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' '. . . , £3 L x 3 This is to certify that the thesis entitled MARRIAGE AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN KUWAIT presented by 3 Fahed Al-naser has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Master's deg-33in Sociology~ Wiw Major professor Féokucfi W , “1(9- 0-7639 OVERDUE FINES: 25¢ per day per item RETURNING LIBRARY MATERIALS: N Place in book return to remove charge from circulation records MARRIAGE AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN KUWAIT by Fahed Al-Naser A THESIS Submitted in partial fulfillment of the degree of Master of Arts Michigan State University Department of Sociology 1982 ABSTRACT MARRIAGE AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN KUWAIT‘ by Fahed Al-Naser' The purpose of this study was to examine and explore how social change is taking place inKuwait and to show how this change affects marriage norms and values. ‘ Kuwait provides a number of advantages for examining the impact of urbanization and Westernization on social ' life in general. The country is moving toward urbaniza- .tion and Westernization at a speed and intensity rarely found in other countries. The aim of this study was to see whether the marriage system has undergone any corresponding change. It was expected that these changes would be in the form of alter- ing the attitudes of the Kuwait family. From this study we conclude that the old marriage patterns are giving way to new ones.- The change is evi— dent in the declining role of the family as an agent for marriage, an older marriage age, and less polygamy. The Fahed Al-Naser sudden increase in wealth in Kuwait, only indirectly if at all related to Westernization, has meant that bride prices have become extremely high in some segments of society. DEDICATION To my // mother, father, sisters, and brothers this work is dedicated. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I want to thank my major advisor, Professor Thomas Conner, for his patience and encouragement and guidance. I deeply appreciate his assistance on thisproject, and I greatly value the time we have spent together. I would also like to express my special thanks to the other committee members, Professors Margaret Bubolz and Chris Vanderpool, for their critical guidance and coopera- tion. Special thanks to my friends and parents for their sup- port and to my friend Khalid Al-Shallal for his advice. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Tables . . . . . . . . . . . . List of Figures . . . . . . . . . . . CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . Review of the Literature . . . . Research Questions . . . . . . . Source of Data . . . . . . . . . CHAPTER II: HISTORICAL INFORMATION ON The Economy . . . . . . . . . . . Marriage in the Past . . . . . . Family Structure . . . . . . . . CHAPTER III: SOCIAL CHANGE IN KUWAIT CHAPTER IV: CHANGE IN MARRIAGE NORMS Age at Marriage . . . . . . . . . Dowry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mate Selection . Polygamy . . . . . . . . . . . . Homogamy and Heterogamy . . . . . Engagement and Wedding Ceremonies Wedding Ceremony . . . . . . . . Divorce . . . . . . . . . . . . . CHAPTER V: TABLES AND ANALYSIS . . . Statistical Tables . . . . . . . CHAPTER VI: CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . Final Comments and Recommendations Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . iii iv 0‘35) 11 ll 12 l4 18 25 25 27 29 31 33 35 39 40 43 43 S3 58 61 LIST OF TABLES Table 1: Gross National Product by Sector, Fiscal Years 1969-1973 (in dinars) . . . . . . . . . Table 2A: Public Education (1958/59-1978/79) . . Table 28: Public Education (1958-59-1978/79) . . Table 3: Participation of Women in Labor Force in Years 1965, 1970, 1975 . . . . . . . . . . Table 4: Marriages Registered by Age (1978) . . . Table 5: Age of Husband by Status of Wife in Registered Marriages in Kuwait, 1978 . . . . Table 6: Divorces Registered by Age (1978) . . . Table 7: Divorce Related to the Duration of Marriage in Kuwait in 1978 . . . . . . . . . Table 8: Divorce Related to the Education of Spouses in Kuwait in 1978 . . . . . . . . . . iv 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 Figure 1: Figure 2: Homogamy and Heterogamy in Kuwaiti Society among the Bedouin Tribes Homogamy and Heterogamy in Kuwaiti Society . Figure 3: Figure 4 . Industrial Influence LIST OF FIGURES 36 37 54 56 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION In the last three decades, profound developments have been taking place in the social life and structure of the Third World, and the Arab Muslim World is no exception. This move toward modernization and industrialization, especially in the Arabian Gulf countries, is unusual in that it is happening so rapidly. It is having a radical effect on social life and structure. In searching for the reasons for the social change occurring in Kuwait and other Arabian Gulf countries, it is difficult to pinpoint only one. Nevertheless, the discov- ery of oil certainly has been a major factor. The effect of the new wealth it created has been felt throughout Kuwait society. This paper focuses upon the effect of this new wealth upon one important aspect of Kuwaiti social life-- its marriage norms. Specifically, we will look at changes in norms concerning: 1. the age of marriage, 2. the dowry, 3. the selection of mates, 4. polygamy, 5. homogamy and heterogamy, 6. engagement and wedding ceremonies, and 7. divorce. 1 These variables tend to be present to some extent in marri- age creations in all cultures and are important factors to be considered in Islamic society. Review of the Literature Research on the effect of urbanization and indus- trialization on family structure and marriage in non- Western societies is sparse, limited in scope, and often contradictory. The literature of the past two decades generally seems to indicate that a society's move toward industrialization, urbanization, and Westernization is ac- companied by a noticeable modification in family structure. Talcott Parsons has stated that industrialization and ur- banization have several effects on the family: (1) a de- crease in size of household, (2) a loss of most family‘ functions to other social institutions, and (3) a breakdown in wider kin ties within the family.1 The shift is from an extended to a nuclear family. One very good study on the extended family as an agent in urbanization has been done by William Flanigan, who did his research in Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania. Flani— gan's hypothesis is that the extended family is not an lTalcott Parsons, "The Kinship System of the Con- temporary United States," American AnthrOpologist,45(l948h 22-38. outmoded unit of social organization in urban/industrial society. His findings "are integrated within a comparative framework which demonstrates that the pattern...documented for Tanzania is neither norvel or exotic."1 The rapid population growth in many African cities has created high levels of unemployment and underemployment, as well as housing shortages. "The extended family network with its dual rural and urban base is instrumental in this transition. Rather than an obstacle, more than a survivor, the extended.family is an active agent of urbanization and social change."2 Studies on marriage and the family in Arab coun- tries are few and use little or no substantive data. One exception is a Ph.D. dissertation by Hind Nassif, "Marri- age Patterns and Social Change in Rural Tunisia."3 It fo- cuses on a small, rural community in Sahel where up to sixty-five percent of the population resides. In rural Tunisia, religious belief is strong; customs and values relating to social structure, marriage, and the status of women have been slow to change. Nassif's research indi- cates a slight shift in traditional patterns due to 1William G. Flanigan, The Extended Family as an Agent in Urganization (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Connecticut, 1977), p. 173. 2 Ibid., p. 179. 3Hind Nassif, Marriage Patterns and Social Change in Rural Tunisia (Ph.D. dissertation, The Catholic University of American, 1978), p. 194. expanded educational Opportunities, increased contact with the city, and government planning for rural development. There is a great need for systematic, well-designed field studies of Middle Eastern countries, especially those in the Arabian peninsula where rapid changes are taking place. Shiekh Abrar Husain, in his study "Marriage Customs among Muslims in India," tried to focus on finding out the main factors and problems in the institution of marriage and the effect of social change on its patterns. His find- ings are that "industrialization, along with the expansion of education.is the outlook of the people and, hence, it is affecting the institution of marriage amongest the Shias. . . . Owing to their position the Shias in the past could afford such prolonged entertainments, but now, under the present economic stress and strain, it is difficult to 1 Also, he concluded that the continue the old practices." age factor, for example, plays a great role in marriages. Marriages are avoided for young adults of school age, which has been extended by the extension of higher education. His conclusions are: "The old order is changing, yielding way to the new. Old traditions, customs and ceremonies are becoming obsolete and changes are taking place with the evolution of a new society in free and industrialized India. 