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PARENTAL AUTHORITY AS A FACTOR IN DECISION-MAKING
OF KOREAN-AMERICAN YOUTH

By

Heeja Kim Chang

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Administration and Curriculum

1982

ABSTRACT

PARENTAL AUTHORITY AS A FACTOR IN DECISION-MAKING
OF KOREAN-AMERICAN YOUTH

By
Heeja Kim Chang

The purpose of the study was to examine the importance of
parental authority in the moral decision making of Korean-American
youth aged l3 and 18. The basic research question was the following:
To what extent are the opinions and the feelings of parents taken into
account in the decision making of the subjects? The secondary research
questions were: (1) Is the extent of influence related to the age of
the teen-agers? and (2) Does the extent of influence become greater or
lesser in relationship to the time span of the teen-ager's immigrant
experience? Based on these questions, two hypotheses were tested:

(1) Youth of 13 years tend to demonstrate a higher response to paren-
tal authority than the youth of 18 years; and (2) The youth who have
been in the United States a shorter period of time are more responsive
to parental authority than those of a longer period.

A specifically designed instrument (the Authority Scale) was
used to examine the effect of the subject's perceptions of parental
authority in making moral decisions in belief and action. The instru-

ment was administered during an interview of each subject. The

Heeja Kim Chang

subjects were drawn from Korean immigrant families in metropolitan
Minneapolis.

The results obtained in the study included the following:
(I) there is an age-related difference of responses to parental
authority, between l3- and lB-year-olds; (2) there is a length-of-
residency-related difference of responses to parental authority,
between shorter and longer residency; and (3) there is a tendency for
the Korean-American youth to transfer from pgggflt_as authority to

myself as authority for making moral decisions.

TO MY PARENTS.
who have nurtured me in

how to love God and
how to love people.

ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The writer wishes to express her sincere appreciation to her
chairman, Dr. Ted Hard, whose guidance, encouragement, and faithful-
ness aided this study. Dr. Ward's tireless effort and immediate feed-
back provided a professional role model to me.

I also wish to thank the other members of my committee for
their many helpful suggestions:

' Dr. Benjamin Bohnhorst
Dr. Joseph Levine
Dr. Lawrence Sarbaugh
Appreciation is also expressed to the ministers of Korean
immigrant churches in the Minneapolis area who provided help:
Rev. Dong Hyung Kim
Rev. Kang Ho Lee
Rev. Fr. Francis Choe
Rev. Yung Jae Kim
Rev. Yuh Sang Cho
Rev. Byung Chun Yoo

The Korean immigrant churches provided various opportunities
for interviews of the Korean-American subjects of the study. I am
thankful to have been associated with young people who cooperated
willingly for the interview.

Finally, I wish to express my gratitude to my husband, Yong-Ho,
for his personal support and dedicated love, which provided an addi-

tional encouragement to complete the study.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES .........................
LIST OF FIGURES ....... f ..................

INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY AND RESEARCH PROBLEM .....

Background ......................
The Family as the Social World of Koreans ......
Youth in the Korean Family in the United States . . .

Importance of the Study ................

Definitions ......................
General Definitions .................
Specific Definitions ................

Assumptions ......................

Research Questions ..................

Research Hypotheses ..................
Hypothesis Concerning Age of the Subjects ......
Hypothesis Concerning Length of Residency in the

United States ...................

Summary ........................

PRECEDENTS IN THE LITERATURE ..............

Related Developmental Research ............
Piaget's Theory of Logical Development .......
Piaget's View of Morality ..............
Kohlberg's View of Moral Thought and Action .....
Belief-and-Action Consistency ............

Related Acculturational Research ...........
Acculturating Influences on Youth Value Systems:

Family ......................
Acculturating Influences on Youth Value Systems:
Parental Authority ................
Acculturation Process of Korean-American Youth . .
Summary ........................

iv

Page

ix

Chapter
III. PROCEDURES .......................

The Setting ......................
Dimensions of the Study ................
Design of the Study .................
Interviewing the Subjects ..............
Hypotheses to Be Tested ...............
Instrumentation ....................
Computation of the Authority Score .........
Instrumentation Development .............
Pre-Testing ......................
Data Analysis .....................

IV. RESULTS OF THE INVESTIGATION ..............

Measures of Parental Authority ............
Belief Dimension ..................
Action Dimension ..................

Measures of Myself as Authority ............
Belief Dimension ..................
Action Dimension ..................

Measures of Other Authority ..............
Belief Dimension ..................
Action Dimension ..................

Conditional Analysis of Variance by Age ........
Discussion. Conditional Analysis of Variance by Age .

Conditional Analysis of Variance by Residency .....
Discussion: Conditional Analysis of Variance by

Residency .....................

Significance Levels of Authority Figures for 13- and
lB-Year-Olds Compared by Residency .........
Analysis of Variance: Measures of Authority Figures .
Discussion: Measures of Authority Figures by

Residency .....................
Belief-and-Action Consistency .............
Pearson's Correlation: Measures of Parent and
Myself ......................
Discussion: Belief-and-Action Consistency ......
Summary ........................
Discussion of the Results ..............
V. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS ........
Summary of the Study .................
Findings ......................
Limitations of the Study ..............
Conclusions ......................

Chapter Page

Recommendations .................... 79
Implications of the Study .............. 79

Suggestions for Future Research ............ 80
APPENDICES ........................... 82
A. THE AUTHORITY SCALE--PRELIMINARY VERSION ........ 83

B. THE AUTHORITY SCALE--FINAL VERSION ........... 88

C. CORRESPONDENCE ..................... 91
BIBLIOGRAPHY .......................... 94

vi

LIST OF TABLES

Table Page
3.1 Distribution of Subjects by Age: Initial Sample ..... 32
3.2 Available Subjects by the Years of Residency ....... 33
4.1 REPORTED BELIEF, Parental Authority: Overall Cell Means

by Age . . . ...................... 44
4.2 REPORTED BELIEF, Parental Authority: Overall Cell Means

by Residency ...... . ................ 45
4.3 REPORTED BELIEF, Parental Authority: Overall Cell Means

by Age and Residency .................. 45

4.4 REPORTED BELIEF, Parental Authority: Two—Nay Analysis
of Variance--Age by Residency ............. 46

4.5 REPORTED ACTION, Parental Authority: Overall Cell Means
by Age ......................... 47

4.6 REPORTED ACTION, Parental Authority: Overall Cell Means
by Residency ...................... 47

4.7 REPORTED ACTION, Parental Authority: Overall Cell Means
by Age and Residency .................. 48

4.8 REPORTED ACTION, Parental Authority: Two-Hay Analysis of
Variance--Age by Residency ............... 49

4.9 REPORTED BELIEF, Myself as Authority: Overall Cell
Means by Age ...................... 50

4.10 REPORTED BELIEF, Myself as Authority: Overall Cell
Means by Residency ................... 50

4.11 REPORTED BELIEF, Myself as Authority: Overall Cell
Means by Age and Residency ............... 51

4.12 REPORTED BELIEF, Myself as Authority: Two-Nay Analysis
of Variance--Age by Residency . . . .......... I 52

4.13 REPORTED ACTION, Myself as Authority: Overall Cell
Means by Age ...................... 52

vii

Table
4.14

REPORTED ACTION, Myself as Authority: Overall Cell Means

by Residency ......................

REPORTED ACTION, Myself as Authority: Overall Cell Means

by Age and Residency ..................

REPORTED ACTION, Myself as Authority: Two-Nay Analysis

of Variance--Age by Residency .............

REPORTED BELIEF, Friend as Authority: Two-Nay Analysis

of Variance--Age by Residency .............

REPORTED BELIEF, Pastor as Authority: Two-Nay Analysis

of Variance--Age by Residency .............

REPORTED BELIEF, Teacher as Authority: Two-Hay Analysis

of Variance--Age by Residency .............

REPORTED ACTION, Friend as Authority: Two-Hay Analysis

of Variance--Age by Residency .............

REPORTED ACTION, Pastor as Authority: Two-Hay Analysis

of Variance--Age by Residency .............

REPORTED ACTION, Teacher as Authority: Two-Hay Analysis

of Variance--Age by Residency .............

F-Values and Significance Levels for Authority Figures:
One-Nay and Conditional Analysis of Variance by Age

F-Values and Significance Levels for Authority Figures:
One-Hay and Conditional Analysis of Variance by

Residency .......................

F-Values and Significance Levels for Authority Figures:

One-Hay Analysis of Variance by Residency .......

T-Values and Significance Levels for Authority Figures . .

Correlation Coefficients Between Belief and Action of

Parental Authority and Myself as Authority .......

Chi-Square Values and Significance Levels of the

Direction of Belief and Action .............

viii

Page

53

53

54

55

56

56

57

57

58

59

60

62
64

65

68

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1.1 The Southern-Italian Psycho-Moral Familistic System . . . 4

3.1 Distribution by Residency (l3-Year-Olds) ......... 33
3.2 Distribution by Residency (lB-Year-Olds) ......... 33
3.3 Selected Samples for Analyses .............. 34

4.1 Graphic Representation of Correlation Coefficients
Between Belief and Action of Parental Authority
and Myself as Authorit : (a) 13-Year—Olds of Short
and Long Residency, (b lB-Year-Olds of Short and
Long Residency, (c) All lB-Year-Olds and All
lB-Year-Olds ‘ ...................... 66

ix

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY AND RESEARCH PROBLEM

The primary purpose of this study was to determine how impor-

tant parental authority is to Korean-American youth in their 13th

and 18th years in making moral decisions. A specifically designed

instrument was used to examine the effect of the subjects' percep-

tions of that authority when making decisions in belief and action.

In this regard, the study dealt with the following sets of subjects:

I.

The l3-year-old of short residency (less than five years)
in the United States,

The 13-year-old of long residency (more than nine years)
in the United States,

The lB-year-old of short residency (less than five years)
in the United States,

The l8-year-old of long residency (more than seven years)
in the United States.

The design of the study involved the application of various treat-

ments to four sets of ten subjects.

Background

 

For a better understanding of Korean-American culture, espe-

cially focused on the parent-youth relationship, two areas are first

discussed.

Those are: the family as the social world of Koreans

.and the youth in the Korean family in the United States.

The Family as the Social
World of Koreans

The concept of the Korean family subsumes two institutions.
The larger and the less important of the two refers to the family as
a social group that includes all blood and in-law relatives up to the
eighth degree on the father's side and the fourth degree on the
mother's side, as well as the parents of the wife (Kim, n.d.). The
more important of the two units, the nuclear family, has reference to
the family of procreation (father, mother, unmarried children). An
expanded household includes members of the family of procreation and
some unmarried relatives, while an extended household would refer to
two or more related families of procreation.

The essential foundation of the Korean family system is the
nuclear family. The nuclear family is tightly knit and headed by the
oldest surviving male, generally the father. The nuclear family is
"father-dominated but mother-oriented." The father is the head of
the family. No one, not even the eldest son, to whom many privileges
are given, undertakes an enterprise without first obtaining the
father's blessing as an indication<rfpermission. Despite the strong
family feeling, a husband rarely shows his affection openly for his
wife. When ordinary disagreement arises between them, neither brooks
any interference by others. Popular consent gives the father the
right to discipline his children and even his wife.

The mother rules the home merely as an interpreter of her hus-
band's wishes; even though he may not deserve it, she loves and obeys

him. She has two other outstanding functions: to select partners

for her children and to hold the family purse. She takes charge

both of her husband's earnings and those of her unmarried children.
Each child gives according to his ability and is furnished with funds
at the proper time according to his needs. The daughter's dowry
becomes the joint responsibility of the father and the brothers. The
mother buys all the provisions for the home and all the clothing. I
Regardless of advanced age, the mother does not yield her position to
her eldest son's wife, even though the latter does the bulk of the
work. The obedience and submission of the daughter-in-law is the
price of family accord.

