drill.28 He

185

adjusted very well to the museum environment and Pope kept
a close watch on Ishi's health. Ishi gainedenielemental
grasp of the English language, and Watterman, Kroeber and
Pope developed a working vocabulary in Yahi. Extensive
recordings were made of Ishi's native language, and a
serious study of the language was undertaken by the univer-
sity anthropologists. In the spring of 1914, Watterman,
Kroeber and Pope suggested to Ishi that they return to
Ishi's homelands, the Mill Creek and Deer Creek region of
Northern California. Ishi was hesitant to make the trip,
and stated his reluctance by telling the museum staff that
there were no comforts and facilities in the woods and that

they would most likely be uncomfortable. Theodora Kroeber,

 

in her text Ishi in Two Worlds postulates that there may
have been other reasons. ”It would be like going to the

Land of the Dead. The unquiet souls of his murdered people

"30

lingered there, some of them. Eventually Ishi conceded

to the trip and readied himself for his return home.

He packed his own best bows and quivers and arrows,
his fire drill, his harpoon - tools made with loving
care in the museum, and demonstrated there with pride.
He was accustomed to seeing them on exhibit in
museum cases, to having people look at them behind
glass, but he had not thought he would be using them
seriously, nor that he would be showing his new
friends his old home. The smell of the pines on

the slopes of Waganupa, the taste of fresh salmon
and deer, the feel of the canon trails against

bare feet filled the senses, nostalqis, sweet,
familiar.31

In May of 1914 the journey to Ishi's place of birth and the

site of his entire life, until his capture, began.

186

It is interesting to note that the expedition, before
it left for the foothills, obtained a permit for Ishi to
shoot a deer from the California Fish and Game Commission.
The commission issued a permit to the University of
California and authorized Watterman, Kroeber and Pope as
agents for the university. The permit stated that they
could take "for scientific purposes one male deer at any

time and in any such manner as the gentlemen mentioned

”32

above may select. There was also a great deal of concern

on the part of Watterman to make sure that Pope would
accompany the expedition. In a letter to Kroeber, this
worry became apparent.

I feel this man (Pope) is made to order for us. I'd
like to milk him dry. He could get Ishi's names

for the plants a great deal better than I could. He
knows more about it and would probably have more
industry. He could pick up such information without
fatiguing Ishi. You can't lure the man with funds.
His time is worth $2.50 per twenty minutes for office
calls, if he wants to earn money. I think the chance
to shoot a deer with bow and arrow in aboriginal
company and the opportunity to publish are the only
bait we have for him. To preserve my standing with
Ishi I should like to get him over to Berkely a good
bit this spring, and get to be able to talk with

him. I will try to make some plans to have him at

my house. (Lengthy reference to Pope.) When I said
Pope understands Ishi I meant emotionally, not
linguistically. He has made firm friends with Ishi
and they understand each other in that sense.

They've got a good bit in common.

It is clear that Pope and Ishi were very close friends who
enjoyed the company of each other because of their mutual
interests and experiences. It is also obvious that
Watterman may not have cared for Ishi as deeply as he would

have some people believe. Regardless of the problems that

187

were encountered and worked through, the trip reached
fruition.

Saxton Pope's eleven year old son accompanied his
father on this trip to Ishi's homelands, and one can only
ponder the inexpressible joy that the youngster must have
found in the company of Ishi and the “primitive" skills
that the aging hunter taught the young boy. Ishi took
considerable liking to Saxton Jr., and the young man was
often the receipient of Ishi's teachings and explanations.

They swam daily in the cold stream; they ate meat

and fish which the hunters, Popey and Ishi, took with

the bow and arrow or spear and broiled on forked

sticks before an open fire. They sat around the

fire singing to Popey's miniature guitar, or if the

songs were Yahi, unaccompanied except by the rattle,

Ishi taught Saxton Jr. to dance with him the simple

stamping step of the Yahi circle dance to the

rhythgac clapping of the hands supplementing Ishi's
song.
The trip made tremendous contributions to Yahi ethnography
and the traditional lands and village sites of Ishi's
deceased ancestors were recorded and mapped.

The task and long awaited pleasure of deer hunting

was also earnestly pursued by Pope and Ishi. Their first

day of hunting did not produce a deer, and Ishi tried to

figure out what went wrong.

Ishi asked reprovingly, "Who smoke?” and invoked
a no—smoking ban for two days because the odor
of the tobacco, a powerful and sacred substance,
clings to the breath and the body and alarms the
deer. After two days of this and other properly
observed tabogp they got their deer, proving
Ishi's point.

 

 

 

tf)

Q)

_l*r

Q)

ff“

(I)

 

 

188

Pope, in his Classic work, Hunting With the Bow and Arrow

 

contends that he and Ishi never killed a deer while hunt—
ing together.

Although Ishi took me on many deer hunts and we
had several shots at deer, owing to the distance
or the fall of the ground or obstructing trees, we
registered nothing better than encouraging misses.
He was undoubtably hampered by the presence of a
novice, and unduly hastened by the white man's
lack of time. His early death prevented our ulti-
mate achievement in this matter, so it was only
after he had gone to the Happy Hunting Grounds
that I, profiting by his3geachings, killed my
first deer with the bow.

Theodora Kroeber's book, Ishi in Two Worlds, which was

 

published in 1961, clearly states that Ishi and/or Pope
killed a deer on the 1914 hunting trip. Even though Pope
denies that he and Ishi killed a deer while hunting to-

gether, he includes a picture entitled, “The Indian and

a deer,‘ which was obviously taken on the 1914 trip, in

Hunting With the Bow and Arrow, which was issued in 1923.37

 

Further, Pope plainly admits that he did not kill a deer
with bow and arrow until after Ishi died. Kroeber's text
was released thirty eight years after Pope had written
about his contact with Ishi and his fascination with the
bow and arrow. She undoubtedly had access to numerous
sources that Pope may have been unaware of, including the
personal papers of her husband, Alfred Kroeber. A. Kroeber
may have made a note of the successful deer hunt of Pope
and Ishi which his wife used when she prepared the 1961
publication. The question remains though, why would Pope

try to hide the fact that Ishi had successfully taken a

189

deer on the 1914 triptngill Creek? The answer lies, in
all probability, in the fact that the deer Ishi killed,
while hunting with indigenous weapons and obsidian points,
was a doe, and not a buck as the game commission had re-
quired. One can only wonder if Watterman, Kroeber or Pope
informed Ishi about the limitations of the game commission
permit, or simply allowed him to hunt either gender so as
to gain greater ethnographic insights into Yahi behavior.
It may have been a charitable act on the part of the three
professionals from Berkeley, for they knew that in all
liklihood Ishi would never have the opportunity to return
to his homelands along Mill Creek again, and they allowed
him to enjoy himself to the fullest extent. It may have
been that Ishi was informed of the restrictions of the
permit and he had listened to the words that Kroeber or
Watterman told him, but when the deer, regardless of sex,
walked into range of the subsistence hunter, he forgot
everything except his well honed traditional skills: He
killed the deer. After reading Watterman's remarks about
Pope though, and considering his obvious ”thirst” for
Yahi ethnography, it would be a fair assumption that
Watterman and Kroeber never made the requirements of the
permit known to Ishi.

There is little doubt that Ishi had been taking game
with the bow and arrow since his early boyhood. Pope was
keenly interested in the technique Ishi used when shoot—

ing the bow, as well as the modes of constructing bows,

points, and arrows.

 

190

He knew the history and use of everything in the

outdoor world. He spoke, the language of the

animals. He taught me to make bows and arrows,

how to shoot them, and how to hunt, Indian fashion.

He was a wonderful companion in the woods, ggd

many days and nights we journeyed together.
Pope directly attributes the development of his interest
in the bow and arrow to contact with Ishi. Pope, along
with Art Young, who also shot targets with Ishi while he
was at the University of California Museum, would even-
tually become the primary agents for popularizing bowhunt-
ing in the United States. As a matter of fact, the Pope
and Young Club, which is the recording agency for trophy
animals taken with bow and arrow in North America, is
named after these two distinguished hunters. There is
little doubt that Ishi played a major role in the dissem—
ination of the bow hunting movement in this country. After
Ishi's death, Pope referred to him as the man who ”left
us the heritage of the Bow.”

The debt that bow hunters owe to Ishi will probably
never be acknowledged. Pope's relationship with the
Yahi is interesting, but few people have ever traced the
popularization of bowhunting back to Native American
origins and the Indian influences upon the most prominent
of bowmen, Pope and Young. It is interesting to note that

Pope pays homage to Ernest Thompson Seton for supporting the

growth of archery in Hunting With the Bow and Arrow.

 

Ernest Thompson Seton is another patron of archery to
whom all who have read Two Little Savages must be
eternally grateful. Not only has he given us a re—
viving touch of the outdoors, but he puts the bow ggd
arrow in its true setting, a background of nature.

 

191

Moresuathan Seton, the influence of Pope and Young has been
legendary upon bow hunting enthusiasts.

Fred Bear republished Hunting With the Bow and Arrow

 

in 1974, and the new copyright was held by the Fred Bear
Sports Club which advocates numerous rules of "fair Chase”
while pursuing game animals.4O Fred Bear, who is widely
recognized as the ”dean” of bowhunting for the last 40
years, has promoted the highest ideals for sporthunting
with the bow and arrow. Bear, like Pope and Young, is
firmly linked to the events that brought Ishi into contact
with the populace of northern California in 1911. It was
Ishi who taught the physical skills of bowmanship and the
methods of hunting with the weapon to Pope, and later, to
Art Young. Ishi also taught Pope the intricacies of nature
and man's relationship to it. Ishi died on March 25, 1916
of tuberculosis which he contracted from contact with non—
Indian populations. Like most Native Americans, Ishi had
no immunological system for diseases that were not present
on the North American Continent before contact with European
populations. His belief in the sacredness of the earth
and his perceptions of game animals were conveyed to Pope
and from Pope and Young to generations of bowhunters, in—
cluding Fred Bear, who recognized the need for an ethical
relationship with the environment.

The dissemination of Native American philosophy and
the formation of the conservation ethic are clearly

illustrated by the relationship of Ishi and Pope. They

192

seem to be an unlikely pair; the one a "stoneage” man,
the other a skilled surgeon and teacher, but they both
believed in the necessity of man retaining age old ties
with the environment. In reality, Ishi and Pope would not
pose an enigma in comparison to some men who would dis-
seminate Native American philosophy in the future. One man
who created controversy while lecturing and writing on
the Native American land ethic was Archie Belaney.
Archie Belaney was born in Hastings, England on
September 18, 1888. His upbringing was characteristic
of so many English families that had limited resources.
He attended school, eventually completing his course of
studies, and lived with two aunts and his grandmother, who
tried to provide for him as besttflmwrcould. He was an
active child, and seemed to have a penchant for finding
trouble.
He did not conceal firearms in his pockets, but
just as likely might produce from them a snake or a
field mouse. Born eleven years before, and living
at 36 St. Mary's Terrace, he was a delicate boy
but full of devilment; and fascinated by woods and
wild animals ... What with his camping out, his
tracking of all and sundry, and wild hooting, he
was more 115? a Red Indian than a respectable Grammar
School boy.
Belaney was a loner, and often spent his time exploring
the wooded areas around his home. He was fascinated with
Native Americans, and in his solitary wanderings attempted
to emulate Indians in his behavior. The question of ”How

did the soul of an Indian find its way into a British boy,"

has puzzled Belaney's friends and biographers for many

42
years.

