OVERDUE FINE: 25¢ per new per him B_ETURNING LIBELRY wfiszi: Place in DOC-K rat-“WI to “1:123; charge from cirruu‘m.“‘r:n r: . f?‘ ‘ THE ENGLISH-SPEAKING LESSER ANTILLES: A MICROCOSM OF MIGRATION AS A FEATURE OF STRUCTURAL DEPENDENCY IN THE EASTERN CARIBBEAN By Ruth Lynnette Harris A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Sociology 1980 ABSTRACT THE ENGLISH—SPEAKING LESSER ANTILLES: A MICROCOSM OF MIGRATION AS A FEATURE or STRUCTURAL DEPENDENCY IN THE EASTERN CARIBBEAN By Ruth Lynnette Harris This study is concerned with the international migration of labor from the English—speaking eastern Caribbean islands, the Lesser Antilles, which include both the Leeward and Windward groupings. Particularly evident after 1950, the focuses of the research are the historic, economic and political formations in this dependent and underdeveloped area which result in continuous, large- scale out-migrations from these islands. The research methodology used in this study is historical/documentary, which draws upon both qualitative and statistical information found in both primary and secondary sources. The major findings include the: (1) patterns of migration to both center nations outside the region (United States, Canada, United Kingdom) and to regional periphery nations (United States Virgin Islands, Trinidad, Barbados); (2) historical conditioning and creation of massive labor surpluses in the area, and the resultant persistence of migration as a temporary remedy to island conditions; and (3) impact of remittances on these economies. To my father For his patience and love 11 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Dr. Ruth S. Hamilton for her inspiration and guidance in completing this thesis. My sincere appreciation is also extended to Dr. Marilyn Aronoff and Dr. James B. McKee for their helpful comments. It would have been extremely difficult to complete this research without institutional support. Thus, I would like to thank Dean Robert L. Green of the College of Urban Development, with special acknowledgments given to the African Diaspora Research Project staff, operating under the auspices of Dr. Jack Bain, Chairperson, of the Department of Racial and Ethnic Studies. In addition, sincere thanks goes to Dr. Charles Gliozzg, Director of the Office of Overseas Study and its Minority Fellowship Program, which allowed me to travel to London, England, in order to collect data which was seminal to this study. Finally, my warmest appreciation goes to my dear family for their unwavering love, support and patience, and to my friends who kept the faith during my conceptuali- zation, writing and completion of the thesis, especially Gerald Bennett, Charlotte Henderson and Gaylene Perrault. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES Chapter I. II. III. INTRODUCTION AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK A. Patterns of Migration B. International Migration 1. 2. Migration as a Feature of the Capitalist Accumulation Process Migration as a Feature of Structural Dependency C. Summary and Research Hypotheses METHODOLOGY AND ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY CASE STUDY: THE ENGLISH-SPEAKING LESSER ANTILLES A. Background to the Lesser Antilles 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Location Topography and Population Economic Activity Political Status Race, Class and Culture Quality of Life Features Migration History iv 10 15 24 30 30 30 32 33 33 34 36 36 Chapter IV. NOTES B. Data Presentation and Analysis 1. Hypothesis #1: Worker Migratory Patterns a. Trade Relations b. Industrial Growth c. Destinations Hypothesis #2: Relations of Production and Massive Surplus Labor a. Land Tenure b. Changing Agricultural Production Roles c. Growth of Tertiary Sector d. Impact on Migration Hypothesis #3: Impact of Remittances a. Significance of Remittances b. Individual Measures c. Societal Measures SUMMARY, LIMITATIONS AND IMPLICATIONS OF THE STUDY REFERENCES 40 41 43 46 79 83 90 TABLEL 10. 11. FIGURE LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES Lesser Antilles Trade Relations, 1970's Antigua Inter-Island and Regional Trends, 1974-19i7 Antigua, Percentage Distributions for Table 2 Dominica, Returning Residents, 1960-1964 Dominica, Permanent and Temporary Migration, 1960-1964 St. Kitts-Nevis-Anguilla Labor Force Participation and Tourism Lesser Antilles Labor Force by Sector, 1970's Montserrat, Departures and Arrivals, 1970-1977 St. Kitts-Nevis, Returning Residents, 1963-1974 St. Lucia's Remittances, 1962-1973 Grenada's Remittances, 1961-1964 Map of the Lesser Antilles vi 49 54 62 64 67 68 73 75 31 Chapter I INTRODUCTION AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Throughout the industrializing era of the western world in nations such as the United States, Canada and the United Kingdom, foreign workers have been welcomed into the labor force. While the bulk of the emigrant work force originated from southern and eastern Europe, these were not the only locales tapped to assist the advance of industrialization in the Twentieth century. Since the turn of the century, black workers from the Caribbean islands have arrived in these countries in significant numbers, and have worked alongside members of the econom— ically active indigenous population, together partici- pating in the growth and development of various industrial nations. The appearance of an international reserve army of labor, which is relatively cheap, highly mobile and quite sensitive to fluctuations in expanding economies, is a ”predictable feature of advanced capitalism. This tendency became most noticeable, for all areas of the world, during the post—World War II economic growth period. The Caribbean Sea basin, as a source, has gained greater importance since the 1950's. For the Caribbean, the significance of this period is characterized by many global factors: (1) the Western European redevelopment plan, which resulted in (2) the need for cheap and accessible labor, and the subsequent use of available workers from existing colonial territories which the United Kingdom continues to influence by virtue of its recently extended Commonwealth relations, and (3) confirmed United States expansion of dominance into the Caribbean. The purpose of this study is not to attempt a comprehensive historical analysis of the movement of labor from the area, but rather to focus upon one particular era in this process. There is a need for research which focuses upon the structurally permissive faCtors of the region which result in large-scale migrations from the smaller islands in the eastern Caribbean, Many territories, large and small, have been drawn historically into the world capitalist system, and figure into an analysis of the migration of labor as a tendency resulting from the historically con- ditioned state of underdevelopment, dependency and ex— ploitation. The following study investigates the black reserve labor pool found in the British Lesser Antilles grouping in the eastern Caribbean, which includes the Leeward Islands of Anguilla, Antigua, Barbuda, Montserrat, Nevis and St. Kitts and the Windward I31ands of Dominica, Grenada, St. Lucia, St. Vincent, and the Grenadines. The purpose of this study is to understand the migra- tory process within the context of the historical and political development of the Caribbean, and the economic and social formations which emerge within that context. Particular attention is focused first on the process of migration because, as a population factor, it makes the area distinctive as one of the leading areas of highest out-migration in the world. Secondly, and more impor- tantly, since the 1950's, North America has depended as much on migrant workers from the Caribbean as on those coming from Latin America. During this same period, migration of persons from the British Commonwealth to the United Kingdom, which was largely West Indian peaked. Prior to this period, eastern Caribbean migration was relatively insignificant.1 In each case, these workers have become indispensable to these economies.2 To facilitate greater comprehension of the migratory process two separate but interrelated lines of investiga— tion are pursued. First, it is necessary to assess the structural conditions of these islands, which allow the mobility of a significantly large number of their insular populations to be used as a continuous labor force in a variety of geographical locales. Neither population pressure nor unemployment, alone or in combination, pro- vide sufficient explanations for high rates of migration from the region. The second task is to illustrate how the region figures into the global functioning of the world capitalist system as a significant pocket of the international reserve army of labor. It is necessary to document for all contributing sectors, their role in this process. Here concentration on the smaller island migratory patterns provides a basis for future comparisons with other larger and more populous English-speaking islands. The process of labor migration is a notable feature resulting from structural conditions which are linked with underdevelopment and dependency. The process stems from the historic, economic and political realities in the Caribbean. The Lesser Antilles exist as tiny, high density, insular units initially settled for agricultural production, functioning as extensions of earlier occupa— tions of other, larger Caribbean islands by Europeans. British colonization was established in this region during the first half of the seventeenth century, and slavery became an essential part of the economic structure. Imported African slave labor was used in the development ’of a plantation economy which was dependent on three main trades: (l) tropical staples of sugar, molasses and rum, (2) British manufactures, food, livestock and lumber, and (3) African slaves.3 Historically, the forced migration of labor into the area was economically beneficial to, and necessary for, the growth of the world capitalist system. At present, the primary function of the area as a center for agricultural production is essentially unchanged. Modifications of the function of the area are apparent only in the types of export crops grown, which are dic— tated by the changing needs of the overseas markets. Today, migration has become a tremendously disruptive factor for the social structure of the area. The 5 transient nature of the labor force acts as one of the most profound features unifying this area. Explanations for the migration process range from the.individual level of analysis to that of the world systems approach. Individual causes have been sufficiently documented elsewhere.4 Highlighted here are applicable island structural features which result in significant levels of migration. The particular patterns of migration found in the Lesser Antilles are predictably based on the history of the area dating back to its settlement and initial colonization. These patterns are rooted in the existing social structure of the region. The changing patterns of Antillean islander movement over time provide perhaps the most revealing insight into the complexity of the migration process. Thus, several research questions emerge. First, what migratory patterns are discernible? Secondly, what are the significant economic