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Al—Yami has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Master of Arts degree in Sociology 4 7 ’ /yj [C711 3'. {J afiéfl Z Major professor Date ' O 1984 0-7639 MSU ix an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution MSU LIBRARIES RETURNING MATERIALS: Place in book drop to remove this checkout from your record. FINES will be charged if book is returned after the date stamped below. : LEN?- 0W A STUDY OF AN ETHNIC GROUP: THE YEMENI COMMUNITY IN THE SOUTH END, DEARBORN, MICHIGAN BY Hamad S.O. Al-Yami A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment for the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Sociology 1984 3 I '7 {X}? 7 ABSTRACT A STUDY OF AN ETHNIC GROUP: THE YEMENI COMMUNITY IN THE SOUTH END IN DEARBORN, MICHIGAN BY Hamad S.O. Al-Yami Arab immigrants are found in every state, but cluster where work opportunities are available, where relatives and neighbors from their villages of origin can be found. These, plus factors such as cultural background and national origin, have contributed to the formation of Arab ethnic communities like the one in the South End in Dearborn, Michigan. In this study, the focus is on the North and South Yemeni immigrants who can be distinguished from the rest of the Arab immigrants in Dearborn by their appearance and way of life. Although the largest proportion of the Arabs in Dearborn are Muslems, Yemenis are generally considered more conservative compared to some other Arab groups. This exploratory study provides an overview of the immigration patterns of this group, their residence, occupa— tion, education and the structure of their community which has survived over ten years as a distinct community, isolated from the larger U.S. society. In this context, ethnicity and acculturation of the Yemeni groups were examined to det- ermine the extent of the interaction between these groups and the host culture. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express my thanks and appreciation to my major advisor, Dr. J. Allan Beegle, for his support, suggestions and guidance throughout this work. My special thanks to Dr. Christopher Vanderpool and Dr. James McKee for their participation on the committee and for their valuable suggestions which were the cornerstones to im- provement of this study. My sincere appreciation to Dr. James McComb for his assistance in using the SPSS Package employed in this re— search. His friendly guidance was very helpful. I would like to extend special thanks and gratitude to all the informants who participated in the interviews, without their help this research would not have been com- pleted. My sincere appreciation is extended to the govern- ment of Saudi Arabia represented by King Saud University for the financial support. Finally, my love and gratitude to my brother, Ali, my mother, my wife and my daughter, Bethainah, for their support and encouragement through my graduate work. To them I dedicate this work. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page CHAPTER ONE: THE PROBLEM ............................. 1 Introduction ................................... 1 Statement of the Problem ....................... 9 Purpose of the Study .......................... 12 Definition of Terms ........................... 12 Overview of the Study ......................... 16 CHAPTER TWO: THEORETICAL BACKGROUND ................. l7 Assimilation and Acculturation ................ l8 Anglo-Conformity .......................... 19 The ”Melting Pot” ......................... 22 Acculturation ............. . ............... 23 CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH DESIGN ...................... 28 Sample Selection... ........................... 28 Data Collection ............................... 30 Statistical Procedures ........................ 32 Correlation ............................... 32 ”T” Test .................................. 33 Chi Square ................................ 34 ANOVA..... ................................ 35 Acculturation Scores .............. . ....... 36 Limitations of the Study ...................... 37 CHAPTER FOUR: RESEARCH FINDINGS ..................... 40 Sample Characteristics ........................ 41 Ethnicity ..................................... 57 The Community Setting .................... 58 Religious Institutions ............... 59 Social and Fraternal Associations....64 Ethnic Identity and Kinship .............. 66 Relations With the Majority Ethnic Group.71 Acculturation ................................. 74 CHAPTER PAGE CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION ................. 90 Summary of Important Findings .................. 91 Conclusions .................................... 99 Outlook For The Future ......................... 99 Suggestions For Future Study .................. 1001 APPENDICES ........................................... 102 BIBLIOGRAPHY ................ . ......................... 121 iv LIST OF TABLES TABLE PAGE 91.1 Arab American Populations of the Various States ..................... . ................... 4 2.1 The Process of Assimilation ................... 20 4.1 Frequency and Percentage of Immigrants by Their Regions and City or Village of Origin...42 4.2 Frequency and Percentage of Immigrants by Age ........................................... 43 4.3 Marital Status of Yemeni Immigrants ........... 44 4.4 Immigrants Reasons for Coming to the U.S ...... 46 4.5 Frequency and Percentage of Immigrants According to Their Level of Education in Yemen and in the U.S .......................... 48 4.6 Characteristics of Yemeni Immigrants by Occupation .................................... 51 4.7 Yemeni Immigrants by Length of Stay in the U.S.A ......................................... 54 4.8 Yemeni Immigrants' Attitudes of Satisfaction or Regret About Coming to the U.S ............. 55 4.9 Yemeni Immigrants' Reasons for Residing in the South End Community by Frequency and Percentage .................................... 63 4.10 Frequency and Percentage of Mosque Attendance.63 4.11 Yemeni Immigrants' Ethnic Self-Identification.67 4.12 Those Who Assisted Respondents in Coming to the U.S., by Percent and Frequency ............ 68 4.13 Yemeni Immigrants"lnitial Place of Residence in South End, by Frequency and Percentage ..... 71 4.14 Yemeni Respondents‘ Perception of Personal Discrimination in the American Society ........ 72 4.15 ANOVA Results Comparing Mean Acculturation Scores With Age Group ......................... 75 4.16 ANOVA Results Comparing Yemeni Immigrants' Mean Acculturation Scores With Years of Education in Yemen ............................ 76 4.17 ANOVA Results Comparing Meansof Acculturation Scores With Education in U.S; ................. 78 4.18 Mean Acculturation Scores Compared to Length of Stay in the U.S ............................ 79 4.19 Mean Acculturation Scores Compared to Intent to Settle in Yemen ............................ 80 PAGE Mean Acculturation Scores Compared for Regret and Satisfaction About Coming to the U.S .................. . ..................... 81 Comparison of Mean Acculturation Scores , For Individuals who Have Their Families in the U.S. and Those Who Left Their Families in Yemen ....................................... 84 Comparison of Mean Acculturation Scores for Yemeni Immigrants Who Are American Citizens and Those Who Are Yemeni Citizens ..... 86 Matrix of Intercorrelations Between Dependent Variables ............................ 87 vi CHAPTER ONE THE PROBLEM Introduction Every year thousands of migrants from foreign coun- tries come to the U.S., either temporarily or permanently. Whether or not immigrant "foreigners" become ”Americans" in a real sense has little to do with obtaining formal citi- zenship papers. Rather, it has more to do with the adoption of American ways, adoption to the host culture, and similar- ity to others in the society in which they find themselves. Emigration from the Arab countries to the United States started around the end of the nineteenth century. Up to the period before World War II, it is estimated that about two hundred thousand Arab immigrants had come to the United States, a large percentage of them from Syria and Lebanon. Othman stated that, "89,971 Syrian immigrants entered the United States between1899 and 1969." (1970:23) More recently, Arabs have emigrated from other countries of the Arab world, such as Egypt, Iraq, Palestine, Jordan and Yemen. Early Arab immigrants to the United States were at- tracted by the American economy. "Trade and commerce 1 .- were the dominant occupations of these immigrants." (Othman, 1970:24) About half of these early immigrants ended their trip on the east coast and settled in New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and the New England states. They also set— tled in the Midwestern states (Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois and Iowa) in considerable numbers. Thus, the Arab immigrants are scattered throughout the states, but tend to be concentrated in the industrial, metropolitan areas. Although a large number of the early immigrants came from agricultural backgrounds, only .01 percent settled on farms. This cankxaattributed to the fact that many Arab immigrants were attracted by the high pay offered by the auto indus- try, steels and other related industries. However, they "never gave up the intention of returning to their native countries after they had saved enough of the quick money they came here to make." (Othman, 1970:26) From the be— ginning of the Arab migration, then, until the present day, many immigrants had no intention of settling in America permanently. Their goals were to accumulate as much money as possible, in the shortest time possible, and then re— turn home. This, plus their limited knowledge of English, interferred in the assimilation process and contributed to the formation of ethnic clusters. "The less English— Speaking an ethnic community is, the more clannish it is, and the more it segregates itself from American life." (Elkholy, 1976:153) _7_ ~W. _ . 3 After the 1950's, new groups of Arab immigrants be— gan arriving in the United States, many of them intending to settle permanently. Examples of such groups are the Palestinian refugees and Egyptian immigrants. These more recent immigrants came seeking refuge from conditions back home "...to escape the strife in the Middle East" (Detroit News, December 15, 1978zB-1). Many of the new immigrants were highly educated and skilled professionals. In addi- tion, they were more mobile and dispersed more widely than the first generation of Arab immigrants. Table 1.1 pro- vides estimates of the number of Arab immigrants in various states. Statistical data records very large increases in the number of recent Arab immigrants to the U.S.A. This can be attributed, at least in_part, to the political un- rest in the Middle East. "Every time fighting breaks out in the Middle East, we get another 500 immigrants in Dear- born" (Detroit News, March 29, 1982zA—1). Between 1971 and 1975, an average of 10,430 Arab immigrants entered the U.S.A. every year. Of these, an increasingly large propor- tion were young people. In 1977, 14,375 Arab immigrants from Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria and Egypt were admitted to the U.S.A. (statistics compiled from the 1971-1977 Annual Reports of the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service). A proportion of the recent Arab immigrants to the U.S. are Yemeni emigrants from both North and South Yemen (Appendix A). The focus in this study will be on the Yemeni immigrants TABLE 1-1 Arab—American Populations of the Various States State Arab-Americansa California 258,000 New York 195,000 Ohio 117,000 Illinois 116,000 Pennsylvgnia 115,000 Michigan 220,000 Texas 90,000 Massachusetts 62,400 North Carolina 56,000 Virginia 51,000 Wisconsin 49,500 New Jersey 44,000 Florida 42,000 Maryland 39,400 Washington 37,500 Indiana 35,000 Missouri 33,000 Connecticut 30,000 Minnesota 26,000 Goergia 25,000 Louisiana 22,000 Colorado 17,400 Tennessee 16,400 Alabama 16,200 Arizona 15,800 West Virginia 15,800‘ Oklahoma 14,000 Oregon 11,500 Kentucky 10,200 D.C. 9,000 Iowa 9,000 South Carolina 9,000 Rhode Island 8,800 Kansas 8,500 Utah 7,800 SOURCE: Beverlee Turner Mehdi, ”The Arabs in America 1942— 1977", Dobbs Ferry, N.Y.: Oceana Publications, Inc., 1977, p.137. abased primarily on incomplete surveys and the 1970 U.S. Census, the chart shows the states with significant Arab— American populations in 1970. bIsmael Ahmed. ”Arab American" (Sound Recording) [Ismael Ahmed: John Callaway Moderator] Racine, Wisconsin: The Johnson Foundation, 1981. 5 who have settled in the Detroit metropolitan area, speci- fically the Yemenis in Dearborn's South End. About 98 percent of the entire Yemeni immigrant population in the Detroit metropolitan area came from rural areas (N. Abraham, 1978). Most of them came from a speci- fic area in North Yemen, known as the "Central Province," and their immigration began from the Liwa Ibb and Liwa al- Baidha regions within that Province. (See Appendix B) All the Yemeni immigrants in the Detroit metropoli— tan area are Muslems. However, they are affiliated with two Islamic sects, being either "Shafi Sunni" or "Zaidi Shia" (See definition, p. 16). It is important to point ‘out that there are no major differences between these two religious groups. In Liwa Ibb and the other areas of Yemen, the "Shafi Sunni" and "Zaidi Shia" live together and inter- marry (N. Abraham, 1983:115-118). The situation in the Yemeni community in Dearborn is not different from that in their original country, where there is no religious sep- aration, despite different sect affiliations. Yemeni emigrants from South Yemen constitute groups from the urban city of Aden and rural regions such as Shaib, Dhala and Upper Yafa. All three regions border on North Yemen's central Province from where the majority of U.S. Yemeni immigrants originated. Warren (1967:44-45) reports that many of the immigrants from these three regions in South Yemen, trace their origins back to families living in the Central Province in North Yemen (Appendix B). From a number of studies done by N. Abraham and S. Al-Khamri, it is apparent that factors of both "push" and "pull" were responsible for the Yemeni migration from 1900 to the late 19605. Since the 19605, their migration to the United States has been affected by a "chain" of interrelated political, social and economic factors. Chief among the circumstances that have driven them-—Yemenis--from their native land are: poverty, political and social oppression, colonialism and war. With notable exceptions, the immigrants are either illiterate or semi-literate, un— skilled peasants who have little knowledge of English. (N. Abraham, 1978:3) Yemen, during the Imamate period was isolated from the rest of the world and political power was held by the "sayeds" and "sheikhs"-—landlords and heads of the tribe who considered themselves to be of high status (see defin- ition, p.15), Sayeds claimed they were descendents of the messenger Mohammad and acquired their power because of their religiousity. The religious and political power acquired by both groups put them in a position where they could ex- ploit other people from lower strata, such as the farmers (tribal men) and groups like musicians and carpenters. These people from lower classes suffered from high taxation and misrepresentation carried on by the sayeds and