193

Archie Belaney emigrated to Canada via Halifax on
April 6, 1906, and in that same year he appeared in Northern
Ontario where he was eventually employed by Bill Guppy, a
guide, trapper and outfitter. Bill Guppy introduced Belaney
to the Ojibwe that resided on Lake Temagami in Ontario.
Ironically, it was the Ojibwe who taught Bill Guppy the
subtleties of the Lake Temagami region, and this environ-
mental information was crucial because Guppy planned to build
a camp there to service tourists and outdoor enthusiasts.
The Temagami Lodge, owned and operated by Dan O'Connor, was
built in the 1890's, and the Lake Temagami region was de—
veloping a splendid reputation as a ”sportsmen's paradise."43
Guppy hoped to exploit, or at least capitalize on, the
influx of outsiders to the area who desired guides and
outdoor experiences.

Besides Archie, Mr. Guppy had engaged for his

Temagami enterprise an Indian woman as camp cook,

and an old Indian from the Bear Island band,

whose knowledge of the surrounding country and

the best fishing spots on Temagami and the

neighbouring lakes woulg4be necessary to in-

crease their own range.
The Temagami band would provide Archie Belaney with his
first "real'I contacts with Native Americans.

The contributions of Native Americans to the growth
of the guide industry should be considered in relation to
the Temagami region. The role of Native American guides
has received limited attention in the literature and this

phenomena is extremely important to understanding the role

of Native Americans upon the formation of the conservation

194

ethic. Native Americans acted as the initial guides to
non-Indian populations, and the repercussions of these
actions had a significant impact on the future of Native
peoples. This is clearly illustrated by an examination

of the Bear Island Band of Ojibwes on Lake Temagami.

Dan O'Connor and Bill Guppy needed the assistance of the
Bear Island Band to learn the immediate territory and the
nuances of local game populations. Native peoples conveyed
this knowledge to the non-Indian ”guides,” as they would
become known. One must consider the impact of this simple
interaction on local indigenous populations. Non—Indians
like O'Connor and Guppy would eventually establish camps

in these locations and set up an immediate competition for
animal resources. These men trapped and hunted for subsis-
tence, activities which conflicted with the needs and
historic use of resources by Indian groups. This compe—
tition led to a decreased standard of living for Native
peoples, and as an adaptation, they were frequently forced
to seek employment with non-Indian guides and outfitters.
This dependency had enormous consequences on the "traditional"
culture of Native Americans, for they were forced to remove
themselves from the influence of non—Indian guides and
entrepreneurs if they desired to propogate their historic
customs and land use strategies. This in turn meant removal
from prime resource locations, since the availability of
resources was the reason for initial settlement patterns.

They could either move to a new location or work for the

195

newly established lodges that catered to the recreational
needs of affluent clientele. Indian women went to work as
cooks and domestics, while Indian men were employed as
guides and canoemen. These activities, of course, took
time away from village functions and indigenous practices.
The end result of this process was that Indians were dis-
placed from ”traditional" habitations and behavior patterns
while the non—Indian ”guide” derived the majority of
monetary benefits from the labors of local Indians. Non-
Indian guides would eventually usurp the occupation from
the very people who introduced them into the geographic
region.
This sequence is clearly demonstrated by Archie
Belaney's association with the Temagami Ojibwe while he
was in the employ of Bill Guppy. Michel Mathias, a local
Ojibwe worked for Guppy when Archie began his apprentice—
ship as a trapper.45
He learnt from his Indian companion many other things
that were a by-product of these snowshoe trips: to
interpret the tracks of animals and to judge the time
since they had been made by the impression left on
the snow; how to tell from the song of a bird or the
cry of some little beast where life was hidden in
this white wilderness thgg seemed so still and life-
less beneath its shroud.
Archie Belaney learned to survive in the northern climes
from local Indian peoples. In 1910 he married a woman
of the Bear Island Band by the name of Angele Eguana, and

this relationship solidifed Archie's bond with the Temagami

Band. Frank Speck, the prominent anthropologist, conducted

ehtnographic studies among the Temagami Ojibwe in 1913,

196

and included in his list of occupants at Bear Island the
name of Angele Blaney (Belaney) and her daughter Agnes.47
Agnes is listed as being a "half-breed," while Angele is
remarked to have married a white man, evidently the first
of the Bear Island Band to do so. The Temagami Ojibwe
would exert a profound influence on Archie Belaney, and
provide the basis for his conservationist activities in
later years. This influence is summarized by Lovat
Dickson in his biography of Archie Belaney.
One can imagine Archie's thoughts. What he had seen
that afternoon was time and a people standing still.
Not people abject, defeated, purposeless, even
though they were doomed to extinction before the
advancement of civilization. But a people proud
and far-seeing, who knew that Nature and Man would
last an equal time, and that it was undignified as
well as unwise to take more of the fruits of the
earth than one needed, or to ask mgge of Nature than
she needs yield to keep one alive.
Belaney eventually deserted Angele and his daughter to
travel the Ontario woods. By 1914, he was speaking
Ojibwe and feigning ignorance of English, and spreading
rumors of his father the army scout, and his Apache mother;
all of which had been concocted in Archie's imagination.49
In 1915, after fleeing from Bisco, Ontario, where he
had been the cause of some local troubles, Archie enlisted
in the Canadian Army. In the First World War, Belaney
served with the 13th Montreal Battalion, and was wounded
twice in the trenches. He was shot in the wrist and in
the right foot, and this latter wound would cause him a

great deal of pain and discomfort in future years.50 While

convalescing in England Belaney met with family and friends

197

from Hastings, and he eventually married Connie Holmes, a
friend who was studying drama in London.51 The marriage
was a total failure, and Archie returned to Canada in
September of 1917. The "Great War” left Belaney somewhat
psychologically marred, and prompted him to totally sever
his relations with England, his family, and to a certain
extent, non—Indian people. Archie Belaney became Grey Owl,
Indian orator and conservationist.

Archie Belaney assumed the name Grey Owl, which was a
translation of Wa-Sha-Quon-Asie (he-Who-Flies-By—Night),
and he often signed the Ojibwe spelling of his name with
the words ”Grey Owl” underneath. It is uncertain when
he assumed the Ojibwe name but makes reference to the

acquisition of it in The Men of the Last Frontier which was

 

published in 1932. Grey Owl claimed that he was named by an
ancient conjuror, when, ”Many years ago I cast my lot in
with the nation known under the various appellations of
Chippeways, Algonquins, Londucks, and Ojibways."52 From
1917 to 1925 was a trying time for Grey Owl, for he
watched the land in Ontario undergo enormous changes. He
worked as a trapper, guide, forester, and general handyman
during this period of time and lamented the changes that
he witnessed in the north country.

What had been a Garden of Eden when he first came

to Bisco in 1912 looked, only six years later, as

though a drunken party had takenplace. He saw that

this was entirely due to the entrance of the white

man and his technology into the domain of the Indians

who had taken from the land only what they had need
to sustain life. With the Commission out of action

198

for several years, forestry was conducted wherever

access to the railway was possible, with the result

that the debris from5§he sawmills and log booms

polluted the rivers.
Not only were the trees being cut at an astronomical rate,
but forest fires were wreaking havoc because of the large
quantity of dry brush that was left over from the lumber-
ing operation, and beaver were being trapped out in
certain areas of the bush to obtain the high fur prices
that prompted overharvesting of the species in the 1920's.
Grey Owl resented the industrial encroachment and despoila—
tion of the land that he had come to identify with as
”Indian."

In 1925 Grey Owl met a young woman named Gertrude
Bernard who was employed at a Lodge on Lake Temagami,
and Grey Owl, who was working as a guide on the lake and
visiting his first wife Angele, fell in love with the
nineteen year old Iroquois (Mohawk) girl. Grey Owl was in
the midst of his final transformation from Englishman to
Indian. He told the young woman that he was ”half—Indian

and had always lived in the woods," and that he had served

in the First World War.54 Lovat Dickson in Wilderness Man:

 

The Strange Story of Grey Owl, contends that it is at this

 

period of time that Grey Owl, ”put out of his mind altogether
that distant childhood in Hastings. He wrote home no more.
He had almost come to believe himself in the story of his
mother and father living in Mexico, and of his birth in

an Indian encampment."SS Gertrude, also known as Anahareo,

199

would be the vehicle and companion that Grey Owl would use
to completely break with his past life. She, on the other
hand, was unaware of Archie Belaney, and only knew the man
calling himself l'Grey Owl.” Anahareo and Grey Owl were
married in the early part of 1926 by Chief Papati of the
Lac Simon Band of Ojibwe, a group of peOple that Grey Owl
had assisted in the past. Grey Owl had helped to obtain
the release of two members of the band from the local
authorities.

Two of their number had been arrested and were in

jail at Amos under the charge of setting fire to a

trapper's shack, flattening the stove pipes, dump-

ing the trapper's winter provisions in the snow, and
pouring coal oil over a bag of traps, a heinous
offence in itself since it is difficult to eradicate
the smell which frightens off game approaching the
trap. The Indians' defense was that the trapper

was using strychnine as bait for Wolves and foxes,

and that this had poisoned their huskies. It was

the old wgg between the Indians and the invading

trappers.

The two Indian men received light sentences for their
actions and the oratorical skill of Grey Owl ingratiated
him to the Lac Simon Band.

Grey Owl became keenly interested in conservation while
he and Anahareo lived together in the bush. This was an
interest that had been developing for years as he had
watched the ”progress” of western civilization in northern
Canada, but primarily it was the result of his comparison
between the use of natural resources by Native Americans and

non—Indian populations. Grey Owl, along with Anahareo,

reached a decision in 1927-28 that would have far reaching

200

effects for the couple. They decided that they would no
longer trap animals for a living, and this decision was
brought on by the fact that they found two young beaver
kittens near a site where Grey Owl had lost one of his
traps: The mother of the kittens had drowned in Grey
Owl's trap, and sunk.S7 Anahareo and Grey Owl picked up
the kittens and took them home with them. This event was
the beginning of Grey Owl's campaign to save the beaver
from extinction in Canada, and the start of his career as
outdoor writer and naturalist.

