CONTEMPORARY RACISM AND INTERSECTIONS: A LOOK AT HOW BLACK AMERICAN WOMEN EXPER IENCE RACE AND GENDE R IN A "POST -RACIAL" SOCIETY By Jasmine K atosha Cooper A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS African American and African Studies 2012 ABSTRACT CONTEMPORARY RACISM AND INTERSECTIONS: A LOOK AT HOW BLACK AMERICAN WOMEN EXPER IENCE RACE AND GENDE R IN A "POST -RACIAL" SOCIETY By Jasmine Kat osha Cooper Through the theoretical application of intersectionality , this study analyzes fifteen life history int erviews with adult Black women. By asking Black women , as members of simultaneously marginalized racial and gender group s, to reflect on their life experiences with regard to race, this study attempts to interrogate the validity of n otions of a currently colorblind United States. Further, the study investigates the int ersection of race and gender in Black womenÕs lives by exp loring the unique nature of their experiences in contemporary Òpost -racialÓ America. Overall, the findings demonstrate that despite societal subscription to notions of Òpost -racialismÓ and colorblindness, the experience of living as a woman of color in a male- and white - dominated nation serve s as a contradiction to the rhetoric of a currently -existing gender - and race -neutral society. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES ..................................................................................................v INTRODUCTION................................................................... ...............................1 BACKGROUND : RACE, GENDER AND INEUQALITY IN ÒPOST -RACIAL AMERICA..................... .........................................................................................3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS ....................................................................................5 HYPOTHESES.......................................................................................................6 THEORY AND CONCEPTS .................................................................................7 METHODS............................................................................................................11 DATA AND FINDINGS ......................................................................................14 CONCLUSION AND REFLECTIONS ....................................................................................................21 REFERENCES .....................................................................................................26 v LIST OF TABLES TABLE 1............................................................................................................12 1 Introduction Using fifteen semi -structured life history interviews, this project will explore the subjectivities of adult Black women and their understandings of their raced and gendered lives within the context of a Òpost -racialÓ 1 America. As markers of racial and gender equality are present in national discourse and collective memory, such as the WomenÕs Liberation and Civil Rights Movements of the mid -twentieth century, these types of equality are often presumed to be present rea lity. More contemporarily, following the election of the first African American president, Barack Obama, recent discourse has debated whether the society has transcended race as a significant factor to individual opportunity and experience (Schorr 2008; Co hen 2008; Wise 2009; Perry 2011; Bobo 2011). However, the tangible inequalities associated with Black womenÕs simultaneously marginalized racial and gender identities have significant impacts on their life experiences and their interpretation of those exp eriences (Hill Collins 2007: 210). i To be clearer, because Black women generally lack the gender privilege of Black men and the racial privilege of White females, they are situated in the particular position of living simultaneous racial and gender inequal ity (Hill Collins 1998; Dill and Zambrana 2009; Crenshaw 1991). Their exposure to concurrent racial and gender subordination may cause them to experience and interpret the significance of race and gender differently than those with access to the racial and /or gender privileges of being White and/or male (Hill Collins 2007). Furthermore, because of the intersection of race and gender in their lives, these women 1 The terms ÒcolorblindÓ and Òpost -racialÓ are used interchangeably throughout the study. As race and skin color are often associated with one another, the notion of a society that ignores color may also be connected to the notion of a society that ignores race. 2 may provide unique, critical and experiential perspectives on the significance of race and gender to individual lives in Òpost -racialÓ America (Hill Collins 2000; Hill Collins 1998; Hill Collins 2007; Dill and Zambrana 2009; Crenshaw 1991). Therefore, by asking Black women to reflect on their life experiences with regard to race, this study attempts t o interrogate the validity of notions of a currently colorblind United States. Further, the study investigates the intersection of race and gender in Black womenÕs lives, exploring the unique nature of their subjectivities in contemporary Òpost -racialÓ Ame rica. In addition to the aforementioned intentions of employing Black womenÕs perspectives in the analysis of race and gender in contemporary Òpost -racialÓ U.S. society, the project has other central goals as well. The first of these goals includes contri buting additional gendered perspectives to the body of scholarship on race and African American experiences. As noted by Black feminist sociologist, Patricia Hill Collins (1998; 2000; 2007), and African Americanist, Nathaniel Norment, Jr. (2007), Black wom en have been understudied in the academy; ii race scholarship tends to ignore Black womenÕs gendered experiences while research on ÒwomenÓ tends to ignore their race. iii By allowing Black women to discuss their understandings of their Blackness and their womanhood in the contemporary United States, the project intends to contribute additional gendered perspectives to the existing canon of race scholarship. Secondly, the project intends to help contemporize intersectionality literature by studying intersections of race and gender within the context of a Òpost -racialÓ America. Because intersectionality rose to popularity in the 1990s -early 2000s, the dominant literature is temporally limited, or does not discuss Black womenÕs current experiences and pe rspectives on U.S. Òpost -racialismÓ (Krenshaw 1991; Hill Collins 2000). Therefore, this project also intends to ÒupdateÓ 3 intersectional literature by analyzing intersections of race and gender within the context of a contemporary Òpost -racial,Ó Òpost -Obama Ó United States. Background: Race, Gender and Inequality in ÒPost -RacialÓ America Undoubtedly, Blacks in the post -Civil Rights Movement era have made socioeconomic and political gains relative to their White counterparts. The emergence of the first Black female billionaire, Oprah Winfrey, and the 2008 election of the first Black president, Barack Obama, both serve as prime examples of this. Yet, more than examples of progress, many of these individuals and their successes are often employed discursively as proof that the society has moved beyond race as a significant factor in individualsÕ lives (Wise 2009; Wise 2010; Perry 2011). For example, with the election of the first Black president, politicians such as former New York City mayor, Rudolph Giuliani, lauded America's entry into an era of racial transcendence (Wise 2009: 26). Similarly this victory, however individual the achievement might have been, led Senior National Public Radio news analyst, Daniel Schorr (2008), to ponder the emergence of a Òcolor -blurredÓ generation of voters in January of 2008. And as highlighted by Tim Wise (2009), this unique election also prompted Washington Post columnist, Richard Cohen (2008), to beam that we have finally Òovercome.