sheikhs. A picture of their poverty may be derived from the statement, "Infant mortality is 160 per 1000 live births, literacy is 10 percent, there is one doctor for every 30,000 people, daily food intake is only 1900 calories." (Bisharat, 1975: 29) Regardless of an improved social and political situ- ation in today's South and North Yemen, emigration of young men is still high, to the extent that "each household in Yemen has at least one of its members out of the country." (Al-Masar, April, 1983:34) This is primarily because Yemen is still one of the poorest nations in the Middle East, which can be attributed to the scarcity of natural resburces and a shortage of fertile land. These factors and some others, such as individuals' aspirations to improve their economic status and unemployment in Yemen, combine to push the young men to look for employment in rich oil countries, like Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, and in the United States where wages and opportunities for work are relatively high. Based on this review of Arab migration to the U.S. it may be said that Arab immigrants are different, on the whole, from the majority of Americans who came mostly from Western Europe. Arab immigrants arrive from the Middle East and.carry with them a different culture, a different religion (mostly Muslem) and are of various nationalities. Their immigration puts them in a situation in which they are culturally different from the white Anglo-Saxon major- ity, a situation which exposes the Arab immigrants (Yemenis) to problems which can be overcome to some extent by adoption of the American culture. This research will be devoted in large part to in- vestigating the problems that face immigrant Yemenis, their attitudes toward American life, and how these affect their adaptation to the host culture. More specifically, this re- search effort will be addressed to the factors that help or motivate, or hinder and prevent, Yemeni acculturation in the U.S. Yemeni immigrants came from a culture widely differ- ent from the host culture in language, religion and norms. It is the intent of this research to examine how its char— acteristics have prevented or at least delayed the accultur- ation of this specific group. It is important to point out that the Yemenis' differences may led these immigrants to isolate themselves from the larger society. Thus, they have concentrated themselves in specific ethnic communities, many of them in an Arab community of Yemeni immigrants in Dearborn, Michigan. This investigation will include identification and examination of some of the causes that have contributed to the formation of the ethnic community of Yemenis in Dear- born. The immigrants' nation of origin, culture, religion and, particulary, the attitudes of the host society toward the immigrants, demonstrated through work, school and resid- ence, will be taken into account in elaborating this matter. Statement of the Problem Racial and ethnic studies have a long tradition in American sociology. Numerous studies have been devoted to ethnicity and ethnic awareness among such different groups as Hispanics, Blacks and Jews. Despite efforts to help im- migrants overcome cultural differences and assimilate more easily in the American society, some distinctly different cultural groups remain visible. These groups usually com- prise people from a common cultural background (such as Arab Yemenis), who tend to cluster.in specific residential areas (e.g., the South End of Dearborn). This research, then, is an attempt to investigate the factors that have motivated the Yemeni immigrants to cluster in their South End community. The intent was to determine their residence, kinship, occupational, religious and cultural origins, to provide a comprehensive picture of the characteristics of the study sample and their com- munity. When two groups from different cultural backgrounds live within a common area, one will ordinarily be super- ordinate and the other will be subordinate. It was the re— searcher's intention to examine the Yemenis' subordinate role in the larger U.S. society, to determine whether this role isolates them from the larger society, and consequently affects their coping as well as extent of acculturation with— in it. 10 Specifically, the researcher tries to examine to what degree Yemeni immigrants show favorable attitudes to- ward the American culture. Moreover, the relationships be- tween Yemenis' experience in ethnic isolation (discrimina- tion) and the meaning of their centralization in one speci- fic area are examined. National origin, religion, kinship, culture (language, values, norms) are all elements around which ethnicity centers. Therefore, the functions of these elements are examined in relation to what extent they iso- late this group from the rest of the American society and encourage them to cluster together. In so doing, the re- searcher seeks answers to the following questions and exam- ines six hypotheses. Research Questions 1. What are the characteristics of the Yemeni immigrants (region of origin, religion, education, and occupation)? 2. What factors motivate Yemeni immigrants to leave their own country to come to the U.S.A., especially the Detroit area? 3. What are the characteristics of the Yemeni community in the South End of Dearborn? 4. Why do Yemenis cluster in the South End community? 5. How do the Yemenis interact with each other? ll 6. How does the Yemenis' ethnic identity separate them from the larger society? Do they isolate themselves from the larger society or does the American society dis- criminate against them as a separate ethnic group? 7. How does ethnicity affect the acculturation of this group? 8. What are the future expectations of these Yemeni immigrants toward remaining in the U.S. or eventual resettlement in Yemen? How do such expectations affect their ac- culturation? 9. What kind of relationship, if any, is main- tained between the Yemenis in Dearborn's South End and those who remain in their country? Does this affect their accultura- tion? Hypotheses Hypothesis 1: The younger the person, the more acculturated he is likely to be. Hypothesis 2: There is a relationship between degree of acculturation and level of education, that is, people with more education are expected to be more acculturated than people with little or no education. Hypothesis 3: As length of stay in the host country increases, degree of acculturation will increase. Hypothesis 4: There will be significant dif— ferences between people who are sorry they came to the U.S. and people who are satisfied. People who are satisfied will be more acculturated than those who are sorry they came to the U.S. Hypothesis 5: Individuals with their families in the U.S. will be more acculturated than those whose families remain in Yemen. Hypothesis 6: People who are American citizens will be more acculturated than those who remain Yemeni citizens. 12 Purpose of the Study This study is intended to provide updated informa- tion about Arab migration to the United States, and the factors that motivate Arabs, specifically the Yemenis, to immigrate to this country, as well as their accultura- tion within the larger society. The research, as mentioned before, is of an exploratory nature. Investigation of the cultural background of the Yemeni immigrants is essen— tial since there is little acculturation and ethnicity re— search on this specific group. The completed study is in- tended to provide useful information in the field of race relations and ethnic grouping and can be used as a compar— ative source to facilitate understanding of the Yemeni culture in the South End of Dearborn. It will assist in de— fining the cultural problems facing Yemeni immigrants and will provide information on the formation of the Yemeni community as well as the dynamics of their interrelation- ships which determine their grouping and acculturation. Definition of Terms The following terms are defined in the context in which they are used for the purposes of this research. North Yemen——(the Yemen Arab Republic) is locatedjmrthe SOUthwesterncorner of the Arabian Peninsula (Appendix A). It is bordered on the north and east by Saudi Arabia, on the 13 south by South Yemen, and on the west by the Red Sea. Its pOpulation is estimated to be more than 5,700,000, but no census has ever been taken (Encyclopedia Britannica, 1982). South Yemen—-(the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen) is located in the southeastern part of the Arabian Peninsula. Its capital is the port city of Aden. To the west and northwest it is bounded by North Yemen (Sana), to the north, across the great stretch of desert known as the Rub'al—Khali (Empty Quarter), by Saudi Arabia; to the east by Oman; and to the south by the Gulf of Aden and the Arabian Sea. Its population is estimated to be 1,467,000 (Encyclo— pedia Britannica, 1982). (See Appendix A) Emigrant or Immigrant--refers to a person leaving a country of origin (emigrant) to go to another country for purposes of permanent settlement (immigrant). Although many of the Arab immigrants did not intend to settle per- manently in the U.S., continued strife and economic prob— lems in their countries of origin have made some settle- ment here essentially permanent, althoughrmmn/ still retain intent of eventually returning "home." Acculturation——the definition of acculturation(as it applies to this study)refers to the degree of accept- ance and adoption of American cultural characteristics, such as language, food, norms and values. When immigrants live for a period of time in a host country, they tend to take on some of the cultural elements of that society that l4 differ from their culture of origin. The reaction of in— dividual immigrants to the cultural elements of the host society is an indication of the degree of his or her cul— tural change or acculturation. Assimilation--Gordon sees assimilation as when a person from another culture has taken on completely the cultural pattern of the host society, has thrown off any sense of peoplehood based on his/her national origin, has changed religion to that of the host society, has eschewed the formation of any communal organization made up princi- pally or exclusively of his original group, has entered and been hospitably accepted into the social cliques, clubs, and institutions of the host society at various class levels, has intermarried with the major group in the host society, encounters no prejudice or discrimination, and raises no value conflict issues in host society public life. Gordon differentiates between behavioral assimilation (accultura- tion) and structural assimilation. He argues that assimi- lation is a long process which does not happen overnight. Much depends on the willingness of the migrant to assimil— ate and the personal characteristics of the migrant toward acceptance of the host society culture (Gordon, 1964:62—77). Ethnicity--American sociologist Milton Gordon (1964) has defined ethnicity as a convenient term for a sense of peoplehood between people who are defined or set off by race, religion, or national origin or by a combination of 15 .1 these characteristics. To this delineation, Allport has added the specific characteristics of language and cultural traditions which are particularly relevant for this study (Lippman, 1977, p.3). Ethnic Community--An ethnic community has adopted one or more of its marks of cultural distinction-~in this case, social and religious organizations—-and use them as symbols to create internal cohension and differentiate it- self from other social, cultural or religious groups (Brass, 1976:226). Ethnic Group—-An ethnic group is defined as a col- lection of individuals who share a feeling of peoplehood on the basis of "...race, religion, national origin, lan— guage and cultural tradition." (Lippman, 1977, p.3). Imamf—an Islamic leader, example, model or pattern to be followed. In its most common sense the term is ap- plied to the leader of prayers in a mosque. An imam is not the equivalent of a priest for there is no priesthood in Islam. The founder of a theological system or school of Islamic law is also termed an imam. The term used in this study refers to the period (1934-1962) when the Zaidi Imamate were the governors of Yemen. However, the princi- pal meaning of the word is that of a leader of Muslems (Ingram, H., 1963:1954). Sayed--title given to descendants of the Prophet through his grandson Husein (Ingram, H.:155). l6 Sheikh--A man of sufficient position to be treated with some respect. In this study it is used to refer to the head of a tribe (Ingram, H.:156). Shafi (Sunni)—-one of the four orthodox (Muslem Sunni) schools of jurisprudence. Named after its founder, Muhammad bin Idris ash-Shafi (A.D. 767-855). Zaidi (Shi'a)-—Muslems who do not differ much from Shafi (Sunni). They follow the line of Zayd Ibin Ali Zayn al-Abidin, a grandson of the martyred Husein, the son of Ali (Dweik, B. 1980:21). I Overview of the Study The problem statement, research questions and defini- tions given in Chapter One will be followed by a discussion of the theoretical constructs of assimilation and accultur— ation that have guided this study. The research design and procedures will be found in Chapter Three. Research find- ings and analysis are presented in Chapter Four while Chap- ter Five is devoted to a summary, conclusion and a few predictions and suggestions for the future. CHAPTER TWO THEORETICAL BACKGROUND Cross-cultural contact is a phenomenon resulting from the immigration of people from one culture to another or from material and cultural diffusion. The focus of this study is the process and events that occur when in— dividuals from one culture emigrate to a country with a vastly different culture. Theories of acculturation and assimilation are applicable to this situation and help to explain how and why those individuals accept and adopt dis- crete elements of their host culture. Yemeni immigrants living in.tmmasQutn End in. Dearborn, Michigan have emigrated from the Yemen Arab Republic (North Yemen) and People's Democratic Republic of Yemen (South Yemen) carrying with them a different culture, values, and religion thatdid not exist in Dearborn before their immigration. The intent of this study, then, was to examine this group in the context of their interaction with the American cul— ture. The researcher has undertaken to determine whether or not these Yemeni immigrants are motivated to become an iJitegral part of American society and the extent to which this has been accomplished, if at all. 17 CHAPTER TWO THEORETICAL BACKGROUND Cross—cultural contact is a phenomenon resulting from the immigration of people from one culture to another or from material and cultural diffusion. The focus of this study is the process and events that occur when in— dividuals from one culture emigrate to a country with a vastly different culture. Theories of acculturation and assimilation are applicable to this situation and help to explain how and why those individuals accept and adopt dis— crete elements of their host culture. Yemeni immigrants living in the South End dn Dearborn, Michigan have emigrated from the Yemen Arab Republic (North Yemen) and People's Democratic Republic of Yemen (South Yemen) carrying with them a different culture, values, and religion thatdid not exist in Dearborn before their immigration. The intent of this study, then, was to examine this group in the context of their interaction with the American cul— ture. The