THE—"SIS f AAA; , m LIBRARY . Michigan State } Unit cralty V 1‘ ..-.- a (u :0 This is to certify that the dissertation entitled BLACK STUDENTS' EXPERIENCES ON A PREDOMINANTLY WHITE COLLEGE CAMPUS: AN ETHNOGRAPHY presented by Shirley Anne West has been accepted towards fulfillment ofthe requirements for DOC toral degree in Higher E§‘_U_Cati0n flaflf/zaova—s Major professor Dr'. Max R. Raines Date July 17, I984 AISU is an Afihman'w Action/Equal Opportunity Instl'rutmn 0.12771 [ llllllllllllllllllllllll'lllflllllll l/ 0613 PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. To AVOID FINFS return on or before date due. MAY BE RECALLED with earlier due date if requested. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE W 1 1- 13' 'J z ' Eff“ fig: 5 Minna r‘e'“ “ - — 320: BLACK STUDENTS' EXPERIENCES ON A PREDOHINANTLY WHITE COLLEGE CAMPUS: AN ETHNOGRAPHY BY Shirley Anne West A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY College of Administration and Curriculum 198“ C) Copyright by Shirley Anne West 1984 ABSTRACT BLACK STUDENTS' EXPERIENCES ON A PREDOMINANTLY WHITE COLLEGE CAMPUS: AN ETHNOGRAPHY By Shirley Anne West This study was conducted for the purpose of determining and describing the perceptions Black students have of their experiences in one predominantly White college environment. The researcher attempted to determine the strategies and the social knowledge that Black students employ to function successfully in the college setting. In other words, the intent was to determine the critical factors that cause some Black students to continue their education in a predominantly White college and others to drop out. The study focused on a particular group of Black students, junior and senior level students who had survived at least two years in one educational institution where the majority population is White. This examination was accomplished through ethnographic methodology. Four specific means were used to collect, record, and organize data. They were (1) selected student and staff interviews; (2) a questionnaire; (3) analysis of documents and statistics; and (A) participant observation. The interviews emerged as the major source of data and an important means for clarifying and reinforcing the data gathered from the questionnaires, observations and, fieldnotes. The questionnaire provided the researcher valuable background information on the Black student population at the college. Certain documents were used, much like informants, to establish facts about events which the researcher was unable to observe directly. §:The Findings support the notion that successful Black students in a predominantly White college environment have clearly defined career goals, strong self-concepts, and the determination to persevergg§ Although the students in this study initially expected to become integrated into the college setting, this integration did not occur. Black students found more prejudice, more discrimination, and less social integration than they expected to encounter. The findings reveal several strategies that they employed for adapting. The most salient was to accept the reality of their isolation and alienation and the potential barriers to their success. The students learned to give less priority to social involvement even though they desired it. They gave greater priority to developing academic competence. Crucial to the development of academic competence were supportive services including tutoring, counseling, and adequate financial aid. {~Most important, the researcher discovered that the successful Black students in this study were able to adapt to the college environment more because of their own initiative to achieve rather than because of the availability of any institutional componentEEX To my daughter, Kelli, and son, Jeffrey Black college students and To all Black college students in their struggle to achieve complete equality of opportunity ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This research reflects the influence and enlightenment of many persons. While it is not possible to mention everyone to whom I feel indebted, there are those to whom special thanks is due. I want to express my thanks for the excellent guidance and assistance provided by the members of my committee. I am deeply grateful to Dr. James Buschman, director of the dissertation, for his thoroughness and dedication; to Dr. Max Raines, chairman of my guidance comnittee, for his encouragement and support throughout my doctoral program; and to Dr. Gloria Smith and Dr. Louis Stamatakos, meubers of my comittee, for their interest, advice and invaluable suggestions. I would especially like to indicate my gratitude to Bernice Whitley, the world's most dedicated and capable librarian, for her time and valuable assistance in securing reference materials for me. i am most grateful. Thanks to Marie Pokora for her help in proofreading and substantially commenting on this material. Thanks to Susan Griskait and Janet Felker for their excellent technical assistance. To my dear friend and colleague, Patricia Pulliam, whose constructive conments, criticisms and encouragement have helped in so many ways: thank you for your support and validation of my sanity. Perhaps the largest debt of gratitude goes to those whose names I do not cite here in order to protect their privacy; to the staff and students at the college who shared their experiences and perceptions about Black student life on their campus, lvflll be eternally grateful. They made the research possible. Finally, my deepest thanks to three special family members for their patience and understanding: my husband, Price; daughter, Kelli; and son, Jeffrey, all of whose unwavering love, support, and encouragement sustained me throughout the entire project. TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE List Of Tables I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I vlll List Of Figures I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I Ix CHAPTER I. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Purpose of the Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 The Research Problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Related Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Significance of the Study. . . . . . . . . . . 8 ‘Research Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ll Conceptual Framework . . . . . . . . . . . . . l3 Background of the Study. . . The Researchers Background. The Research Site . . . . . Entry Negotiations. . . . . Research Methods . . . . . . . Research Assumptions . . . . . Definitions. . . . . . . . . . Concluding Summary and Overview. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I —a \D II. Review of Related Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 VCharacteristics of Black College Students . . . . . 31 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 Problems of Black Student Adaptation and on . 36 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . #3 Academic Achievements. . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . Models for Naturalistic Research Symbolic Interaction. . . . . "Self" Theory . . . . . . . . Life Space Concept. . Perspective . . . . Summary . . . . . . I II I IIII I ”III 0 O 3 H I II II I I. I—III I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I \h U‘I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I III. Methodology and Procedures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6“ Introduction . . . . . Procedures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (2% Negotiating Entry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 Sampling Procedure. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 Questionnaire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7“ Interviews. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 Participant/Observer. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 Field Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79 Documents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 Data Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82 Reliability and Validity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 Study Limitations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8“ Study Delimitations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86 IV. The Setting and Subjects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88 Introduction . . . . The College and its Objectives Student Profile. . . . . . . . The Collegiate Environment . . . . . Academic/Instructional Support Service Student Services . . . . . . . . . . . Housing and Food Service. . . . . . . Athletic Facilities, Activities and Involvement Athletic Grants- in—aid . . . . . . . . . . . . The Geographic Significance of Pearson State . Significance of the Time . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I —I O O V. Presentation of Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13h Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134 Demographic Profile of Sample Population. . . . . . . 135 Academic Factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139 Underpreparedness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139 Selecting a Major . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ihk Faculty/Student Relationships . . . . . . . . . . . . 150 Role Model . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 Black/White Relationships. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161 Separatism in the Academic Setting . . . . . . . . . . . 162 Separatism in the Non-Academic Setting . . . . . . . . . 165 Social Activities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 180 vi VI. Summary, Conclusions, Implications and Recommendations. . . . . . . . . . . Introduction . . . . . . . Research Questions . . . . Summary of Major Findings. Discussion of Findings . . Financial Aid . . . . . Counseling. . . . . . . Tutorial Services . . . Faculty Expectations . . . %kBlack Students' Self Expectations «Strategies for Success. . . . . . Educational Outcomes . . . . . . Institutional Promotion of Interracial I I I I I I I APPENDICES APPENDIX A-I Breakdown of Regular Full-Time and Part-Time I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I Contacts. Conclusions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Implications for Practice . . . . . . . . . . . Recommendations for Further Research . . . . . . I I I I I I I I I I I Faculty and Staff by Race and Sex . . . . . A-Z Minority staff Report I I I I I I I I I I I I A-3 Staff Report Male/Female Breakdown A-h Positions Filled From the Outside by Employee and Race for the Period July 1982-June 1983 8 Questionnaire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . C-1 Interview Guide # 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . C-2 Interview Guide # 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . D Faculty and Staff Contributors to the Study BIBLIOGRAPHY I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 183 183 18k 185 188 189 190 190 191 192 193 198 200 201 207 209 213 215 216 217 222 224 226 LIST OF TABLES TABLE PAGE 1 Intercollegiate Sports. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 2 Grants-in-aid by Sex and Race . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 Most Important Strategies for Success . . . . . . . . . . 138 Female Students Interviewed for Study . . . . . . . . . . 146 \n-l-‘W Male Students Interviewed for Study . . . . . . . . . . . 1A7 viii LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE PAGE 1 Welcome Week Events. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 Chapter I INTRODUCTION Throughout this nation's history, attempts have been made to control access to educational opportunity. Advantaged Americans have systematically and deliberately manipulated the educational system to stifle the aspirations of lower-income citizens (Green, 1977). Only through a long and hard struggle have minorities and other poor people gained access to equality of educational opportunity. One area for this gain has been higher education. It is general knowledge that prior to the past two decades, the higher education of Blacks was virtually ignored by major universities and was left primarily as a responsibility of four-year Black colleges and universities. The unique role of higher education gives it extraordinary leverage either to help or hurt minorities' chances for equality of opportunity. When colleges and universities deny minorities the chance to gain skills and credentials, they increase the likelihood that minorities will not receive equal opportunities in all other social institutions for the rest of their lives. By exploring the experiences of successful Black students in one such environment, this study can assist college educators with identifying two factors: (1) a stronger recognition of inpediments to Black students' academic progress, and, (2) the identification of strategies that can enhance and reinforce the students' survival in the college environment. Sensitivity to these two factors can be crucial to the institution devising means for assisting the students to adapt. American higher education enrollment more than doubled during the decade of the 1960's. In fact, according to the Carnegie Comission on Higher Education, college and university enrollments increased more rapidly during the period from 1959 to 1969 than at any other time in the history of higher education. This rapid increase in student enrollments was partially due to the egalitarian position that many colleges and universities advocated. The decade of the sixties saw the doors to predominantly White institutions open to minority and low-income groups (Jackson, 1978). Many of these "new students" were Black. They came to the environments of academe with high hopes and career aspirations. Many were the first in their imediate families to enroll in a college or university. But, for large numbers of them, this open door opportunity soon became a revolving door and their happiness and excitement turned to apprehension and disappointment (Cope, 1975; Cross, 1976; and Maxwell, 1979). Purpose of the Study The purpose of the study was to determine and describe the perceptions Black students have of their experiences in a predominantly White college environment, thereby revealing ways of improving the quality of the canpus environment and the educational experience of Blacks. The researcher sought to determine the strategies and the social knowledge that Black students enploy to function successfully in the college setting. Such a study has potential value, not only for discovering ways of improving their campus environment and educational experiences, but also for to a better understanding and appreciation of Black student culture as a whole, as well as an understanding of individual attitudes, motives, interests, responses, and conflicts. The Research Problem There were more Black students in American colleges a:§; universities in the decade of the 1970's than in previous decades. For the first time, a majority of them were enrolled in predominantly White institutions (Fleming, 1981). Even though their presence has become more salient, these students face both social and academic adjustment problems which colleges must recognize and accommodate for if they are committed to providing equal opportunities for minority students. We do not know enough about what Black students are experiencing in predominantly White environments, or how they interpret their experiences. One aspect of the problem lies in the widespread attrition and failure among Black students in spite of the special programs on traditional college canpuses throughout the country. For almost two decades special academic support for minorities has been offered through remedial courses, tutoring, and counseling. Vet, researchers have consistently proven that these corrective solutions have been largely ineffective (Davis and others, 1975; Gordon, 1973; Jason and others, 1977, Roueche and Kirk, 1973). Now more than ever before, high attrition and failure continues to plague programs created specifically for minorities as they continue to drop out of school, disillusioned about the educational process and considering themselves failures for not having adapted to college. Despite the many problems and difficulites in meeting the needs of high risk students, there are some successes among the failures. Blacks are taking advantage of opportunities for education beyond high school In increasing numbers. Many are seeking and achieving better jobs, professional advancement, and greater fulfillment in their lives, conditions that come in large part from better and higher education. There has been some success and as more is learned about the experiences of the deprived and underachieving student, more success will become visible. Thus, researchers continue to probe for newer and more effective ways to describe the students who succeed despite inadequate academic backgrounds and poor test scores. Thegproblem consists of determiningwwhether there are common identifiable experiences, adaptive behaviors, feelings, and attitudes among_Black students that can be categorized as strategies for success. Related Background Black students on White college campuses are a relatively recent phenomenon. Thirty years ago, over 90 percent of Black college students (approximately 100,000 in 1950) were being educated in traditionally Black institutions, excluded from other institutions by law, custom, or financial barriers. In the South, segregation barriers made it impossible for Blacks to attend White colleges. At the same time, few Northern institutions were willing to enroll Black students, partly because of stereotypical beliefs that Blacks were unable to benefit from higher education and partly because of the social stigma attached to the Black presence in White society (Gurin