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I"

RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN EDUCATION AND EMPLOYEE
ATTITUDES TO NONTRADITIONAL FORMS OF WORK
ORGANIZATION: A NIGERIAN CASE STUDY

By

Olusegun Oluyemi Matanmi

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of Sociology

1984

RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN EDUCATION AND EMPLOYEE
ATTITUDES TO NONTRADITIONAL FORMS OF WORK
ORGANIZATION: A NIGERIAN CASE STUDY

By
Olusegun Oluyemi Matanmi

Relationships between education and the orientation of employees
to nontraditional forms.of organization were studied in Nigeria. In
addition, the attitudes to different aspects of nontraditional organi-
zation, i.e., bureaucratic authority and rational administration, were
studied. The moderator effects of network contact with centers of
tradition and work experience in a nontraditional organization were
also considered. The objectives were to determine if different levels
and types of education, and degrees of network contact with centers of
tradition and experience in the nontraditional organization, would
eXplain any significant variation in the attitudes toward nontradi-
tionalism.

A sample of 150 employees was randomly selected from a semi-
public organization. Composite research techniques included inter—
viewing, extended observation and analysis of the available documents
on the organization. A standard survey questionnaire was used. Data.
were processed by factor analysis, productv-moment correlation, chi-
square, and multiple regression techniques. The measurement constructs

and scales were tested for reliability by Alpha technique. Four

Olusegun Oluyemi Matanmi

hypotheses were tested for statistical significance, using the chi-
square technique and the Contingency Coefficient as a measure of
strength of association.

Findings included: a significant relationship between level
of education and general orientations to nontraditionalism;lack of a
significant relationship between level of education and greater
preference for rational organization compared to bureaucratic authority;
a moderating effect of experience working in a nontraditional organi-
zation on the predicted relationship between education and employee
orientations; and, a moderating effect of network contact with centers
of tradition on the predicted relationship between education and
bureaucratic orientation, but lack of a conclusive evidence of the
same effect on rational orientation.

The findings showed that the influences of higher education,
more organizational experience, and, to some extent, network contact
with centers of tradition on employee orientations were important.
The finding of a curvilinear pattern of relationship was different
from the one in the existing literature. Findings partly supported
the theoretical distinction between bureaucratic and rational admin-
istration, but results showed stronger preference for bureaucratic
administration than rational administration. Further research is
needed to re-examine the curvilinear pattern of relationship, and
test the research model in a comparative framework in the other

developing countries.

TO THE MEMORIES OF:

Mrs. Abigail A. Matanmi
(1919 - 1983)

Mr. Alfred A. Matanmi, B.Sc.
(1947 - 1972)

ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am very grateful to the general manager, and officers, of
my study-organization in Nigeria, for the initial entry permission
and for allowing me access to the entire personnel file, by which a
manageable sampling strategy was devised; and to the generosity of
the sampled employees for their cooperation in the survey process.

Special thanks go to my major professor and the chairman of
my Guidance and Dissertation Committee, Dr. William A. Faunce, for
the solid advising, and his encouragements when I was perplexed; and
to each of the Committee members, Dr. Thomas Conner, Dr. Philip
Marcus, and Dr. Christopher Vanderpool for their support, guidance,
and generous consulting. They were all easily accessible and very
caring. Appreciation is also due to Dr. Frederick Waisanen for his
kindness; and to the Department of Sociology, Michigan State Uni-
versity, for the necessary computer time.

Significantly, I shall forever be grateful to my father,
Chief David O. Matanmi, 0.0.N., who took over the sponsorship of my
doctoral education, when a previous scholarship award, and fellowship,
were blocked. The moral and financial supports of_the entire family
and the Ekundayos were also immense. And, in particular, post-humous
appreciation is due to my dear mother, who cared a lot for me through
the data collection phase of this study, but died shortly thereafter.

May her soul rest in perfect peace.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES .

LIST OF FIGURES

LIST OF APPENDICES

Chapter
I.

II.

III.

INTRODUCTION . . . .

Purpose of the Study .

Nature of the Problem .

Importance of the Study .

Hypotheses . . .
Qualification . .

Subsidiary_Hypotheses

Definition of Terms
Education . .
Work Organization .
Nontraditional Forms of Work Organization
Authority Structure . . . . . .
Values, Orientation, Attitudes . . .
Network Links to Centers of Tradition
Work Experience .

The Method of Organization, Scope, and Limitations .

of the Study
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Traditionalism and Corresponding Institutions.

Modernity and the Modernization Process

The Impact and Status of Education . .

Empirical Studies on the Multi- Variate Relation-o
ships . . . . . . . . . . .

METHODOLOGY

Descriptive Information . .
Background and Entry to the Study Organization

iv

Page

vi

xi

Chapter Page
Sampling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59

Questionnaire . . . . . . . . . . . . 60
Interviewing. . . 63
Extended Observation and Impromptu Discussions . 64
Problems and Attempted Solutions . . . . . . 65
Analytical Information . . . . . 70
The Measurement of Research Variables . . . . 70
Analytical Techniques and Procedures . . . 73
Factor Analyses and the Construction of Measures . 75

Dependent Variables (Section D; . . . . . . 76
Dependent Variables (Section E . . . . .

IV. ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION OF DATA . . . . . . 85

Characteristics of the Research Sample . . . . . 85
Age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
Gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86

Ethnic Origin . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
Status Classification . . . . . . . . . . 89
Highest Level of Education . . . . . . . . 91
Type of Formal Education . . . . . . . . . 95

Network Contacts . . . . . . . . . . 96
Organizational Experience . . . . . . . 102
Testing of the Research Hypotheses . . . . . . 104
Hypothesis 1 . . . . . . . . 104
Hypothesis 2.. . . . . . . . . . 110
Subsidiary Hypothesis 1 . . . . . . . . . 119
Subsidiary Hypothesis 2 . . . . . . . . . 124
Multivariate Analyses . . . . . . . . . . 127
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134

V. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS . . . . 136

Restatement of the Problem . . . . . . . . . 136
Research Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . . 136
General Hypothesis 1 . . . . . . . . . . 137
General Hypothesis 2 . . . . . . . . . . 137
Subsidiary Hypothesis 1 . . . . . . . . . 137
Subsidiary Hypothesis 2 . . . . . . . . . 137

Findings . . . . . . . . . . 137
Conclusions and Discussions . . . . . . . . 138
Limitations and Suggestions . . . . . . . . 142
Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . 144

APPENDICES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146
BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 206

Table

.5

05014th

hhhwwwww

.10

.11

LIST OF TABLES

Breakdown of Site Population and the Selected Sample
Varimax Rotated Factor Matrix (D Items)
Correlation Coefficients (D Items)

Varimax Rotated Factor Matrix (E Items)

iCorrelation Coefficients (E Items)

Variables, Authority Dimensions, and Factor Loadings
Distribution of the Sample According to Age
Employee Grade Levels and Annual Salary Ranges

Highest Level of Educational Qualification Attained
Before Working in the Study-Organization . .

Distribution of Respondents by Gross Education .
The Types of Education Obtained by the Respondents

Distribution of Respondents According to the Frequency
of Home Visits Per Year . . . . . .

Responses to the Question of Whether Subjects Would
Consult Traditional Elders in Their Home Communities
for Problem or Advice Concerning their Present Jobs

The Frequency of Visits with Traditional Elders in
a Year . . . . . . . . .

Responses Concerning Hometown Influences to Secure
Job . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Distribution of Respondents According to Longevity in
the Study-Organization . . . . . . . . .

Relationships Between Level of Education and Attitudes
to Merit Pay . . . . . . . .

vi

Page
61
77
78
80
81
83
86
92

93
94
96

97

98

100

102

103

107

Table
4.12

Relationships Between Level of Education and Attitudes
toward ”the Old Ways of Doing Things“ .

Combined Scores on the Traditionalism-Bureaucratic
Preference Scale . . . . . . . .

Relationships Between Levels of Education and
Attitudes to Bureaucratic Authority

Relationships Between Types of Education and Atti-
tudes to Bureaucratic Authority .

Combined Scores on the Traditionalism-Rationalism
Preference Scale . . . . . . . . . .

Relationships Between Levels of Education and
Attitudes toward Rational Authority

Relationships Between Types of Education and Atti-
tudes toward Rational Organization . .

Relationships Between Level of Education and Orien-
tations to Nontraditionalism among the Employees

with Minimum Network Contact with Centers of Tradi-
tion . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Relationship Between Level of Education and Orienta-
tions to Nontraditionalism Among the Employees with
Maximum Network Contact with Centers of Tradition

Relationship Between Level of Education and Orien:'~
tation to Rational Organization among the Employees
with Minimum Network Contact with Centers of Tradi-
tion . . . . . . . . . . . .

Relationship Between Level of Education and Orienta-
tion to Rational Organization among the Employees with
Maximum Network Contact with Centers of Tradition

Relationships Between Level of Education and Orienta-
tions to Bureaucratic Authority among the Employees
with Less Organizational Experience .

Relationships Between Level of Education and Orienta-

tions to Bureaucratic Authority among the Employees
with More Organizational Experience .

vii

Page

108

113

114

115

117

118

118

120

120

122

122

124

125

Table
4.25

4.26

4.27

4.28

4.29

4.30

B-l

C-1

C-2

C-3

c-4

C-5

C-6

C-7

Relationship Between Level of Education and Orienta-
tion to Rational Organization among the Employees
with Less Organizational Experience .

Relationship Between Level of Education and Orienta-
tion to Rational Organization among the Employees
with More Organizational Experience . .

Multiple Regression of Education and Moderator
Variable on Traditionalism (with Stepwise Addition of
Variables) . . . . . . . . . . . .

Multiple Regression of Education and Moderator Vari-
ables on Rationalism (with Stepwise Addition of
Variables) . . . . . . . . . .

Multiple Regression of Education and Moderator Varia-
bles on Traditionalism-Bureaucratic Preference (with
Stepwise Addition of Variables) . . .

Multiple Regression of Education and Moderator Varia-
bles on Traditionalism-Rationalism Preference (with
Stepwise Addition of Variables) . . . . . .

Nigeria Survey: Coding Instructions

Condescriptive Statistics on the Traditionalism
Scale (0 Items) . . . . . .

Reliability Analysis for the Bureaucratic Authority
Scale (D Items) .

Reliability Analysis for the Rationalism Scale
(D Items) . . . . . . . .

Condescriptive Statistics on the Traditionalism-
Bureaucratic Preference Scale (E Items) .

Reliability Analysis for the Traditionalism-
Rationalism Preference Scale (E Items)

Relationship Between Type of Education and Orienta-
tions to Nontraditionalism (e. g. ,bureaucratic
authority) Among the Employees with Less Network
Contact. . . . .

Relationship Between Type of Education and Orientations
to Nontraditionalism (e. g. , bureaucratic authority)
Among the Employees with More Network Contact

viii

Page
126
127
129
131
132

133
159
190
191
193

195

196

198

199

Table Page

C-8 Relationship Between Status Classification and
Traditional versus Rational Forms of Organization . . 200

C-9 Relationship Between Status Classification and Tradi-
tional versus Bureaucratic Forms of Organization . . 201

ix

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure ‘ Page

D-1 A caricature on the perceived role of "particular-
istic" considerations in the personnel selection
process in Nigeria . . . . . . . . . . . . 203

LIST OF APPENDICES

Appendix ' Page
A. QUESTIONNAIRE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
B. CODEBOOK . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158

C. CONDESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS, RELIABILITY ANALYSES,
AND ADDITIONAL CONTINGENCY TABLES . . . . . 189
o. CARICATURE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 202
E. LETTER OF INTRODUCTION TO THE FIELD . . . . . . 204

xi

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Purpose of the Study

The research objectives of this dissertation are to determine
the relationships between level and kind of education and employee
orientations to nontraditional forms of work organization. In addi-
tion, the distinction between different aspects of nontraditional
organization, i.e., bureaucratic and rational administration, are
explored. Specifically, it is expected that more education will
produce less favorable orientations to bureaucratic administration,
but more favorable orientations to rational administration. But,
the relationships between education and employee orientation may be
moderated by network links to centers of traditional authority
(e.g., frequency of contact with individuals, and/or groups or asso-
ciations that are based or have origins in the rural areas, or that
exist as identifiable enclaves in the urban areas); and occupational
experience of employees (within same and/or other previous organiza—

tion under bureaucratic and/or rational administration).

Nature of the Problem
One of the crucial agents of social change and development,
particularly in the developing nations of Africa, is education. At

the macro-sociological level, there have been rapid demographic changes

1

that are associated with educational growth. Some of these are the
trends in internal migration, such as the movement of people from the
nations' rural areas into the urban pockets. This experience has
found explanation in the theoretical argument that formal education
tends to divorce people from the rural areas (Bogue, 1959; Caldwell,
1969; Waisanen, 1969). Extended localized research has further shown
that reasons for rural-urban migration in most of these countries
seem to lie more in the situations in the rural areas (such as
poverty, and a relative lack of infrastructural development) compared
to the perceived opportunities in the urban centers (Mabogunje, 1970;
Matanmi, 1974). Nevertheless, to the extent that the educated people
are more likely to migrate to the cities, the association with the
education factor appears clear.

The other accompaniments of educational growth in the develOp-
ing nations have included improved institution-building and planned
organizational development. Some of these are: a gradual evolution
of an education system; the development of a public administration
system, modern law system, an economic system, and overall political
system which, in some of the countries such as Nigeria, includes some
experiences in electoral democracy (Philips, 1980). On the individual
level, education has also had a tremendous impact. For example,
studies on the developing nations by Inkeles and Holsinger (1974) have
shown that education is a major determinant of the complex of atti-
tudes, values, and behaviors, which distinguish the more modern from the

more traditional people.

The level of education attained has been shown to be related
to individual occupational choice, income, and prestige, both in the
developing and the advanced nations. It has also been shown that
different levels of educational attainment lead to differences in
cognitive content and Style, i.e., differences in individual percep-
tion and ways of reasoning. These spill over to the differences in
individual attitudes and values. In effect, advances in education are
correlated with social development or what has generally been labelled
"modernization."

Studies on social change and modernization have been carried
out in Nigeria which particularly show the phenomenal educational
growth since political independence from British colonial tutelage in
October, 1960 (Inkeles and Smith, 1974; Beckett and O'Connell, 1978;
Cohen, 1980). In general, the post-independence development process
has included the creation of modern transportation networks (good
roads, improved rail, and aviation system), elaboration of rural
electrification programs, mobilization of plans of industrialization
essentially aimed at import substitution, and the rapid growth of
agriculture and water conservation.

Significantly, the change process itself has meant that the
decision makers and the local population at large are confronted with
new technologies, new apparatuses, new ideas and ideals, and new
environments. In particular, with the rapid change in education
and its orientation toward the Western values came stiff challenges

to the traditional values and belief systems from nontraditional (i.e.,

"modern“) ideas and values. One of these is the shift, for example,
from ascription to achievement as the primary criterion for selecting
role incumbents in the formal work sector. Moreso, this achievement
is ideally now measured by formal education (McDowell, 1980).

Thus, the ramifications of education cannot be overemphasized
in the context of social change and organizational development in
Nigeria. When juxtaposed with other modernizing factors, such as the
mass media and work in the factory, education has been perceived as
the most powerful variable in making people "modern" (Inkeles and
Smith, 1974). However, in connection with the impact of education,
especially, the theoretically narrower aspects of modernization, such
as employee orientations to different forms of work organization (or
administration), have been understudied. The direction of such
employee attitudes is very important in a developing country.

In broad theoretical terms, two organization forms can be

distinguished: the traditional and the nontraditional. Specifically,

 

the traditional form of organization tends to be based on the philoso-
phy of adherence to the old ways of doing things, and maintenance of
the status quo. It is also much less rationalized in the sense of
continually finding better ways of doing things through innovation and
change. Instead, the nontraditional form of organization.is more
rationalized in that particular emphasis is placed on the appropriate
targeting of means to ends, through a continuous search for alterna-
tive and superior methods.

The major characteristics of traditional organization are:

reverence for tradition (i.e., the principle that "it has always been

done"); existence of a status order based on dynasty or ascription;
loyalty to authority incumbent, as opposed to career commitment to an
organization system; spill-over between official and private property
and between traditional authority status and personal (e.g., kinship
and family) status; and the preponderance of customs and social values
over written rules and regulations.

The highlights of nontraditional organization are: development

 

of files (written documents); employment of clerks (a staff of offi-
cials and secretaries); office hierarchy (levels of graded authority);
and career commitment. >Moreover, universalistic criteria are adopted
such as achievement and seniority. There is also mobility from the
lower, less important and lower paid to the higher positions.

However, two aspects of nontraditional organization can be
further distinguished. These are: bureaucratic administration and
rational administration. Arthur Stinchcombe identified three broad
characteristics of bureaucratic administration as: development of
files and employment of clerks; hierarchical command-advice authority
structures; and career commitment to an organizational rather than a
labor market or occupational status system (Stinchcombe, 1959:186).
Stanley Udy also outlined three such characteristics as: hierarchical
authority structure, where three or more levels of authority exists;
specialized administrative staff; and the differentiation of amount
or kind of rewards according to office (Udy, 1959:793).

It is apparent that the two authors converged on two funda-

mental aspects of bureaucratic administration; namely, hierarchy of

authority and the maintenance of lines of communication by a spe-
cialized administration staff (including clerks). But Stinchcombe
includes continuity of operations and employment as a third attribute,
whereas Udy considers the differentiation of rewards by office. How-
ever, the latter tWo characteristics are not contradictory, since
both are included in the general requirements of rational-legal admin-
istration (of which bureaucracy is a special example) based on Max
Weber's ideal type.

Stinchcombe defined the characteristics of rational administra-

 

tion as: separation of the work role from home life(and other deep
interpersonal relations); the career orientation of work statuses, in
which future rights and duties depend on present performance accord-
ing to specified standards; selection of, and job allocation to,
qualified personnel who are subject to discipline by understood work
standards, and production-based payment system; and, a stable mechan-
ism of communicating target goals to subordinates and of seeing that
these goals are accomplished (Stinchcombe, 1959: 186).

Udy also identified four elements of rational administration
as: possession of limited objectives such as the production of
material goods; a performance emphasis and production-based reward
system; segmental participation, or participation which is based on
a kind of mutual limited agreement; and, compensatory rewards in which
superiors distribute rewards to subordinates in return for their
participation (Udy, 1959: 793).

The same principles, more or less, cut across the taxonomies

presented by Stinchcombe and Udy on rational administration. Perhaps I

the only element that is not specifically included by Udy, but which
Stinchcombe outlines, is the separation of work life from home life.
However, it seems that this element is generally assumed in the
definition of the concept of formal organization. Nevertheless,
Stinchcombe and Udy agree on the findings that the "bureaucratic" and
"rational" elements are not inherently connected.

Some of the specific distinctions between bureaucratic admin-
istration and other rational type (such as in a construction industry)
are: permanent appointment of bureaucratic officials (e.g., in the
civil service) as opposed to contractual or subcontractual appointment
in an industry; payment by salary on the basis of status of bureau—
cratic official rather than by performance or productivity; and,
career commitment to the organization as opposed to the labor market
(Stinchcombe, 1959: 185).

The bureaucratic elements, as a set, are found to be posi-
tively associated with one another, while rational elements are also
positively associated among each other. But, in general, bureaucratic
elements tend to be negatively associated with rational elements
(Stinchcombe, 1959: 183; Udy, 1959: 794). This finding has implications
for organizations that combine bureaucratic and rational elements of
administration; and, for consequences of higher levels of education
and increasing professionalization.

In particular, available empirical knowledge already suggests
conflict between bureaucratic and rational elements. For example,
Argyris and Gouldner have found that the combination of authoritarian

supervisory style with segmented, specialized work produces

interpersonal tensions among organization members (Argyris, 1957: 64-79,
118-119; Gouldner, 1954: 231-245). Also, Blau and Scott have written
on the existence of conflict between bureaucratic and professional
controls. The kind of control structure in the professions is basi-
cally different from the one exercised in bureaucratic organizations
(Blau and Scott, 1962: 62-64).

Professional training is oriented toward the acquisition of
expert knowledge, and the internalization of professional ethics which
guide practical conduct. Moreover, peer or collegial surveillance
represents a source of effective control. This control mechanism is
different from the hierarchical control or authority structure in the
bureaucracy, where performance is controlled by directives originating
from one's superiors, rather than through peer-group surveillance.
These are some structural factors that tend to generate conflicts
between professionals and their bureaucratic organization. Based on
that information, it is expected that higher levels of education will
be associated with favorable orientations to rational administration

and less favorable orientations to bureaucratic administration.

Importance of the Study
The unique context of Nigeria in Africa deserves still more
empirical research documentation than presently exists. Nigeria is
the second largest country in land area, and has a population of about
96 million, perhaps the largest population on the African continent.
In the same vein, it is one of the most pluralistic countries in the

world, and the existence of about 250 different languages and

RESEARCH MODEL

Social-Relational Factor
e.g., network links to
centers of tradition

Independent Variable: Dependent Variable:

 

 

Attitudes toward non
traditional (i.e.,
--Level .11 bureaucratic and

’ rational forms of
work organization)

Education

(moderator)

J
T

A
Y—r

 

 

--Type

 

 

 

 

 

(moderator)

Experiential’EaCtor

e.g., work experience with
bureaucratic and rational
administration types (i.e.,
in the nontraditional
organizations)

dialects in the country obviates any further explanation; although
English remains the official language of communication in higher edu-
cation, commerce, politics, and administration. Moreover, Nigeria's
oil is famous for its high grade, low sulphur content, and Nigeria
ranks as the 6th largest oil producer in the world, second in Africa
only to Libya (Nigeria Yearbook, 1983: 13, 41; Bamisaiye, 1982: 1).
In addition, Nigeria has had a lot of Western influence, and

in view of a costly civil war between 1967 and 1970, has exhibited
appreciable development of its human resources, since independence

from Britain in 1960, and a remarkable upsurge in social and economic

10

development. Edwin Witte has noted that labor problems tend ever to
become more important with increasing industrialization and urbaniza-
tion (Witte, 1947: 4). An extension of this point of view is the
necessity to develop the work organizations in a rapidly developing
country such as Nigeria. It is moreso, when such institutions are
facilitators in the development process.

Therefore, attitudes toward elements of bureaucratic and
rational administration are studied, given the earlier attention that
Udy and Stinchcombe give this distinction, but which has not been
investigated in Nigeria prior to this study. Moreover, the various
previous studies on organizational personnel in Nigeria have mostly
either focussed on lower-level workers, or on managers alone. Instead,
this research has cut across the entire organizational profile, and a
much richer body of organizational knowledge has been tapped. The
study has potential theoretical and practical utility for organiza-
tional development in Nigeria, and the area of training and development
in particular.

Empirical and “state of the art" knowledge is very much
needed on the nontraditional forms of administration in Nigeria, par-
ticularly in the 19805. This kind of emphasis is currently lacking
in the research literature on the African nations in general. In our
study, it has been possible to relate attitudes and behavior inside
a formal organization to the overall environment through the addi-
tional focus on the subjects’ network of social relationships. More
studies of this kind are needed in the analysis of work organizations

in a developing country such as Nigeria, because the internal

11

organization and happenings cannot be divorced from its external
framework. The use of a case study approach, recognizing its limi-
tations on ultimate generalizability, provides the depth information

necessary on this aspect of industrial sociology in Nigeria.

Hypotheses
General Hypothesis 1: A high level of formal education will be
associated with a positive orientation toward aspects of
nontraditional forms of organization.

Explanation: Modernization studies (Peshkinzand Cohen, 1967;

 

Cohen, 1969; Inkeles and Holsinger, 1974; McDowell, 1980) have shown
that one of the hallmarks of the modernization process is the rational-
ization of effort, and institutionalization of change or innovation.
Increasing levels of formal education involve changes in values that
people may consider desirable and worthwhile. Since many traditional
values tend to be challenged by new (“modern9) values, it follows that
the more educated people will tend to adopt more modern values, and
hence be oriented favorably toward aspects of nontraditional forms

of work organization.

Qualification
Works by Stinchcombe and Udy have shown that a further dis-
tinction can be made between bureaucratic and rational forms of organi-
zation. Hence, a second general hypothesis is derived.
Senegal Hypothisls 2;h A hightlevel of {:Emal :ducazion will
e assoc1a e w1 a 5051 1ve or1en 1on owar

rational authority an a negative orientation toward
bureaucratic authority.

12

Explanation: At some levels, increasing formal education

 

tends toward specialization and more professionalization. Specialists
and-professionals tend to be oriented toward rational, rather than
bureaucratic values. For example, the control structure in profes-
sional organizations is fundamentally different from the hierarchical
control exercised in bureaucratic organizations (Blau and Scott, 1962:
62).

As earlier explained, bureaucratic authority implies an author-
ity system that is hierarchical and comprised of several levels and
divisions (or departments), and one in which the exercise of authority
by officials is based on seniority and experience. On the other hand,
rational authority is more involved. It is one in which powers, rights,
and duties derive from rules, regulations, specified standards, spe-
cialized knowledge, and objective performance. While bureaucratic
authority is rationalized, it is not the only rational type. Again,
as earlier discussed, other kinds of rational authority are less
hierarchical and exhibit more flexibility in the interpretation
and application of rules, and are particularly oriented toward goal

objectives and the means of collegial participation.

Subsidiary Hypotheses

Subsidiary Hypothesis 1: Effects of level of education will
be greater for employees with fewer network links to
centers of tradition.

Explanation: Research has shown that respect for elders (a

 

personification of tradition) is still considered normative throughout

the Nigerian society, in both the formal schools and the indigenous

13

modes of education. But, the modernization process has meant that
the formal school system contains an inherent challenge to that tra-
dition because of the increasing emphasis on performance rather than-
age or family role in the evaluation of status and prestige (McDowell,
1980:56).

Nevertheless, maintenance of network links with centers of
tradition may imply a certain affinity for (or continued identifica-
tion with) tradition; and, also, these contacts tend to reinforce
traditional values. Traditional authority or form of work organiza-
tion is less rationalized, and more conservative; hence, educated
employees who still maintain such links will tend to be less oriented
toward nontraditional authority, or its form of work organization.

