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R Y Mic} if???“ 513” University fiméfislfi This is to certify that the thesis entitled The Relationship of Neurotic Styles to Rorschach Variable Patterns presented by Linda S. Cohen has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Masters degree in PSYChOlOgy Major professor Date X/Z//Z/7X 0-7639 THE RELATIONSHIP OF NEUROTIC STYLES TO RORSCHACH VARIABLE PATTERNS BY Linda S. Cohen A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Psychology 1978 ABSTRACT THE RELATIONSHIP OF NEUROTIC STYLES TO RORSCHACH VARIABLE PATTERNS BY Linda S. Cohen The present study was designed to assess the relation- ship between Shapiro's Neurotic Styles and Rorschach vari- able patterns. The sample consisted of 42 undergraduate subjects whose two raters on the Neurotic Styles Peer Rat- ing form had agreed on neurotic style classification. The Rorschach was given to each subject. A list of Rorschach variables hypothesized to be associated with each neurotic style was compiled. For each subject four Rorschach scores were determined indicating the percentage of obsessive com— pulsive, paranoid, hysteric and impulsive indicators repre- sented by his record. T-test analyses were then carried out to test 1) whether subjects characterized by a partic- ular style would demonstrate a higher percentage of indi- cators for that style than for the three remaining styles and 2) whether those demonstrating a particular style would show a higher percentage of indicators for each of the other styles. These hypotheses were not supported by the data. AC KNOWLEDGMEN TS I would like to express my appreciation to my com— 'mittee, especially to Dr. Albert Rabin for his assistance in formulating the problem and his understanding and pa- tience. I would also like to thank Dr. Charles Hanley for his support and statistical advice and Dr. Martha Karson for her interest in my work. And finally a special thanks to David Hayes for his help in administering and scoring Rorschach protocols. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TALBES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . v INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l The New Look Movement in Perception . . . . . . . 2 Ego Psychology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Cognitive Controls . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Neurotic Styles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 The Rorschach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l7 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 METHOD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 Instruments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 Scoring . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 Subjects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 Procedure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 Statistical Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 RESUETS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 Distribution of Neurotic Styles . . . . . . . . . 50 Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 Additional Result . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 DISCUSSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 Directions for Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64 SUMMARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 APPENDICES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 A BEHAVIORAL STYLE RATING FORM . . . . . . . . . . 67 B RORSCHACH VARIABLES: SAMPLE MEDIANS MEANS AND STANDARD DEVIATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 C T-TEST COMPARISONS OF BECK MEANS AND SAMPLE MEANS FOR EACH RORSCHACH VARIABLE . . . . . . . . 74 iii Page D RORSCHACH VARIABLE MEANS AND STANDARD DEVIATIONS FOR EACH NEUROTIC STYLE . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 E MEANS OF RORSCHACH STYLE INDICATORS FOR EACH NEUROTIC STYLE FOR MALES AND FEMALES . . . . . . 77 F MEANS OF RORSCHACH STYLE INDICATORS FOR EACH NEUROTIC STYLE USING MEDIANS AS POINTS OF REFERENCE 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O C O O O O 78 G MEAN PERCENT OF RORSCHACH INDICATORS FOR EACH STYLE USING BECK MEANS . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79 REFERENCES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 iv LI ST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Rorschach Variable Patterns Associated with Each Neurotic Style . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 2. Interrater Reliability for Each Rorschach Variable Using Pearson Product Moment Correla- tion Coefficient . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 3. DistributioncfiENeurotic Styles . . . . . . . . 50 4. Obsessive Compulsive Rorschach Indicators vs. Indicators of Other Neurotic Styles for the Obsessive Compulsive Style Group . . . . . . . 51 5. Obsessive Compulsive Indicators: Obsessive Compulsive Groups vs Other Neurotic Style Groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 6. Paranoid Rorschach Indicators and Indicators of Other Neurotic Styles for the Paranoid Style Group . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 7. Paranoid Indicators: Paranoid Group vs Other Neurotic Style Groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 8. Hysterical Rorschach Indicators and Indicators of Other Neurotic Styles for the Hysterical Style Group . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54 9. Hysterical Indicators: Hysterical Style Group vs Other Neurotic Style Groups . . . . . 55 10. Impulsive Rorschach Indicators and Indicators of Other Neurotic Styles for the Impulsive Style Group 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 55 ll. Impulsive Indicators: Impulsive Style Group vs Other Neurotic Style Groups . . . . . . . . 56 12. Frequency Distribution of Association of Neurotic Styles Determined by Peer Ratings and Neurotic Styles Determined by Rorschach Indi- cator Patterns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 INTRODUCTION Historically the fields of personality and cognition have followed radically different paths of study. The in- vestigation of personality particularly psychoanalytic theory took place largely in the clinical setting, its theory so closely linked to the clinical situation that it was difficult to study concepts in a more controlled en- vironment. In contrast, cognition was examined in the ex- perimental laboratory context. Furthermore it was assumed that each could be adequately investigated in isolation, since personality involved the study of individual differ— ences and cognition was presumed to develop uniformly in all persons (Klein, 1970). Formulation of the concept of cognitive styles repre— sented a move toward the integration of these heretofore alien disciplines, the result being a more comprehensive understanding of human functioning. This concept emerged out of a dissatisfaction with existing perceptual research; its failure to account for a wide range of individual dif- ferences, coupled with the rising influence of Hartmann's (1958) ego psychological theory. Theory resulting from this integration proposed and investigation corroborated that people demonstrate consistent styles of perceiving that are remarkably stable across a variety of cognitive tasks and over long periods of time. These pervasive modes of functioning were labeled cognitive styles (Klein, 1970). Several theories of cognitive styles have been pro- posed each with a somewhat different emphasis. The focus of this research is on Shapiro's theory of neurotic styles (1965). Shapiro hypothesizes an interesting link between j cognitive structure and neurosis thus extending our under- standing of functioning beyond that of cognition and per- ‘ sonality development into the realm of psychopathology. He contends that this conceptualization explains two phenomena which he feels have been inadequately accounted for by psychoanalytic theory 1) development of character and 2) choice of neurosis. While other theories of cog- nitive styles have arisen from and been corroborated by empirical research, Shapiro's theory of neurotic styles has received little of this treatment. It is therefore the goal of this study to begin such investigation. The New Look Movement in Perception The gradual integration of the fields of perception and personality began in the mid 1940's. Until this time Gestalt theory had been the theoretical orientation guid- ing perceptual research. The assumption of the Gestalt point of view was that perception was a self-contained system.which was capable of communicating to the individ- ual an accurate transcription of reality. However, there was a growing dissatisfaction with the ability of these laws and principles to account for the individual differ- ences in perception. These differences could not it appeared be accounted for simply through error (Klein, 1970). Out of this sense of dissatisfaction emerged the New Look movement of perceptual investigation. The New Look 1 represented an attempt to View perception from an organ— ismic perspective. These psycholOgists felt that the Gestaltists had failed to consider the creativity and ac- tivity of the organism (Bruner and Postman, 1948; Klein and Schlesinger, 1949), the influence of past and future expectancies (Cantril, 1948) and other motivational aspects of behavior (Krech, 1949). Heavily influenced by classical psychoanalytic theory, the New Look psychologists saw the individual as one whose primary motive for behavior is need reduction i.e. the satisfaction of aggressive and libidinal drives and their derivatives. As one form of human behavior, perception was then vieWed as an eXpression of the indi- vidual's direction, purpose and motives. Therefore they hypothesized, individual differences in perception are attributable to differences in the motivational state of the organism. A number of studies were then undertaken in an attempt to compensate for the shortcomings of Gestalt research and to gain empirical support for the organismic hypothesis. The most notable of these was a series carried out by Bruner and his colleagues (Bruner and Goodman, 1947; Bruner and Postman, 1947; Bruner and Postman, 1948). These studies corroborated the hypothesis that needs and values significantly altered perception. However the way in which perception was changed was more difficult to discern. While in one experiment they found that valued J objects were judged to be significantly larger than their actual size, in a second investigation subjects judged valued objects to be smaller than they actually were. In an attempt to reconcile these contradictions they concluded that the direction and magnitude of accentuation