and Epps, 1975). Up until the Civil War, only 28 Blacks had graduated from American colleges (Gurin and Epps, 1975), and by 1936 only 1A3 Blacks had earned B.A. degrees from northern White institutions. Even by 1964, only about 20 percent of the baccalaureate degrees awarded to Blacks were earned at predominantly White colleges (Gurin and Epps, 1975). According to some recent estimates, about two-thirds to three- fourths of the Black students now in college are in predominantiy White educational settings (Boyd, 197A: Gurin and Epps, 1975). As of 1967 there were estimated to be 133,000 Black students in White colleges and nearly 95,000 of them in colleges outside the South (Bowles and DeCosta, 1971). Gurin and Epps report that 278,000 Black students were in non-Black institutions in 1968, representing 1M percent increase from the 11h,000 enrolled in 196%. By 1970, the 0.5. Census Bureau was reporting that 378,000 Black students were attending predominantly White colleges and universities. But, while the absolute numbers seem large, Blacks are still underrepresented in college, particularly in private and four-year public institutions, since about one half of all Black college students are enrolled in two-year colleges. Approximately 25,000 Black students were enrolled at selective White colleges by 1970 (Levitan, Johnson, and Taggart, 1975). Between 1960 and 1970, the percentage of Black students had increased from less than one percent of the total student population, to more than five percent on some major college campuses (Gibbs, 19711). Nevertheless, on most campuses the nuuber of Black students remain quite small. ‘ The degree of underrepresentation of Blacks may be determined by conputing the relationship between Black student enrollment in college and the total Black population. Statistics from the latest Bureau Current Population Surveys (CPS) and the 1980 Census show that between 1970 and 1980, the Black population increased by 17.3 percent, from 22.6 million to 26.5 million. Although Blacks represented approximately 12 percent of the total United States population (226,516,805) in 1980, they made up only 2.6 percent of all doctors, 2.9 percent of dentists, 2.3 percent of pharmacists, and 1.6 percent of veternarians. The 0.5. Census Bureau reported that about one million Black students, 18 to 3‘I years of age, were enrolled in college in 1981, double the number enrolled in 1970. Most of the increase took place in the early 1970's. In 1981, Black enrollment in colleges constituted about 11 percent of the college population as compared to 7 percent in 1970. In 1982, the proportion of Blacks who had completed ‘1 years or more of college was about one-half the proportion of Whites who completed the same level, 13 percent and 25 percent, respectively. The enrollment of Blacks tends to be disproportionately concentrated in the early undergraduate years, both because of the increase in Black freshman enrollments and because academic survival rates continue to be lower for Black students than for Whites, and hence relatively few of them are able to complete baccalaureate studies and embark on graduate and professional training (Crossland, 1971). Major American colleges, having had so little contact with Black students until recently, thus have had little experience in meeting their needs (Bowles and DeCosta, 1971). Many Black students in these institutions are there by virtue of recruitment efforts that began on a large scale In the 1960's. During this same decade, the formerly segregated institutions of the South first opened their doors to Black students. The prospects for these students seemed bright. The students were said to be motivated and scholarships were available for the well-qualified. More importantly, they were taking advantage of opportunities that had been denied Blacks until this time. The larger number of Black students enrolled suggested that these students would not suffer the isolation their counterparts had experienced just a decade before. Davis and Borders-Patterson (1973, p. 8) reported that incoming Black students "seemed to be reasonably confident and unapprehensive, to be excited about their eventual opportunity to get a job, and to be open-minded to the prospect of a pleasant new experience." However, while some researchers present a positive picture of Black student adjustment in spite of racism and relative social isolation (Boyd, 1971!), others point to notable academic failure, demonstrations and revolts as‘ indications of considerable dissatisfaction (Sowell, 1972). Furthermore, colleges have frequently been unable to retain Blacks, especially in the advanced years of higher education, or to graduate them in the traditional two-year or four-year period of time (Davis and Borders-Patterson, 1973). These are some of the indications that the simple enrollment of Black students merely means the beginning of new adjustment problems, and that there is a need to take a closer look at what these students are experiencing. The Significance of the Study A study is needed to determine the critical factors that cause some Black students to continue their education in a predominantly White college and others to drop out (Jackson, 1978). The researcher recognizes that students' frame of reference certainly influences what they perceive to be true about the college environment. This frame of reference is determined by the students' background and their experiences in the college setting. The researcher also realizes that, individually, Black students respond differently to White environments. Therefore, to gain an understanding of how individual Black students make sense of their college lives, the researcher sought to see and understand their world as they see and understand it. In addition to the examination of the normal academic program of college level course work, this study included an examination of: I. Special academic courses such as remedial and developmental. 