This implies that such people may be more influenced by
traditional, familial, and extended community commitments which may
lead to deviations from bureaucratic-rational norms of behavior in the
work organization and, in effect, what may amount to corruption,
nepotism or sinecurism.

Subsidiary Hypothesis 2: Effects of level of education will

be greater for those with longer experience in nontra-
ditional work organizations.

 

Explanation: Recruitment to, and mobility within, the non-

 

traditional organization is generally based on technical ability and
professional competence, and on universalistic criteria. This is
partly because of the necessity for employees to perform and partly
for the survival of the organization itself. But, sometimes, nontra-

ditional organizations (especially the public type) do not always

14

operate solely on the ability and competence criteria. Sometimes,
political and extra-organizational criteria (”particularistic criteria")
influence not only the hiring of employees, but also mobility within
such organizations. For example, Alex Inkeles (1966:71), writing
on the public bureaucracy, has noted that:

The necessity of taking general personal and intellectual qual-

ifications into consideration, irrespective of the often

subaltern character of the educational certificate, has led

to a condition in which the highest political offices, espe-

cially the position of “ministers," are principally filled

without reference to such certificates.
Despite this possibility, we expect that the educated employees who
have had experiences working in the nontraditional forms of organiza-
tion will be familiar with the bureaucratic-rational bases of work
organization and will tend to be influenced more, in their orienta-
tions, by such working principles. And, because the study organiza-
tion operates ideally on the basis of nontraditional principles, it
is expected that the length of experience of an employee will moderate

the relationship between education and the orientations or attitudes

to different administrative types.

Definition of Terms
Education
Education is an agent of socialization in all its ramifica-
tions. The content and style of education in societies, however, vary
according to its mode. There is formal (didactic) education, and the
nonformal. The delivery system in formal education is the school.
Among other things, schools are differentiated according to grade

or level; for example, from nursery and kindergarten through primary

15

and secondary schools to colleges and the university. Moreover,
schools are different in style. For example, in Nigeria, there are
traditional, Koranic, or other religious schools, as well as "modern,"
contemporary, Western-oriented schools.

For the purpose of our study on Nigeria, the education vari-
able refers to two aspects: level, and kind (or type). Level of
education is determined by gross number of years spent in school.
Kind of education is determined by type of schooling (e.g., whether
traditional or Western; and its content, i.e., whether elementary,
vocational, liberal arts, or professional education); and/or by the
place of education (i.e., whether locally in Nigeria or in an over-

seas country).

Work Organization

Work can simplistically be defined as any form of productive
activity. To the extent that a certain modicum of collective effort
(mental and human) goes into it, such activity can be described as
organized. Organization itself is a way of "getting things done"
(Parsons, 1960:41). Thus, a work organization is here defined as
collective effort which is targeted to certain ends, whether the pro-
duction of textiles for market sale, the production of food to feed
a populace, or the provision of essential services to a defined group
of people within a country.

Work organization can be "private" (in the case of a limited
liability business enterprise), "semi-public" (in the case of a quasi-

public organization that is created by legislative authority and given

16

a limited monopoly to provide particular goods or services to a
population subgroup), or "public" (as in a government department or
the civil service). Moreover, a work organization is identifiable by
geographical space or land area, i.e., in the physical sense of it;
and composed of people working in it, and/or identified as employees
of it.
Nontraditional Forms of
Work Organization

The foci here are bureaucratic and rational administration.
The following aspects of each of them are emphasized as referents
because they are considered precise and more measurable in the field.
For bureaucratic administration, the referents are: hierarchy of
authority; and specialized administrative roles with responsibility
for exercise of authority and control of communication. For rational
administration, emphases are on: universalism rather than particu-
larism; rewards based on performance; separation of work role from
home life; and the concern with change and finding new ways of doing
things.

The Opposite pole of all of these aspects refers to the tra-

ditional mode of work organization.

Authority,Structure

The word "authority" is defined by Max Weber as "the proba-
bility that certain specific commands (or all commands) from a given
source will be obeyed by a given group of persons" (Parsons, 1947:152).

However, a necessary condition without which an authority base is

17

shaky is the willingness of subordinates to suspend their own judgment
in advance and follow the directives of the superior; and this, in
turn, derives from social constraints exerted by the collectivity of
subordinates and not primarily from the influence of the superior
(Blau and Scott, 1962:29).

Weber identifies, and distinguishes between, three types of
authority; namely, "traditional," "charismatic," and ”legal.“ Each
draws on different values for their legitimation. For example, in
traditional authority, tradition, or an established way of doing things
is revered. Factors such as heredity, personal loyalty to the ruler,
precedents, and cultural belief systems tend to provide strong bases
for the legitimation of traditional authority. To the extent that
work activity is forged under such an atmosphere, then the framework
of a traditional form of work organization is set.

On the other hand, “charismatic authority" derives from the
personal, divine, or supernatural or exceptional qualities of a leader
(Blau and Scott, 1962:30-31). However, this research does not explore
the orientation of employees to aspects of charismatic authority. It
is beyond the scope of this study.

Legal authority is based on belief H1 the supremacy of the
law. There are established principles which are binding. There is
the existence of written rules and regulations; and subordinates who do
not owe their obedience to a person, but to a set of impersonal prin-
ciples, such as following directives that originate from a superior

office irrespective of the incumbent. The structure and working of

18

nontraditional forms of work organization derive from that base
(Blau and Scott, 1962:31-32).

All of the foregoing shed light on the understanding of the
concept of "authority structure.‘I It has been used here in the
cognitive sense. In operational terms, it is the hierarchical
arrangement of people and statuses such that a definite structure (or
pattern) is given to interpersonal relations among employees. This
arrangement stratifies employees according to differential control

over the production process and general policy decisions.

Values, Orientation, Attitudes

Milton Rokeach (1976) has defined "values" in terms of their
association with modes of conduct and end-states of existence. He
explains that a person "has a value when he has an enduring belief
that a specific mode of conduct or end-state of existence is person-
ally and socially preferable to alternative modes of conduct or end-
states of existence." Values can be internalized, in which they
consciously or unconsciously become standards or criteria for guiding
action, for developing and maintaining attitudes toward relevant
objects and situations, for justifying one's own and others' actions
and attitudes, for morally judging self and others, and for comparing
self with others (Rokeach, 1976:159-160).

Values, in this research context, also refer to the beliefs
of employees about the different modes of work organization. This
is the individual dimension of it. But, fundamentally, "values" in

the abstraction are taken to mean "principles," "ideals,“ or "criteria,"

19

that undergird different modes of work organization. Therefore,

there are bureaucratic values, rational values, and traditional values.
The corresponding principles have been outlined earlier in the dis-
cussion of the problem.

"Orientation" is understood as "predisposition" toward a par-
ticular stance or point of view; or as “direction" toward certain
values (or beliefs). For example, when an employee shows preference
for impersonal principles of bureaucratic organization, he/she can
be thought of as being oriented toward some aspects of bureaucratic
organization, as opposed to those of the traditional organization.

"Attitudes" are an extension of this progression. "An atti—
tude represents several beliefs focused on a specific object or situa-
tion" (Rokeach, 1976:160). Defined in another way, attitudes are
"consistencies or regularities of an individual's thoughts, feelings,
and predispositions to act toward values, or objects" (Doby, I966:
299). Thus, when an orientation is consistent, or becomes regularized,
attitudes can develop on the basis of a particular orientation. Again,
it implies that an employee who shows orientation toward the imperson-
ality in a bureaucratic organization may express favorable opinions
about that organization, but negative opinions about the personalized

transaction of a traditional organization type.

Network Links to Centers of Tradition
This is operationalized as frequency of contact with individuals,
and/or groups or associations that are based or have origins in the

rural areas, or that exist as identifiable enclaves in the urban

20

centers. Such individuals may be traditional ethnic leaders, i.e.,
emirs, "obis," and chiefs. (These are synonymous ethnic leadership
titles depending on the geographical location in Nigeria--for example,
in the Hausa-Fulani ethnic areas, the title of "emir" is predominantly
used; among the Ibos, it is "Obi"; and among the Yorubas, it is
"Chief.") These leaders exercise some form of authority over a group
of peOple, or an ethnic group that is identified with a geographical
land area and distinct language, and with a historical (cultural)
tradition of its own. Moreover, the groups or associations may exist
to foster parochial, or particularistic interests in a multi-ethnic,
multi-lingual country such as Nigeria.

Different types of possible contact are identified and classi-
fied as: contacts with chiefs, local council people, community lead-
ers,etc., in the subject's hometown; contact with similar kinds of
peOple, or enclaves of traditional groups in the city (in which the
subject works); contacts with the same category of people in places
other than the subject's hometown, or city of employment; contacts
that are casual and inconsequential; and contacts that are instru-
mental in meeting specific needs of the subject, especially as far as
employment matters (e.g., hiring and promotion) are concerned. All

of these constitute the "social-relational factor."

Work Experience
This is defined in this context as length of service or number
of years spent working for an organization. It is measured in terms

of number of years an employee has worked in the organization

21

that was studied, and/or previous experience (by years) in a dif-
ferent organization. Such experience may be limited to either a

bureaucratic administration or rational, or a combination of the two.

All of these constitute the "experiential factor."
The Method of Organization, Scope,
and Limitations of the Study

Organizations can be studied by focussing on the social-
psychological variables, for example, individual attitudes and behav-
ior. In the process, structural or organizational characteristics
are treated as background or contextual factors. Another approach is
by focussing primarily on the structural characteristics of an organi-
zation, such as categories of personnel, the kinds of work departments,
gradations of authority, and hierarchy. A third approach involves
the study of an organization as a collective entity or system that
functions within a larger framework of relations with other organiza-
tions or the environment.

In our research, the organization is studied primarily at the
social-psychological (individual) level, and the outcome variables
are employee attitudes. Therefore, data are specifically gathered
and treated at this level. But, in the process, the profile of
the organization is reckoned with, and data are interpreted in light
of the hierarchy of those employees. Only one semi-public organization
was studied in Nigeria.

The independent variable is limited to the level and kind of
education attained by the employees. However, various levels of

information on education are obtained. These are: education before

22

and since taking a job at the study organization. Also, the other
demographic characteristics of the employees studied include age, sex,
religion, ethnic group, and father's present and past occupation(s).
The dependent variable is limited to attitudes of the employees to
the three kinds of work organization, i.e., traditional,“bureaucratic,
and rational. Also, only two moderator variables, viz., network
links and experience with various organizational types are considered.
The remaining chapters are organized in the following order.
In Chapter II, the related research and literature are reviewed.
Chapter III deals with the methodology. It includes a description of
the study organization, and discussion of the major practical problems
confronted in the field. In Chapter IV, the demographic characteris-
tics of the research sample are presented and described; the hypothe-
ses are discussed, and the primary data are analyzed and interpreted.
Finally, in Chapter V, the entire study is summarized. The research
issues are brought into perspective. The findings are noted, and

conclusions and recommendations made.

CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

The related literature is selectively reviewed with particular
foci on the major concepts that constitute our research model and the
line of thought. Hence, an emphasis is placed on the documentation
and explanation of major works on the nature of the traditional
society and its mode of organization; on the concept of modernity and
modernization; and on the role of education in that process of transi-
tion from traditionalism to nontraditionalism. In addition, it is
necessary to report the existing concrete research findings, especially
on Africa, in relation to the foregoing concepts and variables, and
the interrelationships among them. Therefore, this review is basi-
cally organized according to major subheads which are all subsequently

integrated in the final analysis.

Traditionalism and Corresponding Institutions
Ronald Cohen explains that what is described as the tradi-
tional period in Africa “refers fundamentally to that quality of
African social life in which contact with the Western world was not a
significant part of the lives of the majority of the population."
The implication is that whatever major changes in social life had

taken place originated from mostly local and intra-continental (i.e.,

23

24

within Africa) efforts. Moreover, the author opined that such changes
were generally relatively less rapid, and it appeared that the tradi-
tional values supported a widespread practice of preserving local
customs, mores, established authority, and the modes of organization
(Cohen, 1970: 37).

In contrast, the contemporary African societies and nations
have generally geared efforts toward rapid and planned change through
the use of ideologies, and modern techniques of administration such
as the bureaucracy. Such major efforts have translated into phe-
nomenal developments in urbanization and wage labor, industry, and
work organization, and have impacted the overall social structures
and organization (for example, roles, status structures, and mobility
trends). Imiparticular, Cohen notes that the label of “underdeveloped"
or "developing“ suggests an underlying gap, and a necessity to bridge
it. Apparently, this finds an outlet in what he terms a “catch-up"
ideology, and is a plausible explanation for the relentless efforts
by the developing nations at accelerated industrialization and develop-
ment. Correspondingly, this ideology has induced enormous stress on
the developing countries (including those in Africa). But, compared
to contemporary experiences, the traditional societies were relatively
devoid of this "catch-up" ideology and the concomitant social stresses
and rapid changes (Cohen, 1970: 38).

In the same vein, Cohen suggests that clusters of characteris-
tics exist that can usually be thought of as traditional, especially

for identification and analytical purposes. However, by drawing a

25

conceptual line between traditionalism and modernity, he does not
downplay the facts of traditional-historical change. But, he argues
that the magnitude and pace of contemporary changes in Africa surpass
the traditional levels, and represent a watershed in the continent's
overall history.

Also, Cohen explains the term "traditional" as "the set of
conditions that existed before radical change took place.“ On that
basis, some key characteristics are considered traditional, especially
from his African study experiences. One of these is an emphasis on
social relations and corporate kin responsibility as a primary value,
irrespective of the particular form of organization in the society
itself. The implication is that individual alienation is very undesir-
able, under normal conditions in a traditional society (Cohen, 1970:
39). This is different from the anonymity and impersonality of urban
life, and the forced individualism, isolation, and loneliness which
sometimes come with rapid social change, the nuclear family, and with
industrial and technological advancement.

Another characteristic of a traditional society is the central
importance of group membership, with spill-over effects on social
institutions, such as marriage, on political participation in a commu-
nity, and on basic livelihood. Cohen reports of traditional African
marriages being strongly influenced by family groups and kin support;
and cites examples of the allocation of land on the basis of kin member-
ship, and of acquisition of status as a result of people being members
of the traditional political structures. In addition, group membership

did support the acquisition of basic skills in the crafts and

26

occupations and was instrumental in obtaining gainful employment
(Cohen, 1970: 40).

The foregoing understanding has led to the speculation that
the cultural emphasis on social relations in traditional African
society would tend to be associated with certain personality character-
istics. The reasoning is that persons who are continually made to
feel that their obligations to other people constitute the most
important part of their lives would derive their anxieties, personal
goals and security primarily from those relationships (Cohen, 1970: 41).
The question of whether or not an “African personality? exists is still
controversial (LeVine, 1970: 276-283), and is beyond the scope of
this review. Nevertheless, the fact that much of the African traditional
values and way of life, which Cohen described, contrasts with those of
the Western world is pertinent to a discussion of modern forms of work
organization.

The implication is that the values upon which the modern work
method in organizations is based represent a radical departure from
the values that undergird the work structures in a traditional society.
For example, administrators and their dealings with workers are supposed
to be impersonal and impartial, and these relationships are guided
by a set of written rules; whereas, the traditional society is based
on close ties and personalized social relationships. Thus, in the
modernization process, the general concern is about orientating
employees to the principles of modern work organization and the under-

standing of an industrial culture. This process of orientation is

27

facilitated by a system of western education which is adopted in a
developing country such as Nigeria.

Another work on the status of the traditional society is by
George Dalton. He discussed the technology of work in the traditional
African economies, and noted the enormous differences from the indus-
trial societies of Europe and America. The traditional economies of
Africa were characterized by small size and less developed technology,
resulting in low productivity and extreme dependence on the physical
environment. Also, the production processes generally depended on
the domestic institutions such as the family, household, or even the
extended local groups, because of the lack of market integration and
commercial money. The implications were that the choice of means was
limited in the pursuit and accomplishment of work goals, including the
absence of an appreciable division of labor (Dalton, 1970: 69).

The traditional technology of work also lacked a system of
innovations in view of the foregoing constraints and the enormous
risks in uncertainty that were involved. For example, for most tradi-
tional African societies that depended on farm work for subsistence,
experimenting with new crops or new techniques of production itself
contained the risk of hunger if a particular innovation failed. It is
in the context of this general background that the impact of European
colonialism in Africa and the emergent process of social and economic
change can be better comprehended. The change process meant that such
traditional societies gained increasing knowledge of new alternatives

such as the development of cash crops and the potential for revenue

28

from the sale of those crops, and, in particular, the stimulation of
labor outside the community which encouraged rural-urban migration and
the growth of wage labor. This process also reduced the traditional
dependence on kinship and family institutions in the local community
for the primary organization of work (Dalton, 1970: 70).

Dalton's descriptions of the systems of economic organiza-
tion in the traditional African societies are meaningful, especially
when the nontraditional forms of work organization are juxtaposed.

In the traditional society, underlying social relationships prescribe
the rules and channels for the allocation of resources for production,
such as land and labor. In the same vein, these social relationships
prescribe the rules and procedures for work organization, and the dis-
tribution of rewards. Stanley Udy also agrees with Dalton on the
general nature of socially determined work organizations in the tradi-
tional societies (Udy, 1970: 14-16). Therefore, Udy's similar obser-
vations will not be repeated here. However, in the contemporary socie-
ties, factors other than sheer social relationships determine work
organization. Some of these are labor—management contracts, the
technology of work itself, characteristics of the worker, the nature
of the job, and the environment of work, for example, government
legislation.

It is with these background notes in mind on traditionalism
and the associated social and economic institutions that we proceed
to discuss the concept of modernity and the process of modernization.
The progression from traditionalism to modernity is viewed as a

continuum.

29

Modernity and the Modernization Process
Part of the seminal works on modernization have been written by
Alex Inkeles. In his conceptual label of “the modern man," he dis-
tinguishes between external and internal dimensions of modernity. The
external characteristics of the modern "man" are: urbanization, educa-
tion, mass communication, industrialization, and politicization. These
imply that the "modern man" is more likely to be urbanized, living in
a city and working in a complex organization; likely to be educated
and cosmopolitan in outlook, with a broadened social relationship that
goes beyond the primary kin group; and be more orientated to politics
beyond the parochial level (Inkeles, 1966: 139-140).
However, Inkeles argues that the internal characteristics
are more crucial in the process of individual modernization. These
are:
1. Readiness for new experience and openness to inno-
vation and change;
2. Imagination and the disposition to form or hold
opinions over a large number of the problems and
issues that arise in and outside of the immediate
environment; and, a democratic orientation to
opinions, i.e., flexibility and an awareness of
existence of diversity of opinions;
3. An orientation to the present or the future
rather than the past;
4. Orientation toward planning and organizing as

a way of life;

30

5. A belief in the efficacy of human capacity to control
his environment;

6. Confidence in human calculability, i.e., that other
people and institutions around him can be relied on
to fulfill or meet their obligations and responsi-
bilities, as opposed to belief in fate;

7. A belief in human dignity and, hence, respect

for same;

8. Faith in science and technology; and finally,

9. Belief in distributive justice; i.e., that rewards
should be according to contribution, and not
according to either whim or special properties of
the person not related to his contribution.

By and large, Inkeles suggests that these qualities are not compatible
with qualities that are widespread in traditional cultures. But he
cautions that such qUalities are not neutral, and instead, represent
the conception of the Westerner (Inkeles, 1966: 139, 143-44).

To the extent that modernists would consider the foregoing
qualities as being more progressive and, perhaps, superior, there is
a certain ethnocentrism involved. In particular, Inkeles admits that
many of the characteristics which are considered modern, and therefore
very ideal, are "not very useful or suitable to the life and conditions
of those on whom they are urged or even imposed.§ It is for all of
these reasons that, in this dissertation, we tend to consider the term

"nontraditional" a better and, perhaps, more neutral substitute for the

31

word "modern," inasmuch as it embodies an alternative pattern of
social and economic organization relative to the traditional proto-
type.

Neil Smelser has also written on the modernization process
and the ramifications for social and economic change. He describes
"modernization? as the technical, economic, and ecological changes
that cut across the social and cultural fabric of a nation. He
explains that a whole syndrome of modernization may include the follow-
ing: political change in the form of simple, unitary authority sys-
tems giving way to organizationally elaborate, complex, and bureaucratic-
rational authority structures; educational change, in the craving for
accelerated literacy and manpower development; religious change, as new
modes of secularized beliefs replace the more traditionalistic beliefs;
change in family structures away from the pervasive power of extended
kinship units; and, the substitution of ascriptive hierarchical props
with achievement and mobility systems (Smelser, 1966: 111-12).

In particular, Smelser's discussion of changing work relations,
as a major part of the modernization process, is relevant to this body
of literature. He compares production and economic activities in tra-
ditional and pre-industrial societies with the status of activities
in a modernizing or an agro-industrial society. In the traditional
society, economic activities are concentrated in the family-community
setting. Instead, economic activities and production in a modern
society generally supercede the traditional family and kin group

(Smelser, 1966: 112). All of these macro-level changes also translate

32

into new experiences and problems for the individual employee or
worker.

Smelser describes this social-psychological dimension of
modernization. A concrete focus, from the point of view of our
research interests, is the emergent problem of adjusting to a new
work method, i.e., the idea of punching the clock, the notion of
workday, workweek, labor contracts, adjusting to the technology (or
process) of work, the "web of rules," and managing productive time.
Inasmuch as all of these contrast with the level of activities and
pattern of relationships under a traditional mode of work organiza-
tion, it is clear that changing work relations in the modernization
process require a corresponding, and significant, change in outlook
in the new urban-industrial worker.

Alan Peshkin and Ronald Cohen have also written on what they
consider the values of modernization. They explain that "modernism"
imply goal-directed change, whereas "traditionalism connotes a certain
relative lack of change or of goals directed toward maintaining a way
of life adapted to local circumstances in a relatively unchanging
environment." Specifically, they also include the issue of choice as
one of the major characteristics of a modern or modernizing nation.
Hence, theprocess of modernization involves an increase in choice among
alternatives. The ramifications are the utilization of new ways of
solving problems and the formulation of new ideas about the phil050phy
of solving problems rather than a natural orientation to traditional

solutions (Peshkin and Cohen, 1967: 7-8).

33

Peshkin and Cohen, in agreement with David Apter (1965),
have also emphasized that modernization involves the institutional-
ization of that change mechanism because the change process is so
important as a permament feature of an emerging society, otherwise
the continuity of change will suffer. Interestingly, Peshkin and
Cohen introduce a dimension of relativism into the traditional-modern
contrast in driving home this point. They contend that while people
of many cultures have behaved in modern ways for several years past,
the significant difference between modern people of the past and the
contemporary modern people is that the latter increasingly live in a
nation which is institutionalizing the means to perpetuate moderniza-
tion.

Finally, Peshkin and Cohen come up with a classification of
values that are associated with modernization, similar to the conceptu-
alization by Inkeles (1966) which was reviewed earlier. They are:
economic values, political values, intellectual values, and social
values. With the developing nations particularly in mind, the authors
include the following economic values: planned growth and the formu-
lation of short- and long-range economic development plans, the imple-
mentation of agricultural extension projects, and the utility of
rational industrial planning. Such new orientations supercede the
rather limited scope of economic activities in a traditional society.
The political values that are suggested include: the contemporary
interests in the political welfare of the entire nation regardless of

demographic affiliations of the affected people; the extension of

34

political rights, such as universal sufferage, to all citizens; the
necessity to promote national and international political unity; and
the importance of competent and dedicated leadership (Peshkin and
Cohen, 1967: 11-15).

In addition, the suggested intellectual values that correspond
with modernization include: an orientation toward knowledge that
enhances rational problem-solving, decision making and mental judg-
ment; independent thinking and respect for the scientific method and
logic of inquiry; and the importance of education. The last set of
values are social in nature. These concern the forms of social organi-
zation. The social milieu of groups widen as societies change and
modernize, and there is greater freedom of choice that transcends the
kin group and the traditional family (Peshkin and Cohen, 1967: 16-19).

However, Peshkin and Cohen regard the "modern" and "traditional"
poles only as ideal categories, as it is possible for behavior in a
“modern" society to simultaneously reflect a high degree of modernism
along some dimensions and exactly the opposite along others; and,
significantly, that people can, for example, hold traditional values,
but be compelled to act in modern ways. Thus, traditionalism and
modernism are different in characteristic traits, but aspects of both
could be exhibited even in a contemporary, and, so-called "modern,"
personality, and variations in the mix may be found across demographic
variables.

On a more practical level, Willner (1984) examines traditional
versus nontraditional practices in a developing country. She studies

an industrial organization in a primarily preindustrial setting in

35

East Java, Indonesia. Under the circumstances, the industrial organi-
zation represents an interface between a system of traditional norms
and role expectations on the one hand, and the realities of the
structured work relationships in a complex nontraditional organization,
on the other hand. The implicit diametric opposition between some
aspects of traditionalism and the demands of a “modern" work method
necessitates the use of effective control mechanisms in eliciting the
right attitudes to work in a new industrial organization. In the
colonial era, the expatriate management usually used coercive authority
to an advantage in getting the work done. But the ultimate indigeniza-
tion of the management of industrial organizations in the independent
nations generally meant that the new management had to be more respon-
sive to the needs of the local workforce, as well as resort to more
humane personnel administration tactics.

Willner finds that the task of motivating the Javanese factory
workers proves to be more herculean for the indigenous management staff,
compared to their expatriate predecessors. The local (or native)
managers are subjected to more psychological pressures to relate better
with the lower-level workers and adopt a more participatory style of
management, or they run the risks of being stigmatized by the local
populace as "colonial" stooges (Willner, 1984: 336-7).