researcher has undertaken to determine whether or not these Yemeni immigrants are motivated to become an integral part of American society and the extent to which this has been accomplished, if at all. 17 18 Assimilation and Acculturation A brief discussion of the theory of assimilation and acculturation is important to provide a framework to guide the study. The Yemeni community and its inhabitants can then be measured by using this framework to determine how they are coping with the culture they found in their new country. Discussion of assimilation can be traced back to the early Eighteenth Century, a time when white Anglo-Saxon Protestants first established their own values and ways as the dominant culture in America. At that time, miscellan— eous other immigrant groups had come to North America from different cultural backgrounds, but they were outsiders and few in relation to the large numbers of white Anglo-Saxon Protestants from western Europe. Several theories have evolved since that time in relation to the racial and ethnic composition in the United States. Some, like the assimilation, "melting-pot" and pluralism theories, have contributed to understanding some of the immigrants' problems regarding their adjustment to the American culture. According to Gordon (1964), assimilation has differ- ent meanings and can be assessed at different levels. He differentiates between cultural and structural assimilation, and argues that the immigrant group in the process of l9 assimilation may proceed through several levels or may be halted at any given level (Siryani, 1977:137). Gordon (1964) has analyzed the process of assimilation and divided it into the seven subprocesses listed in Table 2.1. In differentiating between cultural assimilation and structural assimilation, the first refers to the fact that all immigrants learn, to some degree, the appropriate and required modes of action, degree, language, and other day- to-day norms of the host culture. The second refers to the level at which immigrant groups obtain access into the pub- lic institutions of the society through primary group re- lations (Newman, 1983). Gordon placed cultural assimila- tion, (acculturation) within his framework of assimilation, suggesting that an individual can conceivably become accul— turated but still not be assimilated into the host culture (Padilla, p.48). Moreover, he noted that when one type of assimilation occurs, it will not necessarily be followed by a succeeding type of assimilation (Siryani, 1977:139). flgglo-Conformity The theory of Anglo-conformity first appeared as a dominant intellectual notion in response to the new wave Of immigrants that arrived in the U.S. between 1820 and 1860. These immigrants were different from the majority white, Anglo-Saxon group. Most of them came from eastern Europe and looked a little different, spoke differently and had TABLE 2.1: The Process 20 of Assimilation Subprocess or Condition State of Assimilation Achieved 0 Change of cultural patterns to those of host'society Large—scale entrance into host society cliques clubs and institutions on primary group level Large-scale inter- marriage Development of sense of peoplehood based ex— I clusively on host society Absence of prejudice Absence of discrimina- tion Absence of value and power conflict SOURCE: Gordon, Milton M. Cultural or behavioral assimilation (acculturation) Structural assimilation Marital assimilation (amalgamation) Identificational assimilation Attitude receptional assimilation Behavior receptional assimilation Civil assimilation 1964:71. 21 different lifestyles than the western Europeans who had preceded them. Gordon has defined the theory of Anglo-conformity in the following statement: Anglo-conformity has received its full- est expression in the so-called American— ization movement which gripped the nation like a fever during World War I. While "Americanization" in its various stages had more than one emphasis, essentially it was a consciously articulated movement to strip the immigrant of his native cul- ture and attachments and make him over into an American along Anglo—Saxon lines. (1964:98) As the notion of Anglo-conformity gained popularity, there was a movement to persuade immigrants to learn Eng— lish, to take out naturalization papers, to forget origins and their national loyalties. However, this notion had emerged as a result of successive wave of immigration. The social structure of the U.S. changed in two important ways. First, the number of different social groups (both ethnic and religious) increased greatly. Second, the geo- graphical distribution of the different groups became more hetrogeneous (Newman, 1973:54). This notion was apparent in a 1978 statement by New York's Superintendent of Public Schools, who interpreted "Americanization" to mean that the American culture was superior to any of the immigrants' native cultural heritage (Mansour, p.20). 22 However, the "Americanization” notion, which had arisen to support the Anglo-conformity concept,1ost its popularity after the war. It served as a starting point for the "melting pot” notion which was substituted for it. The ”Melting Pot” The ”melting pot" concept tends to look at all races with the same eyes and without making judgements of "right— ness" or preference. It claims that all races and cultures contribute in the society, that people should be integrated and amalgamate their diverse cultures into an American cul- ture that is not patterned on any of them but contains ele— ments of all of them. Even though the notion of the “melting pot" achieved considerable acceptance and is still popularly referred to in American children's history books, it lost favor in the years between the two World Wars (Gordon, 1964). Socio— logists have argued that this theory did not prevail be- cause it needed modification and such modification could not be achieved as long as there were——and still are-—major religious differences between the groups that make up the American society. ”Melting in one pot" is impossible in light of deeply felt and strongly held differing religious beliefs. Ruby Jo Kennedy, (1952) for example, conducted a study Offthe intermarriage trends in New Haven, Connecticut. She re— ported that while there is decreasing emphasis on national 23 origin in choosing a mate, there is still a considerable tendency to marry within one's own religious group (Mansour, 1978:24). To comment on the melting pot theory, it may be argued that it is too "utopian" an idea for an American society composed of widely diverse ethnic and religious groups. The theory may be useful for those groups who want to give up their ethnic identity, but not for their counterparts who do not. Additionally, it is not only re— ligious differences that permanently separate ethnic groups, but hundreds of options and traditions that have been built up for centuries around religious practices. Gordon argues that the evidence of the American society is that different groups have become culturally assimilated, but he still sees the American situation as one of structural rather than cultural pluralism. In this context, it is apprOpriate to discuss cultural assimila- tion (acculturation) which refers to the fact that all im- migrant groups learn, to some extent, the appropriate be- havior and ways of communication necessary to cope with day-to-day life in the new culture. Acculturation The theories of assimilation discussed in the last few pages have all invovled the notion of integrating diverse 24 immigrants into conformity to a common culture, whether "Americanized" or amalgamated, regardless of their racial and religious differences. If it is true that assimilation is a matter of degree, then complete assimilation or inte- gration would take a long period of time, especially because we know that one level of assimilation will not necessarily be followed by another level. As mentioned before, Gordon (1964) has divided the theory of assimilation into seven processes. Accultura- tion or cultural assimilation is the most integrative of the seven processes and can be defined as "...change of cul- tural patterns to those of host society. It is likely to be the first of the types of assimilation to occur when a migrant group arrives to the host society, and it may take place even when none of the other types of assimilation occurs simultaneously or later." (Gordon, M., 1964:71-77) Since acculturation involves the acceptance of the culture elements of the host culture, this research investigates the cultural characteristics of the Yemeni immigrants in Dearborn, in an effort to determine what factors or pro— cesses have helped, prevented, or hindered their c0ping with American culture. Gordon argues that, regardless of their differences, the majority group (superordinate) and the minority (sub- ordinate) immigrants may acculturate but not fully assimi— late. He postulates that immigrants may learn the day-to-day 25 habits and lifestyles of the majority group but may not strip from themselves their own beliefs and culture. He believes that assimilation and acculturation occur at dif- ferent rates, and assimilation is likely to occur at a slower rate than acculturation. It is our intention, then, to view acculturation in the context of the cultural pluralism theory. The frame- work of this theory can be found in the writings of Horace M. Kallen, who believes that even though the society is com- posed of widely diverse ethnic groups, only minimal change within the immigrant communities needs to and can be achieved. He argues that any attempts to eliminate ethnic groupings or communities will contradict the "cultural democracy" which was innovated by the American system (Kallen, 1956). E. George Pyne has interpreted the concept of "cul- tural pluralism" as follows: Noculture contains all favorable elements, but each group that makes up the total American population has unique values, and the nation will be richer and finer in its cultural makeup if it conserves the best that each group has brought. The theory assumes, furthermore, that minority groups have‘been so thoroughly conditioned by their heritage that the historical past could not be sacrificed even if they chose to forget the past experiences. Their natures, char— acteristics, and personalities are built out of culture different from our own and the method of effective cultural trans- mission requires that the fundamentals of their heritages be preserved for generations. The only option is cultural deterioration, the disintegration of family and maladjust- ment in our social life. (1937:501) 26 In the case of the Yemeni community in the South End of Dearborn, it is clear it centers on some inherent elements including nationality, religion, kinship and cultural heritage. Nationality and kinship were the most important elements which motivated the Yemeni immigrants to concentrate in one par- ticular area. Their national identity and kinship play a strong role in strengthening the ethnic solidarity of this group. The visible evidence of this type of solidarity is found in the presence of the social organizations that have been built to carry on this function. Gordon (1964:20) points out that the ethnic insti- tutions and organizations are "an integral part of the make- up of ethnic minorities," including organizations and insti- tutions which are usually based on national background and religion. To preserve the solidarity of the group, they also serve as symbols which with the immigrants may iden— tify. Kinship and family is another element that supports the ethnic grouping of the immigrants. New immigrants feel safe and secure when they come into a community that in— cludes family and friends from the village of their own origin. Tabias has described the role of kinship in the immigrant community. ...kinship is the basis of the felt bond to one's own kind, it is the basis of one's right to presume upon them in time of stress. It is the basis of one's dependency, sociability and intimacy with them "as a matter of course.” (1973:17—18) 27 However, in the case of Yemeni immigrants, it is ap— parent that keeping their own language and their religious and social organizations are also very important for them. Yemenis participate in their families, their work, their mosque and in the community's organizations. In the first part of this study, attention will be devoted to examining the voluntary nature of the acculturation of the Yemeni immigrants, based upon the assumption that their participa— tion in, and affiliation with, the American culture are largely by choice and not mandatory for their existence here. CHAPTER THREE RESEARCH DESIGN Sample Selection According to N. Abraham, there were 5,000 to 6,000 Yemeni immigrants in the Detroit area in 1978. The majority of them resided in the South End of Dearborn, i.e., 3,000- 4,000 (1978:17-21, 23). When this research was conducted, there were about 1,300 Yemeni immigrants living in the South End area, according to informants' estimations. The re- searcher had intended to interview 60 persons but ended up with a sample of only 40 persons. Two reasons were respon- sible for the smaller number. One was the refusal of large numbers of immigrants to participate in the study; the other was a time constraint. Sample size is unlikely to be a serious weakness in this study because of the high degree of homogeneity and similar life patterns of Yemenis in Dearborn. Sample selec- tion included only males aged 20 to 60 years old. Limiting the study to males was necessary because of religious law, which forbids the Islamic woman to have contact with males other than her husband and family. The age limitations were based on the assumption that younger individuals in 28 29 the community are either American born or have had consider— able opportunity to be exposed to the American culture through their schools and play groups since infancy. This situation does not generally apply to those over 20 years of age. Peo- ple aged 20-60 are mostly recent arrivals who have lived in Yemen during their childhood and formative years and carry with them a Yemeni educational and cultural background. They came to the U.S. seeking an opportunity to work, but have had little access to the American culture. They work most of the day, have little time for activities outside their work, and generally lack the English language skills for much communication with those in the host culture. The researcher's knowledge of Arabic and background in a similar Arab Islamic culture were essential in carrying out the re- search because most subjects knew too little English to be interviewed in English. Also, his background gave him ac- cess to information which would not ordinarily be available to an American researcher. Outside of their tendency to cluster in the South End of Dearborn, there was no comprehensive information available about the residences of the Yemeni immigrants. It was only possible to locate them in the context of their Organizations, that is some public places where they could be found. The location of places such as the coffee houses, the Mosque, and stores where they shopped was accomplished with the help of community informants. However, in selecting 30 these places, it was necessary to take into account the in- terests of the people. For example, some people who go to the Mosque do not go to the coffee houses. The density of some groups was also a function of their village or regional origin. For example, more