and social structures which accompany these patterns? Finally, how might one account for these patterns? Each question is addressed in turn below. A. Patterns of Migration Fluctuations in the patterns of migration are affected primarily by the destination of the migrants. Alterations of the patterns are most evident by the volume of movement to varying destinations. From the seventeenth century on, labor transfers from one island economy to another have 6 existed in order to assist the seasonal labor needs of the plantation system. Several phases of migration took place simultaneously: fresh trends to new places coincided with secondary and sustained movements to the old destina- I tions. Migrants shifted from one terri— tory to another and sometimes returned to thg countries from which they had come. However, the twentieth century has witnessed a notable increase in the volume of labor migration away from these peripheral island economies to industrial center-nations. Within center-nations, the demand for migrant labor exists for three basic reasons: (1) as a response to general labor shortages, (2) as a means of filling bottom positions in the social hierarchy of labor and (3) as a way of meeting the requirements of a secondary sector of a dual labor market.6 Economic expansion creates temporary labor shortages, particularly in low-paying, low status Jobs. So, the migrant labor force basically fits into an already pre-determined set of Jobs. Migrant labor is,{ thus, for the most part, complementary to, and not com, petitive with, native labor, helping to preserve native Jobs and sustain native consumption patterns.7 Workers most likely to fill such Jobs are by and large "target- earners" or peasant workers, who work in industry or out— side of their home countries in order to supplement their agricultural subsistence base.8 Additionally, there have been significant and simul- taneous periphery to periphery movements within the area 7 itself, and with other peripheral economies in Central and South America. Both Petras and Nikolinakos admit that the expansion and movement of capital,.and consequently the movement of labor, has not taken place to center— nations alone. The expansion of less profitable industrial production into peripheral areas of the Caribbean is an interesting phenomenon which has flourished since World War II. This expansion has taken place without significant absorption of surplus labor in the area.9 Nevertheless, it attracts workers from neighboring islands within the area. Piore suggests that because of the changing needs of the capitalist system, the character of the external migration stream is not stable, but is continuous. It appears to shift systematically over time, as the migration process ages, and the economy at the place of origin changes.10 Much migration is of a temporary nature, for a period of three to ten years. However, such temporary migration has effects similar to permanent migration when, the returning migrant is replaced within the migrant stream by another compatriot with similar characteristics. Such migrants may be regarded as a permanent social group with rotating membership.11 Differing from settler immigrants of another era, many Third World migrants in- tend eventually to return to their home countries. They are "economic exiles" who leave for a time to work and save.12 Most islanders regard migration to neighboring countries, and to North America, as the normal solution to lack of economic activity at home. Despite this reality, it is not unusual to find that many migrants are employed in their homelands in the period immediately prior to their departures.13 As a consequence of migration, the accompanying pat- tern of monetary transfers in the form of remittances to home islands parallels the movement of workers. While remittances are perhaps the greatest personal incentive motivating migrants, more general factors affecting migra- tion must be noted. Petras outlines seven possible factors which may influence migratory patterns: geographic prox- imity, cultural affinity, political and economic networks, occupational and wage categories, degree and mode of labor control, tradition of class organization and poli- tical participation, and remittances and foreign exchange. While all of these may be possible factors, perhaps the most important for the Lesser Antilles have been proximity, political and economic networks, and remittances. Petras‘ notes that proximity between labor surplus zones and labor importing zones reduces the costs of transportation, communication and the complications of movement, regardless of who bears the cost.14 Economic networks such as trade relations and colonial histories, which bind identifiable peripheral and center-nations, create equally powerful though sometimes, less formal and legally defined move- ments.15 Remittances, while informally stimulated by family ties, are often legally compelled by island govern- ment regulations.16 B. International Migration Explanations for the migratory process which accomo— date the existence of global structures operating beyond the level of the nation-state are explored below. While both individual motives and island-specific features of migration are recognized as explanations for the continuous movement of people out of the Lesser Antilles, structural features of a global nature affecting this process are highlighted here. First, migration may be viewed as an attendant feature of the capital accumulation process, and primarily as an extension of the division of labor to an international scale. Second, it is possible to con- ceptualize migration as part and parcel of structural de- pendency and underdevelopment, resulting in a conditioned response to fluctuations in former and existing colonial- power economies. The second factor feeds into, and is an‘ integral part of, the capitalist accumulation process. Thus, migrants and the-migration process must be viewed from these two separate, but integrated, levels. 10 .Migration as'a Feature of the Capitalist Accumulation Process Many international migration theorists agree that the main purpose of migration is to add manpower to the exist— ing available supply of labor in a particular area. Ceri Peach's study on West Indian migration to Britain focused on the dynamic attraction of the industrial British economy, rather than on the island's permissive push fac— tors. The study suggests that despite "adverse" conditions in the sending areas, migration coincides with periods of demand outside of these countries, rather than with perceived crises of surplus labor inside them. He notes that the migrations after World War II took place against a backdrop of improving conditions of decreased unemploy- ment and decreased population growth.17 Similarly for North America, Petras looks beyond the European migration experience, reiterating that Third World migration oscillations do not necessarily co—vary with levels of the birth rate, gross domestic product, unemployment, or education. Rather, she notes that mi- grations have varied historically with the alternating market conditions within center—nation labor importing zones, or even within the hierarchy of wage differential and capital expansion within the Caribbean itself. Con— clusively, Petras notes that major crossnnational networks of labor flows parallel the movement of commodities and capital within an international grid of exchanges.18 11 However, caution must be taken so as not to present an over-rationalized view of migration. No country has decided in advance on the scale and character of immigra- tion. The movements have developed in accordance with the economic needs of industry on the one hand, and of migrants on the other. Government immigration policies have more often come after the event in order to control and direct already existing movements, rather than to determine them from the outset.19 Historically, the international division of labor is best comprehended by analyzing the distribution of economic roles, and the functions between center and periphery areas. The function of the foreign—dominated periphery is primarily production. External markets located in the center nations dominate the economic process and the production of producer goods, manufactures, technology and related services, by controlling all internal markets.20 It is further concluded that Caribbean government popula- tion policy complies with this distribution of international production, because it regularizes the islands' unemploy- 21 Samir ment problem through the migration of labor. Amin22 suggests that all factors of production (capital and labor) are mobile. Yet the accumulation process in capitalism has generally resulted in the concentration of money and physical capital in the developed core regions, and in the massive geographic concentrations of labor in the undeveloped regions. 12 Capital migration intensifies only when labor migration is impractical for historically determined social or political reasons. The maximum rate of accumulation de- pends on the rate of profit or labor exploitation of workers without political rights.23 That is, capitalists pay immigrants a relatively low wage and native workers a relatively high wage, with the effect that average wages remain unaffected.24 This practice creates an aristocracy of labor in center areas, making immigrant workers the new industrial reserve army.25 This periphery- based surplus labor has acted as a reserve army of labor, which has been tapped in order to accommodate cyclical and sectoral economic shifts of the center.26 Such migration, whether it was forced movement (slave or indentured) or free labor movement (from rural to urban and/or periphery to center), has been involved at every stage of this development as part of the dynamics of the social relations of production. Capital needs two types of reserve armies of labor.27 First, a "floating" reserve army which is more or less permanent and fully employed, but which changes Jobs frequently in accordance with sectoral shifts in the economy. Secondly, a "stagnant" reserve army which is thrown into and removed from the work force as dictated by economic demand.28 Both types of migration have a stabilizing function in both the sending and the receiv- ing areas (by providing a constant labor supply and l3 siphoning off the chronically unemployed, respectively) while keeping the reserve army in continuous motion.29 Several migration theorists have attempted to explain the migration of labor solely from the vantage point of capitalist center-nations. Taton suggests that from the perspective of industrialized nations the role of migration is to keep the developing nations non-competitive. Using the example of more skilled and better educated migrants he states that: The policies of the developed nations which perpetuate the brain-drain, whether so intended or not, in effect are a new and subtle and highly effective form of colonialism. The brain-drain helps assure that the less developed nations will not become competitors of the more developed nations for raw materials and for markets for manufactured goods.30 .While Castles and Kosack state that the basic determinant of migration is the socio-economic structure, they suggest that immigrants should