Willner compares the pattern of traditional authority within
the Javanese family context with the emergent authority structure in a
factory organization. She finds that some aspects of modern complex
organizations such as hierarchy and subordinate obedience are similar

to the ranking system within the family and in the extended kinship

36

group. Yet, she contends that the hierarchical structures of the
factoryorganization are still different from that of the family which
the Javanese workers are familiar with. For example, the hierarchi-
cal system in the factory organization exists to serve specific goal
objectives, which include productivity. The implication is that the
attainment of status within that system is based on ability and per-
formance, rather than the age criterion, or sheer membership as in the
family group. In addition, the attainment of leadership status in the
family group does not spill-over to the factory organization. Instead,
the new roles of manager, foreman, and the supervisor became important
in the factory's leadership profile, different from the multiple roles
of the traditional farmer, or the proprietor in a small dynastic
enterprise. Such aspects of change and the use of penalties to deter
uncooperative behavior at the factory naturally frustrated the Javanese
workers during the early period of the country's industrialization,
although they coped with that predicament in view of the enormous
administrative powers of the expatriate managers during the colonial
period (Willner, 1984: 338-9).

Since the fifties, national changes in Indonesia have included
the localization of supervisory and managerial staff, the growth of
urbanized workers, and the development of trade unions. Willner
observes that the hierarchical structures are still present in the
Javanese factory organization, but that the labor migrants and new
employees increasingly find the present management staff more approach-
able. The first-level managers are also now instrumental in socializ-

ing the fresh worker to the new factory system, and in exercising

37

leadership control at the lower levels within reasonable bounds. The
middle management staff carry out several responsibilities that are
delegated by the general manager, while the latter incumbent assumes '
a paternalistic, but nonauthoritarian role and tries to utilize tech-
niques which outwardly satisfy cultural expectations while balancing
the economic goals of the factory organization. Also, while the
system of sanctions (e.g., wage deductions, supension, and dismissal)
still exists, the enforcement mechanism is more democratized and has
joint union-management input (Willner, 1984: 342-351).

The Javanese factory case is an example of the way in which
the traditional society adapts to social and economic change, and how
a modern complex organization can survive by accommodating environmental
values and demands. It has shown that the internal operations of a
factory organization cannot be divorced from the external framework.

Cohen (1980) also studied the bureaucratic apparatus in Nigeria.
Part of the importance of his study lies in its focus on an institu-
tion that sometimes becomes counterproductive despite its potential
uses in a contemporary society. Under normal conditions, the moderni-
zation process is facilitated by a system of effective coordination,
control, and leadership such as is embodied in an ideal bureaucracy.
Unfortunately, the Nigerian bureaucracy tends to stultify that very
development process.

Cohen describes the Nigerian bureaucracy as "a partially
separate sociocultural system set into, and articulated with, a wider,
culturally plural, national entity." He also sees it as "a set of new

social structures grafted on top of what were in the recent past a

38

set of_forcibly subjugated, previously autonomous, African societies."
Cohen agrees that many of the major features of the Nigerian bureau-
cracy are those of bureaucracies elsewhere. Some of these character-
istics are: hierarchy, pyramid, chains of offices; regulations; bud-
gets for coordinating and implementing public serVices and

administrative policies. On the other hand, some other features
distinguish the Nigerian bureaucracy from the ones in the West. These
are: overcentralized decision making; excessive hierarchy; administrative
inexperience; and corruption (Cohen, 1980: 73-77).

While Cohen admits that the problem of official corruption is
universal within all government bureaucracies, he cites evidence to
support the observation that the level of corruption in the Nigerian
bureaucracy is in epidemic proportions. Later developments and reports
also provide corroborative evidence (see May, 1984). Cohen has also
attempted to explain this problem in the context of the socio-cultural
system. His interviews with some public servants reveal that "an
official has obligations to networks of persons in and out of the
bureaucracy whose good opinion of him depends on his use of official
authority for their benefit" and that, "the demands of his kin, of his
home villagers, and of the lifestyle of the elite create financial
pressures well beyond his salary capabilities" (Cohen, 1980: 78).

Finally, Cohen discusses the adverse impact of a troublesome
bureaucracy in Nigeria. He reports that the system has produced
harmful attitudes among its own employees and the public. Some of
these are: a widespread belief that promotions are not necessarily

based on merit; an existence of feelings of animosity and jealousy

39

between superiors and subordinates, and between professionals and
administrators; and the feeling of mistrust (Cohen, 1980: 84).

By and large, Cohen has shed light on the Nigerian bureaucracy
as an example of the administrative malaise that plagues public life
and services in the developing world. The title of his monograph is
obviously a satire. Moreover, the Nigerian situation remains so
because the country has had only relatively recent experiences with
the bureaucratic apparatus since political independence. The entire
national institutions are still being developed, including the bureau-
cracy. It is our opinion that the current problems will be minimized
once the literacy rates steadily increase, and the present levels of
administrative experience are enhanced by extended training and develop-
ment.

Having outlined the features that are associated with tradi-
tionalism, and the nature of modernism, and cited some pertinent studies
that are related to the developing societies, the next theme of focus
in that change process is education. The following materials on Africa
are reviewed, since education constitutes one of the major forces of

social and economic change in that part of the world.

The Impact and Status of Education
One of the themes focussed on by Van Den Berghe is educational
change in Africa. He acknowledges the existence of traditional and
Islamic education in the African societies long before the colonial
era. Their functions were primarily in the realm of the socializa-

tion of youth for adult roles in the respective societies. In

40

particular, Koranic schools in Islamic areas and initiation schools
in many non-Islamic societies functioned as formal educational
institutions aside from informal family socialization. Also, the
tradition of long apprenticeships provided the basis for acceptance
into skilled craft occupations such as those of blacksmith, carver,
weaver, and leather-worker.

However, during colonialism, a Western type of education was
stepped up and increasingly became essential for participation and
success in the modernizing sectors of the economies. In contemporary
times, the importance of western education is even greater as modern
educational skills are required for functional participation in the
modern industrial and organizational work structures. As a result,
most African governments have continuously invested large budgets in
education and human resources development (Van Den Berghe, 1970: 263).

This headlong pace of educational development in many develOp-
ing countries, including Nigeria, has its paradoxes. For example,
many developing agricultural economies cannot absorb and effectively
utilize large numbers of highly educated persons. In particular,
India is experiencing both a very low educational average and a grow-
ing class of “unemployable” university graduates. Some other coun-
tries such as Nigeria and Ghana experience a "brain drain," and a
resultant loss of trained talent to fill top and crucial positions in
the sectors of the national economies, while simultaneously suffering
high levels of structural unemployment (Van Den Berghe, 1970: 263).

Van Den Berghe provides explanation for the anomalies above.

In many of the developing countries, the educational system is highly

41

pyramidal. When this is combined with a low level of economic
development, as is characteristiC‘cfi"the developing countries, stag-
nation results. He further explains that a low level of modern skills
makes for low labor productivity, high birth rates, administrative
inefficiency, and other problems that are presently associated with
the developing countries. The pyramidal education system also con-
tributes to the rise of an elitist class of technicians, professionals,
and civil administrators. This pattern is exacerbated by the school
curricula in those countries, which still are heavily foreign in
orientation, even several years after political independence (Van Den
Berghe, 1970: 264).

Finally, Van Den Berghe suggests a rapid revision of the
quantity and type of education in Africa, in correspondence with the
national development objectives and policy decisions. He is of the
opinion that the new curricula should reflect the needs and tradi-
tions of African countries, with more emphasis on the type of education
that actually supports the development process. He concludes that
education is very instrumental in social and economic development
(Van Den Berghe, 1970: 264).

Obviously, education, especially the Western type, has played
a very important part in the modernization of the developing nations.
However, as Van Den Berghe has also observed, the present status of
western education in those countries is itself fraught with several
problems. The extent to which they successfully adapt and tailor that
system of education to the pressing development needs still represents

one of the major challenges of the immediate future.

42

Still another work has reported the force of education in
Nigeria. David McDowell has observed that the demography of Nigeria
and its communities is changing, partly as a result of schooling, which,
in turn, is impacted by demographic change. Some of these are the shift
from ascription to achievement as the primary basis for selection of
role incumbents in the modernizing and industrializing sector, and the
fact that this achievement is now primarily measured by school attain-
ment. The result has been a decline in the authority and power of tradi-
tional roles. Correspondingly, the new educated elite have gained
substantial authority to determine and execute policies affecting edu-
cation and community affairs (McDowell, 1980: 52-53).

McDowell further noted that many traditional superstitions,

customs, and laws are challenged in the new school curriculum. He
admits that parents, relatives, and other community members continue to
contribute in part to the intellectual development of the child, but
argues that schooling actually challenges the traditional content.
While respect for elders is still considered normative throughout the
Nigerian society, the contemporary school system teaches that status
and prestige should be evaluated on the basis of performance, rather
than of age or role (McDowell, 1980: 54-56).

The consequence is that, while masters of apprentices, "mallams"
(i.e., teachers) in Koranic schools, chiefs, and other heads in the
community, parents, and teachers have traditionally been accorded
respect on the basis of their particular role or seniority, this form

of ascription is now challenged. McDowell interprets student protests,

43

the abandonment by school leavers of their traditional homes, and
lack of discipline in the classroom as some of the implications of
that challenge (McDowell, 1980: 56).

However, this monograph is restricted to the domain of forms of
education and the contemporary nontraditional orientations. McDowell's
exposition is insightful in that the noted changes are generally in
the direction of rationalization of formal education. He has also
explained how those changes have carried over to the fabric of the
Nigerian society. Significantly, the traditional bases of authority
have been challenged by modern forms and principles of education. But
McDowell's work does not include an elaboration on the direct corre-
lates of changes in educational content and attainment in the work
organization structures, some aspects of which our research is about.

So far, we have cited the pertinent literature on traditionalism,
modernization, and the crucial role of education in that process of
transition. The reviewed works have also shown how several factors
interplay to mobilize rapid social and economic change, especially in
the developing nations of the world, and Africa in particular. The
mass of theory on modernization has been put to various research tests,

and some of these are elaborated in the following section.

Empirical Studies on the Multi-Variate Relationships
Edith Lord has studied the attitudes and beliefs of Ethiopians,
with a view to determining the effect of education on the holding or
the rejection of nonscientific beliefs. The rationale is that the

efforts by the developing nation to develop should be supported by

44

favorable attitudes and not superstition. One such superstition is
that "manual laborers in general, and iron or metal workers in par-
ticular, can turn themselves into hyenas at night" (Lord, 1958: 340).
Such a belief could actually hinder the development of necessary blue
collar skills and intermediate workforce in a developing country.

A questionnaire containing about 132 nonscientific beliefs was
administered to about 1,228 subjects composed of students (and student
nurses), teachers, and first-aid workers. Results of the survey were
classified on the bases of level and kind of education of the sub-
jects. The author found a measurable trend toward increased disbelief
in nonscientific statements with increased schooling; leading to the
hypothesis that education is instrumental in change, although she
suggested additional research toconfirm that claim (Lord, 1958: 343-
348).

However, it was found that some miscellaneous items increased
in belief with education; for example, that "a person can eat more
bananas if he has his feet in water while eating them" (Lord, 1958:
351-353). Much as this kind of belief does not appear to pose any
immediate threat, if any at all, to the rational organization of work
and overall national development, since all cultures have superstitious
beliefs that sometimes, at least, serve psychological ends, it is
still necessary that the movers of change and development, particularly
in a developing country, exhibit attitudes that are conducive to mean-
ingful development and improvement of living conditions and standards.

This is partly why the author, again, suggested a proper curriculum

45

development for Ethiopia, and a conscious reorientation of local edu-
cational programs to the real needs of Ethiopians rather than a whole-
sale adoption of western curricula.

Michael Armer also studied the relationships between formal
education and psychological malaise (or ill-being) in Nigeria, using
the survey (interview) technique. He focussed upon two major theoreti-
cal arguments: "value-conflict,"and"'goal-frustration." The value-
conflict argument is that formal Western education brings along value
orientations which inherently conflict with traditional social values
and relations in the developing nations. These make individuals with
Western education become confused and uncertain about correct perspec-
tives, as well as lonely and feeling estranged from their traditional
roots. Instead, the goal-frustration argument is that people become
frustrated and experience psychological stress only if they are unable
to achieve their valued goals whether modern or traditional and with
more education or less (Armer, 1970: 143-145).

Armer's hypothesis is that individuals with less education but
who hold more modern values will experience higher rates of alienation;
and those who have more education but hold more traditional values will
also experience higher rates of alienation. The Muslim Hausa-Fulani
society of northern Nigeria represented the test case. The sample
consisted of people with strong traditional values as well as modern
influences, and varied widely in individual value orientations and
educational levels. A total of 591 subjects were interviewed. The
results indicate that the effect of formal Western education on

psychological alienation is not direct. The presence of traditional

46

or modern values in the individuals tends to moderate that relation-
ship, partially supporting Armer's hypothesis. However, even when
traditional and modern values are reckoned with, education does not
account totally for the presence or absence of high alienation;
because some traditional respondents lacked formal education and

yet were highly alienated. Also, while the goal-frustration argument
is supported by Armer's research, the results on the "value-conflict“
thesis are not conclusive (Armer, 1970: 147-157).

While Armer recommends a longitudinal research design in order
to achieve a more balanced perception of the variables and their rela-
tionships, the importance of his study still lies in its contribution
to knowledge on the individual effects of formal education and the
possible negative side to that aspect of modernization, also at the
individual level. Understanding the subjective experiences of aliena-
tion and stress that result from formal (Western) education is as
important as the physical or material benefits of the modernization
process.

In a more involved enterprise, Inkeles and Smith tested their
theory of modernization. The theoretical background is that the modern
work method requires that workers be able to accept both an elaborate
division of labor and to coordinate their activities with a large
number of other workers in the labor force. This involves the institu-
tion of rewards based on technical competence and objective standards of
performance, strict hierarchies of authority responsive to the demands
of machine production, and the separation of product and producer

(Inkeles and Smith, 1974: 4). The authors constructed an

47

attitude-value-behavior scale which aids in the explanation of what
makes people modern. The theory is that people became modern through
the particular life experiences they undergo. It also emphasizes the
contribution of men's work experience to making them modern. This is
because of the authors' belief that employment in complex, rationalized,
technocratic, and even bureaucratic organizations is potentially
instrumental in changing men so that they move from the more traditional
to the more modern pole in their attitudes, values, and behavior. In
addition, it is thought that urban living and contact with the mass
media are important modernizing factors. Finally, the authors also
investigate the effect of education on individual modernity (Inkeles
and Smith, 1974: 6).

About 6,000 men were interviewed from six developing countries:
Argentina, Chile, India, Israel, Nigeria, and former East Pakistan
(now Bangladesh). The findings show that education is a very powerful
influence in making men modern. There is also substantial empirical
support for the significance of the factor of factory experience on
individual modernity. However, the effect of exposure to an urban
environment is relatively less significant. The major contribution of
their study lies in the demonstrated correlation between higher levels
of education and "individual modernity," operationalized as: accept-
ance of change, openness to new experiences, tolerance of social
differences, awareness of interdependency, beliefs that humans control
their environment, appreciation for planning, and a recognition of
the importance of learning and education (Inkeles and Smith, 1974:

116-18).

48

The study has also shown that nontraditional work organization
such as the factory changes in response to changing technology, markets,
and personnel. Therefore, workers that are exposed to such an environ-
ment are likely to experience corresponding transformation in attitudes,
values, and behavior. The findings about levels of education, and
about exposure to factory work provide assumptive bases for our research
orientation.

Furthermore, a similar study by Richard Sack on the impact of
education on individual modernity in Tunisia, a developing African
country, has also revealed that the quantity (by number of years) of
formal schooling, the subject's reported rank in the last years of
school he attended, overseas experiences, contact with the mass media,
and, to a lesser extent, the amount of job experience all have effect
on modernity. Just like Inkeles, Sack has found that urban experience
is not, of itself, of significant importance to modernity when com-
pared to the importance of other variables such as schooling, mass
media contact, and occupation (Sack, 1974: 108-109).

It is of interest that Sack's data suggest that the factory
nay be a somewhat more effective socializer of modernity than the
bureaucratic office. He attributes this possibility to different
standards of rational organization of work prevalent in the factory
setting as well as the different nature of the work itself. But he
leaves conclusive evidence to future determination by extended research,
working with a sample that should be homogeneous in educational level

(Sack, 1974: 112).

49

By and large, the research by Armer, Inkeles, and Smith, and
by Sack have related differences in modernizing values to significant
differences in sociological experiences of people, particularly in the
developing countries. In general terms, they all belong to the
category of modernity research. But because of its peculiar line of
thought, this category of research has also been subject to contro-
versy and criticism.

One of the criticisms is that the concept of individual modern-
ity is similar to need-achievement (propounded by David McClelland),
and is psychologistic. There is the implication that the developing
nations are backward because they lack individual modernity or even
need-achievement. But it seems that the claim of individual modernity
theorists is that the social-psychological effects of highly indus-
trial societies differ from those of isolated rural ones (Form, 1979:
20).

Another attack on the modernity hypothesis is that it has a
neo-imperialist ring to it. The hypothesis implies that the poor
nations are expected to develop institutions similar to those of western
capitalist societies. And, in view of the global economic relation-
ships, it is feared that this development could perpetuate poverty, and
exploitation of the poor nations by the developed and rich nations.
Such radical views are expressed by Gunder Frank and other dependency/
development theorists who identify with the plight of the developing
countries. But William Form opines that the modernists do not argue
that the poor nations will become rich and democratic when their

workers develop modern views (Form, 1979:20).

50

In addition, the nature of modernity scales is questioned.

Since such scales are precise, critics argue whether individual modernity
is a unitary phenomenon that emerges uniformly or a multidimensional one
that develops unevenly along different dimensions. It is suggested

that in spite of the use of a multi-dimensional scale by Inkeles and
Smith, for example, they do not reveal its dimensions or indicate which
ones lead or lag in economic development (Form, 1979: 21).

Finally, critics question the practical utility of modernity
scales. Several problems of measurement threaten the validity of such
scales. One of these is equivalence. For example, the scales used
by Inkeles and Smith were applied to lower-middle-class males in Chicago
by Armer and Schnaiberg (1972), who found that the scales were only
moderately equivalent; they had high internal consistency, but were
low in discriminant validity with respect to anomie, alienation, and
socio-economic status, the three of which also happened to be corre-
lated with modernity (Form, 1979: 21-22).

Be that as it may, the studies by Armer, Inkeles, and Smith,
and by Sack, still have provided useful insights into our research
model, even though our research orientation is not the study of modernity
per se. Our overall concern is with the relationships between educa-
tion and orientations of employees to the nontraditional forms of admin-
istration. The thinking is that different levels of formal education
will be correlated with different attitudes to the two nontraditional
forms, i.e., bureaucratic and rational administration; Research find-
ings by Udy and Stinchcombe prompt the suggestions here that attitudes

to the two forms may be different. Much earlier, Max Weber has

51

contrasted traditional authority with rational authority in his ideal
typology of legitimate authority. The basis of traditional authority
lies in “an established belief in the sanctity of immemorial traditions
and the legitimacy of the status of those exercising authority under
them" as opposed to rational-legal authority which is based on "a
belief in the 'legality' of patterns of normative rules and the right
of those elevated to authority under such rules to issue commands"
(Weber, 1947: 328).

In particular, Weber considers bureaucracy as "the purest type"
of rational-legal authority which contains the following special fea-
tures: a staff of appointed officials who are appointed and purported
to be impersonal in their discharge of official obligations; a hier-
archy of offices; a clear definition of sphere of competence; standard
selection procedures that emphasize technical qualifications and are
based on examinations and/or certification by diplomas; the idea of
contract in the selection process; a salary structure and benefits
package; a career structure through promotion and staff development;
separation of official status from ownership of the means of adminis-
tration; and the institution of control and discipline through sanc-
tions and penalties (Weber, 1947: 333-4). In light of the foregoing,
bureaucratic administration is characterized by the exercise of con-
trol on the basis of knowledge. This knowledge is comprised of both
technical expertise and on-the-job experience. This is the heart of
the rationality of that form of administration (Weber, 1947: 339).

Udy and Stinchcombe have observed that, since Weber, pe0ple

have tended to regard bureaucratic administration and rational

52

administration as identical. But, the two authors argue that there

is reason to conceptually distinguish between the two administrative
forms, leading to the consideration of bureaucracy as a subtype of
rational administration, and professionalization another main subtype.
Udy used the Human Relations Area Files at Yale University, and
analyzed data on a sample of 150 formal organizations. He concluded
that mutual positive associations tend to exist between bureaucratic
elements and also between rational elements, but that rational ele-
ments tend to be negatively associated with bureaucratic elements
(Udy, 1959: 793-794).

In addition to Udy's findings, Stinchcombe also has found that
the bureaucratic style of administering production is different from
craft administration, such as in the construction industry. He has
compared mass production and construction industries on the basis of
the social location of work planning, administrative status structure,
and content of administrative communication which represent an empirical
description of bureaucratic and craft administration of production.
Since he had found that bureaucracy is lacking in the construction
organization, which he attributes to economic instability, Stinchcombe
suggests a revision of Max Weber's ideal type of bureaucracy to
exclude the rational elements cfi’ construction or craft production
(Stinchcombe, 1959).

Moreover, further studies on the differences between bureau-
cratic and professional principles suggest that employee orientations
to the two aspects may be different, based on the kind, and different

levels of educational attainment. For example, Blau and Scott note

53

that studies of professionals or semi-professionals in formal organi-
zations have consistently found that the conflict between bureaucratic
and professional orientation is a fundamental issue. They have also
found that semi-professional workers in a public assistance agency
could be differentiated on the basis of whether their orientation was
confined to the organization or extended to the profession of social
work. Those oriented to their profession tended to be less attached
to the welfare agency, more critical of its operations (such as service
to clients), and less confined by administrative procedure. Therefore,
they conclude that while a professional orientation motivates a person
to do better work in terms of professional standards, it also gives
him a basis for ignoring administrative considerations, and thus may
lead to poorer performance in terms of the standards of the organiza-
tion (Blau and Scott, 1962: 246).

In the final analysis, all of the reviewed works and the
individual modernity studies have generally shown the importance of
education, and of the factory (or the contemporary workplace), as
agents of modernization. The work of Willner, and Cohen, has focussed
on the stresses and strains which accompany the adjustment to rapid
institutional change in the transitional societies. In more specific
terms, Udy and Stinchcombe have shown that the elements of bureau-
cratic and rational administration are two distinctive sets. In the
same vein, Blau and Scott confirm that the differences between bureau-
cratic and professional principles are as important as their similar-
ities; and that those differences may tend to constitute sources of

tension and strain in formal organizations that combine the two sets.

54

Nevertheless, there exists a gap in the body of literature on
the relationships between levels and kind of education and employee
orientations to different forms of work organization, in particular,
with reference to Africa. This research is aimed at filling that gap

in the existing literature on Nigeria.

CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY

Descriptive Information

 

Back round and Entry to the
Stu y Organization

 

Site of the research was the headquarters of a semi-public
organization in the city of Ilorin, Nigeria. The organization,
founded in March 1977, is involved in the development of local agri-
culture, water conservation, irrigation, and food production. It is
one of eleven such organizations in the country that were established
especially for the development of surface and underground water
resources, involving flood protection, the construction of dams and
polders, etc., mainly for agricultural food production.

Although primarily established by government legislation
(Decree No. 25 of June, 1976), and given a limited monopoly to provide
such diverse goods and services to the public, its organizational
structure and internal operations are different from those of public
organizations or government departments. This is reflected in the
nomenclature of official positions and the top-down, corporation-
style, hierarchy of authority such as: general manager, assistant
general manager (engineering), assistant general manager (agriculture),
and assistant general manager (administration)--each of whom has

direct upward responsibility to the general manager, and downward

55

56

authority relations with several sectional heads and professionals,
and with the rank and file workers (sources: official manuals of the
organization, and preliminary personal meetings with senior officials
in the Planning Division of the organization, November, 1982).

Even though this organizational structure and process is dif-
ferent from that of a typical government department, and shows admin-
istrative similarity to the workings of a business enterprise, it is
in some ways short of the business organization prototype. 0n the
one hand, the officials generally facilitate the flow of activities
and information by, for instance, personally moving files from one
office to the other, without relying on the often slow bureaucratic
practice of dispatching files by clerks or messengers--by so doing
shunning unnecessary "bureaucracy" and redtape, which have been known
to bedeck official transactions in most Nigerian public organizations
(Cohen, 1980: 73-88).

On the other hand, as an organization with ties to the govern-
ment, it is susceptible to some undue interference and pressures from
interest groups in the government and the public, and, as such, some
administrative decisions may not always be based on purely rational
or economic principles as in a private business enterprise (personal
communication with the Chief Executive of the organization, January,
1983; and paper delivered in East Lansing by the Chief Executive of
another such organization in Nigeria, presentation jointly sponsored
by the Center for Advanced Study of International Development and the
Institute of International Agriculture, Michigan State University,
January, 1984).

57

Permission was sought to study the organization in Ilorin by
presenting a letter of introduction to the Chief Planning Officer in
November, 1982, who, unfortunately, subsequently died in an automo-
bile accident even before I could begin the actual collection of
data. As a result of the incident, some time had to elapse before
I could meet with the general manager of the organization, presenting
him with the same letter of introduction from my advisor. I, also,
had to write a formal letter of appointment with him, explaining the
objectives of my research and particularly the reasons for choosing
that organization, and including a sample draft survey questionnaire.

I indicated that my objectives were to study some relation-
ships between levels and types of education and employee orientations
to different forms of work organization. I chose the particular
organization because it operated on a combination of bureaucratic
and rational criteria of administration, and, as such, was particularly
suitable for testing an academic research model. I added that the
research was necessary for satisfying a requirement in graduate studies
at Michigan State University, and, being a relatively understudied
subject matter on Nigeria, my findings could serve important needs
for that organization, and work organizations in the country, in
general.

I finally met with the general manager in December, 1982, and
after much argument over his concern that [might disturb their work
process by doing research on their organization, he kindly permitted

me to undertake the study, but with some instructions, and together

58

with conditions and guarantees which were suggested by me in order to
further facilitate the entry process. I guaranteed anonymity to all
of the subjects, and would not refer to the organization directly by
name in the write-up. I was always to be conducted around the offices
and work departments by a senior planning officer in the organization.
This was more of a help than hinderance to me, being an outsider and
researcher. No information was to be obtained on income or salary

of the employees, and absolutely none on the agricultural produce,
which were considered very sensitive records. Some sensitive questions
(for example, on age) were to be reworked, such as by using age brack-
ets. Finally, it was agreed that the organization would be provided
with a copy of my summary, conclusions and recommendations, or the
dissertation, upon completion.

