)V‘ESI.) RETURNING MATERIALS: Place in book drop to LJBRAfiJES remove this checkout from Jilllfil-Il. your record. FINES wil] be charged if book is returned after the date stamped below. __- £535 3 '5‘ I'LL-’V)"-J PRE-BIRTH EXPECTATIONS OF THE PATERNAL ROLE BY FIRST-TIME EXPECTANT PARENTS By Donna Warner Manczak A DISSERTATION Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Family and Child Ecology 1984 1 ABSTRACT PRE-BIRTH EXPECTATIONS OF THE PATERNAL ROLE BY FIRST-TIME EXPECTANT PARENTS By Donna Warner Manczak The major purpose of this qualitative study was to gain deeper understanding into paternal role formation with a special emphasis on how age at role entry affected paternal role development. The study examined patterns of variation and congruence in first-time expectant fathers' and mothers' pre-birth perceptions of the paternal role. Eight married, primiparous couples served as respondents. The research frame consisted of four couples in which husband and wife were 22 years of age or younger, and four couples in which husband and wife were 30 years of age or older. Minimally structured ethnographic interviews, both conjoint and individual, composed the data collection instrument. All of the conjoint interviews were co-conducted by the researcher and a male colleague; all of the individual interviews were conducted solely by the researcher. The study employed an emergent indexing scheme and thus data collection and analysis were done concurrently and dialectically. Data collection and analysis focused on interdependencies and interactions among multiple units--intrapersonal, familial, and social--and emphasized how these system dynamics tended to support or (obstruct plans for paternal involvement in infant and child care. liypotheses to account for differences and similarities within and Donna Warner Manczak between couples were generated for the extended family, intrapersonal, and marital systems. Dedicated to the memory of Dr. Beatrice Paolucci ii ACKNOHLEDGMENTS I first wish to acknowledge my committee chairperson, Dr. Donald Melcer, whose strong commitment to healthy family life inspired the topic of this investigation, and whose steadfast support sustained me through the entire research effort. With my deepest gratitude and respect, I am especially indebted to Dr. Linda Nelson who introduced me to the fascinating world of ethnography. She was extraordinarily generous with her wisdom and experience, and provided invaluable guidance and stimulation from the earliest stages. I also extend sincerest appreciation to Dr. Lawrence Schiamberg not only for his assistance in incorporating a systems approach into my research study, but also for his careful and critical readings of my drafts. My Denver-based committee member, Dr. Richard Anstett, deserves special mention for cheerfully blazing the trail within the medical system leading to respondent couples. I wish to express my appreciation to my co-interviewer, Roger Mellott, for grasping quickly the essence of ethnographic interviewing, and for providing creative energy during the interview sessions. A most special thanks to all of my respondents who taught me about the transition to parenthood by openly sharing their experiences and expectations. I am deeply grateful to my parents, Burke and Natalie Fossee, for their unfailing love and confidence in me. Finally, I wish to recognize my husband, Richard Manczak, who supported me unselfishly and lovingly in countless ways, and who now wholeheartedly welcomes me back into the family circle. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES .......................... viii LIST OF FIGURES .......................... ix CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION ........................ 1 Statement of Need ...................... 1 Statement of Purpose . . . . . ............... 8 Statement of Questions . . . ................ 9 Definitions of Important Terms ............... 9 II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE .................. 10 Introduction ...... . . . ............... 10 Pre-Birth StUdIESo o o o o o o o o o oooooooooooo 12 Expectant Fathers as Respondents ............. 12 Expectant Couples as Respondents ............. 15 Pre- and Post-Birth Studies. . . .............. 18 POSt-Birth StUdieS o o o o o 0000000000000000 23 Summary. . . . . ...................... 37 III. METHODOLOGY ......................... 44 Introduction ........................ 44 Pilot Study. . . ...................... 44 Research Approach ...... . . . ............. 45 Qualitative versus Quantitative .............. 45 Reliability and Validity ................. 46 Field Notes. . . . . .................... 48 Respondents. . . . . . . . . ................ 49 Respondent Characteristics ................ 49 Respondent Description ................. . 50 Pseudonyms . . . . . ................... 52 Recruitment. . . . . . . .................. 53 Locating Respondents .................. . 53 Initiation of Relationship ................ 56 IV. Setting. . . . ....................... 58 Instrumentation ....................... 59 Introduction . ...................... 59 Funnel Approach ...................... 60 Interview Format ..................... 63 Interview Sequence . ................... 66 Debriefing ........................ 66 Researcher Characteristics ......... . ....... 67 Research Team ........................ 69 Data Analysis. . ...................... 72 ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS .................... 75 Introduction . . . . .......... . . . . 75 Section I. How do Past and Present Inputs from Families of Origin Affect Paternal Role Expectations?. . . . .................. 76 Section II. What Factors Occurring within the Expectant Fathers' Personal Systems Influence Expectations of Paternal Involvement? ...................... 99 Section III. How Do Wives Affect Their Husbands' Future Paternal Involvement Through Implicit and Explicit Attitudes and Behaviors? ............... . ........ 122 Section IV: How Do Prospective Mothers and Fathers View Themselves as Similar or Different in Future Interactions with Their Infants? ........................ 134 Section V. What Types of Marital Dynamics Foster or Impede Equitable Anticipated Paternal Involvement? ................... 142 SUMMARY AND IMPLICATIONS FOR RESEARCH AND PRACTICE ......................... 158 Introduction ........ ‘ ................ 158 Summary of Findings ..................... 159 Models ........................... 165 Implications for Research .................. 169 Future Studies ...................... 169 Hypotheses ........................ 171 Recruitment of Respondents ................ 174 Interview Team ...................... 175 Implications for Practice .................. 175 Introduction ....................... 175 Prenatal Visits ...................... 176 vi Page Expectant Father Groups .................. 177 Marital Interventions ................... 179 BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................... 187 APPENDIX A: PILOT STUDY ..................... 197 APPENDIX B: DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE INFORMATION SHEET ........ 211 APPENDIX C: LETTER TO RESPONDENTS ................ 212 APPENDIX D: LETTER TO PHYSICIANS ................. 213 APPENDIX E: CONSENT FORM. . ................... 215 APPENDIX E: TOPIC AREAS AND EXAMPLES OF INTERVIEW QUESTIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . ......... 217 APPENDIX G: DOMAIN ANALYSIS WORKSHEETS .............. 220 APPENDIX H: DEFINITION OF TERMS USED IN DATA ANALYSIS WORKSHEETS ................ 236 vii LIST OF TABLES TABLE PAGE 1. Approximate Length of Time Married at Conception ........................ 50 2. Age at Interview ...................... 50 3. Education .......................... 51 4. Occupation ......................... 51 5. Race ............................ 51 6. Religion . ..... . ................... 52 7. Parents Living or Deceased ................. 52 8. Approximate Geographic Distance from Parent(s). ...... . . . . .............. 52 9. Reasons for Failure to Become Respondent (Female 22 years or younger) ............... 55 10. Reasons for Failure to Become Respondent (Female 30 years or older) . . . . ............ 56 viii FIGURE 1. 014309 QCDV LIST OF FIGURES PAGE Units Interacting with Expectant Fathers .......... 167 Factors Affecting Paternal Role Expectations ........ 168 Pilot Domain Analysis Worksheet ............... 210 Respondent Domain Analysis Worksheet ............ 220 System Domain Analysis Worksheet .............. 221 Extended Family Domain Analysis Worksheet. . ........ 224 Expectant Father Domain Analysis Worksheet ......... 227 Spouse Domain Analysis Worksheet .............. 230 Marital Domain Analysis Worksheet .............. 233 ix CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Statement of Need Paternal role opportunities are expanding rapidly as distinct parental role divisions based primarily on gender continue to diminish. The emphasis on father-as-provider is yielding to encompass greater affection, caregiving, and emotional expression. Parenthood is no longer necessarily synonymous with motherhood. As Fein (1978) observes: We find ourselves . . . in the midst of a series of reconsiderations [Wherél previously accepted models of womanhood, manhood, of work, of family life . . . are being scrutinized, examined, remade. (p. 327) Nowhere is this state of individual and couple disequilibrium more acute than in family systems experiencing the transition to parenthood. Even under optimal conditions, unprecedented role adaptations are necessary if family stability is to be maintained. The marital dyad transforms, rather abruptly, into a markedly more complex family triad. Each partner approaches this transition with a more or less articulated set of paternal role expectations; although paternal attitudes and behaviors evolve over a life-time, patterns begin to form during pregnancy as the interplay among husband, wife, and unborn child begins to shape the parental reality. Particularly with the broadening array of paternal behaviors considered appropriate, it should not be assumed that expectant mother and father share the same assumptions concerning the father's future parenting role. Prospective parents' expectations may be congruent or not with respect to whether the father will likely adopt a traditional, more detached breadwinner style or a less conventional more involved, nurturer-caregiver mode. It is assumed in this study that congruence between a couple's pre-birth expectations is desirable but that, in general, consonant pre-birth assumptions of fullest father expression lead to optimum family functioning and effectiveness. Reiber (1976) aptly expresses this attitude: Shared nurturing can allow enjoyment of and with children by both parents. . . . Mostly, it allows greater tenderness to be a part of family life, if the members choose to develop that component of human emotion. And, lastly, with all of its proposed joys, child care is a drain on a single human being--whatever the sex. (p. 369) Despite an encouraging trend toward fuller father involvement, sociohistoric influences on contemporary role expectations cannot be ignored. Historically a unidirectional model of fatherhood was valued. Theorists and researchers focused narrowly and exclusively on the father's breadwinning responsibilities; he was assumed to have no significant relationship to his infant other than through his wife (Lamb & Lamb, 1976). Nurturant father behaviors, in fact, were even considered "inappropriate" (Josselyn, 1965). Bettelheim (1956) embraced this philosophy: Today's father is often advised to participate in infant care as much as the mother does, so that he, too, will be as emotionally enriched as she. Unfortunately, this is somewhat empty advice because the male physiology and that part of his psychology based on it are not geared to infant care. . . . The relationship between father and child is built around a man's function in society: moral, economic, and political. (p. 124) Jessner, Weigert, and Foy (1970) optimistically observe, however, that the evolving social structure is redefining and emphasizing the participant role of the expectant father and new father with many factors contributing to this redefinition: changing family structure, shifting cultural definitions of masculinity, and increasing recognition of the emotional impact of fatherhood. Research evidence points increasingly to the significant role of the father during the perinatal period and to the fact that men serve far-reaching functions beyond breadwinning for their infants. Yet, as Jessner and her colleagues (1970) also note: Becoming a father is, to a great extent, still covered with the dust of stereotypes and conventions. This stereotype is mainly built up by the role assigned to the father by others: his wife, parents, in-laws, and peers. (p. 230) The traditional paternal role pattern is still dominant in our society to a large extent and far less caretaking is still expected from men (Sawin & Parke, 1979). Present-day expectant fathers continue to report feeling useless, inept, and jealous (Waletzky, 1979); excluded and competitive (Brazelton, 1981); and isolated, frightened, and resentful (Obrzut, 1976) of their secondary role status. Suppressed conflict may surface as non-interest and non- involvement. Moreover, Bettelheim's (1956) assumptions continue to be illustrated vividly even in more contemporary transition-to-parenthood literature. The researchers of a study, "Father Participation in Infancy,” one of the first to acknowledge the possibility of interactions between father and infant, admitted that the study might have been improved if they had actually observed or interviewed fathers (Pederson & Robson, 1969). Similarly, a multidisciplinary team of researchers, in a study entitled, The Firstborn (Senn & Hartford, 1968), collected data from eight families over a two-year period and concluded that "lack of information about other family members, especially the father, was certainly an important limitation of data. . . . [W]hat we learned about the fathers came mainly from the mothers" (p. 27). Research still largely emphasizes how pregnancy affects women (LaRossa, 1977). Investigators note that more attention has been given to the intrapsychic and hormonal processes of pregnancy than to the social, interpersonal exchanges (Gladieux, 1978). The overwhelming majority of transition-to-parenthood studies have given the mother-infant dyad focal consideration with little concern for the father and even less for the dynamic interactions among mother, father, and unborn child or neonate (Rapoport, Rapoport, & Strelitz, 1977). Rarely do researchers consult fathers directly even when investigating the relationship between father and infant. Most of the information has been obtained by way of the wife's perceptions (Benson, 1968; Nash, 1965). LeMasters (1974) hypothesized that the reason might be an assumption that the father is unimportant in the childrearing process. Another possible explanation may lie in the relative inaccessibility of male subjects. Fein (1976) claimed that despite a growing interest among men in pregnancy, birth, and infant care, little is known about men's experiences before the birth of a first child. He pointed out that most existing studies of the expectant fatherhood experience which are published in clinical and social literature tend to emphasize pathological experiences with such titles as, "Fatherhood as a Precipitant of Mental Illness" (Wainwright, 