not be looked at in terms of their specific group characteristics such as ethnic, social and cultural features, but in terms of their actual social positions in the host country.31 According to these theorists such a point of view is possible since immigrants do not have to adopt universally accepted norms and cus- toms. They are assigned a place in the non—egalitarian social order. Castles and Kosack do not View immigrant social relations as being with the receiving society as a whole, but with specific social groups within it such as employers, landlords, fellow workers, and so on. One 14 special mechanism which ensures that immigrant social con- ditions do not improve is discriminatory legislation which restricts civic and labor market rights and informal dis- criminatory practices.32 However, these single dimension explanations, focus- ing primarily on the receiving areas, do not help to explain sending country characteristics, nor do they anti- cipate or illuminate for these labor reserves, the patterns of movements to a variety of receiving areas existing for decades. More importantly, despite the increase of capital-intensive labor, there continues to exist a requirement for a certain percentage of a permanent, semi-skilled and unskilled labor force, necessary first for maintenance of the structure, and secondly for accumu- lation.33 In discussing the importation of foreign workers, writers for both Western Europe and North America admit that industrialist and agricultural growers have been unable to reduce their dependency on a sizeable work force through mechanization, and that they have gone to great lengths to obtain a supply of cheap and steady labor, and to keep it unorganized and tightly controlled.34 15 Migration as arFeature of Structural Dependency The process of migration cannot be divorced from the economic and political structures which exist in the Caribbean. Using analytical categories of the island economies, their varying political statuses, and the com- mon social dynamics of migratory workers as illustrative features, a microcosm of contemporary dependence and under- development may be constructed. It is argued, for example, that migration is part of an historically conditioned situation rooted in the structural transformations of the British Lesser Antilles which have taken place largely from the Seventeenth century to the present. Initial contact of Europeans with the Caribbean began 35 during the sixteenth as a purely economic relationship century primarily with forced population movements into the area from Africa for the primary purpose of produc- tion of the land. Formal political ties in the form of colonies were soon established by the French and the British in order to assure the continuance of the economic relation and to safeguard against encroachment by other existing powers. The structure of the economic relations has typically been in the form of: (1) concentration and monopoly of trade partners in a single controlling nation, (2) mono-crop concentration of commodities produced, and (3) dependence of these nations on other stronger nations for financial, military and international representation. 16 Teodor maintains that an analysis of labor migration must consider not only the characteristics and needs of metropolitan capital, but also the process of disintegra- tion and change in rural economies and societies.36 Still, this is not separate from the accumulation process. Although the early formalized colonial relationship be- tween the Lesser Antilles and center-nations is crucial to their later labor reserve function, the economic condi- tioning of the work force through the plantation system as a mode of production37 is perhaps more insightful. The Lesser Antilles remain agarian plantation economies where the major export products are sugar and to a lesser extent, cotton in the Leeward Islands, and bananas, citrus fruits, and spices in the Windward Islands. The formation and roles of the peasantry in the area have been conditioned by the evolution and transformation of these societies, as they produced more goods and became more engrossed in the world capitalist system. The manner in which a territory is integrated into the capitalist system dictates its laws of internal develop— ment.38 An area becomes underdeveloped when its internal production system is determined by international commodity and capital markets. The process of the development of underdevelopment as an unnatural, and perhaps unnecessary, stage in development helped prepare the Antilles for incorporation into the world capitalist system. Thus, 4 Galtung's39 "center-periphery" dichotomy or Frank's 0 17 "metropole-satellite" paradigm, which depict unequal ex- change and differential development between two regions, become appropriate contexts in which to discuss develop- ments in the Antilles. Dos Santos41 suggests that the historic and structural nature of economic dependency is a result of colonialism. In general, economic dependence was accomplished through isolation of periphery regions from each other, and the development of insularity, separate and disparate adminis- trations in each isolated segment, and of rigidly imposed gradations as a basis of social stratification. Dos Santos outlines three stages in the structure of dependence: colonial dependence, financial-industrial dependence, and technological—industrial dependence. Each level can be correlated with the development of capitalism from the seventeenth century to the present in the Antilles. Today, remnants of former political eras are evident. All of the Lesser Antilles remained formal colonies until the late 1950's, when changes in the interé national political and economic scene dictated a less conspicuous relationship. Neo-colonialisméz, a subsequent phase of imperialism following colonialism, during which an indigenous elite acts in the interest of the stronger nation without legal sanction, has taken root. The Antilles remain a mixture of de facto and de Jure political statuses, ranging from pure colonialism (Montserrat and Anguilla) to adaptive variations of neo-colonialism, 18 despite the existence of four flag-independent islands (Dominica, Grenada, St. Lucia and St. Vincent). British associated statehood has been devised for the remaining territories (Antigua-Barbuda and St. Kitts-Nevis) as an anticipatory prelude to independence. However, political status alone does not act as the sole criteria for a neo- colonial relationship, but instead only acts to formalize economic motives. The third phase, technological-industrial dependence, is the present context in which the structure of dependent migration operates. This late twentieth century phase depicts the expansion of influence in the Caribbean to include other industrial center-nations, and is charac- terized by the rise of multi-national corporation invest- ments in markets of countries which have been underdeveloped. However, it is financial dependence which ushers in this third phase. With the initial use of the Caribbean ter- ritories as way-stations during early European explorations, their productive capacities mandated investments in and inclusion into, early mercantile development. Thus trade relations and migratory flows help to more clearly identify this neo-colonial phase. In the heyday of British colonialism the British Caribbean colonies in general were more important and brought greater returns to investors than the North American colonies.43 However, by the mid-twentieth 19 century, official British government subsidies,;in the form of compulsory remittances and grantSHinpaid, had replaced many of the private investments in the islands. External technological-industrial reliance is parti- cularly evident, not necessarily by the volume of Jobs, but instead by work with significnat income differentials. Here, the growth of secondary and tertiary industries, especially of processing industries for sugar, cotton, fruit, and most recently for oil refining, as well as em— ployment in the tourist industry, has brought wage-work into competition with piece-work in the area. Currently, the influence of outside nations has been extended beyond the United Kingdom, to include the United States and Canada as primary benefactors of such relations through comparatively advantageous trade relations and the use of the Caribbean work forces. Therefore, economic production and trade relations have had serious consequences for the financial and technological developments in the region, These factors’ act as the single most permissive force which affects the migration of significant segments of the economically productive POPulations of the Antilles. The debilitating effects of this new dependence are many. Resultant limi- tations include high rates of exploitation of the labor force through striking differentials among domestic wage levels in a cheap labor market, the use of labor—displacing 20 capital-intensive technology, and the transference abroad of both displaced manpower and economic surplus generated within the islands. Early structural transformations in the Antilles have had special implications for the present work force. Petras suggests that both slave and indentured labor forces typify this process in the Caribbean during the accumulation era in that region. Eventual withdrawal of center—nation capital from production in these zones re- sulted in the creation of massive labor surpluses, since there had been no prior subsistence level sectors, or dis- placed peasant or artisan sector-s.44 Thus, general dis- placement from the prior mode of organization of produc- tion, the plantation, resulted in proletarianization of these peripheral populations, and movement from lower wage to higher wage work zones.45 Here, accumulated capi- tal accelerated the creation of this labor surplus. For the Antilles, unequal development has led to a complex combination of oscillating "peasantry" and "proletarian" tendencies in the labor force. The propensity of the populace to simultaneously perform both industrial and agricultural tasks complicates classification of the Caribbean work force. Stavenhagen's observations in Latin America are instructive within this context. Basing his theory on an analysis of land tenure systems and patterns of migration, he identifies a six- factor process in the social transformation of the 46 21 peasantry: (l) establishment of a money economy, (2) private landownership and mono-culture, (3) urbanization, (4) industrialization, (5) migration of workers, and (6) national integration. In contrast with Stavenhagen, writers such as Mintz and Hall47 argue that in some cases the peasantry ori- ginated within the plantation system itself. The latter is perhaps more applicable to the Lesser Antilles. Small peasant production and share-cropping became quite impor- tant after the abolition of slavery, particularly in the southerly Windward Islands where a balance between estates and small independent peasant production is notable. In the Leewards, where fixed resources were much more limited because of the monopoly of plantation estates, a higher percentage of organized workers in the secondary sector and higher rates of labor migration are evident. Compounding a rather amorphous classification of the work