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FOREIGN TV PROGRAM VIEWING AND DEPENDENCY: A CASE STUDY
OF 0.5. TELEVISION VIEWING IN TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO

by

Ewart C. Skinner

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

. DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Mass Media Ph.D. Program
College of Communication Arts and Sciences

1984

Copyright 1984

Ewart C. Skinner

All rights reserved

ii

ABSTRACT

FOREIGN TV PROGRAM VIEWING AND DEPENDENCY: A CASE STUDY
OF U.S. TELEVISION VIEWING IN TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO

by

Ewart C. Skinner

This research is a case study of the impact of 0.5.
television program viewing on national allegiances in
Trinidad and Tobago. It focuses on social and psychological
dependency. The central problem was to legitimate the
dependency concept, explore its importance in international
media research and document its relationship to foreign
media consumption.

Consideration of this topic led to, (l) the challenge
of operationalizing dependency and (2) a discussion of two
controversial topics: (1) rights of smaller nations to
international infomation equality and (2) the critical
versus empirical research debate. This is, therefore, a
cultural-media imperialism study.

Two research methods were employed: critical methods
for the theoretical framework, and statistical methods for
the empirical section of the study. An inventory of
television programming in Trinidad and Tobago was taken.
Constructs were then developed from both critical-dependency
and traditional literature to measure U.S. values, 0.5.

appeal, 0.5. appreciation, U.S. dependency and consumption

of 0.5. goods. Analysis focused on these as well as
respondents' income, education and proportion of television
viewing time devoted to 0.5. programming. Analysis of
Variance and structural equation modeling techniques were
used in the analysis. An island-wide, cross-sectional
random sample survey of 401 adults in TV-owning households
in North, Central and South Trinidad was carried out in
October 1982.

Results showed that 0.5. television programs accounted
for 67%, local programs 25% and British programs 7% of total
programming time. However, an average of 75% of the
Trinidadian's viewing time was devoted to 0.5. shows.
Subsequent analysis revealed that 0.5. television viewing
was positively correlated with 0.5. values, 0.5. appeal,
0.5. appreciation and 0.5. dependency. 0.5. program
viewing was negatively related to Trinidad appeal and
Trinidad appreciation.

In sum, the structural model was found to be adequate.
But the hypothesis that 0.5. television viewing is a direct
cause of 0.5. dependency was found not to hold. However,
strong effects from 0.5. TV viewing to 0.5. appeal,
appreciation and values were observed. The latter set was
related to 0.5. dependency and 0.5. consumption. This
mediated effect warranted the conclusion that foreign
television viewing may indeed be important in shaping

national affiliations and allegiances.

To my mum, Josephine,
her woman's struggle,
her strength, faith, frailties
and her humanity.

iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This dissertation has been a long, trying but
ultimately rewarding experience. Many have contributed to
this enterprise and I am indebted to them all.

First, I must thank each member of my academic guidance
committee, and foremost, my committee chairperson, Professor
Thomas Baldwin. I extend my deepest gratitude to him and
the other committee members, Professor John Murray,
Professor Ruth Hamilton, Dr. Gretchen Barbatsis and Dr.
Richard Houang for working with me through closure of this
project.

Next, I must acknowledge my Trinidad and Tobago
associates. The staff at SCICON Associates Ltd., Management
Consultants, particularly Joe Teixeira, Director, and ;Janet
Valadere, Project Manager, were instrumental in literally
getting the project on the road. The interviewers, Marjorie
Jackson, Rita Bailey, Maureen Rodriguez, Vera Frederick,
Roland Guyadeen, Janice Rodgers, Arris Thomas, Judy Austin,
Marjorie Jackman and others did a great job. Special thanks
must go to Carol Wilcox for expediting the typing of the
revised questionnaire on short notice, and to individuals at
Trinidad and Tobago Television (TTT), the Ministry of
Information and to Amoy Williams and others at the Town and

Country Planning Division who gave information.

iv

My thanks to Alfred Aguiton and Astra Da Costa,
Directors at AMPLB (All Media Projects Ltd.) and their
staff, particularly Ann Price-Allick, Angela Pidduck, and my
former colleagues Jimmy and Vernon. I had full access to
their Port of Spain office and enjoyed their camaraderie and
good wishes.

I am also indebted to my cousin Hugo Somarsingh, his
wife Cynthia and their family for their hospitality and
support. -To my aunt, Mrs. Emelia Mc Phie, the
quintessential Trinidadian "tante" who has helped me secure
a permanent research base in Trinidad, and to Peter and
Claire Charles, wonderful, supportive friends, my deepest
thanks. Peter kept reminding me, "We smarter than dem you
know, Ewart.”

There was also considerable support from what has
become my third home, Michigan State University. Without
the support of the following people this project would still
be on the "to be done” list. Mary-Kay Rathke, Pradeep
Parad, and lovely Julie Scher who sent me flowers after I
passed my exams, did a great job coding. For keypunching
and data preparation, I would not have gotten far without
the expertise of both my brother Mike Fitzmaurice and Kim
Neuendorf, who proved to be a constant friend. I must thank
Mike for holding out many nights with me - daylight to
daylight sessions - in Heartburn City, Room 191

Communication Arts Building. We shared many a post-midnight

large pizza (hot sausage, anchovies, onions, jalapeno
peppers) while organizing and finalizing the data set.

My appreciation to the Computer Center consulting
staff: Roy, for the old days: Andy (RNF master) for the new
days: and to Delores for always. To Helen and to Vernon who
with Andy programmed a very annoying ”have you graduated
yet” message on my RNF file which came up every time I
accessed my dissertation. Thanks loads, guys. Most of all,
I am deeply indebted to my brother Richard Houang, whose
guidance and concern finally made it all come together, and
to Leslie's tolerance. - .

My sincere gratitude to those who, through their good
offices or faith in me or both, provided material support:
Dr. Cassandra Simmons of BOP, Ms. Judy Kohl of Financial
Aids and the ever supportive Professor John Murray. In
Trinidad, Ms. Judith Morraine, Ms. Sanjean Thomas and the
National Commercial Bank of Trinidad and Tobago came through
where "my" bank in St. James and ”my” community bank in
Tunapuna failed. Thanks to Dr. Baldwin, Dr. Houang, Dr.
Vanderzanden, Dr. Camilleri, Dr. Hill, Dr. Zalla, and

others who spoke on my behalf when things looked most bleak.

I must acknowledge the secretarial staff at the
Telecommunication Department who let me off the hook so many
times. Ann Alchin typed a lot of my papers, listened to my
complaints, gave moral support, made many a telephone call

on my behalf and often shared her last tea bag with me. Ann

vi

Spalding gets a gold ribbon for her pastries.

My appreciation to the Social Science department,
particularly Dr. Frederick Roberts and Dr. Philip Smith,
Chairperson, for bringing me on staff and providing a
supportive working environment which enabled me to complete
my dissertation. And thanks to the staff, Lorraine Mc_Kane,
Margaret Hall, and particularly Shirley Anthes, for spoiling
me.

Finally, I must mention those who extended their love,
loans, faith, music and support: Lee Sligh, Naima; my
sister, Melody Pierce and brother, Walter Mathews: Sachiko
Fuji, Patty Scheid, Sheila and Larry Soley, Dave Dalessio,
Kitty Thuermer, Roland Samaroo, Jerry Klickstein; the
'Hardys, the Graceys, the Shoemakers, all members of the
Caribbean Club: and my neighbors Tim and Mary Jones, Fred
and Caralee Roberts and Marge Conwell. Though the errors
are all mine, Sean Hayes and Debbie Rothenberg must be
thanked for assisting on the last-minute editing. I may
have unwittingly neglected a few names. If I have, thank
you just as sincerely.

ps. And to me. I typed it all.

"When one door is locked
another will be open."
So Jah 5eh.

Duppy Conqueror, Amaha Byesus.

vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LISTOF TABLES 0.0.000............OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO Xii
LIST OF FIGURES ......OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO......OOOOOOOOOO Xiii

 

CHAPTER Page
I. INTRODUCTION, DEFINITIONS AND RATIONALB .. ........

IntrOdUCtion OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOIO 0000000000000 1

Statement of the Problem ........... . ............. 5

Definitional Guidelines ............ ......... ..... 6

Theoretical Terminology ...... ..... . .......... 7

Dependency Theory ........ ....... ... .... p 7

Media-Cultural Imperialism ............... ” 9

Cultural Imperialism ..... .. ...... . ....... 10

Media Imperialism ......... .... ....... g... 11

Methodological Terminology ..... .............. 12

. The Methodological Setting ............... 12

critical Theory 0 O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O 16

Statistically Based Research Categories .. 17

Culture ........ ................. .... ......... 20

Rationale 00000 00...... ..... O ........... 000.00.... 21

Summary . ........... . ............................. 25

II. LITERATURE REVIEW AND PARADIGM DEVELOPMENT ...... 26

 

Levels of Analysis ......................... ...... 27
Social Psychological Evidence ........ ........ 30
National Perspectives ................ ........ 31

.The Theoretical Issues 0.00.00.00.00.0000000000000 35
Limits to the Disciplinary Focus ............. 35
The Critical Position ........................ 37
Methodology, Philosophy and Ideology ......... 40

Media Dependency: The International Level ..... ... 43
Historical Trends: Commerce and Communication.' 45

viii

III.

Britain OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO'

The united States OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
Dependency Analyses OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

Socio‘economic Paradigms .....................
Socio-psychological Paradigms ................

smry OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
Trinidad and Tobago: General Media Status ........
Communication Structure ......................
Revampers OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

Radio, Television and Film ...............

soc io-economic Aspects O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O
Media Ownership and Financing ............

Media critique O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O
Governmental Concerns ....................

Summary of Literature Review ........ ..... ........
Paradigm Development and Hypotheses ..............
Th. P‘radigm OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
Galtung' s ”Odel O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O

Hester ' s “Odel O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O

The EC lee t i c Medal . O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O

Th. ReseaICh Hypotheses O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O

Summary of the Model . ....... ........... ...... ....

”won OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

IntrOdUCtion OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
begign OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO ...... OOOOOOO

PrOblems OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
TBChniques OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

sampling OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
The nation O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O
HiStOrY O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O
Economics O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O
Demographics O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O

PrOCEdUtes oeo‘oo eeeeeee eooooeoeee oooooo o. oooooooo 0

ix

IV.

Stratification OOOOOOOOO'OOOOOOO

The Population O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O
PrOblems O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O
Training O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O

The In8trment OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

The questionnaire OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
Problems of Scale Development ............
Operationalization of Variables ..........

Index smry OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
Scale Indicators and Demographics ........
Media Indicators .........................

Development of the Model .........

Procedures ................
The variables OOOOOOOOOOOOO

The LISREL Madel OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

The General Concept .......

Th. Gcneral concept O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O
The L1 SREL concept O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O
Model Estimation and Testing .............

smry OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

DATA ANALYSIS AND RESULTS .........

General Description of the Sample ..

Trinidad: A Media PtOfile O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O
M.dia Av‘ilgbility O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O
Trinidad's TV Viewing: The Average Week ..

Analysis of Selected Items .......................
The Appreciation Scale ...................
The Appeal Scale .........................
Media Profile Summary ....................
The Importance of Media in Culture .......

Reliabilities and Correlations ...................
scale AnQIYSiS OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
Results and Discussion ...................

Analysis of Variance: Method ....................
The Primry variables OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
Variable Classifications ................

Analysis of Variance: Results ......

103
103
104

105
105

107

.110

110
112
116

118
118

120
120
121

125

127
129
129

130
130
137

142
142
145

146

Age OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

Income OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

Sex and Ethnicity .......................
Education ...............................
Region ..................................
Urbanization ............................
Occupation ..............................
Profession ..............................
Employment ..............................

summary OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

V. THE PATH MODEL: DEVELOPMENT, ANALYSIS AND RESULTS
"Odel Development OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
Rationale OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

The Conceptual Framework ................

The Theoretical and Measurement Framework

Results: Comparison of Model A with Model B .....

DiSCUSSiOn OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

VI CONCLUSION OOOOOOO‘OOOOOO‘OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

5‘1er and DiSCUSSiOn OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
Futurs RegsearCh OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

Generalized Implications ........................

APPENDIX A: ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE TABLES ..............

APPENDIX B: MAP OF TRINIDAD WITH SAMPLED AREAS ......

APPENDIX C: STUDY QUESTIONNAIRE OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
REFERENCES OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

NOTES OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

xi

146
147
147
148
148
149
150
150
151

151

153

153
153
156
159

”166

169

171
171
174
179
183
206
207

227
249

LIST OF TABLES

Table Page
1. Trinidad and Tobago Television Schedule: Time
Allocations by Nations of Origin .................
2. Estimated Reliabilities for Values and Perception
scales OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
3. Correlation of National Programming Orientation
With UOSO values OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
4. Intercorrelation of 0.5. Values and Perception
scales OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO’OOO
5. Intercorrelation of Trinidad and Tobago
Perception scales OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
6. Intercorrelation of United Kingdom Perception
scales OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
7. Intercorrelation: Scales and Proportion of
Television Watched with Income, Age and Education
8. Independent Variables and their Categories .......
9. Table of Dependent Variables .....................
10. Correlation Matrix of Variables Included in the
Medel OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
ll. Descriptive Table for Variables in Conceptual
Madel OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
12. Some LISREL Estimates for Model A
13. Some LISREL Estimates for Model B

xii

124

133

134

135

135

135

136
143
144

158

160
164
165

Figure Page
PathMOdel withCInCJ-Uded ......OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

1.
2.

Path Model with C Excluded ............

Theoretical Model: 0.5.

Dependency ..

Conceptual Model of 0.8.

Dependency.

Conceptual Model of 0.5.

Dependency.

LIST OF FIGURES

Mbdel A:

Model 3:

TV Viewing and 0.8.

TV Viewing and

Path C Included ...........

Path C Excluded

xiii

TV Viewing and

79
79

159

162

162

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION, DEFINITIONS AND RATIONALE

Introduction

Many scholars argue that foreign mass media, especially
imported television programs, play a role in changing an
importing country's culture. The effects of foreign media
imports have been of concern to small and large countries
alike. But excessive media imports have been particularly
worrisome for smaller and less developed nations, especially
those which rely almost exclusively on foreign material to
satisfy their national media needs. This paper focuses on
the socio-psychological, political and cultural effects of
foreign mass media in one such country, Trinidad and Tobago.

Meretofore, the media import problem has presented
reseachers with some rather fundamental difficulties.
Foremost, and possibly most controversial, is the
essentially phenomenological task of conceptualizing the
issue. Almost as significant, but possibly of more
pedestrian concern, is the question of what methods should
be used in analyzing media import information. Taken
together, these issues are both ideological and
philosophical and have essentially spawned two competing

sets of adherents, loosely and often incorrectly called

empiricists and critical theorists. These adherents have
made the foreign mass media effects debate ideological and
controversial.

Initially scholars base their work on one of two
conceptual paths: the functional path, in which foreign
media are seen as forces of independence and cultural
development; or the dysfunctional path where imported media
are thought to be agents of national dependence. This
difference underlies competing conceptual and theoretical
frameworks in the broader study of mass media and
development. It involves conflicts both at the level of
grand theory and at the primitive, but inscrutable, level of
language interpretation. I

For example, the term modernization has come to mean,
for some students, a panacea to the problems of national
deprivation showcased by the tangible hardware of imported
industry and technology. Others believe that, taken in this
sense, modernization is actually a misnomer for dependence.
They argue that national lines of credit, foreign ownership
of local industries and strategic national cultural
enterprises are the underlying manifestations of
modernization. Unfortunately, this often acerbic debate
confounds the most industrious attempts to scientifically
explore the effect of imported mass media on indigenous
consumers, laden as the topic is with political and

ideological overtones.

Therefore, the first task of this study is to
distinguish between, but not extensively review,
modernization and dependency theories and select one as a
working paradigm. Dependency theory is selected as a
working model primarily because of its pgimg £3535 appeal.
Logical Positivists may argue that selecting dependency as a
working model predisposes this research to a fundamental
value judgement, a concept abhorent to a strict positivist
approach to investigating communication events. But several
scholars (Smythe, 1983) (Bernal, 1957) have reminded
researchers of Einstein's postulate:

Science as something existing and complete is the

most objective thing known to [people]. But
Science 33 the makingI science as an end to be

ursued 15 25 subjective and .3 53010 iczll-
conditioned- gg an other branch ‘2: Human
endeavour w (Quote in Smythe, 19635.

 

The philosophical inspiration of this paper, at least in the
initial, theoretical conceptualization, follows what has
been termed Objective Normativism, formalized by G. E.
Moore (Moore, 1953).

Moore advocated many of'the methods and techniques of
positivism in investigating the normative or axiological but
he rejected the idea that there are no normative experiences
from which [people] can derive primitive, undefined
normative terms (Johnson, 1982). Approaching the problem
from the other side, Rudner demonstrated that Normative

investigation is an essential part of Positive research

(Rudner, 1953). These two philosophies guide the
methodological bases of this study.

Of the two theoretical frameworks, the modernization
paradigm has been given more empirical research attention.
In fact, traditional researchers in the area of mass media
and development have eschewed critical, dialectic and
historical methodologies and theories of dependency
relationships among nations. Instead, they have espoused
logical positivist and empirical methods within the
frameworks of modernization and diffusion of innovations.

Conversely, dependency theorists have tended to work
with the more normative methods of critical analysis,
history and philosophy. As a result, little critical
analysis has been done by the traditionalists and little
quantitative work has been carried out by dependency
theorists. This is certainly a queer arrangement, falsely
implying a natural dichotomization of method according to
philosophy of science.

This study challenges that dichotomization concept by
exploring some principles of dependency theory in a critical
framework and evaluating postulates so developed using
quantitative methodology. Consequently, both normative and
quantitative methods are used to better understand the
effects of foreign television program viewing on citizens of

Trinidad and Tobago.

Statement of the Problem

The central problem of this paper was to discover
whether people's sense of national dependency (orientation)
is a reflection of the national origin of the TV programs
they watch. The specific problem was to grasp and
operationalize the meaning of dependency and relate this
construct to foreign mass media use.

The dependency concept may be looked at in at least two
ways. First, a (nation might experience a structural,
tangible dependence in communication hardware and software;
second, there might be a latent psychological trait
exhibited by an attitudinal lean toward the nation which
supplies the media hardware and software, the putative
result of interaction with the imported software or
messages. If this is the case, the term media-cultural
imperialism might be an adequate descriptor of the
relationship between the media-sending and media-receiving
nations: particularly if the government of the receiving
nation acknowledges formally that a non-positive
relationship is involved in terms of its national identity,
culture and ideals.

Along these lines, the principal task in this study is
to analyze the Trinidad and Tobago mass media from the
dependency perspective: develop a working definition of

media-cultural imperialism from social-psychological theory

and history; examine the socio-psychological and cultural
effects of imported television programs from a dependency
and underdevelopment framework; develop a logical and
workable set of methods (in this case an eclectic
combination of quantitative and critical analysis) to assess
the questions which ensue; and finally, test the validity of

hypotheses so developed.

Definitional Guidelines

The hypotheses of this study address the question of
media-imports from the pespectives of dependency and
media-cultural imperialism. Because the central argument of
this paper rests on theory developed through these and other
vague, often undefined terms and concepts, some brief
definitional guidelines are necessary. Particularly
important are the terms dependency theory, cultural
imperialism, media imperialism, and the word culture. More
problematic is the phrase critical theory, particularly when
it is viewed antithetically to disciplinary, administrative,
quantitative, positivistic and empirical research methods.
The ensuing section outlines the methodological setting and
logical parameters for interpretations of these terms as

athey are used in this study.

Theoretical Terminology

QgpendencyTheory
Veltmeyer (1980) points out:

Dependency theory, strictly speaking, -is not a
theory but a model, a set of general propositions
that direct analysis to a range of questions
suggested by a Marxist theory of capitalist
development but adopted to conditions not found in
European history. As such, it is best treated as
a frame of reference, a theoretical perspective on
the situation of Third World countries in a world
economy. (p. 198)

Although generally linked with a Marxist analysis of
international affairs, dependency theorists fall into no
single ideological category.

Dependency theory itself accommodates the most
diverse types of analysis, reflecting its complex
origins- most notably in the structuralist school
of the United Nations Economic Commission for
Latin America (ECLA) and the neo-Marxist approach
to the study of Latin American society.
Economists such as Osvaldo Sunkel and Celso
Furtado have developed the non-Marxist
structuralist approach and the nationalist
perspective of Raul Prebisch and the ECLA school.
Others, such as Ruy Mauro Marini, Theotonio Dos
Santos and Andre Gunder Frank, have worked within
or close to the Marxist tradition. (Veltmeyer,
1980, p. 199)

The dependency concept developed out of an historical
analysis of Latin American society. In its generic,
intellectual thrust, it links underdevelopment in Peripheral

or outlying areas to ties to Center or metropolitan areas.

A critique to the modernization approach to economic
and sociological studies of development, dependency theory
is also a critique of the traditional Marxist approach. For
example,. some scholars have moved beyond the traditional
Leninist-Marxist theories of imperialism which place
emphasis on capital accumulation, class structure, and
economic exploitation. They have added other units of
social consciousness, such as ethnic and regional
distinctions, to these analyses. This "internal
colonialism” dimension, stressing questions of ethnicity,
culture, racism, and nationalism, provides a clear
substitute for a purely Marxist class analysis (Veltmeyer,
1980, p. 199).

However, the core of dependency analysis remains its
critique of modernization. Specifically, all proponents of
dependency reject the logic of the development process as
presented by modernizationists who conceive of
underdevelopment as a failure to develop, to complete a
linear ”traditional" to "modern" pattern of national
improvement. Modernizationists assert that the cause of
underdevelopment is to be found in the internal structure of
traditional society and that development requires an influx
of developmental conditions from societies which have

already completed the transition (Veltmeyer, 1980, p. 198).

Dependency theorists dissent on both of these
positions. Their concepts, falling within the more
embracing theory of imperialism, allow for the study of
structural elements, specific events, which follow from the
economic domination of one nation state over another. A
basic methodological premise of dependency theory is that it
represents a search for concrete manifestations of
dependence (Salinas & Paldan, 1978, p. 87). Such a concrete

manifestation may be dependence in the mass media field.

Media cultural imperialism

V The mass- media have long been seen as agents of
cultural transfer, or as cultural institutions in
themselves. In the earlier literature on the topic, terms
such as "media-imperialism" and ”cultural-imperialism” have
been used interchangeably. For example, media-imperialism
and cultural imperialism have been used to identify or
describe a nation's status when its media system is
dominated by foreign interests or programs.

These terms might have been defined, in general, as one
nation's adoption of a dominant nation's culture, values and
ideology (and media) gig 3 313 its attempt to develop its
own indigenous cultural or value system. And a concrete
manifestation of media or cultural imperialism, for example
would be a significant, quantitatively assessed, imbalance

between imported media and locally produced media for

10
telecommunication industries, particularly television.

Cultural Imperialism

However, more refined scholarship in critical
international communication analysis, necessitated clearer,
substantive, distinctions between the media imperialism and
cultural imperialism concepts. Eventually, clarification of
terminology led to distinctions between the two types of
imperialism and to differing interpretations of each of the
terms. Cultural imperialism has been described as the
"cultural trends accompanying the capitalist accumulation in
the dominant countries and the related processes in the
developing countries” (Salinas & Paldan, 197 , p. 85).

Golding writes: cultural imperialism is “the normative
component to the structural relations of dependence between
the advanced and underdeveloped societies (Golding, 1977,
p. 291). And Schiller defines cultural imperialism as ”the
sum of processes by which a society is brought into the
modern world system and how its dominating stratum is
attracted, pressured, forced ... into shaping social
institutions to correspond to, or even promote, the values
and structure of the dominating Center of the system

(Schiller, 1976, p. 9).

11

This rather broad definition (cultural imperialism as
opposed to media imperialism) suggests the holistic concept
preferred by the Rec-Marxists because of their ideological
and theoretical orientation (Lee, 1980, p. 41). Starting
from this broader, critical perspective, these theorists
work in areas such as ”the relationship between ownership
and control of the media and the power structure in society,
the ideological signification of meaning in media messages
and its effects in reproducing the class system" (Curran, gt

al., 1977, p. 10).

Media Imperialism

The term "media-imperialism" has had a narrower
interpretation. The most representative definition of this
concept is Boyd:Barrett's (1977) view that it represents:

the process whereby the ownership, structure,

distribution or content of the media in any one
country are singly or together subject to
substantial pressure from the media interests of

any other country or countries without

proportionate reciprocation of influence by the

country so affected. (p. 16)

In contention with Schiller's (1979) belief that it is
pointless to measure the impact of any individual medium or
message, Boyd-Barrett affirms the value of
"media-imperialism" as a distinct analytical concept because
it refers to a more specific range of phenomena that lends

itself more easily to rigorous examination. (p. 199)

12

Because this study looks at how the broader set of
implications affect the narrowly defined ones, the
hyphenated term media-cultural imperialism will be adopted.
It is an eclectic term which recognizes the fact that media
import effect studies are pg; g5 cultural investigations.
But whether the term media imperialism, cultural imperialism.
or media-cultural imperialism is used, it is evident that
much more work needs to be done to clarify the theoretical
and methodological foundations of these paradigms. critical

theory has been a useful tool in that analytical endeavor.
Methodolggical Terminology

Before critical theory and, antithetical, i.e.,
positivist concepts are defined, their methodological
settings should be clarified. The general principles under
which their distinctions are organized and the ways in which
these concepts are presented in the general context of media

research are directly pertinent to cross-national research.

The Methodological Setting

Foreign media impact research is by definition '
cross-national research. This fact remains germane to its
development. Its cross-cultural aspects provide the primary
level of distinctions which reflects the critical versus
empirical research debate. Cross-cultural research on

socio-political or socio-psychological topics can seldom be

13

meaningfully expressed in purely statistical terms.
Acceptance or rejection of this position colors how foreign
media research is conceived, and has traditionally
determined what methods were used in cross-national media
analysis and what philosophical planes have guided its
premises. 4

Typologies presented in various disciplines illustrate
ways in which research methodologies have been categorized.
These typologies frame what topics are covered, what
methodologies are employed and how systems of thought and
research in each discipline may be evaluated. Although not
principally designed for international media research,.
Johnson's (1982) economic paradigm illustrates the point.

Johnson's functional typology outlines three
fundamentally different types of research: Disciplinary,
Subject matter, and Problem Solving research. Disciplinary
research is designed to improve a discipline. Subject
Matter research takes a subject as its problem (do the mass
media cause development, for example). It is therefore a
broadly based and multidisciplinary paradigm. Problem
Solving research is more pragmatic but is multidisciplinary
as well. It covers such topics as mass media's role in a

specific teacher training project.

14

Some international mass media scholars also address the
methodologicalz issue by creating functional typologies.
Pool (1983) proposed that international research paradigms
be classified as either causal, cost benefit or
infrastructural research. In this typology, causal research
would be based on whether media can cause development; for
example, do they create psychological transformation or
motivate people. Cost Benefit research is illustrated by
research projects with a specific media goal in mind. It is
evaluated by looking at results of media projects’ in
relationship to budgetary allocations. Infrastructural
research deals with the impact various kinds of media
infrastructure have on different social systems. The
infrastructure category would include topics such as the New
World Information Order debate.

1 More broadly defined, Causal and Cost Benefit analyses
might be seen as Administrative research and Infrastructural
research as Criticaal research. The former is quantitative,
the latter qualitative.

But fastidious interest in the methodological setting
and philosophical bases of socio-cultural analysis has not
always been a priority for practitioners of cross cultural
research (Klopf & Cambra, 1983, p. 1). This is also true of
the cross-national media scholarship, even though a number

of writers have addressed its salient methodological and

15

philosophical concerns. The general trend has been to
conduct studies and argue philosophy and methodology post
hoc, but not to incorporate the argument within the
respective cross national media research projects.

Unfortunately, The failure to clarify the philosophical
bases of research techniques has led to some confusion in
the literature and inability to make proper comparisons
among cross national research efforts. While the functional
approach is helpful, other theoretical distinctions, the
emic-etic dichotomy for example, more closely address
problems of validity in cross cultural research.

Berry (1969) refers to the emic-etic dichotomy as

the principal problem in intercultural research.

It arises when instruments designed for use in one

culture are used in another (Hwang, 1977). 'Emic

relates to monocultural research and "etic” to
research searching for pancultural principles.

The terms reflect a linguistic origin (Pike,

1960). The study of phonemics examines sounds

used in one particular language while an

examination of phonetics allows the linguist to

generalize to all languages. When researchers
administer cross culturally a test standardized in

one culture (usually their own), they may be

imposing an artificial etic and losing the emic or

meaningful aspects of the other culture. (Klopf &

Cambra)

Therefore, the methodological and philosophical setting
of the empirical versus critical controversy is more than
merely a statistical versus non-statistical argument. It is
based on different perceptions of what relationships ought
to be studied and how these relationships should be

examined. Each of the foregoing distinctions turn on the

16

basic proposition that all schools of theory fall into two
types: philosophical ‘and methodological idealism which
treats events ahistorically, without any social process
theory of how change takes place: and the dialectic,
historical and materialistic school which holds that change
and development in everything is caused by competing forces-
stable quantitative forces on the one hand and motive
qualitative forces on the other (Smythe, 1983). Students of
this dialectic, qualitative school are called Crtitical

theorists.

Critical Theory

Like dependency theory, critical theory has a Marxist
following, and has become an increasingly important factor
in Third World, particularly Latin American media research.
But where Dependency theory is a model, a set of general
propositions, "critical theory” is a set of methods or
logical procedures for analyzing societal phenomena and
creating social theory.