1966), or, "Paranoid Psychoses Associated with Impending or Newly-Established Fatherhood" (Retterstol, 1968). In large part, the research problem has been expressed in individualistic, non-systems terms and has been one of finding out what there was about expectant and new fathers that made them disturbed and anxious or uninterested and uninvolved. In order to increase understanding of the determinants of father- infant involvement, therefore, it is necessary to study pre-birth dynamics in the system of marriage. The pregnancy period has been inadequately studied and research in this area may be productive in providing insights into anticipation processes (Rapoport, Rapoport, & Strelitz, 1977). This study will respond to the need for research examining both husbands' and wives' perspectives and will focus on the perceptions and interactions that tend to support or obstruct fullest anticipated paternal nurturance and care. An attempt will be made to make explicit prospective parents' value and belief systems relevant to the issue of paternal involvement. The study of reciprocity is also crucial to learning more about the new family role fathers will play. Limited studies indicate, for example, that when wives fail to convey clearly the significance of their husbands' involvement with their children, there is reciprocal failure on the part of the husbands to become involved (Reiber, 1976). Support from wives appears to matter considerably. Despite fathers' apparent interest and competence in infant care (Parke & Sawin, 1976), men do not tumble effortlessly into their new roles of nurturer and caregiver. Research suggests that wives' acceptance or rejection of husbands' caretaking responsibilities significantly affects paternal adjustment and paternal care (Wandersman, 1980). Further, women's pre-birth choices for father-involvement have been shown to influence actual involvement more than men's pre-birth choices (Fein, 1976; Reiber, 1976). Wives, so central to husbands' participation, may respond with ambivalence toward their husbands' perceived interest in caretaking: For women have been so strongly socialized to believe that childrearing is both their responsibility and their unique way of demonstrating worth that their husbands' ability in this role may be threatening to them, taking away the conventional means of demonstrating their worth and competence at a time when alternative means are not fully available. (Berger, 1979, p. 641) Conversely, women may respond with enthusiasm and a high level of active support. Men's healthy postpartum adjustments and full participation in infant activities have been linked to dynamics within the marital system as well (Caplan, 1960; Wandersman, Wandersman, & Kahn, 1980). This study will examine reciprocal dynamics within the expectant family system. Age of the expectant parents also may have critical relevance to the manner in which families assign and assume parental responsibilities, in general, and paternal responsibilities, in particular. Couples who marry young and have their first child soon after may be especially likely to be "locked into" traditional child caretaking roles (Ahammer, 1973). Parenthood may conflict with personal identity needs, for example, and may compound new fathers' lack of involvement during the perinatal period and beyond. 0n the other hand, couples who have their first child later in life may be more willing to experiment with parental role assignments due, perhaps, to a greater sense of confidence and self-esteem, or, they may, in fact, be more rigid in their decisions as a result of their more established family patterns. This study will explore how age may affect paternal role expectations. Another important source of influence on paternal role perceptions and behaviors is one's family of origin. Family specialists are increasingly noting the power of intergenerational connections (Boszormenyi-Nagy & Spark, 1973; Guerin & Pendagast, 1976; Satir, 1967). As expectant parents begin to add parenting to their repertoire of family functions, they tend to fall back on one of the few sources of thorough parent education--their own parents. A new father, for example, may adopt a parenting style quite similar to his own father's, or he may wish to alter his father's approach. Berger (1979) highlights the difficulties inherent in a radical generational shift in fathering philosophy. Few men . . . receive validation from their parents for the excellence of their . . . child care. Instead, these efforts are ignored or disparaged. . . .[U]ntraditional sex role behavior on the part of men is likely to be interpreted by their family of origin as an indication that they are not sufficiently manly. . . . Moreover, the adoption of new family roles is likely to threaten their parents, to call into question the parents' own marriages, and the parents' sense of appropriate gender and family roles. (pp. 642-643) Berger remarks further that however understandable the causes of these difficulties, they increase the cost incurred in the assumption of new family roles: Support from one's family of origin is crucial for men in helping them feel rooted and helping them feel all right about the changes they are endeavoring to make. It is hard to live outside the old social forces and not feel crazy. (p. 643) This study will additionally respond to the need to discover how past injunctions and prevailing patterns interact among three generations to influence both prospective mothers' as well as prospective fathers' expectations of the paternal role. Statement of Purpose The major purpose of this study is to gain deeper understanding into the less apparent family issue of paternal role formation with a special emphasis on how age at role entry may affect paternal role development by: (a) describing, in detail, variation in first-time expectant fathers' and mothers' pre-birth perceptions of the paternal role; (b) examining patterns of congruence and incongruence occurring within and between couples; and (c) suggesting hypotheses to account for differences and similarities within and between couples. Statement of Questions Throughout the research process, there was consideration of questions, and those finally developed for analysis for both ages of families were: 1. How do past and present inputs from families of origin affect paternal role expectations? 2. What factors occurring within the expectant father's personal system influence expectations of paternal involvement? 3. How do wives affect their husbands' anticipated paternal involvement through implicit and explicit attitudes and behaviors? 4. How do prospective mothers and fathers view themselves as similar or different in future interactions with their infants? 5. What types of marital dynamics foster or impede equitable anticipated paternal involvement? Definitions of Important Terms [ggllyz a unit of interacting and interdependent personalities; both an environment for the individual and also a subsystem of the larger bio-social environment (Hook & Paolucci, 1970). Fathering: the process of providing directly and indirectly for the physical, emotional, spiritual, and psychological needs of one's offspring by a male parent (Obrzut, 1976). Role: the designation of the sum total of the cultural patterns associated with a particular status. It thus includes the attitudes, values, and behaviors ascribed by the society to persons occupying the status (Linton, 1945). CHAPTER II REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Introduction The basis of this study is formed by bringing together transition-to-parenthood literature, both pre- and post-birth, which has application to the study of paternal role expectations. The purpose of this review is to cast some theoretical and empirical understanding on personal and family dynamics underlying father-infant involvement. Comparisons and summaries of transition-to-parenthood studies are difficult because of variation in unit of study, sampling time, and theoretical and methodological approach. The studies which are most relevant to this research focus on husband-wife dynamics during emerging parenthood, yet investigations in this area are quite sparse. This literature will be supplemented, therefore, by studies having less direct relationships but important implications nonetheless. The literature will be reviewed in relation to three levels of systems-—intrapersonal, marital, and intergenerational. The review will be limited to studies using either husband-wife dyads or male respondents explicitly as units of study. Studies will be grouped according to perinatal stage in which data were collected: pre-birth, pre- and post-birth, post-birth. With rare exception, these studies 10 11 were selected for review because they employed non-clinical samples and used a developmental, non-crisis approach to the event of a first birth. Each of the following characteristics was considered in the selection of the respondents in at least one pre-birth or pre- and post-birth study included in the review: marital status, gender, income, geographic location, stage of pregnancy, number of previous children, participation in prenatal education program, degree of pregnancy complications, degree of birth complications, and level of emotional functioning. The numbers of selection criteria for each pre- and post-birth study were small, probably due, at least in part, to a desire for more expeditious execution of the research. Profile characteristics are cited and discussed in the review only when they appear in the researchers' analyses and have relevance to the study of paternal role expectations. Because expectant fathers' personal feelings about impending parenthood are crucial to their expectations of future participation, a review of the research specifically addressing the experience of the expectant father will be given first. This will be followed by an examination of studies which address interactions between the marital and parental systems, with particular emphasis on how these dynamics relate to the emerging paternal role. Finally, while it is not the intent of this study to research the paternal-infant relationship per se, several major studies related to this topic will be included in this review in order to gain insights into the formative aspects of this relationship. A complete inventory of selection criteria for respondents participating in post-birth studies is not included 12 because it is not pertinent to the study of pre-birth expectations. Some selection and profile factors are cited and discussed, however, when they do appear to have relevance to the study of paternal role expectations. Pre-Birth Studies Expectant Fathers as Respondents One of the first studies to explore expectant fathers' interests and apprehensions relative to their entry into fatherhood was conducted by Bernstein and Cyr (1957). They assert: A more precise appraisal of what happens to the father in relation to his child, his wife, and himself seems imperative if we are to begin to understand him in his role in the mother-father-child unit which constitutes the basic family pattern in most areas of American society. (p. 473) Thirty-one first-time prospective fathers were interviewed in-depth. The fathers mentioned concerns related to themselves, their marriages, and families of origin twice as frequently as environmental problems, such as financial or work arrangements. Additionally, they appeared to be significantly interested in perinatal activities. The researchers suggested that more attention should be devoted to finding out why initially high interest was not sustained. Profile data revealed that two-fifths of the respondents were barely out of adolescence. The researchers discovered that some of the younger and less financially secure men were most confident about impending fatherhood; some of the older men were most questioning of their abilities. For some men in the study, approaching fatherhood prompted thoughts of unhappy and emotionally deprived childhoods. They were 13 determined to provide a different, healthier family environment for their own children, even though they questioned their capacity to provide the climate they considered necessary for a happy childhood. Based on the results of the interviews with 64 "normal" first- time expectant fathers, Liebenberg (1969) concluded that "pregnancy is a period of heightened dependency for a man, a time when he needs mothering himself" (p. 267). Despite the fact that non-clinical respondents were selected, many of the prospective fathers in her study reacted to their wives' pregnancies in extremes by either denying that their wives were pregnant, or by almost fusing with the pregnancy and experiencing pregnancy-like symptoms themselves. Also to learn more about first-time expectant fathers' needs and concerns, Marquart (1976) interviewed 15 married men whose wives were in their third trimester of pregnancy. As in the Bernstein and Cyr (1957) and Liebenberg (1969) studies, most of the respondents felt that pregnancy was "personally stressful." In addition, most expressed that they had become much more protective of their wives and, thus, their children. Twenty first-time expectant fathers who were residents of a metropolitan area were interviewed when their wives were in their last trimester of pregnancy in order to gain insight into how they defined fathering (Obrzut, 1976). The study was descriptive with no hypotheses. Data from open-ended questions were placed into emergent content categories and percentage frequency of responses was tabulated. Thirty-nine percent of the respondents indicated that "breadwinner” was the primary role subsumed in fathering, while only 21% identified "nurturer-caregiver" in this way. When asked their 14 perceptions of the most important aspects of fathering, however, "nurturing" was cited by 33% of the sample, "teaching" by 31%, and "providing" by only 11%. Fathers-to-be identified the following areas of concern: “infant care skills" (80%); "adequacy as a father" (68%); “financial security" (35%); and "baby's effect on marriage" (30%). Obrzut's (1976) finding that the majority of the respondents were concerned about infant care relates to a study by Knox and Gilman (1974) described by Knox (1979). Of a sample of 102 first-time fathers, only 25% had discussed fatherhood with another male on several occasions during their wives' pregnancies, and over 40% had never fed a baby or changed a baby's diapers. Knox suggests that it would be inaccurate to assume that expectant fathers already know what to expect from the father role. May (1982) conducted a qualitative study of factors which contributed to first-time expectant fathers' readiness for parenthood. Twenty prospective fathers were interviewed in-depth. The following factors were identified as contributing to readiness for fatherhood: stability in the couple relationship, relative financial security, and sense of closure to the childless period of the couple relationship. A mailed questionnaire designed to tap changes occurring during first pregnancy was completed by a cross-section of 83 men whose wives were in various stages of pregnancy (Dodendorf, 1981). Unlike the studies cited previously, responses to close-ended questions revealed that all of the men reported quite positive feelings and attitudes regardless of where they were in the transition. It could be argued that the percentage of expectant fathers who returned the questionnaire (75%) were among the most content or, perhaps, the 15 instrument was not sensitive enough to tap the range of emotions