force are trade union politics of governments which range from colonies to independent nations. The issue of political status emerges as a critical variable in setting development strategies, since the movement of people between islands constantly emerges as an area of economic concern for each. The political context of both "primary" and "secondary" movements of labor as part of the internationalization of labor involves the transfer 22 of workers between center and periphery nations, and amongst periphery island economies, at various Points in time. Often disregarded are the "secondary" movements of labor. Chaney notes that in general there are interregional movements within Asia, Africa, and Latin America of people seeking Jobs in countries which may be only slightly better off than their own, and these are noted even less than larger hemispheric movements.48 Neverthe- less, these movements, like primary movements, are also conditioned and directed by fluctuations in the general world capitalist system. Historical examples of labor migrations within the Caribbean which occurred as a consequence of concerted or unilateral decisions of nations such as the United States, United Kingdom and other European powers began to emerge at the turn of the century. Such labor transfers were apparent in the con- struction of the Panama Canal, the United Fruit Company investments in the Cuban and Costa Rican fruit industries, and agricultural and dock work in the United States Virgin Islands. Similarly, after World War II the growth of construction industries, processing industries and tourism resulted in large scale influxes of migrant workers to the United States Virgin Islands, Aruba and Antigua. Of primary movements, Chaney adds that few economically advanced countries industrialized without causing the emigration of large numbers of people who 23 were dislocated by the process, and without using cheap labor of others.49 Thus, the three employment options open to the Antillean population, independent peasant production, plantation work and migration for work, have not been mutually exclusive alternatives. Rather, combinations of the alternatives, coupled with limited non-agricul- tural employment in the secondary and tertiary sectors, have been apparent. Local employment, individual small farming, and remittances from emigrated workers are all necessary to make ends meet. Referring to the uncer- tainty of wage work and the lack of control over the land, Richard Frucht50 describes the Caribbean's econom- ically active sector as a mixture of dependence on proletarian relationships, peasant holdings, bourgeois aspirations and bourgeois consumer behavior.51 Remit- tances from individual migrant workers remain crucial to the area today. Acting as an investment in human survival, rather than in industrial growth, remittances help stop the gap between the increased cost of living and insuf- ficient wage work. Foreign financing is necessary to cover existing island deficits and future developments, filling up the holes that it cyclically creates. 24 C. Summary and Research Hypotheses This thesis is particularly concerned with the pro- cess of migration as it relates to structures of depen- dency resulting from the underdevelopment of the Lesser Antilles. In general, the structures of underdevelop- ment emerging in the region were dictated by global developments essential for incorporation of the area into the capitalist system, and thus provide the necessary framework in which to view migration. As a feature of the capitalist accumulation process, large scale migrations have been possible for several reasons. A massive sur- plus of labor and capital has resulted in: (l) displaced and unskilled workers, since the Antilles exist as mono- crop export economies, (2) the growth of technological- industrial reliance on multi-national interests in the area, particularly in secondary and tertiary sectors, and (3) wage employment opportunities which are seasonal, sparse, and tenuous. Thus migration for work has emerged as a viable complement to existing structures. Workers have come to depend on wage work wherever possible for survival. This is most clearly manifested by an in- creased insular reliance on remittances from migrated workers. Consequently, the patterns of migration follow capital and industrial development flows. These capital flows lead workers to expanding industrial economies, that is, to center nations, and to other peripheral 25 economies just beginning to experience limited forms of industrial development because of the shift of less pro- fitable industrial production from the center to these areas I In summary, the guiding hypotheses for this study are the following: (1) (2) (3) If migrant workers tend to follow capital and industrial flows, then migration will take place to both center and peri- phery nations, rather than to center nations alone. If massive labor surpluses exist in the Antilles, then a significant portion of their populations will have migrated for work at any given point in time, rather than only during periods of economic expansion. If remittances are necessary for survival, then they will register as significant contributions to both personal incomes and general island economies, rather than to individual consumption alone. Chapter II METHODOLOGY AND ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY Methodology The research methodology used in this study is historical/documentary, which draws upon both qualitative and statistical information on the English-speaking Lesser Antilles, and is found in both primary and secon- dary sources. In order to discern patterns and to document the relationships between the variables (wage differentials, employment opportunities, and patterns of migration), various types of information are used. The effect of wages on migration is frequently measured by migrants' remittances to home islands. Employment op- portunities of workers abroad are compared with their work experience in their home countries. Thus a three sector breakdown of each island economy is surveyed. Labor migration patterns are analyzed in relation to economic and trading patterns, and to the extent of capital investments, vis-a-vis primary, secondary, and tertiary sectoral developments in the region. Conse- quently, information on trade relations and actual migratory flows are imperative. 26 27 Preliminary data on these economic and social dimen— sions for the Lesser Antilles were obtained through various books, journals, and government publications from the United States, the United Nations, the Inter- national Labor Organization documents, and the 1970 Population Census of the Commonwealth Caribbean. Speci- fic information on migratory trends and remittances were obtained through archival research at various British governmental offices during the Summer of 1979. There, individual island data were gathered from island statis- tical yearbooks and periodic reports housed in the Overseas DevelOpment Administration Statistical Office, located in Eland House at Stag Place, London, England. In general, these migration statistics are part of the statistical data on "Migration and Tourism", of which the general movements of island residents and monetary transfers are a part. Because the compilation of statistical information is handled by individual statistical units within each island, temporal and report? ing format consistency was not possible, Thus, selected were the available data from several territories, which were deemed representative of general regional trends based on the qualitative analysis of secondary sources. Selection of the data on migration is restricted to the period after 1950. It was at this time that migration from the Antilles peaked. While an historical view of 28 migration is presented, the focus will be primarily on illustrative trends of migration for the past two decades. As previously stated, global factors in European rede- velopment and the latest shift in spheres of influence in the Caribbean are notable at this time. Organization of the Study This study takes as its test case the contemporary international migration of labor from the Caribbean, the eastern English-speaking Lesser Antilles. Focused upon at the island level are structural factors which influence migration from the region. Stemming from the Antilles political history are economic and social structures which together provide the rationale for large-sclae migrations away from the region. The relations of pro- duction and trade are highlighted in the economic struc- ture, while the dynamics of working class family organi- zation, and the tendency to rely on remittances as a constant source of income, allow insight into the Antillean social structure. However, global considerations, that is, the demands of the international markets, determine the range and variation of migratory flows. Thus included in the following section is an analysis of Antillean movements, using data on the economic and social variables within these islands which contribute to and perpetuate thermigration patterns displayed. Included is information on migratory patterns, trade 29 relations, labor force participation, examples of growth in the tertiary sector, and remittance accounts. Finally, a general summary of the data closes the discussion. The section opens with a brief sketch of the Lesser Antilles today. Chapter III CASE STUDY: THE ENGLISH-SPEAKING LESSER ANTILLES A. Background to the Lesser Antilles Location The Lesser Antilles lie to the southeast in the Caribbean and include the Windward and Leeward islands. Separated primarily for administrative convenience, this chain of tiny islands begins with Anguilla at the northern end and extends south to Grenada. These eleven principal islands are located between the Virgin Islands on one end, and Trinidad at the other, and are intermixed with the Netherland and French Antilles. Together, they act as the eastern gateway to the Caribbean. These islands have been of central importance to world powers for strategic, economic and political reasons, and they have been used historically for purposes of defense, production, commerce, and communications. 30 31 . .. yflllll||;.\.Hv ..... u % .lehn: ... Ir; /£..s£ul§ l as, .. a}... \ \ \ \\ Q \ x A s. . 2:25.... . an. . w... 5519.59 \.\.\\N.3h\. . \ \s \ \. t . . . . . . . a .. ... $.2ch ....anmo \ \ .. \ <.\._ am . . . 4 .- . . T a ..\ \\v x \\2: . \ \ 8... not: a L 2. \& \\“H\.~\ww.s. . \ o o _ \s / 5.2-9.3 .. .... MW“... \ . .\.\\ . w x ..1 \. .xv‘ ‘3‘ . u ‘. \ \ . . l . Ya... \ . . . . \\\ . _ .. . .33 333 hoarse: d . ..\..:..<: . . . \ .... av . lax . am TR. L. e. a. , - m .. .w 34.2 9.4 . ..n 2.».9. com.\ . 93......— E 01:2...th m . L a. a... m 3:52 7. o, . . Con- .d O.‘ 839 M L c. .Q% u¢,<..oow.%...l.lc ..x «3.2 \ _ . II o e. ... . .I .2 . o .. 3 N 0 O 1 . Qua—«:39 O .1 09524.. O M . o~n.a\\\\\ 4.... .4 a M R. m. \<:oaca. no.3“.uasm ween. cessasa=:=m:.i_¢ . e bpofinmywcsfi 3.5m _ -. .. PEPE. .....ee... co.La=._m use emumuaa_==xmw;_mflmaam 9:2 cc seesaw .AiA. Loaso>oz uomi>o¢ .-am .caaa .mmmp ig.::.a .ou.eeo aciae.ia .m.= III- CIIII u _o_em_ou o5 oucoueummoc_ mo ac_uqeuu c:u a: :o.~=acs;.ma .snap .ecpamom chem .a_§;owm< panacea III- I ‘IIOIO- ll-Il‘! IIII! .iisi eeecmuc ”.u.a .eaaacigm.z I00 "mouoz veacmdxoea amu~s .hm nouuuuu I now .x.