Ó Yet despite markers of racial progress, Brown et al. (2003) find that most Blacks also remain highly segregated and have higher mortality rates when compared to Whites. These high relative levels of segregation persist despite nationwide bans on racial res idential segregation (Massey and Denton 1993). Further, they persist nationally, varying only slightly when factors of social class and income are introduced (Massey and Denton 1993). 4 Using the specific example of income, Sears et al. (2000: 3) demonstrat e that as compared to Whites, most ÒBlacks today remain at a substantial disadvantage by most standard indicators.Ó For instance, Òin 2001, the real median income of Black families was sixty -two percent that of their Whites, only ten points higher than it was in 1947 when the ratio was fifty -two percentÓ (Brown et al. 2003: 13). According to journalist Jamie Holmes (2009), the National Urban League found that that 2009 figure had only risen to sixty -five percent. Moreover, although Blacks collectively make a fraction of WhitesÕ income, 2010 U.S. Census Bureau statistics report that Black women in particular are the lowest -earning group when compared to White men, White women and Black men (U.S. Census Bureau 2010a). According to these figures, median and av erage annual incomes were highest among White males, who reported $34,047 and $48,768, respectively (U.S. Census Bureau 2010a). White women reported median and average annual incomes of $20,947 and $30,316, respectively (U.S. Census Bureau 2010a). And Blac k men reported a median annual income of $24,203, and average income of $31,908 (U.S. Census Bureau 2010a). However, these same median and average annual income figures for Black women were respectively $19,700 and $26,342 (U.S. Census Bureau 2010a). To sh ift the discussion on race and gender to personal experience and perspectives, a recent survey of 1,936 adults conducted by The Kaiser Family Foundation and The Washington Post produced interesting data . According to the findings, seventy -three percent of Black women said that now is a good time to be a Black woman in America ( Washington Post 2012). However, forty -six percent of Black women and fifty -one percent of Black men surveyed were worried to moderately worried about encountering some type of discrim ination ( Washington 5 Post 2012). This compares to only thirty percent of White women and twenty -four percent of White men ( Washington Post 2012). Moreover, thirty -nine percent of Black female respondents and forty -seven percent of Black male respondents aff irmed that race affects various acts of mistreatment that they might encounter daily ( Washington Post 2012). Only three percent of White women and one percent of White men gave the same answer ( Washington Post 2012). Ultimately, the aforementioned statisti cs and survey data demonstrate that despite racial progress, Black Americans of various social standings still face socioeconomic inequality as compared to Whites. Racial inequality continues and Blacks more frequently feel as though race affects their eve ryday experiences than their White counterparts ( Washington Post 2012). Furthermore, Black women seem to experience inequality rather severely compared to other racial and gender groups, particularly with regard to the example of income. They report less income than Black men, White women and White men (U.S. Census Bureau 2010a). In other words, these data raise important issues about AmericaÕs present ability to reach a state of racial transcendence. However, such statistics not only raise questions about ÒovercomingÓ race in America Ð but in connection with Black intra -racial inequalities Ð about the intersection of race and gender on individual lives in contemporary America. These are the topics that this project intends to interrogate: the significance of race to individual lives in Òpost -racialÓ America, along with the intersection of race gender in Black womenÕs lives in contemporary U.S. society. Research Questions Questions that will guide my research project are as follows: How do race and gender intersect in the lives of Black women today? How do Black women experience, articulate and 6 understand their simultaneously raced and gendered lives in contemporary U.S. society? What are their perspectives on Òpost -racialismÓ? How do they explain racism, as overt discrimination is no longer socially acceptable though racial inequality persists? How do they see themselves in a society where difference is rhetorically marginalized or minimized, though their experiences may speak to its significance? Hypothe ses Hypothesis 1: ÒPost -RacialismÓ Is a Myth to Black Women My first hypothesis argues that Black women are unlikely to verbally affirm notions of Òpost -racialism.Ó I propose that the notion of a Òpost -racialÓ/colorblind society, i.e., one in which race no longer significantly impacts lives of individuals, will overwhelmingly be discussed in most (if not all) interviews as a fallacy . Even when participants are proponents of Òpost -racialism,Ó I hypothesize that the deeply raced and gendered nature of Ameri can society puts their life experience in contradiction with such beliefs. Though some may promote or confirm the existence of an egalitarian society, most will not, concurrently referencing points in their lives when race and gender significantly impacted their experiences. Hypothesis 2: Participants Will Articulate Knowledge of Blackness and Womanhood I posit that whether these women verbally affirm the presence of Òpost -racialismÓ or not, their unique awareness of living in simultaneously raced and gend ered bodies will emerge Ð covertly or overtly Ð as they discuss it. As noted above, because of the shared nature of their racial and gender oppression, these women carry nuanced understandings of their Blackness and womanhood. That is, although they may id entify with varied cultures, sexualities, class statuses, or other aspects of identity, these women will also carry sophisticated knowledge about the 7 influence of race and gender on their lives, particularly within a society that continues to ignore/attemp ts to minimize the realities of difference in favor of colorblind rhetoric. Theory and Concepts Theory: Intersections of Race and Gender I employ intersectionality as the primary theoretical and analytic tool throughout this study. As a theoretical tool, intersectionality is simply used to explain incidents, trends, relationships and phenomena occurring in social life. Further, as an analyt ic device, intersectionality allows interrogation and explication of Black women's simultaneously raced and gendered experiences. As noted above, Black women are typically lumped into analyses of Òthe African AmericanÓ experience i n studies of race (Norme nt 2007; Hill Collins 2007; Dill and Zambrana 2009), or placed within the overarching