An attempt is made here to rationalize for some of the above
restrictions. It is thought that some people may consider age a sensi-
tive information because being much older than one's peers or the
workgroup may sometimes create uncomfortable or embarrassing situa-
tions. For example, while the younger people generally tend to defer
to old age in Nigeria, some older workers who work on the same job
with the much younger workers may sometimes feel odd (i.e., out of
place). The respect that old age attracts within the context of
the primary family is sometimes missing in a formal work context
where several criteria, other than the age factor, affect work organiza-
tion and process. Among the blue-collar workers, especially, some
mischievous or exuberant younger workers may occasionally taunt the

much older workers when wide age differentials are perceived.

59

Furthermore, questions about wages, salaries, or income are
also often considered too personal for a researcher (especially an
outsider) to ask. When such information is absolutely necessary, the
only orthodox way of obtaining it is by examining official payroll
records and with the permission of the management.

Finally, perhaps the management's concern about the guarding
of information on agricultural produce could be understood in the
same way as a major corporation in a developed nation might restrict
information on its productivity to any researcher. For example, the
plant manager of a daily newspaper company in Minneapolis, Minnesota,
did not accept a proposal to study the production flow of that
organization, as a major class project on personnel audit in 1979.
Therefore, it appears that some organizations closely guard their

production schedules and output, probably as a matter of policy.

Sampling

There was no complete and up-to-date record of the staff
employed at the headquarters of the organization during my initial
contact. The organization itself was involved in activities that
spanned three different states: Kwara, and parts of Niger and Kaduna
States. All of the employees that were physically based in the three
regions appeared on the personnel file which was kept at the head-
quarters in Ilorin. The implication was that several workers whose
names appeared on the personnel file at Ilorin were not available on
the spot. Several were working in distant out-stations, while some

were no longer employed by the organization, or were deceased.

60

However, two senior officials at the Planning, Monitoring,
and Evaluation Division of the organization estimated the total work-
force at the headquarters (site of the research) at more than 200,
while all of the out-stations/rural offices and the headquarters
combined employed more than 2,000 employees (Personal communication,
November 23, 1982). Therefore, the only way to develop a valid samp-
ling list was by undertaking a mini-census of current personnel in
all the functional departments of the headquarters.

The help of the Statistical Unit of the organization was
solicited in the enumeration exercise. By this procedure, about 198
employees were located on site at the headquarters. Of these, 150
were finally selected by a simple (stratified) random sampling techni-
que. The sample cut across the organizational strata of senior,
intermediate, and junior staff. All of the 20 intermediate staff
were selected, in view of their small, relative size. The breakdown
of the total employees at the headquarters, out of which a sample

was selected, is tabulated in Table 3.1.

Questionnaire

A standard survey questionnaire was used. This was initially
pre-tested randomly on ten people, made up of academic employees at
the University of Ife, Ile-Ife, and clerical-technical and para-
medical employees at Ilorin, all located in Nigeria. The pre-testing
was done between November 11 and 30, 1982, during which necessary
corrections, deletions, and additions were made to the questionnaire.

For example, it was during the pre-testing process that information on

II
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61

 

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62

age was substituted with age-brackets alone, and some other questions
were reworded to ensure better clarity.

The questionnaire contained information on basic demographic
and background variables; on extended affiliations and social net-
works; and on the more specific measurement issues such as opinions,
attitudes, and preferences. A series of Likert-scaled questions,
reflecting constructs of the major aspects of traditional,bureau-
cratic, and rational forms of work organization were also built into
the survey questionnaire. They were meant to reveal employee pref-
erences on each of the authority dimensions. Another series of meas-
ures involved hypothetical or scenario questions and the use of a
preference scale. Subjects were asked to rate their preferences, and
present work experiences, on a scale of 1 to 10, where the two
extreme points represented particular organizational forms, i.e.,
traditional-bureaucratic, traditional-rational, and bureaucratic-
rational.

Hypothetical or scenario questions are useful for obtaining
subjective responses to organizational variables in a relatively unob-
trusive manner. Since many of our core questions pertaining to
employee attitudes are indirect measures, in the sense that subjec-
tive responses are later analyzed in the context of the underlying
theoretical constructs, the subjects would be less aware of the
intent of those survey questions. Section E of our questionnaire

comprised those hypothetical (or scenario) questions (see Appendix A).

63

Interviewing

The actual interviewing began on December 29, 1982. The sur-
vey questionnaire was administeredtnrthe researcher himself to the
sampled employees. Each of the 150 subjects was met in their depart-
ments, and responses to the interview questions were elicited. Care
was taken to interview each subject at suitable premises, ranging from
individual offices of the senior staff subjects to convenient domains/
sections of the workplaces which were made accessible by department
heads for interviewing purposes.

In addition to the intermittent introduction of each research
subject to the component sections of the questionnaire, particular
care was also taken to explain the connotation of the more difficult
questions that many subjects did not understand, most especially the
questions in Sections 0 and E. On the average, between 8 to 12 inter-
views were completed on each working day, from Monday to Friday. The
process was much slower at the beginning, but much faster toward the
end. The hours of work for the entire organization were: Monday-
Thursday, 7:30 a.m. to 3:30 p.m.; Friday, 7:30 a.m. to 1:30 p.m. Some
employees (subjects) who could not be located in their work depart-
ments during the normal working hours (e.g., due to temporary trans-
fer, official out-station trips, study leave, lunch breaks, etc.) were
met in their homes and interviewed at their convenience.

The average interview session lasted between 20 and 30 minutes.
Some interviews lasting about 40 minutes were an exception, where

subjects were either very expressive or a lot of explanation had to

64

be done by the researcher in order to simplify the questionnaire
items.

Extended Observation and

Impromptu Discussions

As the daily research activities entailed being physically
present in one section or the other of the organization's premises
until closing time, it was possible to observe the daily activities
in the mostly contiguous work departments. Impromptu discussions
also focussed on the employees' responses and general feedback on the
extent of their comprehension of the survey questionnaire. In particu-
lar, post-interview discussions included opinions on the employee's
perception of the mode of work organization and operations in the
study organization, compared to the activities and practices in the
government bureaucracy.

Through the observation process, the effect of level of edu-
cation was easily perceived during the process of interviewing the
sampled employees. Interviewing the higher-level employees was
generally smoother than the lower-level workers. While the researcher
had to explain one aspect or the other of the questionnaire to every
employee that was interviewed (especially the hypothetical or scenario
questions in Section E, which style was particularly new to virtually
all the subjects), the explanation and interpretation process was
usually less cumbersome with the higher-level employees who were
generally quicker to comprehend than the lower cadres.

Also, the higher-level employees were interviewed in the

English language (a second and the official language in Nigeria) and

65

communication was generally easy; whereas the questionnaire (espe-
cially the hypothetical questions in Sections 0 and E) often had to
be explained to some of the junior workers in the local language,
particularly Yoruba (a language group most predominant in the work-
force of the study organization, and the geographical area; which,
also, is the native language of the researcher).

However, such interpretation in the local language was used
on no more than 15 workers. And, in that process, two senior offi-
cials in the organization, whose ethnic language is also Yoruba,
assisted in interpreting the difficult questions; while, a consensus
was usually reached on the appropriate framing of statements, and
corresponding meanings in the local language, before those workers
with limited understanding of the English language were finally inter-
viewed.

Nevertheless, the general implication was there that ability
of the employee to comprehend the questionnaire, without further
elaboration and assistance by the researcher, was itself related to the

factor of the level of education attained.

Problems and Attempted Solutions

Overall, five subjects refused to be interviewed. They were
two males and three females. The males were both senior staff; two of
the females were intermediate staff, and one junior staff. All of
the five refusals had levels of education that ranged from, at least,
seven years to about nineteen years. Their reasons for refusing I

also ranged from "no reason" and "too busy" to refusal on the grounds.

66

that ”the general manager had not written especially to the (subject)
that he be interviewed,” and an intermediate-level worker, who, was
"leaving the organization temporarily on in-service training in
another part of the country." Therefore, five substitute subjects
were, again, randomly selected from the remaining employee list.

Other than the blatant refusals, nonresponse to particular
questionnaire items in the entire interviewing process was relatively
minimal as every effort was made to assure all of the subjects (some
. of whom probably feared management) that the information sought would
not implicate anybody, and that only summary statistics would be gen-
erated from responses.

However, in general, the problems of conducting primary research
in a developing country such as Nigeria are horrendous. Granted, there
are problems in doing research in any country, but these problems are
probably ten times more in a developing nation. They range from the
difficulty of organizational access and lack of current statistical
data base in the organizations to the potentially confounding problem
of research role stereotypes and widespread illiteracy. These prob-
lems are not peculiar to organizations alone, but they do block this
research in particular. They are discussed in full in the following
paragraphs.

The mere possession of letters of introduction to management
for official permission to study a work organization in Nigeria.does
not guarantee entry to the organization itself. Whereas such a

letter and a couple of telephone calls may suffice to initiate

67

research in the United States, it is not that straightforward in a
developing country such as Nigeria. Perhaps, the fear of the "unknown"
outsider, the necessity to guard sensitive and classified information,
coupled with the international problem of industrial espionage, among
several other possible reasons, all appear to make organizational
leadership in Nigeria sometimes very skeptical or even, perhaps,
apprehensive of researchers. Therefore, while letters of introduction
to the organization are still important, extended personal and second-
ary contacts through some kind of networks are very invaluable.

There is a general dearth of current records on labor not
only at the organizational level, but, even, also in terms of valid
sampling units on the major cities in Nigeria. In addition, access
to the personnel file itself is not easy and straightforward. Some
personnel managers, rightly, closely guard this document. But, if
the researcher can demonstrate that the personnel register is impor-
tant in the process of sample selection, and there is enough confi-
dence that such a list would be treated confidentially, most employers
or personnel administrators are willing to release those records for
research use. In the final analysis, the researcher may soon realize
that a carefully conducted mini-census of available personnel in a
particular organization is more feasible, and more reliable to use,
in view of several possible methodological problems of validity in
existing records kept in the organizations. This could be done in-
house with the assistance of the Statistical Units, where they exist,
in the particular organizations. This approach was utilized for this

research.

68

Another problem is that research subjects in Nigerian
organizations, especially the lower-level workers, sometimes miscon-
ceive a researcher as a grievance handler. Hence, subjects actually
seize the opportunity to communicate with a researcher to unleash
all gripes against their employers, with the expectation that the
researcher would document them, and take positive steps to right
those wrongs, such as by specifically writing recommendations for the
alleviation of any labor-management problems. In order to get around
the "super researcher" stereotype, I had to make my innocuous role
clear, particularly to the rank and file workers. I explained to
them that I was involved in an independent research work, which out-
come may or may not influence any changes in the status of the
organizational structure and/or the daily running of the establish-
ment.

Furthermore, in a developing country such as Nigeria, illiter-
ate and semi-literate workers are many. Hence, in conducting organi-
zational research that involves interface with lower-level workers,
for example, the problems of illiteracy and limited education inevita-
bly surface. In particular, a lot of the lower-level workers are only
willing to respond to survey interview questions provided such studies
offer promises of direct personal benefit to them (Uwujaren, 1981: 219).
Some of my subjects actually asked about the renumeration they were to
receive after expending their time responding to the many questions
contained in the survey questionnaire. This could have amounted to

paying research subjects to "perform" (i.e., respond to interview

69

questions), which, in itself, might have interfered with the relia-
bility of these responses.

It is understood that some social researchers actually tie
monetary rewards to the completion and successful return of mailed
questionnaires by their subjects, but, in the field, I did not con-
sider nonpayment of monetary incentives any immediate threat to the
response rate since I was physically present administering the survey
questionnaire by myself. Also, my subjects were told that the
research was a private academic study; that, they had been selected
from the labor register in a random pattern as subjects of that
research; and, that their cooperation and response were important for
the successful completion of the study and an important aspect of my
degree.

Such cooperation was also facilitated by developing trusting
relationships with the subjects, offering explanations about the
research objectives and interests in a way that they were able to
comprehend and generally empathize with. There were occasions when
I had to give some subjects rides between commuting from the study
organization and the downtown--a distance of about five miles.

By and large, coping with all of the foregoing problems and the
ability to improvise with available, albeit scanty, resources in the
field provided challenging and lasting experiences. They also demon-
strated the power or utility of a multi-method approach in socio-
logical research, combining several methods of tapping and cross-

checking information. This involved the composite use of scarce

7O

organizational documents, survey questionnaire and the interviewing
technique, extended observation, social interaction, the keeping of
field notes and diary, and subsequently, their careful analysis and

comprehension.

Analytical Information

The Measurement of

 

Research’Variables

 

As earlier explained at the close of Chapter 1, our independ-
ent variable is the status of education of the employees. Two
aspects of this variable were examined and measured in the field.

They were: kind of education and level of educational attainment.
Kind of education was indicated by the variety of that education and
whether it was informal or formal, traditional or nontraditional.
Level of education was determined by the number of years of school-
ing that the sampled employees had had.

Supplementary information that was obtained on education
included: the highest educational qualification attained by the
employees before working on their jobs at the time of research; the
highest qualification attained since working on these jobs; the number
of years of formal training relevant to these jobs; and the place of.
education, i.e., whether locally in Nigeria, in a foreign country,
or in both locations. However, the information on years of formal
training is not used in our data interpretation because of an error in
basic operationalization of the term "formal training" in the field,

which, perhaps, led some employees to report up to eleven years of

71

that training as relevant to their present jobs. It should have

been operationalized as "on-the-job training." Nevertheless, the
loss of that information did not jeopardize the most necessary infor-
mation on the kind and level of education. (See Section A of the
Questionnaire in Appendix A.)

The moderator variables are: network links to centers of
tradition, and job experience with the nontraditional form of work
organization. Our indicators of ”network contacts" included: the
frequency of visitation to hometowns or villages by the employees;
the number of traditional chiefs, religious leaders, local council
people, rich and influential people that are known in the hometowns
or villages; consultations with these people for job-related knowledge
or advice; willingness to ask these people for favors in seeking
employment, promotion or other self-interests; and affiliations with
college associations, and community clubs. (See Section B of the
Questionnaire in Appendix A.)

In addition, our indicators of "experience with the nontradi-
tional form of work organization" derived from the employee responses
to the formal interview questions on the present job position, the
kind of duties performed, year of initial employment with the study
organization (an example of a nontraditional form of organization),
whether or not the respondents had always worked in that organization,
the other kinds of jobs or positions previously held in the study
organization, as well as in any other organization, the type of
organization, and finally, the duration of all of these experiences.

(See Section C of the Questionnaire in Appendix A.)

72

Finally, the dependent variables, "employee attitudes" to
bureaucratic administration and rationalism, and conversely, to
traditionalism, were measured by attitudinal, opinion, and hypotheti-
cal questions relating to the underlying constructs of the three main
principles of work organization. A Likert-type scale was used on the
opinion and attitudinal questions; and, positive statements concerning
traditionalism were scored from 5 for “strongly agree" to 1 for
"strongly disagree," while positive statements concerning bureau-
cratic administration and rationalism were scored from 1 for "strongly
agree" to 5 for “strongly disagree." The scoring is reversed in
this format because traditionalism represents one pole of the continuum,
while bureaucratic administration and rationalism constitute another
pole of this continuum. (See Section D of the Questionnaire in
Appendix A.) .

In addition, the responses to a series of hypothetical ques-
tions depicting bi-polar authority orientations were scored from 1 to
10, depending on the nature of the work organizations that were being
represented, i.e., whether traditional versus rational, or traditional
versus bureaucratic, or bureaucratic versus rational. (See Section E
of the Questionnaire in Appendix A.) The process of combining respond-
ent scores on these measures of our dependent variables, and the con-
struction of scales and indices for use in the statistical analyses,
are further discussed under Analytical Techniques and Procedures, in

the next section.

73

Analytical Technigues and Procedures

Field data were prepared, coded, and processed by using the
SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences), keypunching and
programming facilities at the Computer Laboratory of Michigan State
University. Raw marginals were obtained on all of the 100 variables
included on the survey questionnaire. For the nominal or dichotomous
data, associations between selected independent and dependent variables
were determined by chi-square, using necessary controls for the
moderator variables. Statistical significance was established at the
.05 (or 5 percent) level. Strength of association in relation to
those variables was measured by appropriate statistics, such as
Contingency Coefficient (C), Cramer's V, Kendall's Tau C, Gamma, and
Eta, which are also based on the chi-square.

Product-moment correlations of the Likert-type constructs
in Section D and the bi-polar constructs in Section E, respectively,
were computed. Factor analyses using Principal Factor with Itera-
tions and Varimax Rotated Factor Matrix After Rotation with Kaiser
Normalization were also conducted. Combined scores (on the Likert-
type measures and the bi-polar organizational types) and difference
scores (between preferred authority orientation and actual organiza-
tional experience) were computed on selected variables in Sections 0
and E, generating continuous data. These were translated into indices
of measurement, such as employee satisfaction with different kinds of
administration or work organization, and were used in the measures of
association between the independent and dependent variables by corre-

lation and step-wise multiple regression.

74

Reliability tests on the measures in Sections 0 and E were
done by Alpha technique, which is probably the most widely used
reliability coefficient (SPSS Update 7-9, 1981: 250-256). The Analysis
of Variance using Subprogram Reliability yielded significant, but very
low, standardized item alpha of -.06 at the .01 level for Section D
Bureaucratic variables; of +.41, significant at .01 level for Section
D Rational variables; and +.72 also significant at the .01 level for
Section E variables. The constructs for the traditionalism scale
were too few and, hence, the scale too short to be tested for alpha
reliability. Therefore, condescriptive statistics were obtained on
each of the traditionalism constructs.

The decision guideline on the use of alpha reliability coeffi-
cients is variable depending on the nature of the decision to which a
coefficient level is to be applied. It has been suggested that a
reliability coefficient of .85 and above should be used for decisions
that are made concerning individual subjects, and about .65 and over
for decisions concerning groups of subjects, the kind of which our
research is about (Mehrens and Lehmann, 1978: 122; and personal communi-
cation with a Statistical Consultant at the Office of Research Con-
sultation, Erickson Hall, Michigan State University, January 30, 1984).
Therefore, our bi-polar constructs on Section E are considered highly
reliable, given their relatively shorter profile (i.e., comprising
only five items). 0n Section D the rationalism constructs are only
modestly reliable; while the bureaucratic scale is rather poor in

reliability.

75

In general, the constructs suggested by the theoretical and
empirical literature on the subject matter of this study have served
as the basis for our entire research model and instrument construction.
Hence, some of the constructs in our combination of scales which have
shown poor reliability appear to be separate, but not totally unre-
lated, elements among a whole long array of elements that constitute
bureaucratic and rational authority structures.

Factor Analyses and the
Construction of Measures

 

The factor analysis technique was used as an exploratory
devise to extract factor groupings from our research data and to see
what patterns are exhibited by the Nigerian case situation. This was
programmed in two ways:

1. By specifying the number of factors, i.e., three,

that we expected to come out following our interests

in the traditional, bureaucratic, and rational

dimensions

2. By allowing the "eigenvalue" to determine the

number of factor outcomes, rather than forcing

clusters of variables into prejudged factors
While both outputs were useful and complementary, data from the second
approach were primarily used in our analysis. In general, the vari-
ables in Section D are identified by the prefix "D," and in Section E
by the prefix “E." Tables 3.2 and 3.3 provide the data on Section D,
and Tables 3.4 through 3.6 on Section E.

76

Dependent Variables (Section D)

As Table 3.2 depicts, the factor loadings on the variables
in Section 0 did not shape up as distinctly as the theory has it.
The three authority types (i.e., the traditional, bureaucratic, and
rational) are all multi-faceted dimensions, and ideally, the elements
associated with each type are supposed to load together. It is
possible that the field measures were not adequate in providing the
required spread on the many facets that constitute the three major
factors. Therefore, it is possible that, perhaps, a longer ques-
tionnaire containing diverse and multiple measures of the various
elements that constitute each of the authority types would have better
captured the factorial domains of those separate elements. Also,
arnufiilarger sample size could have significantly enhanced the normal-
ity of our sample distribution, which when combined with a larger
variety of research measures increases the reliability level (Mehrens
and Lehmann, 1978). But, our sample of 150 was the best manageable
size under the field circumstances.

However, certain items from our survey appeared to have come
out fairly distinctly as dimensions of the three authority types.
For example, on rational authority, D6, 011, and 013 represented good
dimensions of rationalism. They depicted the central constructs
of rational authority, viz, orientation to change, rationalized basis
for allocating rewards, and the idea of formalized written agreement.
These elements, showing appreciable intercorrelations, were combined
into a rationalism scale, yielding a modest alpha reliability coeffi-

cient of .41.

77

 

 

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78

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79

Some other questions also tended to have tapped key dimen-
sions of bureaucratic authority. For example, 07, 08, and 010 repre-
sent constructs of hierarchy. They have loaded modestly on the same
factor, and have shown moderate intercorrelations, as presented in
Table 3.3. Therefore, they were combined into a bureaucratic
authority scale. Its standardized item alpha of -.06, however, repre-
sents very poor reliability. Hence, it is not being used in the
subsequent analysis.

01 and 012 tapped the dimension of traditionalism. But, relia-
bility tests could not be performed on this scale in view of the
limited number of items. Hence, only condescriptive statistics are
provided. Nevertheless, some of those elements on the traditionalism
and rationalism scales were singly used as measures of our dependent
variable (attitudes to nontraditional forms of work organization) in
analyzing their relationship to the education factor, the independent

variable.

Dependent Variables (Section E)

The 13 variables in Section E yielded four factors. The factor
loadings and intercorrelations between the variables are presented in
Tables 3.4 and 3.5.

As Table 3.4 reveals, the following six elements loaded rela-
tively well on Factor 1: E1, E5, E7, E17, E19, and E21. The same
elements had also generally loaded on Factor 1 in the factor analysis
which was earlier done by specifying three factors. The six elements

were all moderately intercorrelated (ranging from .33 to .58), as

80

TABLE 3.4.--Varimax Rotated Factor Matrix (E Items)

 

 

Variables Factor 1 Factor 2 Factor 3 Factor 4 ESmSUnality
E1 .66. -.02 .04 .11 .45
E3 -.12 .61 .01 -.09 .40
E5 .53 -.O6 .04 .50 .55
E7 .51 .008 -.16 .24 .35
E9 -.07 .28 -.O3 .27 .16
E11 .14 -.36 .16 .70 .68
E13 -.23 .83 .08 -.12 .78
E15 -.33 .17 .06 .11 .15
E17 .60 -.29 .07 .10 .47
E19 .59 -.22 .04 -.03 .40
E21 .73 -.13 -.O6 .04 .56
E23 -.36 .02 .93 -.06 1.01

E25 .07 .01 .26 .05 .07

 

81

 

 

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go.“ He.- mm. H~.- mH.- mm. -.- mum
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so.“ So.- mo. NH. coo. mm
oo.~ mm. No.- oe. Nu
co.“ es.- me. mm
so.“ 4H.- mu
oo.~ Hm
mNu mum Hum as“ NH“ mum mam Haw am Nu mm mm Hm mapnma2~>

 

Amsaca my “Sea.uccemou =o_um.matou--.m.m m4m<c

82

Table 3.5 shows. The exceptions were E1 and E19 with .27, and E7 and
E17 with .26. Moreover, element E23 stood alone and loaded very
strongly on Factor 3, with .94 approximately. E5 and E11 loaded
relatively strongly on Factor 4. E5 appeared twice, i.e., on Factor 1
and Factor 4, although its modest loading is just relatively more on
Factor 1. E5 and E11 also intercorrelated fairly highly at approxi-
mately .50. .

Each of the four-factor clusters on Section E was then
reexamined in terms of the authority constructs that they represent.
They are arranged in Table 3.6.

In the final analysis, E5 was not included in the consideration
of the two major clusters of elements that distinctively emerge. E5
had loaded fairly moderately on both Factors 1 and 5, and therefore
appeared ambiguous. .Also, Factor 3 and Factor 4 each had only one
major element loading on them, and did not appear to represent a
particular constellation of elements of the kind from which factors
are made. Therefore, further analysis was focussed on only Factors
1 and 2.

The selected elements in Factor 1 which intercorrelate modestly
were combined into a broad traditionalism-rationalism scale, repre-
senting our dependent measures on this portion of the data. They are:
E1, E7, E17, E19, and E21. The possible scores on all of the five
elements range from 5 to 50. Also, the scores on E3 and E13 in Factor 2,
which range from 2 to 20, are combined as a traditional ism-bureaucratic

index; but, the two constructs are too short to be tested for alpha

83

TABLE 3.6.--Variables, Authority Dimensions, and Factor Loadings

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Variables Factor Ittoading Traditionalism-Rationalism
.E1 Leadership passed from father to son/
Selected through some kind of screening .66
E7 Work in organization until retire/
Leave if better opportunities .51
E17 Head distributes rewards to favorites/
Rewards based on office .60
E19 Information passed on by word of mouth
or customs/Clerks and typists facilitate
information processing .59
E21 Working on leader's private farm/
Official work separate from personal .73
E5 Customs and tradition dictate ways things
are done/Rules and regulations governing .53
Variables Factor 2 Loading Traditionalism-Bureaucratic
E3 One person/Many levels of authority .61
E13 Single official/Headed by administrator
and deputies .83
Variable Factor 3 Loading Bureaucratic-Rationalism
E23 Higher officer supervises lower officer/
Employees oversee work of one another .93
Variables Factor 4 Loading Alternate Traditionalism-Rationalism
E5 Customs and traditions dictate ways things
are done/Rules and regulations governing .50
E11 Selected because of relation to personnel

manager/Employees selected because competent .70

 

84

reliability. Hence, only condescriptive statistics were computed
on the items. However, as earlier indicated, E1, E7, E17, E19, and
E21 have yielded a combined standardized item alpha of .72, which is

considered a high reliability coefficient.