= I Nae .ucuuauuuou .uoonacuuo .noccscs unannooowa voou . . nouaaauuuu ..uoavoua canon . . .usosaqavo w .».= I "an as. snocaauaa inane Anna-quota urmwmnnmxe_m W con-n I and .n.=I «an .«oSu Anecv. uuaoo .uaco ocean-auxo nae. ” .x.: I. "a“ .m.=I «an ..uuau-uoou .aouuou .uoouoaoa .uuaan neg-accoua nous. . - r. «eququuai . .g.» I «an .a.=-una .uuaaauquaa.u . i~iono . -.a»=ou a<¢aona=ex .H.: I «as u.:ouo~m.x.=auan unusuavoou “many nouuou..cunauouu>. couuou .uoanuuuuo> econaau-o sum-cacolloo noa ecazuoau «usnv couuou .Iauu20u <=o_»z< . u.u.= I «an a.u.= I «on .voou .«ao evauo ..ouuauoua Isououuoa acqauuou ado . ... . . o . o . . maxomxa . wagons" . q pauvum..oum uaavuc< .88888.8 .8 ..88.8.: .88..88 88.88.8888 ”88.888 98. 8.8. 98. 8.8. 8.88. 98. 98. 8.88. 2.8. ..8 8.8 ..8 8.8 8.8 8.8 8.8 8.8 88888.8 888.88 8.8 8.8 8.8 8.8 8.8 8.8 8.8 8.8 88.88.: 8.888 8.8. 8.88 8.8. 8.8. ..8. 8.8. 8.8. 8.8. 88.8888 88.8: 8.88 8.88 8.88 ~..8 8... 8... 8.88 8.88 8.888.888 8.8.8 8.8. ..8 ..8. 8.8 ..8 8.8 8.8 8.8 8888.8. 888388.: 8.8. .... ..8. 8.8. 8.8. 8... 8.8. ..8. 888.... 88.888. ..8. 8.8. _ 8.8. 8.8. ..8. 8.8. 8.8. 8.8. 8.8..888 8888.88.88 888< N 3.22% .3. 3:3.usauuaaqn ousucaosva .asuuu:< n ”...—82h. 50 Antilles, it is representative of the general trends of movement from the islands in the 1970's and parallels existing trade relations. Extra-Regional Destinations A representative trend for the Leewards is manifest in the greater tendency for Antiguans to go to North America rather than the United Kingdom. Figures from Table 3 demonstrate that three to four times the percent- age of migrants going to Britain end up in North America. The latter territory accounted for nearly one-fifth of the total departures from the island in 1977. However, the North American trend runs a distant second behind "Other Caribbean" territories, which accounted for 47 percent of the migrants in the same year. Although a number of Antiguans emigrate each year, the outflow seems to be balanced by an inflow of migrants from other islands, primarily of skilled workers.67 The development of this trend is largely due to short-term seasonal work schemes. on nearby islands. As a result, these migrants uniformly reassume their reserve army tendency, and the increasing return migration figures for this brief period is evident. In contrast, Dominica is illustrative for the Windwards, showing divergent destinations from those of the Leeward Islands. Table 4 shows the United Kingdom as the preferred extra-Caribbean locale for this group, particularly for permanent emigration. Nearly 84 percent 51 ..888. "888888. 888. .8888.8 2628238 .82.... 3.5.88 .358... .8 8.58.5: .5833 338383 3953 3 me..." 2 + 3.6 ~2£ 3m— ; 83.... 8: 986 Sn; noo— 88 888.8 888+ 888.8 8.8.8 888. an 8~.~ to. 83.0 81a 32 3 ZNJ 83.. 88:8 8.3.8 32 m4<>_¢z< do n m< mpzmc_mu¢ uu2~¢¢< ¢ 888.1888. .8.888.888 88.888888 .8o.=.aon v WAQQE 52 of the permanent emigrants were enroute to the United Kingdom in 1960. By 1964, emigrants to the United Kingdom still counted for two-thirds of the total per- manent migrants from Dominica. In contrast with the trend for the Leewards, North America ranked among the last destinations after other Caribbean territories. Similarly, St. Lucia shows paralleling trends. Because of the importance of its ports and work provided in the American bases, St. Lucians have had considerable non-agricultural employment and freedom of movement as seamen. In a single year, 1960, some 2,500 persons migrated: 2,000 to the United Kingdom, 229 to the United States, 111 to the United States Virgin Islands, 111 to 68 The seasonality of the Antigua, and 16 to Canada. banana industry has led to emigration overseas, which was assisted by the St. Lucian government. In 1964 there were agreements with Canada and the United States for recruitment of labor from this territory.69 Exceptional here is Windward Island migration for temporary work (see Table 5). Under those circumstances, Dominica shows that North America outranks the United Kingdom as a temporary destination for these islands. Regional Destinations Extra-regional migratory trends account for only a small portion of the possible destinations for the islanders. Despite a 12.8 percentage decrease to the 53 "Other Caribbean" area over the illustrated four year period (Table 3), this area continues to reflect the location to which the greatest share of Antiguans go. Table 2 demonstrates that St. Croix, followed by St. Thomas, Barbados and Puerto Rico, receives thousands of migrants from this nearby island yearly. While a continu- ous decline in the number of Antiguans entering Puerto Rico is evident, the other areas basically show increases, with the island of St. Croix accounting for the single largest receiver at 3,246 people, closely followed by the United States and Barbados with 3,076 and 2,920 respec— tively in 1977. In addition to more northerly destinations, Leeward Island labor has been recruited from islands such as Anguilla for the southern Dutch oil fields in Aruba, as well as St. Thomas. Some estimates put the Anguillan total émigré populations at more than 6,000 people, which would almost equal the total population on the island, measured at 6,50070, to places such as St. Thomas, New York, Virginia, New Jersey, Perth Amboy and England. Windward islander migratory patterns for temporary migrants (Table 5) also differ from the Leewards prior to the 1960's. As opposed to the northerly United States Virgin Islands, other Commonwealth Caribbean territories such as nearby Barbados and Trinidad attracted a sizeable portion of this group. Similarly, in St. Vincent in 1956, the census of the island enumerated 13,000 Vincentians outside of St. Vincgnt. An overwhelming majority (88 £541 TABLE 5 D°“‘“*°‘- P"”‘"°nt and Temporary ngrutlon, 1950-1084 1 ”l 1 I ' : 1 1 - YEAR TOTAL CONN. : FORIEGN 1 u.s.A. . CANAOA . CENTRAL 1 0.x. : OTNER 1 l CARIBBEAN : CARIBBEAN - 5 SOOTN 1 , 1 1 1 ! AMERICA : 1 l 1 PERMANENT EMIGRANTs ’ 1 l 1 l l’ T 1960 2.582 1 154 1 199 25 1 14 22 = 2.157 ; l 1 i 1 1 i 1951 1.373 1 126 1 49 1 : 9 16 1 1.571 1 1 1 1 ‘ 1 . . 1 1962 820 1 183 i 33 12 : 9 -- - 527 1 5 l 3 ' 1 l 1 F I , g z 1963 420 1 93 z 29 66 ; 17 -- . 180 1 30 i l L i 1 I 1964 * 597 136 l 58 l 19 3 14 -- 1 470 1 -- 1 ‘ ‘ ' i I .21 1 TEMPORARY EMIGRANTs ' T F l l 3 V7 1 1960 20 1 14 1 3 1 2 1 -- 1 -’ ..... 1 -- 1 1 a 1 1 1 f 1961 3 94 5 37 1 5 1 50 1 -- -- 2 f -- 1 § L :. 1: - ' i 1962 1 134 i 41 , 33 1 56 I 1 .- 1 3 . -. ! 1 4 1 : T f 1953 1 135 1 7B , 32 1 15 z 5 -- 1 2 3 1964 i 143 ' 57 13 57 ‘ 2 -- 9 -- 1 I L f i ' . Source; Statistics Section. Ministry of Finance. Dominica Annual Statistical Diggst 1965 (Rosew) . 55 percent) were found on Trinidad and Tobago, while the remaining 12 percent was distributed between the other Windwards (6 percent), Barbados (3 percent), and Guyana (3 percent).71 Since the 1960's, however, the bulk of regional movement has been to the United States Virgin Islands. Based on the preceding discussion, Hypothesis #1 can be accepted. Tailored by the Lesser Antilles trading relations, it is observed that the destination of workers includes a significant share of extra-Caribbean locales for work. However, contrary to the emphasis given to periphery to center migratory flows, the data reflects that there are more voluminous, and perhaps more frequent movements, between the islands within the Caribbean. The acknowledgement of inter-island movement is usually alluded to in the literature, but is seldom documented and rarely is the comparatively higher volume noted. If the patterns of migrant workers help explain from a global set of relations the networks along which migrants travel, even greater insight into the migration process can be gleaned from investigation of local economic and social structures. HYPOTHESIS #2: Relations of Production and Massive Surplus Labor The persistent lack of adequate economic opportunities has resulted in constant migration for work by Antillean 56 islanders. Several factors have contributed to this process in the Antilles: (1) its land tenure system. (2) changes in the area's agricultural production role, and (3) growth of the tertiary sector. Land Tenure Contrasting features of the quality of participation in the labor force are most noticeable when comparing land tenure within the Leeward grouping to the Windwards. The latter demonstrates a higher degree of mixed agricul- tural production through small peasant holdings than in the Leewards where estates predominate. It has been pointed out that in the Leewards with their small size, their high population density, and the long established plantation sugar industry there were few, if any, oppor- tunities for individual land acquisition.72 For instance, in St. Kitts, estimates of arable land under sugar cul- tivation are high, ranging between 90 and 97 percent and 63 percent of the island's total surface area. There are few small independent farmers, and nearly all of the working population finds employment as wage earners in the sugar industry. The land tenure is held by many indi- vidual companies, the major churches, and the government. The government lands have increasingly been divided and made available to landless farmers for food crops. This opportunity has not been attractive to them because it does not offer profits competitive with sugar production. 57 Although land tenure in the Leewards continues to be dominated by estates, in most of the remaining territories, cultivable land is divided between estate and peasant holdings. In Antigua, numerous smaller private estates are rented to peasants and used as sources of income sub- sidy to wage work. Unlike the other islands, Antigua has a fairly equal amount of employment in secondary industry. There are more balanced land holdings in the Wind— wards. Before l740, small farmers in these islands did not need, and could not afford, many extra laborers. Holdings in islands like Dominica, at this time, were worked by planter family and friends. Remnants of this tradition are evident today, since small peasant farming is not unusual in this grouping. The discontinuation of sugar production marked a phase in St. Lucia's evolution from a wage earning to a wholly peasant economy. The banana industry's emphasis is on the self-employed peasant farmer. Similarly in Grenada, the collapse of the sugar estates and the introduction of nutmeg and cocoa encouraged the development of smaller land territories. Today, Grenada is an island of small farmers. About half of the cultivable land is in estates and half in peasant holdings. Forty percent of the farms are less than an acre in size and 90 percent are less than five acres.73 58 The existent economic activity has produced changes in the social relations today. A major difference lies in the fact that a large number of small farmers are females with family responsibilities, because of selective migration schemes. For instance, the banana industry in the Windwards particularly relies on female workers. St. Vincent's recent increase in the out-migration of females has helped correct its low sex-ratio, but at the same time, it has had serious affects on its traditionally female-dominated banana industry.74 However, modifica- tions of the function