experienced by the subjects. Notably, the men displayed a strong preference for the baby to be like their wives, rather than like themselves. Several demographic profile characteristics were highly related to positive scores, including father's age and length of marriage. Dodendorf posits that these two factors may represent a greater degree of maturity and breadwinning abilities. Expectant Couples as Respondents In the single study found which focused predominantly on a comparison between husbands' and wives' pre-birth perceptions, 128 first-time expectant fathers who were attending LaMaze classes in an urban community were given a 63-item questionnaire which asked them to respond to statements associated with marriage, pregnancy, and fatherhood (Wapner, 1976). Wives rated their husbands on the same issues using essentially the same questionnaire. Regrettably, Wapner failed to include sufficient data from the wives, thereby making specific husband-wife comparisons over a broad range of topics impossible. Wives rated their husbands statistically significantly lower on nurturant statements than husbands rated themselves. Wapner suggests that the differences may be explained, to some degree, by a gap between expectant fathers' more nurturant feelings and lack of expression of those feelings. Significant differences also appeared around the issue of the traditional role of the expectant father. Wives rated their husbands as more of a supportive figure than husbands perceived themselves. Wapner posits that first-time expectant mothers may need to feel that their husbands are supportive 16 and responsible, but not overly involved in the pregnancy. Although their actions were viewed as secondary by their wives, the men viewed their activities as central to their experiences as expectant fathers. Examination of the data revealed another discrepancy between intense positive feelings on the part of the prospective father and amount of actual behavioral involvement. As with Knox and Gilman's (1974) respondents, Wapner's expectant fathers displayed little behavioral involvement. The majority (61.7%) had never talked to their wives' physicians during the pregnancy nor read about pregnancy and childbirth to any significant extent (83.6%). Over 38% of the men indicated that they would I'almost always" or "often“ enjoy the child more when older. Wapner suggests that fathers may have few socially acceptable ways of translating their deep feelings about pregnancy and childhood into meaningful activities and may accept the cultural expectation that the father's role expands once the child shows evidence of the socialization process. In response to the statement, "I feel closer to my own father now that I am going to be a father myself," the majority (56.3%) checked “never“; 26.6% checked “sometimes"; 10.2% selected "often“; and a slight 4.7% checked "always.“ Gladieux (1978) studied 26 married, primiparous couples in research having as one focus sex-role behavior and intergenerational linkages. Three interviews were conducted with the women during their pregnancies. Men were interviewed at the first session only. Results showed that women with "modern” sex role conceptions had more distant connections and more often lacked close ties with their families of origin than women with more “traditional“ orientations. The modern 17 women were more apt to experience greater dissatisfaction about the pregnancy experience and had more conflicting attitudes and expectations. They were often married to men who shared their reservations and hesitancies about childbearing. Gladieux explains: These women were sometimes cast adrift without the moorings or connections that might make their experience more valuable, special, and gratifying. . . . [On the other hand], for a traditional woman, pregnancy is not simply an isolated event. . . .Instead childbirth is valued and takes on extended meaning. Conveyed to the parturient woman by her relations, in part, is the wisdom that comes with seasoned experience. She senses connection to her heritage and recognizes contributions to future generations. (p. 293) Unfortunately, little research attention was devoted to the husbands' relationships with their families of origin. LaRossa (1977) conducted multiple, in-depth conjoint interviews with 16 married couples during their first pregnancy in an attempt to study the reciprocal effects between pregnancy and marriage. The selection procedure was non-purposive with the only criteria being “primiparous women whose babies were due within a specified time frame" (p. 22). The interviews were scheduled during the 12th, 20th, 28th, and 36th week of pregnancy and were conducted in the couples' homes for approximately one and one-half hours per session. It was not LaRossa's intent to isolate variables and test hypotheses. Rather, two general questions guided his inquiry: 1. How does the husband-wife system work during pregnancy? 2. How does the husband-wife system work in general? 18 Analytical categories were developed using an emergent category scheme. After synthesizing interview transcripts into a coherent framework, LaRossa concluded that marriage, and marriage during first pregnancy in particular, is best understood from a conflict perspective whereby the marital dyad is conceptualized as a "system in which confrontation (conflict of interest) is inevitable and agreement problematic" (p. 29). Pre- and Post-Birth Studies Deutscher (1970) conducted a study of normal progressive development through the transition to parenthood with 10 couples before and after the birth of their first child. Each spouse was interviewed individually during the second trimester, and both spouses were interviewed together three months after the birth. Deutscher identified an “alliance of pregnancy“ based on the need for a working interaction of communication and emotional sharing. He declared that the continuation of this alliance was decisive for the positive course of pregnancy and delivery and critical to the new beginnings of family life. Further, he identified a "rehearsal aspect" of pregnancy where each spouse tried out his or her own and the other's sense of family and parenting style to achieve one that blended the many differences and perceptions each brought to new parenthood. In addition, most of the couples could be characterized by "intensive scanning" of their early family life as they disclosed early memories of family relationships and feelings. Wenner et al. (1969)--all psychoanalysts--attempted to evaluate a variety of responses to pregnancy by interviewing 52 married, pregnant women weekly from the beginning of the second trimester until three 19 months postpartum. Additional data were obtained from two interviews with the husbands, one during pregnancy and the second following birth. Numerous factors were found to affect the psychological course of pregnancy, the most significant being the quality of the marital relationship. Husbands were found to be much more supportive and useful during the perinatal period than their wives assumed them to be: The relative ease with which the husbands could be mobilized to activity when seriously asked for help seems to indicate that the vague image of the husband's role in the minds of both men and women in our society plays a part in his frequent lack of involvement. (p. 408) Wenner and her colleagues reflect Bernstein and Cyr's (1957) assertion that further study is needed to delineate reasons underlying the neglected role of the husband in the childbearing process. Likewise, to investigate why men experience a relatively low level of involvement in all phases of childrearing, Reiber (1976) studied nine couples expecting their first child. Multiple methods were used to gather data, including conjoint pre- and postpartum interviews. Reiber's major finding was that the females dictated paternal role assignments to a large degree. If during the prenatal interview wives indicated apparent interest in having their husbands involved in future infant care, husbands agreed they would be. Conversely, when the wives said that they wanted to provide most of the infant nurturing and caregiving, their spouses indicated that they would be involved to a much lesser extent. Follow-up interviews 20 revealed that what actually occurred in family systems postpartum was consistent with prenatal expectations. Reiber postulates: Could it be that some women, just as influenced by social and other forces as men, cannot permit intrusion of the male into the nursery wanting to keep the infant bond their own? (p. 368) Reiber also discovered that the fathers she interviewed tended to model nurturing behaviors toward their infants after their wives. Similar modeling behavior was reported by Knox (1979) who found that women who reacted favorably to their roles as new parents influenced their husbands to respond in comparable fashion. In one of the first in-depth studies to provide information about emerging fatherhood using a normal, developmental approach, 30 middle- income husbands and wives from the greater Boston area were interviewed together in their homes for two and one-half hours four weeks before and six weeks after the birth of their first child (Fein, 1976, 1978). The purpose of this exploratory field study was to learn more about the couples' transition into parenthood with a special focus on the men's experiences. All couples participated in some form of child-birth preparation education. Interview data were gathered using a variety of projective and self-report techniques. When first asked to describe their feelings during the prenatal period, the men usually answered in terms of their wives' experiences and feelings. When encouraged to respond with their own perceptions, the prospective fathers seemed to share those of their wives with some mentioning that they thought of themselves as part of a "pregnant couple." In the last month of pregnancy, husbands expressed significant concern about how to care for a baby and how to parent. Twenty-three of the men 21 brought little or no child care experience, particularly with babies, into their new roles as fathers. One expectant father expressed his apprehension in the following way: When I was little, my father never really took care of me. He was the breadwinner and I guess he demanded respect more than he gave. But now the norms seem to have changed. Men are expected to take care of children. I feel I ought to care for children, but I don't really know how. I'm afraid I won't be a good father. (Fein, 1978, p. 333) When interviewed initially, the seven men with child care experience expected to be more involved with their babies and, at the post-birth interview, were, indeed, more active than other men. Further, while feelings of exclusion from family life were relatively common, a comparison of pre- and post-adjustment data indicated that men who shared in infant caretaking more actively with their wives experienced reduced infant-related anxiety and greater satisfaction compared to other men. Another factor that appeared to be central to new fathers' functional postpartum adjustment was the adoption of a coherent role set; that is, a pattern of behavior that met their needs and the needs of their wives. Nineteen men seemed to adapt in a healthy fashion to their new roles as fathers and most of them adopted one of two mutually agreed upon roles: breadwinner (distinct role division) or non-traditional father (equal partner in infant care). On average, wives of breadwinner husbands appeared to enjoy full-time mothering and wives of non-traditional men wanted to combine mothering with employment activities. The men who had more difficulty adjusting to 22 postpartum life seemed to be unsure about how much they wanted to be involved with their infants. Their wives shared this uncertainty and desired, on one hand, full husband involvement and yet, on the other hand, wanted to protect their role as principal caretaker. One father spoke of not having much in common with his baby until the child could talk, yet felt pressured by his wife to participate more actively in infant care. Another father wanted to be involved with his child to a greater degree but did not want to upset his wife who was ambivalent about how much she wanted to share parenting with him. The researcher observed that wives' pre-birth expectations of their husbands' infant- related roles predicted post-birth involvement more accurately than husbands' own perceptions. Fein also discovered considerable variation in men's feelings and participation during pregnancy and infancy even though all of them attended childbirth preparation classes and assisted during the birth of their babies. He suggested that any simple relationship between childbirth preparation and later fathering is unlikely and that paternal participation is affected by interactions within the marital system to a greater extent. He hypothesized that husband and wife make explicit "deals" during pregnancy as to the division of infant- related responsibilities after birth. With respect to families of origin, many men in Fein's study mentioned that they did not want to be as emotionally distant from their children as their fathers had been from them; yet, they felt they had no role models from their childhoods for their more nurturant, desired paternal role. This finding was identical to Bernstein and Cyr's (1957) almost two decades earlier. 23 In another exploratory study, eight couples experiencing their first pregnancy were followed by the researchers from early in the pregnancy until their infants were approximately six months old (Cowan, Cowan, Coie, & Coie, 1978). The purpose of the study was to learn more about the natural history of becoming a family. Questionnaires administered at the beginning and completion of the study were used in conjunction with extended interviews. One of the focal issues addressed by the instruments was social role behavior related to infant care. During pregnancy, each individual rated his or her predicted level of responsibility for a number of baby care responsibilities using a nine-point scale spanning "solely one's responsibility" to "solely partner's responsibility." The couples' division of roles ranged from virtually no perceived role differentiation to extensive perceived traditional role differentiation. As illustrated in Fein's (1976) research, partners with congruent orientations felt they had an equitable division of labor; partners with incongruent orientations experienced more dissatisfaction and conflict over role divisions. The researchers observed that partners who entered parenthood with a spirit of "coupleness" were better able to cope with infant care tasks if their family style continued to stress mutuality. Of significance, prior to the study, few couples engaged in a discussion in which they communicated their attitudes and expectations about future parenthood. Post-Birth Studies In a now classic study of parenthood, LeMasters (1957) interviewed 46 urban, middle-class couples whose first child was not over five years. Eighty-three percent of the couples reported the birth 24 as precipitating what the researcher and couple jointly agreed to be "extreme" or "severe" crisis. LeMasters suggested that the impact of becoming a parent was more profound for the husband than the wife, with most fathers feeling that they had no preparation for their new role whatsoever. One noteworthy profile factor related to the severity of crisis was found to be associated with women's employment status. LeMasters discovered that the mothers with professional work experience suffered "extensive" or ”severe" crisis in every case. He believed this was the result of women giving up an occupation which provided them deep gratification. Essentially replicating LeMasters' study, Dyer (1963) used much the same type of respondents--32 middle-class couples whose first child had been born within the previous two years. Unlike LeMasters' study, however, a Likert-type scale was used to measure the couples' crisis levels. Fifty-three percent of the couples indicated that they experienced new parenthood as "extreme" or "severe" crisis. Significant negative relationships were discovered between "crisis" and marital adjustment rating, preparation for marriage courses, number of years married, and planned parenthood. Hobbs' (1965) random sample of 53 couples who were more recent first-time parents reported considerably different experiences from those of LeMasters and Dyer. In response to a 23-item checklist, no couple checked that they had been “bothered“ to a "severe" or "extreme" level of crisis during the transition and, in fact, 87% of the couples selected the "slight" crisis category. The coefficient between father's income and crisis score (-.37) was statistically significant. 