1Shief Husain, Marriage Customs amongIMuslims in India (London: Sterline Publishers, Ltd., 1976). p. 197. Changes are visible in every community and the Shia commun- ity is no exception. Increase in knowledge, as a whole, is also responsible for modification and changes in customs, etc. . . ."1 In Kuwait, although industrialization has not pro- ceeded very far, the processes of urbanization and Western- ization have moded with a speed and intensity rarely found elsewhere. The fact of a small and varied population aug- mented by migration has always forced those in power in Kuwait to be more flexible in decision-making than most traditional leaders in the Middle East. Such need for flexibility, plus the special factors inherent in a trading area which receives varied information about other cultural institutions in the world, has led to a bourgeois- democratic form of government unique in an area peppered by monarchial governments. This government whose design best compliments a capitalist economy and a bourgeois form of culture has given great impulse to social change. As other Middle Eastern countries become further enmeshed in the world economy, they will ultimately find their cultures af- fected by Western culture and institutions and thus begin to experience changes which are already being experienced in Kuwait. The results in Kuwait are seen in widespread com- pulsory education, the establishment of a new Western-type lIbid., p. 198. bureaucracy, and the expansion of mass communication. The process began two decades ago and is not yet complete. Hence, unlike Western countries, Kuwait offers us an oppor- tunity to study change as it is taking place. Many theories of social change have been proposed in the last two centuries. These provide inadequate guid- ance for sociological research, but no modern theory of social change has arisen to replace them. There is no ade- quate theory of social change just as there is no fully de- veloped general theory of society. Talcott Parsons and Wilbert E. Moore have suggested that a theory of society and a theory of social change are inseparable. Parsons closes his discussion of change in the social system with this statement: Perhaps, even, it is not too much to hope that this chapter as a whole will convince the reader that there is a certain falsity in the dilemma between "static" and ”dynamic" emphases. If theory is good theory, whichever type of problem it tackles most directly, there is no reason whatever to believe that it will not be equally applicable to the prob- lems of change and those of process within a sta- blized system. Social change has been defined by Moore as altera- tion in human behavior resulting from changes in one or more of man's social institutions. Moore says: "Social change is the significant alternation of the social struc- ture and manifestations of such structure embodied in norms 1Talcott Parsons, The Social System (Glencoe, IL: The Free Press, 1951), p. 535. (rules of conduct), values, and cultural products and sym- bols."l T. B. Bottomore's definition is similar: "A change in social structure or in particular social institu- tions or in the particular relationship between institu- tions."2 Social changes are changes in social behavior brought about by technological innovation, conquest, or governmental reorganization. Karl Marx's theory of social change suggests that the two most important factors are the level of technological development present in a given so- ciety and the relations between social classes. This the- ory is rooted in the idea that the most important aspect of material life is the way that men reproduce their material existence. The mode of production in a given society at any time determines the way men will be socially organized. A major component of Marx's theory is the idea that there is always a struggle, between ideas as well as men, and that this struggle is the motor force of change. There have been studies about change and moderniza— tion in the Middle East. One is by Daniel Lerner who em- phasizes the modernization of communication media that con- tributes to change in the region, rather than searching for lWilbert E. Moore, International Encyclopedia of the Social Science, 14 (New York: Macmillan, 1968), p. 366 2T. B. Bottomore, Sociology: A Guide to Problems and Literature (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1963), p. 276. the conditions leading to that change.1 It is important to analyze the factors contributing to social change, and in Kuwait the discovery of oil was undoubtedly the most impor- tant. It is easy to see the effect such a shift in na- tional resources would have on an economy dependent mainly on pearling and trade. As Bottomore has explained, altering the production process in a society will cause concurrent changes in social relations and will, therefore, foster the emergence of new values. The discovery of oil had a tremendous effect on Kuwait, and not merely on its economy. All aspects of so- ciety have been touched, including family structure. Researchguestions This study will focus on change in Kuwaiti marriage customs. The analysis of the changes occurring will focus on two main questions. The first question concerning change in Eastern marriage customs is whether or not the family has been able to remain the primary agent for mari- tal arrangements. 3That they traditionally have been so is a cornerstone of Eastern custom. The extent to which this prerogative has been taken away from the center of the family collective gives us some means of quantifying the change that is occurring. lDaniel Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society (New York: The Free Press, 1958). p. 44. A second research question of great interest is the extent to which increased personal income, due to the in- creased wealth in Kuwait nationally, has affected marriage norms and values. It must be noted that these two research questions often tend to interact with each other, and so the analysis of their influence in changing marriage norms can- not be indepedently analyzed with statistical methods. Source of Data This study will rely on Arabic and English sources, which are far from plentiful. The lack of Kuwaiti census data for the pre-oil era is unfortunate. The best data that can be gotten under these circumstances are those which can be given by elders who are able to compare their memories of marriage customs with the changes which have occurred for their children and grandchildren. The study draws heavily on fieldwork studies done by the Ministry of Social Affairs and Ministry of Planning with 1978's being the target year of concern to this study. Also used are data from the census and the annual abstract published by the Kuwaiti Board of Statistics as well as other published materials and library sources. One problem in using these data is that information on personal income is unavailable in Kuwait. Therefore, gross national product (GNP) figures are used as a supplement for a general investigation of changes in wealth in Kuwait. While GNP is not the best 10 source in this case, it is the only indicator available at this time. CHAPTER II HISTORICAL INFORMATION ON KUWAIT The Economy In the mind of Westerners, the name of Kuwait is synonymous with oil and, therefore, with some measure of international power. But before the discovery of oil in Kuwait, the pearl industry was the economic factor which had the most impact. The importance of pearling to old Ku- wait's socioeconomic life was enormous. Innumerable cus- toms, traditions, and patterns of social organization and civil activities can be traced to the pearling economy. Even music and literature were profoundly affected. Before the discovery of oil, Kuwaiti life revolved around pearling. The second most important economic activity in old Kuwait was trade based on the pearl industry, for which Ku- wait is excellently situated geographically. Trade was of two types, by sea and by camel across the desert: and Ku- waitis have always been proficient at both. Although fish- ing, hunting, agriculture, and herding involved a substan- tial portion of the population, the relative economic con- tribution of these occupations was small, compared to the pearl industry and its resultant trade. 