All the sons in a family are regarded as more important social
assets than girls. The primary basis for this seems to be the dowry
system, which makes every daughter represent a debt that sooner or
later must be paid. The precedence given boys over their sisters in
family relationships is also explained as fitting them for their
future positions as husbands and fathers in this strongly patriarchal
group. Boys and girls in schools and public places are carefully kept
separate, but their preparation for marriage is quite different. The
appearance of heterosexual interest in males is frankly recognized.
The premarital lives of girls are therefore marked by careful surveil-
lance. They are always under their mother's watchful eye; otherwise
both would be criticized and lose status. Typically, "honor" means
chastity for girls and fidelity for married women. With such ideas
of seclusion, chaperonage, virginity, and fecundity fully sanctioned

by society, a girl has her life pretty well mapped out for her.

 

The individual is socially and internally organized around
the family, which determines status, roles, and values for him. His
personality develops out of, and is sustained by, his essentially
familial orientation. (See Figure 1.1. Although this is a chart of
the South-Italian familial system, the Korean familial system can be

identified with it.)

 

Key:
A = Area of Obedience and l = Father
Dedication 2 = Mother
B = Area of Solidarity 3 = Brothers, sisters, grandparents,
C = Area of Fidelity and other members of the family
Generosity 4 = Friends
D = Area of Respect 5 = The "others"--not hostile to the

family (equal or holding religious,
scholastic, political authority)

Source: Adapted from P. G. Grasso, Personalita' Giovanile in Transi-
zione (Zfirich: Pas-Verlag, 1964), p. 55.

Figure l.l.--The Southern-Italian psycho-moral familistic system.

The young man finds himself a part of a closed familial sys-
tem that includes the four areas of obedience and dedication,
solidarity, fidelity and generosity, and respect, which are centered
around parental figures that demand a specific moral behavior. The
whole system is seen by the subject to revolve around the figure of
the father, to whom is granted the right of utilizing all the com-
ponents of the system--inc1uding the figures in authority--for the
interest and, eventually, the defense of the family. The Korean
psycho-moral familial system also includes the fiancée and the invis-
ible world of the supernatural realities, which consecrate and sanc-
tion the moral familistic relationships on the level of the absolute.

Youth in the Korean Family
in theTUnited States

 

The first-generation Korean immigrant family embodies the
initial contact and conflict stages in the process of acculturation.
This is a family in transition, marked by considerable confusion and
conflict. The main source of conflict is a familistic culture that
contrasts with the emerging of a new self-awareness as people begin to
think of themselves as individuals.

Familism colors the value-orientation of the first-generation
Korean immigrants. Values that are more connected with the familistic
orientation remain mostly unchanged, while other values are evolv-
ing rapidly. The traditional heritage serves an ideological function
for the individuals of that society. The "expected" behavior of the
adolescent does not vary proportionally to the evolution and growth

of the individual, but it remains substantially the "expectation" of

a "minor," whose behavior must be determined by socio-familistic
responsibilities. The individual is a function of the family. He
totally depends on parental authority.

However, it becomes increasingly difficult to play these roles
in a milieu different from the traditional one of a closed and sta-
tionary society. In the open, dynamic, pluralistic, and urban Ameri-
can society, the adolescent soon finds himself in a psycho-moral
conflict in regard to his essential roles. He observes that an inde-
pendent and egocentric realization of the roles of the young seems to
be rewarded with social prestige when an eventual transgression of
the parental norms takes place. Unfamiliar with the autonomous and
rational decision-making process he now faces, and without the frame-
work of a set of superior values, the adolescent experiences a sense
of moral impotence when the pressure of instincts is heightened by a
stimulating environment.

In the middle of this conflict in the acculturation process,
Korean parents spend considerable time in shapinggthe thinking and
actions of their children so that their behavior corresponds with the
"right way“ of the Korean culture. Thus, there is no sudden or rude
awakening for the Korean youth that he is "different" from friends in
his adopted country. Basic aspects of his culture, such as his Korean
speech, his manners, and his foods, are constant reminders of the
Korean way of life. The adolescent very gradually yet firmly learns
need-dispositions to conform to the expectancies of the Korean adults.

There are many cultural forces at work to bring about desired

behavior on the part of the Korean youth. One such force is strict

obedience to parents, "Korean filial piety" (Kim, n.d.). Strict
obedience to parents, a principle based both on Confucian ethics and
on the Bible, is emphasized over and over again by all Korean parents

and the ministers in the Korean immigrant church.

Importance of the Study

 

The Korean-American youth is visible. No matter how he
dresses and whether he speaks perfect English, he is usually identi-
fiable as non-Anglo-Saxon. And visible minorities are the most obvious
candidates for discrimination. It is the starting point for conflicts
in their moral decisions.

The moral problems faced by the Korean-American youth are
especially acute. He is confronted with an infinite number of value
alternatives from which he must choose, many of which are contradic-
tory. His problems are further complicated by two facts: he is
expected to move from childhood to adulthood within a short span of
. time, and to move rather rapidly from a Korean-oriented culture to an
American-oriented culture. The diverse and contradictory standards
that exist within American society make it even more difficult for him
to make moral decisions.

Living in two cultures in the United States is hard for both
parents and young people. The conflict between them arises from the
fact that the youth are more rapidly acculturated into American society
than are their elders (Szapocznik, 1975). This conflict is heightened
when parents retain traditional Korean values (e.g., parental authority)

while the adolescent is moving ahead, leaving Korean values behind.

To clarify what variables (i.e., sociocultural, psychological)
affect parent-youth relationships, we need additional research that
seeks to understand parental influences within the culture as those
relate to educational contexts. Berger (1968) made the plea for
teaching all teachers cultural sensitivity, so that they will better
understand the sociocultural differences existing among the varying
ethnic groups with which they must work. Becker (1979) assumed that
people in the United States should be prepared to participate in a
variety of groups--family, local community, national, and trans-
national--and accept the notion that individuals enjoy rights and
privileges, as well as obligations and responsibilities, because of
their being members of these groups.

The importance of this research is in its reference to the
need to construct curricula for the teaching of values that will sup-
port cultural diversity, and the individual uniqueness of the adoles-
cent who is in the process of acculturation and development.

Philosophically, multicultural education should focus on the
individual in a pluralistic American society. Ethnicity and culture,
though integral parts of the individual's identity, must be viewed
more broadly than as mere labels of group membership. Individuals
are developing human beings, and the dynamic of human cognitive
development involves interactions that are transcultural and trans-
ethnic. Multicultural education must therefore address itself to the
adolescent who, as an individual, happens to be a member of a Korean

subcultural group.

Definitions

 

What follows is a listing of the words and phrases that play a
central role in this study, followed by their operating definitions.
They are presented in two parts. First, the more general definitions
are listed, serving to provide a context for the second group of terms,

those directly related to the study.

General Definitions

Acculturation--A complex process that can be defined at two
levels. First, at the societal level, acculturation can be defined
as the process of an immigrant culture accommodating to a host cul-
ture. At a societal level, acculturation involves the assymetrical
attenuation of differences between a migrant and a host culture.
Second, acculturation can also be defined at the level of the indi-
vidual. The process of individual acculturation involves an accommo-
dation on the part of the members of the migrant culture to the host
culture. At this level, acculturation involves the modification of
the individual's customs, habits, language usage, life style, and
value orientation (Szapocznik, 1975).

Familism-~A kind of central, pervasive, psychic interest and
cultural value emanating from the family system (Tomasi, 1972).

First-generation Korean--Both parents and offspring are of

 

foreign birth, in Korea. Second:generation refers to offspring who

 

are native-born Americans but have foreign-born parents.
Value systems--Emerging in response to internal conditions

and external demands, 'these are the constructions of an active agent,

TO

and they are fundamental to our understanding of human thought and
action (Feather, 1980).

SocializatiOn--A social-psychological concept that can be
employed to delineate the lifelong process by which an individual is
indoctrinated into a particular culture. Socialization is, there-
fore, an ubiquitous process by which an individual learns and cul-
tivates behaviors, attitudes, beliefs, values, and expectations of a
given society.

Transitional culture--This provides a particularly difficult
milieu in which to exercise, transmit, and learn constructive authority
attitudes. Cultures that open the largest number of interactional and
life-style options and alternatives to growing youth increase the
potential for destructive and maladaptive authority postures.

Generation_gap:-The difference in the ways two generations

view each other and the world.

Specific Definitions

Authority--Obedience to power figures as ultimate guides;
rules derived from them; badness of prescribed activity confused with
badness of disobeying authority's rule (Tapp, 1971). Rules of
authority prescribe who makes decisions in each area and how these
decisions are to be made. In this study, five authority figures
(parent, friend, pastor, teacher, and myself) were legitimated by
some performed function in five areas of the youth's life: family,
peer, church, school, and myself.

Parental authority-~Controland constraint. This means that

parents have definite ideas about actions. The ideas are imposed on

11

their children to accept them. Parents do not approve of everything
that the youth does; approval is selective. To be accepteg,ythe youth
have tOCEanQEmMIQ a schemeeofiwapprovalwheld~byutheirsparents. IiSiifi
ever, it is not meant to imply authoritarianism or rigidity; on the

contrary, it can be seen as an outgrowth of the parents' benevolence.
Parents want to help youth understand and be accepted by the society.
In the process, they must communicate their authoritative position.

The authoritariangparent attempts to shape, control, and evaluate the
behavior and attitudes of the youth in accordance with a set standard

of conduct, usually an absolute standard, theologically motivated and

formulated by a higher authority. The authoritative parent attempts to

 

direct the youth's activities but in a rational, issue-oriented
manner. She encourages verbal give and take, and shares with the
youth the reasoning behind her policy (Baumrind, 1968).

Moral decision--The relationship between the youth's moral
judgment (belief) and action. .

Belief:-"Hhose advice is likely bg§t_about . . ." (Instrument).
A committed moral thought that is the product of two interacting fac-
tors: cognitive maturity and emotional respect, e.g., for parents
(Piaget, 1965).

Agtjgnr-"Nhose advice do I $9119! on . . ." (Instrument). A
reported moral behavior assumed to reflect the subject's moral judgment.

Youthf-The period of expectancy and the period of tension and
peace-making between the dependency of the past and the independence
of the future, between demands placed on the actor by an expanding

circle of influences by an increasing awareness of self and need for

12

identity (Campbell, 1969). The physiological maturation that takes
place during this time is accompanied by rapid changes in body size
and structure, by the appearance of secondary sex characteristics,
and by heightened interest in sexual matters. Cognitively, according
to Piaget, the adolescent is becoming capable of formal operational
thought and is able to perform logical operations on symbols and
hypotheses (Thornburg, 1971). Socially, the youth's ideas about
people and relationships are becoming more complex and differentiated,
and often there is a turning from parental to peer influence (Smith,
1976).

Korean-American youth-~Both those Korean-born and native

American-born, who have Korean parents.

Assumptions

The researcher assumed that the crisis in the operation of
authority originates in the styles and shifts of authority in the
family. What happens at home during childhood and adolescence shapes
social institutions in a fundamental way. The family is the labora-
tory of personality and the seedbed of the future. It provides the
contemporary experience of any youth cohort and forms the bridge
between individual personality and the cultural style of each new gen-
eration.

The assumption (in the Korean-American family) that the
process of maturing from adolescent to adult involves a high degree
of exercising one's own authority is relatively recent in Korean
Culture and conflicts with some deeply established traditions.

This conflict emerges and must be dealt with in each family.

13

An assumption was also made about causal direction in authority
relationships between parent-youth interaction patterns and consequent
decision making. The assumption was that differing modes of parental
authority "cause" particular decision making on the part of the youth.
This researcher did not claim to demonstrate that particular parental
authority "causes" specific decision making, but rather, that if cer-
tain results occur, they will support the usefulness of accepting the
causal inference implied.

The last assumption dealt with the conceptualization of the
subsystems within the family. The researcher assumed that the parent-
youth interactional system is the most important in considering the

making of moral decisions by the youth.

Research Questions

The basic research question was the following: To what
extent are the opinions and the feelings of parents taken into account
in the decision making of the teen-age subjects?

The secondary research questions were these:

1. Is the extent of parental influence greater or lesser in
relationship to the age of the teen-agers?

2. Does the extent of parental influence become greater or
lesser in relationship to the time span of the teen-ager's immigrant
experience?