of the area from previous eras are most apparent in the types of export crops grown. For the most part, these changes have been dictated by the changing needs of the overseas markets. Consequently, there has been a significant decline in importance to the world market of these insular territories. The primary function of the area as a center for agricultural production is unchanged, since all of the islands share the common experience of agriculture as the predominant economic activity. A major requirement of mono-crop agricultural production is a cheap and readily available supply of labor. Neither sugar, cotton, nor bananas offer all-year round employment, and all are associ- ated with a marked seasonal demand pattern requiring abun- dant and cheap labor during the growing season. Thus, this seasonality of work, in combination with a significant degree of supplemental forms of production, such as 59 sea-faring and general migration, has resulted in signi- ficant participation of women in the work force, particularly in small peasant production. It has been noted that the harvesting of crops such as cotton and bananas has largely been relegated to women. In addition, the marketing of crops has traditionally followed a sexual division of labor, and is closely associated with migratory patterns of males. Several supplemental forms of production exist to compliment agriculture. The economically active segments of these societies have been conditioned by the economic structure of these plantation economies and its resultant land tenure system which is geared for particular types of work. Basically, there are four categories of work into which labor falls: agriculture, marine and livestock industries, processing industries, and the service sector, none of which requires highly skilled training or work experience. ' Changing Agricultural'Production Role The relegation of former principal export products, such as sugar and cotton, to subordinate positions on an international scale has had serious affects on the Antilles in general. There have been some substitutions of the early settler crops, but nevertheless, mono-crop export production persists. Stiff competition from other sources of early export crops from territories outside of the Caribbean resulted in the fading of certain crops from 60 the Antilles. Until the 1950's, St. Vincent held the world monopoly on production of Sea Island Cotton, a luxury item of superfine quality. However, competion from other export crops and from semi—luxury cotton, along with synthetic fibers from Egypt and center-nations respectively, made cotton in St. Vincent unattractive.75 Most important were the changing needs of the British economy, particularly during the major world wars when the agricultural supply function of the Antilles was altered. For instance, Antigua witnessed reductions in both sugar and cotton in deference to war time needs of Britain. Between the 1940's and the 1960's estate acreage under cotton decreased three-fold. This steady decline in overall acreage under cotton occurred for two reasons: first, demand for labor for the construction of the United States naval bases at English Harbor, secondly, statutory impositions on land owners and peasants to grow more food crops during the war, which resulted in virtually all land for cotton used for food crops.76 So, despite the comparative advantage enjoyed by the islands because of the growth of a certain crop, the economic demands of Britain took precedence. Consequently, other primary industries, such as fishing, herding livestock and marine activities, have survived as supplemental activities and accompany subsistence farming as natural residuals in insular territories. Such activity predominates on the smaller and less agriculturally 61 productive units. In addition, employment outside of agriculture is typically held in sea-faring activities, taking many productive people away from the islands at various points in time. Such modifications in the economic structure have resulted in high prices for consumer goods and food-stuffs. Ostensibly the expanding tourist indus- try and work in construction on United States naval bases attract workers from lesser paying agricultural work.77 Growth"of‘theTertiary‘Sector The most recent addition to these plantation economies has been the growth of the service sector. Here the service industry is geared primarily for the tourist trade, but is inclusive of occupations related to commerce. Traditionally, the tourist industry has been viewed as a panacea for these territories, a necessary force in bolstering sagging economies. However, Table 6 con- trasts employment and tourism statistics from the former unit of St. Kitts-Nevis-Anguilla for a ten year period, 1964 to 1973. It demonstrates the failure of the tourist industry to effectively modify the employment structure. Unemployment in 1963 (a base index year) was 4 percent. Contrary to governmental expectations, as tourism in- creased two and one-half fold to 253 in 1973, unemploy- ment soared to 13.6 percent. Within that ten year period an inverse relationship of tourism to employment, rather 62 unnnxukmxur.mwnsm -u.>oz-mos_x .sn owo-xao::uo .ugawuommamv movam_usam do amass: aaP~_:m:m .au=.=.a co stum.=.z .u.== m=_==._a co.m_>.= au_um.neum flotsam Sooéu .. goes... 3a 8. . .82.: can» 3.3 3 :3: a. n8. - — mmw ~mm.¢m W o.n_ pmm.~ vmm.o_ w mmeNN asa— ~c~ c¢¢.—o m m.~— smm.~ pvv.mp m mo~.- «mm— .mm «wo.oo M «.mp m-.~ m~a.a— . nmo.- psa— mmm moo.amllw m.—p cmm.~ m—~.a— ¢Oa._~ amo— u- omm osm.mm W ¢.o— oQ—.~ nsa.m— wean—N moo— msw mmm.no m.a ~m~.— —nm.m_ mmn.o~ coo. ..Q— mqm.—v n.~ m~¢.— a¢—.a— n—c.a_ ~oa— mop www.mn m.m nmo.— ~vm.~— mc~.a— coo— cp— mn—.o~ m.n obs mow.- mo~.m— mum— na sao.- o.v was cvm.~_ o-.o~ voo— uuacm mach—m_> cw>c4dxuz= mae a om>°4axmza cm>OAazu a :m—¢20h h2ut>¢4¢tm swabs—Oh. Us: :Owuxn—wbuahdm Guy-Os— LCQ‘J Inmaflflfi3203dd_¥ .0” o Wafr 63 than a corresponding one, existed in this insular unit. The total labor force grew by slightly more than 100 per- cent, however, the unemployed grew by 400 percent. Des- pite the increasing number of visitors to the islands, especially in the peak year (1968 at 63,368 persons), the unemployment rate continued on its steady incline, an occurrence which is related to fluctuations in the economic and political climate. So, once limited amounts of marginal land had been saturated and alternative means of local employment proved to be inadequate, much of the Antillean work force had to consider employment options outside of their home islands during the 1960's and 1970's. The lack of indus- trial diversity retarded the development of technical skills of the island work force. Consequently, restric- tions on the diversity of employment opportunities are evident. Much of the economically active population in the area are found in unskilled, primary and secondary sectors. Table 7 illustrates that, with the exception of Antigua, over two-thirds of the workers were found in these two sectors. It is important to note that there are nearly matching numbers of workers who are not classi- fied as workers in one of the three sectors of the economy. The category "Workers Not Elsewhere Classified" represents wage and non—wage workers whose work activity does not fall under a single heading. Thus migration provides for the individual a measure of security and independence, €341 .I:a:—:u 3%:J::uuaa nzou>aua 93.:u 9:u 3. uxauzuuuun 9:» c. 1:3;aaaaau .3: asap ouOuUua;H 6:: .auuxhsj ya:)n:3= 7:: 013) .u._ .uouou 1593 —s»:. u: uu:~:acuua 3.:anusauzcc . I1: 3).» I. I». ’.v. w:;.:1c: 2:. :5 . IO'OIIIOJO'IOI.‘ mmdr.::u_m 9:» =3 saunaEE b61":u'll"|u ......a.._r.~:;& 1:: 9152.250 #3 J 60 d=uhvmm 0:» :5 “532:: .n ._:> .am .caausaaam Ac.ee<\_.wuz\a~aa\~;euaa< _QL0:96 n::..:z uu._=: .q ..:> .y~ “csnu_aa=m Aa.==<\_.>us\_m:c_~mw .~\a_ .::u.:u—~;:a o;— ua>u=ue .c~a_ mu:::=n .auuuuo :cddcuua .m.= ".o.: .cauw:‘:no3 ..oolas u—auo .oz .xOOAuuam oucu.__~u~:_ u_nu= I'll-.9! .93Q3H ..UNM .au_bn_.e.m .::::s a: scon.au» aha. .co.ou as uu:zc:uaucz_ we azvuszac 2;. .: =:.~=ucuaz—al_ 3;. cu theauw ;..3 .-¢~ .csuaaum nucn .x—anuaa< usuacou ass—us: aa._== .uuuuuo uaoaad .scouszsuauc— ...!‘I'. II a.oha~ .ccsuam >2 Dunc: 5:224 as_~.sc< grams; 5 ...—.55.. _=:c.u=z .ucnlussaun ouaum .m.= van sucaa< oucau«._e.:~ cassava .m.= .xucou< aucou«_qou=_ gas-:90 .m.= .caa. .wsassflumm cu~zuasassau 8:“ yo a:acou :=_u=—mmo; c~a~ .aauv:~ you: 9:a a: xudnhu)_:= allabuOua :uuauaux aaazuu ”cannon .flom nu ._~a_c oo~ as o. as oc~.o. ~n ecq.o an cum.“ on ~m_.o hzmuzs> .bm u.a. can mm as on on as coo.- - ass.“ on asc.a_ cs maa.e_ <_u=s .sm =.ns ass on an «e nn~.m~ «a mac.“ ~e man.o_ an «mo.o xz naps—x .pm a... A=~o_c ~_s as ...: as ono.~ .a oo..~ a. on..~ flu _au~ p=xm uz_=s~=. oz_=m_a >xhz o azo a2: goz<4 mxm=zsmsm \xm.¢=oa \uz_==pu<.=z.¢¢< . .‘.c. _ .::< 3:: zzazaa=;:: .ezsaaraccz a maz<9 (3&3 TABLJI 9 St. Kitts-Nevis, Returning Residents, 196'-1974 1 I 1 ! YEAR TOTAL RETURNING i % RETURNING % ; ARRIVALS RESIDENTS ; 10141 955235415 951994155 1 1 CROM v.5. RESIDENTS . : ancifl ‘ {SLANDS 1953 , 15.503 8.787 2 55.5 2.925 33.3 . 1 1954 E 15.891 9.010 2 55.7 3.878 43.0 T 1955 i 15.559 9.020 . 54.4 4.518 51.9 , 1955 1 24.135 1 14.107 . 58.4 5.085 43.1 1 i z 1 1957 i 21.245 11.773 ; 55.4 5.501 45.7 1958 : 23.159 1 12.593 1 54.8 7.480 58.9 . 1 i , 1959 1 27.214 15.033 55.2 8.435 55.1 - 1970 3 29.892 ; 15.200 54.2 8.337 51.4 5 1971 1 34.524 19.254 55.5 9.448 49.0 i i ii_ 3 1972 5 35.532 19.951 54.4 9.405 47.1 i 1973 1 35.879 , 20.578 57.3 9.572 45.5 Source: Statistics Division Planning Unit. Ministry of Finance. St. Kitts-Nevis-Annuiila. Dicest 01‘. Statistics (Basseterre: January-Dec9mber 1973). 