~Among early philosophical influences on critical
communication research was the historical methodology
advanced by Montesquieu. Social phenomena, in his view,
could not be studied in isolation but were bound up in a
complex of natural and institutional actors (Whittaker,
1940, p. 730). This holistic view of social research has

matured through the work of Kant, Fitche and Hegel and

17

expanded more recently in the work of Theodor Adorno and
Jurgen Habemas, igggg gligg (Hardt, 1976 p. 92).

Today critical theory is commonly associated with the
German, Frankfurt school's historical tradition. It
advocates a philosophical-theoretical approach 'to- media
research and favors interpretative understanding or
Verstehen as a method of developing social theory and
exploring cultural issues. It is typically seen as

non-statistical research.

Statistically Based Research Categories

For lack of better categorization, the term
statistically based research is used in this study to
differentiate disciplinary, administrative, quantitative,
behavioral, positivistic and empirical research from
critical research. Whether or not these terms are always
(correctly) demarcated this way is proper subject for an
extenuating treatise. The academic literature in
communication has failed to provide clear and consistent
distinction of these methods. But generally speaking, these
”non-critical" types of research represent investigations
based upon statistical analysis and/or verification. Within
that encompassing "non-critical" category several

distinctions may be made.

18

Disciplinary, quantitative, empirical, administrative,
positivistiic and behavioral social science research have
been at the forefront of research philosophies in the United
States for some time. But Disciplinary research, designed
specifically to improve a discipline is ”currently the most
respected branch of academic research,” in the United
States. (Johnson, G., 1980).

In mass communication, disciplinary research would
consist largely of research designed to improve mass
communication theories, particularly those within the
behaviorist mold, quantitative techniques, and the
measurement of psychological effects associated with
communication phenomena. Unfortunately, its behavioral
focus proscribes the inclusion of more general and broadly
based concepts while trying to build all theory on
traditional endogenous social and psychological variables.
The term disciplinary research is generally adopted in this
text. When other (non-critical) terms are used they should
be interpreted as being synonymous with Disciplinary
research, except otherwise indicated.

This paper promises no exact definitions. But for
purposes this study definitional guidelines for other
"non-critical" terms are as follows: Administrative research
is quantitative research used in support of agency policies,

government or commercial. It is policy oriented and

19

evaluative. Quantitative research means statistical
research regardless of its application. Behavioral research
is quantitative, but used generally for developing and
analyzing psychological and social psychological data.
Empirical research is quantitative, but used for
sociological investigations. Positivistic research is
interpreted as behavioral, empirical and disciplinary
research.

These distinctions should be of substantive importance
to all thoSe engaged in Third World research. The general
body of Third World communication research shows that ‘while
critical analysts are challenged on their contributions to
the understanding of underdevelopment, few disciplinary
scholars have troubled to research the psychological makeup
of Third World citizens as those citizens interface with a
global communication revolution originating from
metropolitan societies.

In other words, disciplinary research has been used
quite sparingly for understanding the psychological aspects
of underdevelopment or, for that matter, of development.
Very little such research has been conducted in the
Commonwealth Caribbean, for example. And when quantitative
research has been used, it has served not so much the
interests of Caribbean media scholarship but rather the
interests of commercial enterprises and administrative media

accountants. It is not surprising that, within this

20

context, even though television services in Trinidad and
Tobago carry an overwhelming number of imported television
programs, no research has yet explored the effects of this
foreign incursion on Trinidad and Tobago's culture or
national makeup. This is certainly because the question of
cultural impact has long stood outside the parameters of the

quantitative, disciplinary mold.

Culture

What is understood by the word "culture" which is the
center of the media import debate? First of all, it is a
term which has eluded unambiguous definition. It has
acquired a certain aura of ill-repute because of the
"multiple referents.with which it has been invoked ..." This
vagueness has led to a ”conceptual morass" which has
presented navigational problems even for foremost
theoreticians. For example, in just one chapter on the
concept, Kluckhohn managed to define culture in at least
eleven ways (Geertz, 1973, p. 4).

Culture has been defined in simple ways: ”a mode of
life” (Wissler, 1923, p. 1): and in more complex ways: ”the
learned repertory of thoughts and actions exhibited by the
members of social groups" (Harris, 1979, p. 47). In this
research it is seen as "an historically transmitted pattern
of meanings embodied in symbols: a system of inherited

conceptions expressed in symbolic form by means of which

21

[people] communicate, perpetuate, and develop their
knowledge about and attitudes toward life" (Geertz, 1973,
p. 5). I A

Geertz's definition is esentially a semiotic one. He
believes, with Max Weber, that [man] is an animal suspended
in webs of significance [which] he himself has spun. He
takes culture to be those webs, and the analysis of it to he
therefore not an experimental science in search of laws but
an interpretative one in search of meaning (Geertz, 1973,
p. 5).

Even though Geertz's view of culture is adopted here,
his view of analysis of cultural phenomena is not strictly
consistent with this analysis. This study argues that
positivist methods and interpretative studies may equally
contribute to one's understanding of culture and cultural
change. This study may be seen as a method of discovering

societal laws in search of interpretative meaning.

Rationale

The primary rationale for this study is to take the
media import debate to a new and different level of
analysis, first by 'clarifying some of its philosophical
bases, and second by demonstrating that quantitative and
normative methods are both applicable to research in this

area. In fact dependency economists have already begun

22

significant quantitative assessments of the theoretical
framework of dependency. For example, Mahler (1980) has
analyzed political and economic underdevelopment in a number
of less developed countries' as a product of assymetrical
contact with metropolitan cultures. This paper uses the
literature on dependency theory as a basis for building
theoretical models for international communication research.

Dependency theory has been used as the starting point
of this analysis because of its face validity and because it
has been neglected by traditional scholarship. There is no
logical, scientific, or substantive reason for this neglect.
Interestingly, even though it has been almost ten years
since Immanuel Wallerstein announced the death of
modernization theory (Veltmeyer, 1980, p. 198), dependency
theory has not attained stature in communication research.
Modernization still endures as Egg model.

Other rationale for this study are both heuristic and
academic, with underlying implications for national media
policy. Trinidad and Tobago is the nation selected for
analysis in this study because of the author's knowledge of
the country's history and culture, and because it is an
underdeveloped country wealthy enough (in 1982 at least) to
demonstrate the contradictory characteristics of dependent
development, such as substantial capital investment and
still high unemployment, described by Girvan. (1976), among

others. In terms of media dependency, Trinidad and Tobago's

23

case is exemplary.

In 1975, 75% of Trinidad and Tobago's TV shows were
imported, primarily from the United States. In the week of
January 10-17, 1982, an analysis of TV guides in national
daily newspapers showed that over 85% of the nation's
scheduled prime-time TV hours consisted of U.S. programs
(Skinner, 1982). Several questions emerge from these facts:
After 20 years of independence from Britain, ten years of
economic solvency, and 94% literacy, why does
U.S. programming
dominate Trinidad and Tobago's TV schedules? What effect do
these programs have on Trinidad and Tobago society, culture,
values and national identity? Many believe that the effect
is to erode both national identity and culture. For
example:

Some years ago, a child was asked at a public

[academic] competition in Trinidad to name the

President of Trinidad and Tobago. His reply, to

the astonishment of the audience, was: "President

Carter." More than his ignorance of civics, the

child's honest reply was a reflection of the

extent to which our society has been a victim of
cultural subversion. And the main purveyor of

this subversion has been television (Pilgrim,

1982, p. 16).

Despite Government policy to correct this situation
(Trinidad and Tobago Government, 1969), and social opinion
decrying the dependent state of local television (Pilgrim,
1981, p. 16) ”cultural clienthood" is still a persistent

problem for Trinidad and Tobago.

24

These examples underscore the urgent need for more
constructive academic analyses of national identity and
other media import issues, particularly in Third World
nations. The problem has been dramatized at the UNESCO and
Non-Aligned nations conferences where debates and
resolutions reflect clearly the felt link or, parallel
patterns of economic and information domination. Typical of
this attitude [is the reasoning: "just as political and
economic dependence are legacies of the era of colonialism,
so is the case of dependence in the field of information
which in turn retards the underdeveloped nations'
achievement of political and economic growth (Non-Aligned
Conference, 1976).

Third World leaders have expressed the notion that in
order to develop, a society must remain true to itself and
ways of thought and action, and set itself objectives
consonant with its values and felt needs (M'Bow, 1977,
p. 5). To this end less developed countries requested
international cooperation in liberating themselves from the
state of dependence resulting from specific historical
circumstances which still characterizes their communication

and information system (UNESCO, 1977, para. 8).

25

Summary

Foreign mass media effects on individuals in importing
countries represent an important but not sufficiently
studied international media phenomenon. Communication
scholars are divided in their approach to the subject. One
group sees foreign media consumption as part of a process
which will assist Third World development. Others are more
skeptical. They argue that too much foreign media
consumption is symptomatic of cultural subordination and
media-cultural imperialism.

This study explores several hypotheses based on the
media-cultural imperialism paradigm. It postulates that
foreign media dependency results from a structural dependent
relationship among nations which is essentially economic;
and this leads to heavy foreign media consumption. It is
proposed that heavy foreign media consumption is related to
erosion of national identity, creation of pro-foreign values
and ultimately, psychological dependence on the media
exporting nation. Trinidad and Tobago and the United States
are paired as dependent and dominant, or peripheral and
center, nations for purposes of this analysis. The United
Kingdom is included in the study as an alternative center
nation because of its pre-1962 role as colonial ruler of

Trinidad and Tobago.

CHAPTER 2

LITERATURE REVIEW AND PARADIGM DEVELOPMENT

The burden of this study is to examine whether there is
a structural relationship between Trinidadians' attendance
to U.S. mass media, particularly television viewing, and
their feelings of national identity, pro-U.S. attitude, and
social psychological dependency upon the United States. The
problem will be approached by exploring three areas of
relevant literature: social-psychological and empirical
studies, world system and dependency theory, and a review of
Trinidad and Tobago's mass media and society. Concepts from
these three contributing areas are subsequently used in
developing hypotheses to be tested empirically.

Thematic development of the subject leads from theory
analysis to concept formation. This development, principal
to subsequent methodological considerations and hypothesis
testing includes: (1) an outline of the levels of generality
previously applied to this type of research, (2) review of
the social-psychological literature, (3) discussion of
research done from the various national perspectives, (4) a
look at the theoretical issues involved, (5) an overview of
media dependency at the international level, (6) an account

of the links between communication and commerce in

26

27

imperialist history, and (7) an overview of national
conditions in Trinidad and Tobago.

Critical Thought, based on Verstehen, i.e.,
interpretative understanding, a method deeply rooted in the
European sociological method, is the first exploratory
principle “used in this study. [dependency theory is then
used as a framework for paradigm construction and hypothesis
formation. The themes explored within the theory,
historical, economic, and sociological, serve as conceptual
pillars, offering more substantive byways to paradigm and
hypotheses development than is usually the case in empirical
cross-cultural research. The anticipation, is that this
process will engender stronger capability for inference in

this type of research (Platt, 1964).

Levels of Analysis

The enormous body of mass media research done about,
and in, developing countries may be categorized
descriptively as either evaluative (involving the efficiency
of media projects), inventorial (collecting data on
machinery and software), and social psychological (studies
primarily dealing with media effects on people and society).
This review emphasizes the social-psychological category but
acknowledges its implications for evaluative and inventory

research.

28

In the social-psychological category three settings
have been identified in which radio and television effects
have been examined: intra-national settings' (within
nations), cross-national settings (where signals go directly
across contiguous borders), and import settings (where media
are brought physically into the user country) (Payne, 1978).
There may be some overlap in the cross national and import
settings and both have been classified as "cultural
imperialism" studies by a number of scholars.

Lee summarizes the work of other scholars in
identifying four levels of generality for researching
media-cultural imperialism where the media import setting is
involved: analysis of the imports [themselves, foreign
ownership of media facilities in the importing nation,
transfer of metropolitan broadcasting norms, and invasion of
capitalist world views and alien concepts (Lee, 1980,
p. 68). To these may be added a fifth, psychological level,
the indigenous consumer's identification with the media
importing nation.

Still other distinctions may be made at the
psychological level. Several writers have separated that
level into three clearly different dimensions applicable to
media research in cross-national and media import settings:
cognitive effects, such as language adoption (Contreras et

al., 1976: Payne, 1978), attitudinal effects, reflecting

29

positive or negative dispositions to the existing media
systems or parts of the existing media systems (Schiller,
1973) and behavioral effects (Payne, 1978). Payne proposed
a further theoretically important distinction. He observed
that cross-national TV and TV imports may affect performance
on any of the preceding three dimensions as they relate to
(l) the viewer's country of residence and (2) the country
from which the broadcast is made (Payne, 1978, p. 741).
While it is seldom examined sequentially, the
relationship among settings and levels of generality does
appear to have theoretical importance. Lee (1980), for
example, acknowledges that Wilbur Schramm draws [Lee's]
attention to the analytical possibility that treats [Lee's]
first levels of generality [product exportation, foreign
ownership, and adoption of Western media models] as
"processes which lead to the effects (emphasis added) of
cultural infringement" " (Lee, 1980, fn., p. 108). This
study adopts this vertical international links perspective
and theorizes from the global level, i.e., from the source
of media imports, to these imports' narrow, behavioral
effects on the people of the importing nations. The focus
is on the media import setting and hypotheses are examined
at the social psychological level, where literature supports
the proposition that mass communication messages do have

effects.

30

Social Psychological Evidence

The generic assumption that [mass] communication can
and does have societal effects underlies almost all
communication behavior (Roberts, 1971, p. 349). The mass
-media may be seen as transmitters of social heritage and
agents of socialization (Wright, 1975). They play a vital
role in establishing the norms and mores of contemporary
society along with family, education, and peer group
influence (Chafee, Ward, & Tipton, 1970).

From the socio-psychological perspective, Bandura
writes, ”evidence that people can learn as much from
symbolic as from actual models indicate that television, is
an important source of social behavior” (Bandura, 1973,
p. 101). Values, norms and expectations are acquired
through interpersonal and mediated communication, especially
television, a mass medium which conveys those beliefs which
people decode selectively (Woelfel & Barnett, 1974).

This notion has cross-national applicability. Bandura
claims that representatives of foreign nations voice
displeasure about increasing levels of television exports
because "there is massive evidence that behavior of role
models can shape diverse classes of behavior, attitudes,
tastes and preferences, as well as aggressive modes of
response" (Bandura, 1973, p. 273). Clearly then,' there is

considerable scholarly support for the claim that the world

31

one creates is a function of the information one receives,
especially mass mediated information (Saltiel & Woelfel,

1975; Woelfel, Woelfel, Gillham & Mc Phail, 1974).

National Perspectives

This social-psychological effects picture .has
heightened the concerns of researchers of developing
countries, particlarly in Latin America. In that region,
television research has shown that "alien” media images
”form impressions" and "motivate behaviors" of native
viewers (Albornoz, 1962: Salazar, 1962: Colomina de Rivera,
1968: Santoro, 1975; Goldsen & Bibliowicz, 1976).
Consequently, the effects of television were believed to be
pervasive and instrumental in the communication of
ideologies, the actual values, the styles of life and ways
of living of viewers (Beltran, 1978).

In Latin America, at least, scholarly consensus was
clear. The social implications of these ”alien” images
should be researched. Beltran argued, specifically, that
research which moves beyond the mere identification
(explicit and implicit) of "alien" images is needed. He
proposed that foreign-media research seek to "find out what
really happens in the inner world of persons
researched ... in terms of concrete behaviors demonstrably
produced by such [foreign message] stimulants" (Beltran,

1978, p. 44).

32

The "deeper social and psychological processes” and
"overt behaviors” which may result from media-cultural
imperialism have been studied in North America, Iceland and
Taiwan (Formosa) .with conflicting results. Davey (1972),
Seacrest (1972), Elkin (1972), and Skipper (1975), have
found evidence supporting ”cultural imperialism" in Canada.
But Tsai (1967) found that while imported U.S. television
programs in Taiwan affected the superficial customs, it left
the deeper values quite undisturbed.

Payne and Peake's (1977) cultural imperialism
hypotheses (that viewing U.S. TV affected Icelanders'
attitude toward the U.S., transferred political information
about the U.S. to Icelanders, and created attitudes in
Icelanders which were characteristic of American culture)
were not corroborated in Iceland. For example, their
analyses provided no support for the idea that viewing of
U.S. television is related to attitudes of fear, anger or
sadness. Icelanders purportedly thought that these
attitudes were characteristic of U.S. culture.

While Sparkes (1977) found no relationship between
viewing foreign TV and attitudes toward the sending country
in cross-national studies between Canada and the U.S., Payne
(1978), also studying the effects of Canadian TV on U.S.
viewers, reported mixed effects on viewers' attitudes. His

data did not indicate that viewers of foreign television,

33

when compared with the viewers of local TV, had a less
favorable attitude toward their own country or toward groups
in that country.

In contrast to these feelings relating to one's own
country, Payne reported that viewers of Canadian TV in the
U.S. responded with substantially less favorable attitudes
toward Canada than viewers of U.S. TV. The researcher
argued, ”it appears that in the absence of other information
about the sending country, TV may shape people's attitudes
about it [the sending country)" (Payne. 1978, p. 753).

Other scholars have researched the effects of
television imports along a somewhat different conceptual
tangent. Nordenstreng and Varis (1973) maintained that
capitalist TV should reduce "favorableness of attitude"
toward more socialist receiving countries; and studies by
Beattie (1967) and Schiller (1974) indicated that foreign TV
impeded the growth of national (receiving country) identity.

The national identity aspects of media-cultural
imperialism have been addressed empirically by Barnett and
McPhail (1980). Sampling one hundred and forty-nine
students enrolled in a communication course at Carleton
University, Ottawa, Canada, and using metric multidmensional
scaling as the basis for their analytical methods, the
researchers found that "the high U.S. TV use group
perceived themselves to be less Canadian and closer to the

United States than the group which uses less American

34

television ... As viewing of U.S. television increased,
people perceived themselves as less Canadian and more
American ...” (Barnett & Mc Phail, 1980, pp. 221-228).

The conflicting results and variations in focus of the
foregoing studies suggest the "need for more systematic,
simultaneous analysis of the effects of cross-national [and
imported TV] on a number of clearly different
dimensions, ... [a] multivariate framework which could be
applied in several different cross cultural [and import]
settings ... facilitating formation of a general theory”
(Payne, 1978, p. 741).

Here again, scholarly consensus suggests that more
research is needed to determine how pervasive the phenomenon
of imported television effects is in developing positive or
negative national self images. For example, in
underdeveloped countries, a particular need might be to
determine what role information, particularly mass mediated
information, plays in the process of national identity
formation (Barnett & Mc Phail, 1980, p. 230). A specific
instance of such an investigation may be an inquiry into the
impact of mass mediated foreign information on the
psychology of nation building.

This study makes a contribution in that direction. It
attempts to advance the national identity question, and
examines issues related to attitudes toward and values

adopted from media exporting nations as functions of foreign

35

TV (and other media) viewing. In addition, it argues that a
rethinking of the theoretical foundations of contemporary
empirical cross-national TV effects research is necessary if

these phenomena are to be fully understood.

The Theoretical Issues

Two basic theoretical and methodological approaches
have been to studying the effects of television imports, one
disciplinary and. empirical, the other philosophical and
critical. A major task of this paper is to bridge those two
traditions by using philosophical and critical concepts to
structure hypotheses which will be tested at the empirical
level. Dependency theory (and world systems theory) will be
'used as a framework because it provides a paradigm which
'might potentially incorporate approaches of both critical
Scholars (Schiller, 197s; Réad, 1975; Dorfman a Mattelart,
1971) and empiricists (Payne, 1978; Barnett & Mc Phail,
1980).

Limits to the Disciplinary Focus

Payne (1978), working from a Disciplinary rationale,
admits that locating his research in the cross-national
setting, between developmentally similar societies, has its
limitations when applied to developing societies. In his
approach to cross-national effects he does not address
structural conditions at the upper, global, levels of

generality which might affect questions at the behavioral

36

level.

Payne might have asked in his studies how does the
world image of these nations (U.S. and Canada) help to
mediate the information their citizens receive about the
other nation. Payne's ”guiding orientation was not a
particular theory, but an eclectic attempt to provide a
broadly conceptualized data base to serve as a first step in
constructing a more general theory of mass media effects"
(Payne, 1978, p. 741).

However, the importance of international structural
differences even among culturally and develpmentally similar
countries such as the U.S. and Canada, have been
acknowledged by Lee (1980), and Davey (1972). Therefore it
seems wasteful of Payne not to have utilized the now
prolific literature on international information imbalance
-as it impinges upon national and international perceptions.
This limitation brings into question the validity of any
international effects theory developed solely on nationally
endogenous data. It highlights the relevance of the
emic-etic distinction and the importance of critical
scholarship in illuminating international media research

issues.

37

The Critical Position

Critical studies (Dizard, 1964; Wells, 1972; Varis,
1973; Read, 1976: Schiller, 1976; Lent, 1977; Tunstall,
1977; Mattelart & Siegalaub, 1979; Smith, 1980) reveal the
necessity of theorizing from the upper level, i.e., global
media structure, to the lower levels where they impinge upon
indigenous attitudes and values. Criticism of these
scholars is based on the contention that they have not
succeeded (nor in many cases have they attempted) in
. specifically defining, measuring, and outlining the
dysfunctional parameters of imported‘ and cross-national
media effects.

While this is generally the case, Critical scholarship
has been of signal importance in the theoretical realm.
First, it has focused on the expgrience of underdevelopment
and the role of mass media institutions in that process.
Second, it has sensitized media researchers to the fallacies
of blithely transplanting metropolitan research values to
underdeveloped societies in search of disciplinary truth.

Taken together, the work done by critical scholars
support the proposition that the combination of economic and
media dependency leads to more complex social, psychological
and economic/political effects when the countries are
developmentally dissimilar than when they are

developmentally similar. Even the empiricist Payne proposed

38

that the adoption of media related cognitive and behavioral
change should be more pronounced in developing countries,
where ... ”differences should appear in each country due to
the different amounts of foreign programming on local TV”
(Payne, 1978, p. 753).

Little actual work has. been done along the lines
suggested by Payne. And scholars who theorize only at the
level of behavioral effects while neglecting the
international constructs, still chagrin media researches
from developing countries, particularly those from Latin
America. The Latin Americans, moreso those of a critical
analysis persuasion, argue that the push for a more strictly
disciplinary, behavioral paradigm is an important aspect of
cultural imperialism.

Latin Americans argue that traditional research
methodology bears little relevance to the national
conditions of Latin America and is more appropriate to the
needs of outside forces. Critics suspect an insidious link
between traditional economics, metropolitan media, and
traditional research methodology. They argue that stripping
media research in underdeveloped nations of the
international context creates research which is insensitive
to the real issues which underlie the historical,
sociological and economic context of underdevelopment, and
the role the mass media play in that process. Their

position is that cultural imperialism is perpetuated through

39

encouragement and enforcement of particular types of
research emphases to the neglect of other, more relevant
paradigms (Bodenheimer, 1969). .

The differences between the Latin Americans who stress
critical analysis, and the empiricists who stress
quantification and functionalism, have [been outlined by
Rogers (1980).

The empirical school of communication research is
commonly characterized by quantitative empiricism,
functionalism, and positivism. In the past it had
generally emphasized the study of direct effects
of communication, while paying less attention to
the broader context in which such communication is
imbedded. In contrast, the essence of the
critical school is more philosophical emphasis,
its focus on the broader social structural context
of communication, Marxism (although by no means
all critical scholars are Marxists), and a central
concern with the issue of who controls mass
communication systems. Major concerns of the
critical scholars today are (1) to criticize
empirical studies of communication and
development, especially the researches on
modernization that were conducted in the 1950s and
19603; (2) to express concern over such new
technology as broadcasting satellites, computers,
and cable television systems, which critical
scholars feel are mainly controlled by
multinational corporations of the U.S. and other
industrialized nations: and (3) to analyze ”the
new international information order," a policy
direction oriented, among other things, to provide
greater balance, and less bias, in the flow of
eommugication (especially news) among nations.
p. 3

These theoretical and methodolgical differences have erupted
into what has been termed the ”critical" versus "empirical"
controversy in mass media and development studies. But as

Halloran (1980) and Rosengren (1980) point out, by stressing

40

either school to the neglect of the other, scholars run the
risk of conducting bad research. ‘" All theory and research
involve both subjective and objective elements which are
brought together through the dynamic process of research

activity" (Smythe, 1983).

Methodology, Philosophy and Ideology

Basically, this philosophy of methodology question
hinges on the issue of how research problems may be
conceptualized and operationalized. In such cases the issue
turns on what Northrup (1947) calls the initiation of
inquiry. Northrup's position is that it is necessary for
scholars to establish the validity of the g priori concepts
from which they approach their studies because rigor in data
analysis can never retrieve a false or superficial beginning
in reseach (Northrup, 1974, p. 17). ' The essence of the
scientific method is ggg controlled experiments alone but
rigour in stating the problem to be researched, in applying
historical and other appropriate tools to it, in analyzing
the results, and in applying the results in practice”
(Smythe, 1983).

Thoughtful initiations of inquiry then, are essentially
methods of eliminating competing hypotheses and finding the
most relevant research fggi. This task is of utmost
importance in properly exploring the complex area of foreign

media attendance and its socio-psychological correlates in

41

underdeveloped nations. A leading proponent of the critical
approach has emphasized the importance of initial inquiry as

follows:

Any methodology that systematically neglects the

interpretive schemeta through which social actions

are mediated, that pursues the tasks of concept

and theory formation in abstraction from the prior

categorical formation of social reality, is doomed

to failure. Sociological concepts are, in Alfred

Schutz's words, "second level constructs:" the

"first level constructs" are those through which

social actors have already pre-structured the

social world prior to its -scientific

investigation. Understanding the latter is a

necesary point of departure for constructing the

former (Habermas, 1976, p. xi).

The 1969 UNESCO Montreal mass media convention
addressed this issue. Many delegates felt that research and
projects sponsored by UNESCO prior to that time were
deficient in theories, models, concepts and methods, and
”tended to legitimize and reinforce the existing system and
the established order, and in the Third World it tended to
strengthen economic and cultural dependence rather than
promote (national) independence" (Halloran, 1980, p. 12).

At least part of the solution could be to encourage
critical analysis of media in international communication
research. In other words, methods involving interpretative
understanding i.e, verstehen, should play an important part
in examining contemporary international mass media problems.
But Habermas argued that interpretative research, though
important, should not be the sole methodological basis of

inquiry. ”An adequate social methodology would have to

42

integrate interpretative understanding ... with an
historically oriented analysis of social systems" (Habermas,
1976, xii).

The facts of media dependency and its obvious parallels
to economic subordination and the colonial heritage of most
underdeveloped countries lend support to those who adopt the
critical position. But ultimately, the final impact of mass
media imports can be understood only by studying the
behaviors of those affected by their national media
institutions, which, in their turn are affected by
international conditions. A seminal objective of critical
media scholarship is to establish the purported link between
international media institutions and the socio-cultural
effects in specific dependent nations.

The ensuing section outlines a
commmercial-communication imbalance from an historical
perspective, and shows its relationship to the
socio-economic and social psychological premises of
dependency analysts. The last several paragraphs link these
concepts to media conditions in Trinidad and Tobago, where

hypotheses will be tested empirically.

43

Media Dependency: The International Level

North American media images proliferate in Latin
America and the Caribbean, and are particularly evident in
the smaller states of the Commonwealth Caribbean (Hosein, in
Lent, 1977, p. 144). The use of the English language, small
markets and commercial advertising structures help to keep
up the foreign, primarily Anglo-American programming trend
in the Commonwealth Caribbean region (Perez, 1976; UNESCO,
1979: Smith, A., 1980;'Smith, K., 1980: Fejes, 1980) but are
only part of the global structure which relegates most
post-colonial, under-industrialized nations to both economic
and media dependency (Nordenstreng & Varis, 1974: Schiller,
1971, 1973, 1974, 1976; Read, 1976).

Dependency structures relating to information matters,
particularly international news, are historically related to
the communication hegemony of the European colonizers
(Smith, A., 1980). This structure of information domination
has not changed much, except that the United States and the
Soviet Union have replaced Germany as leading world news
brokers. These two nations, along with Britain and France,
control most of the world's news agencies' output. news
(Sterling & Haight, 1978, p. 389). In Latin America, the

U.S. agencies, UPI and AP, dominate.

44

A comparable structure exists for television
programming. France, the United States, the United Kingdom,
and the U.S.S.R. are the major suppliers of television
programs to other countries (Nordenstreng & Varis, 1974).
In Latin America and the Caribbean most of the imported
television programs come from the United States.

As with the early news agencies, the colonial book
publishing system in the early 20th century reflected the
contours of colonial power. Britain and France topped the
list in the early 19005 with Longman, MacMillan, and Oxford
Universitwaress opening offices in the British empire, and
Hachette establishing offices in the French empire (Smith,
K., 1980). In recent years the United States has taken its
own place as a leading publisher for the underdeveloped
world (Fisher, 1980).

Although the feature film industry exhibits a different
pattern, the structural result is the same. While India and
Japan are the world's largest producers of feature films,
English language films, and predominantly those of American
origin, occupy a very large part of the feature market in
almost all countries except the U.S.S.R., Eastern Europe,
the People's Republic of China and India (Fisher & Merrill,
1976, p. 116). Again, the overwhelming majority of feature
films supplied to the Caribbean and Latin America are

American made.

45

The largest advertising agency in the world is Dentsu
of Japan. But the next 14 largest are American, and most of
these companies' Third World profit comes from Latin
America. Notwithstanding. the' fact that only a small
percentage of the world advertising agency global profit is
made in the Caribbean, it is of some interest that the
transnational agencies which operate in the region have
penetrated 91.8% of the Caribbean market leaving only 9% for
the local agencies (UNESCO, 1979).