Particularly, four sets of subjects were selected so as to
represent greater and lesser years of immigrant experience and older

and younger chronological age. A measure of importance and a measure

14

of parental influence were made on each of eight categories of moral
decision making: ’
1. educational choices,
religious choices,
purpose of life ("meaning of life") convictions,

responsibility for future of parents,

2.

3.

4

5. friendship choices,
6 sexual mores,

7 social mores,

8

ethnic choices (language preferences, entertainment
choices, leisure-use choices).

Research Hypotheses

Two hypotheses were identified, as described below.

Hypothesis Concerning,
Age oflthe Subjects

 

Kohlbergian stages do not form an automatic maturational
sequence. Genetic maturation of the person must attain a given level
in order for there to be sufficient cognitive development to permit
one to employ the moral judgment structures of any given stage.

Stewart (1973) concluded that the internal factors are genet-
ically determined but influenced by the environment and that the two
environmentally determined factors, experience and social transmis-
sion, are deeply influenced by the genetic factors. Based upon the
Kohlbergian, Piagetian, and Stewart's theories, the testable hypothe-

sis is the following:

15

Youth of 13gyears tend to demonstrate a higher response
to parental authority than tfiegyouth of 18 years.

Hypothesis Concerning Length
of Residéncy in the United States

This hypothesis was based on the impact of variation of resi-
dency duration in the United States on moral judgment. The tradi-
tional Korean family structure, especially the parent-youth relation-
ship, is based on the hierarchical relationship. The extended family
structure emphasizes an authority-submission relationship between
parents and the youth. That traditional family structure will be
changed according to the duration of residency in the United States.
To survive, the family should accommodate to the host society, which
is based on the nuclear family structure. Moreover, the host-society
family structure de-emphasizes parental authority as compared to the
traditional family structure. Likewise, the phenomena of accultura-
tion also lessen the parental authority. The parents as well as the
youth should accommodate to the new values of the host society at the
same time. In this process, the parents will lose the traditional
basis upon which their authority is conferred. According to the
characteristics of the ethnic family structure in the host society,
we can hypothesize that such authority reflects the duration of
residency in the host society. Specifically, the testable hypothesis
is the following:

The youth who have been in the United States a shorter

period of time are more responsive to parental authority
than those of a longer period.

16

Summary

In Chapter I, the introduction to the study and the research
problem were discussed. The purpose of the study was to determine how
important parental authority was in the making of moral decisions by
Korean-American youth. The subjects of the study were 13- and lB-year-
olds who live in Minneapolis, Minnesota. The importance of this
research is in its reference to the need to construct curricula for
the teaching of values that will support cultural diversity, and the
individual uniqueness of the adolescent who is in the process of
acculturation and development.

The basic research question was the following: To what
extent are the opinions and the feelings of parents taken into account
in the decision making of the teen-age subjects?

Based on the reSearch questions, two hypotheses were formu-
lated as follows: '

1. Youth of 13 years tend to demonstrate a higher response
to parental authority than the youth of 18 years.

2. The youth who have been in the United States a shorter
period of time are more responsiverto parental authority
than those of a longer period.

In the fOllowing chapter, precedents in literature are

described.

CHAPTER II

PRECEDENTS IN THE LITERATURE

Included in this chapter are sections on related developmen-
tal research based on the rationales of Jean Piaget and Lawrence
Kohlberg and on relevant acculturational research.

In reviewing the writing of structural theorists interested
in moral education (Kohlberg, 1958, 1969, 1971a; Piaget, 1965;
Sullivan, 1977), one concept emerges as central to the notion of a
moral education: social interaction is a prerequisite for the child
to progress from one stage of moral maturity to the next. While this
central concept has not been dealt with directly nor as the primary
f6cus in developmental studies in cross-cultural family settings in
the United states, a number of studies have been conducted with cross-
national students concerning the development of moral attitudes and
choices. From these results, one can establish a basis for research
in the more particular area of social interaction, that is, parent-
youth interaction based on authority aS‘a factor in making moral
decisions.

This related research falls into two general categories-—
developmental and acculturational. In discussing developmental
studies, the cognitive readiness of the youth for making moral deci-

sions in the area of belief and action is the issue in question.

17

18

With respect to acculturational research, that is defined as research
which considers the influence on the adolescent of the cross-cultural
family setting. This study was concerned with familial accultura-
tional components within the relatively narrow context of parental

authority.

Related Developmental Research

Piaget's Theory of
ngicalDevelopment

Piaget (1963) claimed that the child takes an active role in
the formation of his thought processes and knowledge. Piaget derived
this conclusion from his observation of children in actual situations
that demanded the use of intelligence. He contended that there is a
continuous interaction between the environment and the biological and
logical forces of the child. He thought that intelligence sprang
from the biological growth of the child and his facility to adapt to
the environment. He expressed real concern with the underlying struc-
tures and processes of intellectual development, rather than with indi-
vidual differences.

Some cognitive achievements were called developmental-
interactional by Piaget, because the cognitive development is produced
by the interaction of the subject with the environment. The subject's
intelligence quotient is distinguishable from these developmental-
interactional achievements. The content of the subject's ideas is
also distinguishable from it (Piaget, 1967).

According to Piaget (1969), the child reacts to the environment

by adaptationand organization: to assimilate the happenings of the

19

external world and to be able to adjust to the demands of external
reality. Having accomplished this step, the child attempts to organ-
ize this knowledge into understandable structures of his intellect.
This development of structures by the child in his interaction with
the external world tends to produce a certain equilibrium with the
environment. Development of the child's intelligence is not only
biological but also logical. The logical aspect is used in solving
problems. As the child matures physiologically, he also makes prog-
ress in his logical thinking. For Piaget there were three levels of
logical growth with different substages. Each stage is qualitatively
more complete than the previous one since it is more coherent and
inclusive. Each stage, however, has its own internal logic which
allows the child to react to the environment and the external world
effectively. The final stage of logical reasoning, Later Formal

Operational, is qualitatively the most complete and most developed.

 

The other lesser stages contain limitations in the child's ability to
see all aspects of the presenting problem.

The Piagetian technique for assessment of moral development
has been refined by Kohlberg, whom many consider to be one of the
best proponents of the cognitive-developmental approach. Extensive
research has been carried out on the findings of Jean Piaget under
two main headings:

1. Moral development in relation to age (Bandura & McDonald,
1963; Boehm & Naas, 1967; Cowan, Langer, et al., 1969; McRae, 1954).

More specifically, there is research that parental authority

is negatively related to age (Utech & Hoving, 1969). The data offered

20

by Hess and Easton (1960) also suggested that perception of authority
changes with the age of the child during the elementary-school years
and that instrumental features of the role of father show a relative
decline when compared to a more powerful political authority.

2. Moral development and its relation to level of logical
reasoning (Colby, 1973; Crowley, 1968; Stuart, 1967; Whiteman & Kosier,
1964).

Piaget's View of Morality

Piaget viewed morality as the logical outgrowth of social
development. For Piaget, morality consisted of systems of principles
and the respect persons have for these principles. A good part of his
1965 (1932) book was spent explaining how the two types of interper-
sonal relations described in the present work lead to distinct moral
viewpoints. He called one a heteronomous morality in which rules and
principles are thought to exist Outside the individual in the fixed
order of the world. This morality is engendered by relations of uni-
lateral constraint, in which persons in authority are seen as possess-
ing privileged knowledge to which others must then adhere. He called
the second a morality of autonomy in which rules and principles are
constructed by persons working together in the search for order. It
follows logically from relations such as friendship, in which persons
as equals cooperate in defining reality. The question Piaget sought
to answer was how interpersonal experiences between particular indi-
viduals give rise to general principles which pertain to whole socie-

ties.

21

What Piaget suggested was that characteristics of adult-adult
authority relations bear similarities to the earlier child-adult
covenant. These relations have similar advantages (e.g., security
in approval) and limitations (e.g., the risk of low mutuality).

They also tend toward conservation of ideas rather than opening the
persons to new discoveries.

Kohlberg's View of Moral

Thought and Action

Kohlberg (1958) used the term Amoral" to refer to thought
processes, i.e., reasoning, decision making, and judgment making in
situations where the person has conflicting possibilities. Moral
principles are principles of choice (Mosher & SulliVan, 1974) that
are limited by the level of logical reasoning attained by the indi-
vidual (Colby, 1973).

Kohlberg (1971b) further identified two main sources of con-
sistency between moral thought and action. First, he quoted several
studies that apparently showed the relationship between thought
(judgment) and action, by showing that people at higher stages are
more morally consistent. One study by Krebs on cheating in sixth
graders indicated that the majority of children were below the prin-
cipled level in moral judgment; 75 percent of these children cheated.
In contrast, only 20 percent of the principled subjects (i.e., stages
5 and 6) cheated (Kohlberg, 1971b). In Short, the higher the stage,
the greater the consistency between thought and action. Second,
Kohlberg (1971b) cited a study which indicated that if children have

an amoral philosophy (stage 2) they are much more likely to cheat if

22

they are high on ego strength. If children have a conventional
morality (stage 4), they are much less likely to cheat if they are
high on a measure of ego strength. If children have reached the
postconventional level (i.e., 5 or 6), high ego strength is less
necessary, for even these principled children who are low in "ego
strength" do not seem to cheat. Kohlberg (1971b) concluded that, in
this sense, the basic virtue may be called "autonomy" as well as
"justice." In short, the consistency between thought and action is
nonmoral factors identified as attention, will, and ego-strength

(Kohlberg, 1971b).

Belief-and-Action Consistency

Kohlberg, Piaget, and other developmentalists were primarily
interested in the development of abstract and universal laws (i.e.,
structures). The theory really does not focus on action, and what
ultimately follows is a thought-action inconsistency which is preva-
lent in the historical development of modern thought (Habermas, 1971).
Sullivan (1977) claimed that both Kohlberg's and Piaget's theories of
thought and action were inconsistent, for thought structures were
not internalized with action. Sullivan rather claimed that thought
directs action and action directs thought. In Freiere's (1970)
terms, this idea was called 23251;; the fusion of action and reflec-
tion. Freiere indicated that reflection separated from action is
simply verbalism. The moral man thinks through clearly (thought) and
then acts. For the youth, especially in a cross-cultural setting,

there is always a belief-and-action inconsistency in making moral

23

decisions-~“be1ief” being a more precise term in the context of the
present study than "thought."

According to Solomon (1960), the decision act is produced
by the influence of "behavior guides“ (parents, peers, impulses,
values) on the youth making the decision. The influence of each
guide is conditioned by three factors: its "power" (based on the
influence's orientation toward accepting the guide's influence),
its "relevance" to the situation (which refers to the occurrence of
an influence attempt), and the influence's perception that the guide's
influence is “appropriate" in the situation. The youth needs both
independence and the coerciveness of "behavior guides“--parents or
peers--for making decisions (Brittain, 1963, 1966; Emmerich, 1978;
Johnson, 1970; Smith & Kleine, 1969; Solomon, 1961). For the above
reason, youth may face a belief-action inconsistency like that of
St. Paul in his confession:

In fact, this seems to be the rule, that every single time I
want to do good it is something evil that comes to hand. In
my inmost self, I dearly love God's law, but I can see that

my body follows a different law that battles against the law
which reason dictates (Romans 7:21-23, NIV).

Related Acculturational Research

Acculturatinglnfluences on
Youth value ystems: Family

Walters and Stinnett (1971), reviewing a decade of research,
concluded:
It is interesting that the theory upon which our research is
based concerning parent-child relationships frequently ignores

changes in roles among social classes and among ethnic groups
over a period of time. That parents have a differential among

24

various ethnic groups, and that this impact is different at
various stages of the family life cycle is not always carefully
delineated.

Broderick (1971) re-echoed that conclusion:
One of the distinguishing features of family theoretical develop-
ment in this decade is the extent to which . . . new conceptual
frameworks are beginning to grow out of the work done among dif-
ferent racial and ethnic groups within U.S. society.