In the latter part of 1928 and the early months of
1929, Grey Owl began to write about his experiences in the

northern woods. Country Life, an English magazine, pub-

 

lished ”The Falls of Silence,” in the March 1, 1929
edition.58 This article was a description of a trappers
life, and relied heavily on the aesthetics of the northern
woods for thematic content. Grey Owl went to extreme
lengths to hide his identity from the editor of Country
pifg and gradually convinced the magazine that he had been
l’adopted” by the Ojibwe some years earlier. The two
beaver kittens that Grey Owl and Anahareo had taken home
with them became the focal point of their life together.
They named the two young beavers McGinnis and McGinty,
and they became very attached to the animals. As Grey Owl
worked at perfecting his writing skill he also began to

plan a program for the restoration of beaver in Canada.

201

He had formed no deatiled plan for his beaver colony
at this stage. But his references to it in letters
show that his imagination had leaped ahead, to see
not only the beaver put under a closed season until
their numbers were restored, but the timber operation
held in check, and the Indians restored to their
villages. With his showman's instinct he knew that
the proposer of such a project would be listened

to more keenly if he bore the badge of suffering
himself. Indians and beaver, they shared the same
plight. The civilization of machines was overwhelm—
ing them. He, an Indian, would be their spokesman.

Within the next eight years Grey Owl, alias Archie Belaney,
would influence millions of people in Europe and North
America. He would become the stalwart conservationist, who
preached Native American philosophy and reiterated the need
for a "sacred” tie with the environment.

Grey Owl eventually convinced the editors of Country
pi£g_that he really was an Indian and used the name
A. Belaney to cover up his true identity.60 He continued

to write for Country Life, and began work on his first

 

novel. In 1930, Grey Owl also started to publish his

articles in Canada's leading outdoor magazine, Forest and

 

Outdoors. Over the next five years, Grey Owl penned

 

twenty-five articles for that magazine, and many of these
pieces used his Native American identity to establish

61 In the fall of 1930, Grey Owl and the

credibility.
beavers became the subject of a film made by the Canadian
National Parks. This was the first of a series of films
that "starred” Grey Owl, Anahareo, and their latest

beaver, Jelly Roll. Grey Owl was beginning to attract a

great deal of attention, and he was more than ready to

202

capitalize on it to promote his environmental ideals. His

novel, The Men of the Last Frontier, which he had submitted

 

to Country Life was published by that magazine in 1931,

 

and his career as a Native American spokesman began in
earnest.

Between the years 1931 and 1935, Grey Owl wrote three
other novels, which were a combination of his experiences

and invention. Pilgrims of the Wild, the story of Anahareo

 

and Grey Owl, was issued in 1935 and included the beavers

that became the trademark of Grey Owl.62 The Adventures

 

of Sajo and the Beaver People, a collection of children's

 

stories, was also published in 1935, and in 1936, Grey Owl

completed Tales of an Empty Cabin, which was a series of

 

collected memoirs of his life in the bush.63 These novels,
or collections of stories and essays, were published in
London, England, as well as in New York and Toronto.
Unfortunately, Grey Owl's penchant for work destroyed his
relationship with Anahareo during this period of time.

Grey Owl was almost twenty years the senior of Anahareo,
and her desire to travel came in serious conflict with

his writing. It was easier to go their separate ways and
pursue their individual interests.

By 1935, Grey Owl had lectured numerous times on
Indians, beaver and conservation, and in that year, Lovat
Dickson, Grey Owl's eventual biographer, invited him to
England to present a series of lectures abroad. The

lectures began in England in October of 1935, and were an

203

immediate success. GreyCfiHq in his buckskins, was an
imposing figure as he strode out on stage and greeted his
audiences with "How Kola” (hello friend),64 and began to
speak as a Native American who knew and loved the land.
”You are tired with years of civilization. I come to

,65

offer you — what? A single green leaf.‘ The crowds for

his lectures grew in numbers and his fame spread across

England.
"When I stood on those platforms," he recollected
afterwards, "I did not need to think. I merely spoke

of the life and the animals I had known all my gys.
I was only the mouth, but Nature was speaking.”

Grey Owl's impact on English populations was enormous. In
only four months, he lectured to almost a quarter of a
million people at over twotuuuhxxipublic appearances.67
The 1935-1936 tour was such an enormous success that
Grey Owl was booked for return engagements the following
year. The highlight of the 1937 lecture series was a
Command Performance before King George V, Queen Mary and
the grandchildren of the royal couple, Princesses Elizabeth
68
and Margaret Rose.
He gave 140 lectures between October and December 19,
and during that time he never missed an engagement,
or was late for one, except when he was involved in
a motor accident between Oxford and Southport. A
crowd of over a thousand had waited for him an hour
and a quarter when he climbed on the platform at the
Cambridge Hall, to recegye one of the greatest
ovations of his career.
After the conclusion of the second English tour, Grey Owl

lectured in the United States. The hectic pace was taking

a toll on his physical condition, and he gave his last

204

public lecture at Massey Hall in Toronto on March 26,
1938.70 Grey Owl returned to his cabin on Lake Ajawaan,
which was located in Prince Albert National Park, and
became ill. He died on April 13, 1938; the cause of death
was exhaustion.

No matter what name he was known by, Archie Belaney or
Grey Owl had a tremendous impact on people by disseminating
an outdoor ethic that was derived from contact with Native
Americans. Archie Belaney truly usurped the "ethic” from
Native Americans, but redeemed himself by becoming Grey
Owl, orator, prophet, and to some, charlatan. T.D.A.
Cockerell, from the University of Colorado at Boulder,
visited Grey Owl in 1935, and published his impressions

of the trip in the March, 1936 issue of Natural History.71

 

Cockerell, like so many others, including Lovat Dickson,
accepted Grey Owl for what he said he was: an Indian.
Referring to the movies.that Grey Owl had appeared in
Cockerell states that they were ”shown to many thousands
of people, in Colorado, California, and Wyoming," and were
very popular.72 Moreover, Cockerell perceived Grey Owl
and Anahareo as "what we should call conservationists,
and unwittingly allied to that large company of people,
all over the world, who are striving, with remarkable
success, to save the native animals and plants.".73 Grey
Owl had a profound impact on the North American and

European view of nature.

205

Grey Owl's ”mission" is best described by his companion
on his English lectures and publisher, Lovat Dickson.
Referring to Grey Owl he said:

He had a set of simple ideas, that the beaver should

be protected in every province in Canada, that all

wildlife deserved some degree of protection from
wholesale slaughter, and that the Indians were the
people best fitted by nature and tradition to be

the custodians of the wilderness, and should be

trained tg4act as caretakers of the nation's wild

heritage.
Grey Owl, like others before him, had been taught to survive
in the bush by Native peoples. He may have had some quirks
that seem odd, but he never attempted to hide the debt
that he owed to Indian people. In a letter to Chief
To-To-Sis in 1936, Grey Owl wrote, ”the Indians taught me
the things that are now making me famous.”7S

Like Grey Owl, there are numerous people who have been
influenced by Native Americans, and who in turn have
disseminated information about indigenous populations.

One of the most prominent men to do so in the United

States in the last fifty years is Buck Burshears, born
James Francis Brushears in 1909. He became a Boy Scout

in 1921 and in 1925, the first Eagle Scout in his home town
of La Junta, Colorado.

I joined Boy Scouts in 1921, fell in love with

camping and spent the next eight years at Scout

camps and the subsequent five years at private

camps. I graduated from being a bgy to being an

adult and counselor in the camps.

After college, Burshears returned to La Junta where in 1933

he founded Boy Scout Explorer Troop 2230. The troop began

206

to study Indian lore, which had been one of Burshear's
pastimes for many years, and eventually learned many
authentic Native American dances. The troop became known
as the ”Kosharesr? which is a Pueblo word for the ceremonial
clowns that dance and perform important religious func-
tions in the American southwest. The name was obviously
meant to create a tie between the Boy Scout dancers, and
their Pueblo counterparts. The troop, under the direction
of Burshears, has always placed a great deal of emphasis
on authenticity. The young explorers¢are required to make
their own dance regalia, and adhere to strict codes of
personal conduct. The pursuit of authenticity and the
development of "good character” has strong historical
roots.

A number of people prompted Burshears to form troop
2230.

While attending Colorado College, I was influenced

by Lester Griswold who wrote handicraft books. At

that time he had boys following a program started

earlier in Coloradg7Springs by Ralph Hubbard, son

of Elbert Hubbard.
Among others that influenced him was Ernest Thompson Seton,
who Burshears frequently visited in Santa Fe, and Seton
was often a guest in the Burshears home when he traveled
to Colorado.

Some of us think Ernest Thompson Seton really laid

out the Scouting program in his Birch Bark Roll

of 1902. It was used by Baden-Powell and his

soldiers in Kenya. Then he took it to England and

revised it into Scouting. When Scouting was started

in the United States several youth groups, like
Seton's Woodcraft Rangers, were the nucleus of

207

Scouting. The first Scouting manual was written

by Seton and Baden—Powell. But conflicting per-

sonalities in the National Scout office caused

Seton's name to be lost in the story of Scouting

until after his death. Now they are realizing

the great influence he had on the program and have

establiahed the Seton Museum at Philmont Scout

Ranch.
Burshears had also met George Bird Grinnell at Glacier
Park, and had read Grinnell's literary works. There is
little doubt, that much of the foundation of Scouting
was based upon Native American knowledge and woodcraft
skills. Burshears exemplifies the continuity that has been
maintained between Native Americans and the Boy-Scouts.

Buck Burshears has been adopted into the Ojibwe and
the Blackfoot Tribes, and has frequent contact with Native
peoples to insure proper conduct and actions of the
dancers.

Among the Pueblo Indians the Koshares have many

friends who often visit us. Many Koshares have

Indian blood in their background but we have to

teach them to be Indians. Some of my boys have

been drawn into being teachers and even taking

part in Indian ceremonies. One7gid the Sun

Dance with the Utes nine times.
The experience of being a "Koshare," and scouting in
general, have served to perpetuate Native American beliefs,
and to disseminate them to non-Indian populations. It is
interesting to note the Native Americanjfiumfingrthat is
closely aligned with Boy Scout programs. The Order of the
Arrow was founded in the summer of 1915 at Treasure Island,

a Scout camp near Philadelphia, by Dr. Urner Goodman.

The order is given to scouts who "best exemplified the spirit

208

of the Scout Oath and Law in their daily lives."80 The

Order of the Arrow may present an image of Native American-
Boy Scout ties today, but in 1915 it symbolized and
acknowledged the prominent role that Native peoples have
had upon the development of scouting.

Since the valley of the Delaware was rich in Indian

tradition and the site of the Scout camp was an

island used in bygone days as a camping ground of

the Lenni Lenape or Delaware tribes, it seemed only

natural to base this campers honor society on the

legend and traditions of these Indians. In the
beginning, the organization was known as the

Wimachtend'fnk W.W., but later as the Order of

the Arrow.

The Order of the Arrow serves to reward and promote the
activity of camping within the Boy Scouts of America.
Ironically, the highest award in Boy Scouting today is the
"Silver Buffalo." It is ironic in that there is no group
of people that are more closely associated with the
buffalo than the American Indian, yet the award designates
the highest achievements in organized scouting. Perchance
Ernest Thompson Seton did succeed: Maybe he did ”make an
Indian of the American boy."