Historical conditions, colonialism, and the striving
for hegemony by world powers have contributed to the
present-day structure of the world's media. Two aspects of
that historical premise are now summarized using Britain and
the U.S. as examples of the relationship between

communication technology. commerce and political hegemony.

Historical Trends: Commerce and Communication

Britain

Historically, those who controlled the physical trade
routes (sea and land) and the telegraph lines, controlled
the globe and its resources. Today, electromagnetic
technology may be added to the list. British control of
cable lines, telegaphic, and later, wireless technology
paralleled British hegemony in global politics. The wiring

of the world was said, in fact, to be a "nineteenth century .

46

British accomplishment” (Field, 1978, p. 661).

Their monopolies in both principal technologies and raw
materials, e.g., gutta percha, a Malaysian product used in
cable insulation, and access to the available capital for
investment allowed Britain to set up a world-wide
Information network. In physical terms this meant control
of an ever-extending network of wires. From the laying of
the Dover-Calais cable of 1851, lines subsequently led to
Balaclava, Constantinople, and to Bombay (1865). In 1866,
the Atlantic cable joined the European and North American
cable nets. In 1870, the all-British cable route to India
was opened. Japan and China were tied in, both by land
lines across Siberia and by cable 313 India, Singapore, and
Saigon. Portugal was linked to Brazil in 1874, and the
African coast to Durban in 1879 (Field, 1978, p. 661).

Smith's interpretation was that ”an economic network
lay behind the system of imperial [economic] preferences
that in turn were expressed in and were aided by [these]
communication linkages” (Smith, 1980, p. 43). Field
observed that "the progress of [long range] communications
reflected the image of the world held by those looking
outward from London” (Field, 1978, p. 661).

47

The United States

By the late 18005 the United States had made the
transition from a rural to an industrialized society and had
become a nation flexing its global muscles. A spirit of
national self-assertion was nurtured by politicians,
newspaper editors, businessmen and publicists (Grenville &
Young, 1966). It was during this period that, along with
Anglo-Saxonism, Social Darwinism, psychic imperialism
(jingoism), naval power, and national security theories,
that mass media (communication) determinism itself became a
competing and viable paradigm of American expansionism
(Field, 1978; Paolino, 1973, Ch. 3).

If communication control was not a sufficient condition
for international hegemony, it seemed at least necessary
one. Behind the more universal ideals of developing
increasingly reliable communication structures for worldwide
development, self-interested economic policies were as
paramount for the U.S. as they had been for Britain.

The burden of "civilizing” the world was part of the
U.S. rationale of domination as it had been for Britain.
Late 19th century apologists for U.S. imperialism, both
communication and commercial, saw the United States as a
”Christian as well as a commercial nation ... a civilizing
as well as an exploiting agency” (Vevier, 1955, p. 4. From

Barrett, 1900).

48

The United States' position on the
communication-commercialism concept of global hegemony was
most clearly exemplified by William Henry Seward, Secretary
of State from 1861 to 1869. Seward apparently eschewed
military conquest, opting instead for international
domination through a combination of communication and
commerce.

Seward's version of a commercial power was

predicated in part on the unification of the

world's markets into a global network whose
direction and control would be situated in the

United States. He hoped to achieve this

unification by establishing an international

telegraphic communication network and (at the same
time) instituting international monetary reforms.

(Paolino, 1973, p. 14)

Historians observed, in the end, what was true for
Britain was also true -for the United States. The U.S.
communication incursion into Latin America and the rest of
the world was crucial in stimulating business activity
abroad, accelerating the pace of diplomcy, shaping maritime
strategy and entangling the United States in the politics of
the world (East Asia) of 1898 (Beisner, 1978, P. 674,
comment to Field).

In effect, this economics-communication dyad was the
putative force which helped to shape the culture of the
peripheral nations and determined at the same time how

peripheral nations were to see dominant ones:

economic hegemony and political control were

49

accompanied by the elaboration of a hierarchy of

cultures. An idealized European culture was at

the apex of this hierarchy ... and each colonizing

power, particularly after the mid-nineteenth

century, not only destroyed the economic base of

the societies they colonized- societies and not

only individuals- but attempted to destroy the

possibilities of counter ideological systems of

control i.e., cultures (Jones, 1978, p. 9).
From this perspective, successful colonialism meant
successful destruction of the culture of the colonized.
Britain and the United States were not unique. Rodney's
(1974) historical socio-economic analysis of Africa and
Carnoy's (1974) treatise on colonial educational systems add
academic substance to these perspectives of 19th century

colonialism.

Dependency Analyses

Socio-economic Paradigms

"Dependency theory,” emerging from sociological
analyses of economic underdevelopment, is based on the
concept that the result of commercial and communication
hegemony is underdevelopment and dependency in the
non-industrialized world. Most important to this
perspective is the notion that development in the

metropolitan countries conditions underdevelopment in the

periphery.

50

Weisskopf proposed that the controversial role of
metropolitan involvement in poorer countries centers on "the
ambivalent character of capitalism ... "on the one hand, the
Center can exploit the periphery by virtue of its superior
power; on the other hand, in the process of penetrating the
periphery, the Center can help break down traditional modes
of production and promote. growth of a modern capitalist
social and economic order" (Weisskopf, 1979, p. 134). Many
authors see the exploitative rationale as the more plausible
capitalist role. In support of this view, scholars with
Marxist leanings, such as Andre Gunder Frank, haVe studied
Latin American and Caribbean societies. Frank (1969), for
example, has devoted considerable attention to Latin
America, using Chile, Brazil, and their "Indian problems" as
case studies in capitalist penetration and underdevelopment
of Third World economies.

Caribbean economists have targeted the special cases of
plantation economies (Beckford, 1972), and mineral
extractive industries (Girvan, 1976), for analysis. Others
have highlighted the relationship between rising Third World
indebtedness and the resultant international dependency

(Payer, 1975).

51

Studies of plantation economies have shown a
stultifying effect on the development of local peasantry.
Beckford (1972), Geertz (1963), Jacoby (1959) and Greaves
(1935), in their separate treatises on plantation economies,
explain that social and economic dependence, marginalization
of indigenous peasants, limited educational systems, and
competition for scarce land resource are common results of
capitalist management of plantation economies. Plantations
were shown to be international in character, part of a much
wider economic system, dependent upon an international
market and financed from the metropole. In the broader
sociological, political, and economic sense in which the
plantation is defined here, Beckford (1972) explains that:

there are situations -as in the West Indies- where

peasant producers are more numerous than
plantation enterprises but where, because the
peasantry is a creation of the plantations, their
behavior reflects the plantation influence. In

the political sphere, political decision makers

are imbued with a psychological dependence on an

established plantation sector and agricultural

development policy tends to reflect this attitude

(p. 120).

Furthermore, Beckford (1972, p. 43) shows that
plantation social structure led to the creation of a creole
elite which was rooted in the political and ”economic
dominance of the metropolitan power. It was color
stratified, and was integrated around the conception of the

moral and cultural superiority of things English. This

system was reinforced and integrated through religion,

52

education, law and the media.

Girvan's (1976) analysis of the extractive industries
of the Caribbean and South America explains why "mineral
industries have conspicuously failed in developing countries
to act as catalysts for the generation of self sustaining
growth" (p. 30). These industries are large, capital
intensive enterprises which are typically extended into such
areas as heavy industry, and vertically integrated economic
complexes ”of a type which most underdeveloped countries had
previously been excluded” (Girvan, 1976, p. 7). The author
also shows that these industries create enclave economies,
based on the extraction of one primary mineral ”and do
little to solve the problem of rural underdevelopment and
unemployment that form the basis of mass poverty: neither do
they contribute to the achievement of a self centered
development model" (Girvan, 1976, p. 7).

Girvan notes: "in the pure case", a dependent economy
relies entirely on national income derived from a single
subsidiary firm. In such cases national income is basically
the value added of the subsidiary firm consisting of wages
to employees and taxes to government. Therefore, the
production of the firm is not related to national needs but
to the needs of the metropolitan office of the subsidiary
which controls parallel subsidiaries in other countries. As
a result, "the subsidiary lacks integration with the host

economy, has close integration with the parent firm, and has

53

a close relationship with the Center government" ... "the
effect is to develop the firm and the firm's home country,
but underdevelop the country whose minerals are extracted"
(Girvan, 1976, pp. 25-30).

In the consumer and behavior sector this development
model creates high-income mining and government employee
sectors which eventually bias market demand for relatively
expensive consumer durables. This system is supported and
promoted through the advertising and mass media patterns
which tie consumption to particular brand names which the
transnational manufacturing companies have popularized
internationally.

There are four basic elements in this dependency and
underdevelopment relationship: the ownership or control of
the dependent nation's resources and property, ownership of
technological patents in these countries, control of local
financing through ”preferred customer" relationships because
their credit is backed by the financial resources of the
parent company, and finally control of dependent nations'
communication systems ‘through a combination of technology,
advertising structures, and the implantation of metropolitan
communication values.

In the end, the metropolitan multinational
corporation's "extraordinary edge is in using the technology
of market manipulation to shape the tastes, goals, and

values of the workers, suppliers, government officials, and

54

of course, customers on whom their own economic success in
that country depends" (Barnett & Muller, 1974, p. 142).
Underdevelopment, in this view, is a continuing process, and
as a function, in part, of media-cultural imperialism,
media-dependency and underdevelopment are inextricably
linked.

For the dependency theorist, the world system is made
up of Center and Peripheral nations. Individuals (and
institutions) generate decisions from the Center nations
which affect socio-economic progress in the peripheral
nations. These decisions affect commodity prices,
investment patterns and monetary relations in the economic
sector, and values and ideologies in the socio-cultural
milieu of the underdeveloped nations (Dos Santos, 1973:
Rodney, 1974; Schiller, 1976: Girvan, 1976).

Some socio-economic analysts suggest that the ”World
System” extends downward, from the richer metropolises to
the cities of peripheral societies. From there it continues
downward to poorer rural communities. Thus every society is
exploited by the more complex society above it. These
levels of exploitation are elements in a single world market
in which every nation plays its part (Cardoso, 1972:
Wallerstein, 1974; Frank, 1976: Amin, 1976). The effects of
this system on the underdeveloped and post-colonial nations
are economic, institutional and social-psychological

(Freire, 1971; Beckford, 19772; Rodney, 1974; Carnoy, 1974).

55

Socio-psychological Paradigmg

Not all assessments of underdevelopment have been
socio-economic. Social psychologists, as well, have
examined the effects of dependency as it) relates to
underdevelopment. Mannoni, for example, argues that
dependency derives, not from economic designs of the rich
nations but from universal psychological drives among
different kinds of people either to dominate or to be
dominated '(Carnoy, 1974, p. 59). Memmi (1965) suggests on
the other hand, that economic, social, and personal
relationships are all important 'related factors in the
dependent-dominant international mileur. Memmi argues that
these factors combine to imprint on the colonized person an
alien view of himself because he is forced to function
within the institutions supplied for him by the colonizer.
"The legitimization of the colonialist's role requires the
destruction of the colonized's sense of culture and history,
so that the colonized is. removed from all social and
cultural responsibility" (Carnoy, 1974, p. 62).

Support for this metropolitan colonizing influence
comes from within the society itself, i.e., from
'bridgeheads,” wealthy indigenous folk whose interests are
harmonized with those of the Center capitalists. This
class, and those aspiring to it are alienated from the local

culture by the "elements of the metropolitan culture with

56

which it [this class] is confronted ... the machinery, the
books, the movies, the curricula ... ” (Clignet, 1971,
p. 300).

Fanon argues that in this context the national
bourgeois adopt the culture of the metropole and
"development" only occurs within the constraints of the
metropolitan culture (Fanon, 1968, p. 65). As social and
cultural forces from the metropole encourage this system,
the whole process becomes self-determinate.
Underdevelopment ensues and a "chronic dependency syndrome
[becomes] characteristic of the whole population" (Beckford,

1972, p. 234).

Summary

This argument, that colonial dependency is related to
psychological conditioning of the colonized, has brought
this discussion back to the point from which it started
-social psychological effects of communication media in an
international community characterized by economic and
information imbalances. It is from this framework of
imbalance and inequity that media dependency and critical
scholars draw their core arguments. And it is from this
perspective that they critique the traditional studies of

mass media in development.

57

Eschewing the behavioral aspects of "national”
theories, the dependency theorists take an international,
historical and critical perspective on Third World media
problems. They posit that economic domination of some
nations over others is viable only as the dominated nations
are socially and pschologically induced to be dependent, and
argue that information systems are the objective agents of
this dependency. With this orientation, dependency
theorists present the only concerted attempt to explore a
truly international framework for the study of mass media
and underdevelopment.

This research focuses on the role that metropolitan
media play in that dependency process.. It combines concepts
from both disciplinary media scholarship and dependency
theorists and develops hypotheses to be tested in a
post-colonial Caribbean Commonwealth nation, Trinidad and
Tobago. Trinidad and Tobago's economy, media institutions
and social conditions reveal strong cohesive bonds with the

Caribbean region's Center nation, the United States.

Trinidad and Tobago: General Media Status

The general media development pattern in Trinidad and
Tobago is not unique. It is typical of communication
history in many Third World countries, particularly those of

the non-European Commonwealth. Typically, colonial rulers

58

brought in mass media technology to facilitate either
expatriate links to the mother country or colonial
administration. This control resulted in patterns of
ownership, media esthetics and publication codes which
followed the dictates of erstwhile rulers.

Comtemporary patterns are somewhat different. They
appear to be more a reflection of socio-political and
geo-political influences. It is the confluence of these old
colonial and neo-colonial trends which concerns critical
communication scholars. These joint effects are assumed to
have dysfunctional effects on national aspirations.

The probable dysfunctional effects of imported American
television programming and imitations of U.S. mass media
patterns in the Commowealth Caribbean have been documented
(Lent, 1977; Hosein, 1976: Perez, 1975: Nunez & Brown, 1979;
Draper, 1976). However, few empirical studies have been
conducted on the socio-psychological effects of these
programming patterns upon the islands' population. This
study will make a contribution to that effort by examining
the social psychological effects of U.S. mass media,
particularly television programming, on the citizens of
Trinidad and Tobago. The following section describes and
subsequently presents a critical assessment of the mass

media in that nation.

59

Communication Structure

Newspgpgrs

Although Christopher Columbus discovered Trinidad in
1498, the earliest extant product of printing in Trinidad is
a 12 page booklet, an ”ordenza publicada en el Puerto
Espana” of August 1786 (Lent, 1977, p. 24). This lapse
between discovery and the establishment of information
facilities reflects Spain's disinterest in Trinidad as a
colony, but is not uncharacteristic of colonial powers'
ordering their communication priorities along the lines
determined by the colonists' view of their economic and
political needs. In other words, not until Trinidad was
deemed worthy by its colonial master of a system for
printing information to the public on a regular basis, was
it granted one. From the very beginning media was a
privelege, not a right, to the average Trinidadian. Even
today, Tobago cannot boast an independent regular
broadcasting or printing facility.

There were no newspapers in Trinidad between 1700 and
1749. Between 1750 and 1799 there were two, between 1800
and 1849 there were 10, between 1850 and 1899 there were 19,
and between 1900 and 1971 there were 18 (Lent, 1977, p. 44).
By early 1982, 20 newspapers were published in Trinidad and
Tobago. Four of these were dailies: the Trinidad Guardian

(Guardian) and its afternoon associate the Evening News,

60

(News) and the Trinidad gpg Tobago Qggly Express, (Express)
and its evening paper, Tpg ggp (Sun). These daily
newspapers are all published from the capital, Port of
Spain, and are all owned by local investors. The Guardian,
established in 1917, and the Ngyg circulate about 53,830 and
36,100 copies respectively. The Express circulates
approximately 68,644 copies. Each newspaper publishes a
Sunday edition. The Sunday Express circulates 93,686 copies
and the Sunday Guardian, 101,496 copies (Benn's Press
Directory, 1982, Vol. 2, p. 162). Compared to newspaper
circulation pg; capita throughout the world, both Sunday
papers would rank near the top, particularly the Sunday
Guardian which is bought by one-tenth of the population.
About 10 weekly newspapers are published as are,
approximately 24 periodicals. The weeklies represent the
most vibrant, even if not the most precise, journalism in
the islands today. Most of the periodicals are monthly or
quarterly issues which deal with political news and ”social,
religious, legal, commercial and cultural subjects, as well
as sports, medicine,and agriculture" (Black, Blutstein,

Johnston 5 Mc Morris, 1976, p. 181).

61

Radio, Television and Film

Radio service did not arrive in Trinidad until 1935,
and was, at first, a wired system. In 1947 Broadcast Relay
Services (Overseas) Ltd., London, was granted a franchise to
operate the Trinidad Broadcasting System. Today two radio
systems are operated in Trinidad and Tobago, the original
Radio Trinidad established in 1947, and Trinidad and Tobago
Broadcasting Service (TTNBS) or Radio 610, which began
broadcasting in October 1957.

Both stations broadcast AM and FM signals. Radio
Trinidad's 20 kilowatt, medium wave transmitter covers both
Trinidad and Tobago and the Leeward Islands, but its 1
kilowatt frequency modulation (FM) transmitter covers only a
portion of Trinidad. Radio Trinidad also broadcasts a 20
kilowatt, FM signal over Radio 95 (FM Stereo)f' Radio 610's
medium wave transmitter broadcasts at 50 kilowatts and its
FM signal is broadcast at 20 kilowatts. Approximately
293,000 radio sets are in use, more than 3 times the number
reported a decade earlier. In the 1970's TTNBS broadcast
about 119 hours a week and Radio Trinidad, 130 hours (Black
et al., 1976).

Trinidad and Tobago is essentialy a one-TV-channel
nation since both channels 2 and 13 carry the same programs.
(Trinidad and Tobago is expected to have a second television

station or channel on stream by the time this study is

62

completed). The [Trinidad and Tobago Television Company
Limited (TTT) transmitters serve both Trinidad and Tobago,
although Tobago's reception is usually flawed.

In the 19705, programs totaled over 73 hours a week and
included feature films (37 hours), programs for community
groups designed to contribute to the Government's adult
education campaign (13 1/2 hours), news and information (9
hours), programs for special audiences (5 hours), light
entertainment (3 1/2 hours), and literature and arts (3
hours) (UNESCO, 1975). Understandably, these categories are
not very meaningful in terms of categories defined in the
Anglo-American industry. Neither are they of much academic
relevance to the student of mass media in Trinidad and
Tobago. During the same period 4 to 5 documentary and
educational films were produced each year by the Public
Relations Division’s film unit, under the Prime Minister's
Office.

In the mid-1970's there were 70 commercial motion
picture houses and four drive-in theatres. Total seating
capacity was over 42,100. Annual attendance at that time
was about 8.5 million, an average of eight visits per'year
(Black et al., 1976, p. 182).

In addition, several independent entrepreneural video
production businesses are currently in operation, and an
Atlantic Intelsat earth station, located on the East coast

of Trinidad, has been in operation since November, 1971.

63

It may be argued that the film and television
conditions in Trinidad and Tobago have changed somewhat
since the 1970's. But one may also argue that,
structurally, the same conditions hold today as in the past

two decades.

Socio-economic Aspects

Media Ownershipgand Financing

Foreign ownership has characterized the national mass
media in Trinidad and Tobago for most of their existence.
"The very first instance of near dominance of Commonwealth
Caribbean media by a foreign enterprise was that of Overseas
Rediffusion (also known as Rediffusion International)"
(Lent, 1977, p. 91). By 1950, this pattern included
Trinidad where the company had incorporated Radio Trinidad
among its overseas operations.

During the early 19603 Thompson of Fleet Street was
master -of the Trinidad media. He owned both dailies, the
Guardian and the Ngyg, 50 % of the radio facilities (Radio
Guardian), and shares in the only television system,
Trinidad and Tobao Television (TTT). Soon after, with the
urging of the Prime Minister, Dr. Eric Williams, Cecil King
established another newspaper, The Mirror, and its Sunday
edition. But by 1966, King realized that his profit margin

was being sliced, and sold all his Caribbean interests to

64

Thompson. As a result, Thompson then owned all three
dailies on Trinidad.

Meanwhile, a consortium of investors controlled the
only televison station. Under this consortium, the Trinidad
and Tobago Government and the Columbia Broadcasting System
(C.B.S. of 'the United States) each controlled 10% and
Thompson and the British company Rediffusion each controlled
40% of the company's shares.

By 1970 the picture had changed substantially. First,
when the Mirror folded in 1967, local investors established
a daily tabloid, the Trinidad and Tobago Daily Express.
Second, the government purchased the Thompson and Rediffuson
shares of TTT, leaving CBS as the only minority shareholder
with 10%.

The government also acquired Radio Guardian,
subsequently called the Trinidad and Tobago National
Broadcasting Service (Radio 610), in 1969, leaving Radio
Trinidad as the only foreign owned national medium of
communication in the nation. These changes were inspired by
the onset of nationalist sentiments at the accomplishment of
independence in 1962, and the 7 promulgation of the
government's Third Five Year Plan (1969-1973) for national
development which stressed the urgent need to develop a

positive national identity (Black et al., 1976).

65

So if the early 19605 was characterized by the
interplay of ”two patterns of ownership which had their
origins in colonial times: ownership by foreign enterprise
and ownership by local government or political party" (Black
et al., 1976 p. 176), the 1970's changed all that. And by
1980 local businesses had established solid ownership
interests, particularly in the national press. But the,
electronic media remained government and foreign owned. As
a result, a more diversified national media is
characteristic of Trinidad and Tobago today. The Media are
owned by three interests: government, foreign and local
business. Since in practice, very little distinction can be
discerned in how these [businesses actually operate, the
diversity may very well be nominal. All these media are

very heavily advertising oriented, commercial enterprises.

Media Critigpg

Financing for all the national daily media in Trinidad
and Tobago can be described by one word - advertising. In
fact, the government owned media function quite like the
advertiser backed, commercial, media, except that they carry
more government produced programs. The Trinidad and Tobago
Television Company (TTT) operates under the same Board of
Directors as the Trinidad and Tobago National Broadcasting

Service.

66

Fraser's (1983) content analysis of Trinidad and
Tobago's newspapers revealed that on any given day of the
week ”65 to 70% of the pages of Express and the Guardian are
made up of advertisements.” In addition, about half of the
Guardian's editorial page and two-thirds of the paper's
sports pages were was so devoted. The Express consistently
carried advertisements on its front page.

Of the 30 to 35% of the paper's column inches

left, at least 10 to 15% were [taken up with]

foreign i.e., non-Caribbean, news and commentary

and corporate [news releases]. In effect, no more

than 20% of the newspapers' pages were left for

local and Caribbean news and analyses. (Fraser,

1983, p. 14)

The role of advertising in the electronic media was
seen as parallel to its function in the print media.
Trinidad and Tobago Television was recorded as carrying 84
1/2 hours per week. Out of that, 66 hours (78%) consisted
of soap operas (actually a mix of American prime time
syndicated shows, situation comedies, crime-dramas, and
family shows: not what are usually considered the American
standard, day-time, soap opera fare). Government shows
accounted for approximately 3 of the 18 hours left.

Three programs, Panorama (news), A TTT Report
(information), and Community Dateline (hosted talk) were
seen as "the extent of local programming .u. Interestingly,

this ratio of foreign-local programming has remained almost

static for the 20 years of TTT's existence. Technically,

67

what we have in TTT is [merely a foreign] television
transmission station” (Fraser, 1983, p. 14).

Fraser found the same pattern in radio. Its
outstanding characteristic was its preoccupation with [North
American] popular music. While some may -argue that
advertisers merely take advantage of this situation, Fraser
argued that it is a situation which they have helped to
create. He noted that on radio there was a marked absence
of current affairs programming on a regular basis. There
were no call-in programs, and the analytical documentary was
rare.

The advertising structure which supports all the
national daily mass media in Trinidad and Tobago has a
substantial foreign investment base. In 1976, five of
Trinidad and Tobago's approximately 15 advertising agencies
with at least 25% foreign ownership controlled 71% of local
agency billing (Draper, 1976, p. 16).

Clearly, the issue of "cultural clienthood” was not
solved by local and government ownership of the media.
Ironically, as it has been shown through Fraser's work,
recent trends appear to have exacerbated the problem.
Consequently, a strong foreign emphasis in Trinidad and
Tobago daily mass media remains a problem for those who
argue for national cultural autonomy ( flgplg Broadcast Ngyg,

1981, p. 6 ).

68

Governmental Concerns

The problems of media dependency were not lost on
Trinidad and Tobago's government leaders. But
parlimentarian rhetoric and official programs designed to
address the problem have had little or no effect on the
system. Dr. Eric Williams, late Prime Minister of Trinidad
and Tobago, had argued that the psychology of West Indian
identity and intellectual confidence were crucial features
in the march toward full decolonialization (Deosoran, 1978,
p. 91). This perspective engendered an emphasis on media
autonomy in the nation's Third Five Year Plan of 1969:

The plan recognized the unique set of
historical circumstances that led to a lack of

self confidence on a national scale and the

consequent need for a nationally oriented and high

quality media system. To this end the principles

that were to guide the government's policy toward

the mass media were that no transfer of ownership

could be made without permission, that foreign

enterprise could neither establish new facilities

nor buy existing locally owned ones, and that the

government would acquire ownership of radio and

control of television stations ... Provisions were

also made for the quality of advertising and the

educational goals to be met by the broadcast media

(Black et al., 1976, p. 178).

Two prospects for this plan were development of
political unity and cultural autonomy; and two problems were
recognized, one financial, the other socio-political. The
financial problem was basically one of cost competition
between the cheaper and more professionally produced

imported programs for television and the more expensive and

69

less expertly produced local shows. The social issue
remained one of using the media in ways sensitive enough to
unify an ethnically and culturally diverse nation.

For example, as the government moved to take control of
the media they risked accusations of totalitarian ambitions
(Da Breo, 1971). These accusations were emphasized in the
political sense. But tight political control was not
obvious in the everyday experience of the local media. What
was most evident was control by default, a kind of Social
Darwinism of the information system in which the strongest
beast, imported programming, and its adjunct, corporate

advertising, survived and all else was displaced.

Summary of Literature Review

This chapter has brought several diverse areas of
scholarship to bear on research problems related to the
socio-economic and cultural impact of imported mass media on
importing nations. The lack of conceptual and inferential
strength and theoretical relevance in the disciplinary and
administrative literature made this eclectic approach
necessary. I It was determined, for example, that the
traditional, modernization paradigm was not theoretically
sufficient for setting out problems of development since it
ignored the lines of inquiry established by Third World

scholars who deal with questions of underdevelopment and

70

dependency.

This deficit has meant less than adequate examination
of the structural and psychological conditions resulting
from centuries of information inequality and colonial media
conditioning. In practical terms, this omission is
reflected in the fact that neither the disciplinary nor
behavioral media literature has produced a significant body
of psychological impact studies in the less developed
countries. In fact, most of the current scholarship presume
a passive audience (Izcaray & McNelly, 1983), not a dynamic
involved and diverse citizenry constantly changing and being
changed by their erstwhile and modern sociological setting.

However, a prolific literature which examines
dependency theory and underdevelopment as functions of
historic economic and colonial conditions exists. Most of
these studies acknowledge the mediating mental framework,
the psychological setting, which impacts upon a nation's
drive toward development or underdevelopment. Furthermore,
a sound methodology underlies the rational exploration of
these phenomena from an historical perspective. For
example, Carnoy (1974) has extensively reviewed the impact
of colonial education in present-day structural pedogogical
dependency. But his is the sort of methodology which has

lacked credibility with quantitative purists.

71

In sum, the value of critical methodology is that it
extends knowledge and helps generate theory by including
broader societal factors in international media research.
This chapter's departure from traditional perspectives stems
from its focus on the experience of underdevelopment as an
important and necessary source of knowledge and of theory
building. Too often the logical method of extracting
experience has gone unacknowledged by traditional
communication researchers. As a result, critical Third
World scholars charge that the major thrusts of
international communication research has been excessively
oriented to administrative, system 'supportive studies,
directed to the often inappropriate perspective of
modernization.

They argue that no general theory of communication and
international structure has been properly examined and
little work has been done to relate the international
structure of communication to the effects on indigenous
peoples. Consequently, there continues to be instability
across research findings on these topics.

Where this outline differs from most critical media
scholarship is in its willingness to accept the contribution
of quantitative analysis in social inquiry. It was found
that while critical scholarship has provided important

philosophical groundwork, it offers little in the way of

72

systematic analysis of the actual impact of imported media
on citizens of the less developed countries. Therefore,
this study broaches two research traditions, one critical,
the other quantitative, and has developed a dependency
framework for examining quantitatively the effects of
imported mass media.

The chapter was concluded with a synopsis of media
conditions in [Trinidad and Tobago. Clearly, the issues
raised throughout the chapter are relevant to that nation's
social, economic, and mass media conditions. The concepts
outlined within this literature review have been presented
as theoretical guideposts, not rigorously defined
parameters, for addressing these generic media-import
concerns. An appropriate paradigm from which hypotheses are
drawn for studying imported media effects on indigenous
consumers' culture, values and national identity is

presented in the following section.

‘Paradigm Development and Hypotheses
The Paradigp

The call for a new paradigm of communication research
in underdeveloped countries comes not only from the more
radical scholars but from the traditionalists as well.
Everett Rogers, for example, realized that ”newer

conceptions of development imply a different and generally

73

wider role for communication," one in which ”communication
theory might begin to shed some of its 'made in the U.S.A'
bias so that its rather monocultural assumptions could be
more soundly questioned” (Rogers, 1978, p. 106). Where
traditionalists' paradigms have focussed on modernization,
others have stressed trade and media imbalances,

underdevelopment and dependency.