Actually, observed Spiegel (Transaction, 1972), there is no such

 

thing as a single family type that can be said to be representative
of all America.t

Nearly 60 years ago, Burgess (1926) characterized the family
as "a unity of interacting personalities." The family is the initial
social matrix within which morality is rooted and developed. The
family of husband, wife, and children is an element of the larger
social structure and culture. The structure of the family reflects
aspects of the economy, religious beliefs, and other values held in
the society. Within any society, variations in family structure
depend both on the location of the family among social strata and
subcultural groupings and on the particular personalities of the pair
whose marriage created it (Clausen, 1966).

Families vary greatly in the relative authority of husband
and wife and parent and children, and in the characteristic patterns
of their interaction. Some parents give children a great deal of
autonomy; others place strict limits on or closely supervise the
activities and associations of their offspring (Davis & Havighurst,
1946; Duvall, 1946; Ericson, 1946; White, 1957). The studies that

have been made rest on two assumptions: that it is reasonable to

25

conceive of social classes as subcultures of the larger society,
each with a relatively distinct value orientation, and that values
really affect behavior.

The family has been traditionally regarded as the prime agent
of acculturation for preadults, and a great deal of evidence now
exists to show that children will resemble their parents in some of
' their social and political orientations and behaviors (Bengtson, 1975;
Bengtson & Starr, 1974; Feather, 1975, 1978; Ffill, 1970; Jennings &
Niemi, 1968, 1974; Kandel & Lesser, 1972; Thomas, 1971; Troll,
Neugarten & Kraines, 1969). Variations among the viewpoints repre-
sented in the research literature show that there is still much to
be explained. Some observers have preferred to focus on discontinui- '
ties between parents and their children, and to interpret these in
terms of intergenerational conflict and rebellion (for example, Feuer,
1969). Others have argued that both continuity and conflict influence
the development of student ideology (for example, Block, 1972; Kraut &
Lewis, 1975).

This debate implies the importance of looking at the family
in detail as an interpersonal, interactive system within which influ-
ence can flow from children to parents as well as in the reverse
order. The debate also implies the need to consider the effects of
the family in relation to the wider society, where the family is
located in the social structure, and what sociopolitical trends and
events impinge on it. All of this is to say that the causes of simi-
larities and differences between parents and their children in their

values and political and social orientations are obviously complex

26

and that a simple linear model is insufficient to account for them
(Bengtson, 1971; Bengtson, Furlong & Laufer, 1974; Bengston & Starr,
1975).

Acculturating Influences on Youth

Value Systems: Parental Authority

Parents' own behaviors and beliefs are known to affect youth's
value systems through modeling and identification processes (Hoffman
& Slatzstein, 1967; Thomas, 1968), especially in the decision-making
area (Cromwell, 1972; Donovan, 1968; King, 1959).

When young people acculturate more rapidly than their par-
ents, the usual intergenerational gap (Spiegel, 1957) becomes com-
pounded with intergenerational/acculturational differences (Scopetta &
Alegre, 1975).

Szapocznik et a1. (1975) described a psychosocial model of
acculturation as part of a larger program that focused on the treat-
ment of behavioral disorders within the Latino immigrant community
in the Miami area. The basic core of the model consists of two
hypotheses concerning the process of acculturation. The first hypothe-
sis is that individual acculturation is a linear process that pro-
gresses as a function of the length of timg_the person has been
exposed to the host culture. The second hypothesis is that the rate
of acculturation is a function of the individual's ESE:

Acculturation Process of
Korean-American Youth
The Korean-American youth constitute a minority both in terms

of their numerical presence as well as their cultural and racial

27

backgrounds (Kim, 1973). Proper adjustment after their arrival in
the United States, therefore, requires a certain measure of recon-
ciliation between factors in their sociocultural identity and ethno-
centric norms, and those factors present in the larger society. This
process of adjustment and accommodation is understandably a difficult
one. The complex values of an advanced industrial society frequently
come into sharp conflict with the cultural orientation of the less-
industrialized societies from which the Korean-American youth migrate.
Unfortunately, the accommodation of new values and belief systems is
usually made at the expense of the Korean-American youth (0h, 1971;
Yoo, 1973). This observation implies the presence of a progressive
erosion of one's cultural identity, thereby creating cognitive dis-'
sonance and an imbalance in one's belief system and attitude struc-
ture (Carey & Mariam, 1980; Han, 1973; Kang, 1973). Indeed, the
tendency of the Korean-American youth to withdraw into their own small
communities and associate with their own compatriot can be partially
attributed to this constant conflict (real and perceived) of values
and beliefs (Chang, 1972; Kim, 1977; Kwon, 1972; Sunoo, n.d.).

For the Korean-American youth, the process of acculturation
involves a complex set of internalization processes through which the
Korean-born youth must assimilate new and different values, attitudes,
and roles that are often contradictory. In this regard, the accul-
turation process of assimilating Korean-American youth into the
American society through educational institutions is the "minoritiza-
tion process" (Carey & Mariam, 1980) of other racial and cultural

minority groups.

28

"Minoritization" encompasses a series of social interactions
that occur between Korean-American youth and segments of American
society. The social interactions evolve along two main processes.
First, the Korean-American youth are resolved into the mainstream of
American society and culture by learning new values, beliefs, and
modes of behavior. Second, the Korean—American youth selectively
pursue modes of behavior that maximize their adjustment in American
society as they find it appropriate and beneficial to the attainment
of their projected goals in life (Carey & Mariam, 1980).

In most instances, the Korean-American youth come from a
somewhat socially generic-based culture in which they are regarded
as elites. And, although their elitist status in their own societies
makes them a minority, their positions of influence and dominance
often desensitize them to their minority status. However, this pat-
tern of social dominance and participation is hardly reproducible in
American society. The general tendency, therefore, becomes one of
resignation in the face of advergent expectations, beliefs and
values, and adaptations to complex organizations. Thus, the crucial
and pivotal factors in the minoritization process appear to be label-
ing and differential treatment that engender marginality and frustra-
tion among the Korean-American youth (WagleySHarris, 1964). The
intensity of these experiences ultimately characterizes the antagonism
of the Korean-American youth toward the larger American society.

The literature on race relations and the status of minori-
ties in the American society suggests that there are at least three

phases in the minoritization process involving separation

29

(real/symbolic), labeling, and treatment (Carey & Mariam, 1980).
The acculturation practices that foster the maintenance of such a
pattern of social relations affect the Korean-American youth in an
ascriptive process of separation, labeling, and treatment which
structures a chasm that is difficult to bridge.

Moreover, limited participation in the general process of
social and educational activities leads to inadequate adjustment.
It also signifies an ongoing process of alienation (Lee, 1974). Need-
‘less to say, this detachment from active participation and communica-
tion is further aggravated by confrontations with practices of cultural

and racial discrimination inherent in the American society.

Summar

Chapter II delineated the further rationale for this study,
based on a review of the literature. The chapter was divided into
two sections, the first of which explored developmental aspects of
the Korean-American youth. This developmental section looked at
research that indicated the adolescent age as particularly appropri-
ate for studies dealing with the acquisition of such concepts as
parental authority. In addition, it established a basis for studying
the particular subject matter in question. Included in this section
were theories on Piaget's theory of logical developments, Piaget's
view of morality, and Kohlberg's view of moral thought and action.

The second section of Chapter II discussed the accultura-
tional factors incorporated into this study. This section began with

a broad view of the influence on youth value systems of the family.

30

Two specific studies were cited that provided a general context for
the research being reported here as follows: Acculturating Influ-
ences on Youth Value Systems: Parental Authority and the Accultura-

tion Process of Korean-American Youth.

CHAPTER III

PROCEDURES

Given the rationale of determining how important parental
authority was in making the moral decisions by Korean-American youth
in their 13th or 18th years, and given the supporting research--the
developmental and acculturational research--this chapter outlines in

detail the various procedures followed in carrying out the study.

The Setting

The population was the youth in the Korean ethnic society of
the Minneapolis, Minnesota, area. The subjects, 13 and 18 years old,
were from Korean immigrant churches in the Minneapolis area or were
nonchurched. The latest information (Korean Directory, 1981) indicated
that there were six Korean immigrant churches established in the Min-
neapolis area. The sample interviewed totaled 64--34 of them l3eyear-
olds and 30 of them lB-year-olds. (Table 3.1 shows the initial sample
distribution of the subjects by age.) Among the 64 in the sample,
53 (82.8%) were from six Korean immigrant churches: Korean United
Methodist Church of Minnesota, Korean First Baptist Church, The Catholic
Church for the Korean Community, Korean First Church of Minnesota,
Korean Evangelical United Methodist Church, and Twin City Korean Presby-

terian Church. The other 11 subjects (17.2%) were nonchurched.

31

32

Table 3.l.--Distribution of subjects by age: initial sample
(total N = 64).

 

l3-Year-Olds lB-Year-Olds

 

N = 34 N = 30

 

The principal reason for selecting the churches as main
sources for identifying subjects is that they are the most clearly
defined organizations of Korean immigrants. In other words, the Korean
immigrant churches are representative of the Korean immigrant communi-
ties. There is a 68 percent church-attendance rate in the United
States among the Korean immigrant population (Hyun, 1978; Park, 1971),
and the churches meet not only the religious but the social and cul-
tural needs of Korean immigrants, functioning like an extended family
within the larger community.

Table 3.2 and Figures 3.1 and 3.2 Show the initial breakdown
of the categories of subjects by age and years of residency. Forty
subjects, 20 of the lB-year-olds and 20 of the lB-year-olds, were
selected for the purpose of analyzing data. The gender factor was
not specifically taken into consideration, but in fact the ratio was
roughly 50-50. From among the 34 total of the 13-year-olds, the lower
10 of short residency (shorter than five years) and upper 10 of long
residency (longer than nine years) were selected. From the 30 total
18-year-olds, the lower 10 of short residency (shorter than five years)
and the upper 10 of long residency (longer than seven years) were

selected. In order to get 10 subjects of each cell (see Figure 3.3),

'33

2 were randomly drawn from the set of Seyears residency (l3-year-olds),
l was randomly drawn from the set of 9-years residency (13-year-olds),
and 1 was randomly drawn from the set of 7-years residency (lB-year-
olds). They represented a purposive sample according to age and
residency in the United States within the Korean-American immigrant

youth in Minneapolis.

Table 3.2.--Availab1e subjects by the years of residency (total N = 64)

 

Years of Residency

 

 

A e
g l 2 3 4 5 6 7 B 9 10 11 'H2 l3 14 'HS 16 'H? 18
13-year-olds
("=34) 32 3363322 25
18-year-olds

 

Durationygzrgesidency 1 "=10 1 "=14 1 1 N=10 _L
A 6 Median (7) 9 “3

Figure 3.l.--Distribution by residency (l3-year-olds) (total N = 34)

Duration of Residency "=10 "=10 "=10
(YearS) 1 1L 1 1 “1
5 Median (6) 7 18

 

Figure 3.2.--Distribution by residency (lB-year-olds) (total N = 30)

34

Figure 3.3 shows the final sample distribution of subjects by

age and residency for the study.

 

 

 

13-Year-Olds 18-Year-01ds
Short - -
Residency N ' 10 N ' 10
Long _ _
Residency N T 10 N ' 10

 

 

 

 

Figure 3.3.--Se1ected samples for analyses (total N = 40).

Dimensions of the Study

Design of the Study,

The study used the one-shot design as described in Isaac
and Michael's Handbook in Research and Evaluation (1966). Interviews
were conducted with individuals in four sets of ten subjects each.
These were 40 subjects out of the 64 population: 20 for the 13-year-
olds and 20 for the 18-year-olds. They represented a purposive sample
of age and residency in the United States within the Korean-American
immigrant youth in Minneapolis. The Authority Scale (see Appendix B)
was administered to each subject individually. Responses were then
analyzed (see Data Analysis). The Authority Scale was used to measure
the Korean-American youth's perceptions of parental authority for
making moral decisions. The Authority Scale was administered during a
personal interview.

Independent variables (age of the subjects and leggth of

residency in the United States): There were two independent variables.

35

The first was the age of the youth, whether 13 years old or 18 years
old. The second was the duration of residency in the United States,
whether short or long.