than 70 percent of the clients of one coffee house were determined to have come from Juban City and the area immediately surrounding Juban. Data Collection In order to accomplish this study, the two methods employed were participant observation and structured inter- views. Through participant observation and field work it was possible to determine the dynamics of the relationships among the members of the community and obtain an in-depth picture of the community. Through participant observation, qualitative data were obtained about the research setting, vvhich is a necessary first step in investigating problems such as this one. This data made a major contribution to the development of meaningful quantitative data, which was collected through structured interviews. Participant observation and unstructured interviews were used in the field to examine and describe the social institutions and organizations in the Yemeni community and how they function. Specifically, the focus was on the ex- ternal and internal activities of the social institutions and organizations and their structure. By employing 31 participant observation and unstructured interviews, an ef- fort was made to investigate the dynamics of the relation- ships between the members of the community and to find out what kind of relationships determine group interaction. Throughout the field work the researcher depended on selected primary informants to provide general informa- tion about the community. These informants were selected on the basis of their continuous residence in the community. Informants from particular groups were sought, such as the older head of a larger extended family, a religious man, a young man, and male leaders of community organizations. The reliability of each of these informants was carefully considered. The researcher devoted one month to frequent visits to the community to establish friendly relationships between himself and the general population and to select informants. Participants in community activities was sought and the project was explained to community leaders and poten- tial informants. Structured interviews were employed later in order to collect quantitative data. Questions to guide these interviews were prepared in advance and both closed and open-ended questions were used. Data relating to personal background, ethnicity and acculturation were collected using the structured interview (See Appendix D). 32 Statistical Procedures Frequency distributions and percentages were used to describe the characteristics of the respondents and their responses to specific questions. Four inferential statis- tical procedures were used to analyze the data: correla— tion, "t" tests for the differences in group means, Chi Square tests for goodness of fit, and Analysis of Variance (ANOVA). Correlation Pearson product moment correlation coefficients were used to determine the degree of relationships among var— iables investigated in this study. Zero order correla— tions were computed (zero order correlations indicate the strength of relationship between variables when no other variables are considered). The statistical significance of the correlation coefficients was determined using the appropriate statistics (see SPSS manual, page 281) and the students' ”t” distribution with N—2 degrees of free— dom. 33 "T" Test The "t" test was used to determine if the observed mean scores for two different groups were actually differ- ent or if it was likely that any observed difference was the result of sampling error. When two groups are compared it is likely that small differences in their observed mean scores will be found due to measurement errors and sampling errors,even if the group means are truly equal. The “t” test allows the researcher to determine the probability that the two observed means are actually different. The researcher selects a probability level (called the alpha level) which will satisfy him/her that the observed difference was not just due to chance. There is no correct alpha level but most researchers select an alpha level of .10 or below depending upon how important or costly they feel it will be to reject a hypothesis when it is in fact true. If a researcher sets his alpha level at .10 he can expect to reject a null hypothesis (that there is no difference in means) erroneously 10 percent of the time. Conversely, he will make the correct decision 90 percent of the time. The significance of the ”t” test statistic is determined by comparing it to the students I't" distribution. When comparing two sample means, the appropriate form of the ”t” test statistic is dependent upon the variances 34 .- of the groups. One form is used when the samples have vari- ances which are not statistically significantly different and another form is used when the samples have variances which are statistically different. In this study the vari- ances of the groups were compared and the appropriate form of the "t" test statistic was used depending upon the re- sults. Chi Square The Chi Square test of statistical significance was used to determine if there was a systematic relationship between two variables. A cross—tabulation of the values of each variable was produced and the frequency of the joint occurrence of each pair of values was observed. The significance of the relationship was determined by calcul— ating the cell frequencies (joint occurrences) that would be expected if no relationship existed between the variables. The expected cell frequencies were then compared to the ob- served cell frequencies and the resulting chi square statis— tic was referenced to the chi square distribution in order to determine the probability that the observed differences were due to chance. The larger the discrepancy between the expected cell frequencies and the observed cell frequencies the larger the calculated chi square statistic and the less likely that the differences were due to chance. 35 In this study the variables were temporarily coded into dichotomies (each variable was allowed to take on only two values--highcnflow,or yes or no) before the chi square statistic was calculated. This was to insure that there were an adequate number of responses in each cell in order to insure that the test was valid. ANOVA The One-Way Analysis of Variance is a statistical procedure which was used to determine if the observed means of two or more groups were actually different. The "t" test statistic only allows one to compare two group means at a time. In ANOVA, the groups were divided on the basis of an independent variable and the dependent variable means of the groups were compared. ANOVA deals with the decomposition of variation in the dependent variable into components. The total vari- ation in the dependent variable is divided into variation of the group means from the total mean (between variation) and variation of the individual scores from the group mean (within variation). The between variation is the portion of the variation which is due to the groups. The within variation is the portion of the variation which is not attributable to group membership. The total variation is the sum of the between variation and the within variation. 36 The relative magnitude of the between variation increases as the group mean differences become larger and the within group variation decreases. If there is no difference be— tween group means then both the between and within variation come from the same source: individual differences and not group differences. In ANOVA an F statistic is produced by calculating the ratio of the between variance to the within variance. The F statistic increases as the ratio of the between and within variation increases. The significance of the F statistic is determined using the F distribution. Acculturation Scores For the purposes of this study nine dependent vari— ables were combined to produce a composite acculturation score. The nine variables were: (1) everyday language, (2) preferred publications;language, (3) preferred music language, (4) celebration of American holidays, (5) par— ticipation in drinking, dancing, or dating, (6) perception of discrimination, (7) preferred language for everyday communication, (8) frequency of eating Arabic food, and (9) frequency of eating American food. Each independent variable could assume a value as low as l or as high as 5. Values of 1 indicated the strongest attachment to Arabic ways while values of 5 indicated the strongest attachment to American ways. Values in between represented the range 37 from Arabic preferences to American preferences. The com- posite acculturation score was then compared with independ— ent variables in the study. Limitations of the Study No social research can achieve 100 percent accuracy. In any case, a high percentage of credibility is an indica— tor of the strength of that research. In this research validity might be threatened in several ways. Since there was no comprehensive information or official directory listing the residence of the Yemeni im~ migrants in the South End (Dearborn), it was necessary to interview sample subjects in public places where they con— gregate, such as in coffee houses, the Mosque, and shops. This means of obtaining a sample may or may not provide representation of the whole population. Additionally, it did not allow for full control on the intervention of others. For example, it became obvious that the Yemenis are very curious people, eager to know what is going on around them. The researcher, sitting at a table in a coffee house or some other public place became a target for the attention of all the immigrants around him, especially when interviewing one of them. This attention and the interruptions and digressions it caused may have affected the reliability of the subjects' responses, especially when personal questions 38 were asked. Sometimes it was necessary to avoid personal questions until I was alone with a subject. This secured the privacy of his replies/but cost a lost of time and some subjects lost interest in the investigation when it had to be delayed. In trying to lessen the effects of others on the responses of the subject, I had to encourage the individual to concentrate on the questions and had to take his first response. In going through this process, it was determined that Yemeni informants tended to give very similar responses to the interview questions. It is hypothesized that this reflected their similar lifestyles in an isolated setting, similar bluecollar occupations, class, education and cultural and national background. Another limitation of this study was generated from restrictions on its geographical setting. We restricted this study to the Yemeni immigrants in the South End com— munity (Dearborn). This community is unique among Yemeni communities in the U.S., in relation to those found in California, New York City and Lackawana (Buffalo, N.Y.). The uniqueness of this community comes from the concentra— tion of a large number of Yemenis and the foundation of several local organizations which serve to strengthen the cultural and national affiliation of community members. Thus, the results of this study can be generalized only to 39 Yemenis in the South End (Dearborn). Keeping in mind these limitations, the findings of this research are provided in Chapter Four. CHAPTER FOUR RESEARCH FINDINGS This chapter is divided into three sections. The first section deals with the sample characteristics. These include the immigrants' region of origin, age, occupation, education in the U.S. and in Yemen, marital status, presence of wife and family in the U.S., length of stay in the U.S., citizenship, and reasons for migration. Subjects were also asked whether or not they regretted their decisions to come to the U.S. The second section of this chapter deals with the concept of ethnicity, the notion that each diverse group has its own social and cultural characteristics. It in- cludes a description of the Yemeni community in South End and its religious, cultural, and social organizations. A general perception of the group's ethnic identity and kin— ship is also included. National origin, kinship and cultural aspects are what determine the Yemeni interrelationships. At the end of this section, relations between the Yemeni in South End and the society at large are considered. Section three comprises the results of the statistical tests of the hypotheses used to measure the degree of accul— turation of the Yemeni immigrants. Some American cultural 4O 41 aspects were combined as indices of acculturation. These elements included the use of the English language; preferences for American food, music, and publications; celebration of American holidays; drinking, dancing, and dating; and feelings of discrimination. From data gathered in the structured in— terviews, subjects' responses were scored using a modified Likert scale. Sample Characteristics About 98 percent of the entire Yemeni immigrant pop— ulation in the Detroit area came from rural areas according to N. Abraham (1978). In Table 4.1, the distribution of the study sample is shown by region of origin and by the immigrants' city or village. It appears that the highest percentage of the immi- grants in the study sample came from the Al-Baidha region (60 percent), and from Juban City (35 percent), and from Ibb City (25 percent). Although this study revealed a smaller rural percentage (65 percent from rural villages), the results are consistent with the studies which were con— ducted by Abraham (1978) and Al—Khamri (1979). Both re- ported that the highest percentage of the Yemeni immigrants came from Ibb and Al-Baidha which are located in the Cen- tral Province of North Yemen (See Map in Appendix B). Table 4.1 also shows that 10 percent of the sample were from the 42 TABLE 4.1: Frequency and Percentage of Immigrants by Their Regions and City or Village of Origin Region & City or Village of Origin Frequency Percentage Regions Al—Baidha 24 60.0 Ibb 10 25.0 **Lahej 2 5.0 **Yefa 2 5.0 Taiz 1 2.5 Other Regions 1 2.5 Total 40 100. 0 Cities or Villages Juban City 14 35.0 Riyashiah 6 15.0 Redha 2 5.0 Bkhal 2 5.0 Mawr 2 5.0 Mlah 2 5.0 Megbenah 2 5.0 Other Villages 10* 25.0 Total 40 100.0 *The sample contained one person from each of the following villages: Morais, Rbeaatain, Al—Mesnedah, Al-Droom, Kharbil, Al—Subori, Agrab, Al-Swar, Mehjiba, Namosia. **Yafa and Lahej are regions located in South Yemen. Among the sample population there were four immigrants who came from South Yemen. 