Galtung's Model

Johan Galtung (1971) treats global media imbalance as
an outcome of imperialism and underdevelopment. He outlined
five bases in a theory of imperialism which might be applied
to underdevelopment: economic, political, .military,
communication, and cultural imperialism. Of these,
economic, communication, and cultural imperialism are most
relevant in this context. Galtung argued that one special
version of communication imperialism is media-cultural
imperialism, which is a combination of cultural and
communiction exchange. Galtung sees trade as an important
correlate to media imperialism. He notes that Center nation
news [and other media commodities] take up a much larger
proportion of periphery news media than vice versa, just as
trade with the Center represents a larger proportion of
Periphery total trade than vice versa. But he is concerned
that ”how and why this situation occurs is not well

analyzed” (Galtung, 1971, p. 92).

74

Galtung describes his five types of imperialism as
species in a genus‘ of dominance which leads to increased
sophistication and control by the Center nation and growing
dependency in the periphery. This is due, he wrote, to
historical conditioning of the dependent relationships. In
terms of communication it leads to a basic psychology of
self-reliance and autonomy in the Center nation and a basic
psychology of dependence in the periphery nation (Galtung,
1971, p. 877).

Hester's Model

Hester's (1978) paradigm of international media flow
presents postulates strikingly similar to those developed by
dependency theorists. His postulates, assumptions and
hypotheses about’ [International media flow describe
relationships at the international level and offer a
framework which complements Galtung's concepts of media
imperialism.

Hester's assumptions include the following: 2 (l)
citizens and leaders percieve a hierarchy of nations in the
world environment, i.e., a ”pecking order,” and members of
the system perceive the rank or place of their nation in
this hierarchy; (2) cultural and historical affinity
generate information flow between nations and the lack of

such affinity retards the flow of information: (3) economic

75

relationships also generate the flow of information between
nations and the lack of such relationships retards the flow
of information and (4) [apparent] self interest in
maintaining a particular national system is a key to the
selection of types of information from the international

flow by a given nation (Hester, 1978, p. 247).

The Eclectic Model
By incorporating elements of both the Galtung and
Hester paradigms, and placing them in context of the issues
discussed in this chapter it is possible to develop a
working definition of media-cultural imperialism from which
appropriate research questions could be derived. For the
purposes of this paper, cultural imperialism is defined as:
the processes through which an information s stem
ties a dependent country to a dominant one, when
the relationship helps to keep the dependent
country in a subordinate position in economic and
psychological, as well as cultural terms. This
relationship is maintained by information systems
(of which mass media are a sub-set) and is
manifested through an inter-related set of
institutional, socio-cultural and psychological
effects on the people of the dependent nation.
(Skinner, 1982)
These effects may be analyzed as functions of each other
(for example, as trade in commodities grows so do media

trade and psychological dependence) or as separate entities.

76

Several postulates follow from the foregoing
postulates. When structurally dependent media relationships
are observed, particular types of social-psychological
effects may accompany them in the dependent country. And
they should be more pronounced in post-colonial, peripheral,
countries which have maintained political ties with their
colonial Center.

In addition, where language and culture are the same or
made similar to that of the colonial power, these effects
may be exacerbated. In the event that a dependent nation
changes its orientation to a new Center, the media
characteristics of the dependent nation would change in the
direction of that new Center with the accompanying social
and psychological manifestitations. To the extent that that
media realignment does not change there will be internal
conflict within the dependent nation, and between the
dependent and the dominant nation.

Because of its earlier colonial ties with Britain and
its modern links with the United States, Trinidad and Tobago
is used as a case study where hypotheses derived from such a
paradigm may be tested. Within the theoretical paradigm
previously discussed, this study is designed to test
hypotheses which follow from the work of Barnett and McPhail
(1980), and the studies of Tsai (1967), Payne and Peake
(1977), and Payne (1978).

77

The theoretical exposition in the preceding chapters
provides the logical basis for developing a comprehensive,
hypothetical structural model of media import effects which
may be examined statistically. The actual model developed
in the ensuing analysis is a- simplified form of such an
ideal model. The hypotheses tested examine relationships
among the following variables: (1) Frequency of U.S. TV
Watching; (2) U.S. dependency and (3) Consumption of U.S.
goods (the dependency variables): (4) U.S. appreciation,
(5) U.S. appeal, and (6) U.S. Values (the U.S.
attractiveness variables): (7) Income and (8) Education (the
socio-economic or background variables). Particular
attention will be placed upon the relationship between the
consumption of U.S. television programs and U.S.

dependency.

The Research Hypotheses

The salient point of this research is to determine
whether or not depgndency on the United States can be
manipulated by changing the number hours one spends watching
U.S. television. In this case, preliminary analyses have
revealed a high positive relationship between U.S.
television program viewing, U.S. dependency and the
propensity to consume U.S. products. What is not known is

whether watching U.S. programming is singularly responsible

for the dependency exhibited.

78

The research question focuses on what effect U.S.
television viewing has on a Trinidadian's sense of national
self. In formal terms:

H1: Consumption of U.S. television programs is a direct
cause of U.S. dependency (both in psychological orientation
and propensity to consume U.S. goods).

The hypothesis may be extended this way: within the
structure of parameters theoretically assumed to affect
dependency on the United States, a direct causal path flows
from watching United States originated television programs
to dependency on United States, minimally disturbed by other
variables.

A second, more generalized,‘ hypothesis may also be
explored.

H2: Given two structural models, Model A and Model B, the
model which best approximates the relationship among U.S.
television consumption, socio-cultural attachment to the
U.S. and U.S. dependency is the one in which a direct
causal path between U.S. television consumption and U.S.
dependency is included. The hypotheses will be tested by
comparing structural equation models to see which model best
approximates the hypothesized theoretical structure existing
among these variables. The concept is illustrated through

Figures 1 and 2.

79

 

Figure I Model A: Path Structure With Path C Included
Background Predictor Criterion
Variables Variables Variables
(Exogenous) (Endogenous) (Exogenous)

 

United States

A Television C
Viewing
Income \Dependency on

Education United States

Attachment
to the
United States

 

 

Figure 2 HodeI 8: Path Structure With Path C Excluded
Background Predictor ' Criterion
Variables Variables Variables

United States

A Television
Viewing
Income Dependency on

Education E United States

\\\\\\\\\\\‘Attachment
B to the 0

United States

 

80

Summary of the Model

This procedure may be conceptualized as follows: Figure
1, Model A, sets out a number of relationships in which the
events on the left of the model ostensibly cause events on
the right. And path C is an esential and direct component
of Model A. A fuller model in which each input variable is
specified is presented in Figure 3, Chapter 5.

In Model B, the same variables are involved. but it
would not be necessary to include path C which asserts a
direct dependence on the United States. The hypothesis, in
effect, states that, given Model A and Model B, both being
relatively accurate pictures of a set of _relationships,
Model A is a comparatively better statement of reality than
is Model B.

The basic model was constructed through a series of
preliminary analyses, keeping in mind assumptions about the
relationship of the variables and theoretical parameters
outlined in previous chapters. These preliminary analyses
are discussed in Chapter 4. Chapter 3 following, on
methods, outlines the research design, addresses questions
about sampling, presents details about questionnaire
construction, and describes the statistical methods used in

model estimation and testing.

CHAPTER 3

METHOD

Introduction

A cross sectional survey was used in this study. Due
consideration was given to the special problems of
developing and administering questionnaires in Third World
context in which people are sensitive to interviewers
probing into their personal habits and opinions. Many
practical sampling difficulties had to be solved.

A survey design was used. Methodical collecting of
data from randomly selected individuals was the best way of
measuring and generalizing the impact of imported media on a
Third World population. Furthermore, "sociologists have
increasingly relied on surveys as a data source for both
theoretical and policy oriented research" (Alwin, 1978,
p. 8).

It is extremely important that in both exploratory
analysis and ~ hypothesis testing of complex
socio-psychological variables in Third World countries,
researchers develop reliable measures, another principal
challenge of this thesis. In this case where unique
measures are to be developed from a theoretical position not

yet empirically explored the emphasis has to be on concept

81

82

development and scale construction rather than statistical
technique; the guiding principle being the maxim: "No matter
how sophisticated one's analytical tools, the quality of
one's inferences is intimately tied to the quality of one's
data” (Alwin, 1978, p. 8).

But the danger in breaking new ground with subtle
concepts in difficult environments is that where the quality
of one's data is tied to practical judgments, every judgment
is a possible source of intractable error in data analysis.

This study must be seen as the initial stage of a
theoretical argument. Particular care was taken to ensure
that decisions which may have affected the ultimate quality
of the survey data were pg; governed by practical
considerations. Many practical problems emerged: most’ of
these in relation to the socio-cultural setting and
television industry characteristics. These problems will

now be outlined
Design

Problems

First, Trinidad and Tobago is essentially a
one-TV-channel nation. U. 5. TV signals are not at present
beamed directly to Trinidad nor is there a U.S. TV station
on the island. Consequently, there is no Anglo-American
channel for cross comparison as there was in the Payne and

Peake (1971) Iceland study. This situation reduces the

83

comparability of U.S. program viewers with viewers of local
programs. Trinidad and Tobago Television offers its viewers
a flat, one dimensional, program schedule so that all
viewers may in fact look at all programs. This type of
media environment guarantees a situation where no clear cut,
forced choice, viewing pattern can emerge.

Second, of the content actually aired on TTT, local
programs may be un-equally balanced against U.S. programs.
In other words, Trinidad and Tobago does not produce a
program comparable to Little Hgggg pp Egg Prairie, so liking
'of programming will be confounded by type of program. If no
forced choice alternatives may be made among programs and no
comparable program alternatives are offered, chances of
successfully carrying out a natural field experiment will be
hampered.

Third, the respondents are, in effect, self selected
viewers of U.S. television. They might have brought their
attitudes to the television instead of having them created
by viewing television. Subjects, in fact, will have been
viewers of both local and U.S. TV programs for years, and
it will be impossible to isolate g priori, any specific
period at which U.S. media actually began to impinge upon
the subjects' national consciousness, or value structure.
This possibility lends credibility to the non-recursive
argument which questions the inferred temporal seqence from

TV viewing to national consciousness, an assumption which

84

should be examined in future research.

The fourth problem is the possibility of confounding
.technological with ideological or cultural change. "Effects
[attributable to media] on viewers' knowledge of, and
attitides about, cultural and political items may occur
independently or to some degree through adoption of
technological items” (Payne, 1978, p. 740). This problem
becomes more acute when the country being researched is
transitional and industrializing, and the national mood is
one of rapid adoption of new technologies, as is true of
Trinidad and Tobago today. To properly assess this type of
impact a longer range, more thorough socio-economic study
would have to be done in which economic growth is related to
technological desires. A (time series) staggered design,
with subsequent inclusion of a media component would then
have to be fitted into this more comprehensive model.

The fifth problem, related to the fourth, is the
unclear distinction between modernization and dependency.
These constructs may in fact be quite related
psychologically. In certain instances, both modernization
and dependency theorists have used the same or similar world
views to describe different constructs. For example, many
indicies (such as quickness to adopt innovative practices)
included in earlier attempts to measure modernity (Armer &
Isaac, 1978, P. 316) may also be used as dependency

measures. In other instances, adoption of modern technology

85

might be seen as positive modernization by one group but as
dependent underdevelopment by another.

Sixth, Trinidad and Tobago has been under extensive
American political and military influence since the 1940s,
when the United States began to operate a naval base at
Chaguaramas, in the North-West peninsula of Trinidad. This
base was a very influential part of Trinidad and Tobago's
social and cultural life from the early 1940's to the 1960's
when the Government requested that the United States
military leave the island. In addition Trinidad has been a
British colony for over a century and a half.

Seventh, Trinidad and Tobago is an English speaking
American nation and as such is itself part of "Western
Civilization". Although not a truly autonomous, leading
member of that group, Trinidad and Tobago too has made its
cultural and scientific contributions to that civilization.
Therefore, given its cultural history, it is often very
difficult to separate Trinidad culture from Anglo-American
culture. Homogenized tastes and values may in fact exhibit
a circular, not a linearly patterned set of effects. These
seven problems pose considerable handicaps for the
researcher.

Notwithstanding these enigmatic details, "cultural
imperialism” from the North has become a topic of genuine
concern to the island's social critics, intellectuals,

political nationalists, and students of mass media. One

86

might add, parenthetically, that more socially conscious
calypsonians in Trinidad and Tobago have added anecdotal
power to media-cultural imperialism claims (Layne, 1982:
Henry, 1982). Cultural imperialism has been the theme of
several calypsoes, particularly in the last three years.
From the researcher's point of view, complexity of social
conditions in Trinidad could be regarded as a challenge as
much as a nemesis. But one cannot understand a difficult

problem by ignoring it.

Technigues

Conditions in Trinidad and Tobago do not permit
selection of TV versus non-TV cities. And since the
questions addressed here compare TV viewing conditions,
nOn-TV homes would not offer a viable design alternative,
however fascinating the researCh possibilities using that
format. A time series design was also ruled out because of
the lack of financial resources and time constraints.
Experimentation was also ruled out because it would provide
neither data about broadly impactful effects nor would the
results be generalizable to the entire television owning
population.

The research task was to study the effects of foreign
media imports on the whole of Trinidad and Tobago society.
That aim was best achieved simply by asking respondents

pertinent questions and being able to generalize responses

87

to as large a segment of the TV' viewing population as
possible. The question was essentially this: are people's
sense of national orientation a reflection of the national
origin of the TV programs they view? The concern was with
how people's national orientations are affected by foreign
TV programming 1

Several design problems were handled by using
appropriate random sampling techniques which offered the
best opportunity of generalizing results to the entire adult
population in TV-owning households in Trinidad. The single
channel, self selection and history problems, for example,
were addressed through (1) random sampling, and (2) by
.incorporating a broad age range in the sample.
Randomization also resolved problems of individual and group
differences. Details of the sampling procedure are outlined
in the next section.

Valid and reliable measurement scales and indexing
techniques used with appropriate statistical methods allayed
other design concerns. The problem of unequal program type,
for example, was approached by recording the proportion of
respondents' TV time devoted to each nation's programming.
The question of ideology, dependency in this case, was
resolved by including a wide range of items on the scale,
each of which represented an acceptable (to Trinidadian
experts) measure of dependency. Questions such as, what

nation's books are most important for your understanding of

88

the world and; other than your own, what country would you
prefer your family to grow up in illustrate this approach.
Furthermore, the structural modeling and path analysis
statistics used in this study were developed, in part, to
adequately handle methodological exegencies where multiple
indicators are involved (Heise, 1981, pp. 63-87).

The sampling method employed in this study follows.
The survey covered the population of Port of Spain, the
capital, and North, Central and South Trinidad. This
stratification offered the best opportunity of generalizing
results to the TV-household adult population. Tobago was
not sampled because of monetary and time limitations.

Admittedly, inclusion of Tobago would have been a meaningful

' addition to this research endeavor.

Sampling
The Nation

[History

Trinidad is a two-island nation of approximately 1,980
square miles (about the size of the state of Delaware),
located just off the Eastern coast of Venezuela, South
America. The nation reflects many of the contradictions of
growth and underdevelopment characteristic of post colonial
societies. Colonized most recently by Britain, English

remains the national language. Hindi, Urdu, Spanish and

89

French patois are spoken indigenously among some groups,
vestiges of the colonial days of East Indian indentured
labor, 300 years of Spanish colonialism and French
influence. Literacy, at 94% is among the highest levels in
the world.

Trinidad and Tobago retains the parliamentary democracy
of the British, but one political party has dominated
national politics since 1956. That party, the People's
National Movement (PNM), has had one leader, the late Dr.
Eric Williams, from 1956 until his death in 1981. The PNM
secured independence from Britain in 1962 and established a

Republic in 1976.

Economics

The nation is one of the most prosperous in the
Caribbean. Oil products are featured in the export sector.
Per capita income is about $3,000 U.S. and the Gross
Domestic product was estimated at four billion dollars
(U.S.) in 1978. Trinidad and Tobago trades (imports)
primarily with Saudi Arabia (22%) through U.S. oil
companies which operate there, the United States (21%),
Indonesia (14%), and the United Kingdom. (13%). Other
industries are rum, cement, and tourism. Chief crops are
sugarcane, bananas, cocoa, coffee and citrus fruits. About
69% of its export trade (1977), mostly petroleum products,

goes to the U.S.

90

Demographics

Trinidad's two main cities are Port of .Spain,
population approximately 250,000, including all of its
suburbs and extended metropolitan area, and San Fernando in
the South with approximately 50,000 people. Thirty eight
percent of the nation is under 14 years of age, and 55.4% of
the population is between the ages of 15 and 59. About 50%
of the populace is urbanized.

Trinidadian society is a complex mix of ethnic groups.
About 43% of the people claim to be of African ancestry, 36%
of East Indian ancestry, 2% white and 1% Chinese. The
remaining 18% has been described as mixed. The more
populous religious groups are, Roman Catholics (30%)
Protestants (30%) Hindus (23%) Muslims (6%) and a
representative, though usually unspecified, number of people
who subscribe to more or less traditional African and other

religions.
Procedures

Stratification

Trinidad was divided into three regions using a
stratification method practiced by SCICON, the marketing
firm hired to consult on interviewing problems. In fact,
the island is naturally divided into three geo-political and

economic regions. These are the northern East-West corridor

91

at the foothills of the Northern mountain range; the
Central, sugar cane belt: and the Southern region where the
oil industry is based. The Northern sector contains the
nation's capital, Port of Spain, the commercial center and
seat of government.

A purposive selection of districts was taken from each
area followed by a random selection of towns from each
district. A random selection of streets was taken from each
town, and from each street a random selection of households
was included.

A household was defined as one person or group of
persons, related or not, who live in the same part of a
house and share meals, earnings, expenditure and management
of the household. Interviewers were asked to select
TV-owning households except for every tenth house which was
to be a non TV-owning household. In the end, a person to
person interview was conducted in 401 randomly sampled
households from 25 different districts across the North,

Central, and South of Trinidad.

The Population

The sampling frame was designed to include a range of
urban and non-urban dwellers as well as a representative mix
of ethnic groups. The city and non-city range was important
because the dependency literature indicates that urban

groups are prime candidates for being affected by mass media

92

imports.

First, urban groups are assumed to be more saturated
with foreign media (for example, television) imports.
Second, urban groups consist of classes whose interests are
most likely to be harmonized with those of the metropole.
Third, the ”center of the periphery" (the Third World
cities) contains a wide range of other imported media such
as bookstores, Cinemas, etc., which reflect Center
metropolitan values and social attitudes.

Dependency theory also incorporates the rural districts
as well. Theorists posit that a line of dependency extends
from the rural to the urban areas of the periphery.
Procedures ensured that the Trinidadian population was

generally well represented.

Problems

Unexpected problems demanded that 3g pgg, "in-field"
adjustments be made to the formal sampling procedures. A
national electrical workers strike during the weeks of the
questionnaire administration was one such problem. More
difficult was finding appropriate sampling data bases for
reference points.

As Ascroft reminds us, "sampling textbooks were not
written with developing countries in mind. There are
usually no sampling frames, no central registry of all

citizens, no census tracts with home addresses of who's

93

where. If any of these exist, they are likely to be
unreliable except possibly in some areas." (Ascroft, 1976;
from Kearl p. 38). Trinidad does not quite fit this
description. But access to available information was a
problem given time, cost and researcher location
constraints.

Distance did make a difference. Being based at a
United States university compounded the already difficult
research conditions under which media wscholar-researchers_
work in Trinidad. Many contacts were unreliable, perhaps
reflecting the value, or lack of value, others attribute to
media research of this type. Sources for much background
data pertinent to psychological/cultural effects were either
non-existent, difficult to attain, or too expensive to
acquire.

Additionally, the information eventually found was
usually out of date, inadequately assembled or poorly
collected and collated. However, the Trinidad
infrastructure was_ still workable. Information was
available, albeit at great cost in time, effort and money;
and there were individuals willing to work with
scholar-researchers for the heuristic purpose of adding to

the store of social science knowledge in the island.

94

Other problems involved staffing the research crew.
For example, there was attenuation in the trained
interviewing staff from an initial 10 to 8. This created
skewing of the work load. Four staff persons did most of
the interviewing. Furthermore, the politically charged
electrical workers' strike which occurred as the field work
was being conducted affected worker morale and sampling

structure 0

Training

Ten interviewers with two supervisors, including the
researcher, were originally selected to conduct the
interviews with the expectation that each would conduct 40
interviews over a one week period, from October 17 to
October 24. In that ideal case the relevant week of TV
viewing would have been from October 10 to October 16. The
expectation was that each interviewer would conduct between
5 to 10 interviews each day. The researcher held training
sessions with the interviewers on three occasions before the
survey was conducted; once as an informal introduction to
the survey and on two additional, more formal, occasions
where the substantive training took place. In the formal
meeting the interviewers were given information about the
purpose of the project, the sampling procedure, and how the
actual interview should be conducted. The researcher also

met with three interviewers at their homes.

95

In the end, the survey involved a four week period from
October 10 to November 9, 1982. The researcher focused on
three weeks of actual viewing, from October 10 to October
30, and three weeks of interviewing (asking about the
respondent's previous week of TV-viewing) from October 16 to
November 9. Eight interviewers were used but four actually
conducted 80% of the completed responses.

Forty-two percent of the interviews was done in the
first week, 21% in the second and 37% in the third week of
of the investigation. The second week was most seriously
affected since interviewers had to work around the ”brown
out” areas of the electrical workers' strike. Seventeen
interviews were conducted' on. the average each day but 42
were conducted on the best day. All the interviewers had
had previous interviewing experience. They all had
previously conducted national door-to-door surveys for

SCICON and other firms.

The Instrument
The Questionnaire

The instrument used in this study is appended for
reference. It was developed from several basic sources: (1)
concepts derived from the literature on cross cultural and

foreign media studies, dependency theory, cultural

96

imperialism, and social psychology and socialization theory;
(2) media studies conducted in Trinidad and Tobago; (3)
focus group interviews with professional media personnel,
sociologists and economists in Trinidad and Tobago; and (4)
content analysis of Trinidad .and Tobago media. A pilot
questionnaire developed from these sources was pretested in
Port of Spain.

The questionnaire was constructed in three basic parts.
Part one contains questions relating to media ownership and
media viewing habits, and preference for programs and media
types. Part two is made up of Likert scales created to
index U.S. values, admired life styles, national
preferences and respondents' dependency. A behavioral
measure based on consumption of various nations' products,
completes this section. Several nations were used as
reference points.

Part three, the demographics section, includes a travel
profile -of the subjects as a measure of cosmopolitanism.
The questionnaire is appended with appropriate guidelines
for inspection. Therefore, only a brief description of the
instrument will be offered in this section.

Part one, the media information section, was developed
to obtain a complete picture of the media machinery
respondents had in their homes, and how much time they spent
with each of the media. Trinidad and Tobago (local), 0.x.

and U.S. TV viewing, were the media variables of most

97

interest. They were measured by respondents' self report of
what specific TV programs they watched and for how long each
day for a week. This figure was then broken down into
programs by country of origin. Another general measure of
TV watching, TV time, was also recorded. This was
constructed simply by asking respondents how much time they
spent each day looking at television.

There is a thriving video exchange and rental business
in Trinidad, particularly in Port of Spain. And a measure
of video use and types of programs seen was also taken.
These programs were broken down by country of origin.

Part two was primarily made up of Likert scales. They
were used to measure U.S. values and attitudes toward a
variety of nations. These measures were all developed by
the researcher since no appropriate measures were found in

the literature.

Problems of Scale Development

Measurement of constructs such as dependency presented
the foremost challenge of this study. Reliability and
validity concerns were paramount. The dependency and U.S.
value scales were problematic in this regard. The challenge
was in attempting to align theoretical formulations with
scale items in a survey sensitive environment. Items had
not only to be empirically sound but to be socially

acceptable as well.

98

The questionnaire had to be rearranged on two
occassions prior to the final administration because of the
substance and wording of some sensitive questions. In such
cases, balancing demands of social acceptability with
concern for soundness, exactness, and technical accuracy
forced a shift away from the more precise to the more common
language. The dependency scale had to accurately reflect
the relevant construct but also to be sensitive to the
socio-political environment. For example, it is an
emotionally charged notion that someone might be alienated
from their native culture through foreign mass media. The
more directly this question is addressed the less likely the
response will be recordable. This is a common problem in
the recording of unobserved variables. The difficulty is
that ”theoretical [abstract] language not based‘ on precise
[wording] is likely to become polemic ... and subject to
criticism." (Jackman & Borgatta, 1981, p. 5). However, the
scales represented in this study were developed after
extensive literature review and focus interviews with
Trinidad and Tobago media personnel and social scientists.

These scales appear to at least have face validity.

99

Qperationalization of Variables

The following list may be used for cross reference with
the hypotheses and questionnaire section of the study. It
outlines the basic structure of the research instrument by
section and question number. Specific details are presented
for each variable wherever necessary.

Questionnaire Profile: Qla to Qle.

Media Questions Background: Q2a to.Q4a: QSbl to QSe:

QSgl to QSg7; and Q8, Q9, and Q10.

General TV exposure: Q5al to Q5a21.

TV programs watched, by national origin: Q6

Time spent on TV programs watched: Q7

Influence of TV programs watched: Q12 to Q14

Perceptions of Local Media: Q15 and Q16

U.S. Values scale: Ql7a to Ql7g.

Dependency scale for various nations: QlBOll to Q18156

Nationality perception measure: Ql9a to Ql9f

Travel-Cosmopolite measure: Q21 to Q22c5

Demographics: Q23 to Q4lb.

Two basic psychological orientation scales and two a
dependency scale, and a U.S. values scale: a dependency
scale, and a U.S. values scale; and additionally, a nation

"appreciation" measure and a nation "appeal" measure.

100

Most important was the dependency concept from which
scales were derived to measure dependency on the United
States, United Kingdom, and Trinidad and Tobago. The items
in this scale represented a composite list taken from
dependency literature, the (limited) media studies done in
Trinidad and Tobago and focus group interviews conducted
with professional media personnel, sociologists and
economists in Trinidad and Tobago. Caribbean, Latin
American and African socio-economic and psychological
studies were also used. .

Respondents were asked to indicate how much they agreed
or disagreed with each item on a Likert scale. The items}
were repeated for each of several countries: the U.K., U.S.,
Japan, Cuba, the U.S.S.R., and Trinidad and Tobago. Jamaica
was included on several items. The additional countries
were used as foils. The scale eventually included 15 items:
1. ‘_____ offers its citizens the most economic equality.

2. _____ has the best culture.
3. For immigration purposes you would rather go to (or stay

in) .

 

4. ._____ offers the best opportunity for improving one's
social position.

5. Compared to _____ Trinidad and Tobago has no culture to
speak of.

6. You would never prosper as a nation if Trinidad and

lo.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

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Tobago were to rely (on _____ for most of its
international trade.

Were it not for _____ television programs, Trinidad and
Tobago could develop little television programming to
speak of.

You would be more satisfied with the local news media if
they had more news from _____.

Trinidad and Tobago really needs as a friend if
it is to become a truly developed country.

Local radio stations could only get worse if they had
more _____ music on the air.

For honest news about the Caribbean, you would much
rather read a newspaper from _____ than one from
Trinidad. . .

You wouldn't mind it at all if _____ should become the
leader in the world economically.

You would feel more secure about the world if
should become the world's strongest power militarily.
Books published in _____ are most important to your
understanding of things in the world.

You would like your family to grow up in _____ than in

any other country.

102

The U.S. Values scale was developed similarly and
comprised seven items measured on a five point Likert scale.
Each item was selected on the presumption that it measured
American values. One such item was, "You prefer a family
life where mother, father, and young children, but no other
relatives live in one house."

This scale incorporated items on values which were
thought to be characteristic of the United States. These
items are taken from marketing and theoretical literature on
culture and socialization.

The national appreciation and national appeal scales
were not actually scales, but rather composite sums of
responses to series of questions. All the responses were
open ended. For example, the Appeal scale asks the
respondent to select from television the personalities and
life styles most attractive to them. The Appreciation scale
was similarly developed except that the items were not
directly related to the television list. Items such as "of
all nationalities which one cares most about its
environment” were used. Again, the responses were sorted by

nationality.

103

Index SUmmary

Scale Indicators and Demographics

In the final analysis 40 main variables were developed
from 676 items. Even though all items provide useful
information this study concentrated primarily on the
selected 26 variables. Each variable either stands alone or
is combined with others to form composite measures in the
preliminary data analyses.

Eight variables show leanings toward the U.S.: U.S.
dependency (USDBP), and propensity to buy U.S. products
(CONSINUS) may be seen as final or dependent variables.
They make up the dependency part of the conceptual model.
The CONMIS variable measures one's general propensity not to
consume market commodities such as cosmetics and appliances.
Its converse (CONCON) is used as an index of one's
predilection to buy foreign products. These indicators are
itemized by national origin of products and are summed
across national origin of product.

The appeal of American personalities (USAPPBAL),
appreciation of the American image (USAPPRB), and American
values (USVALUES), may be seen as mediating attachments to
the United States. Travel to the United States might also'
be important variables which affect dependency on the United
States. Two such values are included: TIMESVC and TIMESSPC,

the former being the number of times the United States was

104

visited and the latter, the number of weeks spent in the
United States. Each of these concpets (except for
U.S.VALUBS) is duplicated for Trinidad and Tobago and the
United Kingdom. Travel to other West Indian islands was
used as an indicator of local travel for Trinidad and
Tobago.- Ten demographic variables were used: age, sex,
income, occupation, education, profession, urbanity, region,

and ethnicity.