Dependent variable (importance of parental authority in making
moral decisions): The dependent variable in the study was the subject's
score on the instrument which measured the degree of the importance of
each authority figure. The instrument used a Likert-type response
scale to measure the authority scores 1 through 5. When the subject
ranked different authority figures, 1 meant the highest importance
and 5 meant the lowest importance given to advice from such figures

when making moral decisions.

Interviewinggthe Subjects

 

The research data were collected during an interview of
approximately one hour with each of the subjects. The field work was
done during September, October, and November, 1981. Prior to interview:
During the middle part of September, 1981, the target sample of 13- and
lB-year-olds was selected from the Sunday School registration of six
Korean immigrant churches and the Korean Directory(l981) for the
Minneapolis area. A letter of introduction (Appendix C) was sent to
each individual in the target sample. The letter was approved by the
ministers of the churches concerned, indicated the purpose of the
interview, and informed those in the sample that the researcher would
call to arrange a time for an interview. After the letter was sent,

each subject was called to make the necessary arrangements.

36

Duringythe interview: The Authority Scale was administered

to each subject during the interview. Specifically, the step-by-step

procedure followed was as follows:

1.

Introduction and statement of the purpose of the inter-
view,

Administering the Authority Scale by means of the card-
sorting task for the ordering of authority figures,
Concluding the interview and discussing the questions of
the Authority Scale with the subject (no formal data

recorded).

All responses were written on data-gathering sheets by the

interviewer.

The interview was bilingual, conducted in English and

Korean, as necessary; the instrument as well.

Hypotheses to Be Tested

Going back to the research questions developed in Chapter I,

some questions can be asked which, in turn, provide the basis for the

hypotheses to be tested. Given the principal research questions,

more specific questions can be stated based on the hypotheses.

A. Attempts were made to identify whether or not the Korean-

American youth's moral decisions are related to the parental authority:

1.

To what extent does the l3-year-old who is a short-time
resident in the United States identify parental authority
in making moral decisions?

To what extent does the l3-year-old who is a long-time
resident in the United States identify parental authority

in making moral decisions?

37

To what extent does the lB-year-old who is a short-time

 

resident in the United States identify parental authority
in making moral decisions?

To what extent does the lB-year-old who is a long-time
resident in the United States identify parental authority

in making moral decisions?

B. Attempts were made to compare the authority scale between

different age groups:

5.

To what extent do the 13-year-olds and lB—year-olds of
Short-time residency differ on an authority scale?

To what extent do the 13-year-olds and lB-year-olds of
long-time residency differ on an authority scale?

C. Attempts were made to compare the authority scale accord-

ing to the different length of residency of the same age groups:-

7.

. To what extent are short-time 13-year-old residents differ-

ent from long-time l3-year-old residents on the authority
scale?

To what extent are short-time 18gyear-old residents differ-

. ent from long-time lB-year-old residents on the authority

scale?

0. Attempts were made to compare the score on an authority

scale between different age groups and length of residency groups:

9.

10.

To what extent do l3-year-olds of short-time residency

 

differ from lB-year-olds of long-time residency?
To what extent do l3-year-olds of long-time residency

differ from lB-year-olds of short-time residency?

 

38

As stated in Chapter I, the following hypotheses can be
offered:

1. Youth of 13 years tend to demonstrate a higher response
to parental authority than thepyouth of 18’years.

2. The youth who have been in the United States a shorter
period of time are more responsive to parental authority
than those ofTaTlonger period.

Instrumentation

The study used one instrument, designed specifically for the
study. The instrument consisted of two sets of 24 moral-related issues,
under two different major questions as follows: "Whose advice is
likely to be b§§t_about. . . ? (Belief)" and "Whose advice do I
£9119! on . . . . (Action)." Forty-eight questions followed, subdivided
under these two major sections. Each question was written in English
and Korean, to reduce any Strain in understanding, on an 8 x 5 card
which could be made to stand on the table after half-folding. The sub-
ject was asked to sort out a separate Set of authority-figure cards (my
parents, my friend, my pastor, my teacher, and myself) and to use them
to indicate his answers (see Appendix B).

The instrument was designed to measure the subjects' percep-
tions as to what extent parental authority is important in the belief
and action of Korean-American youth when making moral decisions. The
two sets of cards with the questions and the authority figures were
selected to represent the adolescent engaged in various kinds of moral
decisions.

The interviewer recorded the responses on the answer sheet

(Appendix B). The response scale ranged from 1 (the highest) through 5

39

(the lowest). This assumed to Show the importance of the authority
of five figures, as stated above: parents, friend, pastor, teacher,

and self.

Computation of the Authority,Score

The Authority Score was produced by summing the highest-ranking
score, i.e., 1 in the response scale, across the moral-issue items
(24) for each authority figure. The highest-ranking score 1 was
summed up vertically under each five authority figures to compute the
Authority Score. For example, if Question 1 ("Which religion to choose
for my faith") in belief dimension of the Authority Scale got scores
on parents, 1; friends, 4; pastor, 5; teacher, 3; myself, 2; and if
the score on Question 2 ("Whether I can kiss") was parents, 2;
friends, 3; pastor, 4; teacher, 5; myself 1; the total of the scores
for these two questions would be parents, 1; friends, 0; pastor, 0;

teacher, 0; myself, 1.

Instrumentation Development

The preliminary version of the Authority Scale consisted of
40 questions, which were under 5 items of 8 categories each, stated in
Chapter I: educational choices, religious choices, purpose of life
convictions, responsibility for future of parents, friendship choices,
sexual mores, social mores, and ethnic choices. Each item was pre-
sented in two forms. The first was: How important is this question
in your personal life? (Likert-type scale--Very Important, Important,

Average, Less Important, and Not Important). The second was: To

40

what extent are the opinions of the following persons important as
you make your decisions on this matter? (See Appendix A.)

Five items of each eight categories were pre-tested in order
to evaluate and refine the questions. Based on the data obtained
from the pre-test, the final instrument consisted of three items each
for the eight categories. Evaluation and definition of the data
were based on differentiability by age effect (13- and 18-year-olds)
and residency effect (short and long). The first three items, in
terms of differentiation (response variability), were selected for
each factor. For example, five questions on educational choices used
in pre-testing were as follows: (1) what subjects to study in school,
(2) what areas to major in at college or university, (3) which college
or university to attend, (4) which books to read, and (5) whether
there is value in education. After pre-testing, the final instrument
reduced these to the three items showing the greatest differentiation:
(1) which college to go to, (2) which books to read, and (3) whether

there is value in education.

Pre-Testing,

The initial phase of the research was a survey using the
research instrument (see Appendix A). Eight Korean-American youth
from the Lansing area in Michigan were investigated for their reflec-
tive group discussions in August, 1981. Among the eight, three were
13-year-olds and five were lB-year-olds. They willingly responded to
the research instruments. The purpose of the initial pre-test was to
evaluate and refine the research instrument. to select items for final

instrumentation, and to develop the field procedure.

41

Data Analysis

 

The research was a survey attempting to discover what rela-
tionships exist between the perceptions of Korean-American youth
regarding the importance of parental authority as a factor in making
moral decisions, by different age levels and by different durations
of residency in the United States. Analysis of variance (ANOVA)
statistics were primarily examined to determine the different signifi-
cances of two independent variables (age and residency) in relation to
the dependent variable (authority scale). For this reason, one- and
two-way ANOVAS were analyzed. To reveal conditional relationships or
interaction of independent variables, conditional ANOVAS were used
(Rosenberg, 1968). If statistically significant F-ratios were
obtained, a statement regarding treatment effects was made. If sig-
nificant interaction occurred, a post-hoc comparison of means within
appropriate treatment (t-test) was conducted.

In order to compare the belief-and-action consistency in
relation to age and residency, Pearson's correlation was used. Borg
and Gall (1971) said that correlational analysis should be used when
individual differences are expected to be present; such differences
manifested themselves as variations in score. To supplement the cor-
relational data--that is, to see the authority transfer (direction)
between belief and action in making moral decision, especially from

"parent" to "myself"--chi-square was examined.

CHAPTER IV

RESULTS OF THE INVESTIGATION ‘

Based on the rationale developed in Chapter I and the prece-
dent literature gathered in Chapter II, an operational definition
(instrument) of authority was developed. The reader will recall
that not only was the concept defined, but it was placed in a context
of making moral decisions by underscoring the need to be able to meas-
ure aspects of authority as they are manifested by 13- and lB-year-
old Korean-American youth in belief and action regarding making moral
decisions. Furthermore, authority as a concept was seen as operating
both in the thought and the action dimensions. This was seen neces-
sary and desirable, because the operation of authority in a social
studies context must take into account the variability of belief and
action dimensions.

Authority in a technical sense is neither good nor bad. It
is, scientifically speaking, neutral and simply a recognition of
social interactions. The operational definition (instrument) in this
study,'as has been pointed out earlier, was an attempt to incorporate
both the neutrality of the concept and authority-receiver's perspec-
tive that in this writer's judgment makes the concept measurable and

ultimately applicable in multicultural education.

42

43

The operational definition of authority already given is

reiterated here:

1.

To what extent are the opinions of the following persons
important for making moral decisions in belief: my parent,
my friend, my pastor, my teacher, and myself? ("Whose
advice is likely best about . . . ?")

To what extent are the opinions of the following persons
important for making moral decisions in action: my parent,
my friend, my pastor, my teacher, and myself? ("Whose

advice do I follow on . . . ?")

Based on this operational definition, two hypotheses were

formulated which provided the focus for the data analysis:

1.

Youth of 13 years tend to demonstrate a higher response
to parental authority than the youth of 18 years.

The youth who have been in the United States a shorter
period of time are more responsive to parental authority

than those of a longer period.

These two hypotheses--concerning age and length of residency--are

investigated on a test-by-test basis in the next section of this

chapter.

It is within this specific framework that the study was con-

ducted.

In this chapter the results of the study are discussed.

Data are looked at on a test-by-test basis. First, the descriptive

data and statistical analyses are displayed in a series of tables.

A discussion section follows, focusing on the data as they apply to

each of the two hypotheses.

44

Measures of Parental Authority
Through the Authority Scale instrument (Appendix B), parental
authority scores were measured to show to what extent the opinions
of the parent are important to the adolescent in making moral deci-

sions.

Belief Dimension

 

Descriptive data: BELIEF, parental authority by age.--Ce11
means were generated using the SPSS subprogram ONEWAY (SPSS, 1975)

and are illustrated by condition in Table 4.1.

Table 4.1.--REPORTED BELIEF, parental authority: overall cell means

 

 

 

by age.
Total Population Age
13 Years 18 Years
7 = 9.30 7(- = 10.35 3(— = 8.25
(N = 40) (N = 20) (N = 20)

 

Descriptive data: BELIEF, parental authority by residency.--
Cell means were generated using the SPSS subprogram ONEWAY (SPSS, 1975)
and are illustrated by condition in Table 4.2.

Descriptive data: BELIEF, parental authority py age and resi-
geggy,--Cell means were generated using the SPSS subprogram TWOWAY
(SPSS, 1975) and are illustrated by condition in Table 4.3.

Table 4.3.

45

Table 4.2.--REPORTED BELIEF, parental authority: overall cell means
by residency. (Total N = 40)

 

 

 

Residency
Short Long
R'= 9.55 Y'= 9.05
(N = 20) (N = 20)

 

Table 4.3.--REPORTED BELIEF, parental authority: overall cell means
by age and residency.

 

 

 

Residency
Age
Short Long
13 years X = 11.80 /// X = 8.90
(N = 10) (N = 10)
18 years X = 7.30 X = 9.20
(N =10) (N = 10)

 

Analysis of variance: BELIEF, parental authority.--Given
these descriptive data, a two-way ANOVA procedure (SPSS, 1975)
was used to determine whether any Significant differences in means
existed and whether any significant interactions were present. The
results of this statistical test are illustrated in Table 4.4.
Discussion: BELIEF, parental authority.--The first hypothe-
sis stated that a significant difference would be found between the

two age groups, i.e., 13- and lB-year-olds. This hypothesis was not

46

supported by an analysis of the data (Tables 4.1 and 4.4). Although
it was not statistically significant, the general tendency was in
the hypothesized direction (Table 4.4).