is a func- tion of the particular need or value involved. In a series of two critiques of the New Look research Klein and his colleagues levelled two major criticisms (Klein and Schlesinger, 1949; Klein, Schlesinger & Meister, 1951) 1) that in concluding that perceptual distortion was aifunctionwof the value and need involved they had just as the Gestaltists, focused on the process and neglected the importance of the individual and 2) that in their effort to establish the distorting effects of motives on perception, they proposed no mechanism which would account for the accuracy perception generally affords. In an attempt to formulate a more comprehensive theory the concept of cog— nitive controls emerged. Ego Psychology Klein and his colleagues felt that classic psycho- analytic theory had failed to provide an adequate basis for the understanding of perceptual phenomena. He therefore turned to Hartmann's (1958) theory of ego psychology which seemed to offer a broader basis for human motivation. Hartmann (1958) presented the individual as essen— tially a social being whose primary concern is adaptation to the enVironment. While much of the individual's be- havior is concerned with the satisfaction of need, under- lying this, is a primary motive of "maintaining equilibrium between the individual and the average expectable environ- ment" (Hartmann, 1958, p. 25). Thus an individual is motivated by efforts at adequacy and control rather than simply aggressive and libidinal drives. In contrast to classic psychoanalytic theory the primary focus of development is on the ego rather than the id. Hartmann proposed that ego and id differentiate out of a common matrix. Furthermore he suggests that there are rudimentary elements of the ego called "ego apparatuses of primary autonomy" (e.g. perception, intention, object comprehension, thinking, language, motor development) which exist at birth, function outside the realm of con- flict and follow an innately determined maturational path. Development occurs as these apparatuses progres- sively mature, differentiate and reintegrate into a com— plex organizing structure which guides the individual in his adaptive endeavor. The form this organization takes and therefore the manner in which adaptation occurs is dependent on the innate capacity and maturational level of the autonomous ego apparatuses and their interplay with intrapsychic conflicts and the social environment. But we have in this conception and psychoanalysis did not have it before a biologically rooted nu- cleus of psychological structure that influences characteristic form tendencies of both adaptive and defensive functioning from the beginning, a nucleus around which other forces and influences (such as social environment and intrapsychic con- flict) assert themselves and accumulate (Shapiro, 1965, p. 10). Congitive Controls Klein's concept of cognitive controls represents an attempt to define and articulate the organizing struc- tures described by Hartmann (1958). Cognitive controls refer to precisely those pro— cesses which Hartmann has termed conflict-free. Specifically they describe the characteristic ways in which reality-adaptive events have become or- ganized in the person; each constitutes for the per- son his optimal adaptational level in the partic- ular class of environmental situations to which it is suited (Gardner, Holzman, Klein, Linton & Spence, 1959, p. 10). These organizing structures exist at birth in an undif— ferentiated state. Through the interplay of the auton- omous ego functions with social forces and intrapsychic conflict these structures are differentiated and consol- idated into stable "cognitive controls" which provide the individual with certain consistent and reliable ways of experiencing and responding to external and internal “Ii“... events. While these adaptive strategies differ from one person to the next based on differences in innate capaci- ties and developmental history they are equally effective in promoting environmental adaptation. In addition to providing structural stability and consistency to the individual, cognitive controls also serve a drive discharge delaying function, much as de- fenses do. They therefore provide a vehicle for drive i expression in the context of adaptive requirements. Thus H cognitive controls limit the degree to which need states can distort reality, allowing distortion only to the extent to which it services adaptation (Gardner et al., 1959). In the course of innumerable empirical studies Klein, Gardner and their colleagues have identified five cogni— tive controls: 1) Levelling-Sharpening (Holzman and Klein, 1954; Holzman, 1954), 2) Focussing-Scanning (Schlesinger, 1954; Holzman, 1966; Gardner and Long, 1962), 3) Constricted-Flexible Control (Loomis and Moskowitz, 1958; Smith and Klein, 1953), 4) Equivalence Range (Gardner, 1953) and 5) Tolerance for Unrealistic Exper- iences (Klein, Gardner and Schlesinger, 1962). Further research has demonstrated that these structures are con- sistent across tasks and stable over time (Gardner, Jack— son & Messick, 1960), lending empirical support to this structural model. Neurotic Styles The theory of neurotic styles was formulated largely on the basis of clinical observation rather than on exper- imental research. As Shapiro (1965) became more famil- iarized with the