43 Lahej and Upper Yafa regions, both of which are located in South Yemen near the border of North Yemen's Central Province (Al—Mantigah Al Westa) from which the majority of Yemeni immigrants originally came. Warren (1967:44-45) reports that many of those who came from Yafa and adjacent regions in South Yemen trace their origins back to families living in the Central Province. Table 4.2 indicates that 82.5 percent of the sample were found to be young men in their prime working years, aged from twenty to forty years. Only 17.5 percent are 41 years old and over. These results support other studies which indicate that the immigrants who arrived after the mid-19705 are young and came from rural areas in Yemen. A larger percentage are married males who left their fam- ilies behind in Yemen, as may be seen in Table 4.3. TABLE 4.2: Frequency and Percent of Immigrants by Age Age Frequency Percentage 20-30 17 42.5 31-40 16 40.0 41 and above 7 17.5 TOTAL 40 100.0 44 TABLE 4.3: Marital Status of Yemeni Immigrants Marital Status Frequency Percentage Married 37 92.5 Not Married __3 __;1£§ Total 40 100.0 Wife in U.S. With Husband 17 42.5 Wife in Yemen 20 50.0 Not Married .3 7.5 It is important to report here that during the inter- views some informants indicated that there is a trend in Yemeni attitude to bring their families to live with them in the U.S. However, only two persons (5 percent) of the entire sample reported that they would bring their families to live with them in the U.S. Both said they had concluded that life in the U.S. was far better than in Yemen and they wanted their families to share this experience with them. Another reason is that the travel expense to Yemen is very high. One person said "If I want to visit my family and relatives I have to spend almost $10,000 every time I go there; $3,000 air fare and the rest for gifts for my family and relatives." Another 45 percent indicated that they would not bring their families to the U.S. for two reasons. Fifteen percent of the sample said that the main reason not 45 to bring their families was that their income was not suf- ficient to support a family (family needs such as health insurance, a car, suitable residence), another 20 percent of the entire sample or eight informants who left their families behind reported that the reason for not bringing them was the cultural differences between Yemenis and the American culture. They have the idea that if they bring their families and children they will be affected by the American culture. Most of the Yemenis feel it is prefer— able to leave their families in Yemen to learn the Arabic language and Yemeni culture. Four of the individuals who left their families in Yemen reported personal reasons such as a desire for their families to stay behind to take care of their land; two others reported that they left their families in Yemen because they work on a ship most of the year. I Table 4.4 shows the immigrants' reasons for coming to the U.S. Of the 40 persons interviewed, 82 percent were motivated by economic reasons to come to the U.S. Another 15 percent (6 persons) were motivated to come be— cause some members of their families were already in the U.S. Finally, 15 percent (6 persons) indicated they came for other reasons such as education and personal am- bition. 46 TABLE 4.4: Immigrants Reasons for Coming to the U.S. Reasons Frequency Percent Economic 28 70.0 Family is in U.S. 4 10.0 Combination cf Economics, Education and Family 4 10.0 Education 1 2.5 Ambition l 2.5 Economics and Education 1 2.5 Education and Family 1 2.5 Political O 0.0 Total 40 100.0 For Yemeni immigrants in general, researchers such as Abraham, Carlson, Swanson, Al—Khamri and others agreed that economic factors provide most of the motivation for Yemeni migration. The economic motivation underlying Yemeni immigration to the Detroit area is expressed in the immigrants' overall goals and ob- jectives to make as much money as possible in the shortest period of time. After this they plan to return to Yemen permanently to enjoy the fruits of their labor. (Abraham, 1978:31) 47 The results of this study confirmed the findings of Abraham and Al—Khamri, who concluded that economic factors were the most important elements behind the Yemeni immigration to the Detroit area. Yemen is considered one of the poorest nations in the Middle East, a situation which is attributed to its scarcity of natural resources, and shortage of fertile land. These factors and others, such as individuals' aspirations to im- prove their economic status and unemployment in Yemen com— bine to push the young men to look for employment in the U.S. and in the oil rich Middle Eastern countries such as Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. Yemeni immigrants to Saudi Arabia alone account for'l.5 million of the current Saudipwpulation.Fnrther. it was apparent from sample subjects' responses that Yemeni migration to the Detroit area follows a family chain pattern of migration (more discussion on this will be presented at the end of SectitniTwo in Chapter Four). Table 4.5 shows the frequency and percentage dis- tribution of the immigrants according to their educational achievement in Yemen and in the U.S. Only 7.5 percent (3 persons) have no education and can be considered illiterate. Over half (21 persons or 52.5 percent) have little formal education or what may be considered rudimentary education. These figures include people who have had varied minimal formal or informal education. For example, 8 of the 21 per— sons (20 percent of the sample) had only studied the Qura'an 48 TABLE 4.5: Frequency and Percentage of Immigrants According to Their Level of Education in Yemen and in the U.S. Level of Education Frequency Percent Education in Yemen None 3 7.5 Elementary (Grades 1—6) 21 52.5 Intermediate (Grades 7-9) 10 25.0 High School (Grades 10—12) 5 12.5 College (Grades 12 & Above) 1 2.5 Total 40 100.0 Education in the U.S. None 14 35.0 English Program 23 57.5 High School 1 2.5 College & Above 2 5.0 Total 40 100.0 49 and some math principles through an informal education pro- gram which is provided by religious scholars. Accordingly, it cannot be assumed that this 52.5 percent has the equiv- alent of a primary education. Rather, this category is a ”catch all” for anyone with minimal education and most must be regarded as only semi-literate. However, the education which most informants had ac— quired in Yemen was not sufficient for employment and daily life in America because all classes in Yemen are taught in the Arabic language. Thus, while we found that 35.0 percent (14 persons) had not undertaken education in the U.S., 57.5 percent (23 persons) had enrolled in English language pro- grams. It shocld be mentioned here though, that based on the field observation, the majority of the Yemeni immigrants lacked English language proficiency. Among the 57.5 percent who had enrolled in English programs, a large percentage had not completed their programs. During the interviews, the researcher talked with people who reported that they had taken an English language course, but did not know how to read a newspaper or write an English sentence. Taking all this into account, it is apparent that the Yemeni immigrants, regardless of their level of education in Arabic, have lit— tle knowledge of English, lack rudimentary English reading and writing skills and generally are limited in speaking and listening to the simplest terms required for daily life acti— vities. 50 Table 4.6 shows that 42.5 percent of our sample sub— jects were without jobs. This has resulted from the economic downturn in recent years which has severely affected the auto industry. These study results confirm reports from the Detroit News, which have described the employment situation of the Arab immigrants in Dearborn. Most newly arrived Arabs hunt jobs in the hope of earning enough money to bring other family members to the United States. They often fail. We probably have around a 25 percent unemployment rate among Dearborn Arabs. Abdeen Jabara of Dearborn's Arabic Community Center for Economic and Social Service said, 'when they do find a job, most of the time it is in the most menial positions like bus- boys, custodians, and dishwashers'. (Detroit News, March 29, 1982) Although the percentage found in this study is higher than the 25 percent estimated in the Detroit News, ourstudy may only reflect that the study was conducted more than six months after the Detroit News estimate. From field obser— vation and the interviews, it was very clear that Yemeni im- migrants in Detroit were strongly affected by the downturn of the U.S. economy and particularly the effects of the re— cession in.the auto industry. Contributing to the continuing joblessness of many Yemeni immigrants is that most of them are recent arrivals who lack familiarity with the English language. Of our sample, 82 percent had no knowledge of English before they came to 51 TABLE 4.6: Characteristics of Yemeni Immigrants by Occupation Occupation Frequency Percent Laid Off 17 42.5 Landlord 1 2.5 Business Owner/Operator 3 7.5 Ford Auto Worker 5 12.5 Chrysler Auto Worker 1 2.5 Seafarer 3 7.5 Busboy 3 7.5 Dishwasher 1 2.5 Auto Related Factory Workers 4* 10.0 Sales 1 2.5 Student 1 2.5 Total 40 100.0 *These occupations include welder, machine operator, line operator. 52 the U.S. Finding employment in a tight economy is particul— arly difficult when communication is so limited. Moreover, timeYemenis are unskilled laborers. One Yemeni informant de— scribed the situation , Because of the scarcity of jobs Yemeni immigrants have left the city, either to Yemen or other states, especially Califor- nia. Three years ago there were about 3,000-4,000 Yemeni in the South- End com- munity and l,500-2,000 Yemeni in the Ham- tramak community in Detroit. Today there are about 1,300 in South End and about 300 in Detroit. Table 4.6 also reveals that 10 percent have their own businesses, 15 percent work in the Ford and Chrysler auto plants on the assembly lines, body shops or as spot welders. Another 7.5 percent are seafarers on the Great Lakes, 10 percent are busboys and dishwashers, and 10 percent are doing auto related factory work. Other categories represented were students (2.5 percent) and sales (2.5 percent). It is clear from the Table that 25.0 percent are work- ing in the auto and auto—related industries, a percentage which constitutes about 50 percent of the employed persons. When asked about their last employment, 70 percent of laid off individuals reported that they had been working at Ford and Chrysler auto p1ants(42.5 percent) or in auto related factor- ies (27.5 percent). This indicates that people who were laid off at the time of the study were previously working in the auto industry. Knowing that these people cannot 53 compete in today's labor market for reasons already men- tioned, such as the lack of the language and occupational skills, will help us to predict the future of the Yemeni community. In considering the Yemeni immigrants by length of stay in the U.S.A., Table 4.7 indicates that the majority of the sample, (about 72.5 percent), came to the U.S. dur~ ing the 19705. Our research findings are similar to other research findings, namely those of Abraham (1978) and Al- Khamri (1979). It was interesting that none of the subjects in our sample had come to the U.S. after 1979. This indi- cated that the Detroit area had become less attractive to Yemeni immigrants, because of the downturn in the U.S. auto industry and auto related employment opportunities in Detroit. Some comments made to the researcher by one Yemeni immigrant (Ali), who came to the U.S. during the 19705, show an interesting perception of the Yemeni immigrant situation. "We came here because we were attracted by the economic achievement of other, previous immigrants to U.S. When an immigrant came back to Yemen from U.S. it would be easy to identify him because of his wealthy appearance which indi- cated the prosperity of his economic achievement." Ali, who is planning to return to Yemen, expressed his regret at coming to the U.S., saying that "we are the victims of our own aspirations and the propaganda of others about the U.S... 54 TABLE 4.7: Yemeni Immigrants by Length of Stay in the U.S.A. Number of Years in U.S.A. Frequency Percent 4 1 2.5 5 l 2.5 6 2 5 0 7 2 5 0 9 2 5.0 10 8 20.0 11 5 12.5 12 3 7.5 13 5 12.5 14 3 7.5 15 1 2.5 16 1 2.5 17 l 2.5 18 1 2.5 21 1 2.5 23 1 2.5 27 2 5.0 TOTAL 40 100.0 55 Ali is not the only Yemeni immigrant who is sorry that he came to U.S. Table 4.8 displays the frequency and percentage of immigrants by their satisfaction or regret _about coming to the U.S. TABLE 4.8: Yemeni Immigrants' Attitudes of Satisfaction or Regret About Coming to the U.S. Attitude Toward Decision to Come to the U.S. Frequency Percent Regret 22 55.0 Satisfaction 18 _45LQ Total 40 100.0 Twenty-two (55.0 percent) indicated that they were sorry that they had come to the U.S. Eleven out of the twenty-two attributed their regret about coming to the U.S. to economic factors, that they hadn't accomplished much because of the scarcity of employment opportunities. Three felt that a person had to be able to compete on equal terms in order to find his place in this society and agreed that they would be better off if they had sufficient education. Eight reported they were sorry because they were so far from their country. They reported that if they had had the opportunity to find an adequate job in Yemen they wouldn't 56 have left their country. Thirteen of the people who were not sorry they had come to the U.S. or 32 percent of the sample explained that they had improved their economic cir- cumstances and had learned how to compete in the U.S. labor market. Five other satisfied individuals felt that the sit- uation in Yemen (political,socia1 and ecOnomic) is not toler- able, at least at the present time. So, regardless of the scarcity of employment opportunities in the U.S., they still feel that they are better off here than in their homeland. Further analysis regarding these points will be undertaken in discussing the relationship between length of stay in the 0.8., attitude toward the decision to come to the U.S., and acculturation. In summary, the sample population in this study may be classified as young and largely illiterate or semi- literate, particularly in English communication. Almost all of these Yemeni immigrants came to the U.S. for econ— omic advancement or, by their expression, for livelihood (lugmat Alaish). They are all men, most of them are mar- ried and many have left their families behind in their homeland. Most of them have been affected by the recession- ary economic situation of the late 19705 and early 19805 in the U.S., particularly because of their lack of English and occupational skills, which has limited them in competing in a tight employment market. Lack of economic accomplishment 57 has led to feelings of regret about coming to the U.S. among more than half'of them. It is anticipated that the economic situation and these feelings of regret may affect their degree of acculturation in the American society and their intentions to stay in the U.S.A. or return to their homeland. Ethnicity In this part of Chapter Four, attention will be de— voted to examining the ethnicity of the Yemeni immigrants. The basis of the ethnicity notion is that each diverse group has its own social and cultural characteristics. These characteristics, which create distinctions between groups within a society and between societies, are based on language, religion, race and national origin or some combination of these. It is assumed that the Yemeni immigrants in the Detroit metropolitan area represent a distinct group, since they have their own religion, language and national origin distinguished from those of the larger society around them. Moreover, they have their own community which is located in the South End of Dearborn. Throughout the rest of this Chapter, an effort is made to elaborate on this assumption, taking into account the social and cultural differences between the larger society (Dearborn) and the Yemenis in 58 the South End. The purpose of such elaboration is to consider whether the Yemeni immigrants have isolated themselves in their South End community on the basis of their religion, language and nationality or whether they have been isolated by the host society. In determining the Yemeni immigrants' ethnicity accord— ing to the definitions on pages 14 and 15, we could lay out some criteria which would help identify this immigrant group as different from the American majority. However, it appears to the researcher that national origin, religion, and the in— dices of cultural inheritance represented in the interaction among individuals are the most important criteria for group identification. The Community Setting In the following pages, a description of the community, its people and their cultural background, based on the field research, personal observation and subject interviews will help determine to what extent the Yemeni immigrants can be considered an ethnic group and what contributes to their ethnic identification. Moreover, we will see to what extent their ethnicity affects the process of acculturation. The South End community in Dearborn comprises the largest concentration of Arab Muslems in North America, a fact which is largely attributed to the presence of so many Yemeni immigrants in this area. 59 The Yemenis are largely Muslems in their residential clustering in Dearborn's South End contributing to that area's distinction as being one of the largest Arab Muslem con- centrations within any metropolitan area of the United States (Carlson, 1974:292). Within this community, the Middle Eastern culture is very visible, especially on the east side of Dix highway which divides the community (See Appendix C ). Middle Eastern shops and general stores, designed in a way that is similar to Islamic architecture, can be seen. In the summer of 1983, the city and the owners of these buildings and shops were involved in a renewal project that included painting the buildings and shops on the outside and placing stones around the entrancesof the shopsin a way which clearly added to the impression of Middle Eastern architecture. The costs of this project were shared between the city (90 percent) and the building owners (10 percent). Even more symbolic than the touches of Middle Eastern architecture are the Mosques. Religious Institutions Within the boundaries of the community stand some of the religious institutions (Mosque, Church). As the cen— ters of religious practice, they also function as cultural symbols. Sameer Abraham and others (1983:172) described the role of the Mosque in the South End community. 