69 residents accounted for an average of 40 percent of the arrivals. What should be noted, nonetheless, is that Dominica's population increases at this time coincided with the tightening of migration policies in 1961 in the United Kingdom. Given this assessment, Hypothesis #2 can be accepted. Selected migration figures for the Antilles show that a significant proportion of these islands' populations were away at various points in time. Despite periods of recession in industrial center-nations, as reflected in restrictive government legislation, significant numbers of workers persistently existed outside of their home islands. The land tenure system, changes in the area's agricultural production role, and growth of the tertiary sector are all factors which highly correlate with the lack of employment opportunities in the Antilles. The creation of massive surplus labor has resulted in the migration of workers as a temporary remedy to this situa- tion. The migratory process has had a tremendous impact on social relations and the pace of societal development. HYPOTHESIS #3: Impact of Remittances Significance of Remittances Remittances from migrating workers to families left behind have been a common attribute of circulatory people. With the persistent loss of the real and potential 70 economically active population from the area, financial supplements to all islands, at both the governmental80 and individual levels, exist as an objective feature of the Antilles. The constant flow of substantial shares of workers' wages have found their way to individual family units, through both monitored and unmonitored channels. Measurable official remittance figures are normally recorded when money is sent through the legal channel of the Post Office, and is monitored to a lesser extent through bank money orders. Other, less auditable means include workers simply "stuffing" currency into letters and sending funds by returning workers acting as carriers.81 The fact that these economies lack the ability to employ fully all of their potential labor forces at viable wages, results in heavy dependence on remittances from workers abroad. In an exemplary island such as Nevis, remittances were greater in 1962 than the proceeds of cotton in its best year.82 Remittances from individuals working away from home are often lauded as making a considerable contribution to these insular societies in general. Often such a rationale is advanced in order to Justify the heavy loss of their populations because of migration. It is said that people on small islands like Bequia and Barbuda appear to be prosperous because of remittances sent home from relatives abroad and at sea, while others conclude 71 that Nevisians, for instance, are living off the hard work of their relatives in England and other places. It is said that this new source of cash has visibly improved the standard of living among the lower class, and has brought about a new style of life which does not include agriculture.83 However, on closer inspection of data on cash flows to the islands, an alternative view might be pursued. Substantial increments to income through remittances in Montserrat do not appear to have led to an increase in the standard of living. For the most part, remittances have stopped the gap created by rising prices and insecure employment conditions, and to some extent they have increased private savings.84 Many theorists have commented on the lack of reciprocity in the exchange between man- power and partial wage remittances.85 There are various ways to measure the impact of remittances: as a percentage of total government revenue, as part of the gross national product, comparisons with the gross domestic product, indirectly through specific types of consumerism, and so on. Available data are advanced in tables 10 and 11 to provide some assessment of the possible impact of remittances. Accounts for both Grenada and St. Lucia are used as representative for the Windward Islands. 72 IndividualiMeasures Table 10 for St. Lucia shows the dollar amount of remittances received for an eleven year period, 1962-1973. In a situation similar to Grenada and paral- leling Windward Island migratory trends, more remittances originate from the United Kingdom. This suggests that despite the fact that the volume of movement of labor, especially seasonal labor, may be greater within the region, comparable wages to those found in the United Kingdom and the United States are not evident in the neighboring units. Additional insight into this disparity in wage levels may be deduced from monetary transfers away from the Antilles, that is, cash flows which operate in both directions despite the fact that the amount of remittances into home islands is much greater. Thus, although remit- tances from the United States and the United Kingdom result in net gains to the region, monetary transfers away from St. Lucia do not parallel those from center nations. Instead, remittances to the "Commonwealth Caribbean" fairly consistently outnumbered the amount sent to the United Kingdom, and were approximated by money sent to "Other Countries" for only three years: 1963, 1967 and 1968. A high cost of living, coupled with relatively low wages in certain wage zones, is perhaps indicative of the need to assist family members working away from home. 88.4.=...8. 63— .88838: 83...: 3.8» 3...: ._ ..8.. .83. 4.83833.“ 8818...— 3558535 ..8. 4.8.5....8. 68.5.5 1.838383. 3.8.4.2 .383 8:8 8.8.8.88 88 8295895.. 8.3282 83...: '723 --I 63— .32 .23 to» 3.82 .03.: 58.69....1m33.4...o....8.w._._._..m amo_ .ou_uuo _cu.um_uoum ma'eub< —m_ucm tau c_=§:c8u _c:o_.e:;mu:_ a: u:czdge::= n:o_.=z =:Q.:: .8.8. ...88.8 .48..m_88wm.~848881m8wm414mw ...88 88.888.8 .4..=88 ”W84888 <2 <2 .88.88~ 88..8. 48 8.8.8. _ 8.8.8 848...” 884.~8 888.8. “ ....4.~ m 8.8. . ..---- -11--.. N8. 8..8. ~84.8mm ....88 8.4... 484.4. .48.8 48~..8n ..8.8.. n8n.8. . m.4..m~ "1 N... 48. 8~.~. 88....8 88n.~4 ~88... 8N4.8~ 84... 884.884 848.88. 884.8 .48..8N m ..8. 48. 8..8 -8.~mm 884..4 8.8.8. 888..~ ~8m.. 8.4.4.8 88~.88. ~88.8 .8..84_ _ 8.8. 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However, while the data suggests that remit- tances from migrating residents is reflected at both the individual and societal level, the significance of this impact is questionable. Thus, in light of the representative information above, Hypothesis #3 cannot be accepted. Perhaps the most that can be said of remittances is that they are an expected source of income. The extent to which remittances are both necessary and sufficient for survival is indeterminate based on available data and analysis. In summary, the data presented supports two of the three research hypotheses advanced in this study. First, the destinations of migrating workers is substantially related to the historic, economic and political networks linking the Antilles to the global political economy. The economic dominance of North America and the United Kingdom in the Antilles has conditioned the destination of workers from both the Leeward and Windward groupings. Leeward Islanders tend to end up in greater numbers in North America and the more northerly United States controlled territories in the Caribbean, while Windward Islanders travel primarily to the United Kingdom and to territories in the closer, southernmost section of the Caribbean. 77 Trade relations primarily affect extra-Caribbean migration, and industrial development within the Caribbean most directly affects regional movements. The data support the notion that there are both periphery to center and periphery to periphery movements of labor from the Antilles. Interest- ingly enough, the latter movements are the most voluminous. Secondly, the data demonstrates the importance of assessing economic conditions and opportunities in the islands from which workers migrate. Documentation of the process by which surplus labor develops includes in— herited land tenure arrangements, changing agricultural roles and the growth of secondary and tertiary sectors of these economies. All of these factors help illustrate the persistent reliance of Antillean workers on migration. Thus at any point in time, a significant segment of these insular societies will be mobile and not just during periods of economic flux in center-nations. Finally, the last objective of this section was to assess the significance of the factor frequently advanced as a positive, concrete impetus to migration, that of remittances. In looking at these dependent economies, it was expected that a significant advantage in the form of financial gain would accrue to the sending area. How— ever, the impact of remittances measured at the individual level proved inconclusive. Adequate direct measures were unavailable and indirect measures did not produce consistent 78 corresponding relationships. On the societal level, when remittances were measured as a percentage of export revenue, the significance of the small average contri- bution which accounted for less than 5 percent of total export revenue is questionable. Thus the third hypothesis related to remittances could not be accepted and the findings are inconclusive. Chapter IV SUMMARY, LIMITATIONS AND IMPLICATIONS OF THE STUDY Summary This study demonstrates that migration from the English-speaking Lesser Antilles is first a function resulting from structures in this area which were created by historical conditions of dependency and underdevelop- ment. These conditions permit a significantly large number of people from the area to be used as a continuous labor force. This use of labor has been particularly pronounced during the period since World War II. Second, the patterns of movements have not been haphazard, but instead have been affected and tailored by the global functioning of the world capitalist system, which continues to use the area as an international reserve labor pool. A, Economic benefits, in the form of cash flow remittances to these insular territories may not be a major factor in the overall "survival kit" of individuals, and of the countries as a whole. 79 80 Limitations of the Study Whereas theoretical validity about migration from the Antilles is gained from this study, accessibility to consistent longitudinal migration and remittance data for each island was a major limitation. Individual island data was used to suggest representative trends for the entire area. Thus, the qualitative validity of the re- search could have been enhanced if access to similar statistics for each island had been possible. A second limitation relates to the research interpretation of migration and remittance information compiled by individual island statistical units. Specific information on a group of migrants from a particular island in a host country was severely limited, and would have added strength to the dual labor market theory by highlighting the type of work performed there. The data used simply indicates that a certain number of islanders, amorphously classi- fied, had gone to or come from a given destination. Information relating to travel between various countries outside of a home island was unavailable. For instance, a migrant who had spent six weeks on a work site in the United States, Canada, Puerto Rico or wherever during his stay away from Antigua, could conceivably register as a returning migrant to Antigua from a terminal work site in the United States Virgin Islands. Information relating to this dimension would improve the accuracy and 81 understanding of the complexity of the migration process. Similarly, disaggregate data on remittances and material goods sent to home countries would facilitate more sub— stantive analyses regarding the impact of remittances. Implications for Future Research Since a major objective of this study was to document the contribution of the Lesser Antilles to the world system as part of the international reserve army of labor, such research must be interfaced with migration research al- ready undertaken for larger, more populous territories in the area. Greater attention must be given to all Caribbean territories whose similarities converge in their labor functions. Patterned migration to various industrial sites continues to hold implications for migration policies, especially in the United Kingdom, the United States and Canada. Migration understood in a global economic and political context, rather than simply as a population con4 cern for a particular country, has implications for much of the population policies adopted in the area. Secondly, this study holds implications for economic planners in these insular societies whose employment-producing schemes often result in labor-displace- ment. Lessening the burden of dependent industrial development and fixed trade relations has not come merely through changes in political status since one grouping, 82 the Windwards, now eXperiences political independence. More important are the economic and strategic advantages of the region which must be harnessed. Finally, this study highlights the need for theoretical refinement of paradigms outlining the patterns of migra- tion. While inter-island and general regional movement does not contradict existing theoretical explanations of periphery to center migration, the volume, range, and frequency of periphery to periphery movement man- date more integral incorporation of this dimension into future research. FOOTNOTES 1. Ceri Pearch, West Indian Migration.to Britain (London: Oxford University Press, 1968), p. 11. 