works of Hartmann, Klein and Gardner, he began to reevaluate the phenomena he had witnessed in the clinical setting as an assessor and therapist. In testing Shapiro found that, particularly in the g use of the Rorschach the way a person thinks and perceives is used to make inferences about character traits, di- agnosis and defense mechanisms. Furthermore slight vari— ations in this style is often suggestive of adaptive traits as well. He therefore reasoned that this general style of thinking (i.e. cognitive style) might be viewed as a psychological structure in its own right "a matrix from which various traits, symptoms and defense mechan- isms crystallized" (Shapiro, 1965, p. 2). Shapiro proposes that there is an identifiable mode of thinking, a cognitive style, associated with each neurotic condition which is a manifestation not of the neurosis itself but of the individual's cognitive struc- ture formed in the course of normal development. The individual's cognitive style serves as a matrix from which his adaptive, traits, defenses and symptoms evolve. It is therefore a significant factor in determining the form a symptom might take and thus the type of neurosis one might develop. Shapiro concludes that this conceptualization accounts for two phenomena which have never been adequately explained by psychoanalysis 1) de- velOpment of character (here referred to as cognitive style) and 2) choice of neurosis. Shapiro's formulation of neurotic styles is not simply a theoretical statement. It also articulates in some detail four neurotic styles. Following is a description of each of the four neurotic styles described by Shapiro (1965): obsessive- compulsive, paranoid, hysteric and impulsive. Obsessive-Compulsive Style The most outstanding characteristic of the obsessive compulsive is his rigidity. "Behaviorally it may refer to a stiff body posture, stilted social manner or a tend- ency to continue in a course of action beyond its useful— ness"(p. 24). Above all however it refers to a style of thinking. The obsessive-compulsive lacks the ability to shift from sharply focussed attention to more relaxed impressionistic cognition. He rarely gets hunches or is struck by things. In fact impressionistic experiences are viewed as a discomforting distraction which interferes with his intense concentration. This mode of functioning clearly provides the obses- sive compulsive with superior technical facility and an impressive capacity for concentration in attempting to solve a problem or engage in intellectual pursuit. At 10 times however the narrow attentional sc0pe prevents him from maintaining a proper perspective on a situation. Facts tend to be viewed in isolation gaining little sense of their integration or emotional impact. The obsessive compulsive's life is centered around work. He is continuously involved in some goal-oriented task which he pursues with deliberateness. WOrk is viewed as an obligation to some higher authority which transcends his own needs and desires. The obsessive compulsive is thus continually plagued and guided by feelings of what he should be doing. While this pressure is self imposed, the obsessive compulsive's subjective experience is one of continued stress and strain about which he frequently complains. Despite this when such structure is eliminated the individual with an obsessive compulsive style becomes quite anxious and immediately seeks out another task to pursue. Such effortfulness and deliberateness is often ex— pected in a work situation. However, for the obsessive- compulsive it extends into all areas of life, even those which to others seem fun. He attempts to direct not only actions but also wants and emotions leaving little room for whim, spontaneity or affective expression. Consequently, relaxing is difficult, and doing things on impulse or simply for fun is rare. The decision making process is similarly difficult for the obsessive compulsive. Typically his feelings are ll remarkably well balanced between alternatives. Essentially cut off from his own desires he attempts to invoke some rule or principle which will provide him with a "right" answer. Therefore decisions are usually made abruptly with a lack of internal certainty. He then defends against this tenuousness through dogmatic adherence to his decision, disregarding all facts which might instill doubt. In sum, to others the obsessive compulsive is a rational, controlled competent individual who has diffi- culty relaxing and is ill at ease in situations until he has figured out the appropriate role expectations. Paranoid Style The cognition of the paranoid is characterized by rigidity, intensity and hyperalertness. He tends to have preconceived ideas which are quite rigid and resistant to change. Unlike the obsessive-compulsive who focusses in on small details of the environment, the paranoid is constantly scanning and searching for clues to support his suspicions and ideas. He is thus acutely aware of all aspects of the external world and shows a tendency and need to integrate them into his framework. He therefore does not disregard facts which do not fit as does the obsessive, but idiosyncratically interprets them. These non-confirmatory facts are viewed as appearance, masking some more significant underlying meaning. Thus while ex- ceedingly accurate in perception the paranoid is at