Media Indicators

Eight media variables were taken. Four were
availability of media in the home: TV, radio, stereo, and
video cassette recorders (VCR's). The amount of time spent
using VCR's (VIDVIEW), and stereo (STERLIST) was recorded.
Availability of phonograph records was used as a measure of
preference for various types of music. Three music types
were compiled: American music (RUT), Jamaican music (RJA)
and local music (RLA). This was clearly one area in which
problems of circularity of cultural influence would arise.
For example, Jamaican reggae has influenced British
contemporary music which in turn has influenced American
popular music and is often being re-introduced into the
Caribbean as American music. Radio listening was broken
down by radio station and by AM and FM listening. A general

measure of radio listening (ALLRADIO) was also developed.

105

Two basic sets of general viewing items were developed:
TOTPROG and TVTIME. TVTIME was simply the amount of time
people said they watched TV each day for a week. TOTPROG
was the amount of time one spent looking at each program
seen each day for the viewing week. This measure was then
broken down by program type and national origin of programs
watched. This eventually gave a score of how much U.S.,
U.K., and local television was seen. These measures were
called USPROG, UKPROG and LOCPROG respectively. A
proportional measure, propensity to watch a certain nation's
television programs was derived from these totals by
dividing the total available programming for each nation
into the amount each person actually watched. These were
called USPROP, UKPROP, and LOCPROP respectively. The most
theoretically relevant of these variables were included in

the statistical model.

Development of the Model

The General Concgpp

The primary purpose of this study was to develop a
theoretical framework from which a plausible international
mass media model may be derived, and to statistically test
the assumptions of the model. Trinidad and Tobago was the
nation used as a case study in this analysis. Given

Trinidad and Tobago's colonial past and its present media

106

links to the United States, Dependency theory offered the
most plausible framework for developing an appropriate model
of foreign media effects.

The researcher postulated that foreign dependency is
directly related to consumption of foreign mass media. Two
dominant, foreign nations were identified in this study, the
United States and the United Kingdom. However, in terms of
the mass media, the United States was obviously the most
dominant in Trinidad and Tobago's mass media system. It was
subsequently postulated that the viewing of these U.S.
programs was a major cause of dependency on the United
States.

In reality, that simply postulated relationship, if it
indeed exists, must be embedded in a more complex set of
multiple relationships. The problem of path modeling
involves identifying what other relationships would be
theoretically important, specifying them within the model,
and determining how their inclusion would change the
hypothesized relationship.

The sets of variables thought to be theoretically
relevant were explored in the literature review and refined
in the preliminary data analysis sections. This process
resulted in the specifying of several variables which

plausibly might impact upon U.S. dependency.

107

Procedures

The following procedures were used in developing the
final theoretical model which is the core of this study.
First, the data was summarized to give a descriptive feel.
for the array of variables. Means, variances, and standard
deviations were examined. Second, the scales created by the
researcher were refined using item to total correlations and
reliabilities analysis. Third composite variables such as
the national viewing measures were created.

. Fourth, correlational analysis was done to get an
initial assessment of the relationships in the data. This
allowed the researcher to assess the sets of general
_relationships in the data. Fifth, Analysis of Variance was
used as an exploratory tool for examining alternative
variables which might be included in the model and to assess
the theoretical correctness of the criterion variables.
Sixth, a simplified model was developed in order to test the
relationship between U.S. television viewing and U.S.

dependency.

Egg Variables

The model was built around four basic sets of
variables, one set of background, exogenous variables, two
sets of predictor, endogenous variables and one set of
criterion, dependent variables. The background variables

used in this study are income and education. They follow

108

from the expectation of dependency theorists that
'bridgeheads" which link the metropolitan to the peripheral
countries are represented among the upper income and more
educated groups. This theme has been elaborated in Chapter
2.

The literature review has also illustrated that both
critical and positivist scholars have attempted, in their
unique ways, to analyze the impact of foreign television
viewing, particularly American programming, on non-United
States cultures. Some of these studies have focused on the
national identity and culture constructs. The assumptions
have been, for the most part, recursive, that viewing
foreign media has an effect on these constructs, with no
reciprocal effect. The model outlined in this paper adopts
a similar, recursive, assumption but recognizes that,
theoretically, attraction and subsequent dependency on a
country may also lead to seeking out that nation's media
output. -

The other category of endogenous variables, attachment
to the U.S.: U.S.appeal, U.S. appreciation and U.S.
values, may also be seen as non-recursive relative to the
criterion variable, U.S. dependency. However, for the sake
of parsimony, this relationship is tested as only part of a

recursive system.

109

Two ”dependency” variables were developed as- criterion
variables. The first, called "dependency," is a construct
which purports to measure psychological bent toward several
nations including the United States. Here, there might be a
non-recursive relationship with U.S. TV -viewing. The
second dependency measure, propensity to consume U.S.
goods, is less arguably non-recursive. In this measure
there is a logical, temporal link between viewing U.S.
television programs and subsequently buying U.S. goods,
ceteris ppribu .

Other variables may have been used in this analysis.
For example, background variables such as travel to the
U.S., the number of acquaintances one has in that country
and one's interaction with foreigners might influence both
television viewing and U.S. dependency. On the other hand,
other media variables might have been included: U.S. books,
movies, newspapers, for example. However, inclusion of all
these variables with all possibilities of non-recursive
arrows would unnecessarily complicate the model. This is
true of many investigations similar to the one under
consideration. At times, "the original choice of one set of
input variables rather than another [is] only a matter of
convenience ... for the sake of simplicity we must stop at
one point even when extensions to [other] socialization

variables could be made" (Heise, 1975, p. 133).

110

The LISREL M0691

The General Concept

 

Based upon a critical assessment of the cause of
dependency in Trinidad and Tobago a structutal equation
model was developed and the LISREL computer program used in
exploring variable relationships within the model. Its
fundamental assumptions stem from path analysis logic. The
premise here is intrinsically one of causality which may be
rationalized in the following manner: x1 is a cause of 30 if
and only if :0 can be changed by manipulating :1 and :1
alone (Nie at. al., 1975, p. 384). But "to establish
conclusively" that x1 is a cause of xo, one first must
perform an 'ideal' experiment in which all other relevant
Ivariables are held constant while the causal variable is
being manipulated. This should be accompanied by some
changes in the dependent variable (Nie et. al., 1975,
p. 384). Since an ideal experiment is not possible, path
analysis is used as the best alternative for examining the
implications of this multiple variable data structure.

Path analysis is primarily a method of decomposing and
interpreting linear relationships among a set of variables.
It is based upon the theoretical assumption that (l) a weak
causal order among the variables is known, and (2) the
relationships among the variables is causally closed (Nie

et. al. 1975, p. 384). It must be emphasized however, that

111

path analysis is not a procedure for demonstrating
causality. It is a method for tracing out implications of a
set of causal assumptions which the researcher is willing to
impose upon a system of relationships. In other words,
theory is all important. The usefulness of path analysis
and the LISREL method in analysis in particular is that it
is predicated upon strong theory:
Many models are so poorly thought out in terms of
canons of theory construction that they should be
rejected before the data have been collected!
Omitting key variables, including irrelevant
variables, and using the wrong functional form of
relationship are all errors of specification, and
a model is worth very little if serious errors of
specification are made. (Fink, 1980, p. 135)
In other words, Fink argues, strong theory allows powerful
inference, and there is no substitute for theory,” ambiguous
assumptions and unclear theory leads to uninterpretable

results.

The LISRBL Concept
The path model developed in this study will be analyzed
using the LISREL computer program developed by Joreskog and
Sorbom (1978). This LISREL (Linear Structural Relations)
program was developed for analyzing multivariate path data

sets using maximum-likelihood solutions.
LISRBL is a general computer program for estimating the
unknown coefficients in a set of linear structural
equations. These equations are solved simultaneously and

each equation in the model represents an assumed causal link

112

rather than a mere empirical association. These
coefficients do not coincide with coefficients of regression
among observed variables (Joreskog & Sorbom, 1978, p. l)

The LISREL model consists of two parts, the measurement
model and the structural equation model. The measurement
model specifies how the latent variables or hypothetical
constructs are measured in terms of the observed variables
and is used to describe the measurement properties
(validities and reliabilities of the observed variables).
The stuctural equation model specifies the causal
relationship among the latent variables and are used to
describe their causal effects and amount of unexplained
variance (Joreskog & Sorbom, 1978, p. 4).

The LISRBL solution allows the researcher to determine:
(1) the overall goodness-of-fit of the model using the Chi
Square distribution, (2) the relative usefulness of
theoretical paths outlined by the researcher through t-ratio
analyses, and (3) affords the researcher the opportunity to

compare models using chi-square ratio analysis.

Model Estimation and Testing

The principal test of the model is how well the sample
approximates the theoretical values or predictions of the
population. This is called fitting the model. It is the
process which allows the model to be estimated and tested.

Criteria which determine this test include: (1) is the model

113

correctly specified, (2) is the Chi square test of fit
significant or non-significant, (3) are the first order
derivatives of the fixed parameters in the model zero, (4)
are the residuals of the input minus the predicted matrix
(S-E) as small as possible, and (5) is the standard error
for the coefficient low enough to ensure that the
coefficient is significant.

Specification means assigning values to the parameters
involved in the equation structure so that a solution to the
simultaneous equations can be reached. If a set. of
equations is correctly specified the model is said to be
identified and the set of equations simultaneously solvable.
If not, the equations are said to be not identified and the
equations not solvable. Therefore, specification 'of the
model is directly related to its identification.

When the maximum likelihood estimators of the
parameters have been obtained, the goodness of fit of the
model may be tested under multinormality in large samples by
the likelihood ratio techniqiue. Usually, goodness of fit
is tested using the Chi square with a value small enough to
produce a probability greater than .05. Such a Chi square
is but one indictor of the fit of the model. But a Chi
square with p < .05 is also acceptable if the sample size is
large (Joreskog & Sorbom, 1977, 1978). Since changes in the
model are reflected in the Chi square, Joreskog and Sorbom

suggested that the Chi square may be used to test the

114

relative improvement in model specifications.

Let H0 be any specified hypothesis concerning the
parametric structure of the general model which is
more restrictive than an alternative hypothesis,
H1. In large samples one can test H0 against H1.
Let F0 be the minimum of F under H0: and let Fl be
the minimum of F under H1. Then Fl < F0 and minus
twice the logarithm of the likelihood ratio
becomes N(F0-Fl). Under H0 this is distributed
approximately as Chi Square with degrees of
freedom equal to 51-50, the difference in the
number of independent parameters estimated under
H1 and H0. In many situations it is possible to
set up a special case of the preceding and to test
these)hypotheses (sic). (Joreskog & Sorbom, 1978,
p. 14

Chi square analysis of structural equations models may
be used as as an explotatory technique. Using the Chi
Square as a goodness of fit, the Chi Square value must be
inspected to see if it is large compared to the degrees of
freedom. A large discrepancy reflects a not perfect fit of
the model. In this case, the fit may be examined by
inspecting the covariance residuals, i.e., the discrepancies
between the observed (S SIGMA) and the fitted (E SIGMA) and
the magnitude of the first derivative of F with respect to
the fixed parameters. Often, such an inspection of the
results will suggest ways to relax the model by introducing
more parameters. The new model then usually yields a
smaller Chi square.

A large drop in Chi square compared to the

difference in degrees of freedom, indictes that

the changes made in the model represent a real

improvement . On the other hand, a drop in Chi

square close to the difference in the reduced

number of degrees of freedom indicates that the
improvement in fit is obtained by ”capitalizing on

115

chance" and the added parameters may not have real

significance and meaning. (Joreskog & Sorbom,

1978, p. 14)

Explained variance in endogenous variables are also
indicators of the fit of the model since LISREL accounts for
a maximum amount of measurement error. Explained variance
or R squared, computed as one minus the residual, should
thus be relatively high in the theoretical model. The model
may also be assessed by referring to the coefficients along
each of its multiple causal paths.

In this study, the coefficients of the various causal
paths will affirm how useful the hypothesized model is with
respect to the hypothesized causal paths of primary
interest. The appearance of nonsignificant paths usually
indicate large standard errors. If this is the case, the
model may be reconstructed. . The attainment of new
significant coefficients would reflect a relative reduction
of the standard error and a better fit of the model.

Few authors pay enough attention to the problems of
model reconstruction (Reagan, 1981, p. 66 ). Joreskog and
Sorbom (1978, p. 125) suggest freeing some fixed parameters.
One may also eliminate one or more variables (Schmidt,
1981). Another option would be to adjust the statistical
model with respect to the theoretical model. Reagan (1981)
notes that these procedures take the researcher into the
more exploratory realm ... ”Even the freeing of parameters

has eliminated a strict confirmatory analysis, and if the

116

results indicate restructuring that does not conflict
strongly with theory, "it should be allowable" (Reagan,
1981, p. 66).

But Reagan also supports Woelfel and Fink's (1980,
’pp. 85-86) assessment that there is a solid statistical
reason for altering the model beyond merely freeing some
parameters. The proposition, one of "construct validity,"
states that "to the extent results fit theory, the
measurement can be said to be valid" ... and where the
measurement fails to attain statistical significance the
model can be said to be not valid. For all these reasons,
theoretical ' analysis, statistical comparison across
-competing models, the possibility of interpreting specific
path relationships, and affirmation of the measurement
technique itself, the LISREL option was used for assessing

the theoretical propositions of this study.

Summary

A cross sectional survey of 401 adults was carried out
in TV owning households across Trinidad. The research
questionnaire was made up of 40 primary variables organized
into demographic, media, cultural, and social-psychological
categories. Eight of these variables were ultimately used
in developing and testing a LISREL (structural equations

model). The model was based on the theory that U.S. TV

117

viewing in Trinidad is related to some Trinidadians'
dependency on the U.S.. Variables represented in the LISREL
model included: income and education, U.S. television
viewing, U.S. appeal, U.S. appreciation, U.S. values,

U.S. dependency and consumption of U.S. goods.

CHAPTER 4

DATA ANALYSIS AND RESULTS

General Description of the Sample

Four hundred and one citizens of Trinidad and Tobago
were interviewed in a random sample of Trinidad's television
owning households. A small subsample of non-television
households was also included. This sample represented a
well balanced number of respondents from the two major
cities and 23 towns and villages across North, Central and
South Trinidad. Approximately 50% of the sample was taken
in the North, 30% in the South, and 20% in the Central
region of the island. Tobago was not sampled.

Thirtyénine percent of the sample was male, 61% female.
Forty percent of those -sampled was age 30 and under, 25%
between 31 and 40, 16% between 41 and 50, 10% between 51 and
60 and 8% between 62 and 79 years of age. Average age of
the sample was 37. It was a quite literate group. Sixtytwo
percent had at least completed high school, and 10% had at
least 16 years of education. Nine percent had had some
foreign education.

This sampled population was also well traveled.
Fifty-nine percent had traveled abroad, including other West
Indian islands. In all, 70% countries were visited by this

sample of 401 people. Twenty percent of the sample was

118

119

self-described as being among the Professional, Business
Director/Executive Officer group. Thirteen percent was
self-described as Supervisors/Department heads, 16%,
Clerical staff, 24% Skilled and Semiskilled, and 21%
unemployed.

Twenty percent described themselves as self employed.
The self-employed group represented 39 trades and
professions. Seven of these were classified as upper level
trades. This category included professionals such as
medical doctors. Twenty-one occupations were arbitrarily
coded as middle level. This group represented entrepreneurs
such as boutique owners and small building contractors. The
third level comprised 11 relatively low skill trades such as
retail vegetable and fish vendors. This arbitrary
classification was interpreted as a measure of professional
skill as well as status. However one must bear in mind that
in Trinidad many "low level” occupations such as coconut
selling bring in sizable incomes.

Income was quite evenly distributed among households.
Twelve percent made less than $1000 Trinidad and Tobago
dollars per month ($417 U.S.). Twenty-one percent claimed
that their household income was between $2000 and $3000 per
month. Forty-eight percent of all households earned over
$2000 but less than $4000 and 22% claimed they made over
$4000 per month. The average household income for this

sample was in the $3000 to $4000 per month range. This

120

economic distribution for television viewing households is
quite feasible given Trinidad and Tobago's current (1982)
oil export situation and the fact that many homes include
more than one income earner. Furthermore, television owning
households may, on the whole, represent a more affluent
group than the population at large.

Ethnicity is a fairly complex phenomenon in Trinidad.
Thirty-three percent of the sample described themselves as
either African or Negro: 34% described themselves as East
Indian; 24%, mixed: 7% White (Caucasian, Syrian and
Portuguese), and 3% Chinese. 'Sixty-four percent was
married, 24% single with the remaining percentage being

either widowed or cohabiting.

Trinidad: A Media Profile

Media Availability

Ninety-three percent of the sampled population reported
having a. working television, 66% had one or more working
color television. Ninety-seven percent reported having one
or more working radio. This survey was focused on
television-owning households. The 7% non-television
households represented a specifically requested subsample.
Twenty-one percent reported having Video cassette recorders

and 60% reported having stereos.

121

The average weekly radio listening reported was 799
minutes or approximately 13 hours per week. Fifty-five
people, about 14% of those reported actually seeing video
taped movies, spent an average of 324 minutes per week,
about 5.89 hours, viewing video tapes. Overall,-the average
time spent viewing video tapes was 46.165 minutes or .769
hours per week.

Thirty-seven percent or 147 people reported actually
listening to stereo. They spent an average of 457 minutes
per week, about 7.6 hours. Overall, the mean was 168.5

minutes or 2.8 hours per week.

Trinidad's TV Viewing: The Average Week

Eighty-nine hours or 5368 minutes of TV viewing were
presented to the Trinidad and Tobago TV viewer in the
average week sampled. The sample response for the TVTIME
measure was 741.4221 minutes (12.35 hours) seen per week.
This measure, which was developed by simply asking
respondents how much television they viewed each day for a
week, differed from the TOTPROG measure which was a tally of
the time respondents said they spent looking at each program
each day during the same week. The TOTPROG measure, the
most meaningful one in this study, totaled 1026.48 minutes
(17.108 hours) per week viewing time. On the average,
Trinidadians reported seeing approximately 2 1/2 hours of

television programming per day.

122

'The TOTPROG and TVTIME difference of 285 minutes a week
or .68 hours a day seemed an alarming difference. However,
both of these variables behaved consistently when correlated
with most of the important variables in the study.

Average Trinidadian television viewers make their
viewing selections from 121 weekly programs. These program
times ranged from in length from the five minute Meditation,
to several three-hour long sports presentations. Most
program times ranged from 15 minutes to one hour.
Sixty-seven of these shows, 55%, were U.S. originated.
They represented about 60 hours or 67% of the available
time. Little House on the Prairie was the most watched
show. 0 .

Forty-five locally produced shows occupied 37% of the
time slots but represented only 22 hours or 25% of the total
time available. Community Dateline was the most watched
non-news local show. Nine British shows accounted for 7% of
the programs available. This represented about 7 hours per
TV week.

The evening situation was not much different.
Sixty-two prime-time shows accounted for approximately 43
hours per week. Thirtysone U.S. shows represented 50% of
evening show times available. But they account for 27 hours
or 63% of total prime-time. Twenty-three local shows

accounted for 37% 'of the evening schedule. The 10 local

123

hours taken by these shows made up 23% of schedule
availability. Eight British shows used 13% of the show
slots and made up 14% (6 hours) of total TV time. Most of
the local shows were government, information/interview shows
or newscasts. The imported shows were primarily
entertainment.

Most of Trinidad's TV viewing was done at night in
prime-time, in the period between 6:30 and 9:00 pm.
Seventeen hours of this prime-time period were regularly
consumed each week. The high percentage, 40% focus on this
part of the schedule might indicate sparse audiences for
many local daytime shows. Put another way, 6% of one's time
was usually devoted to British shows, 19% to local shows and
75% of one's viewing time was devoted to U.S. shows.

Notsurprisingly, out of a highest score possible of
four points, the average scores on the nation Appeal scale
(admiration for various people and characteristics on TV
programs sorted by nation of production) were, .057 points
for U.K. appeal, .237 points for Trinidad-Tobago appeal and
1.865 for U.S. appeal. The following table summarizes

these results.

th

Table l

Trinidad and Tobago Television Schedule (November l982)

 

Time Allocation of Shows by Nation of Origin

 

Average Weekly Allocations

 

Number Total
Country of Shows 2 Shows hours taken 2 Hours
United States 67 55 60 67
Trinidad and
Tobago #5 37 22 25
United Kingdom 9 7 7 7

 

Totals l2] 99 . 89 99

 

Average Evening Allocations

 

 

Number Total
Country of Shows 2 Shows hours taken 2 Hours
United States 3l 50 27 63
Trinidad and
Tobago 23 37 ‘0 23
United Kingdom 8 l3 6 lb
Totals 62 99 53 99

 

 

Note: Shows are averaged over three weeks and represent
regularly scheduled programs as well as the
unique shows of that week.

125

Analysis of Selected Items

Separate analyses were done on items comprising the
Appeal and Appreciation scales. These analyses presented
further insight into the kind of program, personality, and

life styles preferred by the local viewer.

The Appreciation Scale

The national appreciation scale was an indication of
the respondents awareness of different nationalities on
various issues. The responses were open ended so that the
respondent could mention (any nation which represented a
salient image on the specific item. ~Each response was taken
to be an indication of how the named nation was perceived by
the group on a range of subjective perceptions. A maximum
of 30 nations was reached across the six categories showing
a rather broad range of national perceptions. Only the most
mentioned nations are reported here.

In response to the first question -which nation is the
most honest- 16% (64 people) said the United Kingdom: 13%
(54) said Trinidad and Tobago: 10% (39) said the United
States: 3% (14) said Canada and 1% said the U.S.S.R.

The next question, which was the best dressed nation,
Trinidad and Tobago led the list with 27% (107 respondents);
the United States was next with 16% (65): France was next

most frequently mentioned with 13% (53) and the United

126

Kingdom was mentioned by 8% (32) of the sample.

Trinidad and Tobago topped the "happiest nation" item
with 70% (281) of the responses. Six percent (25) mentioned
the United States and 1% mentioned the United Kingdom.

The United States was the most frequently mentioned
nation, when interviewers were asked to name the nation most
concerned about personal health. The United States was
mentioned by 150 respondents representing 37% of the sample.
Trinidad was next frequently mentioned with 11% (44
responses). Ten percent (41) mentioned Canada. The United
Kingdom was mentioned by 4% (18 responses), and Japan and
the U.S.S.R. were both mentioned by 2% of the sample.

Twenty-eight percent of the respondents (113 people)
mentioned Canada as the nation most concerned with its
environment. Twenty percent (82) said the United States: 8%
(31 responses) named the United Kingdom and the same number
said that Trinidad was. Barbados was mentioned by 4% and
Japan by 2% of the sample.

Twenty-eight percent (112 respondents) felt that
Trinidadians cared most about their families. Fifteen
percent (62) mentioned India. Six percent (26) said Africa:
the same number said the United States: 4% percent (18) said
the United Kingdom; 3% said China and Japan, and 2%

mentioned Germany.

127

The Appeal Scale

Each item on the Appeal scale required that the
respondent indicate which TV program or person was most
attractive or was held to be in some way important to the
viewer. The first question was: Of all programs shown on TV
this week, both foreign and local, which has the
personalities most attractive to you? Twenty-nine percent
declined to select. Magnum P.I. was the most frequently
mentioned program with 10% of the responses.
Little House on the Prairie was next with 6% of the
responses. Solid Gold and Three's Compgny were both
mentioned by 5% of the respondents. Knotts Landing, gall
Q21 and Benson were mentioned by 4% of the sample. All of
these were U.S. programs.

For the question: which program tells you most about
how to deal with problems in your daily life 37% did not
answer or did not know. Thirty-three percent said
Little House on the Prairie. Nine percent said
Community Dateline. This daytime interview-talk show was the
only local show mentioned.

Responses for the question: what TV program presents a
style of life you would most want to follow, 57% did not
select a show. Six percent said Magnum gglg, 6% percent
said Knotts Landing, and 4% said

Little House on the Prairie. The final question in the

128

series was: what TV program shows you the proper values by
which you should live. Forty-seven percent did not respond.
Thirteen percent said Lou Grant, and 7% said
Little House on the Prairie.

In all, 78 shows were mentioned across these four
items. An arbitrary 4% cutoff point was considered adequate
for reporting. But even when using this 4% limit, certainly
a minimal cutoff, only one local program,
Community Dateline appeared. By the same token,
Little House on the Prairie was the most named show overall
and, by this token, may be considered the most popular show
in Trinidad.

It is indeed noteworthy that for each question on the
appeal scale significant numbers of respondents failed to
select a show or personality which was attractive to them.
This pattern was consistent across the entire item list.
Especially sobering was the lack of responses for the
question: what TV program presents a life style you would
most want to follow. The default on this item was 57%.

One may speculate that viwers neglected to fully
respond because they did not find that the television
programs available reflected their ideals in personalities
or styles of life. They may be passive, reluctant
spectators in television entertainment, enjoined from
becoming active participants due to the .lack of self

relevant content. This problem needs analysis in further,

129
in-depth research.

Media Profile Summary

Trinidadians saw 2 1/2 hours of television programming
each day. They devoted 75% of their time to U.S.
originated shows, 19% of their time looking at local shows
and 6% of their time seeing British shows.

Across six categories describing nations, they showed a
preference for Trinidad in the best dressed, happiest, and
care most about their families categories. The U.S. was
most often selected in the "care most about their health”
and ”care most about ,their environment” categories. The
U.K. was most often selected in the 'most honest nation”
category.

The Appeal scale showed a decidedly U.S. pattern.
Programs and personalities which drew more than 4% of the
responses were the only ones reported. But even with this
low limit, just one local program, Community Dateline, was

mentioned.

Lpportance of Media in Culture

These results are more interesting when seen in the
relief of how people saw the media in general, and
television in particular, as contributors to culture.
.Question 15 asked the respondent to select which medium
(radio, television, cinema, newspapers, or magazines)

contributes most to Trinidad and Tobago culture. Forty-two

130

percent said television did. Twenty-five percent said
radio. Sixteen percent said newspapers, 2% said magazines,
and 1% said cinema.

An additional question: which of the media does most to
bring Trinidad and Tobago closer together culturally,
elicited responses about the role of the media in national
social cohesion. Forty-seven percent said television was
the most important medium. Twenty-one percent said radio,

11% said newspapers and 2% magazines.

Reliabilities and Correlations
Scale Analysis

In this section, reliabilities for the dependency and
the U.S. Values indices are presented and discussed. The
scales: Trinidad dependency, U.S. dependency, U.K.
dependency and U.S. values were all developed by the
researcher. They were Likert scales.

The only measure of values was the U.S. values index.
But the dependency measure was taken across each of several
nations. Reliability assessments were then done separately
for each scale using Cronbach's Alpha coefficient (see Table
2). Reliabilities were strong for the U.S. dependency
(.76) and U.K. dependency (.75) measures and acceptable for
the Trinidad dependency (.68) and U.S. values (.62)

indices. Overall, these results were quite satisfactory for

131

this type of research. Satisfactory levels of reliability
coefficients depend upon how, why and at what point in
research a measure is used. "In the early stages of
research on predictor tests or hypothesized measures of a
construct, one saves time and energy by working with
instruments that have only modest reliabilities" (Nunnally,
1978, p. 245).

For basic research, Nunnally argued, ”increasing
reliabilities much beyond .80 is often wasteful of time and
funds” (Nunnally, 1978, p. 245)2 He recommends a
reliability of .70 where higher coefficients cannot be
easily attained. This advice covered two of the indices
used in this study which were above .70, but did not pertain
to two measures on dependency included here. The Trinidad
dependency and U.S. Values attained reliabilities of .68
and .62 respectively.

These low to modest variables were included in the
study because they represent fairly novel attempts to
explore problematic constructs. The scores were reasonably
close to Nunnally's limits, and several researchers have
used scales with lower reliabilities‘ in research on
modernization 'and dependency. For example, Armer and Isaac
(1978) reported using the Smith and Inkeles Short Form 5
(OM-ll) scale as a measure of modernity, a concept which
might be psychologically similar to dependency. The Omega

unit-weighted maximum-likelihood reliability of this scale

132

is .633 (Heise & Bohrnstedt, 1970). The Spearman-Brown
conversion of this scale ranges from .62 to .74 (Armer &
Isaac, 1978 p. 321).

Another emphasis of .Armer and Isaac's study which
explored ”determinants of behavioral consequences of
psychological modernity in Costa Rica was the measurement of
"modern behavior". This composite index, developed by the
authors, comprised six dependent variable items and was
accepted with an Omega coefficient of .533. This is lower
than the .62 reliability coefficient for the four-item U.S.
values scale presented in this study. The foregoing
examples lend legitimacy to the indices developed and
utilized in this analysis and reported in Table 2.

Table 2 presents correlations of viewing of nations'
programs with the dependency, appreciation, appeal, and U.S.
values indices. Tables, 4, 5, and 6, present
intercorrelations of the indices. The correlations of the
core variables with demographic variables are displayed in
Table 7. They represent the full sample (401 respondents)

except where otherwise indicated.

133

Table 2

Estimated Reliabilities for Constructed Scales

 

Scale Mean Standard Cronbach's
Deviation Alpha

 

Dependency on

United States h2.25 6.hl .76
(15 items)

Dependency on

United Kingdom 44.05 6.66 .75
(15 items)

Dependency on
Trinidad-Tobago

(ll items) 32.77 5.37 .68
United States

Values

(h items) lh.33 3.20 .62

 

Note: N - 395

131.

Table 3
Correlation of National Programming Orientation with U.S.