CHAPTER IV

ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION OF DATA

The related field data are summarized and presented in the
following series of tables. The demographic variables and the other
background characteristics of the sampled employees are described and
discussed first, followed by the actual testing of the research hypo-

theses and an analysis of the patterns and results.

Characteristics of the Research Sample

[Egg

The distribution in Table 4.1 indicates that none of the
sampled employees is below 15 years of age. The largest concentra-
tion of the sample is in the 25-29 year age bracket, with 40.7 percent
showing. The next largest cldster is in the 20-24 year bracket, com-
prising 22.7 percent of the sample; and closely followed by 22.0 per-
cent in the 30-34 year grouping. The pre-testing of the survey ques-
tionnaire indicated that information about age tends to be considered
sensitive by some people in Nigeria, as is probably the case in some
other cultures. This was why we chose to use age brackets on the
questionnaire, instead of raw ages, in the first instance.

'The overall pattern of age distribution that is exhibited by
this table suggests that the employees of the study-organization are

.85

86

TABLE 4.1.--Distribution of the Sample According to Age

 

 

Age Absolute Frequency Relative Frequency %
15 - 19 Years 14 2.7
20 - 24 - 34 22.7
25 - 29 61 40.7
30 - 34 33 22.0
35 - 39 9 6.0
40 - 44 3 2.0
50 and over 4 2.7
No answer __2_ _l5.
TOTAL 150 100.0

 

Note: Relative frequencies may not add up to 100.0 due to rounding.

relatively young. This finding is similar to the earlier findings by
Hinchcliffe (1973) and Goshen (1976) on the work force in a textile
mill hianother area of Nigeria, where they reported that up to two-
thirds of the workers were under 30 years of age.

The preoccupation of the organization studied with agricul-
tural development and productivity appears to require that the employee
be active and well-suited for the technical and physical demands of
cultivation, irrigation, and engineering, aside from the necessary

administrative and professional aspects of the overall organization.

Gender
Of the sample, 84 percent is male and 16.0 percent is female.
This rather lopsided distribution can also be explained in light of

the engineering and technical concentration of the organization's

87

objectives. In the three main functional departments of the organiza-
tion, i.e., Administration, Agriculture, and Engineering, most of the
female employees are in the Administration. and‘ Agriculture depart-
ments, with only a fraction in the Engineering department. Aside from
the small female senior administrative and professional staff, such as
lawyers, administrators, accountants, economists, quantity surveyor,
architect, and teachers at the in-house primary school, the majority
of the female staff are in the clerical and support category.

The foregoing picture has a general historical background
to it. The traditional socialization system in Nigeria, as in many
traditional societies, created separate opportunities for the education
and career orientation of children of different sexes. In the same
vein, certain jobs or occupations were stereotyped as masculine, and
others as feminine. This probably explains why some personnel admin-
istrators in the past generally hired fewer females than males, even
for the production jobs that could be done by both sexes. For example,
one personnel manager once remarked that female workers were more
prone to absenteeism from work usually on maternity grounds, and
that they were "trouble makers" (personal communication with the
personnel manager of a process industry in Ilorin, Nigeria, August
1975). Another study by Machunga (1977) reported that the view was
generally held that women were less effective than men in terms of
productivity.

Therefore, it can be inferred that such stereotypes had an
adverse impact on the participation rate of females in the labor force

and, especially, in industrial production in Nigeria; although

88

obviously this is not an isolated experience in that country
alone.

Although the contemporary socialization and educational sys-
tems provide increasing equal opportunities for males and females,
the females still need to attain higher levels in career development
and the professions, relative to their male counterparts. This is
why the gender ratio in most work organizations in Nigeria, espe-
cially those organizations requiring physical abilities, is heavily
skewed in favor of the males--a pattern that is also exhibited by
our research sample. The mode of production in an organization and
the socio-cultural milieu of a nation variously affect the labor

force participation rate across the subunits of a national population.

Ethnic Origip

Seven ethnic groups in Nigeria and one neighboring West
African country are represented in the sample. The lion‘s share of
the sample, or 87.3 percent, is represented by members of the Yoruba
ethnic group. The geographical area of the organization studied is
predominantly settled by this ethnic group; and since work organi-
zations in Nigeria tend to draw primarily on the local working popu-
lation for their labor recruitment, it is little wonder that the
predominant ethnic group is so heavily represented.

The other ethnic groups include: Ebira, making up 4.0 per-
cent of the sample; the Nupe, with 2.7 percent; Igala, with 2.0 per-
cent; the Hausa, comprising 1.3 percent; the Ibo, representing .7
percent; the Bura, also .7 percent; and two migrants from Ghana,

making up 1.3 percent of the total sample.

89

Status Classification

One of the major criteria for classifying the position of an
employee in the work organizations in Nigeria is the hierarchical
level of that position. Hence, employees may be considered junior,
intermediate, or senior, especially in the public and semi-public
organizations. The categories of positions, from junior to senior,
are hierarchical; and each of these is relatively homogeneous as a
classificatory device in terms of employee skills and responsibili-
ties. The three levels are also progressively differentiated by
education, years of experience, salary scales, and general status
privileges and benefits. In addition, personnel positions are filled
with attention to the level of such positions; and in another symbolic
sense, it is also commonplace for employees to identify one another by
that status nomenclature.

Our research sample is also broken down into the three status
levels. The junior staff represent 54.0 percent of the sample; the
intermediate staff comprise 13.3 percent; and the senior staff make
up 32.7 percent. The junior staff in the sample perform mostly
support but necessary and varied blue-collar and low-level, white-
collar services which include the following jobs or occupations:
welder, electrical chargeman, refrigerator. and air conditioner
mechanic, surveying assistant, survey attendant, bricklayer, artisan,
generating-plant operator, vulcanizer, electrician, auto-driver,
irrigation assistant, drilling hand, and cabinet (i.e., furniture)

maker.

90

The intermediate staff in the sample is comprised of some
first-level management positions, such as agricultural superintendent,
and assistant executive (i.e., general administration) officer; other
low administration-level and service positions, such as accounts
clerk and bookkeeper, senior typist, secretary, and clerical officer;
and jobs requiring some intermediate trade or professional skills,
such as draughtsman, intermediate cartographer, builder, or construc-
tion worker, and primary or grade school teacher.

The positions or occupations at the level of senior staff in
the sample represent mostly top managerial and executive, and a
variety of professional and middle management roles. These include:
assistant general manager, undersecretary, assistant chief accountant,
assistant chief quantity surveyor, and chief agricultural officer;
senior agricultural officer, quantity surveyor, architect, mechanical
engineer, hydrological engineer, hydrogeologist, hydrologist, surveyor,
veterinarian, planning officer, agricultural officer, technical super-
visor or officer. marketing (cooperative) officer, confidential
secretary (general secretarial duties), accounts officer, livestock
officer/superintendent, assistant secretary/administrative officer,
irrigation superintendent, accountant, accounting supervisor, auditor,
catering officer, cartographer, nursing officer, higher electrical
superintendent, electrical superintendent, senior auto-mechanic,
and higher executive officer.

Although no information was obtained from the sample on salary
level or income, per se, in view of its sensitivity in the research

context, the foregoing knowledge of the occupational status hierarchy

91

and its determinants also suggests that educational qualification

and job experience constitute the criteria for placement on particular
salary scale levels. The nominal classification of employees into
junior, intermediate, and senior staff categories is based on the
salary scale levels. Table 4.2 shows the salary scales for the
corresponding grade levels. The junior staff range from grade levels
1 to approximately 4, the intermediate staff constitute roughly

levels 5 and 6, and the senior staff positions range from grade

levels 7 to 17.

Highest Level of Education

One of the requirements of organizational membership or par-
ticipation in the contemporary world of work is the attainment of a
specified minimum level of formal education for particular occupations.
The highest level of educational qualification that the sampled
employees brought to their organization ranged from the primary (or
grade) school certificate for some workers, a minimum qualifying
certificate attainable in the formal school system in Nigeria, to the
.Master‘s degree. As Table 4.3 shows, 35.3 percent of the sample had
a first school leaving certificate, combined with a federal trade
test certificate (grades 3, 2, and 1, in a progressive order of level
of standard), and some secondary schboling.

In addition, 37.3 percent had a West African School Certifi-
cate, or the General Certificate of Education equivalent, and in some
cases, combined with practical, professional short courses, and/or
the ordinary vocational, technical school certificate; and for some

others, the teacher's (grades 3 and 2) certificate.

92

TABLE 4.2.--Employee Grade Levels and Annual Salary Ranges

 

 

 

 

Level Salary Range (in Naira)

1 1500 1650

2 1530 1710

3 1572 1824

4 1752 2004

5 1986 2346

6 2418 2994

7 3174 3894

8 3924 4824

9 5112 6084

10 6282 7254

11 7320 7860

12 8034 8682

13 8712 9672

14 9858 10,818

15 11,046 - 12,087

16 12,354 - 13,506
13,812 - 15,084

1...:
,\l

 

Exthange ratio of Nigerian Naira 4R9 to United States Dollar
($) is: :=N= 1.00 = approximately $1.42.(as of May 1983).

*Source:

Note:

Conversion Table for the Salary Adjustments Result-
ing from Implementation othhe 1980- 82 IncomePBTicy
Guidelines, Nigeria.

93

TABLE 4.3.--Highest Level of Educational Qualification Attained
Before Working in the Study-Organization ,

 

Level Absolute Frequency Relative Frequency %

 

First School Leaving

 

Certificate 53 35.3
West African School
Certificate 56 37.3
Bachelor's Degree 39 26.0
Master's Degree 2 1.3
TOTAL 150 100.0

 

Some 26.0 percent obtained a bachelor's degree of some sort, or the
technical equivalent, and other professional diplomas such as in
accounting, and veterinary medicine; and only 1.3 percent had a
master's degree before being first hired by the organization.

It is interesting that the formal educational status of a
large proportion of the sample did not change since working on their
present jobs. Specifically, 79.3 percent of them had the same educa-
tional qualification at the time of our research as they had prior to
their employment by the organization. About 10.7 percent of the sample
had added some trade, professional, or technical certificates to
their qualifications. Only .7 percent of the sample had newly
obtained a higher diploma, the equivalent of a bachelor's degree. In
addition, about 9.3 percent had become members of professional asso-
ciations, or newly obtained a post-graduate certificate or a master's

degree.

94

TABLE 4.4.--Distribution of Respondents by Gross Education ‘

 

 

Number of Years Absolute Frequency Relative Frequency %
6 18 12.0
7 8 5.3
8 1 .7
9 11 7.3
9.8* 1 .7
10 12 8.0
11 25 16.7
12 _ 10 6.7
12.5 1 .7
13 9 6.0
13.5 2 1.3
14 7 4.7
15 6 4.0
15.5 2 1.3
16 11 7.3
16.5 1 7
17 11 7.3
17.5 2 1.3
18 8 5.3
19 3 2.0
21 __..1__ __2_
TOTAL ' ' 150 ' ' - V " 100.0

 

Note: The respondent had had about 9 years and 9 months of formal
education.

95

Table 4.4 depicts the gross number of years of formal educa-
tion that the employees in the sample have had. The process of obtain-
ing formal education in Nigeria under the traditional British system
was an involved one. This is why it had taken some employees at least
about 14 years, and for others up to 21 years, from primary or grade
school to the university, to complete a bachelor's degree and/or the
post-graduate education. The new orientation in Nigeria toward the
American system of education significantly reduces the duration of
time it now takes to complete normal schooling from primary to the
university levels.

As Table 4.4 shows, about 12.0 percent of the sample have
had a minimum of six years of formal schooling. This is the minimum
requirement for obtaining the First School Leaving Certificate which
is earlier represented in the categories of educational qualification
in Table 4.3. Moreover, in broad terms, about 34.0 percent have had
less than, or up to, ten years of formal schooling; about 40.1 per-
cent have had 11-15 years of such schooling, and 25.9 percent have
put in up to, or greater than, sixteen years of schooling. Overall,
the range of years of formal schooling for the sampled employees is

fifteen years; while, the mean is 12.052 years.

Type of Formal Education

Our research sample is also differentiated according to the
kind of education that the employees had obtained. The categories
of education ranged from the primary (or grade school) level,

through the secondary and vocational-technical schools, to the

96

university. Table 4.5 shows the distribution of the sample in terms

of type of education.

TABLE 4.5.--The Types of Education Obtained by the Respondents;

 

 

Type Absolute Frequency Relative Frequency %
Primary education 26 17-3
Secondary education 31 20.7
Vocational-Technical

education 51 34.0
Undergraduate education 25 16.7
Postgraduate education 16 10.7
Not Applicable ‘__1 ___;7

TOTAL 150 100.0

 

An overwhelming majority of the sample, or about 87.3 per-
cent, obtained their education locally in Nigeria. The remaining
12.7 percent had had both Nigerian and foreign learning experiences.
Some of the respondents had studied in neighboring Ghana, in West
Africa; others in Western countries such as Canada, France, the
United Kingdom, the United States, and Western Germany; and others
in India. Overall, the most represented foreign countries are the

United Kingdom and Ghana.

Network Contacts
A series of questionnaire items served to measure the

extent of associational links that the respondents maintained with

97

the extended family, voluntary associations in the city, and the
traditional community in the home communities. The results are

presented in the accompanying tables.

TABLE 4.6.--Distribution of Respondents According to the Frequency
of Home Visits Per Year

 

 

Ngér°$ellwes Absolute Frequency Relative Frequency %
0 20 13.3
1 15 10.0
2 21 14.0
3 9 6.0
4 5 3.3
5 4 2.7
6 6 4.0
8 3 2.0
10 2 1.3
12 28 18.7
24 15 10.7
25 .7
35 3 2.0
38 1 .7
43 10 6.7
52 1 .7
50 1 .7
120 1 .7
144 1 ‘7
1240” 1 ‘7
Not Applicable __1_ ———--Z

100.0

0

TOTAL . 15

 

98

The above table indicates that most of the sampled employ-
ees maintained contacts with their home communities through periodic
visits in one year. Only 13.3 percent never visited their home
communities at all. Among the respondents that made visits, the
frequency ranged from one annual visit to multiple visits of up to
240 times in a year. Some distinct clusters are also found. About
30.0 percent of the sample had made only 1 to 3 visits per year;
some 18.7 percent had regularly visited home once per month, while
another 10.7 percent had averaged about two visits per month. The
remaining sizeable group, about 6.7 percent of the sample, had made
an average of four visits per month. The more frequent visits of
between 52 to 240 times per year appear to be exceptions.

Be that as it may, the frequency of home visits seem to be
_more salient when they are related to finding solutions to the vari-
ous problems that the respondents experience on their jobs in an
urban context. Therefore, the respondents were asked whether or not
they would consult any of the traditional leaders or elders that they
knew Hitheir respective home communities, in attempting to solve

those problems. The results are presented in Table 4.7.

TABLE 4.7.--Responses to the Question of Whether Subjects Would
Consult Traditional Elders in Their Home Communities
for Problem or Advice concerning their Present Jobs

 

 

Response Number Percent
Yes 67 44.7
No 81 54.0
No Answer 2 1.3

Total .150 100.0

 

99

However, when asked to explain what kinds of job-related
problems they would consult the home people on, only about 35.4 per-
cent of the respondents suggested particular problem areas. For
example, about 8.7 percent of them described personal problems that
emanate from the work situation such as having to change jobs as a
result of situational experiences on their previous jobs, or the
resolution of conflicts between the subjects and their bosses, and
how to go about solving any such problem. In addition, about 26.0
percent of the respondents mentioned work values and the possibility
of obtaining general counselling.

The latter respondents believed that opportunities of
discourse between the elderly and the younger folks could reinforce
traditional work ethics; and, that the more experienced elders could
counsel them on personal financial management, and on the possibilities
of progress through higher education. Some other respondents, who
were involved in cooperatives, also indicated their willingness to
seek community opinion and cooperation, especially where such a work
background could enhance the economic structures in the home commu-
nities.

The respondents who would not consult the traditional
communities on their job problems indicated that the elders had no
role in solving such work-related problems. They added that the
traditional community elders might not give the right advice since
they were not directly involved in their (respondents') job, and did
not possess the know-how on the technical aspects of such jobs.

Instead, the respondents were willing to consult closer friends, or

100

even their bosses, on work-related problems. On the other hand, some
other respondents reported that their workplace was too distant from
the home community, implying that even if they were willing to con-
sult people in their home areas, the physical distance was an impedi-
ment to that process.

The research sample can also be differentiated according to
whether or not respondents maintained visitation contacts with the
traditional elders specifically, aside from merely visiting the home
communities. In Table 4.8, the distribution of responses is pre-

sented.

TABLE 4.8.--The Frequency of Visits with Traditional Elders in a Year

 

 

 

g: ggnlggis Absolute Frequency Relative Frequency %
0 55 44.0
1 19 12.7
2 11 7.3
3 12 8.0
4 5 3.3
5 2 1.3
6 1 .7
12 12 8.0
24 14 9.3
36 1 .7
48 1 .7
so 1 .7
Does Not Know 1 '7
No Answer ._41 2’7
TOTAL 150 100.0

 

101

The above results indicate that more than half of the
sample, i.e., about 52.7 percent, maintained contacts with the local
people, or the traditional chiefs or leaders in their home commu-
nities by visiting them, ranging from as few as one time to as many
as 60 times in one year. But, 44.0 percent of the sample had
no such contacts at all. This makes it possible to distinguish
between ”no contact" and "contact" on the one hand, and between "no
contact," "minimum contact," and "maximum contact,“ on the other
hand. The visits from one to twelve times per year represent minimum
contact; while, from 24 to 60 times per year represent maximum con-
tact. These distinctions are later used in the contingency distribu-
tions, in which the moderating effect of network contacts are con-
trolled.

The perceived utility of network contacts is also put to
test in other forms. The respondents were asked whether or not they
would use such hometown influences, among the other extended asso-
ciational links, to an advantage in securing a job and in gaining
promotion on the job. Table 4.9 shows that 52.7 percent of
the respondents would utilize their hometown influences to secure a
job, as opposed to 40.0 percent who would not. The remaining 7.3
percent was either ambivalent or did not respond.

However, only 15.3 percent of the respondents indicated
that they would use hometown influences to gain promotion on the
job, compared to 82.0 percent who would not. Also, 2.6 percent of
the sample were either ambivalent or did not answer. Again, this

finding suggests that the respondents probably see looking for a job,.

102

TABLE 4.9.--Responses Concerning Hometown Influences to Secure Job

 

 

Response Number Percent
Yes 79 52.7
No ' 60 40.0
Maybe 9 6.0
No Answer __2 __153
TOTAL 150 100.0

 

in the first instance, and gaining promotion on the job subsequently,
as two distinct processes. Since substantially less subjects would
influence their chances of promotion through network links with their
traditional communities once they had gotten the jobs, it appears
that the earlier reservation which was expressed by some respondents
about the relevance of the traditional elders in the urban work

context is again confirmed.

.Qrganizational Experience

The sample of employees is also categorized on the basis
of the length of service with the study-organization, as an indicator
of experience in a formal work organization. The continuous data
on this variable are further collapsed into broad time intervals in
Table 4.10.

The overall distribution shows varying levels of experience
as indicated by the total number of years that the respondents have

spent with the organization. Almost one-third of the sample has been

103

TABLE 4.10.--Distribution of Respondents According to Longevity in
the Study-Organization

 

 

No. of Months Absolute Frequency Relative Frequency %
.2-12 46 30.7
13-24 ' 27 18.1
25-36 26 17.4
37-48 22 14.6
50-72 26 17.4
No Answer ___;3 2.0
TOTAL 150 100.0

 

hired by the organization for only one year or less. At the other

end of the distribution, 17.4 percent have worked in that organization
for between four years and two months to about six years, and repre-
sents the most experienced employees in the research sample.

In addition, for 43.3 percent of the sampled employees, it
was their first employment in an organization; while 56.0 percent of
the remaining respondents had worked previously in an organization.

In particular, 34.0 percent of these had experienced working in a
public organization, while 20.0 percent had worked before in a pri-
vate enterprise. Those previous experiences in another organization
have generally ranged from a mere six weeks to about sixteen years.

To summarize, the following description of our research sample
is based on all of the foregoing variables and characteristics. Most
of the employees are relatively young, being concentrated in the 20-34

year age grouping. They are predominantly male, and largely belong

104

to the Yoruba-speaking ethnic group. Also, the sample exhibits a
wide variety in terms of occupational status classifications, the

kind and levels of educational attainment, affiliations with the
centers of tradition, and the length of experience with the organiza-
tion. All of these characteristics, therefore, provide a rich back-
ground data base that can shed light on later analysis of the research

results.

Testingof the Research Hypotheses

Four hypotheses (two general, and two subsidiary) were tested
in this study. They dealt with the level and type (or kind) of educa-
tion and the relationships with the attitudes or orientations of the
research subjects to the aspects of nontraditional styles of work
organization or administration. The two general hypotheses were mainly
concerned with the relationship of education to the traditionalism-
nontraditionalism continuum, and the further distinctions between
bureaucratic and rational administration. The two subsidiary hypothe- °
ses focussed specifically on the impact of network contact with centers
of tradition and experience in the contemporary work organization on

the general relationships.

Hypothesis 1

This general hypothesis stated that the employees with more
formal education will show positive attitudes to the aspects of
nontraditional forms of work organization. The hypothesis was tested

by measures of association between levels of education (the independent

105

variable) and employee attitudes toward selected principles of the
nontraditional modes of organization (the dependent variable). The
continuous data on the levels of education (see Table 4.4) were
collapsed into three arbitrary categories which represent reasonable
time intervals corresponding to appropriate levels of educational
attainment in the Nigerian system. These are: ten years of formal
education or less, eleven to fifteen years, and sixteen years and
over. The first level corresponds to full completion of primary
education and probably some secondary and/or vocational-technical
schooling. The second level roughly corresponds to a full completion
of secondary education, and/or technical education up to the ordinary
diploma status. The third level corresponds approximately to the
completion of an undergraduate degree and/or extended academic and
professional qualifications.

As indicated in the discussion on measurement in Chapter III,
13 constructs each in both Section D and Section E of the survey ques-
tionnaire were developed as general measures of traditionalism,
bureaucratic authority, and rational organization (see Appendix A).
Although the only two direct measures of traditionalism (DI and 012)
were too short to be tested for alpha reliability, they were still
used in the analysis as dependent measures because the evidence in
the empirical literature suggests that they represent the heart of
traditionalism. The complete set of items measuring bureaucratic
authority, some of which were moderately intercorrelated, was not used
in the testing of the hypotheses because of their low reliability as

a combined measure. 'The items measuring rational organization yielded

106

a modest alpha and some of these (e.g., D9 and 011) were more inter-
correlated than the others. While this multiple item measure is used
in a regression analysis reported later in this chapter (see section
on “Multivariate Analysis"), we decided, because of the moderate
intercorrelations among the items, to select single items with high
face validity as measures of traditionalism/nontraditionalism for use
in the primary test of Hypothesis 1. Items which seem to address the
central issues that are involved in the discussion of traditionalism
and nontraditionalism and which Were therefore used in tests of
Hypothesis 1 are:

1. "The old ways of doing things are usually the best ways"

(DI/Traditionalism)

2. "The ethnic group of an employee should be important

in determining who is hired" (012/Traditionalism)
3. "Official properties (e.g., department cars, long-
distance telephone calls at public expense) should be
used strictly for official (public) ends" (09/
Rationalism)

4. "Employees should be paid according to how well
they do their job" (Oil/Rationalism)

The chi-square technique was used to measure the associations
between education and employee attitudes to traditionalism and non-
traditionalism. The results of an analysis of the relationship between
level of educational attainment and a measure of rationalism, i.e.,

employee attitudes to the idea of merit pay, are presented in Table 4.11.

107

TABLE 4.11.--Relationships Between Level of Education and Attitudes
to Merit Pay

 

Positive Attitude Negative Attitude

 

 

 

 

Level of Education to Merit Pay to Merit Pay Row Total
10 Years or Less ‘ 25 (18.2) 21 (15.3) 46 (33.6)
11 to 15 Years 45 (32.8) 8 ( 5.8) 53 (38.7)
More than 15 years 34 (24.8) 4 (2.9) 38 (27.7)
Column Total 104 (75.9) 33 (24.1) 137 (100.0)

 

17.86; Degrees of freedom = 3; Significance level = .01;
13; Contingency coefficient = .34

Raw chi square
Missing values

The attitudes to rationalism were measured by responses to the ques-
tion on whether employees should be paid according to how well they
did their job, which represents one core construct in the idea of
rationalism. This part of the data analysis did not include controls
for any moderator effects.

The above chi-square measure shows a statistically significant
relationship between levels of education and employee responses to this
aspect of rationalism. The relationship is significant at the .01 level.
At the lowest levels of education, the distribution of responses to
the question about the use of merit pay is only slightly tilted toward
a positive stance, with a relatively close percentage responding nega-
tively to that aspect of rational administration. However, with
increasing levels of education, the positive responses increase in a
pattern that tends to show support for our hypothesis. Also, the
strength of association isconsidered moderate, using the contingency

coefficient.

108

A related measure of rationalism was the idea of "using
official properties strictlyrfor official ends.“ A statistically sig-
nificant relationship was also found, at the .01 level, between levels
of education and employee responses to this measure of rationalism.

Its contingency coefficient of .26 suggested a lower strength of asso-
ciation than in Table 4.11. But, the pattern of relationship is
still in the predicted direction.

An aspect of traditionalism was also considered in our analysis
of the effects of levels of education on employee attitudes. One of
the constructs of traditionalism is the idea that "the old ways of
doing things are the best," which is considered the heart of traditional-

ism. The results of that analysis are presented in Table 4.12.