Table 4.4.--REPORTED BELIEF, parental authority: two-way analysis of
variance--age by residency.

 

 

 

Source of Variation 331,325 df Sgfigfle F-Ratio F-Prob.
Age 44.100 1 44.100 1.989 .167
Length of residency 2.500 1 2.500 .113 .739
Age x length of residency 57.600 1 57.600 2.598 .116
Residual 798.200 36 22.172

Total . 902.400 39 23.138

 

The second logical hypothesis stated that a significant differ-
ence would be found between the two residency groups, i.e., short and
long. Null hypothesis (Ho) test using F-statistics, 7-step procedures
(Hayes, 1973), about age effect in belief dimension is the following:
(1) Ho: u] = pg, Ha: a] f uza (2) a level = .05, (3) F = $35,

(4) F 2 F(J-1, J[n-l]), if H0 is true, (5) reject Ho if F > 4.08,

(6) F = 1.989, (7) accept ”0- Age variable in belief dimension did
not show an effect among means of age related to parental authority.
As the same steps above, F value of length of residency (.106) did

not reject Ho. Length of residency effect in belief dimension did not
show an effect among means of residency variable related to parental

authority. Null hypothesis (Ho) was not rejected. This hypothesis
was not supported by an analysis of the data (Tables 4.2 and 4.4).

47 '

Based on an analysis of the data, no two-way interactions

were significant at the .10 or .05 levels (Table 4.4).

Action Dimension
Descriptive data: ACTION, parental authority bypage.--Cell
means were generated using the SPSS subprogram ONEWAY (SPSS, 1975)

and are illustrated by condition in Table 4.5.

Table 4.5.--REPORTED ACTION, parental authority: overall cell means

 

 

 

by age.
Total Population Age
13 Years 18 Years
1': 9,17 Y'= 11.00 K'= 7.35
(N = 40) (N = 20) (N = 20)

 

Descriptive data: ACTION, parental authority by residenc .--
Cell means were generated using the SPSS subprogram ONEWAY (SPSS,
1976) and are illustrated by condition in Table 4.6.

Table 4.6.--REPORTED ACTION, parental authority: overall cell means
by residency. (Total N = 40)

 

Residency
Short Long

 

 

X = 10.50 X = 7.85
(N = 20) (N 20)

 

48

Descriptive data: ACTION, parental authority 91 age and
residency.--Cell means were generated using the SPSS subprogram
TWOWAY (SPSS, 1975) and are illustrated by condition in Table 4.7.

Table 4.7.--REPORTED ACTION, parental authority: overall cell means
' by age and residency. (Total N = 40)

 

 

 

Residency
Age Short Long
13 years X = 13.00 X = 9.00
(N = 10) . (N = 10)
18 years X = 8.00 X = 6.70
(N = 10) (N = 10)

L

Analysis of variance: ACTION, parental authority.--With these
descriptive data available, a two-way ANOVA procedure (SPSS, 1975)
was used to determine whether any significant differences in means
existed and whether any significant interactions were present. The
results of this statistical test are illustrated in Table 4.8.

Discussion: ACTION, measures of parental authority.--The
first hypothesis stated that a significant difference would be found
between the two age groups, i.e., 13- and lBsyear-olds. This hypothe-
sis was supported. Two-way ANOVA showed the age effect significant
at the .02 level (Tables 4.5 and 4.8).

The second hypothesis stated that a significant difference
would be found between the two residency groups, i.e., short and
long. This hypothesis was supported. TWo-way ANOVA showed the
residency effect significant at the .09 level (Tables 4.6 and 4.8).

49

Table 4.8.--REPORTED ACTION, parental authority: two-way analysis of
variance--age by residency.

 

Source of Variation 5“” °f df ”ea" F-Ratio F-Prob.

 

 

Squares Square
Age 133.225 1 133.225 5.750 .022
Length of residency 70.225 1 70.225 3.031 .090
Age x length of residency 18.225 1 18.225 .787 .381
Residual 834.100 36 23.169
Total 1055.775 ‘ 39 27.071

 

Null hypothesis (Ho) test using Festatistics, about age and
length of residency effect in action dimension was the following:
F value of age effect was 4.588, and F value of length of residency
effect was 2.708 was an effect among means of age related to parental
authority. Therefore, the null hypothesis (Ho) was rejected. In
length of residency effect in action dimension, there was an effect
among means of length of residency related to parental authority.
The null hypothesis (Ho) was rejected.

Based on an analysis of the data, no two-way interactions
were significant at the .10 level (Table 4.8). (Since the sample size

was small [40 subjects], .10 was used as a.)

Measures of Myself as Authority,
Through the Authority Scale instrument (Appendix B), "myself"
authority scores were measured to show to what extent the "my opin-
ions" were a factor in making moral decisions. This was for the sup-

plementary data as an antithesis of parental authority.

50

Belief Dimension
Descriptive data: BELIEF, myself as authority by age.--Ce11
means were generated using the SPSS subprogram ONEWAY (SPSS, 1975)

and are illustrated by condition in Table 4.9.

Table 4.9.--REPORTED BELIEF, myself as authority: overall cell means

 

 

 

by age.
Age
Total Po lati n
pu o 13 Years 18 Years
2': 10.07 Y'= 9.20 7'= 10.95
(N = 40) (N = 20) (N = 20)

 

Descriptive data: BELIEF, myself as authority by residency.--
Cell means were generated using the SPSS subprogram ONEWAY (SPSS,
1975) and are illustrated by condition in Table 4.10.

Table 4.10.--REPORTED BELIEF, myself as authority: overall cell means
by residency. (Total N = 40)

 

 

 

Residency
Short Long
X'= 8.15 X= 12.00
(N = 20) (N = 20)

 

Descriptive data: BELIEF, myself as authority by age and resi-
dency.--Cell means were generated using the SPSS subprogram TWOWAY
(SPSS, 1975) and are illustrated by condition in Table 4.11.

51

Table 4.11.--REPORTED BELIEF, myself as authority: overall cell means
by age and residency. (Total N = 40)

 

 

 

Age Residency
Short Long
13 years X = 5.60 X = 12.80
(N = 10) (N = 10)
18 years X = 10.70 X = 11.20
(N = 10) (N = 10)

 

Analysis of variance: BELIEF, myself as authority,--Given
these descriptive data, a two-way ANOVA procedure (SPSS, 1975) was
used to determine whether any significant differences in means
existed and whether any significant interactions were present. The
results of this statistical test are illustrated in Table 4.12. These
data are drawn from the question about belief_about best authority to
follow.

Discussion: BELIEF, myself as authority.--The first hypothe-
sis stated that a significant difference would be found between the
two age groups, i.e., 13- and lB-year-olds. This hypothesis was not
supported by an analysis of the data (Tables 4.9 and 4.12).

The second hypothesis stated that a significant difference
would be found between the two residency groups, i.e., short and long.
This hypothesis was supported. Two-way ANOVA showed the residency
effect significant at the .02 level (Tables 4.10 and 4.12).

52

Based on an analysis of the data, two-way interactions were

significant at the .04 level (Table 4.12).

Table 4.12.--REPORTED BELIEF, myself as authority: two-way analysis
of variance--age by residency.

 

Sum of df Mean

Source of Variation F-Ratio F-Prob.

 

Squares Square
Age 30.625 1 30.625 1.142 .292
Length of residency 148.225 1 148.225 5.526 .024

Age x length of residency 112.225 1 112.225 4.184 .048
Residual 965.700 36 26.825

 

Total 1256.775 39 32.225

 

Action Dimension

Descriptive data: ACTION, myself as authority by age.--Cell
means were generated using the SPSS subprogram ONEWAY (SPSS, 1975)
and are illustrated by condition in Table 4.13.

Table 4.13.--REPORTED ACTION, myself as authority: overall cell means

 

 

 

by age.
Total Population Age
13 Years 18 Years
X= 10.75 Y= 9.05 X= 12.45

(N = 40) (N = 20) (N = 20)

 

53

Descriptive data: ACTION, myself as authority by_residenc .--
Cell means were generated using the SPSS subprogram ONEWAY (SPSS,
1975) and are illustrated by condition in Table 4.14.

Table 4.14.—-REPORTED ACTION, myself as authority: overall cell means
by residency. (Total N = 40)

 

 

 

Residency
Short Long
X'= 8.00 X'= 13.50
(N = 20) (N = 20)

 

Descriptive data: ACTION, myself as authority by pge andr
’residency.--Cell means were generated using the SPSS subprogram
TWOWAY (SPSS, 1975) and are illustrated by condition in Table 4.15.

Table 4.15.--REPORTED ACTION, myself as authority: overall cell means
by age and residency. (Total N = 40)

 

 

 

Age Res1dency
Short ‘ Long
13 years X = 5.30 X = 12.80
(N = 10) (N = 10)
18 years X = 10.70 X = 14.20
(N = 10) (N = 10)

 

54

Analysis of variance: ACTION, myself as authority.--Given
these descriptive data, a two-way ANOVA procedure (SPSS, 1975) was
used to determine whether any significant differences in means
existed and whether any significant interactions were present. The

results of this statistical test are illustrated in Table 4.16.

Table 4.16.--REPORTED ACTION, myself as authority: two-way analysis
of variance--age by residency.

 

Sum of df Mean

Source of Variation F-Ratio F-Prob.

 

 

Squares Square
Age 115.600 1 115.600 4.776 .035
Length of residency ' 302.500 1 302.500 12.497 .001
Age x length of residency 40.000 1 40.000 1.653 .207
Residual 871.400 36 24.206
Total 1329.500 39 34.090

 

Discussion: ACTION, myself as authority.--The first hypothesis
stated that a significant difference would be found between the two
age groups, i.e., 13- and lB-year-olds. This hypothesis was sup-
ported. Two-way ANOVA showed the age effect was significant at the
.03 level (Tables 4.13 and 4.16).

The second hypothesis stated that a significant difference
would be found between the two residency groups, i.e., short and long.
This hypothesis was supported. Two-way ANOVA showed the residency
effect was significant at the .001 level (Tables 4.14 and 4.16).

55

Based on an analysis of the data, no two-way interactions

were significant at the .10 or .05 levels (Table 4.16).

(Measures of Other Authority
Through the Authority Scale instrument (Appendix B), other
authority scores (friend, pastor, and teacher) were measured to show
to what extent the opinions of others were important for making moral

decisions. This was for the supplementary data.

Belief Dimension

Analysis of variance: BELIEF, other authority.--A two-way
ANOVA procedure (SPSS, 1975) was used to determine whether any sig-
nificant differences in means existed and whether any significant
interactions were present. The results of this statistical test

are illustrated in Tables 4.17, 4.18, and 4.19.

Table 4.17.--REPORTED BELIEF, friend as authority: two-way analysis
of variance--age by residency.

 

 

. . Sum of Mean
Source of Var1at10n Squares df Square F-Ratio F-Prob.
Age 6.400 1 6.400 1.167 .287
Length of residency 12.100 1 12.100 2.207 .146
Age x length of residency 1.600 1 1.600 .292 .592
Residual 197.400 36 5.483

 

Tota1 217.500 39 5.577

 

56

Table 4.18.--REPORTED BELIEF, pastor as authority: two-way analysis

of variance--age by residency.

 

 

 

Source of Variation 333,325 df Sgfigfle F-Ratio F-Prob.
Age .225 1 .225 .031 y .861
Length of residency 18.225 1 18.225 2.509 .122
Age x length of residency .025 l .025 .003 .954
Residual 261.500 36 7.264

Total 279.975 39 7.179

 

Table 4.19.-~REPORTED BELIEF, teacher as authority: two-way analysis

of variance--age by residency.

 

 

 

Source of Variation Sgflaggs df Sufigge F-Ratio F-Prob.
Age 3.600 1 3.600 1.600 .214
Length of residency .100 1 .100 .044 .834
Age x length of residency .900 1 .900 .400 .531
Residual 81.000 36 2.250

Total 85.600 39 2.195

 

Discussion: BELIEF, other authority.--The first and second

 

hypotheses--concerning age and residency--were not supported here by

analyses of the data (Tables 4.17, 4.18, and 4.19).