Values and the Appeal, Appreciation, and Dependency Scales

 

 

Proportion of Proportion of Proportion of
U .5. programs local programs U.K. programs
viewed viewed viewed
U.S. Values .3297** -.l5l9* .3889**
U.S. Appeal .h776** - -.l7h7 .h58h**
U.S. Dependency .2362** .0ll9 .223h**
U.S. Appreciation .l730* -.Ole .l375*
Trinidad Appeal -.lh83* .3352** -.l780*
Trinidad Dependency .2333* .0387 .ll38
Trinidad Appreciation -.0029 .0527* -.0h39
U.K. Appeal -.0l25 -.0992 .lhl9*
U.K. Dependency .lhlh* -.0h53 .l263*
U.K Appreciation -.0260 -.0505 .0373

 

Note: a - p < .05. ** - p < .01. N - hOl

135

Table h

Intercorrelation of U.S. Scales

 

U.S. Values

U.S. Appeal U.S. Dependency

 

 

U.S. Appeal .bllhte

U.S Dependency .2703** .37h5** ‘

U.S. Appreciation .202l** .0758 .3299**
Note: * I p < .05. ** I p < .Ol. N I 50]

Table 5

Intercorrelation of Trinidad and Tobago Scales

 

 

Trinidad Trinidad
Appeal Dependency
Trinidad Appeal l.0
Trinidad Dependency .0297 1.0
Trinidad Appreciation .ll50* .2929**
N I h0l

Note: * I p < .05. ** I p < .Ol.

r
- -

Table 6

Intercorrelation of the U.K. Scales

 

 

U.K. Appeal U.K. Dependency
U.K. Appeal l.0
U.K. Dependency .0209 l.0
U.K. Appreciation .ll72* .2h9l**
Note: * I p < .05. ** I p < .Ol. N I hOl

Table 7

Scales and Proportion of TV Watched

I36

with Age, Income and Education

 

 

 

Age Income Education
u.s. Dependency -.0528 .1256* .I190*
U.K Dependency .0571 .07h9 .0179
Trinidad Dependency .2669** -.0066 -.2399**
Proportion of U.S.
television viewed -.0655 .07l6 .l7l7**
Proportion of U.K.
television viewed -.0354 .0598 .l590**
Proportion of
Trinidad
television viewed .0398 .052l -.00l7
U.S. Values .1580** -.067] -.Oh51
Age 1.0 ”-1379* ‘-3555**
Income -.l379* l.0 .363h**
Note: * I p < .05. II I p < .01. N I hOI.

137

Results and Discussion

Table 2 presents the statistics and Cronbach
reliability coefficients for the three dependency scales.
Three-hundred and ninety-five respondents were used in the
analysis. Results were satisfactory. The moderate to high
reliabilities indicated that this operationalization of the
dependency construct is worthy of further analysis.

However, the reliability analysis. did not address
certain validity problems which should be examined. For
example, what is here called dependency might better
represent a propinquity for United States ideals rather than
some sort of structural, psychological dependency. In this
paper dependency means basic socio-political, economic and
cultural need fulfillment.

It is easy to acknowledge the possibility of admiring a
foreign country without being dependent upon it, wanting to
become part of it, or wanting that system to be world
dominant. These complications were avoided as much as
possible by wording the questionnaire to separate mere
admiration from deeper forms of psychological association.

Table 2 revealed a high positive correlation between
proportion of U.S. television consumed and all the U.S.
oriented indicators: U.S. values, U.S. appeal, U.S.
dependency and U.S. appreciation. Proportion of U.S.

programs seen showed a negative correlation with Trinidad

138

appeal, Trinidad appreciation, U.K. appeal and U.K.
appreciation. This was as expected, as was the .0119
correlation coefficient between the proportion of local
programs seen and U.S. dependency.

U.S. dependency was positively related to proportion
of U.K. programs seen. Trinidad dependency was not related
to proportion of local programs viewed but was positively
(not significant) related to proportion of U.K. programs
seen. Both Trinidad dependency and U.K. dependency showed
significant positive correlations with viewing of U.S.
television. These counter intuitive results present some
difficulties of interpretation and deserve further
statistical attention in future research. But they also
raise the question of the nature of the dependency concept
itself.

These questions revolve around the following
possibilities. To begin with, dependency might be an
integral part of the Trinidadian's socio-political psyche.
One may speculate that dependency goes hand in hand with
stability and reason that this is why Trinidad and Tobago
has been one of the more stable emerging societies.

Results may also indicate that a person could
simultaneously hold ostensibly incompatible allegiances
without experiencing much psychological dissonance. Another
alternative is that people may keep television viewing in

its own perspective where it is separately processed for its

139

own intrinsic enjoyment and so does not affect national
allegiances. Factors other than television may.
Furthermore, some nation's television programs may
affect viewers differently, i.e., programs might present
different images of different nations which would in turn
affect consumers depending upon beliefs already held by the
viewers. On the same note, some nation's programming might
be ideologically weak, presenting very few situations
appropriate for either overt or covert modeling behavior.-
The .0387 correlation of proportion of local programs viewed
with Trinidad dependency may be looked at in this way. One
may well argue that the local images produced on Trinidadian
television are not definitive enough to create strong models
for social, political or cultural patterningn.
- It could also happen that a viewer might confuse
different nations' programmming when there is similarity in
program formats. In some cases an English or Australian
production may be mistaken for an American program.
Interpretational problems resulting from the positive
correlations of U.K. program viewing with U.S. television
viewing, U.S. values, U.S. appeal, U.S. dependency and
U.S. appreciation may have stemmed from program confusion.
This question cannot be answered until it is determined
how a person‘s expectations of certain nations'
characteristics fit in with their expectations of that

nation's programming. For example, it may be near

140

impossible for some not so well informed publics to
discriminate among American, Australian, Canadian and
English movies. Yet these publics may have quite different
images and expectations of those nationalities. It is
possible that the international trend of converging or
homogenizing cultures, primarily Anglo-American culture,
might affect hypotheses which deal with separate
socio-political affections. In such cases conflicting
results are bound to occur.

Proportion of U.S. TV consumed was not closely
associated with U.K. appeal and appreciation. But
proportion of U.K. viewing was highly, (and significantly)
correlated with U.S. values and other U.S. orientated
measures. This is most certainly due to the fact that
proportion of U.K. viewing and proportion of U.S. viewing
are so strongly correlated, .6759, significant at p < .001.
Proportion of local programs seen was generally negatively
related to U.S. values and other U.S. orientated measures.
But the results were not strong. More interesting were some
of the findings that dealt with local viewing. Local
viewing was positively related to a Trinidad appeal (.3352 p
< .01) and less so to Trinidad appreciation (.0527, p <
.05).

141

Tables 4, 5 and 6 present cross-correlations of the
indices by nation. For the U.S. indices all pair-wise
comparisons, except the U.S. appeal with U.S. appreciation
comparison (non-significant, .0758) were significant at the
p < .001 level. Correlations were also positive, if
somewhat weaker for the U.K. and Trinidad and Tobago cross
comparisons. For both of these nations' scales, the appeal-
dependency comparisons were not significant. These results
may again reinforce the concept of psychological separation
of simple admiration from dependent affiliation.

The last table, Table 7, examines relationships among
selected scales with three demographics categories: age,
income and education. There is almost no relationship
between age and U.S. or (U.K.) dependency, indicating
possibly, that older people have no special inclination to
foreign dependencies: but age is also negatively
(non-significantly) related to proportion of U.K. and U.S.
TV viewing. age is positively related to Trinidad
dependency. As dependency theorists might predict, both
income and education are positively related to U.S.
dependency. But only education is significant (p < .05),
indicating that this relationship might be more complex than

is normally assumed.

142

Little or no relationship was found between proportion
of local programs viewed and people's income and education.
A very small negative relationship was revealed between U.S.
values and the income and education sales. Among
themselves, the demographic measures were as would be
expected. age was negatively correlated with income (p <
.05) and education (p < .01). But income was positively

correlated with education.

Analysis of Variance:Method

The Primary Variables

The main dependent and independent variables were
examined using simple, one-way analysis of variance
techniques. Thirteen demographic, independent variables and
27 dependent variables were included in the analysis.. The
13 independent variables were: sex, age, ethnic-1, ethnic-2,
education-l, education-2, income-l, and income-2,
occupation, profession, employment-1, employment-2, region
and urbanity. Each of these 13 independent variables was
analyzed across 26 dependent variables. The following two
tables outline the independent and dependent variables used
in these preliminary, exploratory analyses. Taken together,
these represent the main group of variables from which a
narrower set of items were drawn and used in path model

construction and hypothesis testing.

143

TABLE 8

Independent Variables and Their Categories

 

 

Independent Variable Levels of Analysis

1. Sex (1) Male (2) Female

2. Age (1)Younger:under 35 (2)01der:over 35
3. Ethnic-l (1)81ack (2) East Indian (3) Other
4. Ethnic-2 (1)81ack (2) East Indian

(3) Hi xed (4) Other

5. Income-l (l)Low :up to $3000 per month
(2)High :over $3000 per month

6. Income-2 . (l)Low :up to $2000 per month
(2)Hiddle:up to $4000 per month
(3)High :over $4000 per month

7.Education-1 (l)Low :0-11 years (2) High:12-l6 years

8.Education-2 . ' (l)Low :0-6 years (2) Middle 7-12 Years
(3)High :above 12 years of education

9.Region (1)North (2)Central (3)South

lO.Urban (l)Least (2)Hedium (3)Host urban

ll.0ccupation (0)Unemployed (2)5killed/Semiskilled

(3)CIerical Staff (4)5e1f-employed
(5)5upervisor/Department head
(6)Professional/Executive Director

12.Profession (l)Low (2)Hiddle (3)High

l3.Employment (-1)Unemployed (0)5elf employed
(1) Otherwise employed

 

144

TABLE 9

Table of Dependent Variables

 

 

 

Dependent Variable Name Operationalization of Variable Name

TATDEP Dependency on Trinidad and Tobago

UKDEP Dependency on the United Kingdom

USDEP ' .Dependency on the United States

TOTPROG -Total time spent viewing television

LOCPROG Time spent viewing local programming

UKPROG Time spent viewing United Kingdom programs
USPROG Time spent viewing United States programs
LOCPROP Proportion of Local programs viewed

UKPROP Proportion of United Kingdom programs viewed
USPRDP Proportion of United States programs viewed
USVALUES Four "U.S. values" measured on a Likert scale
CONSINTT A measure of consumption of local products
CONSINUS A measure of consumption of 0.5. products
CONSINUK ' A measure of consumption of U.K. products

RLA Number of local records the responsent has
RJA Number of Jamaican records the respondent has
RUT Number of U.S. records the respondent has
TTAPPEAL Appeal of local life styles and personalities
UKAPPEAL Appeal of U.K. life styles and personalities
USAPPEAL Appeal of U.S. life styles and personalities
TTAPPRE Appreciation of a charaacteristic of Trinidad
UKAPPRE Appreciation of a characteristics of the U.K.
USAPPRE Appreciation of a characteristics of the U.S.
ALLRADIO Total radio listening

VIDVIEH Total video viewing by VCR owners

STERLIST Total stereo listening by stereo owners

 

Note: The results of a selected number of the ANOVA (generally significant)
tables are presented in Appendix 8.

145

Variable Classifications

Several arbitrary variable classifications were made in
the independent variable table. Some of these
classifications need elaboration. The ethnic variable was
broken down into four categories: Black, Mixed, East Indian
and Others (Caucasians, Orientals, Syrians, Portuguese).
The Mixed group was a sizeable, if unclear, distinction.
Therefore that group was pooled with the Black group for
separate analysis.

The Urbanity variable was also arbitrarily divided by
allocating each of the 25 cities, towns and villages
included in the sample into either one of three levels of
urbanization. The most urbanized towns were: Bayshore,
Belmont, Goodwood Park, Newtown, San Fernando, St. James
and West Moorings. The medium urbanized included: Arima,
Barataria, Carenage, Couva, Chaguanas, Diamond Vale, Diego
Martin, Petite Valley, Philippine, Point Fortin, Siparia,
Tunapuna, Princess Town, and San Juan. The least urbanized
list included: Marabella, Oropouche, Point Cumana and
Siparia. Admittedly, this was an arbitrary distinction.
Different allocations are quite possible (see Appendix B).

There were six levels of Occupation. But these
reflected divisions already in use in studies conducted by
the marketing firm SCICON in their studies conducted in

Trinidad. These categories were not the best possible

146

classifications for these purposes. Categories of
profession were created by the researcher from the
self-employed group. Each profession was evaluated on the
basis of education and skill necessary and then allocated
into high, middle, or low levels of profession. Needless to
say, these are not perfect categories. Two variables were
used for analysis of education: education-l and education-2.
These duplicated variables were used in many cases because
the media impact on these groups in Trinidad have not been
previously subject to statistical analysis. These
breakdowns give a more refined look at what the categories
mean and will be of value, not only in this analysis, but in

subsequent studies.

Analysis of Variance: Results

The results of the Analysis of Variance statistics are
presented in Appendix A. The results presented are based
primarily on the analyses which have had significant results
(lowest, p < .05) except where other significance levels are

included for hueristic purposes and comparison.

m

The older age group was significantly different (more
dependent) on all the dependency measures, and all at the p
< .01 significance level. They were also different on the

local television viewing variable (p < .05), U.S. values (p

147

< .05), and consumption of U.K. goods (p I .014).

The older group had more local records (p < .001). But
the younger group had more Jamaican music at home, and
listened to more radio, and stereo, each at a significance

level less than .001 probability.

Income

The income category revealed a somewhat different
pattern. The lower income group was more U.S. appeal
oriented (p < .001). But the upper income group was more
U.S. dependent (p I .02). They were the greater consumers
of U.S. products (p < .001), greater consumers of U.S.
records (p < .01), saw more videos (p < .01) and listened to

stereo more (p < .001).

Sex and Ethnicity - ;

There was little differentation by sex. However, males
tended to look at U.K. programs more (p I .045) and
appreciated the U.S. more (p < I .0376). There was more
differentiation by ethnicity.

For the variable Ethnic-l, the "Other" group
(Caucasians, Chinese, Middle Easterners) was more dependent
on the U.K. (p < .001) and on the U.S. (p I .006). They
saw more U.K. shows both in viewing time (p < .001) and in
proportion of shows seen (p < .001). This group was also a

greater consumer of total programming (p < .05), more

oriented to U.S. values (p < .01), U.K. appeal (p I .004),

148

and U.S. appeal. The East Indian group was the highest
consumer of video tapes (p I .0172). The ethnic-2 variable

added little new information to these results.

Education

Results were almost parallel for the the two. education
variables, education-l and education-2. On both variables,
the lower educated groups were more Trinidad and Tobago
dependent than the more highly educated groups, both
significant at p < .001. The lower educated groups consumed
more local programming (p < .001 and p I .019), bought more
local products (p I .026 and p I .075), and appreciated
Trinidad more (p I .019 and p I .0318).

However, the more highly educated groups consumed more
U.S. products (p < .001 for both variables), owned more
U.S. music (p < .001 and p < .01), and saw more video

programs (p < .01 and p < .05).

32919.0

The region variable showed the most differentiation.
The South region was most dependent on all three dependency
variables (p < .001 for all three). The North group was
more likely to view local programs (p < .05) and higher
proportions of local programs as well (p < .05). The South
consumed more U.K. Programs (p < .001), U.S. programs (p <
.001), and a higher proportion of U.K. programs and U.S.

programs, both at p < .001. The South was overall a greater

149

consumer of television programs than was the North (p .<
.001).

The South scored higher on U.S. values (p < .001) and
in consumption of Trinidad and Tobago products (p I .005).
This group had more’ local as well as U.S records,
significant at p < .001 for both variables The Central
region showed higher consumption of U.S. products (p <
.001) and the North was the highest consumer of U.K.
products (p I .013). The Central region registered a
greater Trinidad and Tobago appeal (p < .001), the North,
greater U.K. appeal (p < .001); and the South, more U.S.
appeal (p < .001), and U.S. appreciation (p < .001). Both
North and Central groups were greater listeners to radio
than the South (p < .001), and the South was greater on

video viewing (p I .018).

Urbanization

The low urbanization group was more Trinidad and Tobago
dependent (P < .001) and the high urbanization group more
U.S. dependent (p I .081). But the low urbanization group
scored highest on proportion of U.S. shows (p I .003), U.K.
shows (p I < .0012). U.K. programs (p < .002) and U.S.
programs (p < .003). There were also significant
differences across the three groups on U.S. values (p <
.001), low and middle urbanization being different from the

high urbanization group.

150

The low urbanization group reported that they had more
local records than the other groups (p < .001). They
reported higher scores on U.S. records (p < .01) as well,
and significant differences on U.S. appeal (p < .01) and
U.S. appreciation (p .< ..05). -The high urbanization group

was the highest consumer of radio programs (p < .05).

Occupation

Six levels of occupation were used in the preliminary
analysis. The fifth level, Supervisor/Department-Head
scored highest on Trinidad and Tobago dependency (p < .05)
and U.S dependency as well (p < .05). This group was also
highest on U.K. programs seen (p I .013) and propOrtion of
U.K. shows seen (p < .001). They were the highest
consumers of U.S. goods (p < .001), U.S. music (p < .01)
and U.S. appeal (p < .001). Because each respondent has an
opportunity to respond on each nation on the dependency item
it is possible for a group to score highly on more than one
nation index.
Profession

There was a significant difference between professions
on Trinidad and Tobago dependency. Group 1, the low group
scored highest on this variable ( p < .05), and on U.K.
proportion (p I .0580), U.K. programs (p < .05), total
television program viewing (p I .0507) and on consumption of

local products (p < .05).

151

Employment

Using the employment-l variable, there was a
significant difference between the employed and the
unemployed on seven dependent variables. The unemployed saw
more local programs (p < .05) and proportion of local
programs (p < .05). They were also higher on U.S.
appreciation (p < .05). This is probably because the
unemployed have more free days in which local programs may
be viewed.

The employed group was the higher group on consumer of
U.S. goods (p <.01) U.S. appeal (p < .001), radio
listening (p < .05) and stereo listening (p < .05).

Employment-2 was another measure of employment. Here,
three levels of employment were defined: self-employed,
unemployed and otherwise-employed. The otherwise-employed
group was the highest consumer group for U.S. goods (p I
.014). The self-employed were most strong on U.S. appeal
(p < .001) and the unemployed were highest on U.S.

appreciation (p I .019).

Summary

The population sampled was well educated and well
traveled. This group averaged 13 hours a week listening to
radio and 17 hours a week watching television. On average,

121 TV programs were available to the Trinidadian viewer

152

each week. U.S. shows took 67%, local shows 25% and U.K.
shows 7% of total programming time.

Most of what the average Trinidadian sees on television
is U.S. originated, reflecting the reported propensity to
find U.S. media personalities and life styles most
appealing. However, a high percentage of viewers did not
respond to items on this scale causing a speculation that
they felt uncomfortable with, or unconvinced by, the images
they saw on television. However, despite the heavy foreign
content on television, respondents were most likely to rate
television above radio newspapers and magazines as an
important contributor to Trinidad and Tobago culture.

Likert scales developed to measure sociofpsychological
and cultural constructs such as U.S. dependency and U.S.
values proved to be reliable. The U.S. variables,
dependency, values, appeal and appreciation were all
positively correlated with proportion of U.S. television
viewed. This finding, as well as the Analysis of Variance
results that the higher income and more educated groups were
generally more U.S. oriented than the lower income and less
educated groups, is in overall support of the dependency

framework adopted in this study.

CHAPTER 5

THE PATH MODEL: DEVELOPMENT, ANALYSYS AND RESULTS
Model Development

The data provided enough information for a very complex
analysis. Therefore, the model presented in this paper
included a limited number of variables and assessed only one
of a number of possible representations of the data. The
ideal was the most simplicity for maximum information. The
model finally developed focused on the United States because
most media-cultural imperialism concerns have centered on
the United States.Furthermore, the data gathered in this
study (Table 2) show strong relationships between U.S.
television viewing and all the prospective 'dependent
variables.

The hypotheses ultimately proposed: (1) that U.S.
television viewing leads to dependency upon the U.S. and
(2) a structural model developed using this path will better
represent dependency relationship than one in which this
path is excluded. The model was developed using concepts
gained from dependency theory and critical media. For
example, income and education were used as background,
exogenous, variables. Radical theorists have assumed that

those with access to educational and economic upper levels

153

154
are more likely to be influenced by metropolitan societies.

Rationale

The effects U.S. television viewing was the central
theme of the study. So U.S. TV consumption was a necessary
part of the model. So was U.S. dependency. The appeal,
appreciation and values components were also developed to
represent previously hypothesized' effects of U.S.
television viewing.

This section describes why the variables were included
in the model. It gives reviewers an appreciation of how
this model was operationalized and developed, facilitates
replication of the study and provides a basis for
researchers attempting their own conceptual models for
similar types of research.

The general statistics of the sample were outlined
first. It was shown that U.S. television programming was
the most frequent type of program seen on Trinidad and
Tobago television. Local and British television programs
were not as important conceptually as sources of daily
living reference points. The United States thus became the
nation of interest.

Subsequent data analysis was concerned with the
respondents' self identification with a variety of nations
socially, economically and politically. Here again, the

strongest reference point was the United States. References

155

that tended to favor the United States were termed U.S.
dependency. The same principle applied to the other nations
on the questionnaire. Dependency was evaluated in two ways:
(1) a behavioral measure, one's propensity to consume U.S.
(and other) goods and (2) a putative psychological measure,
one's responses on a Likert scale which measured dependency.

Other exploratory data analysis dealt with the
importance of several demographic variables. This aspect
helped to substantiate the position of dependency theorists
that high income ahd education groups were more disposed to
be dependent on foreign powers. The analyses showed that'
this was a plausible assumption and allowed a more detailed
look at these variables.

Finally, eight variables were considered for the model:
education, income, U.S. Television viewing, U.S.
appreciation, U.S. appeal, U.S. values, U.S. dependency
and propensity to consume U.S. goods. The data were then
adjusted for missing data by including the subsample which
accounted for all respondents who had answered all
questions. The sample size was reduced to 297 respondents.
This data tightening procedure strengthened the reliability

of the model as a whole.

156

The Conceptual Framework

The model proposed here is not the most comprehensive
model possible given the data available to the researcher at
this time. It is a model developed merely to illustrate a
point: that it is possible to use dependency theory and
derive bases for quantitatively ‘assessing the impact of
foreign media on developing nations. The model tested in
this study should be looked at as a simplified form of a
general concept. The hypothesis was tested by comparing
structural equation models to see which best approximates
the hypothesized theoretical structure.

The model was developed and analyzed using the LISREL
(for structural equation. model) computer program. The
correlation matrix of the selected variables was used as the
basis of analysis. Maruyama and Mc Garvey (1980, p. 509),
suggest that data from a single population,
cross-sectionally gathered data set are better analyzed this
way. Standard deviations are far easier to interpret than
are non-standardized coefficients, especially when
comparisons of coefficients is necessary. Use of the
correlation matrix also gives a better conceptual
understanding of the relationships proposed in this

analysis.

157

The correlation matrix of the eight variables used in
the model is presented in the following table. The
correlations differ somewhat from those in preceding tables
because the sample size used here has been adjusted for
missing data. If effect, its a more compact, truer
representation of the sample responses despite a 25 % loss
of sample size. The correlation matrix makes clear the
relationships among the U.S. television viewing, and the

U.S. dependency and U.S. consumption.

158

Table 10

Correlation Matrix for Varaiables in the Model

 

1. Education

2. Income .3093**

3. U.S.
TV viewing .1188* -.0333

h. U.S.
Appreciation .0900 -.0017 .1828**

5. U.S.
Appeal .2446** .0699* .4815** .1139*

6. U.S.
Values .0854 -.0345 .3250**~ .2173** .4905**

7. U.S.
Dependency .1031* .0689 .3181** .3275** .4715** .3906**

8. U.S.
Consumption .1825** .1097* .1933** .2690** .3820** .3991** .3796**

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

 

Note: I I p < .05 and ** I p < .01 (N I 297)

159

The Theoretical and Measurement Framework
Using the theoretical background in Chapter 2, and the

preliminary analyses, the following model was outlined:

 

 

 

Figure 3
Theoretical Model of U.S. TV Viewing and Dependency
U.S. TV (21)

RV Viewing ‘\\\ Path C
Education(Xl) ‘\\\\\\\‘\;:::U.S. Dependency(Y5)
Income (:2) Path E Consumption of (Y6)

' . _U.S. Goods
1 . ,
U.S. Values (Y4) Path D
U.S. Appeal (Y3)

U.S. Appreciation(Y2)

 

Wable 111d: operalfzation of these variables.

Education was measured by years of education. Income was
divided into 6 categories. Category 3 is the $2000 to $3000
category range and an average of 3.5 may be interpreted as
close to $3000 monthly income. U.S. television viewing is
measured in hours per week. U.S.. appeal, U.S.
appreciation and U.S. consumption (4, 6, and 6-item scales)
were indicies created by summing responses on the
appropriate scales. Therefore, the maxima were 4 and 6
possible points. U.S. values and U.S. dependency were

measured on 5-point Likert scales.

Table 11

Descriptive Table of

160

Variables for Model in Figure 3

 

 

Standard
Variable Description Mean Deviation
Exogenous
x1: Education Years of formal 10.48 4.02
(O. 29) education
X2: Income Monthly Income 3.51 1.56
(0. 34)
Endogenous
Yl: U.S. TV Viewing Time spent viewing 11.98 9.45
U.S. TV programs
Y2: U.S. Appreciation Appreciation Index 0.97 1.10
for the U.S.
in daily living
Y3: U.S. Appeal Appeal Index for 2.14 1.52
U.S. programs and
life styles from TV
Y4: U.S. Values Likert index: measure 3.47
of U.S. values
Y5: U.S. Dependency Likert index: measure 5.58 0.55
of U.S. Dependency
Y6: Consumption of Propensity to buy 3.14 1.55

U.S. goods

U.S. goods where

rothers are available

 

Note: Likert items are all five point scales.
N I 297 for all variables.

161

The theoretical proposition is based on the general
dependency premise that citizens who are from high income
homes and who have high education would be more likely to
attend popular foreign media. They should be more attracted
to foreign personalities, values and life styles and
therefore more inclined to be psychologically dependent on
the foreign nation for security in their world view: their
need for books, information, a distant haven of security and
a possible retreat in times of national insecurity.

In the case of Trinidad and Tobago, the United States
seems to be the nation which fulfills all these functions.
A practical result of this mentality would be to buy that
nation's consumer products. This general proposition was
graphed earlier in Figure 3 (above), which included all
other possible path relationships. This ”saturated” model)
formed the initial conceptual framework from which the
hypothetical models were later developed and tested.

It was possible to examine the saturated model, or a
more comprehensive inclusion of variables from 'the
background data. But for purposes of this theoretical
study, and for simplicity, the hypotheses were tested using
the least complicated formulations. Conceptually, the test
of hypotheses involved specific as well as generalized
comparison of two different conceptual models. The first

involved inspecting Model A, the full model, to see if it

162

represents an acceptable theoretical proposition. The
second test of hypothesis was a test of the causal
relationship between the U.S. television variables and the
U.S. dependency variables. These conceptual propositions,
comparison of Model A with Model B, are presented in .Figure
4 and Figure 5.

Figure 4

Conceptual model of U.S. TV viewing and dependency
Model A: Path C included

 

   
 

Television (Y1)
Viewing \
ncome U. S. Dependency(Y5)

Education(Xl> onsumption of (Y6 )
U. S. Goods

\U S. Appeal (Y3)
.S. Appreciat o (Y2)
.S. Valuese/' (Y4)

 

 

Figure 5
Conceptual model of U.S. TV viewing and dependency
Model B: Path C excluded

 

U.S. Television (Y1)

Viewing
Income (x2) U.S. Dependency(Y5)
Education(x1) gogsugptéon of (Y6)
. . oo 3

  
  
 
 
 

U.S. Appeal (Y3)
U.S. Appreciat on(Y2
U S. Values/ (Y4)

\\

 

163

In evaluating the results of the models the researcher
examined whether: (1) the models were correctly specified,
(2) were the Chi Squares significant or non-significant, (3)
are the first order derivatives of fixed the fixed
parameters zero, (4) were the residuals as small as
possible, and (5) were the standard error i of The
coefficients low enough to provide statistically significant
estimates? Tables 12 and 13 present the relevant LISREL
estimates for Model A and Model B. Only those path
estimates directly related to the hypotheses are outlined in

the tables.