category of Òwoman/womenÓ in gender studies (Mohanty 1988; Guy -Sheftall 1992). Consequently, scholars such as Kimberl ” Crenshaw (1991) developed intersectional framework s in critique of the omission of intra -racial/intra -gender differences in antiracist and feminist analyses. iv According to intersectional approaches, the experiences of women of color are typically the product of intersecting patterns of racism and sexism, not a homogenized women's or Black experience alone (Crenshaw 1991: 1242). Their race often causes them to experience gender differently than White women; their gender causes them to experience race differently than Black men (Crenshaw 1991: 1252). Like C renshaw, Thornton -Dill's solitary work (1983) and collaborative research with Zambrana (Dill and Zambrana 2009) both reaffirm this stance. According to these scholars, Òintersectional analyses, as knowledge generated from and about oppressed groups...revea l how 8 oppression is constructed and maintained through multiple aspects of identity simultaneouslyÓ (Dill and Zambrana 2009). Thus, rather than employing a singular approach to the explanation of inequality, proponents of intersectional approaches address its multiple causes and contend that inequality is maintained on multiple levels of identity at the same time. v In addition, intersectionality theorizes that individuals experience varying amounts of privilege and oppression at the same time, based upon th eir simultaneous membership in marginalized or dominant genders, races, classes and sexualities (Crenshaw 1991; Dill and Zambrana 2009; Thornton -Dill 1983). Moreover, the theory argues that these aspects of identity (e.g., race, class and gender) cannot ea sily be decoupled from one another; their effects are often concurrently lived and experienced. To draw an example from the group of significance to the study, Black women experience living as members of their race and gender groups at the same time. They are collectively located within both a marginalized race and a marginalized gender. Intersectionality maintains that membership in these simultaneously marginalized groups distinguishes their experiences from Black men, who share Black womenÕs racial marg inalization but still have access to the male privilege of living in a male -dominated society. Similarly, intersectionality distinguishes Black womenÕs experiences from those of White women, who share Black womenÕs marginalized gender status but have acces s to the racial privilege of living in a White -dominated society ( Crenshaw 1991; Dill and Zambrana 2009; Thornton -Dill 1983). It should also be noted that although race and gender may serve to connect some of the experiences of Black women, intersectionali ty also maintains that their intra -group experiences may be distinguished from one another via the intersecting privileges/marginalization associated 9 with their class statuses, ages, sexualities, ability, or other aspects of identity (Crenshaw 1991; Dill a nd Zambrana 2009; Thornton -Dill 1983) . vi In the analysis of the data, intersectional analyses are used to interrogate the ways race and gender collectively affect Black womenÕs experiences. First, the study analyzes the womenÕs understandings of themselves as raced individuals in the contemporary Òpost -racialÓ U.S. Next, the study interrogates perspectives on Òpost -racialismÓ held by Black women, using the concepts defined in the following section. Finally, the project investigates the intersections of race and gender on the experience of being a Black woman in the U.S. today. Concepts: ÒPost -RacialismÓ and Enlightened Exceptionalism ÒPost -racialismÓ is employed and analyzed throughout the interviews. It provides the social context for the study, as the central subject of interrogation is Black w omanhood in a Òpost -racialÓ society. Therefore it is necessary to understand and define the term. According to sociologist Lawrence Bobo (2011), Òpost -racialismÓ has varied meanings and levels of significance. ÒIn its simplest and least controversial form , the term is tended merely to signal a hopeful trajectory for events and social trends, not an accomplished fact of social lifeÓ (Bobo 2011: 13). However, Bobo (2011: 14) also notes that perhaps the most controversial view of post -racialism has the most in common with the well -rehearsed rhetoric of colorblindness. To wit, American society, or at least a large and steadily growing fraction of it, has genuinely moved beyond race Ð so much so that we as a nation are now ready to transcend the disabling racia l divisions of the past. Essentially, as is shown by Bobo (2011) the term regards beliefs in the present existence of a U.S. society in which the affect of race on individuals' lives is minimized and marginalized. Moreover, in concert with notions of Òpost -racialismÓ centering on the minimization of 10 racial difference, Wise (2009; 2010), Perry (2011), and Esposito and Finley (2009) identify the practice of Òenlightened exceptionalismÓ and its connection to the maintenance of Òpost -racialismÓ in the U.S. This practice centers on emphasizing the successes of certain Blacks to demonstrate that race no longer significantly impacts individual lives. This was exemplified above via the assertions of the aforementioned politicians and political analysts. These individuals characterized the election of President Obama as the central marker of AmericaÕs transformation into a Òpost -racialÓ society. On one hand, the enlightened exceptionalism frame of thought celebrates the achievements of individual persons of color (Wise 2009; 2010). Yet, these individuals are believed to have transcended their Blackness in some way, thereby proving that racism has met its demise (Wise 2009). Similarly, as shown by Perry (2011: 47) For exceptionalized Blacks, the Barack Obamas and the Oprah Winfreys of the world, the rhetorical shape of their successes are often Òsuccesses against oddsÓ stories that operate as positive, yet exceptionalizing racial narratives. Their stories can say ÒIf you work hard, racism will not affect youÓ or ÒL ook at the ascent of this person; clearly there is no racismÓ (Perry 2011: 47). These individuals are often pinpointed as evidence that race, as characterized by Shelby Steele (2008: 8), is now a ÒnegligibleÓ characteristic of human difference. Moreover, these individuals are the upstanding Blacks who have transcended racial pitfalls; they are proof of the insignificance of race to experience and life chances. Ultimately, as demonstrated by Perry (2011) and Wise (2009; 2010), this type of enlightened exc eptionalism is not simply deleterious because it essentializes, idealizes and privileges the accomplishments of certain ÒgoodÓ Blacks over the ÒbadÓ behavior of a vast majority of others. It is also problematic because these individuals are used to reinfor ce the 11 erroneous notion that race and racism no longer significantly impact individuals' lives. The proof of AmericaÕs racial transcendence lies in the accomplishments of a few successful individuals. As noted above, the notion of Òpost -racialismÓ has g ained popularity in recent years. Further, as was also discussed above, the practice of linking individual success to Òpost -racialismÓ has accompanied this popularity. The definition of these concepts and terms help provide the backdrop upon which the inte rsection of race and gender will be analyzed. Within the context of a society that both minimizes race and points to individual success as markers of racial transcendence, the study interrogates the significance of race to a marginalized racial group. Furt her, upon the backdrop of Òpost -racialism,Ó the study investigates how race and gender intersect to affect Black womenÕs lives. Methods Methods: Overview Because the project centers on the exploration and analysis of Black womenÕs experiential knowledge, it required participants to trace their awareness of race and gender throughout their personal histories. As a consequence, life history interviews were employed as the primary data collection tool. This method allowed participants to speak freely and ext ensively about the ways race and gender have affected their lives. A total of fifteen interviews with adult Black women (ages 18 -50) provide the data for this study. Interviews ranged in length from fifty -one minutes to over two hours. Participants were drawn as volunteers from student organizations, personal contacts and snowball sampling. 