2. Athletic, social, cultural and recreational programs. 3- Relationships with peers and campus mentors. 4. Available student services such as counseling and tutoring. 5. Attachment to a "community" within the institution or to the entire institution as a comnunity. Up to this point, the great majority of the major studies affecting Blacks in America have been conducted by White social scientists and educators. Gunnar Myrdal's An American Dilema, James Coleman's Equality of Educational Opportunity, Earl McGrath's £13 Predominantly Negro Colleges and Universities in Transition, and Christopher Jencks' Inequality; A Reassessment of the Effect of Family and SchoolinLin America, to name just four of the most widely quoted, were all conducted by White investigators. And except for the work done in the Institute for the Study of Educational Policy at Howard University, supported in large part by the Ford Foundation, the situation has changed very little over the years. A major study of Black colleges was recently conducted by Dr. Morris Keeton, and the staff work of the Commission on the Higher Education of Minorities was conducted by Dr. Alexander Astin. Both Keeton and Astin are White (Wright, 1979). Some of the most critical elements in such research are influenced, if not determined by the researcher's concerns, prejudices, biases and beliefs. This is by no means a new observation. Gunnar Myrdal made a similar observation almost #0 years ago (Myrdal, 19hh): In the light of the history of scientific writings on the American Negro problem, the biased notions held in previous times...stand out in high relief against the better controlled scientific views of I0 today...Full Objectivity,_however lian ideal toward which...we can never reach. The social scientisty, too, is a part of the culture In which he lives and he never succeeds in freeing himself entirely from dependence on the dominant preconceptions and biases of his environment. (Emphasis supplied.) Black social scientists and educators, too, undoubtedly, bring their concerns, preconceptions biases and beliefs to research on questions relating to the educational needs of Blacks, but the high probability is that they would also bring very different preconceptions, perspectives, and more sensitive backgrounds to the total research effort, as well as different insights and perhaps different interpretations of the data and, therefore, quite possibly different recommendations for dealing with the stubborn educational problems that confront Blacks. Of equal importance is the imperative need for Blacks to participatezin the solution of educational problems that affect them. One of the most important ways to do so is in the research which so frequently provides information that is the foundation of educational policy designed to deal with those problems. Beyond the special insights and perspectives that Blacks bring to policy research affecting their education, there is an urgent need for more concerned researchers to investigate the many factors that impede the progress of Blacks toward real equality of opportunity in all phases of higher education. As expressed by one Black sociologist/educator: When you have grown up in an urban American school system, it is difficult to view it objectively. if you're Black and poor, too many memories get in the way--memories of having been sorted out and labeled II in racially isolated schools; memories of daily exposure to textbooks that ignored your existence and denigrated your ancestors: and memories of confrontations with teachers who, although often poorly prepared themselves, remind you every day of your shortcomings and convinced you that you really didn't belong (Green, 1977). This quotation very aptly describes the researcher's feelings relative to her early years of schooling. In the meantime, she has come to realize from reading, from formal study, and from encounters with other Blacks that memories are a part of the social conditioning of many Black Americans; and that education can be one of the most liberating forces in the world, but it can also be one of the most oppressive, especially for minorities. From this study, a descriptive analysis prepared by one whose insights, in part, have commonality with other Blacks familiar with traditional college settings, it is hoped that the information gained will add to the limited knowledge about Black students' experiences in White colleges and aid these colleges in making their environments more relevant for all students. Such a study has useful implications for anyone involved in education. When we are forced to re-evaluate our assumptions about students and how individuals achieve personal and academic satisfaction, we may better understand both individual and organizational responsibilities. Research Questions Ethnographic research is highly generative in nature. Because of this, broad conceptual questions that the researcher brings into the l2 study must continually be focused and redefined as the researcher explores the day-to-day experiences of a particular individual in a particular setting. The research questions for this study were based on two objectives: 1. To determine and describe the perceptions Black students have of their experiences in a predominantly White college environment. 2. To determine the critical factors that cause some Black students to continue their education in a predominantly White college and others to drop out. The major research questions which guided the study were: I. What do Black students see as components of a successful experience at this institution? A. What is the nature of the expectations that instructors place on Black students? 3. What expectations do Black students have of themselves? C. What strategies do they employ to succeed and with what results? 0- What are the educational outcomes valued highly by Black students? ll. What are the experiences and perceptions of Blacks regarding relationships between Blacks and Whites at this institution? A. To what extent do Black students see the institutions as promoting interracial campus contacts? 