164

Table 12

Selected LISREL Estimates for Model A

 

Modification First Order
Path Coefficient R Square Residual Index ‘Derivative

 

x1: Education

(Q. 29)
X1 to Y1 .355*
X1 to Y2 .021

 

 

 

X1 to Y3 .068*
X1 to Y4 .009
X1 to Y5 -.049 .541 .385
X1 to Y6 .394 3.167 -.422
X2: Income

(Q- 34)
x2 to Yl -.47O
X2 to Y2 -.014
X2 to Y3 .029
X2. to Y4 -.Ol6
X2 to Y5 .045 .655 -.164
X2 to Y6 .176 3.231 I.165
Y1: U.S. TV Viewing .020
Yl to Y2 .020*
Y1 to Y3 .074*
Y1 to Y4 .019*
Y1 to Y5 .003
Y1 to Y6 -.006
Y2: U.S. Appreciation .038
Y2 to Y5 .122*
Y2 to Y6 .203
Y3: U.S. Appeal .268
Y3 to Y5 .132e
Y3 to Y6 .199*
Y4: U.S. Values .110
Y4 to Y5 .148*
Y4 to Y6 .500e
Y5: U.S. Dependency .391
Y6: Consumption of

U.S. goods .241
Note: Chi Square I 7.15: df I 4: p I .128: RMSR I .073

Model R squared I .076: Index I .949: Adjusted Index I .738
t I Individual coefficients are significant beyond the .05 level

165

‘Table 13

Selected LISREL Estimates for Model B

 

Modification First Order
Path Coefficient R Square Residual Index Derivative

 

x1: Education

(Q- 29)
x1 to Y1 .355*
X1 to Y2 .021
XI to Y3 .068*
X1 to Y4 .009

 

 

 

 

X] to Y5 -.050 .536 .382
X1 to Y6 .395 3.163 '.421
X2: Income

(Qo 34)
X2 to Y1 -.47O
X2 to Y2 -.014
X2 to Y3 .029
X2 to Y4 -.016
X2 to Y5 .042 .533 -.148
X2 to Y6 .181 3.487 -.171
Y1: u.s. TV Viewing .020
Y1 to Y2 .020*
Y1 to Y3 .0744
Y1 to Y4 .019*
Y1 to Y5 . .233 1.155 -]_295
Y1 to Y6 -.391 .747 .480
Y2: U.S. Appreciation .038
Y2 to Y5 .126*
Y2 to Y6 .198*
Y3: U.S. Appeal .268
Y3 to Y5 .132*
Y3 to Y6 .184*
Y4: U.S. Values .llO
Y4 to Y5 .154s
Y4 to Y6 .491*
Y5: U.S. Dependency .316
Y6: Consumption of

U.S. goods .239
Note: Chi Square I 9.34: df I 6; p I .156: RMSR I .105

Model R squared I .076; Index I .774; Adjusted Index I .095
I I Individual coefficients are significant beyond the .05 level

166

Results: Comparison of Model A With Model B

Usually, the goodness of fit is tested with a Chi
square where the value of Chi square is small enough to
produce probability greater than .05. Joreskog and Sorbom
(1978) suggest that Chi square can also be used to test the
relative improvement in model specifications. This can be
done by comparing the reduction in Chi square with changes
in degrees of freedom as the model is changed. The changed
model then represents a different theoretical position.
When the alternative model is examined, changes in which the
relationship between the Chi square and degrees of freedom
remain relatively unchanged should be considered just
capitalization on chance, whereas changes in the Chi Square
that are substantively larger than the changes in degrees of
freedom indicate a genuine improvement in the fit of the
model.

In this comparison, model A is compared with model B,
and the tests of hypotheses pertain to the coefficient path
from U.S. television viewing to U.S. dependency. The
subsequent paragraphs outline the procedures used in testing

the hypotheses.

167

In Model A the Chi Square value of 7.15, p- .128, was
not significant. It could be concluded that model A is
acceptable. The overall rooted mean square residuals was
.073. For the paths of interest- U.S. television viewing
to U.S. dependency and to consumption of U.S. goods (Yl to
Y5 and Y6)- the coefficients were .003 and -.006
respectively. Neither of these estimates was significantly
different from 0 at the .05 level. Therefore, Hypothesis 1,
that there is a direct causal relationship between U.S.
television viewing and U.S. dependency must be rejected.

For Hypothesis 2,, that excluding the path just
described would result in an improved structure, model A was
compared with model B. The hypothesis was tested by taking
out the paths of interest (above) and comparing the Chi
Square of both models in the traditional way, using the
probability, p < .05 to test the comparison.

The results were as follows. As with Model A, Model B
was acceptable, though the Chi Square value was increased to
9.36, with 6 degrees of freedom, with p - .156 and the first
order derivatives of the fixed parameters were not
substantially different from those in Model A. Aside from
the paths fixed at 0 ( Yl to Y5 and Y1 to Y6), there were no
dramatic changes in estimates for other parameters. These
differences were essentially proportionately relative to

those found in Model A. Therefore paths from U.S TV viewing

168

to U.S. values, appeal, and appreciation (Y1 to Y2, Y3 and
Y4) remained significant whether or not the path from U.S.
TV viewing to U.S. dependency and consumption of U.S.
goods (Yl to Y5 and Y6) are included. These observations
were then statistically assessed.

The hypothesis was tested by subtracting the Chi Square
of Model B from that of Model A and testing for significance
at the .05 level. This subtraction (9.34 - 7.21) resulted
in a Chi Square of 2.13 which was less than the table value
of 6.0 necessary for'confirmation of the hypothesis at the
.05 level. It was then necessary to conclude that the
inclusion of the U.S. TV-viewing to dependency paths do not
result in significant improvement to the overall fit of
model A. They may be left out with no important effect on
the model, so that Model B is a more parsimonious
representation of reality than is Model A.

One must necessarily conclude from the results of both
these tests that the hypothesis- U.S. television viewing is
a direct cause of U.S. dependency- was not supported.
However, as a whole, the model may be considered a useful
one. In fact, a review of Tables 12 and 13 shows that there
is a relationship between the television viewing and
dependency variables but that these are mediated through the
values, appeal and appreciation constructs. Therefore,
television viewing directly affects these (values, appeal

and appreciation) constructs significantly and they, in

169

turn, directly affect the dependency variables. All these
relationships are significant at the .05 level (See Table
13). In summary, viewing U.S. television programs does

affect dependency but only indirectly.

Discussion

Going back to the original assumptions of this study,
one may conclude that the seminal point of this study has
been made. It has been shown that (1) critical studies can
be used to develop, clarify and accurately picture social
relationships and (2) that quantitative analyses may be used-
to further sharpen concepts based on critical theory. The
dependency notion is such a concept. It is now possible to
build up specific dependency constructs, either utilizing
the items developed here or from other sources, which might
be affected by foreign mass media. Only through such
concept formation can researchers evaluate complex questions
of national identity as they are affected by communication
industries. Furthermore, the results justify the holistic
media research undertaken by Schiller, Smythe, Halloran and
others and points out the theoretical relevance of

dependency analysis in international media research.

170

The study demonstrates, for example, that the holistic
notion of cultural imperialism may provide a better
representation of 12;; affects indigenous culture than does
the specific-media-effects notions of the media imperialism
approach. This discovery through the unlikely source of
empirical research should have far reaching implications for
the role of critical research in determining the effects of
the mass media on society as a whole and the impact of
foreign media in particular. Thus, it has far reaching
implications for critical research in setting out which
foreign media impacts are necessary and which are unwanted,
and directs research efforts to those issues and media most
[relevant to critical action and public involvement, the
raison d'etre of critical theory.

It is also necessary to look at these results in terms
of the huge task of researching cultural imperialism. There
certainly is room in this model for other determinants of
dependency. Thus Clignet's position, outlined earlier, that
foreign cultural effects on local cultures and population
might 'be the result culture: the machinery, the books, the
movies, [not merely of television] the curricula which
affects indigenous culture (Clignet, 1971, p. 300) might

prove to be an insightful one.

171

Unfortunately, overly generalized studies cannot
provide sufficient specificity to show what are the most and
least important factors in the dependency process. This
-lack of detail has probably led to the general rejection of
all aspects of the critical/dependency studies done so far.

What quantitative analysis has done in this case is
help determine how foreign TV-viewing is related to
dependency. By so doing it makes possible the targeting of
specific areas for future critical and quantitative

research.

CHAPTER 6

CONCLUSION

Summary and Discussion

, This study demonstrates that critical research is vital
in understanding the psychological makeup of and
socio-cultural agenda of Third World citizens as they
interface with burgeoning metropolitan media. Not only is
critical theory important in giving knowledge, it is also
important in generating theory. Third World scholars should
break out of the mold of the quantitative versus empirical
argument because there is no logical or scientific necessity
in separating these two sets of procedures. Indeed, they
can be simultaneously considered. An eclectic approach
seems best able to contribute to knowledge in researching
the question of foreign media impact on Third World
societies.

Too many traditional researchers have felt that theirs
is the only approach to science. By so doing they have
arbitrarily, and sometimes arrogantly, discounted the
scholarship and experience of a large and growing number of
critical scholars from the Third World and metropolitan

countries alike which have focused on the meaning of

172

173

colonialism and underdevelopment in the national experiences
of the poorer nations.

This paper earlier illustrated in the literature review
that there has been an historical trend of both
political/colonial dependency and media imperialism which
have led to the more broadly based problem of information
dependency between the dominant, colonial nations and the
dependent, colonized countries. [This unequal relationship
among nations still exists, albeit in more modern forms and
made more complicated by an increasingly sophisticated
international information environment. The more this
unequal relationship is unavoidable for Third World
countries, and the more foreign mass media make up
significant components of that inequality, the more
acceptable should the term media-cultural imperialism become
to the objective observer.

The pressing need for Third World countries is to
develop constructive and relevant theory which will elicit
the most meaningful questions from their media environments.
This means, discarding, or at least holding in abeyance, the
core assumptions of traditional approaches to international
mass media research. As outlined earlier in the literature
review, traditional media research, metropolitan oriented or
not, has not offered Third World scholars a structure for
properly analyzing their media environments, not because of

the research tools themselves but because of the paradigms

174

they have come to represent. Therefore, theories
traditionally developed should be) scrutinized only
skeptically before being incorporated into the corpus of
research on underdevelopment. However, Third World scholars
should not repeat the errors of their metropolitan
colleagues. Their methods for generating new knowledge and
developing theory must be eclectic when necessary, and
comprehensive when a broad range of ideas need to be
explored.

This study shows that one may logically outline a
theoretical link between media effects in developing
countries to media exports from metropolitan societies. But
this link may be representative of a more complex set of
concerns that may begin with economic relationships, and end
with psychological dependency. At least the study makes
clear two phenomena: U.S dependengy does exist in Trinidad
and Tobago in the socio-cultural realm and in U.S. media
software. The question which followed was: how are these
two dependencies related?

The initial analysis showed that the critical
theorists' argument that income and educational level and
urbanization played a role in media dependency had some
basis in fact. And the initial, full sample correlations
showed indeed a structure supporting the position that U.S.
television viewing is positively related to U.S. values,

appeal, dependency, and appreciation.

175

A structural equations model was used to to test the
model. The results indicated that the path from U.S.
Television viewing to U.S. dependency, as a direct path, is
not the best description of the relationship. U.S.
dependency seems to be more properly indirectly affected

through U.S. appeal, U.S. appreciation, and U.S. values.

Future Research

In general, intelligent exploration ' of the
relationships between social theory and socio-cultural
environments ought to be undertaken, particularly in the
communication sciences.' This would be primarily an
intellectual and pedagogic exercise leading to the
development of social theory relevant to Third World
conditions. Specifically, this would lead to relevant
social theory in each underdeveloped nation. Only by
subsequent analysis of this diverse body of work will
appropriate generalized theory eventually emerge. The
eventual result would be the creation of an indigenous
culture of science in Third World environments contributing
to nations' control of their own social and cultural health.
As European science developed from a dialogue between people
and all their environments, similarly must the Third World
person discover their reality through dialogue with their

own environment. First, however, more basic yoeman's tasks,

176

such as the development of data bases and sampling frames,
must be accomplished. (Note 1)

The primary task of the researcher following on this
study is a theoretical one: it is the task of understanding
the importance of national autonomy, the level of
consciousness which creates autonomy and the increasing
levels of national consciousness that autonomy in turn
creates. This must be based on normative and critical
analysis of (in this case) Trinidad and Tobago society and
its place in the world system. The blind transfering of
metropolitan models in analyzing indigenous problems should
be a thing of the past. Critical analysis will help shape
our experiences in science. In the economic sphere it means
critically exploring media ownership and how it is
integrated with other economic enterprises in the society.
It means evaluating the role and function of advertising
enterprises and how they impact upon the social and cultural
process- yip p yip the necessity of having an informed and
intelligent public. The rationale for this work is the
maintenance of democratic institutions through the labor of
social science. It means action for critical change.

Stressing critical research does not mean neglecting
the quantitative sciences. It means simply putting
quantitative enterprise in its appropriate context. Future
research in the area of international effects of

metropolitan media messages must, by definition, be

177

concerned with the effects of these messages. Effect is
eventually expressed in behavioral terms. Therefore
behavioral research must be undertaken, but informed and
directed by the spirit of critical knowledge.

Behavioral work would entail finding and defining
unique and indigenous, forms of socio-cultural expressions
and attitudes. The world views of the Trinidad and Tobago
citizen should be understood, and not only anecdotally, but
scientifically. This, for national direction ' and
development as well as for understanding the impact events
beyond national control have on citizens.

Specific applications of these principles to this study
are possible. Clearer definitions of local culture should
be attempted, the concept of dependency should be tested and
re-tested across a broader range of issues. It should be
investigated in terms of its validity as a concept.

One may argue for instance, that at any given point in
time dependency, as it is defined here, might have different
meanings, or change in different ways, to a populace.
Furthermore, mere thinking about a rich and powerful
neighbor in a positive light may not reflect one's
dependence on this neighbor. In other words, admiration may

be a mere human expression, an innate human quality.

178

Here again, one may reflect on the defaults on the
appeal scale. This may be seen as supporting evidence for
Tsai's (1967) finding that imported media do affect
superficial values but leave but the deeper essenses of the
self undisturbed. Just as there are various levels of
cultural selves there may be various levels of dependencies.
For example, viewing Dallas may evoke an almost patronizing
"those crazy Americans again” kind of entertainment
addiction but never fully develop into "I wish I was an
American" syndrome. These issues need further consideration
in the media dependency literature.

The concepts of U.S.- culture and values also must be
explored more fully.) For example, some popular American
journals have expressed both Reggae and Punk forms of music
as Western, meaning American. Caribbean and British
sociologists might wish to argue with that sort of
assessment.

Eventually, more case studies on foreign media impact
should be done across several nations. This research should
should follow consistent theoretical lines where necessary
and where possible. Future research should be conceptually
sound and every specific work should be seen as part of a
theoretical chain leading from concrete metroplolitan
transfers of information enterprises to their implantation

in smaller countries and subsequent effects on indigenous

179

peoples.

Although this dependency framework gives theoretical
form to international media research, it does not address
substantive cultural issues. These have been expressed
through critical analysis in this study but other systems of
thought such as phenomenology (Alfred Schutz, Peter Berger
and others) or symbolic interactionism (George Herbert Mead,
Charles Horton Cooley and others) may also provide relevant
perceptions without unduly disturbing indigenization
concepts.

Both phenomenology and symbolic interactionism are
relevant to media-cultural studies. Symbolic interactionism
holds that people collectively shape ideas about the
environments in which they live. Society is a system of
shared meanings in which individuals participate. The bonds
that unite people and shape their beliefs about themselves
are personal constructions of meanings emerging from
symbolic interaction (De Fleur & Ball-Rokeach, 1982, p. 21)
Phenomenology stresses inter-subjectivity, shared
understanding based upon social interaction. As a field of
thought it is oriented toward the source of knowledge and
being (Wuthnow, Hunter, Bergesen & Kurzweil, 1984, p. 8).
Both of these paradigms focus on the individual as part of a
socio-cultural environment through which the individual must

be interpreted to be understood.

180
Generalized Implications

This research bears mainly on the principle of national
identity. It is based squarely on the principle that a
nation's people have the ultimate responsibility for how
they see and define their place in the international
community and how the international community sees and
defines them. This interchange of images must be managed as
much as possible by each small nation. They must. allocate
resources for the development of all information and
cultural enterprises. In Trinidad and Tobago, Steel Piano
or Steel Pan should be continually researched and marketed,
folk dances, music, and arts should be researched and
developed. A national archive of calypso and carnival
should be established as part of a revitalized national
museum; a modern people's library is a necessity: and funds
should be allocated for journalists and scholars to handle
the information and cultural needs of the society.
Marketing the national image to the outside world should be
a high priority. It must go along with internal control of
unwanted foreign intrusion. This is a national
responsibility and part of government trust.

The issue is not a media issue as much as it is an
information one. Expanding, increasingly sophisticated,
international information systems will certainly exacerbate

Third World leader's trauma in making decisions in the

181

information sphere. Telematic systems, linking computers to
satellites, Direct Broadcast Satellites, and their impact on
information control and definition will make it increasingly
difficult for underdeveloped nations to go the road of self
expression. This new information era might indeed be one of
permanent colonialism where some nations must merely choose
sides.

On a more general level, significant national resources
wilf have to be reallocated in developing new strategies for
communication survival if Third World countries are to, at
least, forestall the impending inundation of their concerns
to those of the metropolitan powers. The basis of any
countermeasures by Third World governments must be knowledge
through research. Despite the implications of international
organization involvement in articulating measures for
controlling international information flow, the
responsibility for informed regulation, if necessary, is
ultimately the prerogative of the affected nations'
. governments. Research which addresses these points cannot
be expected to gain funding from metropolitan societies.
For these purposes information research must be focused and
continuous. Ministries of Information should be efficiently
organized for data gathering and analysis, and well equipped

for both research and training.

182

Science itself is information. It is usually
information of a specific purpose with a specific agenda.
In a conditioning sense, it formulates what is to be argued
and how the argument is to be carried out. In other words.
science is culture bearing. In pathology, its agenda might
be epidemiology and tropical diseases; in agriculture, it
might be animal parasites: in information the agenda might
be national self definition in a post colonial dependent
society.

To this end, necessity and urgency takes the place of
ideology. Freedom of information should not mean a triumph
of foreign images, ideologies and development priorities
defined in far off nations. .Freedom of information should
begin in each country according to its own national interest

for development.

APPENDI CBS

APPENDIX A

PRELIMINARY DATA ANALYSIS

TABLE A-l

184

APPENDIX A

: ANOVA TABLES

F statistic is used. Significance level .05 or less.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Dependent Variable: Dependency on Trinidad and Tobago
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Age N Mean Ethnic-2
1. Younger 159 3.460 1. Black 120 3.6160
2. Older 394 3.791 .0000 2. East Indian 126 3.7467
3. Mixed 79 3.4841
4. Others 18 3.6497 .0449
Education-l N Mean p < Education-2 N Mean p <
1. Lower 149 3.8396 1. Lower 129 3.8225
2. Higher 193 3.5061 .0000 2. Middle 154 3.5374
3. Higher 59 3.5749 .0009
Region N Mean p < Urbanization N Mean p <
1. North 150 3.5030 1. Lower 31 4.1098
2. Central 80 3.5691 2. Middle 253 3.6680
3. South 119 3.9029 .0000 3. Higher 63 3.3577 .0000

 

185

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

TABLE A-l (Continued)
Dependent Variable: Dependency on Trinidad and Tobago
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Occupation N Mean p < Profession N Mean p <
O. Unemp. 27 3.6344 1. Lower 8 4.0260
2. Skilled
Semiskilled 76 3.7102 2. Middle 44 3.7771
3. Clerical 60 3.4697 3. Higher 8 3.2698 .0372
4. Self- 65 3.6996
employed
5. Supervisor
Dept. Head 42 3.8523
6. Professional
Exec. Dir. 73 3.5408 .0433
TABLE A-2
Dependent Variable: Dependency on the United Kingdom
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Age N Mean p < Ethnic-1 N Mean p <
1. Younger 198 3.0624 1. Black 226 3.0602
2. Older 199 3.2260 .0016 2. Other 36 3.3790

3. East Indian

135

3.2228 .0002

 

186

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

TABLE A-2 (Continued)
Dependent Variable: Dependency on the United Kingdom
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Ethnic-2 N Mean p < Region N Mean p <
1. Black 130 2.9887 1. North 184 3.0531
2. East Indian 135 3.2228 2. Central 82 3.0298
3. Mixed 95 3.1616 3. South 117 3.4009 .0000
4. Others 36 3.3790 .0000
TABLE A-3
Dependent Variable: Dependency on the United States
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Age N Mean p < Income N Mean p <
1. Younger 200 3.4342 1. Lower 225 3.4701
2. Older 201 3.6207 .0010 2. Higher 176 3.6013 .0222
Ethnic-l N Mean p < Ethnic-2 N Mean p <
1. Black 230 3.4548 1. Black 130 3.3622
2. Others 36 3.7157 2. East Indian 135 3.6019
3. East Indian 135 3.6019 .0067 3. Mixed 95 3.5443
4. Others 36 3.7157 .0005

 

TABLE A-3 (Continued)

187

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Dependent Variable: Dependency on the United States
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Region N Mean p < Urbanization N Mean p <
1. North 188 3.3729 1. Low 36 3.7675
2. Central 82 3.3276 2. Middle 293 3.4896
3. South 117 3.9642 .0000 3. High 72 3.5630 .0186
Occupation N Mean p <
l. Unemployed 27 3.3872
2. Skilled
Semiskilled 97 3.4616
3. Clerical 63 3.4270
4. Self-
employed 82 3.5282
5. Supervisor
Dept. Head 50 3.7150
6. Professional
Exec. Dir. 78 3.6182 .0296
TABLE A-4
Dependent Variable: Time Spent Looking at Local Programs (minutes/week)
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Age N Mean p < Education-1 N Mean p <
1. Younger 163 142.5031 1. Lower 103 209.3689
2. Older 143 180.7241 .0434 2. Higher 199 137.0503 .0003

 

TABLE A-4 (Continued)

188

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Dependent Variable: Time Spent Looking at Local Programs (minutes/week)
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p s
Variable ‘ Variable
Education-2 N Mean p < Employment-2 N Mean p <

1. Lower 88 202 1. Unemployed 11 270

2. Middle 158 140 2. Employed 295 157.59 .0253

3. Higher 56 160.2 .0190
TABLE A-5
Dependent Variable: Time Spent Looking at United Kingdom Programs
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Sex N Mean p < Ethnic-2 N Mean p <

1. Male 110 73.8636 1. Black 176 66.6409

2. Female 197 57.0508 .0456 2. Others 29 100.3448

3. East Indian 103 45.5340 .0005

Ethnic-2 N Mean p < Education-1 N Mean p <

1. Black 90 54.7111 1. Lower 103 47.2816

2. East Indian 103 45.5340 2. Higher 199 70.2563 .0069

3. Mixed 81 75.5556

4. Others 29 100.3448 .0002

 

TABLE A-S (Continued)

189

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Dependent Variable: Time Spent Looking at United Kingdom Programs
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Region N Mean p < Urbanization N Mean p <
1. North 151 50.1060 1. Lower 23 110.2609
2. Central 60 24.4167 2. Middle 226 61.1858
3. South 83 101.7229 .0000 3. High 59 50.848 .0021
Occupation N Mean p < Profession N Mean p <
O. Unemployed 11 32.2727 1. Lower 4 150.0000
2. Skilled
Semiskilled 75 70.0000 2. Middle 37 58.6486
3. Clerical 53 40.7547 ‘
4. Self- 3. High 8 78.7500 .0448
' employed 63 69.6826
5. Supervisor
Dept. Head 39 88.1538
6. Professional
Exec. Dir. 65 55.9385 .0132
TABLE A-6
Dependent Variable: Time Spent Looking at United States Programs
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Ethnic-1 N Mean p < Region N Mean p <
1. Black 176 764.000 1. North 151 573.8742
2. Others 29 770.517 2. Central 60 453.2833
3. East Indian 103 603.047 .0592 3. South 83 1088.9036 .00

 

TABLE A-6 (Continued)

190

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Dependent Variable: Time Spent Looking et United States Programs
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Urbanization N Mean p < Profession N Mean p <
1. Lower 23 985.6522 1. Lower 4 1159
2. Middle 226 727.2832 2. Middle 37 766.0541
3. High 59 540.3898 .004 3. Higher 8 446.2500 .083
TABLE A-7
Dependent Variable: Proportion of Local Programs Seen
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable AVariable
Age N Mean p < Education-l N Mean p <
1. Younger 163 .1062 1. Lower 103 .1521
2. Older 145 .1316 .0718 2. Higher 199 .1020 .0008
Education-2 N Mean p < Region N Mean p <
1. Lower 88 .1465 1. North 151 .1376
2. Middle 158 .1037 2. Central 60 .1144
3. Higher 56 .1191 .0351 3. South 83 .0970 .050
Employment N Mean p <
l. Unemployed 11 .1960
2. Employed 295 .1155 .0345

 

191

TABLE A-8

 

Dependent Variable: Proportion of United Kingdom Programs Seen

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Age N Mean p < Sex N Mean p <
l. Younger 163 .1423 1. Male 110 .1868
2. Older 145 .1793 .0707 2. Female 197 .1454 .0524
Ethnic-1 N Mean p.< Ethnic-2 N Mean p <
1. Black 176 .1687 1. Black 90 .1387
2. Others 29 .2580 2. East Indian 103 .1165
3. East Indian 103 .1165 .0005 3. Mixed 81 .1913
4. Others -29 .2580 .0002
Region-1 N Mean p < Urbanization N Mean p <
1. North 151 .1267 1. Lower 23 .2866
2. Central 60 .0610 2. Middle 226 .1543
3. South 83 .2637 .0000 3. Higher 59 .13091 .0012
Occupation N Mean p < Profession N Mean p <
O. Unemployed 11 .0825 1. Lower 23 .2866
2. Skilled
Semiskilled 75 .1764 2. Middle 37 .1509
3. Clerical 53 .1035
4. Self- 3. Higher 8 .1994 .0580
employed 63 .1763
5. Supervisor Education-1 N Mean p <
Dept. Head 39 .2273
6. Professional

Exec. Dir. 65 .1428 .0117 1. Lower 103 .1221

2. Higher 199 .1744 .0105

 

TABLE A-9

192

 

Dependent Variable:

Proportion of United States Programs Seen

 

 

 

 

 

 

Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Ethnic-1 N Mean p < Region N Mean p <
1. Black 176 .2147 1. North 151 .1619
2. Others 29 .21631 2. Central 60 .1242
3. East Indian 103 .1695 .0607 3. South 83 .3089 .0000
Urbanization N Mean p < Profession N Mean p <
1. Lower 23 .2791 1. Lower 4 .3283
2. Middle 226 .2041 2. Middle 37 .2157
3. Higher 59 .1522 .0036 3. Higher 8 .1249 .0788
TABLE A-lO

 

Dependent Variable:

Total Time Spent Watching Television

 

 

 

 

 

 

Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Age N 'Mean p < Ethnic-l N Mean p <

l. Younger 163 870.3 1. Black 176 1003.699

2. Older 145 1010.3 .0709 2. Others 29 1008.2759

3. East Indian 103 801.0485 .0462

Region N Mean p < Urbanization N Mean p <

1. North 151 812 1. Lower 23 1225.1

2. Central 60 735.00 2. Medium 226 959.35

3. South 83 1327.99 .00 3. Higher 59 735.77 .01

 

193

TABLE A-10 (Continued)

 

Dependent Variable: Total Time Spent Watching Television (minutes/week)

 

 

 

 

Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Profession N Mean p <
1. Lower 4 1524
2. Middle 37 1008
3. Higher 8 591 .0507
TABLE A-ll

 

Dependent Variable: United States Values

 

 

 

Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable '
Age N Mean p < Ethnic-l N Mean p <
1. Younger 200 3.348 1. Black 230 3.4996
2. Older 201 3.816 O 2. Others 36 3.9236

3. East Indian 135 3.6333 .0083

 

Ethnic-2 N Mean p < Region N Mean p <
1. Black 130 3.465 1. North 188 3.2948
2. East
Indian 135 3.633 2. Central 82 3.0955
3. Mixed 95 3.5570 3. South 117 4.3283 .0000

4. Others 36 3.9236 .0188

 

TABLE A-ll

(Continued)

194

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Dependent Variable: United States Values
Independent N Mean p < Independent 1 N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Urbanization N Mean p < Profession N Mean p <
1. Lower 36 4.4491 1. Lower 9 4.0278
2. Middle 293 3.5060 2. Middle 46 3.5380
3. Higher 72 3.4618 .0000 3. Higher . 10 3.1250 .0845
TABLE A-12
Dependent Variable: Propensity to cofisume Trinidad and Tobago products
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Age N Mean p < Ethnic-l N Mean p <
1. Younger 200 1.2700 1. Black 230 1.4348
2. Older 201 1.4328 .0611 2. Others 36 1.1111
3. East Indian 135 1.2741 .0516
Education-l N Mean p < Education-2 N Mean p <
1. Lower 150 1.4667 1. Lower 130 1.4769
2. Higher 243 1.2675 .0267 2. Middle 196 1.3010
3. Higher 67 1.2029 .0754

 

TABLE A-12 (Continued)

195

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Dependent Variable: Propensity to Consume Trinidad and Tobago Products
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Region N Mean p < Profession N Mean p <
1. North 188 1.3245 1. Lower 9 2.000
2. Central 82 1.2439 2. Middle 46 1.2609
3. South 117 1.5983 .0054 3. Higher 10 1.4000 .0455
TABLE A-13
Dependent Variable: Propensity to consume U.K. products
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable ‘
Age N Mean p < Education-1 N Mean p <
1. Younger 200 .0950 1. Lower 150 .0333
2. Older 201 .0348 .0144 2. Higher 243 .0823 .0535
Education-2 N Mean p < Region N Mean ' p <
1. Lower 130 .0385 1. North 188 .0904
2. Middle 196 .0663 ‘ 2. Central 82 .0610
3. Higher 67 .1045 .1948 3. South 117 .0085 .0130
Urbanization N Mean p <
1. Lower 36 O
2. Medium 293 .0614
3. Higher 72 .1111 .0785

 