25 Similarly, a random sample of 271 urban lower and middle social class couples whose first child had been born within the previous six to 56 weeks completed the same 23-item checklist used by Hobbs (Russell, 1974). Recognizing positive aspects of childrearing, Russell included a 12-item gratification checklist as well. Crisis scores of fathers and mothers were analyzed separately and revealed that only 3.1% of the mothers and 4.8% of the fathers reported experiencing "extreme" or "severe" crisis. The lower the role of "father" in a self-described hierarchy of roles, the greater the reported stress in the transition, however. Of note, the support of the wife was found to play a significant role in paternal adjustment. Preparation for parenthood by attending classes, reading books, or caring for children was also significantly associated with men's parenthood gratification scores, but not with women's. The range of ages represented in the same was 17 to 47 for men, and 16 to 39 for women. Younger fathers were more likely to report a favorable reaction to parenthood than older fathers. Miller and Sollie (1980) postulate that the discrepancy between earlier and later "parenthood-as-crisis" studies may be explained, in part, by the focus on different aspects of the transition; earlier research tended to emphasize the changes and behavioral patterns themselves, while more recent research focused on the couples' perceptions of the changes. Additionally, both LeMasters' (1957) and Dyer's (1963) studies can be faulted for the length of time elapsing from the birth of the first child to the date of data collection and, in LeMasters' case, for experimenter effects. 26 In a preliminary study of healthy and unhealthy parental response to the crisis of premature birth, in-depth case analyses were done with 10 families (Caplan, 1960). Husbands' and wives' responses were analyzed separately and patterns of response with healthy and unhealthy outcomes were delineated. Healthy patterns were characterized by mutuality; that is, sensitivity to the other's needs and feelings, flexibility in the role of comforter and helper, and relative lack of rivalry between mother and father: In the cases where the husband has well-marked nurturant impulses toward the baby, the wife encourages them and freely accepts his help with baby care. (p. 372) In contrast, a common pattern associated with less healthy outcomes took the form of competition between husband and wife, particularly when both had "nurturant impulses." Instead of collaboration, competition ensued when the husband attempted to become involved more actively with his infant: Nurturant tendencies in the husband are seen by the wife, in these cases, as threatening, and she defends herself by ridicule and derogatory statements about his feminine qualities. (p. 373) The effect of husband-wife dynamics on paternal involvement was also one area of study by Wente and Crockenberg (1976). Forty-six Caucasian men in three phases of the transition to parenthood were studied by means of a questionnaire and semi-structured interview. Two of several areas addressed by the questionnaire were type of baby care care provided by the father and adjustment difficulties in the marital relationship. A total adjustment score was computed. Immediately following the completion of the questionnaire, the 27 interview was conducted to clarify and expand upon the questionnaire responses. The wife was often present but did not participate. The questionnaire items which dealt most directly with the marital relationship all correlated at a high level of significance with the total adjustment score (pkf.001). Lack of knowledge of parenting also correlated with total adjustment at the .001 level. Several fathers mentioned that they had expected to be more involved in infant care than they actually were, and cited work demands and their wives' breastfeeding as possible reasons for this discrepancy. No significant differences in postpartum adjustment difficulty were found in matched samples of LaMaze fathers contrasted with non-LaMaze fathers. Wives' emotional support seemed to have a more positive effect on husbands' postpartum adjustment than husbands' childbirth education and involvement. Forty-seven first-time fathers, all from the middle class, completed self-reports addressing their sense of competence as parents, feeling of well-being, marital relationship, view of their babies' temperaments, and social support systems at approximately two, five, and nine months after delivery (Wandersman, 1980). Fathers attending parenting groups (n_= 20) exhibited essentially the same pattern of adjustment as did fathers who did not participate in the groups (n = 27). As in Wente and Crockenberg's (1976) and Fein's (1976, 1978) research, fathers' general well-being and sense of paternal competence were strongly positively associated with the quality of the marital relationship. The investigator cited a study by Belsky (1979) which found that fathering was more related to marital interaction than was mothering. 28 Questionnaires were completed by 18 fathers and 23 mothers attending postpartum parenting education classes, and 24 fathers and 23 mothers in a control group when their infants were approximately two and nine months of age (Wandersman, Wandersman, & Kahn, 1980). This was the first baby for all of the parents. Several types of support, including parenting group support and marital support, were assessed and related to new parents' self-appraisal of parental sense of competence. Membership in parenting groups did not play a key role in predicting postpartum adjustment. Consistent with Wandersman (1980) and Wente and Crockenberg (1976), the perceived marital cohesion did predict fathers' reports of parental sense of competence. It did not, however, affect mothers' reports of parental sense of competence. Measures of changes of perceived stresses during the transition to parenthood were studied (Miller & Sollie, 1980; Sollie & Miller, 1980). Although data were collected both pre- and post-birth, this study is included in the post-birth section of this review because the researchers elected to discuss post-birth findings almost exclusively. One hundred and nine couples recruited through three hospital—based childbirth preparation courses completed questionnaires at three different points in time: when the wife was in mid-pregnancy, when the baby was approximately five weeks old, and when the baby was approximately seven months old. The questionnaires contained both open-ended and closed-ended questions. Quantitative data revealed that husband-wife integration was strengthened through the discussion of each spouse's expectations of their own and the other's role after the birth of their child. It is unclear from the description of the 29 study whether the discussions took place before or after the birth, or both. Responses to the open-ended question, "Would you please write just a few things, both positive and negative, about what the baby has meant in your life?" indicated differences between new mothers and fathers. Mothers described the special mother-child love they experienced; fathers were more likely to write about strengthened feelings for their spouses and feelings of love for their families rather than a special father-child love. Fathers did not comment on fatherhood as specifically as mothers responded about motherhood. Instead, they discussed parenthood in general and sense of “family." Most of the comments related to the physical and emotional demands of the infant were made by the mothers. Men's participation in caretaking activities was viewed as “helping" by their wives. No data were reported with respect to whether fathers also perceived their activities as “helping"; hence, no specific comparisons can be made. In addition, new parenthood seemed to lead to a greater appreciation of the respondents' own parents. Fifty-two new fathers completed a questionnaire addressing their feelings toward their newborns (Leonard, 1976). Profile data showed that most of the men had little or no experience in taking care of children and none of the men had experience in taking care of infants. The factors which had the most significant positive correlation with fathers' levels of involvement with their infants were enjoyment of their young children and experience with them. Another significant, positively-correlated factor was fathers' knowledge of baby care. Open-ended in-depth interviews were conducted conjointly with 20, Caucasian, middle-class couples during the third, sixth, and ninth 30 month after the birth of their first or second child (LaRossa & LaRossa, 1981). The general research goal was to discover how infants change families. Each interview lasted one to one and one-half hours. An ethnographic research approach was used with full opportunity for parents to raise issues that were important to them. Data revealed that homemaker-mothers spent approximately seven times more time in infant-related activities than fathers; employed mothers spent approximately twice as much time as fathers. When men did engage in infant care, they tended to use words like "helping" rather than "sharing“ to describe their involvement. Likewise, women considered their husbands' involvement in terms of "helping" in much the same way that Sollie and Miller's (1980) respondents did. The researchers also discovered that the first signs of fathers' "role-distancing" and mothers' "role—embracing“ appeared before the baby was born. The expectant mothers bought the infant care books, for example, and expectant fathers participated in the pregnancy under their wives' directions. After the birth, a greater proportion of males expressed interest in expanding their family roles; yet, women tended to want to remain chiefly responsible. LaRossa and LaRossa contend that the central issue is not "task equality" but, rather, whether the role arrangement is “equitable" to both new mother and father. Parke and Sawin (1976) describe a series of observational studies of father-infant interaction during the newborn period and arrive at several conclusions. The following section will list each of Parke and Sawin's four conclusions and describe, in brief, selected studies from their review. This will be augmented by several additional related studies. 31 1. Fathers are interested and, if provided the Opportunity, do become involved with infants. Numerous studies report that fathers who participate in the process of birth describe the experience as one of the most important events of their lives and feel an accompanying sense of fulfillment and accomplishment (Deutscher, 1970; Wente & Crockenberg, 1976). In a ground-breaking study, two groups of 15 first-time fathers from three British maternity hospitals completed written questionnaires which addressed their feelings toward their newborns two to three days after delivery (Greenberg & Morris, 1974). One group had been present at the time of their babies' births and the second group had contact with their babies shortly after birth. In addition to the written questionnaires, a series of clinical interviews was conducted with half of the total group. No highly significant differences were found between the two groups. A trend was discovered, however. Fathers who had been present at birth felt more comfortable picking up their babies and felt they could distinguish their baby from others all of the time, whereas fathers who were not present felt they could do this only some of the time. All of the fathers reported a profound feeling of "engrossment" with their infants--a sense of preoccupation, absorption, and deep interest. They felt they could easily distinguish their infants from others, perceived their babies as beautiful and perfect, and experienced extreme elation and strong attraction toward their infants. Many fathers expressed surprise at the degree of positive feelings they felt toward their babies. Similar to the Klaus and Kennell (1976) studies of maternal and infant bonding, Greenberg and Morris hypothesize that there is a basic, innate potential in fathers 32 to become engrossed by their infants and that the earlier the physical contact with the newborn, the more likely the engrossment phenomenon will be released and maintained. This is consistent with findings in a study reported by Phillips and Anzalone (1978) where fathers who spent 30 minutes with their newborns Spent more hours playing with them at three months of age than fathers who had not been granted 30 minutes of contact. Parke and Sawin (1976) cited two studies in their review related to father's interest in his newborn. First-time fathers and mothers were observed interacting with their infants in the mother's hospital room shortly after the birth of their first child (Parke, O'Leary, & West, 1972). All parents were middle-class Caucasians and all fathers but one had been present at delivery. Evidence suggested that fathers were just as involved and eager as mothers on most measures of infant- parent behaviors. Fathers even tended to hold their infants and rock them in their arms more than mothers. To overcome limitations inherent in an entirely white, middle-class sample, Parke and O'Leary (1976) observed first-time fathers from a lower socioeconomic class who were not present at delivery. The fathers were observed with their infants in two contexts--with and without the presence of the mother. As in the earlier study, the fathers appeared highly interested and actively involved with their infants. In fact, fathers tended to hold their infants and visually attend to them more than the mothers when observed in the triadic context. Fathers were equally active when observed alone with their newborns. Miller and Bowen (1982) examined the relationship between fathers' participation in preparenthood classes and delivery and the development of father-infant attachments by observing 46 men and their 33 infants in the wives' hospital room within 48 hours following birth. Twenty-nine of the fathers had been present at delivery and 17 had not. The observer and raters were naive as to whether or not the father had attended childbirth preparation classes or had been present at delivery. Six father behaviors were grouped into two sets: those which were relatively distal (inspection, verbalization, smiling) and those which were more proximal (tactile response, face-to-face or enface, holding). Results of an overall multivariate analysis of variance were not significant at the .05 level, but separate one-way ANOVAS did reveal that highest distal behaviors were exhibited by fathers who had been present at delivery. Total attachment scores were also higher for the group who had been present at delivery. Contrary to common expectation, none of the proximal behaviors was significantly different between groups. 