3- To what extent do Black students see a need for such contacts? C- What is the nature of the formal and/or informal networks of acquaintance and communication which facilitate contacts between the two racial groups? Conceptual Framework In discussing the logic and social psychology of field research, Schatzman and Strauss (1973) contend that: The discovery process and the questions raised by the researcher need not be related to any “received" or prior theory. Such theory is not necessary to inquiry In the field, except when the researcher specifically wants to test one or explore the limits of its usefulness. The researcher is free to think of any or all pertinent theories and assumptions about his subject matter, and thereby frees himself from substantive orthodoxy. What he does need is some theoretical perspective or framework for gaining conceptual entry into his subject matter, and for raising relevant questions quickly. His framework need be no more elaborate than a scheme of general but grounded concepts commonly applied by his discipline (p.12). Theoretical considerations, however, generally underlie category and rating systems that serve to describe behavior. Investigating Black students' experiences in a predominantly White college required learning the working definitions used by them to order their behavior. Because the fieldwork coincided with the college's opening, the central ethnographic effort was to discover those factors that most influenced the development of these working definitions. To understand better what is meant by “working definitions," it is necessary to consider both the theory (symbolic interaction) that claims their existence and effectiveness and the method (participant observation) by which they are uncovered. As developed by George Herbert Mead, John Dewey, Charles Horton Cooley, and Robert Park (196%), symbolic interaction focuses on the shared meanings of actions and how people organize or mesh their activity with reference to those shared meanings. The central theoretical concept Is that an individual can imagine how his actions will be interpreted by others and is thus able to continually organize and reorganize his behavior by taking into account the anticipated and actual responses of others. Interaction is seen as symbolic, as, through this role taking, actions are infused with a shared meaning that they otherwise do not have. Collective actions flowing from this process and the attitudes people come to have concerning them do not exist in a vacuum, but emerge in and are part of larger social networks. In other words, whatever people do they are constrained by situations, circumstances, and events not entirely of their own making. Their actions may influence and change a given social world, but complete freedom and autonomy of action are incompatible with symbolic interaction. Meade (196k) states that, "when people orient their behavior in response to the constraints or demands posed by various social agencies and circumstances, that is, when people see themselves sharing similar goals and problems in a common situation, there develops a 'working definition' or 'perspective'." The concept of perspective has been used by many theorists and researchers. Karl Mannheim (1936) defines perspective as “the subject's whole mode of conceiving things as determined by his historical and social setting." Although not explicitly using the concept of perspective, the researcher attempts to show how perspectives and actions flowing from them were created during the course of daily life in response to problems and needs experienced by Black students. The concept of self-perception has also been significant in this study. How an individual views himself in his world, and reacts to or interprets the experiences encountered in that world, are significant to that individual's perception of self. Understanding how students perceive themselves is important to understanding how they behave, what choices they have made and continue to make, how they survive within the Institution, and how they achieve or exist in their environment. Self-concept, self-perception, life space, and perspective were all significant concepts in this study, and offered numerous possibilities for shaping the naturalistic observations. Literature relevant to these theoretical underpinnings in the study is reviewed in Chapter Two. Background of the Study This section briefly traces three aspects of the background for this study. First the researcher's background and rationale for the choice of topic is described. Second, the research site and demographics are briefly discussed. Third, the process of negotiating entry is presented. 16 The Researcher's Backggound Wolcott proposed that "the field-worker himself serves as the key instrument in the research" (1973, p. 18). This researcher's background includes experience in education as a public school teacher and counselor, and more recently as a comunity college counselor. She was awarded the B.A. degree in Home Economics from Albion College (195“) and the M.A. degree in counseling from Michigan State University (1962). Prior to her present position as counselor and division chairperson for Counseling and Academic Support Services at Grand Rapids Junior College, the researcher served as a secondary school teacher (195h-196h) and secondary school counselor (196k-I97h). Personal experiences combined with professional work with students and a lifetime of experiences as a Black in a predominatly White environment is the basis of the interest in this study. The Research Site The study was conducted at a fully accredited, state supported, four year and graduate degree granting institution with a current undergraduate enrollment of more than 6,000 men and women. The Black student population at this institution is low. The fall (1983-8h) enrollment data lists 437 minorities of which 260 are Black. There were 79 Hispanics, 66 Oriental/Asians, and 32 American Indians and Alaskan Natives. 