times 12 amiss in judgment. It is this type of cognition which lends itself to the develOpment of projection as a defense. "The projec- tive process is completed and a projection is said to exist when the paranoid person,in a certain state of biased expectancy vis a vis the external world, turns his atten— tion toward the object and seizes on a clue, the signifi- cance of which convinces him of some motive, intention, or the like and thereby crystallizes his biased expectancy in some concrete shape"(p. 70). The paranoid individual is in a constant state of mobilization always aware of the possibility of some danger or threat. The aim however is not to avoid threat but to avoid vulnerability to it. Thus there is a tendency to anticipate the unexpected and integrate it into his preexisting framework. One of the primary sources of threat is that of authority. The paranoid is "continuously occupied and con- cerned about the threat of being subjected to some exter- nal control or infringement of will" (p. 82). He is there- fore acutely aware of power and rank and is quite sensi- tive to the evaluation of authority figures, particularly their rejection. His reaction is typically one of shame or arrogance. Authority however is not the only source of interpersonal discomfort. The paranoid tends to be gen- erally suspicious of others. This results in remaining distant from people, being cautious and not feeling 13 comfortable enough to relax and be spontaneous. The result of this state of mobilization is that "all action is purposeful, directed toward an aim with an intensity close to what is normally reserved for emer- gency (p. 76). He never does anything whimsically, im- pulsively, for its immediate appeal or for its own sake" (p. 81). Activities such as walking, talking and smiling which are generally viewed as expressive or automatic are kept under voluntary control. As a result there is a general restriction of affective experience and the area experienced as "self." The paranoid rarely laughs, is uninterested in art and aesthetics and regards tenderness and sentiment as effeminate or weak. As well bodily sens- ual experience is constricted; sex becomes quite mechanical and sensual pleasure limited. Furthermore there is a nar- rowing of interests in general. Leisure time is usually devoted to mechanical devices which the paranoid shows an unusual fascination and respect for. Hysterical Style The hallmark of the hysteric is his impressionistic cognitive style. Cognition is global, diffuse and lacking in sharp detail. This appears to be associated with an im- pairment in the capacity to actively organize, refine and integrate mental contents. While the obsessive and para- noid search out detail the hysteric is passively struck by things. Thus he tends to respond to those aspects of 14 the environment which are most vivid, colorful and emo- tionally salient, the subjective experience of the world being one of color and excitement but lacking in sub— stance or fact. When asked to describe a person or ob- ject he is more likely to answer with general impressions than descriptive detail. Repression is facilitated by this style in two ways; 9) the vagueness of the original cognition will re- sult in less concrete facts being associated with it and 2) the memory recall process will be similarly diffuse. Consequently the general absence of focussed attention facilitates the individual not bringing into clear focus that which may be experienced as uncomfortable. This cognitive style pervades not only the defen- sive structure but has far reaching intellectual, affec- tive and behavioral effects. The hysteric is easily dis- tractible and lacks the concentration and attention nec- essary for intellectual pursuits. Thus although he may possess more than adequate intellectual potential he lacks the reflectiveness and perseverance necessary for sus— tained intellecutal activity. The hysteric consequently lives in a non factual world where emotions and whim rather than reason serve as primary guides. Judgments are therefore thought to be questionable, rarely thought out or based on concrete knowledge or facts. Highly suggestible, the hysteric is likely to follow the newest fad or trend. Furthermore 15 he tends to fall in an out of love frequently, easily infatuated and just as easily repulsed. Not yet mentioned but perhaps the most striking and frequently mentioned characteristic of the hysteric is his emotional lability. The hysteric tends to change moods with little provocation and is given to intense emotional outbursts. While one might expect that the experience of such vivid emotions is associated with a strong sense of self, this is not the case with the hysteric. These out- bursts tend to be seen by him as something that comes over him rather than a reflection of his true feelings. He is therefore often quite surprised that others take them ser- iously. In general the hysteric appears to have little sense of the impact his actions have on others. Impulsive Style Cognition of the impulsive individual tends to be passive and concrete, captured by whim and demonstrating a lack of active integration. The result of such a style is an impairment of such processes as planning, objectivity, concentration and reflectiveness. Associated with this type of cognition is also an impairment in normal