11 12 Marriage in the Past Customs differ from one society to another, and marriage norms and values such as mate selection, bride price, age at marriage, and so forth are no exception. The patriarcal structure in old Kuwait meant that the male elders chose their children's mates. Sons might be con- sulted, but a daughter's opinion was not sought. It might seem that mate selection is a very personal issue, but the choice is largely dictated by social and cultural norms, as is most other social behavior. Mate selection, for ex- ample, is tied to traditions surrounding class and/or reli- gious endogamy or exogamy. Before the discovery of oil, Kuwaiti society was very traditional and simple. Individual rights were vir- tually unheard of; group rights and tasks prevailed. In this kind of society, members are obedient to social norms, and no social organism exists outside the family. Marriage is based on affinity relationships and involves a wide net of social relationships and exhanged obligations between 'families. In order to understand issues concerning marriage in Kuwait, we must understand Sharia, or Islamic law as established in the Quran. Islam encourages marriage: And among His signs is this, that he created for you mates from among yourselves, that you may find rest (and peace) in them. And he has put 13 love and mercy between your (hearts);1verily in this are s1gns for those who reflect. Thus, one purpose of marriage is to enable spouses to find peace, love, and security through their relationship. The second purpose is to respond to the basic biological in- stinct of procreation. Children are the realization of motherhood and fatherhood. Many outside Islam misunderstand its concept of po- lygamy. It is true that Muslims may marry more than one wife, as many as four, but several conditions must be met before a second marriage can be contracted. If the first wife has a permanent disease or cannot give birth, and if she grants permission and is assured that she and all sub- sequent wives will be treated equally, then the husband may marry another woman. Marry women of your choice, two, or three, or four. ‘ But if ye fear that ye shall not be able to deal justly (with them) then only one, or (a captive) that your hands possess that will be more suitable, to prevent you from injustice. It is important to note that the Quran indicates that it is difficult to treat all wives equally and suggest that it is better to marry only one. The four conditions mentioned above are difficult and often impossible to achieve. Hence, it could be said that Muslim law does not, in fact, favor polygamy, but, rather, acts to limit and regulate it when it does occur. lHoly gur'an, Chapter 30:21. 2Ibid., Chapter 2:5. 14 Furthermore, although family relations are governed by the principles of the Sharia in most Muslim countries, customs vary from one country to another. In Tunisia, the code of personal status prohibits polygamy. In Egypt, much has been done along similar lines: for example, the Egyp- tian National Assembly has adopted strict divorce proce- dures. In general, especially in the more industrially ad- vanced Arab countries, polygamy is almost nonexistent. Family Structure Pre-modern Kuwait was characterized by a post-tribal social structure. The primary unit was the extended family consisting of the grandparents, their sons, and their sons' families, all living in one large house. This family was a part of the tribal network and also was a manifestation of a broad kinship relation. The family was the base of eco- nomic production and social relations. As the primary agent of socialization, it enforced the traditional social re- strictions and taboos of the Arabian Gulf societies. The male head of the family psssessed all economic and social power. Among others, he made all decisions con- cerning marriage. Men had complete authority over women, as the latter did not participate in production. This at- titude was rooted in very ancient traditions and is not a product of the Islamic religion. In Islam, the man is not the single most important family member; he is supposed to 15 care for the family financially, but the other members are supposed to participate in decision making. In Kuwait, as in other traditional Arab countries, women have had an inferior status in relation to men. Their proper roles were as housewives and mothers, and their pro- per place was at home. There was complete separation of the sexes. When girls reached the age of ten or twelve years, they were expected to stay home: on the rare occas- sions when they went out, they were expected to cover their faces. Marriages were arranged by parents, and women were‘ expected to obey their husbands' wishes. These customs are the product of the social structure long established in Ku- wait and the Arab peninsula, but not rooted in Islamic re- ligion. WOmen were regarded as a potential source of dis- grace and were not allowed any freedom, be it the right to' choose a husband or express an opinion. The Kuwaiti his- torian Shiek Uasuf Ben Eissa Al-Genai wrote: A woman represents no value to men especially the old ones. She is a worldly pleasure that one should avoid. If you mentioned her in your speech, you should say to your listener, "May God grant you honor." A girl was compelled to marry her man, especially if he were her cousin. It does not mat- ter if he were ugly or immoral. A man who is 80 has the right to marry a 20 year old girl. Her sponsor fan force her to do this if the bridegroom is rich. 1Y. I. Al-Ganai, History of Kuwait, 4th edition (Kuwait: 1968), p. 78. 16 Stanley Mallory wrote on this subject at the begin- ning of this century. "If there were any suspicions about the honor of a girl, the only way to abolish the disgrace that besmeared the name of the family was her death. In some cases the girl is not killed but is punished in other ways."1 A marriage contract is more an agreement between two families than between husband and wife. The marriage ends if one of the partners dies, but the bond between the families continues forever. Marriage creates a tie between the two families, which produces kinship relationships and affinities extending beyond the married couples.2 Attitude about marriage in Kuwaiti society reflect general social attitudes for example, prejudice is part of the basic social structure; and the primary criterion in marriage decisions is social status, according to ethnic or tribal origins. The individual's personal characteristics and even economic standing are not important in the eyes of traditionalists. The person acquries his status from the family; as an individual person, he has no value, he works for his family, and he marries for his family. In Kuwait, as in other Muslim societies, sexual virtue is highly regarded. Since it is believed that pre- marital contact can lead to premarital sex, social lStanley Mallory, Kuwait Before Oil (Kuwaith trans- lated into Arabic by M. Al-Riwashi and Basen Sarah, p. 12. 2Hussain, Alyyah, Research on Divorcein Kuwait (Kuwait: The Ministry of Social Affairs, 1978). 17 interaction between the sexes has traditionally been re- stricted. The family was instrumental in this as it was in its interest to restrain behavior which might bring dis- honor to the family as a collective entity. The restriction in interaction between the geners gave the young little to say in the process in mate selection; and the difficulty of extended restrictions of cross-sexual contact led the fami- lies to arrange marriages at relatively young ages for their children.1 lSabarh, Salah, The Social Customs in Kuwaiti So- ciet , trans. by Fahed Al-Nasar (Kuwait: Al-Sabah Publish- 1ng, 1980), p. 77. CHAPTER III SOCIAL CHANGE IN KUWAIT The discovery of oil in Kuwait produced rapid and dramatic changes in the economy. The small size of the do- mestic market, the lack of skilled workers, and the short- age of local capital posed no problems to the oil companies because they were linked to the world economy. Thus, the oil industry grew much faster than other sectors. High wages first attracted labor from farming, fishing, and boatbuilding to the oil industry. A second wave came to the city for jobs in government service, construction, and the expanding service sector in a high-income economy. Traditional, labor-intensive industries could not offer competitive wages and were either reduced to a fraction of their former significance or disappeared entirely. Trans- formation of the economy was well under way within a decade of the discovery of oil, and after twenty-five years there was little left of the Kuwaiti economy of the late 19403. One of the most dramatic and traumatic economic changes was the influx of foreigners. The high wages at- tracted many workers, primarily from nearby areas. They provided both skills lacking among Kuwaitis and also the labor for work considered too demanding for Kuwaitis. l8 19 Economic growth was based largely on imported labor. The work force increased form 80,288 in 1957 to about 304,582 in 1975. Kuwaitis (24,602) accounted for about thirty percent of the work force in 1957 and for about thirty percent (91,244) in 1975. Even in the mid-19703, most observers thought that importing additional workers was critical to further growth and diversification of the economy. By the mid-19703, the oil sector dominated the economy, contributing between seventy and seventy-five per- cent of the Gross National Product. Official statistics included crude oil production and some minor extractive in- dustries in a broad category of mining and quarrying, which accounted for sixty-four percent of GNP in 1973 (see Table 1). Oil refining was included in the manufacturing sector and was its most important activity. Total employment in the oil sector was about 7,600 (three-quarters of whom were non-Kuwaiti) in 1970 and probably remained unchanged in 1976. The sharp increase in oil revenues in 1974 added to the importance of the oil sector, but data were unavailable in late 1976 to measure the gain. Government services, the second most important sec- tor of the economy, contributed ten percent of GNP in 1973. Expansion of the services provided by the government caused a steady increase in the number of workers employed by the government, rising from 66,600 in 1965 to 112,000 in 1974. Approximately one-third of the work force was employed in this sector in the mid-19703, or about one civil servant to 20 every four citizens. Some observers thought this ratio was kept high in order to distribute oil revenues among the population. Government employment was looked on as a sine- cure by many Kuwaitis, and the result was overstaffing and inefficiency in most government offices. At the same time, observers noted that the few truly competent Kuwaiti admin- istrators were overworked. All other sectors of the economy contributed less than twenty percent of GNP in 1973. Wholesale and retail trade, always a significant part of the economy, declined appreciably in the 19705 as other sectors developed, even though growing oil revenues brought in more imports for distribution and sale each year. Financial services grew rapidly in the 19703, surpassing trade in importance in 1972. Manufacturing was another sector that expanded ra- pidly in the 19703 as a result of the construction of some large plants. By 1975, agriculture and fishing were a minute part of the economy, contributing the small fraction of one percent of GNP. Because of the dominance of the oil secton,economic growth was largely paced by the growth of oil revenues. Between 1956 and 1970, these rose at an average rate of seven percent per year. Kuwaiti officials have objected to the standard methods of computing GNP for an economy such as theirs; that is, one excessively dependent on crude oil production. They note that GNP was achieved largely by drawing on 21 capital in the form of petroleum reserves, for which an al- lowance should be made. World Bank economists acknowledged that GNP for Ku- wait and some other oil states should be calculated differ- ently than for most economies or perhaps reduced by thirty percent,but by late 1976 no method had been agreed on. X Despite the problems of measuring Kuwait's economic growth in the 19703, the very large increases in oil reve- nues contributed to boom conditions in 1976 that have lasted into the 19803. The flow of funds stimulated both the public and the private sector, contributing to growing diversification of the economy. Changes were underway in the mid-19803 that probably will make the economy of the 19803 as different from that of the 19803 as the latter were from that of the 19403. As industrialization spread in Kuwait, many people moved to the cities in search of economic independence. One consequence was the breakdown in the extended family structure and the shift to the nuclear family (father, mo- ther, and children). The government contributed to this change through its public housing policy; the small units which were built were inadequate for large extended fami- lies. Economic independence also has affected decision making within the family. Sons or daughters' having jobs and, thus, sources of income, are freer to make their own decisions, such as whom to choose as mates. All aspects of 22 women's personal behavior have been affected by the new values: women are now able to work, use public transpor- tation, drive cars, and go to social clubs. In the past, the father controlled all family af- fairs, including the disciplining of children. Within the home, his word was law. Today, the father has lost much of his authority, so there is a generational conflict. Some of this authority has been transferred to the mother, and some to the children. The older generation wants to main- tain its social attitudes, whereas the young tend to ignore the traditional ways. The two most important transformations have been in the separation of economic and educational functions from the family. These are now transferred to the workplace and the schools. In the years between 1958 and 1978, the ranks of public school students swelled by 6,779, with female students' increasing from 36.8% to 46.3T of the school pOp- ulation (see Tables 2A and 28). Public education is thus gaining acceptance by Kuwaiti families. Ideology and so- cial conditions affect pe0p1e's thinking about family size. Specifically, education plays an important role in influ- encing these attitudes. The change to public education from family-controlled private education has taken away from the family its influence in shaping these attitudes. Today, many women want to work and are able to do so without official opposition. Not long ago, most went into teaching or nursing, but recently women have begun to 23 work in laboratories or as engineers, in virtually every kind of job. Thousands of Kuwaiti women have taken advan- tage of the new opportunities in education and employment. In the labor force, the number of women has risen from 8,768 (or 4.8% of all women) in 1965 to 35,206 (7.8% of all women) in 1975. This more than doubled their share of the total labor force participation. This increase has re- ceived great impetus from the wide participation of immi- grant women in Kuwait (see Table 3). Some of the increase in public labor for women can be surmised to have come from the pressing need for larger numbers of workers in Kuwait, a need which has previously been resolved through the en- couragement of immigration to Kuwait, but which can be re- solved by increases in female participation in the labor market as education and the disappearance of social bar- riers encourage more women to participate in the labor sphere. I With the spread of education at various “levels, the “W H flfll’li «A». ‘ w m‘flumflp pw “W" availability of working opportunities for women and the in- creasing emphasis on individual rights in Kuwait, women 3 have advanced several steps toward a more egalitarian rela— tionship with men, both/in the home and elsewhere in so- ciety. In the past, a man looked for a beautiful wife or for a good homemaker to rear the children and take care of the house. A woman sought a man who was a\good provider. The attitudes of young men, young women, and their parents have changed markedly in only a short time. In choosing a 24 mate, the emphasis is now on companionship and the sharing of responsibilities. Although their position has improved in Kuwait, wo- men are still far from achieving equality. They have not yet secured the basic political right to vote, for example. Women's organizations, supported by the well-educated and wealthy, are holding public debates on the laws, values, and norms that have prevented women from taking an equal position in society. The trend toward changes in tradi- tional patterns is expected to accelerate as the number of educated women increases. Also, as women gain more author- ity in their households, they provide their daughters with stronger role models of behavior. CHAPTER IV CHANGE IN MARRIAGE NORMS Age at Marriage Most observers of the Arab world assert that Arabs marry very young. This is said especially of females who, it has been thought, marry as soon as they reach puberty. Kuwaiti law does not specify a minimum age for marriage; this has been left to the elders to decide. It is very difficult to measure changes in the mar- riage age because historical information is not available. In the past, marriages were seldom registered; hence, the lack of hard data. But we can learn something about the average marriage age from older people and from stories about social traditions. This evidence indicates that mar- riage at puberty, or ages thirteen to sixteen, was the norm. This practice lessens the pressure on families who still Carry the norm of protecting the virginity of their female members. Table 4 gives the age for husbands and wives who registered for marriage in 1978. In general, Kuwaiti women today tend to marry between ages fourteen and