2. Fathers are as nurturant as mothers in their interactions with infants. Scrutiny of the types of infant-related activities in which new mothers and fathers engaged provided little support for the proposition that fathers may be less nurturant than mothers. In studies cited by Parke and Sawin, middle-class fathers exhibited affectionate behaviors just as often as mothers (Parke, O'Leary, & West, 1972). A study of lower social class parents (Parke & O'Leary, 1976) revealed even more nurturant behavior on the part of the father than the mother in the triadic context. Moreover, early and frequent father involvement with infants has been reported to be important for a subsequent nurturant relationship with children (Rendina & Dickerscheid, 1976). 34 3. Fathers do apparently spend less time in feeding and caretakingactivities. Parke and Sawin highlighted a study which compared specific infant caretaking activities of mothers and fathers alone with their infants (Parke & O'Leary, 1976). Data provided some evidence of role differentiation between mother and father in the feeding context. Mothers spent more time feeding than the fathers even when both parents were available and the babies were bottle-fed. Manion (1977) studied 45 fathers by means of questionnaires shortly after the birth of their first child and at six weeks of age to determine the levels of their participation in infant caretaking and factors influencing such participation. Manion found that even though fathers had relatively early and frequent contact with their newborns, hospital staff rarely included them in instructions about infant care. Results indicated that fathers who attended prenatal classes had higher activity scores during labor and delivery than other fathers. Furthermore, fathers who participated more actively in the birth process had a higher degree of involvement with their infants six weeks later. For the most part, however, less than one- third of the fathers provided more than occasional caretaking of their six-week-old infants, although new fathers who remembered their own fathers as nurturant had higher infant participation scores than other men. Minimal infant caretaking was also reported in a study described by Knox (1979). Degree of participation in infant care by 102 first- time fathers of six-month-old infants was assessed by asking, “How many times have you fed your baby in the last week?“ Of those babies who were bottle-fed, "five" was the average number reported by the fathers. Fathers were also asked how many times they had changed the 35 babies' diapers during the last week and "six" was the average reply. (A six-month-old baby requires feeding approximately 28 times per week and diaper changing approximately 42 times per week (Knox, 1979).) In another caretaking study, 40 Caucasian fathers and their first-born infants were observed in two and one-half hour home visits (Rendina & Dickerscheid, 1976). Interactions fell into the categories of "caretaking,“ "affective proximal,“ and "social involvement." In general, findings disclosed that fathers spent more time playing with and giving affection to their babies than in providing routine physical care. In like manner, Dodendorf (1981) found that the most frequently checked activity in her questionnaire relative to new fathers' infant caretaking was “playing with/talking to." "Feeding" and “bathing" were the two least frequently checked activities. There are data to suggest a relationship between sex role concept and fathers' participation in child care during infancy. Twenty-six fathers were interviewed in their homes when their infants were three months of age. Responses to 16 open-ended questions were analyzed using 10 six-point rating scales developed for the study (Cordell, Parke, & Sawin, 1980). Examples of interview questions included, ”What is a father in your view?" and, "How are you and your wife the same in relation to your baby and how are you different?" The rating scales measured many dimensions: the number of child care functions and activities father felt they should perform, the degree to which fathers viewed themselves as same or different in relation to mothers, and the extent to which fathers viewed infant care as part of their role repertoire. Several significant associations were found among fathers' views. The degree to which the father viewed the mother and 36 the father as similar relative to their infant was positively correlated with their willingness to assume an active role in infant care (5 = .49, p Pwuwcmea cw ucmsm>Po>cH cw>Fo>CP meooma op mcomumuuoqxu mpcm pmcgmuaa acmuumww< weapon; ucmawuwpgma m>wuuw on ow me_mmo spews new zucmcmmsg co mxoon mcwummm mFOL Fecempwa mo cowume_w:mw> xmm owewumam sow mswmmo u—wsu ctonca Eosm psacH mpcmwcw cue: mucwwemaxm memo: chomsmq mo cowmmmsaxm mowewwczon ope; Faucmema we hpwpwnmeLma mwmmpcmuowce< mmmzoam mo mcsmuuma Lowswo meeeee opeee_=z aBPFPumecH xga0mo~wza mpos xFWEmm cowuwznw>WUCP toe mocmLmFOF cowpzpomms boe_eeoo to o_sbm :owpamucou mo m:_swp mmwwgsme mo zumcmp acmEm>Po>cw Fecempma usmzou .N mgammu mowemuczon waEmw we apwrwnmwsemm p:mEm>_o>cw chemuma nemzou mmuzuwupm Pmucmemm pawsm>_o>:w _Mpmcwema nonmawuwpc< peoqazm mesmums use chowgoem emamawuwpc< peoaazm mesmpme ucm Pocowuoem ucmeezu :owumEsom cowuw_mou emugmsmuiewzpoz xpwswxoea Pmuwgacsmomu mommpm wpuxo weep xPPEmm smzpme gee; awemeoebe_oe emea mem>emmemu Pouwvms muwpm_smuumsmcu mew; mo meo_>w;mn mcsmuuma Eoee mcowumuw>cH uwcaeemosmvowuom new mmuzuwuu< w_om Pmuwgoumw: auwc:EEou PacemsmasmucH waEom smwpuzz xpwEwm umucmuxm 169 Implications for Research Future Studies This quantitative study employed a small number of respondents; research emphasis was placed on generation rather than verification. Within their own age categories, respondents were remarkably similar with respect to socioeconomic level and geographical proximity to family of origin. In addition, all of the respondents were involved in father-assisted childbirth programs, and all but two were Caucasian. Therefore, more research in the area of paternal role development is indicated utilizing respondents with diversity along these dimensions. More diverse respondents are especially important in light of the fact that research data suggested an unusually strong relationship between chronological age and level of anticipated paternal involvement. The precise nature of this relationship is difficult to assess. It becomes confounded by other variables which appear to contribute to paternal expectations such as educational background and level of income. Expectations of full father participation in infant care, for example, may be due to the numerous system characteristics surrounding chronological age such as higher socioeconomic status and considerable geographical distance to extended kin generally found to a greater degree among older couples. Controls need to be introduced to isolate factors so that independent effects can be investigated. In sum, given the pronounced differences in expectation patterns which emerged between younger and older respondents, further quantitative research is warranted to verify the preliminary findings. Generalizations based on age at birth of first child could be made with greater confidence. 170 Although all of the respondents in this study were at least 18 years of age, a better knowledge of parental expectations among adolescent parents is also needed. An examination of findings from a recent study on pregnant teenagers' knowledge of infant development indicated that pregnant adolescents severely underestimate infants' needs (Epstein, 1979). Most research studies on adolescent pregnancy and birth have focused on the adolescent mother with little attention to the young father. Yet over half of more than 400,000 first births to women aged 15 to 19 in 1978 were either legitimated by marriage or postmaritally conceived (Alan Guttmacher Institute, 1981). Therefore, also important to consider are the paternal roles and expectations of fathers in adolescent families. The phenomenon of female-dictated paternal role assignments was observed in this study especially among younger couples. It would be beneficial to know whether similar dynamics operate when primiparous fathers are considerably older than their wives. Perusal of medical records and direct contact with potential respondents revealed that many younger expectant couples met all research criteria except "husband's age." (Husbands were older than the criterion allowed.) The majority of respondents for this investigation were obtaining prenatal care from family practitioners. Another area of interest is whether significant differences in paternal role expectations are associated with different types of obstetrical care. 00 the paternal expectations of couples who select home births, for example, differ from couples who select hospital births? Do discernible attitudinal and behavioral differences exist among family practitioners, obstetricians, and nurse midwives toward paternal perinatal 171 involvement? These questions are unanswered, and are crucial to increasing knowledge of the medical system determinants of the developing paternal role. Next, there appeared to be some evidence that sibling position and whether or not the pregnancy was planned contributed to the development of paternal expectations. These respondent characteristics are also worthy of additional consideration. Finally, this research focused on the development of paternal expectations during pregnancy; all data were gathered pre-birth. As yet, little is known about the relationship between pre-birth expectations and actual post-birth realities, and thus longitudinal data need to be obtained. Respondents from this investigation could be studied further (or new respondents could be enlisted) to gain insight into pre- and post-birth patterns. Multi-method qualitative and quantitative tools could be constructed utilizing material generated from the minimally-structured interviews and observations. Hypotheses One goal of this study was to generate hypotheses as a stimulus for further research. Hypotheses were not framed in advance of the collection of data, but rather followed directly from the data analysis. Hypotheses were postulated for the extended family, intrapersonal, and marital systems. Theoretical statements follow, and will be presented in the order in which data appear in the dissertation. 172 Extended Family System: - Historical paternal role patterns in the family of origin will contribute Significantly to expectations of the paternal role by first-time prospective parents. The parenting views of early childbearers and their parents will coincide to a greater degree than the parenting views of later childbearers and their parents. - Support from family of origin during the transition to parenthood is a function of age, geographical proximity, and socioeconomic status. - The greater the interaction between a mother and her expectant daughter, the less involved a new father will be with his infant. - The greater the support from extended family immediately following birth, the less involved a new father will be with his infant. - The more the families of origin embrace an early, active fathering role, the more likely a man will be to adopt an active parenting style during the transition to parenthood. Intrapersonal: . Expectations of an active paternal role are a function of age and socioeconomic status. - The younger the expectant father, the more initial reluctance or unfamiliarity he will display toward husband-coached childbirth. ~ Material distributed through childbirth preparation programs does not directly address expectant fathers' personal needs. 173 - First-time expectant fathers who participate in transition-to- parenthood interventions designed specifically for them will be more involved in infant care than their counterparts. - Differential paternal expectations based on gender of the child will appear as early as pregnancy. - Men will view caretaking of a female infant as more a part of their wives' domains than the caretaking of a male infant. . Multiple births are a determinant of active, perinatal father- involvement. - Peer support for an early, active fathering role will be positively related to age of prospective father. Marital: - First-time expectant mothers will perceive themselves as more competent in infant care than their husbands regardless of the wives' previous levels of experience with children. - The higher a wife's level of self-esteem, the more she will encourage her husband's involvement in infant care. - First-time prospective mothers' expectations of active paternal involvement are a function of age and socioeconomic status. - The degree of an expectant father's involvement in pregnancy will be associated to a significant degree with his wife's encouragement. - The greater the support from wives for their husbands' infant caretaking activities, the more new fathers will become involved in these activities. - Family role formations established prior to birth will be associated with the organization of parental roles following birth. 