motivation. Actions tend to lack a sense of deliberateness and intention. Consequently judg- ment in the impulsive is often said to be poor. He tends to rush into things with little consideration for the consequences and alternatives. As with all actions it 16 tends to be quickly executed and unplanned. In general he acts consistently on whim. When asked why he has per- formed an act the impulsive's reply is frequently, "I couldn't help it. I just did it. I don't know why." The subjective experience is of having performed "action which does not feel completely deliberate or fully intended" (p. 136). The impulsive is also quite notably lacking in active aims and interests which when present provides perspective, continuity and direction to current actions. The impul- sive, however, tends to have no long range personal or professional goals. Furthermore he is uninterested in cultural, intellectual, political or ideological matters. Love and friendship relationships tend to be superficial and there is little investment in family matters. Lacking an integrated structure of aims and interests, immediate gains, satisfactions and frustrations become primary. While clearly impaired, integrative processes are not totally absent. "The individual is neither over- whelmed by his impulses nor acts them out chaotically without consideration for reality" (p. 143). Rather this type of cognition facilitates effective completion of short range immediate aims. The impulsive is not hampered by rumination over possible alternatives or consequences. He acts quickly and competently in tasks which service his immediate needs. Furthermore, he shows a remarkable de- gree of self confidence and a freedom from inhibition and l7 anxiety. As well the impulsive is known for his sociabil- ity. He tends to be seen by others as charming, enter- taining, witty, engaging and playful. However this social facility is often used as a way of manipulating people to service his needs rather than in developing any long— standing relationships. The Rorschach The Rorschach lends itself quite well to the inves- tigation of neurotic styles. It provides an objective, valid and reliable method for assessing the formal char- acteristics of thought, affect and behavior. Furthermore the Rorschach was one of the primary sources of clinical data used by Shapiro (1965) in formulating his theory. The investigator therefore decided to use it as one of her primary research instruments. Following is a review of the literature of the Ror— schach variables being used in this study. Response Number (R) R is the total number of responses given to the ten Rorschach plates. It is dependent on both the ability to look at an object from several different perspectives and on the wealth of associations (Rapaport, Gill and Schafer, 1968). Thus it is said to be related to intel- ligence level and range of interests (Beck and Molish, 1967; Rapaport et al., 1968). Those of superior intel- ligence produce significantly greater numbers of responses 18 than those within the normal range, while the feebleminded produce significantly less responses than both of the pre- ceding groups (Exner, 1974). Affective factors, however, also play a significant role in determining R, with depression and constriction reducing and elation increasing R production (Beck, 1945; Exner, 1974; Rapaport et al., 1968; Rorschach, 1942). As well high R may be indicative of overambitiousness rather than simply intellecutal excellence, the overachiever producing quantitatively equal but qualitatively poorer responses (Rapaport et al., 1968). In addition, studies of pathological groups have found high R to be associated with mania (Rorschach, 1942), overideational preschizophrenics, mixed neurotics and ob- sessive compulsives. In contrast, low R is correlated with neurotic and psychotic depressives, simple schizOphrenics, paranoids (Rapaport et al., 1968) , and those with organic brain damage (Exner, 1974). Location (W, D, Dd) Location scores W, D, Dd reveal the way in which the individual approaches the world. W indicates a global, theoretical approach, D a practical concrete approach and Dd an approach attuned to the finer, sometimes obscure details of the environment (Beck, 1945). The majority of research on location scores has focussed on W. Rorschach (1942) postulated that W was 19 related to organizing ability and thus intellecual func- tioning. However, investigations have produced conflict- ing evidence regarding the intellect hypothesis, some studies demonstrating a positive correlation between Ia and W (Abrams, 1955; Armitage, Greenberg, Pearl, Berger & Daston, 1955) while others finding no such relationship (McCandles, 1949; Wittenborn, 1950). Exner (1974) attributes these contradictory results to the failure to account for qualitative differences in W. Beck (1945) identifies two types of W, the organized W in which the analysis-synthesis process is in evidence and the lazy W which is characterized by easy and diffuse perception. Other investigators have shown that when the quality of W is considered, a positive correlation is found between organized W and intellect (Friedman, 1952), the lazy W reflecting limited intellectual potential or below capacity functioning due to illness, affective fac- tors or defensive guardedness (Beck, 1945). Little research has been conducted