twenty-four; men between twenty-five and twenty-nine. It should be noted that many marriages are unreported, especially among 25 26 the nomadic Bedouins, but it is known that the latter pre- fer to marry at an early age. Those who are educated apparently feel that indivi- duals should marry after they finish college and establish themselves in the community. This is important since the male is responsible for furnishing the household, for pay- ing a large bride price, and for other marriage expenses. Indications are that the marriage age for males is rising, a trend more apparent among the educated. In 1978, the largest grouping by age of bridegrooms was Kuwaiti males aged twenty to twenty-four years old, representing 43.5% of males registering for marriage. The next largest group was aged twenty-five to twenty-nine years old (25.1% of regis- tered grooms). This suggests that most young males regis- tering for marriage are of an age that would have allowed them to finish high school and some amount of college edu- cation (see Table 4). The effects of urbanization and Westernization through education are most evident among the wealthy and among young people. These segments of the pop- ulation seem to be more interested in pursuing higher edu- cation and in establishing themselves before getting mar— ried. Consequently, highly educated women expect to marry later in life than do uneducated women. A very good empirical study of marriage in Kuwait was done by Abdullah Gloom and Izat Ismael in 1974. They found that the average marriage age in Kuwait was between sixteen and twenty-five. This age group accounted for 27 44.13% of marriages.1 In a society moving toward urbani- zation, it should be expected that the average marriage age will rise. The main reason is the feeling that marriage in this new type of society brings many new responsibilities that are best faced when one is economically, psychologi- cally, and educationally prepared. Dowry A custom prevalent in many societies is the bride- price, and it provides another example of male dominance. Anthropologist Marvin Harris says: Bride-price compensates the bride's family for the loss of her valuable productive and reproductive services. A striking fact is that the logical op- posite of the bride-price, groom-price, virtually does not exist. (A single case, recently brought to my attention by Jill Nash, is that of the Na- gorisi of Bougainville, where economic compensa- tion is given by the bride's sister and mother to the groom's sisters and mother for the loss of his valuable productive and reproductive services.)2 In the same book, Harris also distinguishes between the bride-price and the dowry: Dowry. . .is still another form of wealth exchange at marriage. Dowry occurs in patrilineal socie- ties and is given by a bride's father and brother to the groom or his father.3 Dowry is not a kind of compensation for the loss of the groom's productive and reproductive activities (in the way lA. Gloom and I. Ismael, Marriage in Kuwait (Ku- wait: 1974), p. 34. 2Marvin Harris.Cannibals and Kings: The Origin of Cultures (New York: Random House), p. 59. 3 Ibid., p. 59. 28 the bride-price functions as compensation for the loss of the bride). It is a means to help cover the cost of the marriage. The dowry is an ancient tradition in Islam. The giving is obligatory, and it is offered by the groom. When a girl or woman is married, it is an essen- tial part of the marriage for the bridegroom to give her a dowry (mehr), which may be of any value agreed upon. This dowry is not like the old European dowry which was given by a father to a daughter on her marriage and thence became the husband's property. Nor is the Muslim dowry like the African "bride-price" which is paid by the bridegroom to the father as a form of payment or compensation. The Muslim dowry is a gift from the bridegroom to the bride and it becomes her exclusive property.1 In Kuwait, the dowry is usually paid when the mar- riage contract is concluded. The amount differs from one social class to another, and it can range from $4,000 to $10,000. The amount also differs between city people and Bedouins. High dowries lead many Kuwaitis to delay mar- riage or marry non-Kuwaitis. Many fathers still ask high dowries because they consider it an evaluation of the girl and her family. They also consider it as insurance that the prospective husband can adequately provide for the daughter. Al-Thakeb has done an empirical study of the family in Kuwait. In his conclusion he states: It seems that although the majority of respon- dents prefer the dowry to be a symbolic sum of 1B. Aishalem and Farima Heeran, Women in Islam (England: Islamic Council of Europe, 1978), p. 20. 29 money, this wish will become a social reality only when men and women select their spouses freely with- out family interference. Widespread education and large-scale employment of females lead in this di- rection. One way to obtain sufficient funds for marriage, popular among the Bedouins, is for the family and friends of the groom to donate goods and money for the bride. This is indicative of the complex relationship in the tribal community and creates a communal interest in the success of the marriage. This assistance is expected to be recipro- cated when the sons of the donors marry. In this way, tri- bal bonds are strengthened through ties of obligation. The practice makes clear the value the tribe places on marriage and on thus becoming part of the community. Mate Selection Parents traditionally have played a primary role in their children's decision to marry and in the selection of mates. It was once normal for a son's marriage to be con- trolled by his parents who chose the wife, often when the prospective couple were still children. Marriage was re- garded as a union of two families rather than of two indi— viduals. Such an alliance may be sought for political, so- cial, or economic reasons. It creates a bond and an obli- gation between the families. lFahad Al-Thakib, Kuwaiti Family Today and Yester- day (Ph.D. dissertation, Ohio State University, 197 ). 30 The parental role has changed in recent years, due to education and the economic independence of sons. Today, a son chooses the time of marriage and has the final say in the selection of his spouse. A daughter has less indepen- dence, and parents still have a strong influence on the timing of her marriage and on mate selection. The women most at the mercy of the traditional pattern of mate selec- tion are those with the least education. Even so, 64.5% of registered marriages in 1978 in Kuwait were between couples of equal or similar age (within five years of age of spouse). This suggests that offspring may very well be having some say in mate selection, choosing mates of an age near to their own, which we would expect as people tend to be attracted to members of their own peer group or near to their own age. As long as young girls are economically de- pendent on their parents, the latter will control the decision-making process. Traditionally, when someone asks a girl's father or brother for her hand in marriage, the girl is seldom consulted. Even if her opinion is asked, the final decision is left to the head of her family. In contrast, sons are consulted by their parents or ask their parents for an opinion.1 lShwikar Elwan, The Status of Women in the Arab World (Arab Information Center: The League of Arab Statesh 31 Polygamy Most Kuwaiti law is based on the Islamic Sharia which permits a man to have as many as four wives, provided he treats them equally. But men with more than one wife are rare in the Arab world, and Kuwait is not exception. Economic considerations, plus the difficulties of managing a quarrelsome household, discourage polygamy. According to the 1970 census, the number of polygamists in Kuwait was 4,856. Of these 4,324 had only two wives, and very few had three or four (298 and 234, respectively).1 By 1978, the situation had changed radically; of the 4,886 marriages on record, 426 were polygamous (8.7% of total). The majority (411) involved only two wives, fourteen took a third wife and only one a fourth wife (in forty-one cases, the data were not clear) (see Table 5). Since the amount of polygamy occurring in Kuwait, according to the 1970 census, was 0.9% of all marital rela— tionships, it seems unusual to see that nearly nine percent of the marriages registered in 1978 were polygamous. Since we do not know what proportion of all marriages formed each year are registered, it cannot be determined what effect this has on the national percentage of polygamous marriages But, if registered marriages are representative of the mar- riages occurring in Kuwait, then it would seem that polygamy lFahad Al-Thakab, The Kuwait: Familnyoday and Yesterday (Ph.D. dissertation, Ohio State University, 1974L 32 is currently on the rise. This can be explained by the rise in personal income in Kuwait coupled with a