The Boy Scouts of America place a great deal of empha-
sis on outdoor activities that promote cooperation, develop
personal skills, and build character and self-reliance.
Another priority of scouting is to build and reinforce an
outdoor ethic in young men. This is achieved through
the camping experience, interaction with nature, and the

social unit of the group. The heritage of scouting is

partly a Native American heritage. Scouts have learned

209

from and continue to acquire Native American skills and
philosophical insights. Scouting organizations have been
students of American Indian life, and disseminators of
the knowledge they have obtained.

The dissemination of Native American philosophy and
skills has not been restricted to North America. Even
before the pOpular lecture tours of Grey Owl, there was a
strong interest in Native Americans on the European con—

tinent. Von Heinz Reichling, in Ernest Thompson Seton

 

Und Die Bewegung in England, provides interesting insight

 

into the dissemination of Native American philosophy and
skills to Europe.82 Reichling contends that youth movements
in England had a very different character from similar
movements in Germany in that the rise of youth organiza-
tions in England did not represent a youth led revolution
against adult principles and practices.83 He also states
that, ”A youth revolt in England was effectively countered
by the introduction of the Boy Scout movement,” and he
attributes the major influences to the growth of scouting
to Ernest Thompson Seton and his Woodcraft Indians.
Seton's woodcraft ideas are based upon his accurate
knowledge of American Indégn ways, mannerisms,
ceremonies and lifestyle.
The impact of Seton's ideas and writings was enormous in
Europe.
The Birch Bark Roll was accepted by many organiza—
tions in Europe, (e.g., Czechoslovakia, Poland,
Russia, France and Belguim) as the primary handbook

for their woodcraft activities. In England, Seton
not only influenced the Boy Scouts but also, in

210

greater measure, the “Kibbo Kift,” the ”Woodcraft
Folk," and especially the "Order of Woodcraft
Chivalry," of which Seton is the ”Grand Chieftan.”

86
Reichling postulates that the reason for Seton's success
and influence in the dissemination of the camping and
scouting organizations was that he presented ideas and
activities that could "grapple” with the problems of
civilization and ”turn theory into practical method.”87

When Seton first began his lifelong association with
outdoor organizations and woodcraft, educational systems
were being attacked for undermining the "masculine”
character of youth. Young men had a great deal of ”idle”
time that was viewed as a negative aspect of their physical
growth and development. The culprit, in the eyes of the
proponents of scouting, was the city and industrial society.88
These developments were destroying initiative and the
”will" to work and achieve for young boys, and this was
closely correlated to the ”type" of young men that society
was nurturing to meet future challenges. In 1929, Robert
Baden-Powell lamented the shortcomings of contemporary
educational systems: "Only in the educational systems of
todays civilized lands is it possible to find virtually no

"89 Seton's outline for

training in character develOpment.
scouting stressed physical and character development for
young boys as a necessity to counteract the negative
influences of modern civilization. This program was popu-

larly received because it was introduced at a critical

period of debate over the ”preparedness” of young men in

211

not only the United States, but Canada and several European
countries.

Seton had a tremendous following in Europe, as illus-
trated by the formation of The Order of Woodcraft Chivalry
in 1915. This group was formed shortly after Seton was
forced out of the Boy Scout movement, and was undoubtedly
a response to Seton's ”expulsion? from scouting. The
founders of the Order were dissatisfied with the military
character of scouting, and Ernest Westlake, one of the
founders of the organization, used Seton's Birch Bark

Rools and Book of Woodcraft as guidelines for the new

 

group. The Order of Woodcraft Chivalry became strongly
attached to the idea that every person that is born in a
civilized country, must first learn the skills that the
"earliest cultures had discovered," and develop personal
character from this experience. The Order of Woodcraft
Chivalry had a stronger philosophical basis for their
activities than did the Boy Scouts, and for this reason
and the fact that they were a more complex organization,
they never enjoyedtflmepopularity that scouting did.90
Reichling's insights into the dissemination of Native
American attitudes and values, via scouting and outdoor
organizations in Europe, describe the significant contribu-
tions that Ernest Thompson Seton made to the formation of
these groups. Reichling's text was written in 1937, one

year after Grey Owl made his first lecture tour to England,

and the book was probably in preparation while Grey Owl

212

entertained the standing room only crowds who turned out to
greet him. Seton's influence in Europe had been pervasive
since the early twentieth century, and he was largely
responsible for the philosophical orientation of The

Order fo Woodcraft Chivalry. Grey Owl, was simply playing
to groups, which ahd been inundated with outdoor organiza-
tions for close to three decades. Regardless of what was
historically prepared for whom, Native American's played

a significant role in the dissemination of the developing
outdoor ethic in numerous European countries.

The influence and dissemination of Native American
philoSOphy and contributions to the formation of the con-
servation ethic has continued since the 1930's. Numerous
articles have been published in diverse sources that more
than allude to these contributions, and to people like
Ernest Thompson Seton. In 1976, William H. Carr, published

”Inspired by Indians,‘ in the Conservationist, which is

 

the magazine of the New York State Department of Environ—

mental Conservation.91 Mr. Carr typifies the influences

that Native Americans have had on recent environmental per—
ceptions.

At the age of twelve or so, I was a ersatz Indian.
I've never quite recovered from the experience.
James Fenimore Cooper with his Leatherstocking
Tales, especially ”The Last of the Mohicans," had
his way with me, as did Ernest Thompson Seton with
his books, "Two Little Savages" and ”Rolf in the
Woods," and there was Daniel Carter Beard who
urged his Boy Scouts to adopt some phases of what
he called ”the Indian way” of woodsmanship. I

was not so much interested in the costumes, dances
and rituals, as in the practical part of living

213

outdoors. Dan Beard had said, "You'll never know
as much about the woods as the Indians knew, bug2
you can learn a lot if you put your mind to it.

William Carr proceeds to recount how he actively pursued
an "Indian" interest in the woods, and eventually became
a skilled woodsman and tracker. He vividly ties the de-
velOpment of his conservation interests to Native Americans.

From what I had read in books, especially by Mr. Seton,
I had learned that Indians had a high regard for wild-
life and only killed animals they needed for food or
other purposes, and that they also had regard for
certain creatures in a religious sort of way. I
suppose that originally my ideas about the conser—
vation of wildlife came from this knowledge. I felt,
no doubt, that as an Indian, I would protect creatures
from indiscriminate killing because, ”being like an
Indian", I had a desire to think and behave as they
did. I never had heard the word conservation.
Indians were largely responsible for my love, inter—
est in and knowledge about wildlife and the related
wish to protect it. Probably many young people who
became concerned with saving creatures from use—
less slaughter were inspired, as I was, by Indian
lore rather than by gny Wilderness Society which

. . 9
did not then eXist.

"Inspired by Indians,” speaks to the experience of many
young people who were influenced by scouting experiences,
and the writings of prominent naturalist and outdoor
writers. They in turn became the disseminators of the
”ethic" as it was conveyed by Native peoples.

Due to circumstances, it was not long after those

summer days that I outgrew my interest in actively

living like an Indian. However, I still enjoy

going into the woods, and if I am alone wonder

whether there is some spirit of an Indian near me,

seeing what I see, hearing what I hear, and keep—

. . . 94

ing out of Sight. After all, they were there first.
The Native American contribution to the formation of the

conservation ethic will never be entirely usurped thanks to

men like William Carr.

214

Examples of the dissemination and influence of Native
American attitudes of nature and conservation can be read-
ily found in American society today. They exist in the
form of organized programs, literature, and experiental
activities. The Y.M.C.A. has a program entitled, the
”Y Indian Guides,” which relies on Native American lore
to promote family unity and cooperation. Again, it is
interesting to note that these programs disseminate Native
American information to primarily non-Indian populations.
Be that as it may, there are a number of experiental activi—
ties that actively solicit participants for Native American
experiences. One of the best examples of this is ”Polestar
Passages,” whicwmoperates<ni Lake Temagami (Grey Owl's old
stomping grounds) in Ontario, Canada. Polestar Passages
leaves little to the imagination in terms of what they
disseminate, and where that information came from.

For the past few years, Polestar has offered a

series of programs for peOple of different ages

from various walksixilife from America and abroad.

Traditional Native American rites have helped

these people to catch glimpses of new horizons

with new energy. They have begun to feel them-

selves part of something larger than themselves

through the Sweat Lodge, Sacrgg Pipe Ceremonies

and through the Vision Quest.

The entire program at Polestar is a ”Native American wilder—
ness experience for those seeking an individual pathway

to inner guidance.“ The Polestar community employs both
Native American and non—Indian staff members who train

participants in one of three camps which emphasize Native

American ritual, survival, or inner tranquility and

215

personal growth. The experiences that are provided to
Polestar clientele are expensive, and many of the partici—
pants come to the camp from Europe. For this reason, some
Native peoples have criticized Polestar as being crass,
and ”commercial," yet the camp has been successful in
attracting interested participants. The Polestar experi-
ence places a great deal of attention on creating a per-
sonal relationship with the environment.

We need to make certain, however, that along with

this method we do not embrace an attitude of con-

quest of a particular mountain, river or place,

but rather, emphasize our need to learn f m the

earth in a spirit of harmony and balance.

Polestar Passages has made it their "business" to dissem—
inate Native American philosophy and environmental percep—
tions. The impact of this movement will most certainly be
analogous to other historical vehicles that perpetuated
the Native American land ethic: It will continue.

The continuity that does exist in the dissemination
of Native American philoSOphy is very startling. Even the
casual browser in a book store can find examples of Native
American influence upon the formation of American conserva—
tion, or the contributions of Native peoples to the

development of outdoor activities and skills. Man and

Nature: America before the Days of the White Man by

 

Carl Sauer, for instance, can be readily located in most
book stores.97 This text is a reader for young people

(old as well) and places a great deal of emphasis on

man's relationship to the environment. This relationship

216

is discussed in reference to a Native American perception
of the land, and the book seeks to teach young peOple
respect for the Creation. The exploitation of natural
resources is harshly condemed, and the alternative of
Native American land use practices and religious ties to
the environment is suggested. Given the reality of the
exploitation that occurred in the last century and the
present interest in alternative "life—styles,‘l the text
presents a common sense philosophical orientation for the
future.

Native American skills, that were integral parts of
their daily life, also provide examples of the dissemina—
tion of Native philosophy and the view of nature. The
story of Tom Brown, Jr., as told to William Jon Watkins in

The Tracker is a good illustration of the dissemination

 

of skills and the view of nature that were originally
derived from Native Americans.98 Tom Brown is recognized
as one of the finest professional trackers in the United
States. He runs and teaches at his own wilderness survival
schools which are located in Washington State and in New
Jersey. Tom Brown was taught to track and survive in the
"wilderness” by an old Apache who happened to be the
grandfather of one of his young friends. Stalking Wolf

was the old man's name, and he tutored Tom and his grandson
Rick in a way of interacting with nature that focused on
distrubances of natural occurrences and silence. Things

that were out of place, grass, twigs, rocks, hair, or any

217

other tangible, told a story. So did the absence of sound
as vfimuichickadeeSTDr blue jays should have been present
but weren't. By learning the signs of normal patterns in
the environment, Brown became an expert tracker. He could
always tell when something was missing or disturbed.