174 - Expectant women who plan to return to work shortly after birth will anticipate greater husband-involvement in infant care than expectant women who do not plan to return to work after the birth. . First-time expectant fathers will perceive their wives as more competent than themselves in infant care regardless of the wives' previous levels of experience with children. ~ The more energy an expectant mother anticipates infant care will consume, the more she will desire paternal involvement in infant care. - The degree of perinatal parental role negotiation is a function of age and socioeconomic status. . Pre-birth expectations of the paternal role will predict post- birth realities. Recruitment of Respondents Based on the recruitment experiences of this study, several recommendations are offered. First, researchers who desire to obtain respondents from medical care settings should enlist the support of behavioral science colleagues who work closely with key health providers. It was found that their opinions regarding the use of subjects for behavioral science research were respected by professionals who were not behavioral scientists. Second, it was discovered that the sooner and more directly the researcher became involved in the recruitment process, the more productive the recruitment outcome. The least effective recruitment method involved obtaining permission from several levels of hOSpital staff before recruitment procedures commenced with potential respondents. In addition, the researcher was dependent upon hospital staff members to 175 introduce the study to potential respondents. No respondents were recruited from this site. Conversely, the most effective recruitment strategy entailed the researcher sending a letter to a physician in private practice and including the name of a behavioral science colleague as an introduction. Upon a telephone call from the researcher, the physician provided names and telephone numbers of potential respondents in his or her practice, and the researcher followed-up directly with the potential respondent-couple. Interview Team A heterosexual interview team appeared to be an effective data collection strategy. The research experience pointed out, however, that a researcher interested in utilizing a team strategy to gather data should recruit a colleague who is committed to one location for the duration of the data collection phase. This would avoid unnecessary delay of data collection due to prolonged unavailability. Another recommendation would be for the researcher to draft a contract stating the terms of agreement. Items such as the necessity for weekend or evening work and anticipated timeline might be included. Implications for Practice Introduction The data have implications for practical interventions with expectant families as well. Groups for which these data appear appropriate are: . Family life specialists - Childbirth preparation instructors Obstetrical nurses Family practitioners 176 Obstetricians Directors of medical education In light of this, the following considerations are offered for professionals working with expectant couples. Prenatal Visits The perinatal period is a significant time for building a strong foundation for a loving relationship between mother, father, and infant. Consequently, the earlier an expectant father is welcomed into the family triad, the likelier he is to feel essential to the parenting process. This study found that the needs and interests of some of the expectant fathers were underestimated by their spouses and by medical caregivers. Some men were entering parenthood feeling ill- prepared and inadequate. During the recruitment process, it was found that the medical charts of some of the expectant mothers contained no information on the expectant fathers. Therefore, it is recommended that medical caregivers obtain demographic information on the prospective father was well as psycho-social information on the expectant couple during the first prenatal visit in order to facilitate meaningful interactions with the family system. Furthermore, it was discovered that some expectant fathers only became involved in prenatal visits and childbirth preparation programs after input to expectant mothers by medical caregivers. Based on this finding, it is recommended that health care providers take an active role to insure opportunities for early male involvement in pregnancy. One male respondent who was also a family physician offered advice to his colleagues: 177 Hugh: I'm not sure men feel real comfortable [accompanying their wives on prenatal visit§]--most men don't go to physicians anyway. . . . [I]t really requires that you as the physician continually say [to the expectant motheE], "I'd like to have your husband come in." . . . And eventually if something's really going wrong, you have to say, "Your husband has to come in.“ . . . [The physiciafi] needs to have available time. You can't schedule men to come in from work at 3 o'clock in the afternoon. You have to have Saturday hours or evening hours. . . . [E]ncouraging husbands when they do come in to participate--to feel the baby, and to listen to the baby, and to actively have some kind of touching experience with it--is really important. (Individual interview) Expectant Father Gropps This research additionally pointed out that younger fathers-to-be in particular had few traditional outlets for the discussion of transition-to-fatherhood issues. This would indicate a need for a program of mutual education and support designed specifically for prospective fathers. Existing childbirth preparation programs, while of considerable and unquestionable benefit, simply cannot directly address expectant fathers' needs for a number of reasons: the focus is essentially on labor and delivery, the orientation is primarily informational, and the group is composed of both men and women. 178 Fathers-to-be are likely to feel hesitant about revealing deep-felt concerns or asking seemingly trivial questions in this environment. Strong, well-considered programs for expectant fathers might have long-term beneficial impact upon the men's identities as fathers. Male respondents in this study responded favorably to interest expressed in their experiences, and provided suggestions for expectant father interventions: Aaron: Burke: Hugh: I think . . . classes [just for expectant fatherS] would be . . . helpful--just to see where everybody else is coming from, and chances are maybe some of them have [had childrefi] before and could tell you what to look forward to and what not to do. . . . You don't really learn that kind of stuff in high school. . . . They say you can get pregnant and all that, but they don't really say what happens after you do get pregnant. (Individual interview) [I would have liked] an all-husbands class [where] just the dads would meet and you could . . . just talk and find out what's going on with other fathers-~find out if you're different or if you're the same, and maybe [find out about] the psychology of raising kids, too. (Individual interview) [Childbirth preparation programS] need to have a special session for dads . . . a session where men could have a group and express their fears and 179 thoughts. . . . [Presently], it's always a woman presenting a woman's class. . . . [Men] would probably feel more comfortable [with] another group of men expressing emotions than perhaps a mixed group. . . . As it is, the focus [now] is always on what you can do to help your wife deliver the child. (Individual interview) Marital Interventions This study also provided an opportunity to examine the dynamics between husbands and wives and between generations. It was possible to identify family interactions which tended to impede equitable anticipated paternal involvement. These data are suggestive of a number of additional directions for family interventions. In most cases, it is unrealistic to expect prospective parents to seek professional help at this early stage of family life. It may be more practical to assume that parents-to-be would take advantage of educational or therapeutic interventions if the interventions were offered as an option along with obstetrical prenatal services. It would appear from some of the findings in this investigation that the family or origin network in which couples were embedded was of vital importance to the attitudes and behaviors each partner brought to expectant parenthood. Some husbands and wives needed to negotiate new family roles without interference from their extended families. This would suggest that family interventionists need to be sensitive to the ease with which extended family support can deteriorate into extended family interference, especially among young couples. Thus, it is recommended that interventionists assist couples 180 in differentiating from their families of origin and redefining boundaries between nuclear units. With some families, it may be appropriate to include expectant grandparents directly in the interventions. In addition, the family lives of the interviewed couples were about to change dramatically and irrevocably within a few short months; nevertheless, it was discovered that all of the couples had not discussed most of the issues raised during the interviews: Aaron: Beth: Burke: Carol: [Your questionS] brought to mind a lot of things I really hadn't thought of . . . what I'm going to do, and how it's going to change my lifestyle after the baby's born. . . . I've just been thinking about it now, really. (Individual interview) I'd never heard [Burké] say anything about what he thinks I'd be like as a mom. You know, he's never told me. I don't know if he's ever really thought about it either. (Individual interview) It's the first time that we ever really talked that much about having a baby and what we're going to do. (Individual interview) [V30u're telling us that you're learning from us, but we're still getting a lot from you to think about. . . . There were a lot of questions that Denise: Everett: 181 you asked that I hadn't thought about before. . . . [The conjoint interview] was different because that way I knew what [Clark] thought, and he probably got some idea of what I thought about things we really haven't talked about. Weird, but a neat experience. (Individual interview) It is neat because usually people just ask me how I'm doing, and I'm not around when they ask [DanieT] how he's doing, so it was neat hearing his feelings just come out and express what he wanted to say. (Individual interview) [I]t was great to hear what [Erica] had to say. We probably learned a little about each other at the same time, as well as ourselves . . . I thought you explored a lot of different angles, probably many I certainly wouldn't have thought of. You made me look at some things I might not have otherwise. In the realm of self-examination, I may never have asked myself those questions. It's probably a good discovery process for me as much as it is for your research. (Individual interview) Erica: Frances: Gabrielle: Hugh: 182 [W]e both thought that it was real interesting to do [the interviewS] . . . [T]here were a lot of questions that brought up things that both of us need to think about. . . . It made us aware that there were a lot of things that [we] have no idea [bbodt] such as what it's going to be like [after the baby is born], or how we're going to be as parents. (Individual interview) I often find that even as much as we talk back and forth, if we get in a group of different people, [Fostefi] will always come up with something I haven't heard before which gives me the extra added insight. (Individual interview) [A]fter you left last night, [Garettjland I were talking about what would make us a good father and mother. And those are things that we never really discussed. I always felt real good that [Garett] would be a good father, but I hadn't really let him know that I felt that way. (Individual interview) [W]e really haven't talked a great deal about a lot of things [raised in the interviewS]. I don't think these are things that you necessarily sit down and say, "Gee, how are you going to be a good parent,[Hope¥" . . . It's a real scary experience 183 for both of us. . . . [W]e both probably will start discussing a lot of the realities that are going to occur so we can be better prepared. We haven't brought them up to a conscious level to discuss them. (Individual interview) Based on the above responses, it is recommended that family interventionists assist parents-to-be, whatever their age, in developing capabilities for coping with changed family situations. If couples can be helped to anticipate and discuss changes in their lives, and challenges to their relationships, prior to the actual arrival of their infants, they will be better armed with insight and information. Consequently, they likely will be better able to capitalize on the transitional crisis to strengthen their family lives. As one older expectant mother put it: Frances: [I]'m just trying to get ready for whatever is going to be possibly thrown at me. That way I can stay on top of it, or at least be ready for it. And there won't be the added impotence of not only is this horrible thing happening to me, but also the surprise that it's happening to me. . . . If I can somehow start play acting in my own mind how I'm going to react to it, maybe I won't be quite so abominable to deal with when it actually comes about. Family interventionists could also help improve the quality of family communication by helping expectant couples gain knowledge and comfort in handling disagreements in a constructive manner. One goal 184 of the interventions would be to open communication by providing couples with techniques and experiences that would begin to address controversial as well as more mundane parental issues in a direct, yet supportive fashion. Moreover, the marital coalition of some couples could be strengthened by working on attitudes and activities that promoted the couple's image of themselves as "husband and wife.“ In other families where the infant was perceived as encroaching upon the marriage, feelings of resentment would need to be processed thoroughly. Based on findings from this study, the assumption cannot be made, for example, that because a woman is over 30 years old, in a stable marital relationship, and willing to have a child at some point in her life, she will respond with happiness when she learns she is pregnant. If initially antagonistic feelings are not adequately explored, they may be suppressed temporarily only to surface with more intensity later. Finally, couples who anticipate full infant role-sharing who are made aware of the traditional impact a child usually has upon a marriage can better anticipate the pressures from multiple systems to lapse into a more conventional division of roles once the baby is born. Numerous questions surfaced during the research interviews which could stimulate discussion during family-centered interventions: What was your response to the news of pregnancy? - What are your feelings now? What was your family's/in-law's response to the news of pregnancy? How are they involved in the pregnancy? 185 Can you think of some ways that you might be similar to your own father with your baby? Different? How is your married life different now? Have you talked much with each other about infant care responsibilities and the daily routine of child care? How might you be alike and different as parents? What areas of child care might cause you to disagree? What do you do now when there is conflict between you? What kinds of things make you a team? What kinds of things help you maintain your individuality? What qualities does your spouse have that will make him or her a good parent? Have you given any thought to how the baby might affect your relationship with each other? Have you given any thought to what you're going to do together that's playful--not parent-centered--both for the rest of pregnancy as well as after the baby's born? How does having a baby fit in with work, school, and other plans? 