tradition that has not yet died out. This does not mean that this trend would tend to continue indefinitely. Westernization and education have had a profound effect on individual attitudes regarding polygamy. The availability of advanced medical care for women who have difficulty bearing children also has made it unnecessary for some men to marry a second wife. In the past, women lived in one household, but now they often demand separate, well-furnished households. William Goode writes: The trend (away from polygamy in the Arab world) over the past generation or more is clear. . . . It seems evident, however, that the change has come about, not because of substantial industrial- ization, but because of change in publicly sup- ported ideals, largely adopted from the West. In most Arab countries at the present time, some sub- stantial move has been made to abolish or severely limit polygamy, although it cannot be supported that it is a moral problem for most of the pOpula- tion in any of these countries.1 In his study of the Kuwaiti family, Al-Thakeb writes: As for the majority who reject polygamy, the in- dication was that it causes difficulties and problems among wives and among sons. It is also very difficult to raise children in various house- holds. There are others who state Islam has per- mitted such practice on the condition: that all wives receive equal treatment. This condition, they assert, is difficult to fulfill, especially in an emotional sense. Yet a third group, more influenced by Western ideas, argues that they lWilliam Goode, World Revolgtion and Family Patterns (New York: Free Press, 1963-1970). P. 102. 33 reject this type of marriage because it is degrad- ing to women and undermines the love aspects of marriage 1n the nat1on. In summary, polygamous marriages can be expected to decrease, despite the current economic spur to it, in mod- ern Kuwait. It is expected that a small segment of the population will continue the practice for some years, but it is also expected that legal restrictions and social re- sistance will be forthcoming. These will take the form of minimum age laws, proof of adequate economic support, and the right of the first wife to acquire a divorce. The emergence of Western-style norms of individual love may prove to be the most effective means in restricting future polygamy. Homogamy and Heterogamy As in any capitalist economy, economic differences are very distinct in Kuwait. Social inequality also exists in terms of religion, race, tribal origins, and other so- ciocultural aspects. These take many forms in Kuwait. There are religious differences between Suni and Shi-ite Muslims; there is racial discrimination between Kuwaitis and non-Kuwaitis; there are tribal differences between ur— ban dwellers and the nomadic Bedouins. Distinctions based on wealth and property as well as family name, all of which determine a person's class, are somewhat less lFahad Al-Thakeb, Kuwaiti Family Today and_Yester- day (Ph.D. dissertatiOn, Ohio State University, 1974). 34 dramatic than in the past, but they still exist. Social discrimination in Kuwait is readily apparent, especially among the urban population. There are clearly two segments in society: Nobles (Assel) and non-nobles (Bessary). This distinction is ancient; it is not related to Islam, but stems from tribal history. In the past, tribes are divided into two kinds based on property and wealth; thus, there were the high class or wealthy tribes and the low class or poor tribes. There was absolutely no social interaction between the two. Modern Kuwait still reflects this discrimination, but there have been changes. Since the discovery of oil, socioeconomic changes have brought wealth redistribution and, therefore, class mobility. Some people not of noble (Assel) origin have gained wealth and property. With their great economic power has come power in political decision making, too. Consequently, many in the nobility are sof- tening their attitudes, at least toward the wealthy in the non-noble class, and some social interaction is beginning to take place. With the changes taking place in Kuwait, social discrimination has lessened, especially among edu- cated people. Nevertheless, it is still considered unac- ceptable for the ruling family to marry foreigners. Further, around 1975 the government of Kuwait in- stituted a premium of $3,000 (1000 dinars) paid to the male partner in engaged couples under the condition that they both be Kuwaiti nationals and that the marriage be the 35 first one for the husband. This premium has been recently increased to discourage marriage with non-Kuwaitis and, therefore, prevent the creation of a pool of unmarried Ku- waiti females, as well as trying to maintain a homogamous society. All of these social differences, of course, affect marriage. In particular, there is little or no social in- teraction among people of different classes. Dr. Mohammad Al-Rumaihi has written: The families classified themselves as of noble origin (Assel) and exotic origin (Bessary). Traditional marraige does not occur between these families. It is even restricted among the upper class families. For there is a kind of social gap in making an affinity with each other. For a better understanding of homogamy and heterogamy in Kuwait, Figures 1 and 2 describe the social interaction in Kuwait. Engagement and Wedding Ceremonies The traditional pattern, as indicated previously, is for marriage to be arranged. There is no Western-style engagement or courtship. Recently, however, some modifi- cations of the traditional system has taken place, espe- cially among the wealthy and educated segments of the 1M. Al-Rumaiti, "Mode of Production and Its Relation in the Societies of the Arabian Gulf Before the Discovery of Oil," a paper presented to the First International Confer- ence at the Arabian Gulf Center, Exeter University, Eng- lang, 9-13 July 1979. 36 . Bedouin tribes like the Enezi and Mutairi are the "noble class" of the Bedouin society. This is purely due to staus more than current economic class, but based on pre— vious wealth. All tribes with this level of social status tend to intermarry but do not intermarry outside their status level. . Rashiadi Tribes like the Enezi and the Mutairi intermarry because they have mutual characteristics of less- than-noble status, and compatible religious convictions. Fig. l: Homogamy and Heterogamy in Kuwaiti Society among the Bedouin Tribes.* *Tribes mentioned here are used purely as examples of a wider social phenomenon. 37 Ruling Family Absolutely no marriage outside the extended family Nobles (Assel) Prefers homogamy, Sunni but some inter- marriage based on wealth, irresp— tive of religious sect. Bessary Sunni Bessary Shi-ite Fig. 2: Homogamy and Heterogamy in Kuwaiti Society. 38 population. There is more freedom to chose mates, and the family is no longer the primary agent for marriage. With increased social interaction between the sexes, more people are entering marriages of their own choice, based on love. Al-Thakeb said in his study: "Level of education seems to be related to attitudes about the importance of knowing a person before marriage. As compared to those formally educated, among illiterates and those with no formal educa- tion, there is less interest in knowing a person before en- gagement and marriage."1 Upon engagement, the marriage contract is signed, but traditionally the couple was not permitted to cohabit or see each other until the wedding day. Engagements were very short and were intended to give the woman time to pre- pare herself for marriage. The new engagement custom is halfway between the tradi- tional and the Western patterns. Today the engaged couple is allowed to go out if chaperoned by a relative. Although the time is short in most cases, and the engagement is al- most irrevocable, it does not give the couple a chance to know each other. The contract is signed at the time of en- gagement for religious reasons and because of society's sensitivity about premarital sexual relations. lAl-Thakeb Fahed, Kuwaiti Family Today and Yesterday (Ph.D. dissertation, Ohio State University, 1974). 39 Compared to Westerners, most Kuwaitis seem to attach relatively less importance to love and to knowing their future spouses. However, the younger generation has come a long way from the traditional norms, and many of them favor greater freedom in choosing mates. In summary, the old marriage patterns are giving way to new ones. There is more freedom of choice in selecting a marriage partner. This selection is ideally based on fond- ness and understanding. More couples are going through a relatively short engagement before marriage. As the au- thority of the family decreases and as the economic inde- pendence of individuals increases, it is likely that these new patterns will become the national norm. WeddingyCeremony In the past, the wedding ceremony was very simple. It was held at home, and only neighbors and relatives attended. This was true for the rich as well as the poor.1 Since the oil boom, marriage ceremonies for the wealthy have become more elaborate and are held at large hotels. Instead of being readied for the ceremony at home, brides and even some grooms are prepared in beauty salons. Wedding invita- tions have become fashionable, and photographers record the occasion on film. Expensive honeymoons in Europe or the United States often follow. 