Based on analyses of the data, no two-way interactions were

significant at the .10 or .05 levels (Tables 4.17, 4.18, and 4.19).

57

Action Dimension

Analysis of variance: ACTION, other authority.--A two-way

ANOVA procedure (SPSS, 1975) was used to determine whether any sig-

nificant differences in means existed and whether any significant

interactions were present. The results of this statistical test are

illustrated in Tables 4.20, 4.21, and 4.22.

Table 4.20.--REPORTED ACTION, friend as authority: two-way analysis

of variance--age by residency.

 

 

 

Source of Variation ggflafizs df $25326 F-Ratio F-Prob.
Age 8.100 1 8.100 2.253 .142
Length of residency 3.600 1 3.600 1.002 .324
Age x length of residency .000 1 .000 .000’ .999
Residual 129.400 36 3.594

Total 141.100 39 3.618

 

Table 4.21.--REPORTED ACTION, pastor as authority: two-way analysis

of variance-~age by residency.

 

Mean .
Square F-Ratio F-Prob.

 

. . Sum of
Source of Var1at10n Squares df
Age 4.225 1
Length of residency‘ 11.025 1
Age x length of residency .025 1
Residual 201.500 36

4.225 .755 .391

11.025 1.970 .169

.025 .004 .947
5.597

 

Tota1 216.775 39

5.558

 

58

Table 4.22.--REPORTED ACTION, teacher as authority: two-way analysis
of variance--age by residency.

 

Sum of df Mean

Source of Variation F-Ratio F-Prob.

 

 

Squares Square
Age 2.025 t 1 2.025 .786 .381
Length of residency .025 l .025 .010 .922
Age x length of residency 2.025 1 2.025 .786 .381
Residual 92.700 36 2.575
Total 96.775 39 2.481

 

. Discussion: ACTION, other authority,--The first hypothesis
stated that a significant difference would be found between the
two age groups, i.e., 13- and 18<year-olds. This hypothesis was
not supported by analyses of the data (Tables 4.20, 4.21, and 4.22).
The second hypothesis stated that a significant difference
would be found between the two residency groups, i.e., short and long.
This hypothesis was not supported by analyses of the data (Tables
4.20, 4.21, and 4.22).
Based on an analysis of the data, no two-way interactions
were significant at the .10 or .05 levels (Tables 4.20, 4.21, and
4.22).

Conditional Analysis of Variance by Age
To see the age effect when the residency effect was controlled,
conditional analysis of variance was used (Rosenberg, 1968). To deter-

mine whether any significant differences existed after such control,

59

one-way ANOVA by age and conditional ANOVA by age with residency
were processed. The results of this statistical test are illustrated

in Table 4.23.

Table 4.23.--F-va1ues and Significance levels for authority figures:
one-way and conditional analysis of variance by age.

 

Kinds of ANOVA

 

 

 

 

Authority Figures One way/Age Coagifiigggldgyccge
Belief Action . Belief Action
Parent ' 1.97 5.49** 1.91 5.78**
Friend 1.15 2.31 1.19 2.32
Pastor .03 .76 .03 .78
Teacher ' 1.67 .81 1.63 .79
Myself .95 3.62* 1.05 4.69**

 

*F significant at p 5 .10.
**p s .05.

***p .01.

.001.

IAIA

****p

Discussion: Conditional Analysis
of Variance by Age

The general trend of the age effect in both one-way ANOVA
and conditional ANOVA was the same in significant values. Both
parental authority and myself authority in the action dimension were
statistically significant at the .10 and .05 levels (Table 4.23).
But, more specifically, after residency effect was controlled,
F-values in the one-way ANOVA increased, i.e., from 5.49 to 5.78 and

3.62 to 4.69, in conditional ANOVA (Table 4.23).,

6O

Conditional Analysis of Variance by Residency_

 

To see the residency effect when the age effect was controlled,
conditional analysis of variance was used (Rosenberg, 1968).. To deter-
mine whether any significant differences existed after such control,
one-way ANOVA by residency and conditional ANOVA by residency with
age were processed. The results of this statistical test are illus-

trated in Table 4.24.

Table 4.24.--F-values and significance levels for authority figures:
one-way and conditional analysis of variance by residency.

 

Kinds of ANOVA

 

 

 

 

Authority Fm... 323.3344, maximum...
Belief Action Belief Action
Parent .11 2.71* .11 3.05*
Friend 2.24 1.00 2.25 1.03
Pastor 2.65 2.04 2.58 2.02
Teacher .04 .01 .05 .10
Myself 5.08** 11.19*** 5.09** 12.28****

 

*F significant at p s .10.
**p < .05.

***p < .01.

****p 5 .001.

Discussion: Conditional Analysis
ofPVariancepbyeResidency

The general trend of the residency effect in both one-way
ANOVA and conditional ANOVA was the same in significant values.

This means that there were hardly any residency effects. Both

61

parental authority and myself as authority in the action dimension,
and myself as authority in the belief dimension, were statistically
significant at .10, .005, .01, and .001 levels (Table 4.24). But,
more specifically, after the age effect was controlled, F-values in
the one-way ANOVA increased, i.e., from 2.71 to 3.05, 5.08 to 5.09,
and 11.19 to 12.28, in conditional ANOVA (Table 4.24).

Both conditional analyses confirmed that there were no sig-
nificant interactions between age and residency, as two-way ANOVA
showed earlier (Tables 4.4, 4.8, 4.12, 4.17, 4.18, 4.19, 4.20, 4.21,
and 4.22). But in the case of myself and parent, limited interaction
effect occurred (Table 4.16).

Significance Levels of Authority Figures for
13- and’TB-Year-Olds Compared by Residency;

Analysis of Variance:
Measures 0fiAuthority Figures

A one-way ANOVA procedure (SPSS, 1975) was used to determine
whether any significant differences in means existed. The results
of F-values and significance levels for authority figures are illus-
trated in Table 4.25.

Discussion: Measures of Authority
Figures by ResiHéncy_

The purpose of analyzing data within the same age groups
(13- and lB-year-olds) was to see how the residency effect operated
when the age effect was controlled. There were supplementary data

for the second hypothesis, which stated that a significant difference

62

would be found between the two residency groups, i.e., Short residency

and long residency.

Table 4.25.--F-values and significance levels for authority figures:
one-way analysis of variance by residency.

 

Kinds of ANOVA

 

 

 

 

 

Authorit Fi res One Way/Residency One Way/Residency
y 9" (135 vs. 13L) (185 vs. 18L)
Belief Action Belief Action
Parent 1.08 2.78* ‘ 1.53 .48
Friend .34 .27 2.92 3.60*
Pastor .89 .73 2.37 1.70
Teacher .10 .31 .32 .49
Myself 7.34** 9.28*** .07 ' 3.39*
Key: 135 = l3-year—olds of short residency
13L = 13-year-olds of long residency
185 = lB-year-olds of short residency
18L = lB-year-olds of long residency

*F significant at p 5 .10.
**p 5 .05.
***p s .01.

Within 13-year-olds, a strong residency effect occurred,
whereas within 18-year-olds, no residency effect occurred signifi-
cantly (Table 4.25).

One phenomenon needs to be noted. Within lB-year-olds, in

the action dimension, friend authority showed significant value

63

(F-value was 3.60, p < .10), whereas parental authority value Showed
the lowest significance (Table 4.25).

T-tests were run on pairs of means generated by age and
residency in the belief and action dimensions. Those tests estab-
plished the maximums and minimums for the interaction effects occur- '
ring as a result of the differences in means between age and
residency. Table 4.26 illustrates T-values and significance levels
for authority figures between 13-year-olds of long residency and
lB-year-olds of short residency. A t-test on these values yielded a
two-tailed probability of no more than .005.

There were significant values (Trvalues) between l3-year-olds
of short residency and lB-year-olds of long residency. Parental
authority in the action dimension was significant at .05; friend as
authority in the belief dimension was significant at the .05 level;
myself as authority in both dimensions was significant at the .05
and .005 levels. There were no significant values between l3-year-
olds of long residency and lB-year-olds of short residency (Table

4.26).

Belief-and-Action Consistengy
This test was developed to compare the belief-and-action
consistency in relation to age and residency. Pearson's correlation
was used and is illustrated by age and residency in Table 4.27 and

Figure 4.1.

64

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67

Pearson's Correlation: Measures
of Parent and Myself

 

Correlational analysis (Borg & Gall, 1971) was used to deter-
mine whether any significant differences were present as variations
in scores. To supplement the correlational data--that is, to see
the authority transfer (direction) between belief and action in making
moral decisions, especially from parent to myself--chi-square was
examined (Table 4.28). The observations following do lend some gen-
eral support to the hypotheses of the study by providing data to
complement the major test.

Discussion: Belief-and-
Action Consistency

Figure 4.1 shows that belief-and-action consistency (correla-
tion) decreases as the age and residency increase. Within each age
group, the same tendency happens (Figure 4.1 [a] and [b]). Spe-
cifically, Figure 4.1 (c) shows that as the age increases, the belief-
and-action consistency of all 18-year-olds decreases. Within each
age group, as the residency increases, the belief-and-action consis-
tency decreases. The slope for l3-year—olds (the difference in
belief-and-action consistency between 13-year-olds of long residency
and short residency) is higher than that for lB-year-olds (Figure
4.1 [a] and [b]).

The same tendency happens in parental authority and myself
as authority regarding correlation coefficients of belief-and-action

consistency.

68

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69

Summary

In considering the operational definition of parental authority,
this chapter discussed the results of the investigation in terms of
the two definitional components and in terms of the two hypotheses
developed for this study. One instrument was used in gathering data:
the Authority Scale. Interviews were administered through the instru-

ment. This interviewing session lasted approximately one hour.

Discussion of the Results

 

Hypothesis 1: Age received support based on the analysis of
data. Measures of parental authority_and myself as authority both
yielded significant results in this regard, in both the belief and
action dimensions.

Hypothesis 2: Residency was supported by the results of
Authority Scale scores on the data. Measures ofpparental authority

and myself as authority both yielded significant results in this

 

regard, in both the belief and action dimensions.

The analysis of variance conducted on the dependent variable,
parental authority, in this study yielded statistically significant
levels at .05 and .10. In order to compare the belief-and-action
consistency, Pearson's correlation was used and yielded high corre-
lations (higher than .52 and lower than .86). To supplement the
correlational data--in other words, to see the authority transfer
between belief and action in making moral decisionse-chi-square was

examined.

70

This chapter provided a detailed look at the instrument
employed and the analysis of data gathered in this investigation.
Data-based observations were made regarding the two hypotheses of
the study used in the operational definition of parental authority.
Chapter V provides an overview of the study and discusses conclusions,

implications, and limitations of the study.

CHAPTER V

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS

The study grew out of a general interest in multicultural
education, focused on moral education and a perceived need for a
better definition of its essential components. Little descriptive
research has been conducted in reference to the cultural factors in
moral education. Rather, most efforts to date have emphasized the
theoretical aspects of the moral and conceptual development pro-
cesses.

Several writings have centered on the concepts required'hithe
development and acculturation of youth and parents in order to achieve
a multicultural perspective (see Burgess, 1926; Hoffman & Saltzstein,
1967; Kohlberg, 1958; Piaget, 1965; Solomon, 1960; Spiegel, 1957;
Szapocznik et al., 1975; Walters & Stinnett, 1971). What emerges is
a set of common expectations and ideologies that form a core around
which the field of multicultural studies is constructed. At the
center of this core is the concept of social interaction with
authority./‘

xiCuriously, although the concept is consistently mentioned,
little time is spent defining social interaction beyond the generali-
zation of mutual interaction. The purpose of the research thus

became to define social interaction in a more specific way, i.e.,

71

72

parentand youth interaction focused on matters of authority. Further-
more, this definition was to be specific to the acculturational
studies, thereby requiring the two-dimensional emphasis of a techni-
cal definition of parent-youth interaction coupled with a more ideo-
logical definition. This dual focus allowed for an explicit, factual
understanding of parent-youth interaction focused on issues of
authority. Thus the researCh attempted to account for specific
value-biased aspects of human interaction.