2 2 As a consequence of drawing volunteers from college -centered sources, participant contacts and professional acquaintances (i.e., snowball sampling), the studyÕs sample was made completely of women who had some level of university education. Twelve of my fifteen 12 After the interviews were conducted and recorded, they were transcribed. Finally, interview data were coded for trends, commonality and adherence to/divergence from t he theories that framed the project at its outset. Table 1 displays the names, ages and professions of my fifteen interviewees. Table 1 - Interview Participants Name Age Profession Lilly 22 Undergraduate Student at MSU Rochelle 20 Undergraduate Student at MSU Yvette 19 Undergraduate Student at MSU Trisha 22 Undergraduate Student at MSU Ashley 19 Undergraduate Student at MSU Arianna 22 Undergraduate Student at MSU Erika 33 Graduate Student at MSU Antoinette 41 Graduate Student at MSU Jackie 22 Undergraduate Student at MSU Teresa 26 Graduate Student at MSU Shante 45 Administrator at MSU Lisa 50 Engineer Tiana 23 Undergraduate Student at MSU Brooklyn 26 Optician's Assistant Victoria 48 Engineer Methods: Location Interviews were conducted in and around Michigan State University (MSU) and the participants were drawn from Michigan State University (MSU). Each had recently been, or was currently an MSU student. Those participants who were not Michigan State University students had attained some level of college education elsewhere. The implications of these sampling choices are discussed further in the ÒConclusi ons and ReflectionsÓ section of the paper. 13 University of Delaware (UD). The counties and states surrounding these universities are predominately White and contain comparable Black/White population statistics. Specifical ly, in Ingham County, Michigan, where MSU is located, Whites make up 76.2% of the population, while Blacks are only 11.8% (U.S. Census Bureau 2010c). The statistics for the entire state of Michigan are comparable, with Whites and Blacks comprising 78.9% an d 14.2% of the population, respectively (U.S. Census Bureau 2010c). Similarly, in New Castle County, Delaware, the location of UD, Whites are 65.5% of the population, while Blacks are merely 23.7% (U.S. Census Bureau 2010b). As with Michigan, the state st atistics for Delaware are comparable to those of the county. Whites and Blacks in Delaware make up 68.9% and 21.4% of the population, respectively (U.S. Census Bureau 2010b). With regard to gender, the respective county and state populations are almost id entical. In Ingham County, Michigan, women are 51.4% of the population, and make up 50.9% of the state (U.S. Census Bureau 2010c). Comparatively, women in New Castle County and the state of Delaware are 51.6% of the population, according to both sets of st atistics (U.S. Census Bureau 2010b). Though there are a higher percentage of Blacks in New Castle County than in Ingham County, the aforementioned group still finds itself racially outnumbered by a significant margin. This is also the case for Blacks in both states. Furthermore, the Michigan and Delaware statistics on gender are almost identical. Consequently, parallels may be drawn between the experiences of Black women in Newark, Delaware and in East Lansing, Michigan. Methods: Race and Gender 14 ÒBlacknessÓ is defined within this project as African descent. Additionally, individuals were selected for participation only if they self -identify as ÒfemaleÓ or Òwomen,Ó and classify themselves as having African American, African, Black, or Black Americ an heritages. To provide clarifying examples, individuals who identify as Black with mixed parentage and women of Afro -Panamanian descent were included in the study, along with those who identify solely as African American. The purpose of including Black w omen of various ethnic and national backgrounds is to provide a clearer, more accurate and heterogeneous view of the perspectives of women who identify (or are identified) as Black. Additionally, with regard to interactions with participants, I understand that my positionality allowed rapport that might not otherwise exist between all participants and researchers. As a Black woman interviewing Black women about race and gender, my participants often presumed my exposure to the topics they discussed, as wel l as the means they employed to do so. The assumption that I shared some of their experiences allowed me entry into sensitive discussion. A certain level of comfort was often present when discussing emotionally charged experiences with differential treatme nt. Moreover, the assumption that I was comfortable with traditional African American linguistic practices allowed a number of the interviewees a certain level of relaxation while expressing themselves during interviews. Data and Findings Data and Finding s: Overview A series of trends emerged during the coding and analysis of the data. This section will focus on the three themes that were most salient in the interviews. These include: 1) cognizance of self as a raced individual; 2) contemporary racism, Òpost -racialÓ America and enlightened exceptionalism; 15 3) and Black womanhood. As noted above, one of the primary aims of the study is to interrogate Black womenÕs understandings of their life experiences in a society that is presumed to be moving beyond race. The first theme, cognizance of oneself as a raced individual, centers on expressing an understanding of the influences of race on one's life. Whether personally initiated or societally imposed, the womenÕs understandings of themselves as raced individuals ar e highly significant and inform other themes (e.g., ÒBlack womanhoodÓ) throughout the study. Next, contemporary racism and Òpost -racialÓ America encompasses discussions of current forms of subtle racism; larger societal perceptions of the presence/absence of Òpost -racialismÓ; enlightened exceptionalism; and racial equality. Finally, the theme of Black womanhood includes discussions of pride; strength; Òdouble jeopardyÓ (i.e., intersections of simultaneous race and gender marginalization); and perspectives o n the overall experience of being a Black woman in contemporary America. While these themes may be defined by their distinctions, they are not mutually exclusive and often overlap. For instance, participants' expressions of simultaneous racial and gender discrimination are obviously related to