1M. Al-Nashmi, Marriage in Old Kuwait (no further data given). 40 Divorce Marriage plays a significant role in the kinship system in every society, especially in traditional ones, although the nature of this role depends on the social system. In turn, the kinship systems serves as a major institution of social control, with profound influence on individual be- havior. Divorce disrupts kinship relationships. Furthermore, it affects not only the nuclear family, but also the ex- tended family. Because marriage is chiefly a joining of two families rather than of two individuals, divorce weak- ens broad social bonds. For this reason, in traditional societies divorCe may not occur until the elders or leaders have been consulted. Divorce also may have broad and seri- ous economic consequences for the families involved. As a result, the divorce rate in traditional societies is very low. As is often true elsewhere, in Kuwait attitudes about divorce are closely tied to religion. Although Islamic law permits a husband to divorce his wife, and vice versa, it also tries to limit divorce. Aside from the Quran's teach- ings about the relationship that should exist within and between families, the institutions of the dowry and the sum a husband must pay in the event of divorce tend to prevent the easy termination of a marriage. The divorce price (Al-mu'akkhar) usually must be agreed on by both families, and agreement may not be arrived at quickly. Furthermore, 41 most divorces are handled through a court, and the judge tries to prevent the separation by counseling and by delay. However, if the parties insist, the judge eventually may concur. It is important to reiterate that divorce is not pre- ferred in Islamic law; it is permitted as a last resort. It is reported that the Prophet said that the worst halal (offense) in the eyes of God is divorce. Since family re- lations are so important in Kuwait, and since divorce so profoundly affects those relations, social tradition oppos- ing it is almost as influential as religious attitudes against it. Even so, the radical changes taking place in the Arab world are affecting all the traditional values, and the rising divorce rate is evidence of these develop- ments. This does not mean that the society is becoming weaker, but it does reflect the fact that the family system is altering as a result of, and along with, other social phenomena. An empirical study has been done by the Ministry of So- cial Affairs about divorce in Kuwait.1 It reached several conclusions, one being that there is a relationship between urbanization and divorce. Divorce is higher among urban dwellers than among the nomadic Bedouins because kinship as a means of social control is weaker in cities. This is the result of increased social mobility, fostered by lAliyya Hassan, Divorce in Kuwaiti Society (Kuwait Gov- ernment Press), 1978. 42 urbanization. The study found that divorce rates are high when there is a large age difference between husband and wife, but highest in cases involving spouses of roughly equal age (see Table 6). It may be that marriage between spouses of similar age are often "love matches" as well as contracted marriages. Marriages "for love" bring with them different expectation of the purpose and functions of marriage than do contrac— tual marriages. The higher expectations that marriage "for love” creates may yield greater disappointmentsand less patience when the union experiences discord. It can also be expected that parental influence or interest in main- taining the marital bond may be less in marriages which were arranged by personal choice rather than parental decision. Furthermore, the longer the marriage lasts, the less the likelihood of divorce, and vice versa; as Table 7 shows, divorce was highest for marriages of one year or less. Another finding was that divorce increases as edu- cation decreases. As Table 8 shows, 50.3% of the divorces granted in Kuwait in 1978 involved illiterate wives, 28.4% involved illiterate husbands. In total, divorces involving one or both illiterate spouses were 54.4% of those regis- tered. Further, 42.1% of the divorces registered in Table 8 involved couples of equal educational levels. CHAPTER V TABLES AND ANALYSIS Statistical Tables The following are statistical tables that the author will use for examining the changing marriage norms, and factors contributing to this change. We can conclude from these tables how the social change is taking place in Ku- wait; therefore, the author will begin by showing economic changes which are the major source of social change in Ku- wait. The statistical tables included in this study involve both some general demographic tables and tables related specifically to marriage patterns. 43 44 accouom oco no spam» umoumo: ou ooocsomaa mmoucoouom umoumo: ou ooocsoma .ohma wand Scum our com: mousmmh .Hma .m..mmma .ufimzsx .mhma .uoouumnd Honeymfiuoum Hmscc< Eon“ cowumfiuomcm no woman “mousom .muocfio Hummsz mo mQOHHHmE ca mousmwm .H Hanna mcfimon moo» acumen “ouoz i mooa and” a: HAH.~ mom.a mmm.a Hem mmm uoscoum Hmcoaumz mmouo mm.oH seem a: and mad an ma ma mmoa>umm Hmaocmcam mm.~ mma a: mom mam mmH mm med mmoa>umm unassum>oo mm.~ mmm as mm mm He mm mm mcoaumoacseeoo can .mmououm .uuommcoua mm.~ mmm as mad mod om Hm mm momma .. was seen am am om em mm cofiuosuumaoo mm.o sea a: me Gm me mm mm mmfluaafluo mm.m mood as mm as me mm on mcwusuommscmz mm.mm mesa as m¢«.H Gmm mom «mm mmm mcamuumnm a mean“: .. mom seen a e a a m mcaemflm a ousuasoauma «mmmmuocH Hmuoe .mmamno umz mmma mama Hmma mama mama HBoom mo unmouom Imumcwc may memaumoma mama» qaomum .moeomm mm mosaomm qaonaaz mmomo H mflmda 4 5 TABLE 2A PUBLIC EDUCATION (1958/59-1978/79) Teachers Students 43 . :i 3 .. g 8 s .-. A, 2 .2 3 3 .3 Years 32 g a g g a 8 8 1958/59 750 1,092 1,842 12,661l 21,764 34,425 1,157 111 1959/60 877 1,134- 2,011 15,324 24,978 40,302 1,329; 103 1960/61 1,007 1,248 2,255 .17,459 27,698 45,157 1,475 134 1961/62 1,180 1,371 2,551 20,230l 30,860 51,090 1,633 142 1962/63 1,390 1,551 2,941 23,877: 35,674 59,551 1,844 140 1963/64. 1,699 1,890 3,589 28,597! 41,511 70,108 ~2,082' 157 1964/65 1,974 2,241 4,215 32,509 46,613 79,122 2,510 166 1965/66 2,356 2,680 5,036 38,238 53,550 91,788 2,878 176 ‘1966/67 2,701 2,967 5,668 43,026 58,702 101,728 3,201 178 1967/68 3,053 3,342 6,395 47,655 _64,366 112,021 3,504 195 1968/69 3,506 3,811 7,317 51,673 68,877 120,550 3,897 212‘ 1969/70 3,984 4,235 8,219 55,783 73,262 129,045 4,280 224 1970/71 4,446 4,639 9,085 60,384 78,363 138,747 4,644 230 1971/72 5,138 5,275 10,413 66,219 84,460 150,679 5,208 245 1972/73 5,771 5,734 11,505 71,334 88,897 160,231 5,660 273 1973/74 6,408 6,199 12,607 76,046 93,371 169,417 6,012 287 1974/75 7,223 6,990 14,213 82,717 100,061 182,778 6,426 309 1975/76 8,988 7,484 15,472 92,034 109,873 201,907 6,932 326 1976/77 9,359 8,868 18,227 107,823 127,380 235,203 8,117 378 ~l977/78 10,101 9,673 19,774 116,498 136,714 253,212 8,663 394 1978/79 10,466 10,158 20,624 23,9323143,586 267,518. 9,060 437 46 .ucoouom oco mo cucounoco umouoo: on» ou ooocsou can mommucooaom « mm.mm mm.mv moca mm.ma mm.am mooa mm\mmma m~.mm mm.mm mooa mm.mm mm.ov mama mm\mmma mm.~m mm.ea mm.ma mm.am wmmmuoca amuoe m O HGOUHOQ mm.mmm mm.mmm mmmm+ momm mm.mm~a wm.maoa mmmouuca uoz -m.a~a am~.aaa mmc.mm~. mmo.m mae.m ~m>.ma mmcmno mmm.mva ~mm.m~a mam.mmm mma.oa ..Gme.oa amo.o~ mm\mmma aom.a~ aGG.~a mmo.am ~mo.a one mmm.a mmxmmma can: onEOh mucocsum can: oaoaom muonoooe mummy amaoa amuoe .xmm\mbmaumm\mmmav zeaemoanm oaamom mm mamda 47 .ucoouom one no nucouuoco umouooc on» on coocsoa who momoucmouoma mm.m wm.aa mm.h mommm mhma mm.~ wm.o m~.m samba onma am.a wm.v am.v mmhm mmma GOauoasmom couch uwo3sx Ca. c0803 whom» amuoe mo gonna mcaxuoz mcaxuoz ommucoouom acuoa no 30503 no mo Hon ommucooaom omcucoouom IEsz amuoB am.~ wa.m wo.ma mm.~a mmhhm mhma wo.m wo.w w~.m wm.m Nvmva onma mm.a m~.v wv.m mv.oa when moma acaumHsmom moaom coach Henna 20503 30503 mummy Hence no Honoa anamzsxcoz auam3sxcoz ocaxuoz ommucooaom amuoe no no no mo ommucoouom ommucoouom omoucoouom HonEsz mm.o wm.~ wa.m am.ml hhvh mhma wm.o .wm.c wa.m w~.H mmom onma w~.o \wm.c mm.