TABLE 4.12.--Relationships Between Level of Education and Attitudes
toward "theOld Ways of Doing Things”

 

Positive Attitude Negative Attitude

 

 

 

 

Level of Education to “Old Ways“ to "Old Ways" Row Total
10 Years or less 30 (22.2) 18 (13.3) 48 (35.6)
11 to 15 years 13 ( 9.6) 40 (29.6) 53 (39.3)
More than 15 years 2 ( 1.5) 32 (23.7) 34 (25.2)
Column Total 45 (33.3) 90 (66.7) 135 (100.0)

 

Raw chi square = 31.75; Degrees of freedom = 2; Significance
level = .01; Missing values = 15; Contingency coefficient = .44

In relation to Table 4.12, the respondents with ten or fewer

years of education generally showed a positive attitude toward the

109

measured aspect of traditionalism. Beyond that level of education, the
other respondents generally indicated a negative stance toward the same
aspect of traditionalism. The pattern of association is moderately
strong, again using the Contingency Coefficient.
A second measure of traditionalism was the idea of "hiring
employees on the basis of thejr ethnic group affiliation." There was
a statistically significant relationship, at the .01 level, between
levels of education and this measure of traditionalism. With a Con-
tingency Coefficient of .29, the strength of association was lower
than it was in Table 4.12. The employees who had obtained more than
15 years of formal education were most negative to this aspect of,
traditionalism. At the lower levels of education (i.e., 15 years and
below), the employees also showed negative attitudes to this measure
of traditionalism, but proportionately more positive attitudes than
those of the most educated employees.
The relationships of level of education with the other single
items on rationalism were also measured. Those items were:
1. "Even if an organization is running well, managers
should always try to find better ways of doing
things” (02)

2. “Changes in an organization usually make things
better rather than worse” (03)

3. "Of all the things organizational managers do,

by far the most important is finding new ways of

doing things“ (04).

110

4. "The conditions under which a worker works should

be based on written mutual agreements with the

employer" (013)
Only one of these four items, i.e., 03, showed a significant relation-
ship to education. The remaining three, i.e., 02, D4, and 013, were
not significantly related to education. Although the results of the
five combined 0 items on bureaucratic authority were not used for
drawing conclusions in the testing of Hypothesis 1, four of them
interestingly showed significant relationships to education when
used as single items; three of these at the .01 level of significance,
one at the .05 level, and even the fifth item was marginally signifi-
cant at the .05 level.

The results of the foregoing analyses, using the traditionalism
and rationalism measures, have generally provided corroborative evi-
dence that support our hypothesis concerning the relationship between
level of education and employee orientations to aspects of the non-

traditional forms of work organization.

Hypothesis 2

Our second general hypothesis stated that the employees with
higher levels of formal education will have positive attitudes toward
rational organization and negative or, at least, less positive atti-
tudes toward bureaucratic authority. The contrast in organizational
types as measured is not between bureaucratic authority and rational
organization, per se, but between the bureaucratic-traditional bi-pole

and the rational-traditional dichotomy. In this form, it could be that

111

those with more education prefer both bureaucratic and rational
organization to a traditional type, but will prefer a rational organi-
zation more. Hence, a strong form of our hypothesis is that the
employees with higher levels of education will have a positive atti-
tude to rational organization, but a negative attitude to bureaucratic
authority. A weaker form of the same hypothesis is that there will

be a stronger association between higher levels of education and
attitude toward a rational form of organization than between the same
independent variable and attitude toward bureaucratic authority. It
should be noted that the testing of Hypothesis 2 has a bearing on
Hypothesis 1, and the findings reported as tests of Hypothesis 2 are
also tests of Hypothesis 1, because they both relate to the measurement
of attitudes to traditionalism and nontraditionalism.

Hypothesis 2 was tested by analyzing the relationships between
levels of education and bureaucratic authority on the one hand, and
rational organization on the other hand. The data that were generated
from the hypothetical questions on various aspects of bureaucratic
and rational administration were used. These were mainly the responses
concerning the preferences between the pairs of authority or adminis-
trative types which were described to the research subjects (see
Questions 37 to 49 in Appendix A). The combined scores on the
traditionalism-bureaucratic scale represented indicators of employee
attitudes to bureaucratic authority. Since the scale progresses from
a traditional pole to One that depicts a bureaucratic authority style
(see Table 3.6 in Chapter III), the continuous data, with a range of 2

to 20, are separated at the median. The scores below the median point

112

represent bureaucratic authority, while those above the median represent
traditional authority (or the attitudes that are negative to bureau-
cratic administration). The combined scores on the traditionalism-
bureaucratic scale are presented in Table 4.13.

Separating the combined scores at the median means that the
contrast is between the respondents with the lowest score possible
(i.e., 2) and all others (i.e., with scores ranging from 3 to 20). In
concrete terms, 62.0% of the sample rejected a traditional orientation
as measured by the constructs of aspects of traditionalism, and,
instead, favored the measured constructs of bureaucratic authority.

In effect, this skewed distribution of scores represents a comparison
between the respondents who rejected all aspects of traditionalism
measured and those who accepted degrees of traditionalism. Acceptance
by the latter group varied from a score of 3 to 20, indicating least
or partial acceptance to maximum acceptance of traditionalism. Using
the same distribution of combined scores, the results of measures of
association between levels of education and attitudes to bureaucratic
authority are presented in Table 4.14.

In Table 4.14, contrary to our predictions, the pattern of
relationships between levels of education and employee attitudes to
bureaucratic authority has not followed a positive, linear progression.
Instead, the pattern is a curvilinear one in which 36 employees (or
24.0% of the sample) with low education preferred bureaucratic authority
compared to 15 (or 10.0%) who preferred traditional authority. Thirty-
one employees (or 20.7% of the sample) with medium education showed

slightly more preference for traditional authority compared to 29

113

TABLE 4.13.--Combined Scores on the Traditionalism-Bureaucratic
Preference Scale

 

 

 

Total Scores Absolute Frequency . Relative Frequency %
2 93 1 62.0
3 10 6.7
4 3 2.0
5 9 6.0
6 2 .3
7 2 1.3
8 1 0.7
9 1.3
10 4 2.7
11 13 8.7
16 1 0.7
17 1 0.7
19 1 0.7
20 __j; 5.3
Total 50 100.0

 

Mean = 4.809; Standard error = .409; Median = 2.061; Mode = 2.0;
Standard deviation = 5.013; Kurtosis = 2.834; Skewness = 1.936;
Range = 18.0

114

TABLE 4.14.--Relationships Between Levels of Education and
Attitudes to Bureaucratic Authority

 

 

 

 

 

Bureaucratic Traditional
Level of Education Authority Authority Row Total
Preference Preference
Low Education
(10 years or less) 36 (24.0) 15 (10.0) 51 (34.0)
Medium Education
(11-15 years) 29 (19.3) 31 (20.7) 60 (40.0)
High Education
(More than 15 Years) 28 (18.7) 11 ( 7.3) 39 (26.0)
Column Total 93 (62.0) 57 (38.0) 150 (100.0)

 

Raw chi square = 7.94; Degrees of freedom = 2; Significance
level = .05; Contingency Coefficient = .22

(or 19.3%) who indicated that they preferred bureaucratic authority.
Then, 28 employees (or 18.7%) who obtained high education were more
oriented toward bureaucratic authority as expected, compared to 11
(or 7.3%) who showed a preference for the aspects of traditional author-
ity. The association between the variables is not a strong one, but
the value of the chi-square indicates that the differences are sig-
nificantly greater than zero at the .05 level. It does appear that
there are some work-situation experiences among those employees with
medium (or 11-15 years of) education which lead them to relatively
prefer a traditionalistkzstyle of authority to a bureaucratic style.
A possible explanation of the curvilinear pattern will be discussed
later in Chapter V.

In view of the general pattern of findings, further analysis

was directed at the relationships between types of education and

115

attitudes to bureaucratic authority. The results are presented in

Table 4.15.

TABLE 4.15.--Relationships Between Types of Education and Attitudes
to Bureaucratic Authority

 

 

 

 

 

 

Bureaucratic Traditional

Type of Education Authority Authority Row Total

- Preference Preference
Primary Education 19 (12.8) 7 (4.7) 26 (17.4)
Secondary Education 13 ( 8.7) 18 (12.1) 31 (20.8)
Vocational-
Technical
Education 30 (20.1) 21 (14.1) 51 (34.2)
University Education 30 (20.1) 11 (7.4) 41 (27.5)
Column Total 92 (61.7) 57 (38.3) 149 (100.0)
Raw chi square = 9.01; Degrees of freedom = 3; Significance = .05;
Missing values = 1; Contingency Coefficient = .23.

The foregoing table also shows a pattern which is similar to
the one in Table 4.14. The respondents with primary education showed
greater preference for bureaucratic authority, while those with
secondary education are more oriented toward traditional authority.
Then, the expected patterns toward an orientation to bureaucratic
(i.e., nontraditional) authority are also found among the employees
with vocational-technical education (including the subjects with an
ordinary national diploma) and, moreso, about those with university
education. Again, the contingency table is significant at the .05

level, but the strength of association is a relatively weak one.

116

These lead us to the second part of the analyses in which rational
administration is the focus.

The combined scores on the traditionalism-rationalism scale,
with ranges of 5 to 50, were used (see Table 3.6 in Chapter III) and
a cut-off point was established at the median. The scores below the
median represent preference for traditional authority (or negative
attitudes to rationalism), while those above the median denote positive
attitudes to rationalism. The data on this scale are contained in
Table 4.16. The combined scores on the traditionalism-ratibnalism scale
are also fairly highly skewed, with 55.4% scoring above the median.

The implication is that this proportion of the sample which prefers
rational organization are, in effect, rejecting almost all aspects of
traditionalism. The test results on the relationships between levels
of education and the attitudes to rational authority are presented in
Table 4.17. An extended analysis was also done on the relationships
between types of education and the attitude toward rational organiza-
tion. The results are presented in Table 4.18.

Tables 4.17 and 4.18 showed no statistically significant
relationships between the levels and types of education and employee
attitudes to nontraditional authority. However, the same curvilinear
pattern of relationships was exhibited. The data suggest that employee
orientations to the bureaucratic and rational forms of work organiza-
tion may be influenced by more than the level and type of educational
attainment. Since gradations of education also tend to correspond
to status levels in the organization, and conditions of employment,

it seems that these contingency factors may have confounded our

117

TABLE 4.16.--Combined Scores on the Traditionalism-Rationalism
Preference Scale

 

 

Total Scores Absolute Frequency Relative Frequency %

8 1 0.7
12 1 0.7
14 4 2.7
15 2 1.3
17 1 0.7
19 1 0.7
21 1 0.7
22 1 0.7
23 8 5.4
24 1 0.7
26 1 0.7
27 2 1.3
28 1 0.7
29 2 1.3
30 6 3.9
32 22 14.7
34 3 2.0
35 2 1.3
36 3 2.0
38 1 0.7
39 2 1.3
40 I 0.7
41* 79 52.7
44 2 1.3
48 1 0.7
50 1 0.7
TOTAL 150 100 O

 

Mean = 35.399; Standard error - .675; Median - 40.961; Mode = 41.00;
Standard deviation = 8.269; Kurtosis . .984; Skewness = -1.27;
Range = 42.00 '

NOTE: In 4 of the 5 measures, the "rational" end of the scale was
scored as 10, while the remaining measure had "traditionalism"
scored as 10 and the "rational" end as 1. Therefore, 41
represents a cumulative score of 4 perfect scores on "ration-
alism" plus score 1 for perfect "rationalism" on the fifth
scale. The distribution suggests the possibility of a
response set on the part of some respondents.

118

TABLE 4.17.--Relationships Between Levels of Education and Attitudes
toward Rational Authority

 

 

 

 

 

Traditional Rational
Levels of Education Authority Authority Row Total
Preference Preference
Low Education
(10 years or less) 18 (12.0) 33 (22.0) 51 (34.0)
Medium Education
(II-15 years) 32 (21.3) 28 (18.7) 60 (40.0)
High Education
(More than 15 years) 17 (11:3) 22 (14.7) 39 (26.0)
Column Total 67 (44.7) 83 (55.3) 150 (100.0)

 

Raw chi square = 3.65; Degrees of freedom = 2; Not significant;
Contingency Coefficient = .15

TABLE 4.18.--Relationships Between Types of Education and Attitudes
toward Rational Organization

 

 

 

 

 

Traditional Rational
Types of Education Authority Organization Row Total
Preference Preference
Primary Education 10 (6.7) 16 (10.7) 26 (17.4)
Secondary Education 17 (11.4) 14 (9.4) 31 (20.8)
Vocational-
Technical
Education 21 (14.1) 30 (20.1) 51 (34.2)
University Education 19 (12.8) 22 (14.8) 41 (27.5)
Column Total 67 (45.0) 82 (55.0) 149 (100.0)

 

3; Missing value = 1;
.11

Raw chi square = 1.99; Degrees of fredom
Not significant; Contingency Coefficient

119

hypothesized direct relationship between education and such employee
attitudes. The data permit rejection of the strong form of our

second general hypothesis because the respondents above the level of
secondary education prefer bureaucratic authority. Also, we reject the
weak form of the hypothesis because the contingency coefficient is
higher for the association between education and bureaucratic orienta-
tion than between education and rational orientation. But, the
curvilinear pattern suggests that something else may be influencing

the relationship. We will return to that issue in Chapter V.

Subsidiary Hypothesis 1

This supplementary hypothesis stated that the effects of level
of education on the orientations to the nontraditional forms of work
organization will be greater for the employees with fewer network
links to the centers of tradition. In order to measure the extent
of the influence of such network contacts on the relationships between
education and employee orientations, levels of network contacts were
separated and statistically controlled in the analysis. The data base
for the derivation of this moderator has been presented and described
in Table 4.8.

The same basic arrangement into the three levels of education
was used as the independent variable; and the combined scores on the
traditionaliSm-bureaucratic preference scale, as presented earlier in
Table 4.13, represented our first construct of a nontraditional form
of work organization, and, hence, the dependent variable. The results

of the analyses are presented in Tables 4.19 and 4.20, for the

120

TABLE 4.19.--Relationships Between Level of Education and Orientations
to Nontraditionalism among the Employees with Minimum

Network Contact with Centers of Tradition

 

 

 

 

 

. . Bureaucratic Traditional
Level of Educat1on Orientation Orientation Row Total
Low Education 31 (24.2) 15 (11.7) 46 (35.9)
Medium Education 24 (18.8) 24 (18.8) 48 (37.5)
High Education 26 (20.3) 8 (6.3)_ 34 (26.6)
Column Total 81 (63.3) 47 (36.7) 128 (100.0)

 

Raw chi square = 6.52; Degrees of freedom = 2; Significance level

= .05; Contingency Coefficient = .22.

TABLE 4.20.--Relationship Between Level of Education and Orientations
to Nontraditionalism Among the Employees with Maximum

Network Contact with Centers of Tradition

 

Bureaucratic Traditional

 

 

 

 

Level Of Education Orientation Orientation Row Total
Low Education 5 (29.4) 0 (0.0) 5 (29.4)
Medium Education ‘ 5 (29.4) 3 (17.6) 8 (47.1)
High Education 2 (11.8)_ 2 (11.8) 4 (23.5)
Column Total 12 (70.6) 5 (29.4) 17 (100.0)

 

Raw chi square = 3.15; Degrees of freedom = 2; Not significant;

Contingency Coefficient = .39.

121

respondents who had minimum network contact with centers of tradition
and those who maintained maximum contact, respectively.

The above two tables, with statistical controls, have shown
a progressive, relative effect of the moderator variable (i.e.,
network contacts) especially when relatively long-term behavior is
considered, as was done by creating two degrees of contact (i.e.,
less, and more contact). Among the employees with minimum, or less,
network contact, the contingency table is statistically significant
at the .05 level, indicating the existence of association between the
levels of education and orientations to nontraditionalism (e.g., a
bureaucratic style of administration). However, this association is
a relatively weak one, judging by the Contingency Coefficient. In
addition, the same curvilinear pattern of relationship still holds here.
On the other hand, among the employees with more, or maximum, network
contact, there is no statistically significant relationship between
the levels of educational attainment and the orientations to non-
traditionalism. These findings generally support our predictions.

The same patterns of findings are repeated in the analyses of

the relationships between types of education and orientations to non-
traditionalism. Among the subjects who had less network contact, the
relationships are statistically significant also at the .05 level.
The pattern of findings on the other category of Subjects who had more
network contact is not statistically significant. Statistical evidence
on these are presented in Tables C.6 and C.7 in Appendix C.

Our second aspect of the nontraditional form of work organiza-.

tion, the rational organization, was also considered in the additional

122

analysis. The association between level of education and attitudes
to rational organization was tested on the employees with minimum
network contact with centers of tradition and those with maximum

contact. The results are presented in Tables 4.21 and 4.22.

TABLE 4.21.--Relationship Between Level of Education and Orientation
to Rational Organization among the Employees with
Minimum Network Contact with Centers of Tradition

 

 

 

 

 

Traditional Rational
Level of Education Authority Organization Raw Total
Preference Preference
Low Education 18 (14.1) 28 (21.9) 46 (35.9)
Medium Education 27 (21.1) 21 (16.4) 48 (37.5)
High Education 13 (10.2)_ 21 (16.4)_ 34(26.6)
Column Total 58 (45.3) 70 (54.7) 128 (100.0)

 

Raw chi square = 3.71; Degrees of freedom = 2; Not significant;
Contingency Coefficient = .16.

TABLE 4.22.--Relationship Between Level of Education and Orientation to
Rational Organization among the Employees with Maximum
Network Contact with Centers of Tradition

 

 

 

 

 

. Traditional Rational
Level of Educat1on Orientation Orientation Raw Total
Low Education 0 (0.0) 5 (29.4) 5 (29.4)
Medium Education 3 (17.6) 5 (29.4) 8 (47.1)
High Education 3 (17.6) 1 (5.9) 4 (23.5)
Column Total 6 (35.3) 11 (64.7) 17 (100.0)

 

Raw chi square = 5.50; Degrees of freedom = 2; Not significant;
Contingency Coefficient = .49

123

In Table 4.21, the relationship between level of education and
orientation to rational organization for the employees with mimimum
network contact is not statistically significant. Also, for the employ-
ees with maximum network contact, the statistical relationship between
education and orientations is not a significant one, as depicted by
Table 4.22. Although the relationship in Table 4.21 is not significant,
a familiar curvilinear pattern is still shown. Also, despite the lack
of statistical significance in Table 4.22, relatively more of the most
educated employees among those who had maximum network contact actually
preferred traditional authority, even though the total subsample for
the contingency table is very small. Again, the differences between
Tables 4.19 and 4.21 indicate that the moderating effect of network
contact produces a more interpretable pattern about the relationship
between education and orientation to bureaucratic authority than for
the orientation to rational organization.

In summary, this subsidiary hypothesis predicted that the
effects of level of education on the orientations to nontraditional
forms of work organization will be greater for the employees with
fewer network links to the centers of tradition. Since two varieties
of the nontraditional work organization are considered, our hypothe-
sis is supported for the moderating effect of traditional network
contact on the relationship between education and orientation to
bureaucratic authority, but the results are not conclusive for the
same effect on the relationship between education and orientation to
rational organization. This discrepancy between our findings on
bureaucratic authority and rational administration will be discussed

in Chapter V.

124

SubsidiarypHypothesis 2

This hypothesis stated that the effects of level of education
on the orientations of employees to nontraditionalism will be greater
for those with more experience working in the nontraditional organiza-
tion. Therefore, the relationships between education and orientations
were analyzed, controlling for the effect of organizational experience.
Experience was determined by the number of years that an employee had
worked in the organization studied. Since the range of length of
service in that organization was from two months to six years (see
earlier presentation in Table 4.10), two years or less were considered
"less organizational experience,f while two years and one month through
six years represented "more organizational experience.9 The results

of the analyses are presented in Tables 4.23 and 4.24.

TABLE 4.23.--Relationships Between Level of Education and Orientations
to Bureaucratic Authority among the Employees with Less
Organizational Experience

 

Bureaucratic

 

 

 

 

. . Traditional
Level of Educat1on Author1ty . . Row Total
Orientation Or1entat1on
Low Education 12 (16.4) 8 (11.0) 20 (27.4)
Medium Education 18 (24.7) 16 (21.9) 34 (46.6)
High Education 13 (17.8) 6 (8.2) 19 (26.0)
Column Total 43 (58.9) 30 (41.1) 73 (100.0)

 

Raw chi square = 1.22; Degrees of freedom = 2; Not significant;
Contingency Coefficient = .12.

125

TABLE 4.24.--Relationships Between Level of Education and Orientations
to Bureaucratic Authority among the Employees with More
Organizational Experience

 

 

 

 

 

Level of Education iflifiiiiiit‘c 3::ggfiggqg; Row Total
Or1entat1on -

Low Education 23 (31.1) 6 (8.1) 29 (39.2)

Medium Education 11 (14.9) 15 (20.3) 26 (35.1)

High Education 14 (18.9) 5 ( 6.8) 19 (25.7)

Column Total 48 (64.9) 26 (35.1) 74 (100.0)

 

Raw chi square = 9.10; Degrees of freedom = 2; Significance level
= .05; Contingency Coefficient c .33.

As shown in Table 4.23, there was no statistically significant
relationship between the three levels of education and orientations to
bureaucratic authority among the employees with less organizational
experience. However, Table 4.24 showed a statistically significant
relationship, at the .05 level, between the same variables, among the
employees with more organizational experience; indicating that the
effects of level of education was greater for those employees with
longer eXperience in a nontraditional organization. This association
was moderately strong, judging from the value of the Contingency
Coefficient. In Table 4.24, the pattern of relationships again showed
that the employees with low education were more oriented toward bureau-
cratic authority, those with medium education toward traditional
authority, and the most educated employees toward bureaucratic author-

ity. The same pattern is repeated in the relationships between

126

education and the orientation to rational organization, controlling
for organizational experience. While the relationship is not signifi-
cant in Table 4.25, for the employees who had less experience working
in an organization, the association is statistically significant among
the subjects who had worked longer in an organization, as indicated

by Table 4.26.

TABLE 4.25.--Relationship Between Level of Education and Orientation
to Rational Organization among the Employees with Less
Organizational Experience

 

Traditional Rational

 

 

 

 

Level of Education Orientation Orientation Row Total
Low Education 10 (13.7) 10 (13.7) 20 (27.4)
Medium Education 17 (23.3) 17 (23.3) 34 (46.6)
High Education 9 (12.3) 10 (13.7) 19_(26.0)
Column Total 36 (49.3) 37 (50.7) 73 (100.0)

 

Raw chi square = .038; Degrees of freedom = 2; Not significant;
Contingency Coefficient = .02.

127

TABLE 4.26.--Relationship Between Level of Education and Orientation
to Rational Organization among the Employees with more
Organizational Experience

 

 

 

 

 

. Traditional Rational
Level of Educat1on Orientation Orientation Row Total
Low Education 7 (9.5) 22 (29.7) 29 (39.2)
Medium Education 15 (20.3) 11 (14.9) 26 (35.1)
High Education 8 (10.8) 11 (14.9) 19 (25.7)
Column Total 30 (40.5) 44 (59.5) 74 (100.0)

 

Row chi square = 6.42; Degrees of freedom = 2; Significance level
= .05; Contingency Coefficient - .28.

The association between education and rational orientation,
controlling for the experiential factor in Table 4.26 is relatively
less strong than between education and bureaucratic authority orien-
tation in Table 4.24, considering the values of their Contingency
Coefficient. But they are close. Aflso, both patterns of relationship
remain curvilinear. In general, the statistical significance of the
relationships, and their moderate strength, lead us to conclude that
more organizational experience has a moderating effect on the relation-
ship between education and employee orientations to the nontraditional
forms of work organization. Therefore, we support Subsidiary Hypothe-

sis 2.

Multivariate Analyses
In the main, bivariate hypotheses have been tested although
some hypotheses involved controls for moderator variables. Some

research variables generated continuous data and were used in additional

128

multivariate analyses involving Pearson product-moment correlation and
stepwise multiple regression. The combined scores on the traditionalism-
bureaucratic preference scale (same as in Table 4.13) and the
traditionalism-rationalism preference scale (as in Table 4.16) were
used in a correlational analysis. The correlation of -.004 between
level of education (in years) and traditional-rational preference was
negative, very low, and not statistically significant. The correlation
with traditional-bureaucratic preference was -.034, also low and not
statistically significant. However, this finding can be understood
since we generally found a curvilinear relationship whereas a correla-
tion model assumes a linear relationship.

In addition, the combined scores on the Likert-type responses
(see Section D of the survey questionnaire in the Appendix) were used
in multiple regression analysis in relation to level of education and
some selected intervening or moderator variables. Combined scores were
obtained separately on the elements of traditional organization, the
constructs of bureaucratic organization, and the aspects of rational
organization (see a discussion of the dependent variables and analyti-
cal measures in Chapter III). The results of the multiple regression
analysis on the traditionalism measures are presented in Table 4.27.

Table 4.27 shows that there is a significant negative relation-
ship between level of education and the attitudes to traditionalism at
the .01 level. When the effect of additional experience in a non-
traditional work organization other than the one studied was added,

this relationship was still significant at the .01 level. Also, with

129

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gooey om_poooooaooac oo opoooooo Loooooooz ooo ooooooooo co ooommocooo opo.o_oz--.N~.o woo<e

130

the added effect of frequency of visits to the traditional community
(or home village), the significance of that relationship diminished,
but was significant at the .05 level. However, the.mUItivariate
relationships were no longer significant with the additional effects
of number of female elders known in the traditional community, the
frequency of visits to traditional elders, number of male elders known
in the traditional community and the length of experience working at
the organization studied. One flaw of the traditionalism scale was
our inability to test it for alpha reliability because it was too
short, but the constructs represented the heart of traditionalism and,
hence, were considered useful in the analysis. The combined scores

on the Likert-type measures for the bureaucratic organization were not
used in the regression analysis because of poor reliability, which was
reported earlier in Chapter III. The summary on the association between
level of education and the combined scores on the Likert-type measures
for rationalism are shown in Table 4.28.

Table 4.28 also depicts a significant relationship between edu-
cation and attitude to rationalism, at the .05 level. This relation-
ship is, however, offset by the addition of the four other related
variables.

The traditionalism-bureaucratic and traditionalism-rationalism
preference scores were also used in the multiple regression analysis
in relation to education and the stepwise addition of related vari-
ables. The results are presented in Tables 4.29 and 4.30.