their knowledge of themselves as Black and female, along with their membership within a racially stratified society. Though I have chosen to distinguish between them, this point should be made clear. Data and Findin gs: Cognizance of Self as a Raced Individual Participants were asked to discuss the ways they identify themselves racially, recounting specific experiences in their lives that shaped their awareness of themselves as raced individuals. Without exception, each interviewee recalled a moment wherein the significance of her 16 Blackness to her life was externally reinforced Ð sometimes painfully so. Responses ranged from proud affirmations of multi -faceted racial identities to recollections of encounters with bla tant, overt, or dangerous race -based incidents experienced by the participants or close acquaintances. One aspect of this racial understanding emerged in participants' discussions of their multicultural, multi -ethnic identities. Some respondents asserted their adherence to a U.S. - centered notion of Blackness, equated with African American identity. Yet this was not the case for all participants. For instance, Arianna's strong sense of her transnational Black cultures was reinforced by her family; her Gha naian and American roots fostered a multicultural or somewhat fluid perception of Blackness. Similarly, Lilly, Teresa and Ashley also discussed their ability to identify with African, Caribbean and African American frames of Blackness. That is, for these participants, Blackness was not solely confined to a U.S. -centered notion of African American identity, nor was it a marginal characteristic of their lives. To them, Blackness was a central, natural and inter -cultural aspect of identity that allowed connect ions with African Americans, Afro -Latinos, Africans, and/or Afro -Caribbeans. Respondents also discussed early childhood cognizance of racial difference. This awareness came in varied forms. Yvette, for instance, happily reminisced about being raised in a church whose central tenets were: ÒUnapologetically Black. Unashamedly Christian.Ó However, other respondents' early experiences with race were not as positively discussed. Forty -five year -old Shante offered a tragic and painful childhood experience with r acial hatred as an event that shaped her understanding of herself and the effect of her race on her life. Mama and I would love to go to that Jacobson and shop out there in Grosse Pointe. And so we were finished shopping one Saturday and we went to a Bask in and Robbins and it was like across the street. And I had my little chocolate ice cream on my cone and I was a little girl Ð maybe about six or seven. And it was a 17 car full of White guys in a convertible going down the street. And they yelled out, ÒLook at that nigger eatinÕ that nigger ice cream!Ó Ultimately, before they reached adulthood, a number of participants discussed being jolted out of the joyful utopia of childhood innocence into an awareness that something about each of them was dangerously different: race. Though these experiences are varied in their intensity, all are alike in their consequences: each experience made these women painfully aware of their positions as racially marginalized individuals in a predominately White society. Consequ ently, through their discussions of the impact of race on their lives alone, these womenÕs narratives strongly contradict the notion that America has moved beyond race as an influence on individual experiences. That is, their lived experience stands in con trast to assertions that AmericaÕs racial climate has advanced so significantly that race no longer affects individual lives. Data and Findings: Contemporary Racism & ÒPost -RacialÓ America Each participant was also asked to discuss the nature of contempo rary race relations, Òpost -racialismÓ as a myth or reality, as well as the racial equality of opportunity in the U.S. Overall, participants generally affirmed the notion that racism is not as pervasive as it was generations ago. As noted above, racial prog ress has definitely occurred over the course of the past fifty years. However, with this concession each woman in the study overtly and verbally rejected the notion that America is Òpost -racial.Ó Lilly provides an example of this rejection. Right now p eople think we live in colorblind society. I've heard the argument. What does it look like? It looks like bullsh --. It looks like we're still writing ÒniggerÓ on people's dorm room doors. It looks like we're executing Blacks like Troy Davis without suffic ient evidence. It looks like we're still heavily incarcerating Blacks, putting them in worst conditions. So, I guess that's what a 18 colorblind society looks like. It looks like bullsh --. It doesn't look like anything. It doesn't make sense. Like those give n by other participants, this quote demonstrates a contradiction between the rhetoric of Òpost -racialismÓ and personal or secondhand knowledge about the experience of being Black in America. Here, Lilly places Òpost -racialÓ attitudes in contradiction with the reality of racial inequality that she has witnessed. Additionally, though these women shared critiques of Òpost -racialism,Ó when asked why members of the American public espouse beliefs in Òpost -racialism,Ó respondents also gave similar answers. A number of these responses centered on rebuttals of enlightened exceptionalist assertions. Brooklyn argued, Òp eople think that just because we have a Black male president now that everything in the world is healed. That America is no longer racist.Ó Similarly, Lisa noted, White (emphasis hers) people think that we are post -racial at this pointÉHey, we've got a Black president! But if you look at the way he's been treated, the stuff that's been done to him and said about him, put in newspapers. The level of disrespect that he's been given speaks so loudly that racism is still here. Thus, in their critiques of Òpost -racialÓ and enlightened exceptionalist stances, participants problematized the use of highly visible, successful Blacks to reinforce the Òreali tyÓ of Òpost -racialismÓ in America. Additionally, as shown in the excerpt from Lisa, the women referenced concrete inequalities they have witnessed in their critiques of Òpost -racialism.Ó Nonetheless, the prospect of a Òpost -racialÓ America did seem to ex cite the participants. A number of them characterized a colorblind society as a utopia; a far -off, perfect world, but one that we cannot hope to reach in this lifetime. For example, Brooklyn humorously likened Òpost -racialismÓ to a promised land; one that we will not reach while alive. She linked Òpost -racialismÓ to the dream of Òflying cars,Ó and joked that she would have to Òsee JesusÓ before it became real. 19 Further, Tiana noted, It's a utopia. It's something we're striving to get to. And I'm not trying t o be pessimistic, but people are saying we're there now? Hell naw. But when you say post -racial society, I think of heaven. Like, damn, I gotta die to see a post -racial society. I'm gonna hafta straight up see Peter, Paul, God and be like, ÒWhat up?