The definition that resulted was based on an authority-
receiver's perspective. This, in the writer's judgment, makes the
concept measurable and ultimately applicable in multicultural educa-
tion.

The operational definition of authority is therefore
reported here:

1. To what extent are the opinions of the following persons
important in making moral decisions in belief: my
parent, my friend, my pastor, my teacher, and myself?
(Whose advice is likely be§t_about . . . ?)

2. To what extent are the opinions of the following persons
important in making moral decisions in action: my
parent, my friend, my pastor, my teacher, and myself?
(Whose advice do I fgllgg_on . . . ?)

These two components reflect the intention to create a defi-

nition that is measurable and applicable. The first represents a
belief dimension and the second an action dimension, which provide

a view of how the authority operates.

73

Summary of the Study

The primary purpose of the study was to determine how
important parental authority was in the making of moral decisions by
Korean-American youth aged 13 and 18. A specifically designed
instrument was used to examine the effect of the subject's percep-
tions of parental authority in belief and action in making moral
decisions. The design of the study involved the application of the
treatment to the following four sets of subjects:

1. The 13-year-old of short residency in the United States.

2. The 13-year-old of long residency in the United States,

3. The lB-year-old of short residency in the United States,

4. The lB-year-old of long residency in the United States.
The subjects were purposively selected for treatment from the entire
13- and lB-year-old population. Interviews were conducted with ten
individuals in each of the four sets. The instrument was used to
measure the Korean-American young people's perceptions of parental
authority in making moral decisions.

The first independent variable considered was the age of the
subjects, whether 13 or 18 years old. The second independent vari-
able was the length of residency in the United States, whether "short
residency" or "long residency," l to 5 years and 9 to 18 years,
respectively.

The dependent variable was the importance of specific
roles (persons) as authority in the matter of moral decisions. Five
roles (authority persons) were examined: parent, friend, pastor,

teacher, and myself.

74

Findings

Analysis of variance statistics were examined to determine
the significances of the two independent variables (age and resi-
dency) in relation to the dependent variable (authority score).

One- and two-way ANOVAS were run on the dependent measures. To see
conditional relationships or interaction of independent variables,
conditional ANOVAS were used (Rosenberg, 1968). Significant differ-
ences in main-effects means were found within the dependent variable,
especially in the area of perept_as authority and my§e1f_as authority
in belief and action dimensions.

Follow-up t-tests on cell means found the interactions to be
caused by significant differences between groups. There were sig-
nificant values (t-values) between l3-year-olds of short residency
and lB-year-olds of long residency, especially in the area of peregt_
as authority in the action dimension (p < .05), friegg_as authority
in the belief dimension (p < .05), andmygelf_as authority in the
belief and action dimensions (p < .05).

In order to compare the belief-and-action consistency in
relation to age and residency, Pearson's correlation was used. To
supplement the correlational data--in other words, to see the authority
transfer (direction) between belief and action, in the area of EQESEE
and mygelfr-the chi-square was calculated. In general, belief and
action correlated statistically significantly from .524 to .868. In
general, the consistency of belief and action decreased as age and
length of residency increased. There were greater inconsistencies

between the belief and action dimensions of the lB-year-olds than

75

between those of the 13eyear-olds, at a chi-square value of 8.21
(p < .005). There was a greater inconsistency between the belief
and action dimensions of long residency than of short residehcy in
mygelf_as authority, at a chi-square value of 3.42 (p < .10).
Hypothesis 1 stated: "Youth of 13 years tend to demonstrate
a higher response to parental authority than the youth of 18 years."
Results obtained in the study supported this hypothesis. The Author-
ity Scale test yielded an F-ratio significant at the .05 level (.02)
in peregt_as authority in the action dimension, and at the .05 level
(.03) in mygelf_as authority in the action dimension.
Hypothesis 2 stated: AThe youth who have been in the United
States a shorter period of time are more responsive to parental author-
ity than those of a longer_period." This hypothesis was supported by
the data obtained in the study. The pereflt_as authority in the action
dimension yielded an F-ratio significant at the .10 level (.09).
Mygelf_as authority in both the belief and action dimensions yielded
F-ratios significant at the .001 level (.001) and .05 level (.02).

Limitations of the Study

In drawing conclusions relative to the results of this

study, the fOllowing limitations must be considered:

1. The study was confined to the Korean-American population
of one city and of only two age levels: 13- and 18eyear-
olds.

2. The one instrument used to measure authority effects was

designed Specifically for use in the study. There is, of

76

course, a limitation in the validity of any instrument
that uses self-reported verbal data to indicate value
choices, beliefs, and moral decisions.

3. Both independent variables examined in the study were
defined in a highly structured manner and should be
extrapolated with caution.

4. Subjects were selected for interviewing without regard
to social class and other demographic variables.

5. One of the key dependent variables, perept as authority,
was not examined in its component parts: paternal author-

ity and maternal authority.

Conclusions

Keeping in mind the limitations of the study, and recalling
the two components of the definition of authority, one can draw a
number of conclusions from the results.

It is clear that within an "American-dominated but Korean-
oriented" setting, patterns of norms and values supported parental
authority over the other authority sources examined, i.e., friend,
pastor, or teacher.

Based on the results obtained in testing Hypothesis 1, it can
be concluded that there is an age-related difference of responses to
parental authority, between 13- and 18-year-olds. It can be hypothe-
sized that a reduction of parental influence occurs across time.

Further, from the results of testing Hypothesis 2, it can be
concluded that there is a 1ength-of-residency-related difference of

responses to parental authority, between shorter and longer residency.

77

It can be hypothesized that perceptions of parental authority decreased
in proportion to the length of the duration of the adolescents'
experience as an immigrant. The data obtained showed as well a dis-
tinct tendency for the youth to transfer from peregt_as authority to
mygelf as authority. This seems to be unique to the Korean-American
social structure. That is, while there are many studies Showing the
American adolescent shifting from perept_to peer group as authority
influence, this change from a parental to an autonomous source seems
unique to the Korean-American adolescents and helps to explain their
isolated socialization.

The period of adolescence is especially important to Korean-
American young people in the acculturation process. Even though they
continue in an authority-dependent position, they gain, compared to
childhood, both heightened intellectual powers and information that
permit them to articulate and explain the demands and expectations
now encountered. They are better able to understand the forces shap-
ing them and their futures. The development of these cognition skills
emphasizes the importance of a parental authority that guides and
advises as much as it controls and constraints.

Thought (or, as the study preferred to narrow down the term,
"belief") was in Piaget's (1965) moral subject formulated in collabo-
ration with others from early life onward. This belief is concerned
with social interactions and the rules that guide them. The Korean-
American youth's belief is socialized in the sense of being formed
by parents who make their moral views knowable through interactions.

This is not unique in itself, but the manner in which the development

78

is encouraged may be. The moral development within the accultura-
tional process appears to be a prerequisite for autonomous belief.
As noted, the data showed a strong tendency for the subjects here
to transfer authority from paregt_to mygelf_rather than to a peer
group.

It also seems clear from the study that a two-level opera-
tional definition of authority (e.g., developmental, acculturational)
is requisite for an effective multicultural studies definition. It
can be concluded that the combination of age and length of residency
allows both content and values to offer direction for improved cur-
ricula that will support cultural diversity and the individual
uniqueness of the youth.

Based on the results obtained, it can be stated that the
operational definition itself, as developed, was an effective,
viable construct upon which to base the study. The resulting instru-
ment, which permitted the personal interviews to be carried out in an
efficient manner, produced data that processed effectively in measures
of the place of authority in making moral decisions. The instrument,
the Authority Scale, worked well foraIsecondégeneration test as an
indicator of attainment of the concept of authority. It appeared to
be able to pick up the adolescent's perceptions of authority and to
what extent they influence moral decision making by Korean-American
youth.

Finally, based on data obtained from the study, it can be
concluded that both 13- and lB-year-old Korean-Americans are capable

of understanding and applying an operational definition of authority.

79

 

Recommendations
Implications of the Stugy_ 3

Given the result obtained, the acknowledged limitations, and
the conclusions stated above, some important implications for educa-
tion emerged from the study.

It is first to be noted that the results supported earlier
research in development (such as Kohlberg, 1958, and Piaget, 1965)
and more acculturational research in the area of parent-youth interac-
tions (Hoffman & Saltzstein, 1967; Solomon, 1960; Szapocznik et al.,
1975; Walters & Stinnett, 1971). Those studies established an approp-
riate age range for learning about such multicultural moral education
topics as parental authority. The implication is that, in terms of
readiness and receptivity, parent and adolescent represent an excel-
lent curricular focus for multicultural moral studies.

The study also supported earlier developmental and accultu-
rational research that stated that moral or multicultural education
can make differences in the positive way in which individuals adjust
to life in an adopted country. Improving the curricula can have a
combined outcome. First, the importance of biological maturation (age)
can be understood within a particular cultural context, i.e., the family
system of the immigrants' homeland. Second, the time span for accul-
turation can be understood and accounted for within a developmental
framework.

Specifically for Korean-American youth, it is important to
understand the place of parental authority and how that may vary

according to the age and length of residency in the United States of

80

each adolescent. The implication is that teachers must be taught (in
such cases where they are not already aware of the situation) to pay
attention to both the acculturational and developmental aspects of the
learning environment. '

A final observation is that this study provides a model for
concept development and for the acculturational concept on both the
level of belief and action. The implication for multicultural moral
studies is that concepts can be made specific and measured. Further,
these concepts can be stated as operational definitions that ultimately

will provide adolescents with learning that they can apply.

l/Sflggestions for Future Research
/

The preSent study has just begun to establish the viability

 

of certain multicultural educational strategies such as curricular
approaches. The writer believes this study ought to be replicated
along several dimensions.

First, the number of the subjects for this study was quite
small. A similar study should be attempted for larger groups of
subjects.

The study should also be replicated using different age levels,
in an effort to determine a structural developmental maturation for the
perception of the importance of authority.

Moreover, replication should occur with different socio-
economic and ethnic groups so that the receptivity of various adoles-

cent populations can be compared.

81

The definition of authority as used in this study should be
reworked and refined so the core concept of authority can become an
established standard by which to measure multicultural perspectives.

In similar fashion, the instrument of the Authority Scale
should be subjected to item analysis and systematic development so that
future researchers have a stronger instrument at hand to measure the
factor. Other tests and combinations of tests should be tried in an
effort to achieve maximum correlation of measures and to further refine
data collection.

The gender variable should likewise be explored in future
research to determine what combinations of variables other than age and
length of residency relate to the development of multicultural moral
perspectives.

Finally, the value systems of the adolescent that emerge in
response to internal conditions and external demands are the construc~
tions of an active agent; they are fundamental to our understanding of
human belief and action. They merit much further investigation.

This study has attempted to answer many questions. Still
more remain to be explored. The need for answers is certain as we
move into an age of increasingly complex and critical interdependencies.
It is hoped that this study has provided some clues and shed some light.
Moreover, it is hoped that this work has contributed to an understanding
of the Korean-American youth and their relationships with each other,

their parents, and with their world.

APPENDICES

82

APPENDIX A

THE AUTHORITY SCALE--PRELIMINARY VERSION

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APPENDIX B

THE AUTHORITY SCALE--FINAL VERSION

88

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89

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APPENDIX C

CORRESPONDENCE

92

93

Heeja K. Chang
2053 Knapp Ave., #E-l
St. Paul, MN 55108

October, 1981

Dear ,

This is Mrs. Heeja Chang, who is currently doing research on
"Parental Authority as a Factor in Decision Making of Korean-American
Youth," in part to satisfy requirements for the Ph.D. degree which
I am completing at Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan.

This study needs l3-year-olds and 18-year-olds for interview-
ing. The interviewing will last 1/2 to 1 hour. I was given your
name from your minister of your church. However, your name will not
be used in any report of the study.

I will call you to arrange time and place for the interview.

Thanks for your cooperation. Please call me if you have any ques-
tions. My telephone number is 644-4383. Thanks.

Sincerely yours,

Heeja K. Chang

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94

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