Tables 4.29 and 4.30 did not show any statistically significant

relationships between education and the traditionalism-bureaucratic

131

 

 

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132

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133

 

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134

preferences or the traditionalism-rationalism preferences. But, again,
all of these findings can be understood in light of the problem of
curvilinearity in a linear correlation or regression model. Be that

as it may, the composite use of bivariate and multivariate analyses have
provided alternative and complementary approaches to the interpreta-
tion of our research data, as well as the methodological variety that
was needed in the explication of the rather involved multivariate

relationships.

mm

In this chapter, we described the demographic characteristics
of the research sample. We then tested the four research hypotheses
that bear on the relationships between levels of education and the
attitudes of employees to the nontraditional forms of work organization.
In the process, we also introduced statistical controls for the
moderator factors, in line with the general research model. The pre-
dicted relationship between level of education and general orientations
to nontraditionalism was supported. Contrary to our predictions, the
hypothesis that higher levels of education will be correlated with
positive attitudes toward rational organization and negative, or, at
least, less positive, attitudes toward bureaucratic authority was not
supported. The subsidiary hypothesis on the moderating effect of net-
work contact with the centers of tradition on the relationship between
level of education and orientations to nontraditionalism was supported
for bureaucratic authority but not conclusive for rational organization.

The final subsidiary hypothesis on the moderating effect of work

135

experience, in the nontraditional organization, on the relationship
between education and employee orientations to nontraditionalism was
also supported. A consistently curvilinear relationship was found

between education and preferences regarding organizational forms. A

possible explanation for this finding will be offered in Chapter V.

CHAPTER V
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Restatement of the Problem

The objectives of this study were to investigate the rela-
tionships between level and type of education and the attitudes of
employees to the nontraditional forms of work organization, and the
specific orientations to bureaucratic authority and rational adminis-
tration. It was expected that the higher levels of education will be
associated with positive attitudes to the nontraditional forms of
organization and negative attitudes to the traditional forms. Also,
it was expected that higher levels of education will be associated
with favorable orientations to rational administration and less favor-
able orientations to bureaucratic authority. In addition, it was
speculated that the entire relationships will be moderated by the
effects of traditional network contacts and the experience of working

in a nontraditional organization.

Research Hypotheses
We formulated four hypotheses (two general, two subsidiary)
which describe the pattern of relationships that were expected to
be found in relation to the topic of research. They are restated as

follows.

136

137

General Hypothesis 1
A high level of formal education will be associated with a
positive orientation toward aspects of nontraditional forms of work

organization.

General Hypothesis 2

 

A high level of formal education will be associated with a
positive orientation toward rational organization and a negative, or

less positive, orientation toward bureaucratic authority.

Subsidiary Hypothesis 1
The effects of level of education on the orientations will be
greater for the employees with fewer network links to centers of

tradition.

Subsidiary Hypothesis 2
The effects of level of education on the orientations will be
greater for the employees with longer experience in the nontraditional

work organization.

Findings
1. We found a statistically significant relationship between
level of education and general orientations to nontraditionalism, i.e.,
the attitudes to bureaucratic and rational modes of work organization.
2. Our results did not show a statistically significant rela-
tionship between level of education and greater preference for rational

organization compared to a bureaucratic authority form. In fact, our

138

results indicated the reverse, i.e., greater preference for bureau-
cratic authority.

3. We found the predicted relationship between level of
education and orientations to bureaucratic authority when the effect
of network contact with centers of tradition was controlled, but no
conclusive evidence of this moderating effect on the orientations to
rational organization under the same control situation.

4. Finally, our results showed that experience working in a
nontraditional organization had a positive effect on the relationship
between level of education and employee orientations to the nontradi-

tional forms of work organization.

Conclusions and Discussions

Like the modernization studies (e.g., Inkeles and Holsinger,
Inkeles and Smith, Armer, Sack, etc.) our study has shown that the
influences of higher education, more organizational experience, and,
to some extent, network contact with centers of tradition on the
orientations of the employees to nontraditional forms of work organiza-
tion are important.

In one interesting and possibly important way, our results
are different from the pattern in the existing literature: The rela-
tionship between level of education and attitudes to bureaucratic and
rational forms of organization in our study was curvilinear. When
bi-polar organizational indices were used, this pattern showed up in
the relationships between level of education and attitudes toward

bureaucratic authority and to rational organization, as well as in the

139

relationships after the additional controls for the two moderator
factors, i.e., network contact with centers of tradition and expe-
rience in the nontraditional organization, were introduced. The
pattern was found in the results of the bi-polar organizational indices
but not with the use of Likert-type measures. The curvilinear rela-
tionship demands further explanation.

The modernity theory (e.g., by Inkeles, Armer, etc.) says that
increasing levels of western education will be correlated with greater
orientation towards modern values, and bureaucratic-rationalistic
principles. The results of our research partly support this but,
in addition, have shown that different levels of education may influ-
ence different patterns of attitudes. For instance, in the testing
of the general hypothesis 2, and the subsidiary hypotheses 1 and.2,
both the groups of employees with low education and high education
showed preference for the nontraditional forms of work organization,
whereas the medium-educated respondents tended to prefer the tradi-
tional form. In particular, the showing by the employees with low
education runs counter to our research model and line of thought.

The same curvilinear pattern was found when additional analysis was
done on the relationships between status level in the work organiza-
tion and employee attitudes to rational versus traditional organiza-
tion, on the one hand, and bureaucratic versus traditional organiza-
tion, on the other hand (see Appendix C). However, these relation-
ships are not statistically significant.

The fact that the curvilinear relationship is absent in the

results with the Likert-type measures prompts various possible

140

explanations. It could be that the curvilinear pattern is an arti-
fact of the separate instruments used in Section D and Section E,
since only the hypothetical measures of the organizational types
(Section E items) yielded that finding. On the other hand, the wider
range of the measurement scale in Section E, compared to the shorter
and more structured Likert format in Section 0, could have tapped
different effects which are separate from the nature of the instru-
ments per se. For instance, the subjects who had low education, for
the most part, were recent migrants from the rural areas who had
relatively newly taken up jobs in the formal work sector. Their
expression of preference for the nontraditional forms of organization
more than traditionalism might have reflected their relative rejection
of their traditional background, and probably represented a reaction
to legitimize their participation in a nontraditional work organiza-
tion. On the other hand, the intermediate staff as a status category
(see earlier explanation in Chapter IV, under Status Classification)
represented a somewhat marginal group who are above the junior status
level, but not quite senior. It could be that such employees, who
usually had medium education and average organizational experience,
were reacting to an experience of disillusionment with the nontradi-
tional work organization by indicating preference for the traditional
principles of work organization. These are some contingency factors
that could have accounted for the curvilinear pattern.

The response pattern of the highly educated employees was in
the predicted direction (i.e., generally toward the nontraditional

forms of organization). The observed discrepancy in the attitudes to

141

bureaucratic authority and rational organization probably was because
of the longer and more familiar experience of the more educated
employees with the bureaucratic apparatus in the contemporary work
organizations in a developing country such as Nigeria, as opposed to
the specialized application of rational principles for certain kinds
of task administration, or the mode of authority in the traditional 1
organizations (Cohen, 1980, vividly describes the status of the

bureaucracy in Nigeria).

 

Our results support in some ways the separate findings by
Udy and Stinchcombe concerning bureaucratic and rational administra-
tion. The fact that we obtained different patterns of results with
separate measures of preference for bureaucratic and rational forms of
organization suggests that these may be separable aspects of nontradi-
tional organization, which is the major point made by both Udy and
Stinchcombe. However, basedcn1Stinchcombe's work, we expected a
stronger preference for rational principles of organization than
for bureaucratic authority among more educated persons. Our finding,
contrary to this expectation, of an association between higher levels
of education and a bureaucratic orientation, rather than rational
organization, can perhaps be understood in terms of the different
contexts of our research and that of Stinchcombe. Stinchcombe based
his original findings on studies that he carried out on formal
organizations in a developed, Western society. In general, a developed
society enjoys better organizational development and a more advanced

organization of its occupations and professions. The more advanced

142

the professions are the more they will tend to operate on rationalistic
principles different from the general administrative staff and organi-
zation members. In a developing society, the formal organizations

are likely to develop bureaucratic authority structures earlier and
more fully than rationalized principles of operation. This seems
especially so for the government which, in most of the developing
countries, is the largest employer of labor. Hence, the primary
experiences of the employees tend to be with bureaucratic authority 1

rather than with rational principles of organization. Therefore, our

 

findings on Nigeria concerning the bureaucratic and rational adminis-
tration could be a reflection of the greater experience which the
employees in our sample have had with bureaucratic principles and

structures than with the rational criteria of organization.

Limitations and Suggestions

Besides the memorable practical experiences of doing organi-
zational research in a developing country, such as Nigeria, the research
endeavor also provided a rare lesson in scale construction and testing.
Research instruments are not adequate until they have been perfected.
Some limitations of our research are noted:

1. From our experiences, a single pre-testing of the survey
questionnaire and built-in scales does not appear to be adequate in
view of the nature of the research variables. This implies that such
research instruments should be pre-tested certainly more than once,
and, perhaps, specifically on the target research population (i.e., the

employees of a semi-public organization) itself rather than on people.

143

working in just any formal organization. This strategy obviously has
its shortcomings, particularly on the "demand characteristics," i.e.,
a tendency for the presence of a researcher in a field situation to
give off cues to the research subjects. For example, testing a survey
questionnaire several times on the same research population could
sensitize subjects to the topic and problem of research to the extent
that it becomes a confounding factor in the outcome of the research.

2. Due to the various problems of researching in a developing
country, such as Nigeria, the use of a scale at all probably requires
upwards of six months to one year of pre-testing in order to perfect
that instrument alone and, specifically, to check the problems of
reliability and validity of scales. Due to time constraints and the
circumstances of fieldwork, our instruments were pre-tested only once
and within a period of two weeks; although the results of our pre-
test convinced us that our instruments were adequate.

3. We had noted in Chapters III and IV how some measurement
scales could not be tested for alpha reliability because they were
short. In our efforts to make the survey questionnaire a manageable
one, we avoided using too many items. Each of our dependent measures
in Sections 0 and E comprised 13 items. It is possible that an inclu-
sion of more items could have helped the reliability and validity of
our scales. The longer the scale, the better it tends to become.
Also, a much larger sample size would have generally improved the
normality of our distribution since larger samples tend to approach a
normal distribution (Mehrens and Lehmann, 1978; and communication with

consultants at the Office of Statistical Consultation, MSU). However,

144

the fact that we had an alpha reliability coefficient of .72, with
only five items in the Traditionalism-Rationalism Preference Scale,
showed that the limited scale was reliable.. By and large, we will

take precautions against the foregoing limitations in future research.

Recommendations

1. It is necessary to replicate this study in Nigeria and the
other developing countries, partly to re-examine our tentative find-
ings about the curvilinear pattern of relationship between level of
education and the attitudes of employees to nontraditional forms of
organization, and also to investigate the trends in the orientations
to bureaucratic and rational administration in those countries. The
findings will provide comparative information on the developing
countries and contribute to the available knowledge on this crucial
aspect of industrial sociology.

2. Further research is also needed on the topic of study in
Nigeria in order to explore the relationships of the education vari-
able with the other situational factors, apart from organizational
experience and network contact with centers of tradition, which may
also be affecting those employee attitudes. In addition, further
research should compare the orientations of employees in the different
organizations, e.g., public, private, and semi-public, since the
situations in the public and private sectors of the national economy
may impact the pattern of multivariate relationships.

3. The association-between higher education and employee

orientations to nontraditionalism has policy implications. The

145

empirical demonstration that higher education is associated with
positive attitudes to nontraditional forms of work organization, in
general, is supportive of the elaborate plans in a developing country,
such as Nigeria, to accelerate literacy and educational development.
The quality of that education will increasingly reinforce nontradi-
tional work values, that may be helpful for general social and econ.
omic development. It is possible that education directed specifically
toward a development of the work organizations and personnel, and the
development of the occupations and professions in general,could be
even more effective.

4. Research is needed on the communication patterns in labor
management in Nigeria. One of the adverse effects of low levels of
education in a developing country is the inability of the lower-level
workers to comprehend labor policies and the nature of working condi-
tions in a nontraditional organization. Understanding the structures
of communication in the work organizations will be useful in develop-
ing those institutions further, and in effecting rationalized changes
where they may be necessary.

5. Finally, a longitudinal research design will further serve
the needs of aggregating valuable empirical information on the demo-
graphic variables and changes that relate to this topic of research.
Since education is a continuous life process, it is important to
study the changes in this process at different time intervals and
the differences between cross-sections of the national population in

the developing countries.

APPENDICES

146

 

APPENDIX A

QUESTIONNAIRE

147

QUESTIONNAIRE SCHEDULE

Introduction

 

The following questions concern some background information about

you, and certain research issues. There will be no reports of what
you, as an individual, would say. You will also not be identified by
name in my subsequent write-up. Only group responses and averages will
be reported. So please feel very free to respond.

SECTION A: Information on Education

1. What was your highest educational qualification before working on
your present job?

2. What is your highest educational qualification since working on
your present job?

/3. a. No. of Years of Schooling:
!,b. Kind of Education

No formal education
Traditional education/Koranic school
Some primary school
Primary school completed
Some secondary school
Secondary school completed
Some vocational (trade/craft) school
Vocational school completed
Higher school certificate
Polytechnic 00 completed
Field:
University or HD completed
Field:
Postgraeuate diploma, or professional degree
Fie d:
Master's degree
‘ Field:
Doctorate degree
Field:

4. How many years of formal training relevant to your present job
have you had?

148

149

5. In general, where were you educated?

Code: 1. Locally in Nigeria
2. Foreign country

Place:
'3. Both locally and foreign'

Foreign place:

SECTION B: Information on kinds of networks

 

6. How often do you visit your hometown or village?
Number of times per month:
per year:

7. How many elders in your hometown (e.g., chiefs, religious leaders,
local council people, rich and influential people, etc.) do you
know? (SAY APPROXIMATE NUMBER).

7b. No. of men No. of Women

8. If you had a problem, or needed advice, about your present job,
would you consult these people?

Code: 1. Yes
2. No

9. If yes, what things?

10. If pg, why not?

11. How often do you visit them?

No. of times per month:
per year:

12. How often do you consult them for knowledge or advice on your job?

No. of times per month:
per year:

13. In terms of getting you a job, would you ask the influential
people in your hometown to help out?

14.
15.
15b.

16.

17.

18.

18b.

18c.

19.

20.

150

Would you ask the influential people in your hometown to aid you
in gaining promotion on your job?

For the same reason or reasons above, would you ask other influ-
ential people in your State for help?

Would you ask other influential people outside of your State
within Nigeria?

Which college old boys association(s) do you belong to?
(e.g., Barewa College Old Boys Association
Baptacad Lagos Old Boys Association :
Offa Grammar School Old Students Association
Keffi .Old Boys Association
Other)

Which recreation/social clubs do you belong to?
(e.g., Rotary Club

Lion's Club

Country Club

Other)

 

If you had a problem, or needed advice, about your present job,
would you consult friends in those college associations?

For the same reasons, would you consult friends‘in those
recreation/social clubs?

(Instruction: If Yes on Nos. 18 and/18b, skip 18c).
If you are not a member of either a college old boys association
or a recreation/social club, would you consult friends or
associates from such college associations or social clubs,
anyway, if you had a problem, or needed advice, about your
present job?
How often do you consult them for knowledge or advice on your job?

No. of times per month:

per year:
SECTION C: Information on Work Experience

What is your present job position?

(1) Job Title:

(II) (If not obvious) What do you do on this job?

(III) When were you employed by this organization?

21.
22.

23.

151

Have you always worked in this organization?
If 12;. name any previous jobs you have had in this organization

(a) Job title:
(b) Job description (if not obvious)

(c) No. of years, or duration.
If pg, name previous jobs in the other organizations

(a) Job Title:
(b) (If not obvious), job description

(c) Name of organization/Type:

(d) Period or duration:

SECTION 0: Opinion Questions About Organizational Forms

Introduction

Please listen to each of the following items that I will read to you,
and indicate which phrase on this card best expresses your feeling
about the statement. (Present subject with a card.)

24.

25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

“The old ways of doing things are usually the best ways“
Strongly agree/Agree/Undecided/Disagree/Strongly disagree
"Even if an organization is running well, managers should always
try to find better ways of doing things?

Strongly agree/Agree/Undecided/Disagree/Strongly disagree
"Changes in an organization usually make things better rather
than worse."

Strongly agree/Agree/Undecided/Disagree/Strongly disagree

“Of all the things organizational managers do, by far the
most important is finding new ways of doing things"

Strongly agree/Agree/Undecided/Disagree/Strongly disagree

”A worker should work with his/her employer until retirement"
Strongly agree/Agree/Undecided/Disagree/Strongly disagree
”The only thing that should affect how much an employee is
paid is his/her status (level) in a work organization"
Strongly agree/Agree/Undecided/Oisagree/Strongly disagree

 

152

30. "A strong hierarchy of command or authority is necessary for the
effective management of organizations"

Strongly agree/Agree/Undecided/Disagree/Strongly disagree
31. "Effective management of an organization solely depends on

the chief executive.f

Strongly agree/Agree/Undecided/Disagree/Strongly disagree
32. "Official properties (e.g., department cars, long-distance

telephone calls at public expense) should be used strictly
for official (public) ends"

Strongly agree/Agree/Undecided/Disagree/Strongly disagree

33. "The department head should always give orders concerning opera-
tions in each department of your organization."
Strongly agree/Agree/Undecided/Disagree/Strongly disagree

34. fEmployees should be paid according to how well they do their job.9
Strongly agree/Agree/Undecided/ Disagree/Strongly disagree

35. "The ethnic group of an employee should be important in determ-
ining who is hired."

Strongly agree/Agree/Undecided/Disagree/Strongly disagree

36. “The conditions under which a worker works should be based on
written mutual agreement with the employer."

Strongly agree/Agree/Undecided/Disagree/Strongly disagree

SECTION E: Scenario Questions about Forms of Organization
Introduction

I am going to ask you some questions about the type of organization in
which you would most like to work. Here is a card with a scale from

1 to 10 on Which you can express your preference. I will read one
statement each about Organization A and Organization B. I would like
you to tell me how strong a preference you have for one or the other
of those types of organTZation, andTon the same scale, indicate

where you would_place your present organization.

As I read the series of statements about the organizations, please
make your judgment about each statement separately: That iS. do

not let what has been said on previous questions about Organization A
or B influence your preference as it relates to later descriptions.
Imagine we are talking about a different organization each time.

153

Now, I will read the statements and you tell me your preferences, and
where your present organization is, as you see it. Just tell me what
number on this card represents your views.

Sample

1 2 ' 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

 

Organization A Organization 8

37. Organization A is one in which the leadership is passed on from
father to son.

In Organization B, the leadership is selected through some
kind of screening.

Check: (1) Preference:
(2) Present organization:

38. Organization A has many levels of authority.
Organization B is run primarily by one person.

(1) Preference
(2) Present Organization

39. Organization A is one in which customs and traditions dictate
the ways things are done. In Organization B, general rules
and regulations govern most operations.

(1) Preference
(2) Present organization

40. In Organization A, most people expect to work in the organization
until they retire.

In Organization 8, people leave if they have better conditions
of service, or better opportunities.

(1; Preference
(2 Present organization

41. In Organization A, employee salaries are based on their statuses.

Organization 8 is one in which employee salaries are based on
performance or productivity. '

(1) Preference
(2) Present organization

42.

43.

44.

45.

46.

154
In Organization A, employees are selected because they are
competent.

In Organization 8, employees are selected because they are
related to the personnel manager.

(1) Preference
(2) Present organization

Organization A is headed by an administrator, who also has
deputies and other officers below him.

In Organization B, control is vested in a single official.

(1) Preference
2) Present organization

In Organization A, officials come and go, but their positions
remain and are filled by other trained officials.

In Organization B, established rules determine the selection
of new leaders. ‘

(1) Preference
(2) Present organization

In Organization A, the head distributes rewards only to his
favorites among a pool of workers. "

In Organization 8, workers receive rewards primarily on the
basis of the level of the offices they hold.

(1) Preference
(2) Present organization

In Organization A, clerical workers and typists facilitate the
processing of information, and its general daily running.

In Organization 8, information is passed on by word of mouth
and customs determine the mode of its daily running.

(1) Preference
(2) Present organization

47.

49.

50.
51.

52.

53.

155

In Organization A, members are also expected to work on the
leader's private farmland, as part of their responsibility to
the leader or head.

In Organization 8, official work is clearly separated from
personal service to the leader or head.

(1; Preference
(2 Present organization

Organization A is where employees oversee the work of one
another.

In Organization 8, the higher officer supervises the lower officer.

(1) Preference
(2) Present organization

In Organization A, final decision on a job issue is always
left to the highest officer.

In Organization 8, the employees always arrive at a decision
as a group.

(1) Preference
(2) Present organization
SECTION F: General
What things encourage you to work with your present organization?
Is your present job the best you ever had?

Please explain why.

What things about your working here discourage you from working
hard or working at all?

How much do you look forward to coming to work each day?
Please explain what you mean.

156

54. What do you expect to be doing in five years from now?

1. Working here at same job.
2. Working here at other job.
3. Working in another place, same job.
4. Working in another place, another job.

Code check:

Type of other Place:
(1) Government: Type of Job

 

(2; Business sector: Type of job
3 Self-employment:‘Type of job"

 

SECTION G: Face sheet data

55. What is your sex? Code: 1. Male
2. Female

56. What is your religion? Code: 1. Islam
2. Christianity
3. Other religion

 

57. Which ethnic group do you belong to?

Code: 1. Hausa

2. Ibo
3. Yoruba
4. Other

 

58. What is your father's occupation today?
(1) Job Title:
(2) (If not obvious) what does he do on this job?
59. What was his occupation when you were in school, or at the
time you were learning your occupational trade?
(1) Job title:
(2) (If not obvious), what did he do on the job?

157

60. In what age bracket do you belong?

Code: 01. -1
02. 1-4
03. 5-9
04. 10-14
05. 15-19
06. 20-24
07. .25-29
08. 30-34
09. 35-39
10. 40-44
11. 45-49
12. 50-59
13. 60+

END OF INTERVIEW

THANK YOU VERY MUCH!!

APPENDIX B

CODEBOOK

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.oosa
zoo: u osoom onz
HomHHoooHaHoosav
Hose H mzoz oHo oN Ho

 

smzmo< oz som a.mm
onooHHooo aoz sos o.oo
zzo n NHosozom soo o.No ooza
o.oHloH H.szo Hsoo Sosa no HooHoo mooo
mooHaoNHoomso smzao
mza oH Hooom msomz so sozooz mHHoHo o aooom msooz oN-HN oo

smzmoo oz u

mHzooHHooo aoz

acmeonoEminmm maozaso

HoHoEm soaomm mao>Hso smzaONHsamoooHNEsHu
oHHzoouamooo so Hoaoamosoo.
mmomemo,pooooaoz\moa>smm oHHzoo
ooHaoNHoomso mooazmso No mozH

ll
HHNMQ'QOS

 

HoHo H ooza sozao oN No

 

ooaaoasummz mHonso> moou msoz mHonso> osoQNosoHou .oz mHonso>

 

oooosaooo--.H-o mzoza

173

 

 

 

 

 

mmooommz oz u m
mmsmomao aHmoosam u m .oosa
mmsmomao u o zmaz u msoum zmaz
omoaumooz n m .aom
mmsm< u N . zmaz u msoum 3oz
mmsm< zpooosam u H HEmHHoooHaozv
mmoaza moaoo Ho mam: 3mz moaooaz aHmao H moo: :mz NN mo
mmooommz oz u m
mmsmomao szoosam u m .oosz
mmsmomao n o zmaz u msoom zmaz
omoaumooz u m .aoz
mmsm< u N zmaz u msoum 3oz
mmsm< Homoosam u H Ham.
mmsoz ooza -Hoooaaozv mmmoozu
sozaoz soaomo moona oonoz mmooozo aHoHo H ooHaoNHoooso oN no
smzmo< oz u m
mmsmomHo HHmoosam u m .oosa
mmsmomao u o zmHz n msoum zmaz
omoaomooz u m .aoz
mmsm< u N zmaz u msoom 3oz
mmsmo szoosam u H HEmHHoooHaozv
moosza ooHoo co mzoz soaaoo oosoosz HHoHo H mzoz sooooo oN No
ooaaoasommo mHzoaso> moou mEoz mHzoaso> osoUNoEoHou .oz mHonso>

 

omocwacounu.Hum uzm<h

174

 

aHoHo H z osoo NNH

 

 

 

 

 

 

aomoooowmz No sszoz ooaaooasaaomoH maamao m z mmou m-H
mmooommz oz u m
mmsmomao szoosam u m smHHoooHaoz
mmsmomao u o zmH: n msoom zmaz
omoaumooz u m oHaosuoomsom
mmsm< u N HHzmHz n msoum 3oz
mmsm< HHmoosam u H . quosu
aomsmmoooz mzaaumasu -oomsomv zzoso
soa Haasozao< Ho zzusosmaz moosam aHmHo H -smaz moosam om No
mmooommz oz u m
mmsmomao szoosam u m HHoooHaoz
mmsmomao u e HHzmaz u msoum zmaz
omoaomooz u m oaaosooomsom
mmsm< u N szmHz u msoum 3oz
mmsm<.aHmoosam u H quosooomsomv
ooHaoNHoomuo ca moaoam No mmHoHosm mowxoo aamao H moo moaoam mN on
smzmo< oz n m
mmsmomao HHmoosam u m EmaHoooHaoz
mmsmomHo u o zmaz u msoom zmaz
omoaomoo: u m oHaosooomsom
mmsm< u N zmaz n msoom 2oz
mmsm< a moosam u H Hzoosooomsomv acme
aomEmsHamz Haaoo smzoaosm zaaz oazsoz aHmHo H -onoEmumoonNHz mN mo
ooaaoasummo mHonso> moou msoz mHonso> osooonoaoo .oz mHonso>

 

omchacouun.Hum mzm<h

175

 

 

 