17 The administrative staff of 125 includes 10 Blacks. The full-time faculty of 200 includes 8 Blacks (see Appendix A). A major concern expressed often in conversation with Black faculty and staff at this institution is the lack of Black student enrollment in several academic programs and nontraditional career areas. The Affirmative Action Report for the fall of 1982-83 listed 54 of the approximately 288 Black students in either general business, education, social work or criminal justice. Forty-three were enrolled in developmental skills; 70 were undeclared; i7 majors were unknown, and all other areas of the college listed no more than one or two Black students. in addition, there is widespread concern about overall low academic achievement, high attrition and infrequent graduation. College officials recognize the need to be more effective in recruiting, retaining and educating these nontraditional students. Entry Neggtiation A wide range of strategies were used to gain support and cooperation for the study. The three essential ingredients were acceptance by the administration, faculty, and students; openness and candor on the part of the investigator about the purpose and procedure of the research, and the high degree of energy necessary to complete the study. The process of negotiating entry presented no problems. However, because of the sensitive nature of the project, the researcher deemed it important to discuss plans and objectives with the Dean of Students. She received a positive response and an invitation to share information about the proposed research with the Minority Advisory Council. The President of the college chairs the council: co- chairperson is the Affirmative Action Officer, a Black female. Numerous other representatives from the minority faculty and staff comprise the council, the purpose of which is to: 1- Monitor policies and procedures specifically affecting minority students and staff. 2. Serve as a resource for recruitment and retention of minority students. 3. Serve as a crisis intervention body utilized by minority staff and students as well as all other college personnel for expression and redress. This was an important group from which to seek acceptance and cooperation. Other steps toward entry included approximately twelve hours of informal conversations with students and observations of their behavior and activities in residence halls, the cafeteria, classrooms, corridors and the student lounge. A questionnaire was distributed to Black students, the purpose of which was to determine the degree of interest that students would have in participation, and to select key informants. Some responses to the questionnaire were useful in structuring interviews. Many students were enthusiastic about participating in the study. As Schatzman and Strauss (1973) point out, "entree is a continuing process of establishing and developing relationships, not alone with a 19 chief host, but with a variety of less powerful persons." It was a continuing process for the researcher to establish rapport with as many Black students as possible in order to discover and describe their everyday experiences from their point of view. Research Methods The general method of research used for this study is briefly described here. A more in-depth discussion of the methodology and procedure is covered in Chapter Three. Traditionally, educational research has relied heavily on quantitative methods to supply answers to its questions. Black students have been numerically counted and statistically analyzed in numerous studies. As valuable as this information may be, it does not present the essence of the Black student's experience nor does it provide insight into the interrelationships found in the social, cultural, and academic environment in which the student lives everyday. Bogdan and Biklen (1982, preface) contend that: Educational research is changing. A field once dominated by measurement, operationalized definitions, variables, and empirical fact has had to make room for a research approach gaining in popularity, one that emphasizes inductive analysis, description, and the study of people's perceptions. Qualitative research, also known as naturalistic, human science, or ethnographic research, is the approach used for this study. The qualitative research design is based on theoretical assumptions (that meaning and process are crucial in understanding 20 human behavior, that descriptive data is what is important to collect, and that analysis is best done inductively) and on data collection traditions such as participant observation, interviewing and document analysis. These provide the parameters, the tools, and the general guide for how the researcher is to proceed. The design is flexible with design decisions made throughout the study. Although the most intensive period of data analysis usually occurs in the later stages, the data analysis is an ongoing part of the research. While it does not replace quantitative research, qualitative research offers a different focus. It adds a dimenison of information which quantitative research does not measure. Harry F. Wolcott (1973), in the preface to The Man in the Principal's Office, explains that ethnographic accounts deal with human beings and actual human behavior. In such studies the researcher is not concerned with the quantitative questions of the measurement of phenomena, but rather with the qualitative questions of the phenomena of meaning. The focus moves to the experience itself, and from that experience comes meaning. In this approach, the researcher does not define meaning through the manipulation of variables or through a controlled experiement, but rather centers on what is being experienced and describes what happens from the perspective of the person living through the experience. This