2. Stephen Castles and Godula Kosack, "Function of Labour Migration in Western European Capitalism," New Left Review no. 73 (May-June,1972); Elizabeth McLean Petras, "The Global Labor Market in the Modern World- Economy," paper presented at Conference on International Migration Studies, Rockefeller Foundation, Bellagio, Italy, June 4—9, 1979. 3. Elsa V. Goveia, Slave Society in the British Leeward Islands at the End ofithe Eighteenth Century. (New Haven. Yale University Press, 1965), pp. vii- l. 4. William Petersen, "A General Typology of Migra- tion, " American Sociological Review 23, no. 3 (1958): 264, Nathan Glazer and D. Patrick Moynihan, Beyond the Melting_Pot (Cambridge. Harvard University Press, 1963); Everett S. Lee, "A Theory of Migration, " Demography 3, no. 1 (1966): 47-57; J. J. Mangalam and Harry K. Schwarzweller, "General Theory in the Study of Migration: Current Needs and Difficulties," International Migration Review 3, no. 1 (Fall, 1968): 3418; Stuart Philpott, West Indian Migration: The Montserrat Case (New York: Athlone Press, 1973). 5. Elizabeth M. Thomas-Hope, "The Establishment of a Migration Tradition: British West Indian Movements to _ the Hispanic Caribbean in the Century After Emancipation," Caribbean Social Relations ed. C- Clarke, Centre for Latin American Studies Monograph Series no. 8 (Liverpool. University of Liverpool, 1978), pp. 68- 69. 6. Michael J. Piore, Birds of Passage. Migrant Labor and Industrial Societies (London: fi‘Cambridge University Press, 1979), p. 26; Edna Bonacich, "A Theory of Ethnic Antagonism: The Split Labor Market, " American Sociological Review 37, ino. 5 (October 1972): 537-559; Stephen Castles and Godula Kosack, Immigrant Workers and Class Structure in Western Europe (London: Oxford University Press, 1973). 7. Piore, Birds of Passage, p. 86. 8. Ibido .3 pp. 87-880 83 84 9. Marios Nikolinakos, "Notes Toward a General Theory of Migration in Late Capitalism," Race and Class 17, no. 1 (Autumn, 1975): 10; Petras, "Global Labor Market", p. 6. 10. Piore, Birds of Passage, p. 178. 11. Castles and Kosack, "Labour Migration", p. 5. 12. Elsa Chaney, "The World Economy and Contemporary Migration," International Migration geview 13, no. 2 (Summer, 1979): 209. 13. Ibid., p. 204. 14. Petras, "Global Labor Market", pp. 22-26. 15. Ibid., p. 25. 16. Compulsory remittances are required money trans- fers to home islands by island governments who subsequently tax and/or collect such money as reimbursements for permission to use its active work force. Such regula- tions most often relate to government sanctioned work’ contracts in other countries. 17. Peach, Wgst Indian Migration, p. 92. 18. Petras, Global Labor Market", pp. 21-22. 19. Castles and Kosack, "Labour Migration", p. 25. 20. Hilbourne Watson, "International Migration and the Political Economy of Underdevelopment: Aspects of the Commonwealth Caribbean Situation," Ins ngin-Dzain WW ed. N. Niles and T. Gardner. Proceedings of the First Annual Conference of the West Indian Student Association, Michigan State University, May 1976, p. 39. 21. Ibid., p. 53. 22. Samir Amin, Modern Migrations in West Africa (New York: Oxford University Préss, 1974): Introduction. 23. Santa Cruz Collective on Labor Migration, "The Global Migration of Labor and Capital," U.S. Capitalism in Crisis, (New York: URPE, 1978): 106L107. 24. Ibid., p. 108. 25. Castles and Kosack, "Labour Migration," p. 3. 85 26. Santa Cruz Collective on Labor Migration, "Global Migration", pp. 102-104. 27. Ibid.; Castles and Kosack, "Labour Migration"; Castles and Kosack, Immigrant Workers; Petras, "Global Labor Market". 28. Santa Cruz Collective on Labor Migration, " "Global Migration", p. 105. 29. Nikolinakos, "General Theory of Migration", pp. 11-12. 30. John H. Taton, "International Migration as an Obstacle to Achieving World Stability". Third Place Mitchell Prize Competion, 1975, p. 5. 31. Castles and Kosack, Immigrant Workers, p. 5. 32. Castles and Kosack, "Labour Migration,", p. 12. 33. See the French Structuralist arguments on this position, for example: Pat Walker, Between Capital and Labor (Boston: South End Press, 1979): Part I; Michael Albert and Robin Hahne1,Unorthodoxed Marxism (Boston: South End Press, 1978; Andrew Zimbalist, Case Studies on the Labor Proces§_(New York: Monthly Review Press, 1979). 34. Nikolinakos, "General TheOry of Migration", p. 7; Ed McCaughan and Peter Baird, Carter's Immi ration Policy: Attack on Immigrant Labor. North American ongress on Latin America (NACLA) Pamphlet, February, 1978. 35. Eric Williams, Capitalism and Slavery, (London: Andre-Deutsch Ltd., 1964). 36. Shanin Teodor, "The Peasants are Coming: Migrants Who Labour, Peasants Who Travel and Marxist Who Write", Race and Class 19, no. 3 (1978): 282-283. 37. George L. Beckford, Persistent Povert Under- development in Plantation Economies of the Third WorId (New York. Oxford University Press, 1972). 38. Ibid., p. 12. 39. Johann Galtung, "Structural Theory of Imperialism", Journal of Peace Research 8, no. 2 (1971): 81- 117. 86 40. Andre Gunder-Frank, "The Development of Under- development," Dependence and UnderdevelOpment, Latin Amerigafs Political Economy, ed. J. Cockcroft, A.G. Frank and D. Johnson (New York: Doubleday and Company, 1972): pp. 3-17. 41. Theotonio Dos Santos, "The Structure of Depen- dence," American Economic Review 60 (May, 1970): 231-236. 42. Galtung "Structural Theory of Imperialism". 43. Williams, Capitalism and Slavery, pp. 53-54. 44. Petras, "Global Labor Market", p. 5. 45. Ibid., p. 7. 46. Rodolfo Stavenhagen, Social Classes in Agarian Societies, (New York: Anchor Press, 1975). 47. Sidney Mintz, "The Question of Caribbean Pea- santries: A Comment" Caribbean Studies 1, no. 3 (Octo- ber, 1961): 31-34; Sidney W. Mintz and Douglas Hall, "Origins of the Jamaican Internal Marketing System" Papers in Caribbean Anthropology, (ed) Irving Rouse, Sidney Mintz (comp.) (New Haven: Yale University Publi- cations in Anthropology, nos. 57 to 64, Department of Anthropology, Yale University, 1960). 48. Chaney, "World Economy and Migration", p. 205. 49. Ibid., p. 206. 50. Richard Frucht, "Emigration, Remittances and Social Change: Aspects of the Social Field of Nevis, West Indies," Anthropologica 10, no. 2 (1968): 193-208. 51. Frucht, "Emigration, Remittances and Social Change", p. 206. 52. H. Hoetink, Slavery and Race Relations in the Amgzigaa, Comparative Notes on Their’Nature and Nexus (New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1973). 53. T.G. Mathews, et a1, Politics and Economics in the Caribbean. Institute of Caribbean Studies Special Study no. 3 (Rio Piedra: University of Puerto Rico, 1966), pp. 202-203. 54. G.W. Roberts, "Prospects for Population Growth in the West Indies" Social and Economic Studies 11, no. 4 (December 1962): 348. 87 55. Thomas-Hope, "Establishment of a Migration Tra- dition," p. 66. 56. Ibid., p. 68. 57. Centre for Multi-Racial Studies, University of the West Indies and the University of Sussex, "Migration", Barbados, October-December 1968 (Mimeographed). 58. Claudia Jones, "The Caribbean Community in Britain," Blagk Society in the New World, ed. R. Frucht, (New York: Random House, 1971): 234;247. 59. David Lowenthal, "West Indian Emigrants Overseas", Caribbean SOcial Relatiopsj ed. C. Clarke, Centre for Latin American Studies, University of Liverpool, 1978, P- 83. 60. To this end the Leewards and Windwards have negotiated between themselves agreements which provide for the establishment of a common external tariff, CARIFTA: and for the coordination of economic policies particularly in the fields of agriculture, industry, transport, and currency taxation, CARICOM. On this point, see Alistair McIntyre, "Caribbean Free Ports Among the Islands", Ceres FAO Review 1, no. 6 (November-Decem- ber 1968): 38e4l. 61. Beckford describes the "plantation economy" as a situation where the internal and external dimensions of the plantation system dominate the country's economic social and political structure and its relations with the rest of the world. See argument in Beckford, Per- sistent Poverty, p. 12. 62. Dennis McFarlane, "The Foundations for Future Productions and Export of West Indian Citrus," Social and Economic Studies 13, no. 1 (1964): 136-147. 63. Carleen O'Loughlin, "The Economy of Antigua", Social and Economic Studies 8, no. 3 (September 1959): 232. 64. United Nations, General Assembly, 30th Session, 1977, Report on the Special Committee on the Situation with Regardto the Implementation of the Grantingof Independence to ColonialgCOuntries and“Peoples. (A/10023/Rev.l/Add.8), p. 73. 65. United States Department of Labor, Manpower Administration, Alien Certification Office, St. Thomas, U.S. Virgin Islands, fiscal 1973, annual report as reported NALP 1973, p. 40. 88 66. Ibid. 67. Statistics Office, Ministry of Finance, Antigua Statistical_Xearbook, 1978. 68. United Nations General Assembly, 19th Session, 2 March 1964. Declaration on the Granting of Indepen- .gence to Colonial Countries andiPeopleE. Ififfifmfitifih'on Territories to which the Declaration Applied. (Working papers prepared by the Secretariat) (A/AC.109/L.98/Add.2), Chapter VII, pp. 88. 69. Ibid. 70. Colin G. Clarke,"Politica1 Fragmentation in the Caribbean: The Case of Anguilla" Canadian Gepgrapher 15, no. 1 (1971): 18. 71. Joycelin Bryne, "Population Growth in St. Vincent" Social and EConomic Studies 18, no. 2 (June 1969): 166. 72. George Abbott, "The West Indian Sugar Industry, With Some Long Term Projections of Supply to 1975", Social_and Economic Studies 13, no. 1 (1964): 5. 73. Carleen O'Loughlin, Economic and Political Change in the Leeward and Windward Islands, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968), p. 63. 74. Bryne, "Population Growth in St. Vincent". 75. George Abbott, "The Collapse of the Sea Island Cotton Industry in the West Indies", Social and Economic Studies 13, no. 1 (1964): 166 and 187. 76. Ibid., p. 162. 77. Carleen O'Loughlin, "The Economy of Antigua", Social and Economic Studies 8, no. 3 (September 1959): 231. 78. Clarke, "Political Fragmentation", p. 15. 79. Watson, "International Migration", p. 47. 80. Since the 1950's there have been an increasing reliance by Antillean governments on British grants-in- aid in order to support their economies. ‘Such aid became necessary when these territories were unable to meet current government expenditures out of local revenues. See O'Loughlin, "Economic Problems", pp, 44-47. 89 81. S.B. Jones—Hendrickson, "An Analysis of Migra- tion: St. Kitts-Nevis to the U.S. Virgin Islands, Migra— tion Today 8, no. 2 (1980): 25—26. 82. Frucht, "Emigration, Remittances and Social Change," p. 208. 83. Ibid., p. 206. 84. 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