~ wo.a mmoa mwma acauoasmom coach (couch 30503 :0503 name» amuoe mo Hosea Honma auamzsx mcaxuoz omoucoouom Houoe mo wuwmzsx no m0 m0 mmmucoouwm omnucoouom omoucooaom Honasz «mmma .omma .moma macs» za momom momaa za zmzoz mo zeaecmaoaemuo u want? 51 TABLE 7 DIVORCE RELATED TO THE DURATION OF MARRIAGEIUJ KUWAIT IN 1978. Durationof Marriage % of Cumulative (in years). Divorcees Total % less than 1 year 224 21.1% 21.1% 1 year 163 15.3% 36.4% 2 93 8.8% 45.2% 3 83 7.8% 53.0% 4 48 4.5% 57.5% 5-9 156 14.7% 72.2% 10-14 77 7.3% 79.5% 15-19 38 3.6% 83.1% 20—25 22 2.1% 85.1% 25+ years 24 2.3% 87.4% Not stated 134 12.6% 100.0% Total 1,062 100.0% 52 .ucmoumm moo mo snamuImco ummumm: 03% on coccoou mum mommucmoumm « wood am.a am.a wa.m wm.¢a wm.m am.ma wm.om * Hmuou m0 w ao.ooa mmH.H ma ma moa and moa and mmm Hmuoe mo.~ mm ea I H a I a. m coumum uoz e~.m an I a ma OH I m I auaouosaso mm.~a mod I 5 sq me «d 5H ha aumccooom wa.om vmm a H on mm mm mm mu mucucoaumucH em.oa sea I I m on «m m~ ms muousosodm wo.ma mum m I n ma ma mm oma mueuz was comm ev.m~ omm a I m m m on now muoumuHHHH Hmuoa Bowman huamum> aumcco oumaoofi huoucms muaua «unmoved-H « no a dance uoz Iago loom IuoucH Imam can comm. ocmnmsm mo mmaz mo scaumoonm acaumoocm mbmH 2H BHdZDM 2H mmmDOmm m0 ZOHBdODQm was OB amaflflmm m0m0>HQ m mnm can mane: mmmwuumfi cw mmcmso may mcflcmwa ma QOAuMNflHmwuumsccfi 3o: m3onm Tasman was» "mucosamcH HafiuumSGCH .m .mflm mosam> new mane: womauume ca omCMBOII¢Iwmcmno HMHOOmIITI Ioocwsamcw HousuasommOHOIIT IIIIIIIIII :ofiumumwfifiw+l IIIcoHummwofluumm m.cmEo3II¢Ic0wumo:Um auomasmfioo+l IIIIIIIII mmsuaso cumumszITIwEoocfl Hmnomnmmramwn+n IIIICOMHMNflcmnusIIoIcowumuwHmwuumspcfl 55 polygamy. To what extent has Westernization affected such patterns? The change is evident in the declining role of the family as an agent for arranging and maintaining marriage, and in an older marriage age. The sudden increase in wealth in Kuwait, only indirectly if at all related to Westerniza- tion, has meant that dowries have become extremely high in some segments of society. There has been a clear departure from the tradition- al patterns (see Figure 4). This new trend has the support of the overwhelming majority of the collegereducated and the young. One pronounced change has occurred with respect to mate selection. Traditionally, parents select a son-in-law without their daughter's approval. This is less true today. The relative personal freedom of selection typical in West- ern societies is becoming more common in Kuwait. More em- phasis is being put on the personality of the future spouse and less on family status, income, and so forth. Getting to know a prospective spouse, love, and engagement are foreign to the traditional institution of marriage in Kuwait, but with exposure to Western ideas, these attitudes are becoming familiar. Dowry and polygamy are two notable features of the institution of marriage in traditional Arab society. The groom pays his future bride a sum of money in line with his socioeconomic status. This practice is still the norm in contemporary Kuwait. Westernization and education no doubt have had an effect on people's attitudes toward the dowry 56 .v musmwm o + I I ++ 0 ++ cowumospm mo nuzoum + + I + ++ o + cofiuoo IAGSEEOO + + I I ++ o ++ sofluou Iflcumcoa ++ + I+ II ++ + +++ coauMNHHm Ifiuumspcfl mouo>wc. acosmumo. wfiwmofion. >Emmaaom cowuooammp.>nzop mmmwuumfi manmflum> mcwcom3 mums I um 0mm ucwpcwmmc can usmsmmmmsm 57 system, and many of the educated reject it. The belief is becoming more widespread that the dowry should become a sym- bolic or token sum only. It is expected that its elimination will come only when the family is no longer a primary marri- age agent and when individuals select their mates freely. Polygamous marriages constituted less than one per- cent of the total in the 1965 and 1970 censuses. Those who show the most negative attitudes toward it are found among the educated, the young, females, and the upper class. It can be expected that negative attitudes regarding polygamy will continue to grow in Kuwait as the norm of individual love in marriage becomes more widely accepted and as women receive more power in arranging their marriages. While economic growth makes it more financially possible to have polygamous unions, that same economic growth fosters an ideology of individuality congruent with monogamy as a norm. When Kuwait was a small community and people be- longed almost exclusively to one faith, interfaith and inter- social marriage seldom occurred. Now, over half the popula- tion is non-Kuwaiti and belongs to various religions. It is probable that some Kuwaitis have married non-Muslims and non-Kuwaitis. Census data do not provide any information regarding the nationality or religious background of spouses but it is likely that interfaith marriage is limited to a small segment of those who acquire their education abroad. In summary, the institution of marriage in contem- porary Kuwait is going through a significant transition 58 periOd. There is more freedom of choice in mate selection, which is based more and more on the compatibility of the personalities of the two parties. Still, unlike the custom in Western countries, engagement in Kuwait involves signing a marriage contract and imposes some restrictions of social intercourse between the engaged couple. This indicates a melding of tradition with newer norms. It could be said that social norms and ideologies compatible with the new economic structure have not kept pace with the rapid econo- mic change. Final Comments and Recommendations ‘This study raises many questions about Third World societies, particularly Arabic ones. More information is needed about family structure, family relationships, and the interrelationship between family patterns and the processes of urbanization and/or Westernization. Social change, due to the economic changes and the increasing reality of a global community, is inevitable in the Middle East. If our societies would want to plan for change, then there must be available accurate information on the ways in which economic change reverberated throughout a social system. It may be possible that, from a cost/benefit analysis point of view, some economic changes might be best foregone in light of some of the expected social disruptions to emanate from that change. Or economic change could be more readily embraced if society were better prepared to readjust its institutions 59 to mitigate the more disturbing disruptions incurred through economic change. This, and further studies, can help shed light on changes in marriage and family relations that can occur with sudden economic change. If society finds some of these changes disruptive to social equilibrium, then it is possible to consider means of effecting economic change without incurring the disruption of the family. There is a need for further work in other Arab countries, especially those on the Arabic peninsula, where rapid changes are taking place. The need is for systematic studies that will use all available data and well-designed field research. Census materials and other data are becom- ing more available in that part of the world, although the lack of census data for the pre-oil era is unfortunate. Future research should focus on specification and comparability. Such issues as male-female relationships with kin and husband-wife relationship with inlaws are of special interest. Another area that needs further investi- gation is social class differences in relation to family ties. The relationship between adults, youths, and their parents is also of special interest. It may be that (unlike Western societies) parents are closer to their sons than to their daughters. In general, future studies should focus on (1) types of family systems, (2) types of marriage, (3) mate selection (4) intermarriage, (5) divorce and social change, (6) child 60 rearing, and (7) family planning. It would add greatly to our knowledge if such studies were to take place in Kuwait or similar Arab countries, where relatively little is known about family patterns. Future research in social change in Kuwait should be able to take advantage of a somewhat lengthier period of data collection than was the author of this study. Even so, this study seems to have captured a moment in which the changes in marriage customs were just beginning to be mani- fested. If social change begins to catch up with the ma- terial changes in Kuwait, we could expect to see significant changes in age at marriage, divorce rates, homogamy, hetero- gamy, and compatibility of spouse age and education within the few years of registry that will have occurred. This study was important in that it raises questions that have not yet been researched fully in the Middle East concerning rapid urbanization and sudden wealth and their effect on social patterns of behavior. If other Islamic Third World countries are interested in planning for future growth, Kuwait should be an enlightening example of the processes of social change that occur during rapid economic growth. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY Abu-Sand, Mahmoud. Sex Roles in Muslim Families of the U.S.A. 1979. Al-Ebraheem, Hassan A. Kuwait: A Political Study. 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