60 While the religious functions of the Mosques have been vital, the Mosques have also played an important social and educational role.* In fact, the South End Mosques were primarily es- tablished with the equal purpose of servicing the immigrant community's... cultural needs, as much as their re— ligious needs. Although Mosques in the South End community or other Muslem communities play a very considerable cultural and religious role, their role as a cultural symbol also makes them a focus for any feelings of uneasiness or hostility, harbored by the majority society in and around Detroit. Therefore, the religious institutions in the Muslem com- munities within the Detroit area have endured a lot of dis— crimination and controversy in order to be free of some of the restrictions put upon them by some of the American peo- ple and the city. Imam Mohammed Jauad Chiri explains, There is discrimination against us, but not to the degree of extreme repression. Most people in America view Muslems with some degree of disgust. They see Islam as something abhorrent. (Detroit Free Press, Nov. 28, 1983:3C) Imam Chirri supports his observation by giving an ex— ample of an incident which occurred in 1979 when South End Mosque started announcing times for prayer using an outdoor public address system.* *The Mosque in the South End currently restricts its functions to a place for worship, teaching religion and the Arabic language and culture. Social gathering are no longer allowed in the Mosque there. 61 Although the South End is hardly a quiet neighborhood (referring to the noise created by trucks, trains and the Ford Auto plants which surround the community from the West) the strange new sound irritated some non-Arab residents. They flooded police with com— plaints and Dearborn's City attorney charged the Mosque with violating the city's noise ordinance-(Detroit Free Press, Nov. 28, 1983: 3C), It is suggested that the complaining residents might not have objected to church bells. Another means of dis— crimination is to restrict ”non-conforming” architecture though the use of city building codes. An Arab resident of the community reported a similar incident to the Detroit News. We tried to open a religious studies build— ing on Michigan Avenue and 300 neighbors came out to fight it. The city sided with them. One of the biggest problems we face, is that some of the American people of Dear— born are inhibiting us from practicing our faith. (Detroit News, March 29, l982:A1—2) It was noted through the field work and personal in- terviews that, regardless of the situations mentioned, the Muslem Mosque remains strong and continues, even more actively, to enhance the Islamic culture. The Mosque has taken the iJrLtiative in opening classes to teach the Arabic language, Ararflx: traditions and Islamic religion. However, community attitudes toward the Mosque and its auhninistration have changed. Some of the Yemeni im— migrtnrts told the researcher that in recent years the Mosque 62 has become more conservative than before. One explained, ”to be conservative is ok, there is nothing to be ashamed of. Most Yemenis are religiously conservative.” Most of the study subjects felt, however, that the Mosque has limited its activities to services delivered on an individ— ual level rather than on a group level. It is possible that this attitude arose from the decision to stop allow- ing social gatherings in the Mosque (See Footnote, p.59 ). How this attitude affects the Mosque's role as a cohesive element in the Yemeni community is at least partially ex— plained through study data regarding immigrants' reasons for residence in the South End community and their atten— dance at the Mosque. From Tables 4.9 and 4.10 it appears that more than half of the sample did not conSider the presence of the Mosque an important influence when they chose to live in the South End community. Moreover, Mosque attendance seems to be relatively low if one takes into account that Muslems should pray five times a dayand that.itis considered preferable to pray in the Mosque. In addition to the evidence of di— verse attitudes toward the Mosque and low attendance, there was low membership——only three of our sample were members of the American Muslem Society (Mosque). It should be pointed out that, based on the field observation, the Yemenis tend to be religiously oriented people, so that low attendance at the Mosque would not 63_ TABLE 4.9: Yemeni Immigrants' Reasons for Residing in the South End Community by Frequency and Percentage Reasons for Living ”Yes" Re- "No” Re— In the South End sponses(F) Percent sponses(F) Percent Close to work 20 50.0 20 50.0 Close to friends 34 85.0 6 15.0 Close to relatives 31 77.5 9 22.5 Close to Arabic stores 29 72.5 11 27.5 Close to Mosque 18 45.0 22 55.0 TABLE 4.10: Frequency and Percentage of Mosque Attendance Mosque Attendance Frequency Percent Never 7 17.5 Less than Once a Week 3 7.5 Once a Week 7 17.5 Three Times a Week 3 7.5 Every Day 20 50.0 Total 40 100.0 64 generally be anticipated on religious grounds. Several other factors contributed to our results. One was that most of the Yemenis work all week, including Fridays,* and some of them work shifts that don't allow them the oppor- tunity to observe traditional specific times for prayers. Some live too far from the Mosque for frequent attendance. Other have tended to form attitudes toward the recent ad— ministration of the Mosque that have limited their atten- dance. Social and Fraternal Associations Along with the religious institutions, other social organizations and clubs serve as cultural symbols in the South End community. These organizations and clubs, such as the coffee houses, fulfill the role of satisfying the social needs of members of different groups (Lebanis, Palestinians, Yemenis). Groups from specific Arab coun— tries and backgrounds are often affiliated with one spec- ific organization or clients of one specific coffee house. Yemeni immigrants were found to be affiliated with two formal fraternal associations in the South End community. Both the Yemeni Benevolent Association (YBA) and the Grand Union of the Yemeni Emigrants (GUYE) serve the community's *Friday is the last day of the week and it is very important religious day in the Muslem world, everybody is urged to go to the Mosque for the mid—day prayers and listen to the speech of the Imam. 65 cultural, social and political needs; they are less re— ligiously oriented and less conservative than the Mosque. The functions of these formal associations are to sponsor activities and to furnish their members with news- papers and books concerning the situation in both the com- munity and the country of origin. The organizations play a nationalistic role by centering their activities around the notion of Yemeni unity (North and South), inside and outside the South End community, regardless of the politi— cal situation in South and North Yemen. The most salient and characteristic relationships in the Yemeni community occur outside the formal organiza- tion. Within the coffee houses, national and even village origin play a large part in dividing the groups. In the three coffee houses operated by Yemenis in the South End, the clientele follows lines of national and village origin and even kinship. It is important to note that the coffee houses represent the center of Yemeni informal interaction. The food service function of these coffee houses appears to be secondary to their social functions. Zhi fact, “the coffee houses are more like men's clubs than business en- terprises." (Wigle, 1974:164) The following statement was offered by a Yemeni immigrant when asked why he comes to the coffee house. ”Within the framework of informal Structure, I can find opportunity to relax and meet people 66 that I know. Also I receive information relating to the community and the Middle East and discuss events in language that I know very well." In this study thirty-seven (92.5 percent) of the sam- ple reported thatthey attend the coffee houses; about half of them attend every day and the attendance of the other half ranged from one to three times a week. In conducting the interviews in these coffee houses, the strength of the interrelationships among fellow Yemenis was apparent. Each person knows every other person there; they are either rela- tives, co-villagers or close friends. This extends to the community. It is seldom if ever, that one finds a Yemeni in the South End community who does not have relatives or co-villagers there. One Yemeni reported that there are about 600 people residing in the community who came from the city of Juban or its surrounding villages in the A1— Baidha region (See Appendix B). Ethnic Identity and Kinship In the South End community, then, it appears that ethnic identity characterizes fraternal and social groups within the community. National origin is also one of the effective factors shaping the interaction between groups and determining residency patterns. On observation, it is apparent the community is roughly divided into two residency 67 areas. Most of the Yemenis live east of the Dix highway business district, while most Lebanis and Palestinians live north of the Dix business district. Table 4.11 shows that the study sample divided them— selves into two categories, as either Arabs or Yemeni. Few stressed the specific locality with which they identify. TABLE 4.11: Yemeni Immigrants' Ethnic Self-Identification* Self—Identification Frequency Percent Arab—American 2 5.0 Arab 19 47.5 Yemeni 17 42.5 Southern Yemeni l 2.5 Arab and South Yemeni l 2.5 Total 40 100.0 *Refers to an individuals' use of national origin to iden— tify himself. However, this may not be the case for other Arabs, such as most of the Lebanis and Palestinians who tend to come to the U.S. to stay and become American citizens. With 90.0 percent of the sample identifying themselves as Arab or Yemeni and only 5.0 percent calling themselves Arab—Americans, it is of interest that twenty—seven (67.5 percent) of the 68 sample Yemenis have U.S. citizenship and eight (20.0 percent) are planning to apply for U.S. citizenship. However, this could be attributable to the fact that most Yemenis in the South End (37 persons or 92.5 percent of the sample) are planning to return to Yemen and settle there. One stated, We applied for American citizenship in order to get good jobs, and benefit from social security and other things such as retirement, but not to become Americans. We came here having in mind that one day we will return back to Yemen. It was clear that family migration or "chain" migra- tion characterized the Yemeni movement into the South End community and contributed to their residency and work place concentration. Data from the sample revealed that a large number of the Yemeni immigrants have been assisted in coming to the U.S. by their relatives (Table 4.12). TABLE 4.12: Those Who Assisted Respondents in Coming to the U.S., by Percent and Frequency Assistance Given By: Frequency Percent None 2 5.0 Father 20 50.0 Brother 9 22.5 Uncle 3 7.5 Cousin 5 12.5 Friend __j;_ 2.5 Total 40 100.0 69 Of the respondents, thirty—seven (92.5 percent) re- ported they were helped to come to the U.S. by relatives (father, brother, uncle, cousin); 67.5 percent reported that the relatives who helped them are still living in South End. From the previous description of the South End com— munity, its organization and the groups, we may conclude that the social organization and its institutions are Nin— tegral parts of the make up of the Yemeni groups." (Gordon, 1964:207) The organization and institutions have been es- tablished based on the geographical, national and religious origins of the immigrants which function to preserve the cultural heritage of the group, such as language, food and norms, which emphasize their distinctiveness and express their continuous estrangement from the dominant American culture. The Yemeni people in this community live in a way that does not differ much from their lives in Yemen. They eat their traditional foods, speak and write their native linnguage, and even import ”Qat”* to chew during their leis— ure time. Each Friday night friends and relatives get to— gether to socialize and chew "23:". On Friday nights, few Yemenis are on the streets or in the coffee houses; they *Qat is a perennial shrub. When chewed it produces a,Plearaant sense of well being. It is, to say the least, highly pepular inYemen where most people spend one or more afterTuaons per week attending arties with friends, relatives, ouSIness associates. "A key e ement in Yemeni soc1a1 life, (Swansonq 1977:35) 70 are all home, enjoying their friends and family and chewing "Qi£"° In general, Yemenis can be considered religiously conservative and loyal to their culture and land. Some other Arabs in the South End community view them as ”back- ward because they cling so tenaciously to folk ways in— fluenced by religion and kinship. But others revere the Yemenis as the embodiment of uncorrupted Arab values.” (Detroit Free Press, Nov. 29, 1983:2C) Regardless of the attitude among Yemenis toward the Mosque, they proudly say that they interact with others and within themselves on the basis of norms and values they learned from the re- ligion of Islam. They believe that religion plays two im- portant social roles; it provides both meaning and belong- .ing. By meaning they interact with others, by belonging ‘they identify themselves. On the basis of their culture, religion, kinship EUld national origin, it appears that upon their arrival if] the Detroit metropolitan area the Yemenis isolate them- sealves from the majority. As noted earlier, the majority of' the Yemeni immigrants have relatives, co—villagers or frfliends in the South End community. As new immigrants ar- riAJe, they tend to take up residence, initially, with their relxatives or friends from whom they obtain assistance in learuiing the language and finding a job. Table 4.13 shows Where: the respondents in the sample first lived when they Cameto South End. 71 TABLE 4.13: Yemeni Immigrants' Initial Place of Residence in South End, by Frequency and Percentage Residence on Arrival in South End Frequency Percent Hotel 2 5.0 Relatives 26 65.0 Co—villagers 11 27.5 Rental House 1 2.5 Total 40 100.0 The high (92.5) percentage of the Yemeni immigrants who initially lived with relatives or co-villagers gives further evidence of their “chain" migration and the influ— ence of this phenomenon on the social structure and resid— errtial patterns in the community. Re].ations With The Majority Ethnic Group It appears from the information collected, that the Yen1eni immigrants have chosen to concentrate themselves in the- South End community. The choice appears to be motivated by ‘their own preferences rather than the preferences of the machrity group. The sample indicated a positive attitude tOWard Americans and gave no indication that they felt "Pustued" by the dominant group to live in the ethnically iSOlated South End community. One immigrant declared, when 7.2.... 