Brown makes it a point to acknowledge the teaching

of Stalking Wolf in The Tracker.

 

Old Stalking Wolf guided us. This book is the story
of how we did 15 and how I have applied what Stalking
9

Wolf taught me.
Like many good teachers, Stalking Wolf taught by example
and experience.

Stalking Wolf was very old, and he drifted into

reveries that made him seem as if he might be senile

when I first met him. But I realized later, when I

had seen with amazement how keen his senses were,

that he had simply gone inside of himself for a moment

to check his perceptions against the pattern of the

world. Only after he had taught me how to be silent

did I realize that he was stOpping his own motion

so he copbg tell the disturbances around him from

his own.
Brown further describes how Stalking Wolf led him and Rick
from I'childhood to manhood,‘' and how to live in the woods
with the ”least disruption of the earth." It was Stalking
Wolf who taught Brown how much he was missing because he
did not focus attention on what was going on around him.
Frequently the old man told his apprentices to "go feed
the birds," so that they would sit, listen and observe
what was taking place that had meaning if you could under-
stand it. Brown learned his lessons well while working

with the old man for nine years. He also found a new view

and understanding of the world around him.

218

We learned a world view in which Nature is a being

larger than the sum of all creatures, and can be

seen best in the flow of its interactions. In the

movement of each animal, all animals move. I am not

sure if these were Stalking Wolf's own ideas, or the
ideas of his tribe, but Rick and I took them as
articles of faith to live by, and we devoted our

lives to living in the woods as mucp is we could and

. . 0

learning everything that was there.

Tom Brown acknowledges his tie with Native peoples and
indigenous philosophy on hiscxmubbrochures. Tom credits
Stalking Wolf as an influence and teacher, and lists Native
American skills which will be taught at the course sessions.
Indian life and lore is one area that is highlighted by the
camp and the brochure states that ”the art of survival is
very much a part of the Indian lifestyle.” More important
than the skills that are conveyed at the school, is the
dissemination of philosophy that is Native American in
origin.

The student will be shown how to observe not only

more deeply than ever before, but also with philosoph-

ical overtones. TOM BROWN CONSIDERS THIS TO BE THE

MOST IMPORTANT PART18§ THE SCHOOL, AND IS THE BASIS

OF ALL HIS BELIEFS.

The Tracker was taught and influenced by Native Americans
and has now become a prominent advocateCHFindigenous phil—
osophy and the land ethic.

In the case of Tom Brown, the dissemination of Native
American influences and world view has paid high dividends.
On many occasions he has been called in to help locate
a lost or missing person, and he has successfully saved a

number of lives that may have otherwise ended tragically.

This is an important point: The dissemination of Native

219

American philosophy and skills has been a positive addition
to not only Tom Brown, but to American society in general.
Native American perceptions of the land influenced both

the establishment of the outdoor ethic and the conserva-
tionist movement. These contributions have been ignored

or negated as "myth" but the reality of these diverse

influences can not be easily dismissed.

FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER V

lGeorge Bird Grinnell. Jack Among the Indians.
Chicago: M.A. Donohue and Company, 1900.

 

2Ralph and Natasha Friar. The Only Good Indian:

The Hollywood Gospel. New York: Drama Book Specialists/
Publishers, 1972, p. 46.

 

 

3David Kay. ”The Boy Scouts of America in the World
War II Era,” unpublished paper, The University of Chicago,
1981, p. 17.

4Scout Memorbilia. Vol. 8, No. 5, 1973, p. 37.

 

5Ernest Thompson Seton. How to Play Indian. New York:
Curtis Publishing Company, 1903.

 

6Ernest Thompson Seton. Lives of Game Animals. New
York: Doubleday, 1925—1928.

 

7Hamlin Garland. A Daughter of the Middle Border.
New York: The Macmillian Co., 1922, and Main-Travelled
Roads, New York: The Macmillan Co., 1899.

 

 

8George Custer. "Indian Smoke Signals,” in Forest
and Stream, Vol. 1, No. 16, November 27, 1873, p. 247.

 

9Editorial, ”The Indians at St. Augustine, Florida,"
in Forest and Stream, Vol. 5, No. 23, January 13, 1876,
p..361.

 

loEditorial, "Indian Arms,” in Forest and Stream, Vol.

6, No. 24, July 20, 1876, p. 391.

 

11 . . .
Personal conversation with Margaret Nichols, Manager,

Editorial Services, Field and Stream, August 16, 1982.

 

770

221

12Editorial, "Hail and Farewell," in Forest and Stream,

July, 1930, p. 512-513.

 

l3Alvah Dorsey James. "Lights and Shades at the

Sportsmen's Show,” in Field and Stream, April, 1901, p. 77.

 

l4J.W. Meiers. "With Rod and Paddle on the Headwaters

of the Ottawa," in Field and Stream, May, 1901, p. 153.

 

15Stanley Snow. ”A Day in the Desert,” in Field and

Stream, July, 1904, p. 221, and Sumner W. Matteson, ”The
Snake Dancers,” in Field and Stream, August, 1904, p. 330.

 

 

Marstyn Pogue. "Moccassin Tracks,” in Field and
Stream, August 1900, p. 417.

 

Marstyn Pogue. ”The Phantom Canoe of Beaubocage Lake,"
in Field and Stream, September, 1900, p. 447, and ”Memory
Pictures of Summer,” Field and Stream, October, 1900,

p. 535.

 

 

18Editorial, "In the Council Lodge," in Field and

Stream, June, 1900, p. 302.

 

19Ibid, and "In the Council Lodge," in Field and Stream,

August, 1900, p. 428.

 

20Editorial, ”In the Council Lodge,” in Field and

Stream, June, 1901, p. 428.

 

21Editorial, "In the Council Lodge"" in Field and

Stream, November, 1901, p. 557.

 

22Editorial, ”In the Council Lodge,’' in Field and

Stream, July, 1900, p. 363, and "In the Council Lodge,”
in Field and Stream, October, 1900, p. 537, and "In the
Council Lodge," in Field and Stream,September, 1900, p. 482.

 

 

 

23Editorial, ”In the Council Lodge," in Field and

Stream, June, 1902, p. 170.

 

24Editorial, “In the Council Lodge,” in Field and

Stream, November, 1903, p. 567.

 

25Editorial, ”In the Council Lodge,” in Field and

Stream, April, 1905, p. 566.

 

222

26Theodora Kroeber. Ishi in Two Worlds: A Biography
of the Last Wild Indian in North America. Los Angeles:
University of California Press, 1961, p. 8.

 

 

27Ibid. p. 153.

281bid. p. 179.

29Ibid. p. 205.

30Ibid. p. 206.

3lIbid. p. 206.

321bid. p. 207.

33Ibid. p. 208.

34Ibid. p. 211.

BSIbid. p. 210.

36Saxton Pope. Hunting with the Bow and Arrow. New

York: Popular Library, 1974, p. 32. This text is a reprint
of the 1923 edition, and has an Introduction by Fred Bear.

 

37Ibid. Picture in the middle of text, between pps.

112-113.

38Ibid. p. 10.

391bid. p. 107.

4OIbid. The back cover of the text lists the rules of

fair chase that members in the Fred Bear Sports Club will
abide by.

41Lovat Dickson. Wilderness Man: The Strange Story

of Grey Owl. New York: Atheneum, 1973, p. 28.

 

 

42Ibid. p. 38.

43Ibid. p. 51.

223

44Ibid. p. 52—53.

45Ibid. p. 46.

46Ibid. p. 54.

47Frank Speck. Family Hunting Territories and Social

Life of Various Algonkian Bands of the Ottawa Valley, No. 70.

 

 

Ottawa: Government Printing Bureau, 1915, lineal charts
between pps. 18-19.

48Op. Cit., Dickson, p. 56.

491bid. p. 95.

SOIbid. p. 101—102.

SlIbid. p. 102.

52Anahareo (Gertrude Bernard). Grey Owl and I. London:

Peter Davies Ltd., 1972, p. 189.

 

53Op. Cit., Dickson, p. 113.

54Ibid. p. 125.

SSIbid. p. 125.

56Ibid. p. 138.

57Ibid. p. 150—151.

58Ibid. p. 155.

sglbid. p. 169.

60Ibid. p. 181.

6lIbid. p. 203.

62Grey Owl (Archie Belaney). Pilgrims of the Wild.
New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1935.

 

224

63Grey Owl (Archie Belaney). The Adventures of Sajo
and the Beaver People. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons,
1935, and Tales of An Empty Cabin, New York: Dodd, Mead
& Co., 1936.

 

 

 

64"How Kola,“ is hello friend in Lakota. This is
interesting since Archie (Grey Owl) spoke Ojibwe, and he
elected to greet his audiences in Lakota (Sioux). It may
be that he thought the Lakota greeting was more poetic
sounding than the Ojibwe "Boozhoo Neej," or "Anee Neej."

65Op. Cit., Dickson, p. 233.

66Ibid. p. 237.

67Ibid. p. 238.

681bid. p. 243.

69Ibid. p. 251.

7OIbid. p. 252.

7 -. . . .
lT.D.A. Cockerell. ”A Visit With Grey Owl," in Natural
History, March, 1936.

7ZIbid. p. 223.

73Ibid. p. 224.

740p. Cit., Dickson, p. 252.

7SIbid. p. 269.

6 . . . .
Personal communication With James Franc1s (Buck)
Burshears, Scout Master, Explorer Post 2230, La Junta,
Colorado: February 23, 1982.

77Ibid. p. 1.

78Ibid. p. 1.

79Ibid. p. 2.

225

80National Office, Boy Scouts of America. Order of

the Arrow Handbook. Irving, Texas: 1972, p. 2.

 

 

81Ibid. p. 2.
82Von Heinz Reichling. Ernest Thompson Seton Und Die
Woodcraft Bewegung in England. Bonn: Peter Hanstein

 

Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1937.

83Ibid. p. 7—8.

84Ibid. p. 5.

BSIbid. p. 16.

86Ibid. p. 17.

87Ibid. p. 20.

88

Op. Cit., Kay, p. 3—4.

89

Op. Cit., Reichling, p. 18.

golbid. p. 66.

91William H. Carr. "Inspired by Indians,” in Conser—

vationist, Vol. 30, #4, January—February, 1976.

gzlbid. p. 38.

93Ibid. p. 39.

94Ibid. p. 39.

95Polestar Passages Brochure. Polestar Passages.

Contact person, David Knudsen, West Grove, Pennsylvania,
1981, p. 3.

 

96Ibid. p. 2.