Ó Like, when you walk through the gates, there will be this waterfall that washes away all your preconceived notions about race and people, and it won't be no color. (emphasis hers) Though both women inserted humor into their discussion, their stances are much like those of others in the study Ð they positioned a society wherein race does not significantly affect individuals, not as a current reality, but as a distant, seemingly perfect world. That is, in confirmation of my first hypothesis, these women did not see America as presently in possession of the aforementioned characteristics. And consequently, their perspectives stand in contrast to the public commentators, political analysts and radio personalities listed above, who situated President Obama's electi on as a mark of America's transition into Òpost -racialism.Ó Data and Findings: Black Womanhood To shift the discussion to the final theme of Black womanhood, the women discussed this experience by referencing varied topics including pride, notions of str ength and overlapping gender/racial discrimination. Through this theme I address my second hypothesis, which relates to Black womenÕs understandings of themselves and their Black womanhood in contemporary Òpost -racialÓ America. To begin with discussions o f pride, participants connected this emotion both to their Blackness and womanhood. For instance, in framing the positive aspects of being a Black woman, Victoria stated, ÒTo be a Black woman is wonderful!Ó Similarly, Lilly beamed as she talked about the m any strong Black women she knows. She discussed their Òflavor,Ó and also 20 noted that being a Black woman provides strength to Òhandle [her] business.Ó Tiana also linked Black womanhood to Òan extreme will to live against all odds.Ó Here, the women highlight ed the intersection of their race and gender as a source of strength and motivation in their lives. vii However, t here are negative aspects of this strength: it can cause Black women to feel overexerted, or obligated to constantly overachieve (Perry 2011; P adilla 1994; Joseph and Hirshfield 2011; Wise 2009; Beaubouf -Lafontant 2009). According to Jackie, Black womanhood means having to be independent Ð it's not a choice. You have to. It's the only way you're gonna survive. Defensive, in a sense. Resilient. Y ou have to be really strong. And I feel like it's not a choice. When people tell you you're at the bottom rung, you're at the bottom. You don't compete because you're a woman and we live in a patriarchal society that values men. And in terms of race, Black isn't valued at all. And you're at the bottom there. And you're fighting two wars. What do you do? (emphasis mine) Like others, this excerpt connects Black womanhood to strength. Yet, it also highlights the unique position of being Black and woman, while pointing out the difficulty of experiencing multiple types of marginalization simultaneously. That is, Black women are at Òthe bottom rung,Ó according to Jackie, and they must work doubly as hard as their White and male counterparts to achieve similar results. viii Other respondents also expressed the additive nature of vulnerability to racial and gender discrimination and marginalization, as well as the need to work harder (read: be stronger) to fight it. As noted by Arianna, To be a Black woman is an experience th at could only be made more difficult if I was LGBT identified. Or non -Christian. In every other sort of discourse and experience, being a Black woman is difficult. Because you're not only disadvantaged because of your race, but also your gender. And within social groups, you're ostracized by your Black male counterparts because of gender. 21 In each of these excerpts, racial marginalization is combined with that of gender. Lisa also discussed marginalization within multiple groups simultaneously and its ef fect on her professional experience. Ashley discussed having to work harder than Whites because of her race, and harder than men because of her gender. Further, in the excerpt that is shown, Arianna labeled her experience as a Black woman as one that could Òonly be made more difficultÓ with LGBT or non -Christian identification. And this is in keeping with the aforementioned literature on intersectionality. The women referenced above discussed the sentiment of feeling and carrying the simultaneous effects o f race and gender on their lives, and having their intersecting racial and gender identities as primary influences on their understandings of being Black women. Conclusion and Reflections Overall, the findings show that these women are well aware of Òpost -racialÓ rhetoric and are excited about the prospect of a truly Òpost -racialÓ America. Yet, they do not see this as a current reality in their lives. In addition to blatantly rejecting the notion that the U.S. is presently colorblind, the women also placed the reality of racial inequality that they have experienced and witnessed in contrast with the notion that race is now insignificant. That is, their life experiences, especially the way race and gender oppression affect their lives, stand in stark contras t to notions that America has transcended racial or gender inequality. Thus, the data confirm my first hypothesis: Òpost -racialismÓ is simply a myth to these women. Additionally, participants presented nuanced understandings of the influences of race and gender on their lives. They articulated poignant understandings of their Blackness and their womanhood Ð particularly the way their life experiences as Black women are yet shaped by 22 simultaneous racial and gender marginalization. They also discussed uniqu e understandings of Òwhat it means to be a Black womanÓ in America today, describing it as a sort of bittersweet, beautiful, strengthening and painful experience. Not only do these findings confirm my second hypothesis. The findings also support intersecti onal scholarsÕ positions that multiple aspects of oppression are experienced simultaneously and continue to shape life experiences. This is true even in Òpost -racialÓ America. Still, it must be noted that Black women discussing racial/gender oppression or Òpost -racialismÓ are not novel phenomena. However, the contribution of this project lies in providing a lens into the intersections of race and gender on Black womenÕs lives in a Òpost -racialÓ America. As noted above, the women often provided critiques of Òpost -racialismÓ by contrasting the notion of racial transcendence from experienced or witnessed accounts of continued race -based mistreatment. Thus, the findings definitely help to describe the experience of living as a racially/gender -marginalized indiv idual contemporarily. These women affirm that race and gender continue to shape the experiences of marginalized individuals, in contradiction of the notion that the society has transcended such inequality. Among the limitations to this study is the homogen eity of perspectives on Òpost -racialism.