72 asked if he had ever been discriminated against in housing, "I can live any where in Dearborn, not as some other groups, like blacks, who are restricted to living in some (specific) areas.” Then he added, ”they are not allowed to live in this community, not because of us but because other white Americans are living some where in this community.” Yemenis agree they feel relaxed and at home in their South End com— munity. They all know each other, and support each other whenixrneed. The following data (See Table 4.14) show the responses of sample individuals as to whether or not they had perceived discrimination against themselves in the American society. TABL£:4.14: Yemeni Respondents' Perceptions of Personal Discriminationjxithe American Society _— Perception of Bisczrimination Frequency Percent Strtangly Agree 5 12.5 Agree 11 27.5 Disagree 19 47.5 Strongly Disagree 3 7 , 5 Don't Know __Z___ 5.0 Total 40 100.0 73 From the Table it is apparent that more than half of the sample (55 percent) had not experienced discrimination in the American society. Sixteen persons agreed that they had encountered some sort of discrimination based variously on appearance, religion and/or Arab origin. However, it was learned from other research and from various conversation with some of the leaders in the community, that some Yemenis have experienced discrimin— ation in employment, especially those who do not speak Eng— lish. There is a perception about Yemenis that they are very hard workers. This arises, in large part, because they have come to the U.S. to work. For many Yemenis, work and the accumulation of money in order to obtain land in Yemen, build a house and buy equipment, such as a tractor, to farm the land in Yemen are their sole reasons for living in the U.S. Thus, employers know Yemeni workers will not hesitate to work in any circumstance in order to keep their jobs and this willingness to work may be exploited. Because of their deficient English, they often do not know their rights as workers and may be given the hardest and dirtiest jobs. Neither type of employment discrimination, however, was en ucmocwamo moanmflum> ucmocmdmo cmmzumm mcoflpmHmuuooumucH mo xflupmz ”mm.v Mdmde 88 The correlation between Variables #1 and #2 indicated that people who tend to use the English language tended to prefer American publications for reading. Also, people who preferred American publications also tended to prefer Ameri— can music, to celebrate American holidays, ugdrink, dance and date and preferred the English language for communica- tion. There was a significant correlation between Variables #3 and #5 (Prob.==.004) and between #3 and #6 (Prob.=.04) at the .05 level. People who preferred American music tended to drink, dance and date and preferred the English language for communication. Variables #4 and #5 are signi— ficantly correlated at the .05 level. There existed a negative correlation between variables #4 and #9, which was significant at the .05 level and negative correlations bee tween Variables #2 and #9,and #5 and #9. The correlation between variables #2 and #9 was significant at thecK.10 level, and the correlation between variables #5 and #9 was Significant at theo<.05 level. Even though no strong correlations were found be— tween the use of English and the other dependent variables, it was Clear that a person's English ability was important in acculturation. Using the Chi Square test of statistical Significance it was found that poor English speakers were likely to favor the Arabic language while good English speak— ers were likely to favor the English language for everyday 89 communication. This relationship was significant at the O(.10 level. Moreover, people with poor English skills were not likely to favor American publications. The re- lationships between quality of English and preference for American publications for reading was significant at the CX .01 level. Another Chi Square was calculated to in— veStigate the relationship between English skills and the number of an immigrant's American friends. People with good to fair English skills were found to be more likely to have American friends. There is a systematic relation- ship between the person's quality of English and tendency to have American friends, which is significant at theCX.05 level. There was also a significant positive relationship between immigrants who have American friends and the tendency to celebrate American holidays, which was significant at the €7.05 level. CHAPTER FIVE SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION The context of this study was essentially exploratory. Its aim was to determine some of the characteristics of the Yemeni immigrants in the Yemeni community of South End in Dearborn, Michigan. Specifically, it was the purpose of this study to examine why the Yemeni came to the U.S. and why they clustered here in the metropolitan Detroit area. Which part of Yemen they originated from and their educational, cultural and occupational backgrounds were taken into ac- count. Moreover, it was the intent of this researcher to determine the structure of the Yemeni community in the South End and its functions in shaping the interaction be— tween the Yemeni immigrants and the host society. One of the major questions was whether the immigrants had chosen to reside in South End community. Had they chosen to isolate themselves upon arrival in this country or were they isolated by the host society ? As Yemeni im— migrants may be characterized as culturally different from the dominant culture, it was the aim of the researcher to assess the degree to which the Yemeni immigrants have become acculturated to an American way of life. 90 91 Summary of Important Findings Yemeni migration to the U.S. was found to be economi- cally motivated. The Yemeni migration to Detroit area and specifically to the South End, may be explained as follows: the first generation of the Yemeni immigrants (1920—1965) came to the Detroit area pushed by a bad social and economic situation in Yemen and pulled by the economic prosperity of the U.S. In the late 19603 and early 19705, Yemeni migra- tion to Detroit area took on a different pattern. It fol- lowed a "chain” migration pattern that resulted from a new U.S. immigration law (1965) which allowed early immigrants to bring in their immediate relatives (e.g., unmarried sons and daughters, spouses, and parents) but placed restrictions on immigration of unrelated persons. This pattern was con- sistent with traditions of strong kinship ties and extended family structure. It was found that most of the Yemeni immigrants in the South End came from specific areas of North and South Yemen that include Al-Baidha, Ibb, Yafa and Taiz. Of the sample, 85 percent came from Al—Baidha and Ibb, especially the Juban district which is situated in Al-Baidha region (See Appendix B). IIt was reported that about 600 immigrants in the South End have come from this district. 92 The present Yemeni immigrants were found to be either illiterate or semi—literate, semi—skilled or skilled laborers and mostly they were young married males who had left their families behind in Yemen. The data indicated that twenty- one persons (52.5 percent) of the sample had completed some or all of their elementary education, which included the study of Qura'an and some math, through the informal educa— tion system which is dominated by religious scholars (imams) in Yemen. Twenty of the sample (50 percent) were married and had left their families in Yemen. In their employment, Yemenis were found to be concentrated in the auto plants. (Ford and Chrysler) and auto—related industries. A small number were found working as busboys or dishwashers. How— ever this number is expected to increase because of the high percentage of the unemployment among the Yemenis (about 27 percent, 45 percent among our sample). Most of the Yemenis came to the area to work in the auto plants——from their rela— tives they had heard that such work was easy to obtain. When the recession in the auto industry came, some Yemenis, especially those who were unskilled laborers were forced to take work in such occupations as busboy and dishwasher or to return home. The researcher was informed that Yemenis, especially those who regard themselves as tribal members, feel degraded by such occupations because they conflict with their tribal pride. Some would not admit to doing such work. 93 The high concentration of Yemeni immigrants in South End community was attributed to the unique formation of this community. It is considered one of the largest Muslem con- centrations in North America. Shops, Mosques, coffee houses and some other social and political organizations were found within the boundaries of the community. The function of these business and religious, social and political organ— izations was to preserve the native culture. Along the Dix highway business district (See Appendix C) there are several shops that import and sell typical Middle Eastern merchan- dise, such as Qat which is typical of Yemenis. The Mosque is a very important Islamic symbol. Its function is to em— phasize Islamic principles through daily prayers and the educational services which include religion, history and Arabic language teaching. Coffee houses were found to be very important socially. Inside the coffee houses, friends meet each other and exchange information concerning the Middle East and the community. We may conclude that these coffee houses are a new phenomenon, peculiar to the Yemeni and Arab communities in New York City, Buffalo (N.Y.) and in Detroitsince they do not seem to exist in this particular form in the American culture. In these coffee houses, Arabic cOffee and tea are served and sometimes Arabic food. Several playing card decks are supplied for people to use. It was Very common to see five or ten men surrounding one table 94 playing cards. This game attracts Yemenis of different ages but players are always men. The women do not go to the cof- fee houses. On the walls of the coffee houses, business ad— vertisements and announcements of community events were posted. It may be concluded that the function of these coffee houses as business enterprises is minor in comparison to their social functions. Yemeni coffee houses are owned and oper- ated by Yemeni immigrants. In this study, thirty-seven (92.5 percent) of the sample reported that they attend coffee houses regularly and their attendance ranged from everyday (47.5 percent) to three times a week (45 percent). The clientele of a coffee house follows lines of village and tribal origins, friends and relatives congregate there together. It was found that everyone knows everyone else; unfamiliar faces are rare and a cause for comment. There were found to be four formal organizations serving the local Yemeni community. They were the American Muslem Society, Arab Community Center for Economic and Social Services, Yemeni Benevolent Association and the Grand Union of Yemeni Immigrants. Both the last two organizations were founded in the U.S. to serve the Yemeni immigrants only. The function of these organizations was found to be the pre- servation of national identity and the cultural heritage. These functions were emphasized through activities such as the distribution of Arabic and Yemen publications and the 95 celebration of the liberation days of any of the Arab coun- tries represented in the community. Walking along the main strees of the community, a per- son speaking Arabic has no trouble getting along well. Use of the native language is expected from any Arab person. Among the sample, the use of Arabic and the preference for Arabic language in daily communications was very high: Five persons (12.5 percent) reported that they use the Arabic lan- guage all the time, twenty—three (57.5 percent) reported that they use the Arabic language most of the time. Thirty—six (90 percent) of our sample reported that they prefered Arabic language over English in communication. A Loyalty to the country of origin and pride in their culture were also found to be extremely high among the Yemenis in the South End. Although a large number of our sample (twenty—seven or 67.5 percent) had acquired American citizen- ship, most of them identified themselves as either Yemenis or Arabs; only two persons identified themselves as Arab— Americans. Returning to Yemen to settle permanently was a non—negotiable issue among the Yemenis. Thirty—seven (92.5 percent) of our sample reported that they will return to Yemen when the time is suitable. Some explained that when any Yemeni immigrant comes to the U.S., he has in mind that he will re— turn to Yemen one daY- This attitude was supported by the fact that almost 80 Percent of the Yemeni immigrants in the South End were mar— ried males who have left their spouses and children behind 96 in Yemen (Abraham, 1978). Abraham reports that Yemenis are tied to their land which they have inherited from their families. They don't sell their land and very often go through very long disputes in order to maintain possession of the inherited land. We found that a large number of our sample were in the U.S. to earn enough money to buy some agricultural machinery in order to takeit to Yemen to help <:ultivate their land. From the study data and personal observation, it rnay be concluded that Yemeni immigrants have tended to :isolate themselves from the majority society. Such isola— 1:ion in their own community is basedcnitheir ethnic uni- cyueness which is centered around adherence to a unique rwaligion and language and patterns of kinship, national (origin and memberships that are not shared with the major— :ity culture in the U.S. In the South End