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APPENDICES APPENDIX A APPENDIX A Pilot Study Introduction A pilot study consisting of a conjoint interview with a male- female interview team was carried out in order to pre-test the collaborative functioning between the principal investigator (PI) and her male colleague, to examine the challenges inherent in an ethnographic research approach, and to determine the general nature of the generated data as well as the feasibility of employing an emergent data analysis procedure. In the following sections, a description of selected features of the pilot will be presented, along with implications for subsequent study interviews. Respondents A married couple in the post-birth stage of the transition to parenthood, and thus not eligible for the study, was recruited for the pilot. At the time of the interview, both husband and wife were in their late twenties, Catholic, college-educated, and the parents of a two-month-old daughter and a two-year-old son. They lived less than five miles from the husband's parents and approximately 1,500 miles from the wife's parents. Unlike the study respondents, no fee was 197 198 paid to the pilot couple; instead, a small gift was given as a token of appreciation. New parents were selected as respondents for the pilot because of the insights they potentially could provide into how marital and kindred dynamics occurring throughout the transition to parenthood could affect the paternal role. Most of the study areas, such as socialization for parenthood or effect of pregnancy on marriage, could be pre-tested with the pilot couple and additional areas for inquiry with the study respondents could be developed. Interview Team Several weeks before the pilot study, a male interviewer with training and experience in the field of family and child science was recruited to co-conduct all of the conjoint interviews. He was provided with a copy of the dissertation proposal and a list of substantive topic areas with examples of accompanying open-ended questions. A few days later, a two and one-half hour training session was conducted, during which time the principal investigator further clarified research content and processes. The training session soon evolved into a reciprocal learning process. Psychodynamics between co-interviewers are an important element in ethnographic research because of the unquestionable impact upon respondents. A cooperative, flexible style needs to be sustained. On the whole, the interactive mode of the team seemed to be effective during the conjoint pilot interview and the co-interviewer relationship tended to be complementary rather than competitive. The principal investigator initiated most of the subject transitions; the male interviewer largely probed for clarification. Toward the end of 199 the interview, however, the male interviewer began to raise more questions on his own and the questions tended to yield productive responses from the couple. As a result of the pilot experience, the male interviewer became more familiar with the type of subject matter to be explored as well as the type of interview structure to be maintained. The principal investigator also became more confident of the team's inquiry abilities, consequently, question-asking will be more balanced between interviewers in future study interviews. It has been suggested that co-therapists doing conjoint family therapy engage in a continuous process of examination and clarification of their relationship (Holt & Greiner, 1976). Analogously, the pilot benefited from a similar system of reciprocal feedback. After the pilot interview, the principal investigator and her colleague shared their perceptions of family and team dynamics, enabling the principal investigator to gain enhanced insight and a clearer understanding of interactional processes. The team will have similar discussions after each of the conjoint study interviews. Setting The pilot interview was conducted in the couple's home. All study interviews will be conducted in respondents' homes, if possible. The home setting was more unpredictable than anticipated. For example, the interview was interrupted several times by the ringing of a telephone; in this case, the couple had decided beforehand not to answer any of the calls. In addition, the children unexpectedly were a noisy, but delightful, part of the interview and thus provided an endless supply of opportunities for direct observation of parent-child 200 interactions. Field work journal notes indicate that the children also caused the principal investigator to ponder her role: My researcher-houseguest identities blurred, at times. Out of the corner of my eye, I saw Peter methodically poking crayons through a cane-backed chair. Should I intervene and perhaps make Paul and Patricia more self-conscious? Should I ignore the behavior? A rule emerged: Do nothing unless somebody is in danger or something is about to be irreparably destroyed. (Pilot study field work journal notes, hereinafter "Field work journal notes.”) The pilot underscored the fact that the interviewers' adaptive capabilities are likely to be tested as they become visitors in many respondents' domains. Interview Soon after entering the respondents' home, a preliminary trial of an ethnographic explanation was performed: Principal Investigator: I wanted to get more comfortable with Roger and this interview process . . . and cover topics similar to the ones we'll be addressing with our group of expectant parents. I'm interested in finding out more about what it's been like for you being parents. I don't want to make this interview artificial, so I don't want you to pretend to be anyone other than yourselves. Husband: Well, we are parents! (laughter) 201 Principal Investigator: My dissertation will be exploratory. Male Interviewer: Yeah, really open-ended. Wife: So we can say anything, then? Male Interviewer: Anything! Pilot respondents did not need an elaborate explanation of purpose before allowing themselves to be questioned. Similarly, the ethnographic explanation to study respondents will be concise. (Observational field notes) Daniels and Weingarten (1982) opened their minimally-structured psychological research interviews of parents with the question, "How did you meet?" They observed that this simple, factual question was an effective opener--reflection came later. This question was posed in the beginning of the pilot interview as well. The couple responded with ease and amusement and amended or supplemented each other's version. In so doing, an interactive response style was launched. The couple's answers also provided natural leads for other questions which were introduced throughout the interview. The principal investigator needed to "warm up" as well. Researchers have indicated that tape recorders tend to inhibit the interviewers more than the respondents (Laslett & Rapoport, 1975). The principal investigator's reaction concurs: The minute I pushed the tape-recorder buttons, I felt awkward and stilted--kind of like a mechanical interviewer. I did get out the first question through and, to my amazement, Paul and Patricia actually started responding. In fact, they seemed rather to enjoy being questioned. I had a chance to catch my 202 breath as they answered and then was on my way. (Field work journal notes) For these reasons, this non-threatening, simple question will be used as a lead in the study interviews. Content Substance and Implications The pilot produced a wealth of unanticipated material. Some was related to how sibling relationships affected the paternal role; other unexpected material was related to the profound influence of religion on family life, with specific implications for the paternal role. Probes for the discussion of these topics will be incorporated into interviews with the study respondents. Interactions in the conjoint interview were rapid and complicated, at times. The presence of an interview team provided some protection against being overwhelmed by the constant stream of material. The pilot also alerted the interviewers to the fact that couples' research and couples' therapy are not disparate entities. Several times during the session, the couple's interchange became increasingly conflictual and dysfunctional to the purpose of the interview. When this occurred, the interviewers redirected it into more of a positive exchange. For example, when the couple appeared to be growing more and more upset with each other as they recounted ways their children had affected their marriage negatively, the male interviewer neutralized the situation by asking, "What has enhanced your relationship as a result of being parents?" A healthy stability was regained. A review of the transcript reveals that the husband spoke almost twice as much as his wife and tended to dominate the interview in 203 other ways: for instance, by responding first to most questions, or by saying, "Go ahead," to his wife. This reinforced the need for supplementary private interviews as well as unobtrusive measures to counteract a dominant spouse. A few of the wife's responses were inaudible over her husband's. In future conjoint interviews, one recorder will be placed closer to the quieter spouse. Moreover, during the pilot interview, the tapes in both recorders were turned over at the same time causing a minute or two of material to be lost; hereafter, the tape change will be staggered. The pilot also demonstrated that one spouse may be more enthusiastic about the interview experience than the other: Husband: Once you get the people rolling, all types of issues you raised are really good ones and people, some of them anyway, will “click“ like that. Wife: [The interview] was enjoyable from my end, but I felt like maybe we were talking too much sometimes. (Observational field notes) Despite the fact that the pilot couple largely guided the direction and depth of their responses, sensitive material and conflictual interactions arose during the interview. To neutralize possible adverse consequences, ample time was devoted to debriefing during the pilot, and will also be treated as an integral part of all study interviews. The interviewers will try to provide an atmosphere in which respondents can air their doubts and reservations freely. Debriefing will take place after each conjoint interview and will occur before each individual session as well, so that residual issues remaining from the conjoint sessions can be addressed. 204 That the husband and wife experienced some discomfort during the interview did not negate the fact that they felt the session had been a positive experience for them overall. They both expressed that they had enjoyed the process and had learned about themselves and each other as well. They invited the researcher to remain and ask more questions, if she desired, and to get back with them at any time to gather more data. They also volunteered a couple for the study who, regrettably, did not fit the criteria. Material continued to flow well after the end of the "formal" interview. The tape recorder continued to run, capturing additional comments related to respondents' ideas for question development and data analysis: Husband: Now what, just as far as your research thing, what's your premise? . . . Let me ask you a question about your research. You said that you were going to get the 22 and unders and the 30 and overs, is that related to different ages viewing parenting differently, length of time being married, or what? . . . It might be good for you to consider that just because someone is 22 doesn't mean they couldn't have been married six or seven years, and just because someone is 31 doesn't mean that they have been married all those years. . . . I guess if I were doing the research, it would be interesting to ask, “Does [adjustment to parenthood] have to do with the age of the people, does it have to do with the time they've 205 been married, or does it have to do with all kinds of other things?" (Observational field notes) These comments point to the utility of enlisting respondents as "teachers“ in the interview process. After the set of interviews is completed in the actual study, the couple will be brought together for the purpose of discussing some of the specifics of the study that could not be disclosed earlier as well as allaying some concerns they may have regarding the "real premise" of the study. The pilot demonstrated several advantages to conducting the conjoint interview initially. First, the team approached the session with a greater naivete about the family, thus allowing couple interactions to unfold more naturally without the interference of researcher preconceptions. Further, the husband and wife related to a male-female team immediately, tending to cast the subject matter into a family sphere rather than limiting it to a female domain. Finally, rich, complex data emerged out of the four-way interaction; in future interviews, themes uncovered in conjoint interviews will be pursued in more depth in the private discussions. An examination of the transcript discloses that a few basic questions emerged as the orienting framework for the interview. These questions follow: - How did you two meet? What was it like for you as a kid growing up in your family? 00 you remember any particular incident between your dad and you? Have you discussed as a couple, in terms of your past, how 206 it's doing to influence how you raise your children? What do you think your parents' and in-laws' expectations are for you now (as parents)? If you could change the timing of the first birth, would you, looking back? What changes did Peter create? When you were a kid, did you ever think what it would be like [to be a parental Has that happened? If I were to sit in the back of a room full of new parents . . . what might I hear them saying? 00 you remember the day you got the word you were pregnant? How was it for you to go through the Lamaze experience together? Before you had Peter, that is, during the pregnancy, did you talk together about who would do what once the baby was born? You talked earlier about a lot of childrearing ideas you Shared. Are there areas of childrearing in which you disagree? I'm curious about a question that we won't be able to ask other couples because they will not have had children. What have you learned to like about each other now that you're parents and you get to see each other as parents? What has enhanced your relationship as a result of being parents? [I]f you found yourself in a crisis situation within your family . . . what are some of the means you'd be open to 207 explore in order to keep your family a healthy, functioning unit? (Observational field notes) Non-verbal communication also provided important insights into family patterns. The couple's non-verbal behaviors with their children and with each other tended to validate or disconfirm their verbal cues. For example, the wife mentioned that she was more relaxed than her husband with respect to the children's behaviors and, indeed, during the interview, the husband monitored their son's behavior much more closely. Written observations of non-verbal behavior will be a part of the observational field notes as well. The following excerpts, taken directly from the interview transcript, are illustrative of the types of raw data obtained in the pilot using this research approach. Topic: Family of Origin Husband: If I could convey to you my relationship with my family, every question you'd ask would have an obvious answer . . . because they wouldn't even think of not going along with my dad's point of view. Husband: Mostly I thought about parenting in the negative sense when I was young . I thought about all the things my parents were doing to me and that when I was a parent, I was going to remember all that and do it differently. I thought, “Now just catalog this stuff so when you are a parent in this situation, you'll be a little more reasonable and a little more understanding." Wife: 208 According to my in-laws I should get up at six in the morning and iron children's clothes and iron their shirts--which I do not do--and cook a good breakfast. In fact, they told me the kinds of things to cook and how to cook them, because Peter needs this and Peter needs that--just total female stereotype perfect housewife and perfect mother. . . . My parents are a lot more laid back. My mom would be more concerned about how you relate to them. Topic: Timing of First Birth Husband: Topic: LaMaze Husband: My biggest problem was going from being a (pause) a bachelor to, within the space of one year, a husband and a father. I mean, that just blew me away. I was just at the point of saying, "Well, okay, being a husband I can handle and all that goes with that." We had plans to have kids after three or four years of marriage after going to Europe and all that stuff. So when we found out [about the pregnancy], I, at least, had very mixed emotions. And an hour-and-a-half after we got to the hospital, ye had the kid. (Emphasis mine) Topic: Effect of Child on Marriage Wife: I think our relationship suffered a lot in the first three months. I mean. after three months, Husband: Topic: Preparation Husband: Topic: Support Husband: 209 we just said, ”You know, he's in our lives, he's here now, and we'd better get used to it." Three months--I can't believe it took me three months to come to that. I kept thinking things would change, but we kind of pretended like everything was fine. [W]e heard in LaMaze that the best gift you can give your kids is a good marriage, and I think too many people get so totally caught up in children that it's not easy to remember to do things for each other. for Parenthood I don't feel old enough to be a parent , so it's almost as if we're doing it in an unconscious kind of stumbling way--if we have kids, we must be parents! (laughter) If you admit you need therapy or counseling to family of origin , it's just this side of going into a mental ward. (Observational field notes) Finally, preliminary steps in a domain analysis were were performed using Spradley's (1979) domain analysis worksheet. The included terms were taken from the manuscript. 