investigating D and Dd alone, Beck indicating that D represents reactiv- ity to the obvious, Dd-attention to the minute. While there is some value in interpreting location scores in isolation from each other, their interpretive significance lies primarily in their proportional occur- rence to each other in a record. Adherence to the ex- pected proportion W = 19.81%, D = 71.94%, Dd = 8.23%, re- flects adaptive flexibility in coping with the environment, 20 aware of the practical reality demands (D), and yet cog- nizant of global implications (W) and subtle distinctions (Dd) when necessary (Beck, 1945; Exner, 1974). For those who depart from these expectancies, the direction to which the proportion shifts, reveals import- ant differences in style of approach to the world. Evi- dence shows that an emphasis on W reflects a tendency to be overly theoretical, intellecutal and abstract at the expense of more mundane considerations. In contrast over- emphasis on D indicates over concern with the practical and concrete often reflecting a reluctance to test out intel- lectual resources (Exner, 1974). And finally Dd over- production reveals a tendency to pursue what others dis- regard. Valuing precision and exactness, the Dd emphasizer has difficulty coping with the ambiguity and global impact of the environment (Beck, 1945). Furthermore investigation of pathological groups has found high incidence of D in depressives, Dd in obses- sives and W in conditions exhibiting moderate elation, the number of W's in the elated decreasing as attention becomes more flighty (Beck, 1945). Organization (Z) The Z organizational score initially conceptualized by Beck (1933) represents the tendency to organize separ- ate parts of an inkblot stimulus into a meaningful percept. The Beck Z score consists of a weighted score assigned 21 according to type or organization and the complexity of the location used and is purported to reflect the ability to organize, integrate and abstract (Beck, 1945; Hertz, 1960). Thus Beck Z is generally conceived of as an indica- tion of intelligence showing high correlations with stand- ard IQ tests (Sisson and Taulbee, 1955; Wishner, 1948), particularly the verbal reasoning, picture completion and digit span subtests of the WISC (Wishner, 1948), showing low or negative correlations with other subtests. Further- more, Hertz and Beck concur that the Z score reflects more than simply intellectual ability, also indicating the drive to achieve and the creative and efficient use of intel- lect. Consequently while intelligence is a prerequisite for Z score, high intelligence does not necessarily result in High Z. Z has been found to vary with response style (Exner, 1974). It is higher in manics than schizophrenics (Schmidt and Fonda, 1953), low in depressed patients (Hertz, 1948; Varvel, 1941) and high in patients prone to projec- tion (Beck, 1952). Movement (M) Rorschach (1942) hypothesized that M, the perception of movement in the inanimate stimulus blot, is an indica- tion of introversiveness. It reflects the tendency to function in the intellectual sphere and to be more 22 oriented toward intrapsychic living than living in the external world. Thus Rorschach viewed the M producer as one who because of inhibition engages in adaptive wish— fulfilling mental activity instead of overt behavior. Beck (1945, 1967), Hertz (1951) and Klopfer et a1. (1954) concur with Rorschach's hypothesis that M repre- sents an internalization process reflecting an attempt to deal with external reality demands through internal thought processes rather than through action i.e. through fantasy and dreams. Much research has corroborated the positive relationship between M production and internal activity. They have demonstrated a positive correlation between M and such processes as daydreaming (Page, 1957), dream and sleep deprivation (Page, 1957), fantasy (Dana, 1968) and intellect (Hersh, 1962). Although Piotrowski (1957) agress with Beck, Hertz and Klopfer that M represents internalized activity, in contrast to the above theorists he feels that it is also positively correlated with overt behavior, reflecting the attitude one assumes in relationship with others. Studies attempting to investigate the presence or absence of kin— esthesia with M have reported conflicting results. Some have shown a positive relationship between motor inhibi- tion and M thus supporting Rorschach's position (Klein and Schlesinger, 1951; Singer, 1960), while others have corroborated Piotrowski's view (Cooper and Castron, 1970). Rapaport (1968) has advanced a theory which appears 23 to effectively integrate these apparently contradictory points of view. He postulates that M is indicative of response delay rather than a tendency towards internaliza- tionixithe form of dreams and fantasies or in overt be— havior, the behavior being a product of deliberate and cognitively sophisticated thought processes rather than impulsive action. The internal fantasies appear to func- tion as a means of formulating alternative responses which at times results in adaptive manipulation of the environ- ment while at other times remains internally contained. Whether or not overt activity occurs will depend on how the individual has learned to most effectively deal with external demands and conflicts (Exner, 1974). Color (C, CF, PC) A color response