Ó While my participants offered a wealth of knowledge and experience, they were all opposed to the idea that race and gender do not impact their lives. Some of the similarity in perspectives may be attributed to the source from which I drew the bulk of the sample. As noted above, twelve of my fifteen participants were, or had once been students at Michigan State University. It is likely that the shared experience of Black female student life at this university may be responsible for some of the consensus. Thus, the overabundance of willing participants 23 from MSU presents a limitation for the study. Nonetheless, the fact that participants in East Lansing, Michigan and Newark, Delaware shared perspectives on Òpost -racial ismÓ and Black womanhood suggests that in both locations, strong similarities exist in the experiences of living as members of a simultaneously marginalized racial and gender group. As displayed in the interviews, women in both regions expressed similar fr ustrations with gender and racial discrimination at work, in schools and in social interactions. A second limitation for the study regards the education levels of participants. All of the interviewees shared a similar aspect of their backgrounds: each had some exposure to college education. IntervieweesÕ professions included current undergraduate work, employment in the optical health field, engineering, and university administration. ParticipantsÕ levels of education ranged from the completion of some col lege courses to possession of advanced degrees. Consequently, this project serves an unexpected purpose by providing a lens into middle class/professional Black womenÕs perspectives on life in Òpost -racialÓ America. Yet, as noted above, this also serves as a limitation. Although a particular experience of Black womanhood is synthesized within the study, the perspectives of non -professional Black women are overlooked. The question of their views on Black womenÕs lives remains unanswered, but will be a prospe ct for future study. As I continue with this project, I may be able to draw a broader sample, including women without university training, or those who espouse Òpost -racialÓ perspectives. This may help provide counternarratives to the stances already addr essed here. Further, given additional space and time, this project would have also discussed the ways that class, age and ability distinguish 24 the womenÕs perspectives and experiences. For instance, growing up in post -1960s America; being first -generation c ollege students; living in suburban vs. urban areas; having multiple parents/incomes Ð these are all factors that may have separated my participantsÕ experiences from one another in ways that space did not allow me to explore in this project. They will be future subjects of discussion as the study expands and continues to develop. A more varied range of perspectives will undoubtedly enhance my contribution to both race literature and intersections scholarship. Additionally, other prospects for future study include comparisons of perspectives on Òpost -racialismÓ across racial and gender groups. Although Black women stand at the intersection of racial and gender oppression, understanding how individuals of various backgrounds comprehend their experiences in t his Òpost -racialÓ society will contribute to a clearer, more accurate understanding of race in contemporary America. 25 REFERENCES 26 References Beaubouf -Lafontant, T. 2009. Behind the Mask of the Strong Black Woman: Voice and the Embodiment of a Costly Performance. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Bobo, L. 2011. ÒSomewhere Between Jim Crown & Post -Racialism: Reflections on the Racial Divide.Ó Daedalus 140(2): 11 -36. Bonilla -Silva, E. 2006. Racism without Racists: Color -Blind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in the United States 2nd ed. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. Brown, M. K., Carney, M., Currie, E., Duster, T., Oppenheimer, D. B., Shultz, M. M., et al. 2003. Whitewashing Race: The Myth of a Color -Blind Society . Berkeley: University of California Press. Crenshaw, K. 1991. ÒMapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics and Violence against Women of Color.Ó Stanford Law Review 43(6):1241 -99. Cohen, R. 2008. ÒThe Election That LB J Won.Ó The Washington Post, November 4, 2008. Retrieved March 14, 2012. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp dyn/content/article/2008/11/03/AR2008110302609.html?nav=emailpage Dill, B. T. 1983. ÒRace, Class and Gender: Prospects for an All -Inclusive Sisterhood.Ó Feminist Studies 9(11): 131 -50. ------. and Zambrana, R. E. 2009. ÒCritical Think ing about Inequality: An Emerging Lens.Ó Pp. 1-21 in Emerging Intersections: Race, Class and Gender in Theory, Policy, and Practice , edited by B. T. Dill and R. E. Zambrana. New Jersey: Rutgers University Press. Esposito, L. and Finley, L. 2009. ÒBarack Obama, Racial Progress and the Future of Race Relations in the United States.Ó The Western Journal of Black Studies 33(3): 164 -175. Guy -Sheftall, B. 2007. ÒBlack Women's Studies: The Interface of Women's Studies and Black Studies.Ó Pp. 181 -186 in The African American Studies 2nd ed., edited by N. Norment, Jr. Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press. Henderson, C. M. 2005. Ò When and Where I Enter: Black Women in the Academy.Ó Diverse Issues in Higher Education 22(23): 39. Hill Collins, P. 1998. ÒOn Race, Gender and Science: Black Women as Objects and Agents of Sociological Knowledge.Ó Pp. 95 -123 in Fighting Words: Black Women and The Search for Justice. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. 27 ------. 2007. ÒThe Social Construction of Black Feminist Thought.Ó Pp. 209 -224 in The African American Studies 2nd ed., edited by N. Norment, Jr. Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press. ------. 2000. ÒBlack Feminist Epistemology.Ó Pp. 251 -272 in Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness and the Politics of Empowerment , 2nd ed., New York: Routledge. Holmes, J. 2009. Ò'Postracial' America, One Year Later.Ó Huffington Post, November 5, 2009. Retrieved March 14, 2012. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/jamie -holmes/postracial - america -one-ye_b_346967.html Joseph, T. D. & Hirshfield, L. 2011. Ò'Why Don't You Get Somebody New to Do It?': Race and Cultural Taxation in the Academy.Ó Ethnic and Racial Studies 34(1): 121 -41. Kozlowski, K. and Buffard, K. 2011. ÒHundreds Attend MSU Town Hall after Racial Incidents.Ó Detroit News, October 4, 2011. Retrieved March 14, 2012. http://detnew s.com/article/20111004/METRO/110040397 Massey, D. S., & Denton, N. A. 1993. ÒThe Missing Link.Ó Pp. 1 -16 in American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass . Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Mohanty, C. T. 1988. ÒUnder western eyes : Feminist scholarship and colonial discourses.Ó Feminist Review 30, 61-88. Moses, Y. T. 1997. ÒBlack Women in Academe: Issues and Strategies.Ó Pp. 23 -38 in Black Women in the Academy: Promises and Perils, edited by L. Benjamin. Gainesville: University of Florida Press. Nagel, J. 2000. ÒEthnicity and Sexuality.Ó Annual Review of Sociology. 26: 107 -133. Norment, Jr., N. 2007. ÒIntroduction.Ó Pp. xxxiii -1 in The African American Studies 2nd ed., edited by N. Norment, Jr. Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press. Office for Inclusion and Intercultural Initiatives. 2010. ÒDiversity and Inclusion at MSU Annual Progress Report: 2008 -2009.Ó Michigan State University, February 2010. Retrieved July 12, 2012. http://www.inclusion.msu.edu/equity/publications/ Padilla, A. 1994. Ethnic Minority Scholars, Research and Mentoring: Current and Future Issues. Educational Researcher 23(4): 24 -27. Perry, I. 2011. More Beautiful, More Terrible: The Embrace and Transcendence of Racial Inequality in the United States. New York: New York University Press. 28 Rohrer, J. 2005. ÒToward a Full -Inclusion Feminism: A Feminist Deployment of Disability Analysis.Ó Feminist Studies 31(1):34 -63. Schorr, D. 2008. ÒA New, 'Post -Racial' Political Era in America.Ó National Public Radio , January 28. 