210 1. Semantic Relationship: means-end 2. Form: X (is a way to) Y 3. Example: Reviewing notes (is a wgy to study) Semantic Included Terms Relationship Cover Term (Couple) going through Lamaze Is a way to Enhance training together paternal involvement (Husband) restructuring job (Family of origin) expecting son to be ideal father (Couple) practicing Catholic religion (Infant) making voluntary responses (Husband) feeling calmer about parenting (Wife) returning to work after birth (Husband) seeing friends with babies (Couple) not planning pregnancy Is a way to Diminish paternal (Husband) going from "husband" involvement to "father in one year (Wife) breastfeeding (Husband) feeling physically exhausted (Husband) feeling insecure with infant (Grandfather) acting as if he were father to grandson (Couple) having no formal preparation for marriage or parenthood Figure 3. Pilot Domain Analysis Worksheet (Spradley, 1979) APPENDIX B APPENDIX B Demographic Profile Information Sheet Length of time married at conception Age H Education H Occupation H Race H Religion H Wife's Mother H Wife's Father H Husband's Mother H Husband's Father H 222222222: Geographic Distance (Wife's Parents) Geographic Distance (Husband's Parents) 211 APPENDIX C APPENDIX C Letter to Respondents October 15, 1982 John and Mary Doe 100 First Street Denver, Colorado 80201 Dear John and Mary: I am a doctoral student in Family and Child Ecology, College of Human Ecology, Michigan State University, and am doing my dissertation research on expectant parenthood. I am interested in learning more about couples' experiences as they await the birth of their first child. To locate participants, I am working through American Medical Center. The research would involve three interviews, each approximately one and one-half hours long. The interviews would be scheduled at times that were convenient to you, and would take place in your home. All information obtained from the interviews would be treated with strict confidentiality. If you were interested in participating, you would be paid $25 dollars upon completion of all three interviews as a gesture of appreciation. I will give you a call in a few days to tell you more about the study, and to answer any questions you may have. I am looking forward to talking with you. Sincerely, Donna Warner Manczak 3807 E. Seventh Avenue Denver, Colorado 80206 212 APPENDIX D APPENDIX D Letter to Physicians November 5, 1982 John Smith, M.D. 200 Second Street Denver, Colorado 80202 Dear Dr. Smith: I am a doctoral student in Family and Child Ecology, College of Human Ecology, Michigan State University, and am doing my dissertation research on first-time expectant parenthood. I am interested in learning more about couples' experiences as they await the births of their first children. Ms. Social Worker/Dr. Family Therapist suggested that I contact you regarding possible couples for my study. My selection criteria are proving to be much more challenging than I anticipated: Primiparous married couples 22 years or younger, Primiparous married couples 30 years or older. The research would involve three interviews, each approximately 1% hours long. The interviews would be scheduled at times convenient to the couples, and would take place in their homes. All information obtained from the interviews would be treated with strict confidentiality. As a gesture of appreciation, the couples would be paid $25 upon completion of the set of interviews. I have completed interviews with several couples in both age groups, and the experience seems to have been an enjoyable and worthwhile one for them as well as for me. 213 214 John Smith, M.D. November 5, 1982 Page Two I will give you a call in a few days to answer any questions you may have, and to find out whether you may have some potential participants for me in your practice. Thank you very much. Sincerely, Donna Warner Manczak 3807 E. Seventh Avenue Denver, Colorado 80206 APPENDIX E APPENDIX E Consent Form We (name) and (name) the undersigned husband and wife, being individually at least 18 years of age, consent to participate in one individual research interview of approximately 1% hours as well as one couple research interview of approximately 1% hours. It has been explained to us and we understand that: 1. The purpose of the research is to gather information on pre- birth experiences of couples awaiting their first child; 2. There is the possibility that information might be uncovered in the interviews which could produce discomfort or result in disagreement between us; 3. The interviews are not intended to be therapeutic or educational and no claims of beneficial therapeutic or educational effects have been made; 4. We may discontinue our participation at any time; 5. We may choose not to answer any particular questions; 215 216 6. All information obtained will be treated with strict confidentiality and the identity of participants will remain strictly anonymous; and 7. Results will be made available to us upon request. Our consent to participate is freely given, without coercion by anyone. Signature Date Signature Date APPENDIX F APPENDIX F Topic Areas and Examples of Interview Questions Family of Origin Can you tell me a little about what it was like growing up in your family? What are your most vivid memories of your mother? Your father? Can you think of some ways you might be similar to your own mother or father with your baby? Different? What has been the reaction of your family to the news of the pregnancy? Your in-laws' reaction? How might your family help during your baby's first year? Your in-laws? What do you think your parents' expectations are of you as a parent? Their expectations of (name of spouse)? What do you think your in-laws' expectations are of you as a parent? Their expectations of (name of spouse)? Socialization for Parenthood Is there anyone you'd like to be like as a parent? What kinds of things make you want to be like that person? Is there anyone you'd like (name of spouse) to be like as a parent? What kinds of things make you want him/her to be like that person? Did you ever have any thoughts and feelings while you were growing up about what it would be like to be a mother or a father? How have they changed? Have you ever seen parenting you didn't like? Can you tell me about any interesting experiences you've had with children? 217 218 Expectant Parenthood in General If I were to sit in the back of a room full of expectant parents, what types of things might I hear them talking about? Effect of Child on Marriage and Household Is your married life any different now than it was before the pregnancy? What kinds of changes do you think your baby will create in your household? Your marriage? Have you talked about this with (name of spouse)? How might having a baby fit in with work or school or other activities? Support during the Transition to Parenthood Is there anyone in particular you confide in or talk to about the pregnancy or future baby care? What kinds of contacts are you maintaining with your family? Your in-laws? What types of things would you like to know about babies? How do you feel about talking to (name of spouse) about any concerns you might have related to becoming a parent? How do you think (name of spouse) feels about sharing concerns with you? Similarities and Differences between Mother and Fathers (General) What do you think mothers and fathers have most in common with each other? How are they most different? What are some things you feel are important for fathers to do with their babies? Mothers? Similarities and Differences between Mothers and Fathers (Specific) Can you describe what you think you might be like as a parent? What your spouse might be like? What will you probably enjoy most? Least? What will (name of spouse) probably enjoy most? Least? After the baby is, say three months old, what might a typical day be like for you? For (name of spouse)? 219 What would you say are your major areas of agreement with respect to parenting? Areas of disagreement? Assuming that your ideas about parenthood aren't identical to (name of spouse), how have you gone about resolving your differences? Do you anticipate any times you might feel uncomfortable or awkward with the baby? What types of preparations, if any, have you been making for your baby? Closing Is there anything you'd like to add that we didn't talk about? What do you think about the types of questions that were asked? How do you feel about participating in this study? APPENDIX G APPENDIX G.1 Domain Analysis Worksheet 1. Semantic Relationship: Attribution 2. Form: X (is a characteristic of) Y 3. Example: A breed (is a characteristic) of a dog Semantic Included Terms Relationship Cover Term Age Is a characteristic of Respondents Income Ethnicity Religion Length of marriage Race Education Occupation Number of previous children Geographic location Stage of pregnancy Marital status Figure 4. Respondent Domain Analysis Worksheet 220 Figure 5. System Domain Analysis Worksheet 221 APPENDIX G.2 Domain Analysis Worksheet 1. Semantic Relationship: Strict inclusion 2. Form: X (is a kind of) Y 3. Example: An oak (is a kind of) tree Semantic Included Terms Relationship Cover Term Wife Is a kind of Unit interacting with expectant father Unborn child Mother Father Mother-in-law Father-in-law Brother Sister Brother-in-law Sister-in-law Grandparent Friend Co-Worker Employer 222 Included Terms 223 Semantic Relationship Employee Childbirth instructor Expectant parent group members Obstetrical nurse Physician Male interviewer Researcher Cover Term Intrapersonal Marital Nuclear family Extended family Health care Peer Work University Is a kind of System interacting with expectant father Figure 6. Extended Family Domain Analysis Worksheet 224 APPENDIX 6.3 Domain Analysis Worksheet 1. Semantic Relationship: Means-end 2. Form: X (is a way to) Y 3. Example: Reviewing notes (is a wayto) study Semantic Included Terms Relationship Cover Term Remembering historical Is a way to Influence role patterns in family paternal role of origin expectations Remembering past relationship with father Living close to extended family Living far from extended family Forming a mother-daughter coalition Obtaining emotional support Anticipating future emotional support Anticipating future material support Receiving advice from extended family Receiving input reinforcing adult status 225 226 Semantic Included Terms Relationship Receiving input reinforcing child status Anticipating extended family involvement around birth Anticipating extended family involvement during infancy Being in particular stages of the family life cycle Receiving input regarding paternal involvement during pregnancy Receiving input regarding paternal involvement during birth Receiving input regarding paternal involvement during infancy Extended family desiring specific sex Constructing family boundaries between extended and nuclear units Cover Term Figure 7. Expectant Father Domain Analysis Worksheet 227 APPENDIX 6.4 Domain Analysis Worksheet 1. Semantic Relationship: 2. Form: 3. Example: Included Terms Participating in father- assisted childbirth course Having focus of childbirth course be on labor and delivery Reading books on transition to parenthood Desiring to be an active participant Visualizing father role Desiring a specific sex Holding differential expectations based on child's gender Receiving input from unborn child Being employed Means-end X (is a way to) Y Reviewing notes (is a way to) study Semantic Relationship Cover Term Is a way to Influence paternal role expectations 228 229 Semantic Included Terms Relationship Cover Term Being unemployed Having experience with infants Knowing infant care skills Expressing personal needs Anticipating pleasurable infant interactions Responding to invitations to become involved in pregnancy Interacting with friends (with and without children) Participating in individual and conjoint research interviews Figure 8. Spouse Domain Analysis Worksheet 230 APPENDIX 6.5 Domain Analysis Worksheet 1. Semantic Relationship: 2. Form: 3. Example: Means-end X (is a way to) Y Reviewing notes (is a way to) study Included Terms Holding neutral or negative attitudes toward father- assisted childbirth Holding positive attitudes toward father-assisted childbirth Being self-absorbed during pregnancy Holding negative attitudes toward pregnancy Holding positive attitudes toward pregnancy Perceiving spouse as competent in infant care Perceiving Spouse as incompetent in infant care Constructing boundaries around expressive role Opening boundaries around expressive role Fostering sense of paternal competence Semantic Relationship Is a way to 231 Cover Term Influence paternal role 232 Semantic Included Terms Relationship Inviting spouse to prenatal visits Supplementing bottle feeding with breastfeeding Expecting peripheral paternal involvement Expecting full paternal involvement Becoming more powerful in family hierarchy Reinforcing husband's nurturant behaviors Cover Term Figure 9. Marital Domain Analysis Worksheet 233 APPENDIX 6.6 Domain Analysis Worksheet 1. Semantic Relationship: Means-end 2. Form: X (is a way to) Y 3. Example: Reviewing notes (is a way to) study Semantic Included Terms Relationship Cover Term Tolerating individuation in Is a way to Influence marriage paternal role expectations Timing of conception in marital career Dealing with conflictual issues in a passive way Constructing boundaries between marriage and parenthood Opening boundaries between marriage and parenthood Anticipating changes in family life Anticipating few changes in family life Applying ”helping" or "sharing" orientation to household responsibilities 234 235 Semantic Included Terms Relationship Cover Term Having a previous infertility problem Integrating parenthood with both careers Being the expectant parents of twins Perceiving spouse as strongest support Perceiving parent as strongest support Electing to have an amniocentesis Maintaining "motherhood-mystique" APPENDIX H APPENDIX H Definition of Terms Used in Data Analysis Worksheets Domains: any symbolic category that includes other categories; the first and most important unit of analysis. Cover terms: the first element in the structure; names for a category of cultural knowledge. Included terms: folk terms that belong to the category of knowledge named by the cover term. Single semantic relationship: in a domain, the semantic relationship which links a cover term to all included terms in its set (Spradley, 1979). 236