97Carl Sauer. Man and Nature: America Before the

Days of the White Man. Berkeley: Turtle Island Foundation,
1975.

 

 

226

98Tom Brown Jr., and William Jon Watkins. The

Tracker: The True Story of Tom Brown, Jr.. New York:
Berkeley Books, 1979.

 

gglbid. p. 23.

lOOIbid. p. 16.

lOlIbid. p. 19.

102The Tracker Brochure. Tom Brown, Tracker, Inc.

Asbury, New Jersey, 1980, p. 1.

CHAPTER VI

CONCLUSION

The dissemination of Native American philoSOphy/
spirituality played a prominent role in the formation of
the modern conservation ethic. This simply cannot be
rejected as "popular myth." Native American lore and
environmental relations influenced outdoor writers,
novelists, and organizations that promoted outdoor experi-
ences. Ernest Thompson Seton, Hamlin Garland, George
Bird Grinnell, Charles Alexander Eastman, Dr. Saxton Pope,
Grey Owl, andcnflmnmspromulgatedauienvironmental message
that was based upon Native American resource use patterns.
Organizations such as the Boy Scouts, Y.M.C.A., "Tracker,"
and Polestar Passages haveValso used and conveyed the
environmental messages of Native peoples. These individuals
and organizations provide a crucial link in the perpetua—
tion of the Native American ideals and environmental ethics.

The facets of the dissemination process that demon-
strate Native American influences upon people and organiza-
tions are clearly illustrated in Theodore L. Kazimiroff's,

The Last Algonquin.l This book is the story of Ted

 

Kazimiroff Sr., who as a young boy in 1924 met the

remaining member of the Weckquasgek (Wickerscreek) Tribe,

227

228

Joe Two Trees, on Hunter Island (Hunter Island, at that
period of time, was located off the coast of the Bronx,
New York City, but was eventually connected to the main-
land by a series of dumping sties and landfills). The
story is recounted by Theodore Kazimiroff Jr., as it was
told to him by his father. The text is a classic example
of the influence of Native peoples upon the formation of

the conservation ethic, and is reminiscent of Ishi in Two

 

Worlds, and The Tracker.

 

As a young man, Ted Kazimiroff wandered the shores of
Hunter Island, and spent a great deal of time exploring,
tracking animals, and collecting the "valuables” that young
boys cherish.

The area fascinated me because it contained almost

all of the flora nd fauna that I had read in my

Boy Scout manual.

His explorations led to the discovery of Joe Two Trees and
his wigwam which was cleverly concealed from the causal
observer.

Then one day I discovered a rabbit run in the under—

brush. It was heavily tamped down indicating the

passage of many little feet. I decided to follow it
and see if I could stalk up to the cottontail and
touch him. I had touched a eer that way once at

the Boy Scout Camp upstate.

Following the rabbit path, Ted Kazimiroff, Sr., found him-
self in a clearing confronting Joe Two Trees and Joe began
the conversation;

"I know you very much. You watch all the living

things, but you do not harm them. Why?" I tried

to explain to him my interest in natural history
and scouting merit badges, but I think he didn't

229
understand all of it. At some point in our con-

versation, he decided that scouting was like "being

Indian." When that concept had4formed in his mind
he seemed more at ease with me.

Young Ted and Joe became good friends, and Joe began the
training of his youthful confidant. As Ted spent more
time with Two Trees, he began to perceive the common sense
that was reflected in Two Tree's actions and endeavors.
Joe Two Trees organically fertilized his garden with fish
entrails and heads, and used the preying mantis for preda-
tor control. He collected lady bugs on his walks around
the island and let these creatures loose in his garden to
eat the aphids on his tomato plants. These behaviors
prompted Kazimiroff to reflect on man—nature relations.

Here was a man who had created an ecological balance

in his surroundings long before ecology became a

fashionable word. The maximum use of all things,

within a framework of no waste, was something Joe

did as his ancestors had for thousands of years.

He lived this way, apparently for no other reason

than that it made good sense.
The apprenticeship of the young man continued, and he
learned many skills and insights from Two Trees.

While Ted was visiting Two Trees' camp, he observed
the preparation of food in a cooking pot that was made
out of natural materials, and he asked Joe if he could make
a pot for himself. Two Trees' response acknowledged the
spiritual realities that are inherent in Native American
environmental relations.

He told me that this making must begin first in the

heart, or soul, for that was the place the maker

started all good ideas. Once the young thought
had ripened, like the fruit on a branch, it would

230

follow a natural course to the head. The brain, he
said, was the second stopping place for the plan.

It was in the brain that Tchi- Manitou would come
during sleep time to help the plan become a work-

able project. In short, once the idea had been prayed
over, thought about, and then slept on, it was time

to bring it into the world, as a reality. I was told
to go home and pray that my pot would be well made,
and that once made, it would be full whenever I, or

my family, was hungry.

The relationship between Two Trees and Ted Kazimiroff Sr.,
focused on man's obligation to use the natural resources
of the continent in an intelligent manner. Kazimiroff
Sr., learned to respect the ethics that were taught by
Joe Two Trees, and he passed this information on to his
son and many others.
When we allow the new to replace the old to such an
extent, we will lose more than an ancient Indian
story. Keep in mind that in our rush to meet
the future, we must be sure to keep the past.
Without its foundation, no structure stands for
very long. As the Algonquin fell and was replaced
in such a short time, so can we expect to fall un—
less we7read a small lesson in the life that has
passed.
Ted Kazimiroff Sr., became a respected member of the environ-
mental community in New York, and ”his accomplishments in
the fields of landmark preservation and ecology are end—
less."8 Kazimiroff Jr., has followed his father in per-
petuating a land ethic which relates man to the environment
in a personal manner, and contemporarily he writes environ—
mental and natural history articles for publication. Like

his father, he disseminates a "message" that is based upon

Native American teachings. The Last Algonquin clearly

 

elucidates the dissemination of Native American conservation

231

practices, the role of scouting groups that were formulated
upon those ideals, and the continuing influence of Native
American philoSOphy.

The publication of The Last Algonquin reiterates the

 

Native American contribution to the formation of the out—
door ethic. The text reinforces the popular image of the
Native American as conservator. Contemporary popular
literature firmly links Native Americans to an ethical
interaction with the land. This is certainly not a new
”tradition," but it has been continuous and, like the
Edward S. Curtis photographs that presently adorn domestic
walls and the waiting rooms of private practioneers, it
indelibly ties Native Americans to the landscape of the
continent. This tie is based upon the Native American
perception of the sacredness of the creation.

The Native American as conservator has been treated
lightly in elite literature, yet this does not negate
the reality of Native American—land relations that were
ecologically sound. The use of compatible planting
techniques, and slash-burn ecology by Native peoples
attests to the feasibility of indigenous land use practices.
Native Americans have historically referred to their
environmental behaviors as "conservationist" in practice.
The definition of conservation can be debated in reference'
to its use and meaning in American culture and in Native
American societies, yet this does not negate the fact

that Native people's actions were based on futuristic

232

concerns for animal populationsanuithe use of natural
resources. Chief Standing Bear of the Lakota in Land of

the Spotted Eagle clearly identifies Native American

 

conservation practices.

I know of no species of plant, bird, or animal that
were exterminated until the coming of the white man.
For some years after the buffalo disappeared there
still remained huge herds of antelope, but the
hunter's work was no sooner done in the destruction
of the buffalo than his attention was attracted toward
the deer. They are plentiful now only where pro-
tected. The white man considered natural animal
life just as he did the natural man life upon this
continent, as "pests.9 Plants which the Indian
found beneficial were also "pests.” There is no
word in the Lakota vocabulary with the English
meaning of the word.

There was a great difference in the attitude
taken by the Indian and the caucasian toward
nature, and this difference made of one a conser—
vationist and of the other a non—conservationist
of life. The Indian, as well as all other creatures
that were given birth and g§ew, were sustained
by the common mother—earth.

This same theme is commented upon by Wilbur R. Jacobs in

Dispossessing the American Indian.

 

The Indian's respect for animal life and reverence
for the land, when mentioned, are usually dismissed
as superstition. On the other hand, the white

man, with his Judeo-Christian ethic stressing

man's dominance over nature, has no religiaus
scruples about exploiting the wilderness.

The rationale for Native American conservation practices
was not "superstition," but rather a spiritually motivated
consideration for continued subsistence and well—being.
This is clearly pointed out by William Christie Macleod

in "Conservation Among Primitive Hunting Peoples."ll

233

Out of such a background of natural limitation of
supply, pressure of population on the limited supply,
a thorough inventory and intensive exploitation,

one might expect that purely economic motives might
lead to a conservation of those elements of the
supply which experience would show would diminish and
tend to disappear if conservation were not applied.
However, some of the facts available on the subject
suggest that spiritual motives may have played a
large part in giving rise to conservation. To
primitive man there i513 soul in all things animate
and (to us) inanimate.

Macleod's article, which was published in 1936, alludes
to the role of Native American spirituality as a reason for
the ethical relationship between man and natural resources.
This is an insightful comment since Macleod did not have
the benefit of the recent scholarship of man—animal
spiritual ties. Macleod used diverse literary sources on
indigenous peoples around the world to substantiate
"spiritual motivation'I of conservationist practices among
"primitive” peoples, and he attributed a high level of
sophistication to the environmental practices of Native
peoples.

The hunting and gathering of primitive non-

agricultural peoples was not a hit—or-miss random
search for plant and animal food and industrial
methods.

Dependent upon naturally limited resourses
in a limited territory for themselves and their
descendants, they took stock of their limited
resources. They knew in detail just what the
supply of each thing was — wild grasses, berries,
roots, animals, trees — and knew where each was
to be fougd when wanted and approximately what
quanity.

Macleod adamantly supports the contention that conservation
was aboriginal, pre-dating European contact, and prOposes

the idea that "white influence was breaking down the

234

native conservation.”l4 He does not differentiate between

western modes of conservation and indigenous practices,
since an intelligent futuristic concern for natural re—
sources is easily recognized in any culture, even though
the ideological precursors for those behaviors may differ.
The influence of non-Indian behaviors and environ-
mental actions has clearly influenced Native American
conservation strategies. George Reiger, the conservation
editor for Field and Stream magazine (and the brother

of John F. Reiger, who authored TheiPassing of the Great

 

West), recently published the "Snows of Autumn,” in the

September, 1982 edition of Field and Stream.15 This

 

article describes the changes that have been witnessed in
the hunting practices of the Inuit of Baffin Island,

and the consequent "waste" of game animals that has
accompanied modern technological introductions into Inuit
culture. After observing thekilling of five caribou in
one day, and two the next day, Reiger comments that the
Inuit believe that more caribou will appear in the future.

And in the sense that the hunters today kill about
as many caribou as their fathers did, replacements
for these animals seem to spring mysteriously from
the earth as the ancients believed. But what modern
Inuits do not know, and historicans do, is that

the scattered groups of Baffin Island caribou are
mere remnants of the great herds that once supported
a far larger local Inuit population. Comparatively
speaking, a mere handful of hunters presently roam
this region, and our killing today was a mere
scavenging in the ruins of a once—great hunting
tradition diminished by the6very technology that
made our success possible.