196

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

TABLE A-l4
Dependent Variable: Propensity to Consume United States Products
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Income N Mean p < Ethnic-1 N Mean p <
1. Lower 225 2.8711 1. Black 230 3.0043
2. Higher 176 3.2727 .0004 2. Other 36 3.4444
3. East Indian 135 3.0148 .0879
Education-1 N Mean p < Education-2 N Mean p <
1. Lower 150 2.7200 1. Lower 130 2.7692
2. Higher 243 3.2675 .0000 2. Middle 196 3.1429
3. Higher 67 3.3721 .0006
Region N Mean P < Urbanization N Mean p <
1. North 188 2.787 1. Lower 36 3.556
2. Central 82 2.817 2. Medium 293 3.007
3. South 117 3.564 .0000 3. Higher 72 2.959 .0172
Occupation N Mean p < Profession N Mean p <
O. Unemployed 27 2.444 1. Lower 9 2.3556
2. Skilled
Semiskilled 97 3.0103 2. Middle 46 3.1522
3. Clerical 63 2.8254
4. Self 3. Higher 10 2.7000 .2434
employed 82 3.0732
5. Supervisor
Dept. Head 50 3.5600
6. Professional
Exec. Dir. 78 3.1538 .0007

 

197

TABLE A-l4 (Continued)

 

Dependent Variable: Propensity to Consume United States Products

 

 

 

 

 

Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Employment-1 N Mean p < Employment-2 N Mean p <
l. Unemployed 27 2.4444 -1. Unemployed 27 2.4444
2. Employed 370 3.0973 .0038 0. Self-
employed 82 3.0732
1. Otherwise
employed 288 3.1042 .0148
TABLE A-15

 

Dependent Variable: Ownership of local phonograph records

 

 

 

 

 

Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Age N Mean p < Region N Mean p <

1. Younger -' 128 .5000 1. North 125 .5840

2. Older 104 .9135 .000 2. Central 40 .3250

3. South 59 1.2373 .0000

Urbanization N Mean p <

1. Lower 14 1.3571

2. Medium 169 .5680

3. Higher 49 .8980 .0000

 

198

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

TABLE A-16
Dependent Vafiable: Ownership of Jamaican phonograph records
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Age N Mean p < Education-1 N Mean p <
1. Younger 128 .3125 1. Lower 67 .1045
2. Older 104 .1058 .0005 2. Middle 160 .2750 .0103
Education-2 N Mean p < Region N Mean p <
1. Lower 55 .1091 1. North 125 .2320
2. Middle 125 .2800 2. Central 40 .3750
3. Higher 47 .2128 .0689 3. South 59 .1017 .0131
TABLE A-17
Dependent Variable: Ownership of United States phonograph records
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Income N Mean p < Sex N Mean p <
1. Lower 107 1.4886 1. Male 87 1.483
2. Higher 125 1.7920 .009 2. Female 145 1.724 .0768
Ethnic-2 N Mean p < Education-1 N Mean p <
1. Black 134 1.6418 1. Lower 67 1.2090
2. Others 27 2.0000 2. Higher 160 1.8062 .0000
3. East
Indian 71 1.4789 .0712

 

199

TABLE A-17 (Continued)

 

Dependent Variable: Ownership of United States phonograph records

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Education-2 N Mean p < Region N Mean p <

1. Lower 55 1.2182 1. North 125 1.5120

2. Middle 125 1.7440 2. Central 40 1.4000

3. Higher 47 1.8085 .0021 3. South 59 2.0339 .0012
Urbanization N Mean p < Occupation N Mean p <

1. Lower 14 2.1429 0. Unemployed 3 1.667

2. Middle 169 1.5030 2. Skilled

Semiskilled 56 1.2857
3. Higher 49 1.9388 .0039 . Clerical 32 1.9063

3
4. Selfemployed 44 1.5682
5. Supervisor
Dept. Head 39 2.0256
6. Professional
Exec. Dir. 57 1.6140 .0087

TABLE A-18

 

Dependent Variable: Appeal of the United Kingdom

 

 

 

Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Ethnic-1 N Mean p < Ethnic2 N Mean p <
1. Black 230 .0522 1. Black 130 .0385
2. Others 36 .1667 2. East Indian 135 .0370
3. East 3. Mixed 95 .0632

Indian 135 .0370 .0282 4. Others 36 .1667 .0479

 

TABLE A-18 (Continued)

200

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Dependent Variable: Appeal of the United Kingdom
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable ' Variable
Region N Mean p <
1. North 188 .0957
2. Central 82 .0122
3. South 117 O .0008
TABLE A-l9
Dependent Variable: Appeal of the United States
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Income N Mean p < Ethnic-l N Mean
1. Lower 225 1.6356 1. Black 230 1.8862
2. Higher 176 2.1591 .0009 2. Others 36 2.6111
3. East Indian 135 1.6370 .0041
Ethnic-2 N Mean p < Education-1 N Mean p <
1. Black 130 1.6077 1. Lower 150 1.2867
2. East 2. Higher 243 2.2099 .0000
Indian 135 1.6370
3. Mixed 95 2.2000
4. Others 36 2.6111 .0003

 

201

TABLE A-19 (Continued)

 

Dependent Variable: Appeal of the United States

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Education-2 N Mean p < Region N Mean p <
1. Lower 130 1.3308 1. North 188 1.6649
2. Middle 196 2.0969 2. Central 82 .9756
3. Higher 67 _2.1791 .0000 3. South 117 2.7094 .0000
Urbanization N Mean p < Occupation N Mean p <
1. Lower 36 2.6111 0. Unemployed 27 .5185
2. Middle 293 1.7611 2. Skilled
3. Higher 72 1.9167 .0008 Semiskilled 97 2.0130
3. Clerical 63 1.3651
4. Self-
employed 82 2.0000
5. Supervisor 50 2.4400
6. Professional

Exec. Dir. 70 2.0641 .0

Employment-1 N Mean p < Employment-2 N Mean p <

 

 

O. Unemployed 27 .5185 -1. Unemployed 27 .5185
1. Employed 370 1.9676 .0000 0. Selfemployed 82 2.0000
1. Otherwise
Employed 288 1.9583 .0000

 

202

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

TABLE A-20
Dependent Variable: Appeal of Trinidad and Tobago
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Education-l N Mean p < Region N Mean p <
1. Lower 150 .3333 1. North 188 .3191
2. Higher 243 .1770 .0075 2. Central 82 .3780
3. South 117 .0256 .0000
Urbanization .N Mean p <
1. Lower 36 .0556
2. Middle 293 .2662
3. Higher 72 .2083 .0948
TABLE A-21
Dependent Variable: Total Time Spent Listening to Radio
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Age N Mean p < Ethnic-l - N Mean p <
l. Younger 198 1042.5455 1. Black 227 871.7357
2. Older 200 558.6500 .0000 2. Others 36 971.2500
3. East Indian 135 631.8889 .0669
Education-1 N Mean p < Education-2 N Mean p <
1. Lower 149 598.7584 1. Lower 130 591.8846
2. Higher 242 921.1116 .0032 2. Middle 194 928.8351
3. Higher 67 820.6716 .0179

 

203

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

TABLE A-21 (Continued)
Dependent Variable: Total Time Spent listening to radio
Independent N Mean . p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Region N Mean p < Urbanization _ N Mean p <

1. North 186 939.108 1. Lower 35 363.2857

2. Central 82 939.634 2. Middle 291 840.6944

3. South 116 370.431 .000 3. Higher 72 845.6944 .0379
TABLE A-22
Dependent Variable: Total Time Spent looking at video
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Income N Mean p < Ethnic-1 N Mean p <

1. Lower 223 29.0583 1. Black 228 25.1316

2. Higher 176 67.8409 .0080 2. Others 36 66.6667

3. East Indian 135 76.2222 .0034

Ethnic-2 N Mean p < Education-1 N Mean p <

1. Black 129 18.1395 1. Lower 149 18.7248

2. East Indian 135 76.2222 2. Higher 243 64.3210 .0027

3. Mixed 94 36.0638

4. Others 36 66.6667 .0085
Education-2 N Mean p < Region N Mean p <

1. Lower 130 21.4615 1. North 186 30.3226

2. Middle 195 53.6923 2. Central 82 38.7805

3. Higher 67 77.0149 .028 3. South 117 78.2051 .0189

 

204

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

TABLE A-23
Dependent Variable: Total time spent listening to stereo
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Age N Mean p < Income N Mean p <
1. Younger 198 41.9697 1. Lower 223 111.9955
2. Older 201 50.2985 .0534 2. Higher 176 240.000 .0002
Ethnic-2 N Mean p < Employment-1 N Mean p <
1. Black 229_ 1.7205 1. Unemployed 27 40.00
2. Others 36 275.83 2. Employed 268 179.718 .0414
3. East Indian 135 128.44 '.O64 -
Table A-24
Dependent Variable: Appreciation of Trinidad and Tobago
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Ethnic-l N Mean p < Ethnic-2 N Mean p <
1. Black 229 1.7205 1. Black 129 1.7984
3. Others 36 1.0278 2. East Indian 134 1.5970
3. East Indian 134 1.5970 .0172 3. Mixed 95 1.4632
4. Other 36 1.0276 .0141

 

205

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table A-24 (Continued)
Dependent Variable: Appreciation of Trinidad and Tobago
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Education-1 N Mean p < Education-2 N Mean p <
1. Lower 148 1.8176 1. Lower 129 1.8682
2. Higher 243 1.4897 .0197 2. Middle 195 1.4974
3. Higher 67 1.4627 .0318
Table A-25
Dependent Variable: Appreciation of the United Kingdom
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Age N Mean p < Employment-2 N Mean p <
1. Younger 199 .9196 -1. Unemployed 27 .4074
2. Older 200 1.0200 .0033 0. Self
employed 82 .5854
1. Otherwise
Employed 286 .3671 .0721

 

206

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

TABLE A-26
Dependent Variable: Appreciation of the United States
Independent N Mean p < Independent N Mean p <
Variable Variable
Sex N Mean p < Region N Mean p <
1. Male 153 1.118 1. North 187 .7059
2. Female 243 .8765 .038 2. Central 81 .9385
3. South 117 1.4188 .0000
Urbanization N Mean p < Occupation N Mean p <
1. Lower 36 1.4722 0. Unemployed 27 1.4444
2. Middle 291 .9175 2. Skilled
3. Higher 72 .9306 .0186 Semiskilled 96 1.0208
3. Clerical 62 .8226
4. Self-
employed 82 .7561
5. Supervisor
Dept. Head 50 1.1400
6 Professional
Exec. Dir. 78 .9872 .0194
Employment-1 N Mean p < Employment-2 N Mean p <
1. Unemployed 27 1.4444 -1. Unemployed 27 1.4444
2. Employed 368 .9375 .0236 0. Self-
employed 82 .7561
1. Otherwise
employed 286 .9895 .0194

 

APPENDIX B

APPENDIX 8

MAP OF TRINIDAD HITH SAMPLED AREAS. BLOTTED (.1.

o.’0\~u..¢’..ll.‘."l.l

37.x

.-
333 92.3...»
O ...Q..

«d unQNV

3' ....e.” ~u-.W

 

, 3-3-32

....
04.45

’

MY
\
e < f s 3...“;-

I. .32.. e. a:

e.

11’

s «our

‘24... $.16; \ V .
I. lean...- ..... IN...“ ..s

 

. m mulesia\

e 3“ n..

L h
... . ...»
he... K- a
.8 .
i l 1 i ”a Iv:
...v n
a“ a ‘7 ..e
. .A 3b....
......C
a n he
... w

 

APPENDIX C

APPENDIX C
QUESTIONNAIRE
MASS'MEDIA USE'AND CULTURE
Household'Survey
Introduction
For: 400'Respondents
PLEASE ASK TO SPEAK TO AN ADULT IN THE HOUSEHOLD:

BEST CHOICE: ADULT OVER 18

REMEMBER: SELECT A GOOD MIX OF AGE AND SEX

cons
Qla ‘ muuussx Qla

‘ le EESEW Rle

Qlc Good morning/afternoon/evening,
my name is " and I
am a field researcher for SCICON Associates
Limited. we are conducting a survey for one
of our Clients on Mass Media and Culture and
would be grateful if you answer a few
questions for us.

Let me assure that your name is not part of
the questionnaire and such is not required

for this survey.

We expect to utilize no more than 30 minutes
of your time.

208

Qld'

Qle

Qlf

02a
02b
02c

03a
03b
03c
03d

04a

04b

209

week of Viewing 1 2 3

(INTERVIEWEE) ADDRESS: STREET AND NUMBER

 

PLACE/LOCATION OP INTERVIEW:

 

DATE INTERVIEW’WAS CONDUCTED:

 

Do you have a working Television set in
your home? .

YES [:1 NO [:1

number black and white

Number colour

Do you have a working radio in your home?
YESD NOD Iruo,oo'ro:4.
If YES, How Many?

If Yes, How Many Short Wave?

If YES, What Station do you Listen to
Most on Short Wave?

Do you have a working record player
(stereo) in your home?

YES D NO [:1

If YES, what kind of records do you have?

 

Old

Qle‘

Qlf

02a
QZb‘
020‘

03a
03b
03c
03d

Q4a'

Q4bl

U'DW

CODE

210

5. During the course of last week (
could you indicate how your time was spent
using the different electronic media? Please
estimate hours. ASSIST INTERVIEWEE.

Q's ’ ' ' ' ’ ‘ RADIO

 

 

" "1'6'6
.. . .‘ Tv.‘ .730. . . PM PM VD

 

610 '

 

 

 

 

 

Menday

Siqg'ony- 12:00 ‘

 

 

:"-' gno’

 

Tuesday

Sign on — 12:00

 

 

 

wednesday

Si' on - 12:00“
I7g%T’:-3?Ufi' _ .

6:61 ' Sign GEE

 

 

 

Thursday
Si n on - 12:00

  

 

 

 

Friday

313% on - 12:00

M '311110'

 

 

 

Saturday

Sign on - l2:00

: - Sign o

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

10.

211
CODE

Now here is a list of TV programs shown last
week on TTT. (GIVE THE RESPONDENT THE LIST OF
TV PROGRAMS FOR THE LAST WEEK). Please look
through the list carefully. (PAUSE TO ALLOW
THE RESPONDENT TO LOOK THROUGH THE LIST).
First, go through the list DA! by DA! and
please tell me which TV programs you actually
watched last week. PUT Cw’) for all programs
seen.

About how much time did you spend looking at
each program you checked? Please say if you

saw "The whole program” (all). "about half”

(8). or a small part of the program (k).
(QUESTIONS 6 AND 7 ARE AT END or QUESTIONNAIRE).

Do you have a working video-cassette in
your home?

YES [:1 NO [:1 as

If you viewed video last week, could you tell
me the names of the shows you saw last week?
Select the most memorable five.

 

 

 

 

Q91 ' Q91
2. . , . . 2
3' ’ 3
4 4
5 ‘ 5

 

What video tapes do you have available now

in the home? Select the most important five.

9101"'- ‘ * ' 0101
2..., . 2

 

3 3
4. . . . 4
5 5

 

11.

12.

13.

14.

212

CODE
Now let me ask you a few questions about
the programs you watch on TTT. For each
question, you must name only one program.

Of all programs on the list both foreign

and local, which program has the person-
alities (Actors/Actresses/News Announcers)

most attractive to you? (WRITE IN THE

PROGRAM NAME).

PROGRAM NAME:

(00) no program (99) Don't know/Refused Qll

 

Of all TV programs on the list, which

program tells you most about how to deal

with problems in your daily life?

PROGRAM NAME: '

(OO)no program (99) Don't know/Refused 012

 

Many-TV programs show appealing styles of

life (life styles). What TV program on

this list presents a style of life (life

style) that you would most want to follow?
PROGRAM NAME:

(00) no program (99) Don't know/Refused 013

 

Many TV programs, some people say, show

them the proper values to live by. Which

TV programs from the list best shows you

the proper values to live by? (PROBE:

values are: how to treat others at work,

as friends, as business competitors etc.)
PROGRAM NAME:

(00) no program (99) Don't know/Refused Ql4

 

15.

16.

17a

17b

17c

17d

213

CODE
Of these media: Radio, TV, Cinema, Newspapers
and Magazines, which one do you think con-
tributes most to Trinidad - Tobago culture?
(CIRCLE RESPONSE)
(1) Radio (2) TV (3) Cinema
(4) Newspapers (5) Magazines (0) None
(9) Don't Know/Refused 015

Of these media: Radio, TV, Cinema, Newspapers,
and Magazines, which do you think brings
Trinidad - Tobago closer together culturally?
(1) Radio (2) TV (3) Cinema

(.4) Newspapers (5) Magazines (0) None

(9) Don't Know/Refused 016

For the following set of statements please
say whether you STRONGLY AGREE, AGREE, ARE

'NEUTRAL, DISAGREE, OR STRONGLY DISAGREE.

STRONGLY STRONGLY
AGREE AGREE NEUTRAL DISAGREE DISAGREE

1 2 3 4 5
SA. A N D SD

The needs of your community are more import-
ant than your individual needs.
“ Qlla'

The main goal of your life is to be finan-
cially comfortable.
Ql7b

The best type of society is not one in
which.time schedules are strictly kept.

Ql7c

Capitalism is the best socioeconomic
system for you to live under.
017d

l7e

17f

17g

18.

18a

214

cons
You prefer the type of society where
people do things rather than think about
things.

Ql7e

You admire priests more than you admire
scientists.

_ __ _ . ._ 01753
You prefer a family life with mother,.
father, and young children, but no other
relatives in one house.

_ _ __ __ 0179

An additional number of statements are listed
below. Several countries are also listed.
Answer EACH statement for EACH of the listed
countries and say whether you: STRONGLY AGREE,

‘AGREE, ARE NEUTRAL, DISAGREE, OR STRONGLY

 

 

 

 

 

.DISAGREE.
STRONGLY STRONGLY
AGREE AGREE .NEUTRAL DISAGREE DISAGREE

l 2 3 4 . 5

SA A. ' N D , SD —- 3
Of all countries offers its
citizens the most economic equality.
Trinidad-Tobago

___ ___ (___ ___ ___ 018011
United Kingdom

_ _ _ _ _ 018012
United States

‘___ ___ ___ ___, ___,018013
Japan

__ _ __ __ __ 018014
Cuba

018015

USSR (Russia)
018016

18b

ISO

215

 

 

STRONGLY STRONGLY
AGREE AGREE NEUTRAL DISAGREE DISAGREE

l 2 3 4 5

SA A N D . SD
Of all countries has the best
culture.
Trinidad-Tobago

_ _ __ __ _ 018021
United Kingdom

__ __ __ __ __ 018022
United States

.... ___ ___ ___ ___ 018023
Japan

_ __ _ _ _ 018024
Cuba

‘___ ___ ___ '___ ___ 018025
USSR (Russia)

__ __ __ __ __ 018026
For immigration purposes you'd rather go to

than anywhere else (or stay in Trini-

dad-Tobago).
Trinidad-Tobago

_ __ __ __ __ 018031
United Kingdom

___ ___ ___ ___, ___ 018032
United States

_ _ __ __ _ 018033
Japan

___ ___. ___. ___ ___ 018034
Cuba

___ 018035

USSR (Russia)
018036

CODE

18d

l8e

18f

216

STRONGLY STRONGLY
AGREE AGREE NEUTRAL DISAGREE DISAGREE

offers the best opportunities for
improving your social position.

 

 

 

Trinidad-Tobago

... ... .... .___ ___ 018041
United Kingdom .

__ _ _ _ _ 018042
United States

__ __ _ _ _ 018043
Japan

_ __ _ __ __ 018044
Cuba

___. ___. . __ __ _ 018045
USSR (Russia)

__ __ __ __ __ 018046
Compared to , Trinidad-Tobago has
no culture to speak of.

Jamaica

__ __ __ _ _ 018051
United Kingdom

__ __ _ __ _ 018052
United States

___ ___ ___ ___, ___ 018053
Japan

_ _ _ _ __ 018054
Cuba

.... ... ___ ___ ___ 018055
USSR (Russia)

__ __ __ __ __ 018056
We would never prosper as a nation if Trinidad-
Tobago were to reply on for most of
our international trade.

Jamaica

018061

CODE

18g

18h

217

 

STRONGLY STRONGLY
AGREE AGREE NEUTRAL DISAGREE DISAGREE
United Kingdom

._ __ __ _ __ 018062~
United States

___ ___ ___ ___ .__ 018063
Japan

_. __ _ __ __ 018064.
Cuba

_. __ _ __ _ 018065
USSR (Russia)

__ __ __ __ __ 018066
If it were not for television
programm, Trinidad-Tobago could have little
television programming to speak of.
west Indian

.... ... ___ ‘ .___ ___ 018071-

United Kingdom

_. _ _ _ __ 018072
United States

__ __ _ _. __ 018073
Japan

___ ___ .__. .___ (___ 018074
Cuba

__ ___. __ __ __ 018075'___
USSR (Russia)

”___. ' __ ' _ _ _ 018076

You would be more satisfied with the local
news media in Trinidad-Tobago if they had
more news from .

Trinidad-Tobago

018081

United Kingdom
018082

CODE

’ 181

18j

218

 

 

STRONGLY STRONGLY
AGREE AGREE NEUTRAL DISAGREE DISAGREE
United States

__ __ __ __ __ 018083
Japan

— —— __ __ __ 018084 .
Cuba

_ __ __ __ _ 018085
USSR (Russia)

_ __ __ __ _ 018086
Trinidad-Tobago really needs as a
friend if it is to become a truly developed
country.

Trinidad-Tobago

__ __ '__ _ __ 013091 -
United Kingdom

__ _ _ _ __ 018092 .
United States -

__ __ _ __ __ 018093
Japan '

__ _ _ __ __ 018094
Cuba

__ __ _ __ __ 018095-
USSR (Russia)

__ _ __ _ _ 018096
Local radio stations could only get worse if
they had more music on the air.

United Kingdom

__ _ __ _ _ 018101
United States

_ _ __ _ __ 018102
Japan

__ __ __ _ __ 018103
Cuba

018104

CODE

219

 

 

CODE

STRONGLY . .STRONGLY
AGREE AGREE NEUTRAL DISAGREE DISAGREE
USSR (Russia)

___. ___ ___’ ___ ___ 018105'
Jamaican

___ ___, ___ ___ ___ 018106'

18k For honest news about the Caribbean you'd

much rather read a newspaper from
than one fron Trinidad-Tobago.
Jamaican

__ _ __ _ __ 018111
United Kingdom

__ __ _ __ _ 018112
United States

___ ___ ___ ___ ___ 018113.
Japan

___, ___ ‘___, ___ ___ 018114
Cuba

__ __ _. . _ __ 018115
USSR (Russia)

_'__ _ __ _ __ 018116

181 You wouldn't mind it at all if , as

a nation should become the undisputed leader
in the world economically.
Trinidad-Tobago

__ __ _ _ _ 018121
United Kingdom

__; ___ ___ ___ ___ 018122
United States

__ __ __ __ _ 018123
Japan

__ __ __ __ __ 018124
Cuba

018125

USSR (Russia)
- 018126

18m

18n

180

220

 

STRONGLY ' STRONGLY
AGREE AGREE NEUTRAL DISAGREE DISAGREE
You would feel most secure about the future of
the world if were to be the strong-
est world power militarily.
Trinidad-Tobago

___ ___ ___ ___ ___ 018131
United Kingdom

___ .___ ___ ___ ___ 018132.
United States

__ __ __ __ __ 018133
Japan

__ __ __ __ _ 018134.
Cuba

__ __ __ _ __ 018135 .
USSR (Russia)

__ __ __ __ __ 018136.
Books published in are most import-

 

ant to your understanding of the world.
Trinidad-Tobago

__ __ _ __ __ 01,8141
United Kingdom

'_ _ __ __ __ 018142
United States

__‘__‘ __ _ __ __ 018143
Japan

___ ___ ___ ___ ___ 018144
Cuba

___, ___ ___ ‘___ ___ 018145
USSR (Russia)

_ __ __ __ __ 018146
You would like your family to grow up in

than in any other country.
Trinidad-Tobago
018151

United Kingdom

018152'

CODE

 

19.

019a

019b

019e

019d

019e

Qle

20.

020a
020b

020C

STRONGLY STRONGLY
AGREE AGREE NEUTRAL DISAGREE DISAGREE
United States

___ ___ ___ ___ ___ 018153
Japan

_; _ _ _ _ 018154
Cuba

__ __ __ __ __ 018155
USSR (Russia)

' 018156

Below are a number of statements. Please name
the country which best fits the description.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Of all nationalities are the most
honest. 019a
Of all nationalities are the best,
dressed. 019b
Of all nationalities are the

happiest. 019e
Of all nationalities are most

careful about their personal health. 019d
Of all nationalities are most
carefulabout their environment (or living
surroundings). 019e
Of all nationalities care most

about their family. . 019f

If you had to use each of the following com-

modities which brand (or COUNTRY'S PRODUCT)

would you most likely use?

Soft drink 020a

Fast Food outlet (NAME CHICKEN PLACES, ETC).
020b

Toothpaste 020C

 

CODE

020d
020e
020f

21.

22.

022a

QZZb

022e

022d

022e

222

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

CODE
Television sets 020d‘
Canned meat/Frozen vegetables 020e'
Fresh Fruit (from which country)
020f
NOw,just a few more questions before we end.
Have you ever traveled outside of Trinidad?
Tobago? .
Yes 1:] _ No [3 IF NO GO TO 23 021
If Yes, Go to 22
If yes, what countries have you visited? How
many times have you visited each country? And
how much total time have you spent in each
country you have visited? LIST UP TO FIVE
COUNTRIES ONLY.
TOTAL TIME
NO. OF SPENT (DAYS
COUNTRY TIMES WEEKS OR
VISITED VISITED YEARS)
(l) (2) (3)
022al
022a2'
022a3
022bl
022b2
022b3
”022c1
022c2
022c3
022d1
022d2
022d3
022el
022e2

022e3

23.

24a

*25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

30.

31.

32.

33.

223

Could you please tell me your age?

Could you please tell me the occupation

of the breadwinner of this household?

1. Professional/Director/Executive Officer
2. Supervisor/Head of Department

;3. Clerical Staff

4. Skilled/Semiskilled

5. Unemployed

6. Self Employed/Own Business*

(IF SELF EMPLOYED GO TO 025. IF NOT GO TO
026). '

If self employed - Ask nature of business

How long have you lived at this address?
In Months/Years

 

Where did you live prior to your present
address? '

 

RECORD SEX OF RESPONDENT

Male ‘Female

What is your highest level of education?

 

Have you been educated abroad?

 

Where?

 

What is your marital status?

 

What is your ethnicity (racial background)?

 

023

024

025

026

' 027'

028

029

030

031

032

033

CODE

224

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

CODE
34. Please tell me which income group your
household is in: , 034
Less than $1,000 per month
$1,000-$2,000 per month
$2,001‘-$3,000 per month
$3,001-$4,000 per month
$4,001-$5,000 per month
$5,001-$6,000 per month
$6,001 + per month
35. Could you identify the people who live in the
household? Male Female
Pre Schoolers under 5 035a 035b 035a
' 035b
Primary School Children 036a 036b 036a
(5-11) ‘ 036b
Secondary School 037a 037b 037a
Children (12—16) 037b
Adults 17-21 038a 038b 038a
038b
22-25 039a 039b 039a
039b
26-30 040a 040b 040a
040b
Over 30 041a 04lb 041a
04lb
6. Now here is an actual newspaper listing of TV programs

shown last week on TTT. ‘(GIVE THE RESPONDENT THE LIST OF
TV PROGRAMS FOR LAST WEEK. BE SURE TO SELECT THE
APPROPRIATE WEEK OF TV VIEWING). Please look through

the list carefully. (PAUSE TO ALLOW THE RESPONDENT TO
LOOK THROUGH THE LIST). First, go through the list DAY
by DAY and please tell me which TV programs you actually
watched last week. PUT (. ) for all programs seen.

About how much time did you spend looking at each
program you checked? Please say if you say "The whole
program? (all), "about half” (8), or a small part of
the program (8).

 

 

1982

_r
: .J .

 

225
October 10-16,

 

TV Week 1:

 

 

 

 

 

 

   

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...- 3.0233297 ...:m......e....6....:.. . 6:12.91... . .. . r . .. . .3338:
...... ... 329.... . ...-281.199.. 2.628..
ge!5—1§83I..292e.3(8s .. .. . .. . . . 11.. . . (28821631.:ee3ue3ee2.91.
.18 e355... . . . ... . . . . . pierces-e5...
81888.!31338. . . . . .3138: . .3535... 331....198...
. >133. . . .. . . .we..-.1... 5.2.5.139... . ..egeee...
....1....e.:1.... .I egegm. 5.82.1.0»... .... . .. . ...Irr..I Ietaouese 9...... ..e... 2...... .I. 1.0!... 0.2.14.1.8Huhe4u291u.‘ 0....
...-...: . . .. .. . . u 81. . . ..e ..e... 8
1.1...eeeeJ...1.ue..J1>.es1..,. .. I... ...... . .. .3091. “10“.. 8.. .e.-(3.33
......ewe...1..ox1.3ce(812e(3.e.3(e..I I84. . . . . . .. 329.5. 122.4%... I 1.1.1113... .e..e(..ee>ee .1....
332.3..112..2.1.ue3.11>al..1 ......u... . . . . .. 2.11.1 113288..
.. 4.8.1.3381... 3:1.- 3:. e... .e.“...cepl ... .3312 . .
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1982

227
October 24-30,

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NOTES

For the Trinidad and Tobago researcher, specific
recommendations following from this study would entail,
first, the creation of more adequate sampling frames
for social research in Trinidad and Tobago. This would
ensure that meaningful data will be accurately
collected. The aim should be efficiency and continuity
of sampling methods so that latter methods can be an
improvement on earlier attempts. Subsequent
researchers and research would substantially benefit
from this enterprise. This would be particularly
helpful in replicating this or other studies which will
necessarily depend upon sound antecedent sampling
traditions.

Availability of a well trained, articulate and honest
cadre of interviewers is also an absolute necessity.
Interviewers must be clear in their approach,
consistent and follow interviewer instructions. They
must have at least some notion of the science of
sampling, and its art. The ultimate quality of social'

research depends upon the data which are gathered.