community most Emeople are either relatives, co—villagers or friends. Study resuflts indicate that this has resulted both from extended family traditions and ”chain" migration. Thirty—eight of thee sample (95 percent) came to the U.S. through the assis- tarnce of their relatives (father, brother, uncle, cousin) anci earlier emigrants from their villages. Moreover, they heave chosen to live in the South End to be close to their relatives (77.5 percent), to their friends (85 percent), t0 the Arabic stores and facilities (72.5 percent), to 97 to the Mosque (45 percent) and to their places of work (50 percent). This study concluded that little discrimination from the host society has been perceived by the Yemeni immigrants. Twenty—two (55 percent) of our sample reported that they had not encountered any kind of discrimination. Sixteen (40 percent) said they had experienced some sort of dis— crimination but felt that what they considered discrimina— tion was not very serious. It was determined that the most obvious reasons for discrimination against the Yemenis and Arabs in general came from theinfluence of the American mass media and arose from misunderstanding of such major issues as the Arab—Israeli conflict. Some Yemenis felt that discrimination against them was the result of some stereotypes that all Arabs are ”camel jockeys” or rich Sheikhs. Some found that the assumption of other blue col— lar workers was that all Arab countries are oil rich. On the basis of this assumption, some American workers view the Yemeni immigrants as taking the job opportunities which more rightfully belong to American persons. However, most Yemeni felt that their Amreican fellow workers were open-minded and soon learned the truth about the real situation in the Middle East. The majority of the sample felt that most of the administrators and supervisors in American business were fair in their treatment. One 98 .. Yemeni worker explained "we are all the same in the eyes of the Constitution. Administrators are controlled by the Con— stitution, and we workers are protected by the Constitution. It was determined in the study that the Yemeni im— migrants scored low in acculturation within the American society. Nine American cultural factors were investigated as indicators of Yemeni acculturation. These cultural in— dices were: use of the English language; preference for English; preferences in music and publications; celebration of American holidays; drinking, dancing and dating; food preferences (American and Arabic); and feelings of discrim- ination. Mean acculturation scores were calculated for the Yemeni immigrants' responses on each cultural index. Sta— tistical comparisons between the calculated means were undertaken to measure degrees of acculturation according to age, length of stay, education in Yemen and in the U.S., wife in the U.S., American citizenship, plans for returning to Yemen permanently and regret or satisfaction in coming to the U.S. Quality of English language and level of education were found to have the most significant effects on accul— turation scores. People with good English were also likely to celebrate American holidays, to have American friends, to prefer the use of English and to read American publica— tions. 99 Conclusions From the study it may be concluded that the degree of acculturation is related to the intensity of ethnicity on the part of Yemeni immigrants in the South End. The im— migrants have created a cultural environment which does not differ greatly from their original homeland. They have gathered themselves together where they have their own food, language, organizations and customs. Life goes on much as it did in Yemen. In the unique setting of their community they have limited their interaction with the dominant cul- ture, except in their work places. Outlook For The Future In predicting the future of the Yemeni community in the South End of Dearborn, it appears that it will contin— Iie to exist for quite a period of time. However, its com- [ponents and size will change dramatically. According to .leaderscnfthe community more Yemenis are planning to bring ‘their families, especially those who have secured employ— rnent. Accordingly, the number of young children of school :age will increase. This could increase the acculturation potential of the community since more people will be exposed to the American culture through the educational 100 institutions. Rudolph Helling (1967:88) described the role of schools in Detroit. Within the Detroit schools, Americanization of the immigrants' children is one of the manifest aims of education policies. The common educational experiences in the pub- lic school are considered as one of the uni- fying forces in American life. Within the last five years (1978—1983) the size of the community has decreased dramatically from around 4,000 to 1,300. This instability of the community has resulted from a high percentage of unemployment among the Yemeni im- migrants. It is expected that new Yemeni immigrants will continue coming to the U.S., especially as the economy of the Detroit area improves. They will continue the "chain" migration seen earlier, but new immigrants will be more educated and more skilled than the previous ones. Yemenis in South End have become convinced that the opportunity :for work in American industries has become more challenging 'than before and to compete takes a lot of skills and an adequate education . Suggestions For Future Study During the course of this research some questions and interesting issues have come to light that could not be examined because they were outside the scope of the 101 current study. In this regard, the question of change over time is particularly salient. In the past five years, with the downturn in the U.S. economy and particularly the econ- omic recession in the Detroit area, over half the Yemeni immigrants have left the area. This study examined the community at the present point in time--but how has it changed over the past five years? Who lives in the homes within the Yemeni neighborhoods where Yemenis have moved out? Have other Yemenis moved in, with the communities growing smaller spatially-—or have people of other nation- alities moved in and changed the character of the neighbor- hoods by so doing? Another interesting issue involves differences in Yemeni immigrant communities across space and cultures. From the researcher's experience in Saudi Arabia, where large numbers of Yemeni immigrants also go to find work; they tend to cluster in isolated communities in that coun— try, even though they share a common language and re— .ligion with the host society. The cultures, from super- ficial examination, do not appear very different. Since their unique religion, language and culture were found to loe much of the reason for their ethnic clustering in Detroit, why is the same phenomenon seen in Saudi Arabia? Are the immigrants there more acculturated? Do they eventually assimilate into the host society or is there a similar em- phasis on figoing home--when the time is right.” How do tmeSaudi and U.S. Yemeni communities differ? I APPENDICES APPENDIX A 102 APPENDIX A REGIONAL SETTING OF NORTH AND SOUTH YEMEN ANKARA * TURKEY Med ’errar‘507 *TEHPAN ARABIA 4. _\ UNITED ARAB ‘ EMIRATES W'M O ‘ § \\ 1' ETHIOPIA 2 / ,I' REGIONAL / \eVK _f—A~/ SOMALIA SETTING I I" . C I00 200 500 ‘00 500m: I E! I- _ SOURCE: Stookey, W. Robert, 1982. APPENDIX B 103 APPENDIX B MAP OF NORTH AND SOUTH YEMEN O MAJOR REGIONS ‘0 \Qvt P. -. ‘. so -s\fly4 \r .83 .06 dan \i'9 \ \ Q \ \ O \I Yemen ArabRePublic \ ; N-Yemen . i I I f I . Sanaa /. i .I' I r" j 'v t,‘ oohama‘ "m' c .... 0.0.... O . 0 I .fl" ...... J§Q . s . I .. .‘Centeral Pr 7 ‘9 .IAO .. .QVInce : Q ’6 . - 59’ I'-° 3 Ibb Juban.“~ ~' '0“ O. ‘00.? )“’ Q .. .u’.’. («7030! Q9 9 a: Q. ‘0 oTaiz "‘ Y ‘0 0 0...»... '. 9‘ fl .' .0 . 0‘ 9 u o 3 ° . he" “6‘ 0.: \\ O I a 89 ‘0 o~.’° . 0‘ -. Q0 I" OAden Gulf Of Aden SOURCE: Abraham, Y. Nabeel, 1978325. APPENDIX C 104 .APPENDIX c DETROIT METROPOLITAN AREA WITH YEMENI COMMUNITIES Ie9‘ Livonia n-95 Michigan AVO' I” I ,.-r DearBom W... o W... -—-—- Maior Roads -—-—-——Civil Boundris j @ Major Regions Oi Yemeni Communities mil SOURCE: M. Shakib Ak-Khamri, 1979:54 APPENDIX D 105 APPENDIX D General Information How old are you? years Where were you born? City Village Province Region Are you: Employed Unemployed (# of Months__) (2) Retired What is your occupation? Landlord (1) Merchant (has grocery or restaurant) (2) Auto worker at Ford (3) Auto worker at Chrysler (4) Seafarer (5) Bquoy (6) Dishwasher 7 (7) Other (specifyI (8) If you are a worker at an auto plant, what is your position? Foreman (1) Supervisor (2) Laborer in the Assembly Line (3) Laborer in the Body Shop (4) Laborer (5) Other (Specify) (6) Have you worked in any other occupation since you came to the U.S. other than your recent one? Please indicate. How long have you been in this occupation years. Are you married: Yes (1) No 10. ll. 12. l3. 14. 15. l6. 17. 106 If yes, is your family living with you: Yes No If no, where are they now? Yemen Any of Arab Gulf Countries Europe Other U.S. States (l) (0) (l) (2) (3) (4) Are you planning to bring them to live with you? Yes No Please indicate reasons either way (1) (0) What were your reasons for coming to the U.S.? Economic Personal Ambition Political Reasons Education Family Members Already Here Other (Specify) How many years of education have you had in Yemen (l) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) How much education‘have you received in the U.S.. English Program High School College and Above None What language do you speak every day? Arabic all the time Arabic most of the time Arabic and English equally English most of the time English all the time Do you read Arabic publications or American? Arabic all the time Arabic most of the time Arabic and American equally American most of the time American all the time (l) (2) 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 26. 27. 107 What kind of music do you like? Arabic all the time Arabic most of the time Arabic and American equally American most of the time American all the time How often do you go to the Mosque during the week? Everyday Three times a week Twice a week Once a week Less than once a week Never Which religious events do you celebrate? Eid Aladha Eid Alfetar Do you fast in Ramadan? Yes No Please indicate why (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) Do you celebrate: Christmas Thanksgiving Both Neither Do you drink, dance, or date? Drink yes No Dance Yes No Date Yes No DidYOU-study English before you came to the U. Yes No Did you have any practice in English before you came to the U.S.? Yes No How good is your English? My English is poor I can speak English fairly well, read or write but I can't My English, in general, My English is good is fair 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 108 In general, Yemeni immigrants in the U.S. have been discriminated against in: Jobs (1) School (2) Housing 3 Have you encountered feelings of discrimination? Yes (1) Don't know or not sure (2) No (3) Please give example (4) Have you encountered discrimination because of: Accent (1) Appearance (physical) (2) Religion (3) Arabic origin (4) Any combination of the above (5) All the above (6) What did you know about the U.S. before you came? Freedom (1) High Employment (2) High pay (3) All the above (4) Other (5) Are you sorry or satisfied that you have come to the U.S.? Sorry (l) Satisfied (2) Please explain why When was the first time you came to the U.S.? (DATE) / /19_~. How many times have you visited your home country? Once (l) Twice (2) Three (3) Four (4) Five and Above (5) None (0) 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 109 Are you planning to return to Yemen permanently? Yes (1) No (0) Please indicate why If you have to leave the U.S., do you plan to go to another country other than Yemen? Yes (1) No (0) Please indicate why How long do you think that you will stay in the U.S. years Where did you stay first when you came to the South End? Relatives (Father[ ]; Brother [ ]; Uncle[ J; Cousins E (1 Friends (2 (3 (4 Rental House Hotel Why did you chose to reside in South End? Close to work (1) Close to friends (2) Close to relatives (3) Close to Arabic Stores and Clubs (4) (5) (6) Close to the Mosque Other, specify Who do you live with now? By myself (1) Family (wife and children) (2) American friends (3) Co—villagers (4) (5) (6) (7) Yemeni friends Arab friends Others What language do you prefer to use to communicate? Arabic all the time (1) Arabic most of the time (2) Arabic and English equally (3) English most of the time (4) English all the time \5 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 110 What foods do you usually eat? Arabic (1) American (2) How often do you eat Arabic food? Every day Twice a week ( Once a week ( Occasionally ( How often do you eat American food? Every day (l) Twice a week (2) (3) (4) Once a week Occasionally Do you have close American friends? Yes (1) No (0) Please indicate how many How many of these friends are co—workers? Do you have American citizenship? Yes (1) No (0) Do you plan to apply for American citizenship? Yes (1) No (0) How do you identify youself? As Arab-American (1) As Arab (2) As Yemeni (3) (4) (5) As Southern Yemeni As Northern Yemeni Who helped you to come to the U.S.? Relatives (Father[ 1; Brother[ 1; Uncle[ J; Cousin[ 1) (1 Friends (2 (3 (4 Co—Villagers None Do they live in the South End community? Yes 1 No (0) 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 111 If no, where do they live? How many times a week do you go to the coffee houses? Everyday (1) Three times a week (2) Twice a week (3) Once a week (4) Occasionally (5) None (0) What is the average time you usually stay in the coffee house? One hour (1) Two hours Three hours Four Hours Five Hours or more ( What time of the day do you usually go to the coffee house? Day (1) Evening (2) Of the following, what is the most important reason for going to the coffee houses? To eat Arabic food (1) To meet friends To play cards (3) To discuss events from the Community and the Middle East Other (specify) Are you known to the group that attends the same coffee house you attend? Yes (1) No (2) Is the owner of the coffee house you attend: Yemeni (l) Syrian 7 (2) Palistinian (3) Lebanon (4) Other (Specify) (5) Are you a regular client of any of the coffee houses? 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H) Lf—‘waU/W/EJ/I; (6) /L¢-4¢é;\__J-D)1JJ.L‘1 L1) Mgu!%@)yyWéU\bKWIJL/O£ engage “1) Uj-hJL .9 (H wkwx-J"Mj (3“) on“ mi (6) f‘éyx‘JKLig wgwflisz} gdjaugfl19Ma N, LP (a) 31.—«u (Y) {WMCngwa/JS dekaw. flirfiiu‘w 6‘\ (wij 0) fiuMJ‘JI’ILJ (Y) figwpggbujfiwflwjygagw m ' (25‘) 4!» La:- 4") swweuwggwaamm C54.) :24}; _w‘. an AV CIU (‘) J) (Y) fagwfiuajzs.) {éfl’c’w‘tlwupy M ' 'l ,3 (I) 9.34% 2:3 #14,! W ( H) Um} ‘0) u I - $99M!” £311 1’ D/vf/ why b‘\ :4") U) y (Y) 120 M/fl; W’Q’Jlfaé’uéjgzbwidfi \- ' (I) _ y. (r) (94%)) VIMJIM’KWMLMM BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY Abbott, Edith. Historical Aspects of the Immigration Problem, New York, Arno Press, (The American Immigration Collection) vxx, 1969. Abraham, Nabeel. Detroit Yemeni Workers. MERIP Reports, 57:3—9, 1977. Abraham, Nabeel Y. National and Local Politics: A Study of Political Conflict in the Yemeni Immigrants Community of Detroit, Michigan, Ph.D. Dissertation University of Michigan, I978. 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