235

Reiger, after establishing the fact of declining game
populations, proceeds to indict the Inuit for non-conser-
vaitonist practices. The Inuit hunters cached much of the
meat from the caribou hunt, erected a marker to locate the
meat at a later date, and were forced to return to camp
because they had thirty miles to travel, most of it in the
dark. Before leaving the site of butchering the animals,
they scattered remains of the caribou for the foxes and
other predators so that they would leave the caches alone.
Reiger uses this situation to set up a contention that is
supported by local authorities.
"That's fantasy,"says Wayne Spencer, the wildlife
officer for the Northwest Territories stationed at
Pond Inlet. ”Feeding foxes and ravens attract polar
bears that dig out quite a number of the caches, and
many are never even relocated. The waste of meat
is unbelievable. The Inuit aren't subsistence hunt—
ing anymore, they're killing caribou to hear their
guns go off!”
This manipulated slam of Native hunters is intentional,
and unwarranted. Reiger explained the reasons why the
meat couldn't be transported and why caches were necessary.
The group had to travel thirty miles in the early evening,
and negotiate ”several rapids and one waterfall in the

dark."18

Yet, even with these valid reasons for caching

the meat, Reiger elects to provide the conclusion that

this practice was wasteful and the result of joy—killing.
It may have never occurred to Reiger or the enforce-

ment officials that the Inuit hunters perceived of their

relationship with the predators as a conscious one. The

236

predators would know who left the meat, and why it was left,
thus ensuring to some degree, the safety of the cache. A
mechanistic view of game management and utilization does
not come to grips with personal interactions between Native
hunters and animal populations. Reiger provides an in-
sightful description which elucidates the role and impact

of western perceptions and behaviors upon indigenous man—
animal relations.

The last caribou was towed from the middle of
the lake where it had drifted, and as soon as the
animal's fur was scraped free of its soggy burden
of icy water, Jacob knelt and drank from one of
its udders.

This was a familiar act to the old hunter, but
Sheatie had not done it before. Yet he was curious
and after a few words with Jacob, he, too, knelt
and stroked the nutrient—rich milk into his mouth.

The boys laughed and, through shy glances at me,
indicated their embarrassment with what their
elders were doing. When the animals had been
butchered, the boys threw the empty milk gland into
the water and stepped down on it to watch it
slowly wobble back to the surface, thus demgnstrat-
ing their naive contempt for the old ways.

Reiger's presence, and his silent reinforcement of the
modern world, caused the boys to reject traditional man-
animal relations. These young people must internally
mediate traditional behaviors with the effects and teach—
ings of the dominant culture. Why have they been taught
that the behaviors of their elders are embarrassments?

Why have they come to view commonsensical and nutrious ac-
tions ascontemptuous? These conflicts surfaced due to

interaction with non-Inuit culture, and the resulting

value judgements that have accompanied that contact:

237

Native traditions are secondary to western ideals and

technology.

This cultural interaciton has also had the effect of
passing on adaptations and economic strategies in relation
to animal populations. Reiger clearly describes this
phenomena when he relates the Inuit hunting of narwhals.

Finally, ever since the white man has ”discovered”
narwhal ivory, the hunting of narwhals has lost
all sense of ritual.

For many decades the Baffin Inuit abided by an
unwritten law that forbade a man from shooting a
marine mammal until he had already struck it with
a harpoon to which a line and float were attached.
In the past, no man boasted of a kill unless he
also told how he had stalked so close to his quarry
that he did not need his rifle - he had killed the
animal with his initial harpoon thrust.

Now that the white men are willing to pay
thousands of dollars for a single narwhal tusk,
there is no pride in how the animal is captured,
only in the fact it's been killed. Furthermore,
only the tusk is saved. The rest of the animal,
and all those that are killed before they are dis-
covered to lack tusks, are left for the Greenland
sharks.

Each year the Canadian government distributes
by lottery 100 permits to take narwhals off Pond
Inlet. Each year exactly 100 narwhals tusks are
exported under these permits. Yet how many hun—
dreds of other narwhals are killed and lost or20
abandoned because they lack the precious tusk?

Again, the contention is clear. Inuit hunters are engaged

in non—conservationist practices. Whether they are or not,
is obviously conjecture, since Reiger chooses to support

his conclusion of the over-harvest of narwhals by posing

a theoretical question. There is little doubt that cul—
tural interaciton between the Inuit and non-native popula—
tions and the introduction fo economic markets has undermined

traditional hunter—animal relations. Native peOples have

238

been economically courted,and have responded to provide
livelihood for their families and communities. Non—
native influences continue to have the effect of breaking
down indigenous conservation practices.

Indigenous conservation practices, which were based
upon spiritual ties with the environment and animal pop—
ualtions, have been under attack by western expansionism
for centuries. Native Americans have become unwilling
participants in hunting certain species of game, and this
is particularly evident in relation to predators.

The Massachusetts Bay Company put a penny-a-pelt
bounty on the wolf in 1630. William Penn bountied
the wolf in 1683. South Carolina, in its 1695
”Act for Destroying Beasts of Prey," ordered every
Indian bowman to hand over each year either two
bobcat skins or the pelt of a wolf, of a panther,
or a bea Laggards were to be ”severely”

whipped.El

The historical hunting of predators, like the contemporary
harvesting of narwhals, has been significantly influenced
by American civilization.

In the conclusion of ”Snows of Autumn," George Reiger
squarely places the blame for contemporary ”non—conserva-
tionist" practices on the shoulders of Native peoples.

The Inuit are a practical and intelligent people,
and I believe that in their new-found leisure they
would accept the tenets of conservation if a few of
their leaders could be persuaded to serve as examples
for a younger generation that is just now looking for
values beyond instant gratification.

But we continue to introduce new tools without
showing them how to maintain or recycle them, or even
how to perpetuate the very game species upon which
their profit and recreation — and once their survival
are based. The crime is not in introducing steel

239

traps, outboard engines, and snowmobiles, but

in not introducing a? accompanying code of ethics

and self—restraint.
Reiger's conclusion is unwittingly aligned with the inter-
pretation of Native American resource use which disavows
western influences upon indigenous conservation practices.
These influences have worked to erode traditional Native
American resource ethics, and presently, conservationists
deem it necessary to ”introduce" and reaffirm an ecological
code to Native peoples. The irony of this situation is
overwhelming. Native peoples, who have assisted in the
formation of the contemporary conservation ethic by pro—
viding models and examples of an intelligent utilization
of natural resources based on a spiritual/philosophical
relationship with the environment, are now identified as
being devoid of ”ethics and self-restraint." Native
conservation practices have been systematically undermined
by the development of markets for natural resources and
the examples provided by generations of American ”sportsmen”
who lacked an environmental ethic until the first decades
of the twentieth century. Yet, ReigerlchooseS'bo'blame
Inuit "deficiency" rather than western ideals for the
consequent changes that are being witnessed in traditional
Native—animal relations.

'Reiger's position is inconsistant with his extreme
advocacy on behalf of American wildlife, and his strong
concern for ethics in the field, since both of these con-

cerns are imbued with Native American precedents. In a

240

recent article entitled "The Numbers Game,” Reiger pointedly
criticized sportsmen and game departments who were overly
concerned with perpetuating notions that “bigger is better”
in relationship to fishing and hunting harvests.23 Reiger
postulates that this measurement mentality will eventually
cause the demise of game species on the continent because
the most viable breeding members of wildlife populations
will end their lives as ”contest" winners, while educational
measures related to maintaining species strength are being
ignored.

Thus, I am pessimistic, not only because I believe

the quality of our hunting and fishing will continue

to deteriorate in its diversity of species and

variety of experiences, but because it appears that

most hunters and fisherman will accept these declines

as inevitable, like fate. They will be glad they

got theirs when they did, but they will also be

disappointed their children don't always beliive

their stories of how good things used to be.
This concern for the quality of game animals and the
resources of future generations is solidly in line with
Native American philosophical dictates. Unfortunately
though, George Reiger isn't familiar with the role of Native

peoples in shaping the modern conservation ethic. In the

past, Field and Stream used Native peoples to provide a

 

credible link with modern conservation practices yet this

contribution has eroded with the passage of time.
Contemporary Native American resource utilization

practices have been identified as being "inadequate.”

This erroneous assumption ignores the role of Native

241

American philOSOphy/spirituality upon the formation of

the modern conservation ethic, and neglects the common-
sensical nature of Native American environmental actions.
These contributions of Native Americans have been historical-
ly perceived and articulated by Ernest Thompson Seton,
,Charles Alexander Eastman, George Bird Grinnell, Hamlin
Garland, Archie Belaney (Grey Owl), Dr. Saxton Pope, Ishi,
and others. These men have relied on the adaptation of
Native American perceptions oftflmaenvironment to develop
and disseminate an outdoor ethic which relates man to the
natural world, and their influence on outdoor organizations,
the literature of hunting and nature, and conservation has
been ubiquitous and profound. The men who weren't Native
Americans among this group of disseminators incorporated
new insights and skills into personal philosophies because
of contact with indigenous peoples. Erwin H. Ackerknecht

described this phenomena in 1944 in the Bulletin of the
25

 

History of Medicine.

 

Ackerknecht's research examined the adaptations of
eighteenth and nineteenth century children of Anglo—Saxon
descent who were abducted by Native Americans. These
children were reared in North American Indian groups, and
when offered the opportunity to return to the dominant
culture, they consciously chose to stay with the respective
Native American nations where they resided.26 Ackerknecht
contends that these children became ”psychologically,

White Indians," and that they were “unanimous in their

242

praise of the Indian character and of Indian moral."27

Although George Bird Grinnell, Ernest Thompson Seton,
Hamlin Garlin, Dr. Saxton Pope, and Archie Belaney (Grey
Owl) never completely adopted Native American customs and
life ways to the extent that Ackerknecht's "White Indians,"
did, they were psychologically attuned to indigenous phil—
osophy/spirituality, and recognized the validity of Native
American relations with the land and animals. This identi—
fication with Native Americans was responsible for their
continued interaction with indigenous peoples, and their
use of Native American environmental messages in the
formation of the conservation ethic.

In 1921, George Bird Grinnell published "First

Families of America,“ in The Mentor.28 Grinnell, who was

 

known as "Fisher Hat,9 among the Piegan Blackfoot, “Bird,"
to theeCheyenne,called ”White Wolf," by the Pawnee, and

"Grey Clothes,” by the Gros Ventre, clearly describes his
impressions of Native American-environmental relations in

this ethnographic article which focuses on the indigenous

peoples of the Americas.29

The Indian's life was passed in the Open air and in
close contact with nature. He drew his sustenence
from the earth and from wild creatures that lived
upon it. He was a part of nature, and better than
anything else he knew nature. A close and constantly
watchful observer, nothing escaped his eye. He read
the signs of the earth and the sky, and the movements
of birds and animals, knew what these things meant,3O
and governed his acts by what these signs told him.