2008. Retrieved March 14, 2012. http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=18489466 Sears, D. O., Henry, P.J., & Kosterman, R. 2000. ÒEgalitari an Values and Contemporary Racial Politics.Ó Pp. 75 -117 in Racialized Politics: The Debate about Racism in America, edited by D. O. Sears, J. Sidanius & L. Bobo . Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ------., Hetts, J. J., Sidanius, J., & Bobo, L. 2000. Ò Race in American Politics.Ó Pp. 1 -43 in Racialized Politics: The Debate about Racism in America, edited by D. O. Sears, J. Sidanius & L. Bobo. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Steele, S. 2008. A Bound Man: Why We Are Excited about Obama and Why He Ca n't Win. New York: The Free Press. Tesler, D. & Sears, D. O. 2010. Obama's Race: The 2008 Election and the Dream of a Post -Racial America. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Thompson, K. 2012. ÒSurvey Paints Portrait of Black Women in America.Ó The Washington Post: Politics. Retrieved March 14, 2012. http://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/survey -paints -portrait -of-black -women -in-america/2011/12/22/gIQAvxFcJQ_story.html U.S. Census Bureau. 2010a. ÒIncome Data by Race.Ó Retrieved March 14, 2012. http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/cpstables/032011/perinc/new01_000.htm ------. 2010b. ÒNew Castle County, Delaware. State & County Quick Facts.Ó Retrieved March 14, 2012. http://quickfa cts.census.gov/qfd/states/10/10003.html ------. 2010c. ÒIngham County, Michigan. State & County Quick Facts.Ó Retrieved March 14, 2012. http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/26/26065.html Washington Post. 2012. ÒWashington Post -Kaiser Family Foundation Poll.Ó Retrieved March 14, 2012. http:/ /www.washingtonpost.com/wp -srv/politics/polls/postkaiserpoll_110211.html Waters, M. 1999. Black Identities: West Indian Dreams and American Realities . New York: Russel Sage Foundation. Weber, L. 2010. ÒDefining Contested Concepts.Ó Pp. 23 -43 in Race, Cl ass, Gender and 29 Sexuality 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Wise, T. 2009. Between Barack and A Hard Place. San Francisco: City Lights Books. ------. 2010. Colorblind: The Rise of Post -Racial Politics and the Retreat from Racial Equity. San Fran cisco: City Lights Books. i Hill Collins (2007) notes that oppression and privilege distinguish interpretations of reality. Though I have chosen to focus on the intersection of race and gender in Òpost -racialÓ America and connections between perspectives on race in Black womenÕs experiences, access to different types of privilege and oppression may further distinguish these womenÕs experiences from one another, and from members of other racial, gender, class, sexuality and ability gro ups. ii With regard to sociology, Black feminist sociologist, Patricia Hill Collins (1998), discusses a survey of articles published in the American Journal of Sociology, one of the forerunning journals of sociological scholarship. Of all of the articles published from 1895 -1995, the author found only two with explicit references to the analysis of Black women: one published in 1900/1901 and another published in 1973 (Hill Collins 1998: 98). Hill Collins argues that this speaks to a trend, both in sociolog y and in academe more generally (Hill Collins 1998: 98). Articles on race were not limited in this way, but those which specifically analyzed Black women's experiences were found to be comparatively lacking (Hill Collins 1998: 98). iii Chandra Mohanty offers a criticism of this trend ÒUnder Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial DiscoursesÓ (1988). Though her focus is on ÒThird World Women,Ó Mohanty (1988) problematizes the historical trend of feminist scholarship which argues for universalized notions of womanhood, while simultaneously implicitly normalizing the experiences of White (Western) women. Not only does this set the former as the standard to which ÒotherÓ experiences are to be measured, it presupposes the standard ÒfemaleÓ experience to be exclusive of racial oppression (Mohanty 1988; Guy -Sheftall 1992). iv While my work disagrees with the notion that there is a singular standpoint of Black life or Black womanhood, Black feminist thought and i ntersectional frameworks are used in this s tudy to engage the subjectivities of individuals simultaneously located in various genders, sexualities, races, classes, types of ability (Crenshaw 1991; Hill Collins 2000; Hill Collins 2007; Dill and Zambrana 2009; Weber 2010). v Still, within that group experience Black women have access to varying degrees of privilege related to such aspects of identity as class, sexuality, nationality, and language. Specifically, to use the example of nationality, the term ÒBlackÓ is used in this study as an umbrella t erm, which may include individuals of various ethnic/cultural backgrounds who identify as ÒBlackÓ in the United States. However, as noted by Mary Waters (1999), in her work on Black identities, an individual may identify as Black, but refuse to see herself as the traditional ÒAfrican American.Ó 30 Yet, assumptions about her identity and attempts to erroneously lump her with African Americans might lead to identity conflicts and frustration as discussed by the study's interviewees, Teresa and Brooklyn. Further, these Black women and their families may have differential access to the linguistic and/or cultural privileges of being ÒAfrican AmericanÓ in an American society vs. multi -ethnic, multi -lingual/accented or multi -racial. Thus, while Black women share the e xperience of living in visibly raced and gendered bodies, access to certain privileges may also make Black women's experiences distinct from one another. vi Numerous studies have demonstrated the ways characteristics such as class, sexuality and physical ability also affect subjective experiences. Judy RohrerÕs (2005) ÒToward a Full -Inclusion Feminism: A Feminist Deployment of Disability AnalysisÓ and Joane N agelÕs (2000) ÒEthnicity and SexualityÓ provide examples of such work. vii For a detailed discussion of Black women and the many facets of their Òstrength,Ó see Tamara Beaubouf -LafontantÕs (2009) Behind the Mask of the Strong Black Woman: Voice and the Embodiment of a Costly Performance. viii In terms of the consequences of notions of representativeness, scholarly literature asserts that these individuals often encounter Òcultural taxationÓ (Padilla 1994; Joseph and Hirschfield 2011). Drawing from the exampl e of academe, Amado Padilla (1994) notes that faculty of color are required to negotiate added burdens and barriers in connection to their respective races. Professionals who are culturally taxed are given more work than their White counterparts and may r eceive more critical scrutiny from professional superiors (Padilla 1994). According to Padilla (1994), this is because they are presumed to be better Òracially suitedÓ to perform in certain capacities or are the first ÒdiversityÓ representatives of their r ace within those professional spaces. Further, Joseph and Hirshfield (2011) find that faculty of color are subject to claims that they were hired as affirmative action Òtokens,Ó and therefore are unqualified for their positions. Consequently, many of these individuals feel forced outperform White counterparts to receive comparable credit, to prove that they are qualified i.e., not Òdiversity hires,Ó and to avoid unfair scrutiny. These are all stressors to which their White fellows are not subject to the sam e degree.