 

smzmoz oz u m
mmsmomao szoosam u m
mmsmomao u e EmHHoooHaoz
ooosooooo u o onz u osooo onz
mmsm< u N Hoosuoomsom
mmsmz,zpmoosam u H zmaz u msoum 3oz
aomEasoomo zoom oH quosooomsomv
osmoso moH>Hw mzozH< oomz aomEasoomo aamao H oomz aomsasoomo N oHo
smzmo< oz u m
mmsmomao HHmoosam n m
mmsmomao n o .oosa
oooHooooo u o zosz u osoom onz
mmsm< u N EmaHoooHaoz
mmsm< HHmoosam u H zmaz u msoom 3oz
moo“ Hoaoasso HomHHoooHaozv
soa zHaoHsHm mosasmooso Hosossao oosmo HHoHo H mmHasoooso HoHoHsso o oo
mmooommz oz u m
mmsmowao szoosam u m
mmsmomao u o EmHHoooaaoz
oooHooooo u m onz u osoom onz
mmsm< n N uHaosooomsom
mmsm< HHmoosam u H aHzmHz u msoom 3oz
m>Haoumxm amaze mza quosooomsomv
oo aomoomomo aomEmmoooz m>aaummmm aamao H m>Haoomxm amaze m we
ooaaoasommo mHonso> moou mEoz mHonso> osouNosoHou .oz mHonso>

 

umacwacoouu.Hsm mzm<b

176

 

.smHHoooHaos ooo Hoosooomsoz so maamoooo mza ma aH mmooumz HHaomsmsaHo omsoum ma maza "maoza

 

 

 

 

 

mmooommz oz u m
mmsmomao HHmoosam u m
mmsmomao n o EmHHoooHaHoosH
oooHooooo . o onz . osoom onz
mmsm< u N smaHoooHaoz
mmsm< HHmoosam u H .zmH: u msoum 3oz
soHoHooo zaHz HomHHoooHHozv .
aoosaoou oo mooaaaooou monsoz moamom aamao H aoosaoou oH mHo
mmooommz oz u m
mmsmomao HHmoosam u H EmHHoooaaoz
mmsmomao u N zma: u msoom 2oz
omoaomooz n m .oosH
mmsm< u o zmaz u msoom zmH:
mmsm< aHmoosam u m HEmHHoooaaaoosav
.oooso oHozao so oossz 5. oz: ooHoHosmHmo aHoHo H. oooso oHosz o NHo
mmooommz oz u m
mmsmomao HHmoosam u m .oos»
mmsmomaz u o zmaz n msoum zmaz
omoHomooz u m EmHHoooHaoz
mmsm< n N zmaz u msoum 3oz
mmsm< HHmoosam u H HEmHHoooaaozv
mooo HHm: zoo soa mmmonosm moazoo aamao H zoo aasmz m HHo
ooaaoasummo mHonso> mooo msoz mHonso> osoQNosoHou .oz mHonso>

 

umooHacoonu.Hnm mzm<h

 

mmsoauosam muomsmamso

 

 

 

 

 

177

 

 

 

 

zaasozao< aomsmsaao oa mmmooommz maamao m oooeeou Nm1mm mm
maomHsmz ooaaoNHoomso ooHaoNHoomso

Hoommso osoaoosom Hassozaoo zoszz oHHoHo o Homooso oo-No om
mmsoaoosam muomsmsmso

Haasozao< aomsmsaao oa mmmooommz maamao m oooseou Hm1mN Nu
maomHamz ooaaoNHoomso ooHaoNHoomso

aommmso msoaoosam zaHsozaoz zoazz maamao m aommmso mN1zN oz
mmsoaoosam moomsmamso

zaHsozao< aomsmasao oa mmmooommz maamao m oooseou mNumN m-u
maomHamz ooaaouaoommm ooaaoNHoomso

Hommoso ooHHoaomHso Hassozaoz onzz mHHoHo o Hoommso NN-oN o-m
. mmsoauosam moomsmamso

Haasozao< aomsmaaao oa mmooommz maamao m oooesoo mH1NH m1u
maumHHmz ooHaoNHzomso ooHaoNHoomso

Hoowoso osoaoosom onsozaoz onzz maHoHo o aommmso oH-oH N-o

smzmo< oz u o.mm
mHzooHHooz Hoz u o.oo
zzo u o.Nm omza

loHimooom oo msoom mmooomms moou moomsmamso

mmsoaoosam Haasozao< oa mmmooowmz maamao m oooeeou mH-HH Hum

ooaaoasommo mHonso> mooo msoz mHonso> osoQNoEoHoo .oz mHonso>

 

umscaacou11.H1m mzm<h

178

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

mmsoaoosam moomsmsmso

Haasozao< aomsmaaao oa mmooommm maamao oooesoo Nz1mz mH1u
maomHmmz ooaaoNHoommo aommmso ooaaoNHoomso

mmsoaoosam zaHsozao< zqu: maHmHo aommmso oz-Nz wH1m
mmsoaoosam muomsmsoso

HaHsozao< aomsmaaao oa mmooommz maamao oooesou qumm NH-“
maomHsmz ooHaoNHoomso ooaaoNHoomso

aommmso msoauosam zaHsozao< zoazz maamao aommmso mmumm zH1m
mmsoaoosam muomsmmmso

Haasozao< aomsmasao oa mmooommz maHmHo oooosou mmumm mHum
maumHsmz ooaaoNHoomzo ooaaoNHoomso

aommmso ooHaoaomHso zaasozao< onzz maamao aommmso leom oH-m
_ mmsoaoosam moomsmsmso

zaHsozao< aomsmssao oa mmmooommz maamao oooesou mouNo mH1m
maomHNmz ooHaoNHoomso ooHaoNHoomso

Hoomoso msoaoosam zaHsozaoo onzz masoHo . Hommmso oo-oo NH-m
mmsoaoosam moomsmsmso

zaHsozooz aoosmssHo oa Homoooooz oaHoHo ooooooo mo-Ho HH-m
maomHmmz ooHaoNHoomso ooaaonaoomso

aommmso msoaoosam zaHsozao< zoazz maamao aommmso ooumm oH1m

ooaaoasommo mHonsoz moou mooz mHonso> osoQNoe=Hou .oz mHonso>

 

vmocHacouun.Hum mzm<H

179

 

maomHamz ooHaoNHoomso

 

 

 

 

 

 

ooHaoNHoomso

 

Hoomoso mosoaoosam zaHsozaoo onzz mHHoHo o aommmso NH-HH oN-o
mmsoauosam moomsmamso
zossozooz Hoososaso oa momooomoz maHoHo o ooooooo oH-o oN-m
maomHsmz ooaaonaoomso ooaaoNaoomso
Hoomoso mosoaoosom Hossozaoz onzz maHoHo o Hoommso N-m oN-m
HHoHo H H osoo HNo
oH aoooooomoz oaHoHo o H omoo o-H
zooHo .soo
mmsoauosam moomsmmmso
zHHsozHoz aoosmssso oH Homooomoz masoHo o ooooooo oN-NN oN-o
maomHemz ooHaoNHooumm. ooaaoNHoomso
Hoomoso mosoooosoo zaHsozHoz onzz oHHoHo o Hoomoso oN-oN NN-o
mmsoauosam . muomsmamso
zaHsozHoz HomsmssHo oa mmooomoz oaHoHo o ooooooo oN-HN HN-N
maomHamz ooHaoNHoomso ooHaoNHoomso
Hooooso mosoaoosam NHHsozaoz zoszz oaHoHo o Hoommso oN-oo oN-o
ooaaoasummo mHonso> moou msoz mHzoasoz osou\:E=Hou .oz mHonso>

 

umchacoosn.Hnm mzm<h

180

sm3m=< oz

zooz aoz mmoo

HHoquoomoHazov moo:

aomEosmzom Hosmoma mza

Hz omzmHHzoamm ooaaoNHoomso oo ma aH

.ooHaoooom smzmaz oz mooHaosHomo

smzao momsoo oa mmHaHooasoooo zaaz .zaao

sonos o ca ooHaoNHoomso mza Ho ooaa

-ouoz .Hoooammmsoso mza sow mmmomHHozu

ooo mmHaHooasoooo Hooaauoso msmsmo zoo

smamzm ooaaoNaoomso smaamz

ooo AoazmsmoomH soy aszmmoooe oooo

Hooomsz zHHooo Ho omoa mzav

ooozHHm>HH soa amoos.osom oa zaammmumz

ooaaooamaaom zoo msoz .oHsmmHz oH acme

-oonzmo HosoaHooHsmo ooo ooaaooooso zoom

..m.a .ooaaonaoomso mza so mHoom mza oH

omzHoon moamz so ooaaooamaaom onoHsaoH

_ .oam .Haasoomm zoo

.mooaaons ooosmuzsoz .NaHHHonaozo

mHooa ooo aomEQHoom .mmaoaHoo ooaaoeoso

.moaoaosa .ooaaomomosoo .moamooz toam
..m.m .mooaaaooou moazsoz smaamm

moo—aons soonuaomEmmooos

saoe HHHosmomm ooo .maomomoso azmasm

oonaoz

ooaaoNHoomco zaaz

zsoz oa mmmonoEN mmosoooow aoza mmoazh

\O “”03

HmHo H

Hpasaam xsoz

vH Hum

 

ooaaoasommz mHonso>

moou

mEoz mHonso>

osouNosoHou .oz mHonso>

 

omzcaacouuu.H1m mzm<h

181

moamomHHozu msoa

HHHoooammmaoso mm smo zoo soaumm mao>
-Hso .aomoonoEm mHzosooooo smzao soNooo
aomeonosm mao>Hso szooH>mso omzsoz ooz
zoo msos.mmzuama HoHoEm mao>Hso zoaza
msmzao meow ooo .aoo 3oH ..mHm .omaomoxm
zmza mo amos mo moH>os aoo mso Hmza ..m.H
amoH ma sooEon mza zoo aoz .aomoonosm
Hoaaaoa so moaa ao ammz mza mz oa ommo aw

 

oz sow ooaaoooHoxN

smzmoo oz

onooHHooz aoz

zzo

oom mza oH aoo

Ho oomamoa .moaaao oo moamoH mzsoz m:
ooaaosoosou Hosmomm o oH moazsoz
ooHauosmHaom zon soNooo .mmmomzHH zoo
omamzm ooHaoNHoooso oooo .maasoumm zoo
\mmmoasm ooo mooHaHooou moazsoz smaamo
ooHaoooosm mooam

moomasmoxm moazsoz amsao .moomasmoxm zoo
so» mmHaHooasooooNzon mza oo mmmomoHozm
mmz sow ooaaoooHaxm

 

.mmooommz oz

zzo
oz
mmz
smzm ammo mH zoo aommmso smzamz:

 

N (”VI-0 NQO‘ 44.—l

HoHo H

HoHo H

oza
ooHHoooHoxo NH ea

moo
ooHHoooHoxo oH mo
zoo ammo mH Na

 

ooaaoasummo mHonso>

mooo

mooz mHonso> osooNoEoHoo .oz mHonsoz

 

smooHaoouun.Hum uzm<~

182

. mmmmoHonmN maoo
-Hosozom so ooaoaoo som aomomms oz
.ooaaomasaauaz so some
ooo .mmmmoz zaHz mmzmoHu zaHHooomsmo
.zon a.mmonoEm oH mmomma oHoa
-smo oo ooHamsomHo Hooomsmo so zooz
.msmuasao smzmaz Homoz ooa
. .ssoam
ooaaoam1aoo so onHe ooza asoam HouoH oa
ooHaomaao msoo mzam msoaosamaoaooo
.mmmonoom oa oaamzaooomm mzozHo aoo
ooo .msmamoe zmoa mso msmmoooo so moomz
aomoasoomo msomu .mmmomooHoHsso uaaosu
-oomsoz zoommmomooz .msmzsoz ooo msmm
-oooe ommzamz mooHaons ..m.H .maoeHHu

 

 

HoooHaoNHoomso ooo msoaoosam Hosaooo u H
oonHoz . o
monsoz so osozlmoazsoz
ooss mmmonoom mmosooomao zoazz mmoazh aHmHo H msmmosooomao oH mm
smzmo< oz n m
mHzouHHoo< aoz n o
zzo u N
muomasmoxm
zoo amsam .oomasoosou so» ssowaoHo oz u o
mmoosz Homooaaooov
omzamusmo zoos aons oa smzao mza mzuoz u m cm
ooaaoasummo mHonso> mooo mooz mHonso> osooNoooHoo .oz mHonso>

 

umooaaoou11.H1m mzm<h

183

.ooHaooamHaom zoo .mmaaaooasoooo 3m:

mooHsz zoo zoo o Hoza smHHoz mza .moHHHHHz
-Hmooomms Hoauaswo moaammsmaoa ooo monomHHozo
a.mmmoass ooo mooHaHoooo moazsoz oa omaons
mmoaso .HmmHHH moaomam ..m.mV--mHooon
-mmaoso zz mooo mzon m>aaosamaoHooo moasoo
.zsoz ao oo oa zoos aoo ma msmza .mmsaamsomu
.mooaaaoooo moazsoz Hosmomm moo .zooooooomz

 

"mmooowms soa ooaaooonxu

smzmo< oz
zzo

zoos Nsmz aoz

HHHooHamonozaom so .zooszsmz

 

zoo zoom zsos oa osozsom.moazooz

aomoooo ostmzmoo oz

zzo

HHHosmomm msmzooma mo moaoam Hoauom 3oz

H.zaHooz HHH .ooHo .sHHoo zsoz ooo aoo; omozaoz
mmoooamao mooH maoosoo oa moazo: Hooomsmo
a.mHoooammmsoso oa aoooooooms ooo .m ono zsoz
mmooo zoo zuaz: .asoomoosa ooo .mHooa .aomEoHoom

 

Hoooaaosmoo so mmoasozm "soaoos Hooaozomh
.mmuasso zsoz zoaaoo

.umaoo>smm ooza msmamoo zoos ooa= .aa aoo moomoom
mo ..m.m .msoaoosam Hosaooo moosaao .zuooooooms
.omaaasozos .ooaaoomoam .zso: No msooz .mmmoz

.ooaaoooso ..m.mv mmmoasw ooo mooaaaoooo moazsoz u N

m Q'NOS

H
aHoHo H ooHHoooHoxo oN No

aHoHo H oosaoososaoo

xsoz mH mu

HooooHHoooo
mo

 

ooaaoasommo mHonso>

mooo msoz mHzoaso> osooNoEoHoo .oz mHonso>

 

omacaaoounn.Hum mzm<h

184

smzmoo oz
onooHHooo aoz

zzo

aomEAoHoEmusHmm

souuwm mmm: .Hmzm

moszsmm ost also aomoosm>oo

 

xsoz oa
mmssmmo mmonosm moo—o smzao so moss

smzmo< oz
aomHo>Hzo<szo

ooaaoooom mosomsoo

zoo zoo .muoHo smzaoo<

zofi.smzaooo .mooHo smzaooo os moszso:
zoo msom .mooHo smzaooo os moszsoz
zoo.smzao Ho msoz oonsoz

zoo meow ao msmz moszsoz

 

2oz ooss msoms
mzss mosoo mz oa mammoxm mmHoHoom aoz:

mmooommz oz

mHzouHHooo aoz

zzo

.zsoz osoz so mosooms Hooasssom

mza.os smaHmz moosmsHmz .HHHoH

msoz ao ozoo asm aooooo zmza ..m.mv
mmomomHHou zasz moazsoz soNooo ooszsoz
so How mzs .ooostm>sH so mosoom Hoosa
-ososo so .moo so .mmososom assamon os
.mzozHo osoz zsoz oa mssmmo maoooH

HNMNQO‘

m

moo—o

sozoooo ooza NN os
msoma m>Hs
oosaoaumoxu HN ms

Homoosaoouv No

 

ooaaossummo mHonso>

mooo

mooz mHzosso> osooNoooHoo .oz mHonso>

 

omoosaooo--.H-o uzo<s

185

mosHHss osoo

smozo Hoozmzso: Hooaoozumov mmosoo
mHos =ooo mHoosoo ..m.s .soauosaooo
oomsmo mmmosmoo Hosmomo
ooaaoasoomoosa moo—aoz

oosaozsoo

ooo oosaooooso zooamm>HHNmososos
oosossaumrm

 

omssmmo aomoonoom1sHmm so mozH

smzmo< oz
mHzouHHoo< aoz

am>szo

smmoooz Housozums
osoozomz oosaosmmsssmz
smoosHNmosmsooozusmz
aooaooooo< zoom

 

omssmmo zoo mmmosmoo so mmzw

smzmo< oz
onooHHooz aoz

am>szo

amsmoHomoosoaz

aomooonzmo smzooooz

so soaosamaosoo< ostooNaooaooouu<
. smzooms
Nsoamsumm Hosaomossooo

oommsom zsoossmam>Noosonzzo
msossoussmKNHsammsos

 

zoo aomoosm>oo so moHH

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2325

maHoHo N

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at

HoHo H

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HHNMQLD SDNQO! HHNMQ’NQ

Host H

HomosoHooo-sHom oN-oN NHN

mmmosmoo moms oN HHs

aomEosm>oo
moss oN oHs

 

oosaossummo mHzosso>

mooo

mooz mHonso> osoo oooHoo .oz mHonso>

 

omoosaooo--.H-o mzo<s

186

smzmo< oszmooommz oz
oozooozon>Haoo1ooz
oHomH

osszm

osoo

mooz

ozosoz

ozH

omooz

 

aomoooommz so oooso oaozau

smzmo< oz

zzo
HoHooHaoHoooNsoonza moss
NHHooHHmHszo

oonH

 

aomoooommz so omsmHHmz

mHoEms

mHoz
aomoooammz so smoomo

smzmo< oz
onooHHooo aoz

am» How aoooooxzzo
mHmaoz ooo mossmaoo
mossmmosmou HousmoHosozz
moHaHomooo
oszmoosmazmooso

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HNMNOS HHNMQLDSONQOS

OP

HHoHo H

aHoHo H

mm
Nm
Nm

oH
mo

oHo H

oooso oHozam oN No

ooHoHHoz oN No

sooomo NN Ho

Homooaaooov
NHs

 

oosaossommo mHonsoz

mooo

msoz mHzoaso> osooNosoHoo

.oz mHzosso>

 

omoosaoool-.Huo uzm<s

187

 

 

 

 

aoo>smm Hszso u No
oososmzzo a mo
soauosaoooummmosmoo a mo
smzsoz ooosHsoz u oo
oosmmmosmomxsmoos» u no
soHHos u No

smssos u Ho oosaoooouo

Hoozum ao smsHsom

aomoooommz omzz oosaoooouo m.smzaos masmso N m.smzaos mmuNm mo

mmooommz oz u mm
oomomumoNonooHHooo aoz . mo
zzo n Nm
omssamNNomonoemo: a zH
smzuomstmamoooomz u mH
m>saoomxm zoooooo u «H
sm>sso HosusmoeooNsmasoomooss u mH
smsoHom u NH
ooHoHHoz so smaoHon . HH
osoozumz oao< u oH
.smommzmsoam n mo
oomostmonzosso a mo
ooomosm: mHaaoo a No
aoo>smm HH>Ho a mo
oosuammzo u mo
soHsos u «o
soauosaooo1mmmosmoo u no
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smosos u Ho oosaooouuo

Hooos ooHHoozooo m.sozoos "HHoHo N . m.smzaos Ho-oo oo
oosaossUmmo mHzosso> mooo msoz mHonso> osoozoooHoo .oz mHzosso>

 

vmoosaoo011.Hum mzm<h

188

 

 

smzmo< oz

sm>o ooo msomz om

mmumo

omuoo

mmumm

onuom

mNnmN

oN-oN

msomz mHumH

aomoooommz so amzooso mm<

smzmoo oz
onooHHooo Hoz

zzo

smzuoms Hoozom
smmoooz Hoooooo
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zaaomzooHo

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smsoHom

oosmsHmz so smamsosz
amosoaa<
oHoozumzioaoo
smommzmsoam

Hoomozo smHonossm
oosmosmz mHaaoo

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HHoHo H

mm
mm
Nm
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amzuosm mm< mm mm

Hoooosooooo
mo

 

oosaossommo mHzossoz

mooo

mEoz mHonso> osooNoEoHoo .oz mHonso>

 

omocsaoounn.Hnm mzm<h

APPENDIX C

CONDESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS. RELIABILITY ANALYSES,
AND ADDITIONAL CONTINGENCY TABLES

189

TABLE C-1.--Condescriptive Statistics on the Traditionalism 0 Items

 

Variable 01 = "Old Ways are Best."

Mean = 2.667; Standard Error = .109; Standard Deviation 1.326;
Variance = 1.758; Kurtosis = -.975; Skewness = .563; Minimum = 1.000;
Maximum = 5.000; Sum = 392.000; C. V. Pct = 49.721; .95 C. I. = 2.451

to 2.883; Valid Cases - 147; Missing Cases = 3.

Variable 012 = "Ethnic Group Important in Hiring?

 

Mean = 2.278; Standard Error 2 .113; Standard Deviation - 1.351;
Variance = 1.824; Kurtosis = -.671; Skewness = .793; Minimum = 1.000;
Maximum = 5.000; Sum = 328.000; C. V. Pct = 59.299; .95 C. I. = 2.055
to 2.500; Valid Cases = 144; Missing Cases = 6.

 

190

 

 

 

 

 

 

191

 

 

 

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192

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muoosso> so mamaHoo<

 

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193

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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194

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mooossoz so msmHHoo<

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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195

TABLE C-4.--Condescriptive Statistics on the Traditionalism-
. Bureaucratic Preference Scale (E Items)

 

Variable BTPREF (E3 and E13)
E3 = "0rganization_has many levels of authority“ (Bureaucratic)
versus
"Organization run primarily by one person? (Traditionalism)

E13 = "Organization headed by administrator, with assistants and
other officers below“ (Bureaucratic)

versus

"Organization with control vested in a single person"
'(Traditionalism) '

Mean = 4.809; Standard Error = .409; Standard Deviation = 5.013;
Variance = 25.133; Kurtosis = 2.834; Skewness = 1.936;

Minimum = 2.000; Maximum = 20.000; Sum = 721.400;

C. V. Pct = 104.240; .95 C.I. = 4.000 to 5.618;

Valid Cases = 150; Missing Cases = O.

 

 

196

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197

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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198

TABLE C-6.--Relationship Between Type of Education and Orientations
to Nontraditionalism (e.g., bureaucratic authority)
Among the Employees with Less Network Contact

 

 

 

 

 

.. 35:25:23: 11.22.11.132}. T...

Primary Education 16 (12.6) 7 ( 5.5) 23 (18.1)

Secondary Education 12 ( 9.4) 16 (12.6) 28 (22.0)

Vocational-Technical

Education 24 (18.9) 17 (13.4) 41 (32.3)

University Education 28 (22.0) 7 ( 5.5) 35 (27.6)
Column Total 80 (63.0) 47 (37.0) 127 (100.0)

 

Raw chi square = 9.98

3
.05

Degrees of Freedom

Significance level

Contingency Coefficient = .27

199

TABLE C-7.--Relationship Between Type of Education and Orientations
to Nontraditionalism (e.g., bureaucratic authority)

Among the Employees with More Network Contact

 

 

Type of Education gggzgggzgglc 3:?gztgggg; Row Total
Primary Education 3 (17.6) 0 (0.0) 3 (17.6)
Secondary Education 1 ( 5.9) 2 (11.8) 3 (17.6)
Vocational-Technical

Education 6 (35.3) 1 (5.9) 7 (41.2)
University Education 2 (11.8) 2 (11.8) 4 (23.5)
Column Total 12 (70.6) 5 (29.4) 17 (100.0)

 

Raw chi square = 4.84
Degrees of Freedom = 3

Not significant

200

TABLE C-8.--Relationship Between Status Classification and
Traditional versus Rational Forms of Organization

 

 

 

 

 

Traditional Rational
Status Level Orientation Orientation Row Total
Junior Staff ' 32 (21.3) 49 (32.7) 81 (54.0)
Intermediate Staff 13 ( 8.7) 7 ( 4.7) 20 (13.3)
Senior Staff 1 22 (14.7) 27 (18.0) 49 (32.7)
Column Total 67 (44.7) 83 (55.3) 150 (100.0)

 

Raw chi square = 4.21

' Degrees of freedom = 2

Not significant

Contingency Coefficient = .16

201

TABLE C-9.--Relationship Between Status Classification and Traditional
versus Bureaucratic Forms of Organization

 

 

 

 

 

Bureaucratic Traditional
Status Level Orientation Orientation Row T0t31
Junior Staff ' 54 (36.0) 27 (18.0) 81 (54.0)
Intermediate Staff 8 ( 5.3) 12 ( 8.0) 20 (13.3)
Senior Staff 31 (20.7) 18 (12.0) ‘49 (32.7)
Column Total 93 (62.0) 57 (38.0) 150 (100.0)

 

Raw chi square = 4.89
Degrees of freedom = 2
Not significant

Contingency Coefficient = .17

APPENDIX D

CARICATURE

202

I. #1. ‘ ' __m“.1

 

 

 

 

' term"
szcs 'It“- ‘ .fl. (19T1Ni13fi35»y nyJr
illIl-llz- . “TNDOFIEHTI .égn

IS
orajop

 

 

 

 

 

Figure D-1.-—A caricature on the perceived role of “particularistic"
considerations in the personnel selection process in
Nigeria

Adapted from the Daily Times Newspaper, March 10, 1983.

203

APPENDIX E

LETTER OF INTRODUCTION TO THE FIELD

204

MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY

 

DEPARTMENT O} SOCIOLOGY ' BERKEY HALL LAST LANSING - MICH|(.A\ - «112.1111
TELEPHONE (Sl‘l SSS-(IMO

November 4, 1982

To Whom It May Concern:

Olusegun Matanmi, a Ph.D. student in the Department of Sociology at
Michigan State University, is doing research required for his doctoral disser-
tation. The information he needs can only be provided by employees of certain
types of organizations in Nigeria. Your cooperation in assisting him to obtain

this information will be appreciated.

Sincerely yours,

QM 5.9m»

William A. Pounce
Professor

HAP/m1

USU-'1 an Allmnw Anion/Equal (Murry-in- Inuit-nun

205

BIBLIOGRAPHY

206

 

 

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