is one in which a color other than black, gray or white has played a role in determining a percept. There are three basic types of color responses: 1) Pure Color (C) in which color is the sole determinant, 2) Color-Form (CF) in which color is the primary determin- ant but some form elements are also involved and 3) Form- Color (FC) where color contributes to the response but is only of equal or secondary importance to the form deter- minant (Rapaport et al., 1968). Rorschach (1942) hypothesized that use of color is associated with affect and such characteristics as sen- sitivity, irritability and impulsiveness. There has been 24 a great deal of controversy over this relationship. How- ever Exner (1974) appropriately suggests that studies often cited as evidence against the color-affect relationship (Hamlin, Stone & Moskowitz, 1955; Keehn, 1954; Siipola, 1950) have in fact been investigations of the color-shock hypothesis. In studies that have more directly researched the color-affect link, validating evidence has been re- ported (Crumpton, 1956; Forsyth, 1959; Wallen, 1948). The rationale for this hypothesis has been exten- sively studied. The findings have demonstrated that color perception is essentially a passive (Schachtel, 1943) and immediate (Rickers-Ovsiankina, 1943) process, requir- ing minimal cognitive articulation and organization activ4 ity and a relaxation of tension discharge delaying capacity (Rapaport et al., 1968). In a 1960 review Shapiro reports supporting data showing that color has the most signfii- cance in all cases in which organizing capacity has not yet been achieved or has been impaired. The following hypotheses have been proposed for each of the three basic types of color responses. Production of Pure C is associated with blunted affect, impulsive actions and uncontrolled emotional outbursts (Beck, 1945; Klopfer et al., 1954; Rapaport et al., 1968; Rorschach, 1942; Shapiro, 1960). Underlying the C response is the temporary relaxation, immobilization or absence of inte- grative and tension discharge delaying functions (Shapiro, 1960). 25 CFirsassociated with both vivid and labile emotional- ity or impulsive action with only minimal regard for real- ity considerations. In this case there is also an impair- ment of organizing and delay functions but to a lesser extend than with pure C response (Shapiro, 1960). Finally the FC response is one in which the emotional response is made but it is integrated with reality demands resulting in good judgment, planning and empathic rapport with others. Underlying this is an effective delay of dis- charge which allows organization and articulation of form determined percept in which color is used to facilitate percept identification rather than impede it as is the case with C and CF responses (Shapiro, 1969). C+CF:FC C+CF:FC is the ratio of color dominated to form dom- inated chromatic responses. The expected proportion in an average record is 1:2 (Rapaport, et al., 1968). The predominance of FC over C+CF is an index of the degree to which an individual is able to control impulsive action and emotionality. The person is capable of respond- ing appropriately with affect and action (Klopfer et al., 1954). Therefore it indicates capacity for adaptive rap- port with others (Beck, 1945). However, when FC is too numerous one would expect an overly compliant individual who is primarily concerned with pleasing others and has difficulty asserting his own needs (Rappaport et al., 1968). When C+CF is predominant over FC there is weak control 26 over emotionality. The individual tends to be character- ized by affective lability, impulsivity, irritability, sen- sitivity and suggestibility (Beck, 1945). He also tends to know others only in a superficial way, be self-centered, demanding and lack social responsibility. Thus he has dif- ficulty developing or maintaining deep friendships (Phillips and Smith, 1953). Sum C Sum C is the total amount of chromatic color used in a Rorschach protocol. In this sum a pure C response merits 1.5 units, a CF response 1 unit and an FC response .5 units. This sum represents the emotional reactivity of the individ- ual and the extent to which the individual's affective en- ergy is available for response to the environment (Beck, 1945; Klopfer et al., 1954; Rapaport et al., 1968). The greater the total C the more capable the individual is of feeling contact with the world (Beck and Molish, 1967). A higher than average sum C however would indicate more emotional reactivity and available affective energy than is available to most other people. Thus it may re- flect normal impulsiveness, hysterical affective lability or preschiZOphrenic dilation. Those records which show a low sum C (less than 3) reflect a suppression of affect, shyness, tense alertness and inhibition which is charac- teristically found in depressives, prepsychotics and schiz- ophrenics (Rappaport et al., 1968). 27 Experience Balance (M:C) The experience balance represents the ratio of movement responses to the sum of weighted chomatic color responses assigning .5 units to FC, 1 to each CF and 1.5 to each C (Rorschach, 1942). ' Rorschach (1942) hypothesized that the experience bal- ance represents a constitutional response tendency which reflects an introversive (M>C), extratensive (MFC C+CF>FC SUM C Low Low High High M:C M>C M>C M