Governed actions refers to the concern of Native Americans

for the perpetuation of a spiritual interaction with the

243

environment, and this included the conservation of natural
resources when “white influences" weren't breaking down
native conservation practices.

Throughout the twentieth century the American Indian
has been heralded as a prototype in environmental matters.
Even the Department of Interior has seen fit to recognize
Native Americans for their contributions to the development
of conservation while at the same time working to erode
indigenous land holdings and control of resources. In a

pamphlet entitled Conservation: The Resources We Guard

 

the Interior Department acknowledges the Native American
land ethic, and contributions to modern land use strate—
. 3l
gies.
DID YOU KNOW THAT:
The Indians, the original conservationists of the new
world, are now being assisted and encouraged in 27
States and Alaska to make two blades of grass grow
where one grew before?
More than 1,000 years ago, Indians built irrigation
canals in the Southwest and that these canals have
been incorporated into modern irrigation projects
for both white and Indian lands3§oday, thus increas—
ing the usefulness of the land? '
Recently, the Interior Department has been strongly criti-
cized by conservationists for implementing programs which
will most likely have adverse effects on the environment
and game populations. One critical response which was
leveled at the Interior Department is strikingly in line

with Native American philosophical perceptions as they

relate to the environment. Jay D. Hair, Executive Vice

244

President of the National Wildlife Federation, issued a
rebuttal to statements by Secretary James G. Watt, and in
his concluding remarks he stated that ”conservationist
minded sportsmen do not so much inherit our land from our
fathers as we borrow it for a time from our children."33
This statement, which is analogous to the Native American
adherence to the "sacred circle" exemplifies modern con—
servationist thought which has been significantly influenced
by American Indian peoples.

Native American influences in perpetuating a "related-
ness” between man and nature can be traced to the inter—
action of George Bird Grinnell, Ernest Thompson Seton,
Charles Alexander Eastman, Hamlin Garland, Archie Belaney
(Grey Owl), Dr. Saxton Pope, Tom Brown, Jr., Ted Kazimiroff,
Francis ”Buck” Burshears, and others with Native American
populations. The extensive writings of these men appeared
in outdoor magazines, novels, short stories, essays, and
skill manuals, and had a tremendous impact on the formation
of the ”outdoor ethic”. This environmental message was
derived from Native Americans, and the dissemination of
indigenous man-nature relations had a profound effect on
scouting organizations, and diverse worldwide populations.
The Native American land ethic has become, to a large degree,
modern conservation. Although the ”message” of Native
peoples has been largely usurped by modern conservationists,
historical contributions of indigenous peoples to the de—

velopment of modern land ethics cannot be denied. In some

245

instances, Native American contributions to the forma—
tion of the conservation movement take the most ironic
twists.

Recently, the Law Enforcement Division of the Michigan
Department of Natural Resources issued a pamphlet entitled,
”The Ethical Hunter" (Figure 5).34 This publication is
extremely interesting, because at the same time the
Department of Natural Resources issued this pamphlet,
they were alleging, as alluded to in the beginning of this
text, that Native Americans in the State of Michigan were
depleting Great Lakes fish stocks. There is absolutely no
doubt that this charge is unfounded,35 yet while the
department was engaged in name-calling and malicious
attacks upon Native peoples in Michigan, they deemed it
appropriate to utilize and disseminate the popular image
of the Native American as conservator (Figure 6).36 Logic
dictates that the State of Michigan cannot allege deple-
tionary practices, while promoting Native Americans as
conservationists. In this case, political rhetoric is
diminished by fact: Native Americans have made significant
contributions to the formation of the contemporary conser—
vation ethic. This has been popularly recognized and
supported in the literature, and the dissemination of the
Native American influences has impacted generations of
sportsmen in North America and Europe.

Native American perceptions of the environment pro-

vide valuable insights and strategies for future ecological

246

Figure 5 — The cover of Michigan Department of Natural
Resources pamphlet

 

 

ll

.1....... ..rT... up??? .. .)_-_in._

 

          

.\ ..JVfiu...
d‘l‘ .. ....l
"ITC. ., ”wk/{y xiii

..r... . ......w...
.Efifif“‘

5&5
i2 .

 

Figure 6 - The rear-cover of Michigan Department of Natural
Resources pamphlet

"'l‘|:1";,l'l-'l'l " \1
l («m . ‘

M

 

   

The American Indian was the original
ethical hunter on the North American
continent. Game was for him a total
way of life, and he treasured and hus-
banded it because his very existence
depended upon it. His hunting skill
bnought not only food but skins for
clothing, hides for shelter, sinew for
sewing, claws and horn for decoration
and an end use for most all of his
quarry. The Indian used the total ani-
mal but, more than that, he took only
what he needed, took it only when he
needed it and recognized that his future
existence and that of his descendents
depended upon a continuing supply of
game. He had a reverence for animals
that transcended their utility to him.
In short, he was a totally ethical
hunter, proud of his skill and bound to
use it only for a proper objective —
survival.

the o
ethical hunter

248

relations. The recognition of man's "sacred” tie to the
creation can insure survival for all living beings, and
guarantee an intelligent and personal utilization of natural
resources. The de-personalization of man-nature inter-
actions must be reversed. The term ”spaceship earth” in-
fers that this colossal feminine entity upon which we
subsist is Man-made: the product of man's technological
"advancement.” This earth was not created by the indus—
trious workings of man, and it may change the course of our
interdependent future, if we fully realize this simple
truth. The earth, the mother of Native peoples, nourishes
all her children. The heath hen, the whale, the harp
seal, the bison, the passenger pigeon, and the wolf, are,
and in some cases were, her children. This great mystery
requires little of us in return for santuary and physical
support. The mother of all people only asks that we
respect the creation, and nothing more. When the circle
of life is disturbed, stop and dwell on your actions:
This is what Native peoples did for centuries untold.
They assessed the impact of their actions on "generations
yet unborn" and this insured the continuity of the people.
The earth has not forsaken her obligation to man; we must
reciprocate in kind.

The growth of the modern conservation ethic in the
twentieth century was strongly influenced by the environ—
mental perceptions and beliefs of Native peOples. These

attitudes, values and beliefs, constitute a ray of hope

249

for the future of natural resources and subsequently, the
well—being of man. Modern, technological man, must come

to grips with the fact that there is a need to personalize
a relationship with the environment. All peoples must take
a personal responsibility for the future of ecological
continuity on this earth. This responsibility cannot be
ignored, for the circle of life binds all living beings
together.

George Bird Grinnell realized this, as did Ernest
Thompson Seton and many others. Their perceptions of the
environment were colored by what they had learned about
and from Native peoples. Their decision to adopt a
similar environmental philosophy was not necessarily a
rejection of twentieth century technology and urban life,
but rather a commensensical adaptation to what they had
witnessed and experienced in their respective lives. The
decimation of large mammals on the North American continent
was a reality during their lifetime, and it is no wonder
that they were influenced by a philosophy which stressed
personal interaction with the environment. Their subsequent
dissemination of that personal ethic has helped to turn
the tide of resource exploitation in the twentieth century.

Historically, this trend has been attacked by con—
servationists like Grinnell and Seton, who internalized
the responsibility to defend this continents natural re-
sources. In the past Native American populations have

been forced to lament the demise of game populations and

250

environmental quality. Hopefully, modern Americans will
not become the ”Indians” of the twenty—first century. The
sacredness of the creation must be defended by all peoples
to perpetuate ecological security and to insure future
survival. This c00peration of the diverse aspects of
American society to accomplish this goal may well be the
contribution that Native Americans will make to conservation
in the future. Native Amreican perceptions of the environ-
ment may have a more profound impact on the future of
resource use on this continent than they had on the forma-
tion of the present conservation ethic.

Unfortunately though, the contemporary era represents
a return to yesteryear, and resources are again becoming
endangered or drastically modified. Atlantic Salmon runs
are diminishing in northeastern rivers, and genetically
inferior stock is providing the brunt of the breeding pool.
This has been caused by overharvesting the salmon at sea
and contaminated waterways. The personalized environmental
ethic seems to be endangered by organizations which do not
adhere to individual ethics, and they difuse conservation-
ists practices by group decisions that are concerned more
with corporate profit than with the perpetuation of

environmental standards for all people.

1Theodore L.

FOOTNOTES FOR CHAPTER VI

 

 

Kazimiroff. The Last Algonquin. New
York: Walker and Company, 1982.
2Ibid. p. 3.
3Ibid. p. 3.
4Ibid. p. 4.
5Ibid. p. 7.
61bid. p. 8.
7 .
Ibid.p. 191.
8 .
Ibid. p. XX.
9Chief Luther Standing Bear, ”The Symbol of Extinc—
tion," in Cry of the Thunderbird, edited by Charles Hamilton.
Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1972, p. 214—215.
10

Wilbur R.
New York:

11

William Christie Macleod.
tive Hunting Peoples,”

562—566.

12

Ibid. p.

13

Ibid. p.

14Ibid. p.

15
September,

George Reiger,

1982,

Jacobs.
Charles Scribner's Sons,

Dispossessing the American Indian.

 

1972, 20.

p.

in Scientific Monthly,

S62.

S62.

S64.

"Snows of Autumn,”

”Conservation among Primi—
1936,

p.

in Field and Stream,

 

p. 54, 118—119.

252

16Ibid. p. 54.

17Ibid. p. 54.

lBIbid. p. 54.

lgIbid. p. 118.

ZOIbid. p. 118.

21Thomas B. Allen. Vanishing Wildlife of North

America. Washington, D.C.: National Geographic Society,
1974, p. 16.

 

22Op. Cit. Reiger, p. 119.

23George Reiger, ”The Numbers Game," in Field and

Stream, August, 1982, p. 19-22.

 

24Ibid. p. 22.

SErwin H. Ackerknecht. “White Indians,” in Bulletin
of the History of Medicine, Vol. XV, 1944.

 

26Ibid. p. 29.

27Ibid. p. 27, 30.

8George Bird Grinnell, "First Families of America,”
in The Mentor, Vol. 9 serial number 217, No. 2. New York:
March, 1921.

 

29Ibid. p. 40.

BOIbid. p. 6-7.

31United States Department of the Interior. Conserva-

tion: The Resources We Guard. Washington, D.C.: United
States Government Printing Office, 1940.

 

32Ibid. p. 4.

33Jay D. Hair, ”Watt Rebuttal," in Field and Stream,

March, 1982, p. 4.

 

253

34Law Enforcement Division, Department of Natural

Resources, State of Michigan, Lansing, Michigan, 1981.

35Vince Bielski, George Cornell and Richard White,

”Indians Only Ask to Keep Their Age-Old Right To Fish,"
in The Detroit Free Press, July 21, 1980.

36Op. Cit., Law Enforcement Division.

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