approach can be particularly beneficial in describing and clarifying daily activities, procedures, and interactions taking place in the educational process. "Qualitative research also has the natural setting as the direct source of data" (Bogdan and Biklen, p. 27). Fieldwork, in the natural setting, can uniquely provide a close look at experience and meaning 2l in the participants' everyday lives. One of the unique aspects of employing fieldwork methodology for conducting research in schools is that the opportunities for observing and recording events in their natural setting are almost unlimited. Schatzman and Strauss (1975, p. 14) describe the fieldwork method as "an umbrella of activity beneath which any technique may be used for gaining the desired information and for the process of thinking about the information." Because this study required a close examination of Black students' perceptions, attitudes, and expectations, and a look at how those perceptions, attitudes, and expectations are translated into behavior, the qualitative approach was deemed most appropriate. With its traditional focus emphasizing test scores, grade point averages, and retention figures, quantitative research could not sufficiently explain or account for what was actually occurring in the daily lives of the students, nor could it account for the meaning they give to their behavior. Qualitative research illuminates the inner dynamics of situations, dynamics that are often invisible to the outsider (Bogdan and Biklen, p. 30). The investigator's major concern was with accurately capturing the participants' own way of interpreting significant experiences. A combination of methods employed for data collection provided information for checking and testing ideas, which led to the process of triangulation. Fetterman argues that “triangulation is a basic tool used in ethnographic research -- testing one source of 22 information against another from various perspectives, to arrive at a balanced interpretation of reality" (1980, p. 39). Throughout the research and data analysis phase, the data collected from a questionnaire, observations, interviews, and documents were used to not only verify, wherever possible, that the information was accurate, but also to suggest new or further directions for research efforts. The utilization of these various data sources is explained in detail In Chapter Three. Research Assumptions Assumptions which underlie the naturalistic inquiry process employed in this study include the following (Denzln, 1978): I. In order to understand how people interact to accomplish goals within social events, those events must be studied as they naturally occur. 2. During the social interaction, individuals interpret and assign meanings to behavior in order to guide their own behavioral responses. 3. In order to understand the behaviors which occur during an interaction, the behaviors must be examined from the perspectives of the participants in the interaction. 4. The interpretations and meanings that individuals assign to events and behaviors can be discovered by examining the talk and actions of those individuals. 5. A holistic understanding of the event requires that an inductive, open-ended inquiry approach be taken to examine the event in its totality and within the context in which it occurs. 23 Definitions Attrition: Refers to students who do not conplete courses for which they enroll in a particular term or who do not enroll for the next term (Lenning, Beal, and Sauer, 1980, p. 10). Oevelgpmental Education: A process through which students must go, extending beyond academic subjects into basic decisions about life direction and purpose. Developmental education emphasizes a series of major life choices and processes, which are expedited by academic skills but also are dependent upon interpersonal skills and life coping skills (Clowes, 1982-1983, p. 5) Emic: The view from within the culture, the folk view, in terms of native categories (Spindler, 1982, p. 7). Etic: The outsider's point of view (Agar, 1980, p. 191). Ethnography: ”An ambiguous term, representing both a process and a product. The collection of data in the field through observation and interviews is the 24 process and the reporting of findings in a book or paper is the product" (Hymes, 1980, pp. 3-8). Fieldnotes: "The record of an ethnographer's observations, conversations, interpretations, and suggestions for further Information to be gathered" (Agar, 1980, p. 112). High Risk Students: Those individuals who, because of poor high school academic records and low SAT/ACT scores, would not be admitted to college under regualr admissions policies, but who show potential for success in college through intangible qualities (Moore, 1970). figy Informants: ”Subjects who are more willing to talk, have a greater experience in the setting or are especially insightful about what goes on as compared to other subjects" (Bogdan and Biklen, 1982, p. 63). Minority: One who differs from the "majority" image, which is still predominant among those who are White, middle-income, Anglo-Saxon (McLean, 1979, P. 28). 25 Naturalistic Research: Most simply referred to as "...investigation of phenomena within and in relation to their naturally occurring contexts" (Williams and Raush, 1969, p. 3). Participant Observation: "In practice the term is used to refer loosely to a variety of activities, ranging from living among the people studied to engaging in the same activities in which the people studied are engaged" (Phillips, 1982, p. 202). Perspective: "A way of looking at the world, the assumptions people have about what is inportant, and what makes the world work" (Bogdan and Biklen, 1982: Po 30). Qualitative Research: Also known as naturalistic inquiry, is an investigative approach which does not formulate hypotheses but searches for "truth" through information that "emerges" from the study (Rist, 1980) Remedial Education: Concerned with the correction of faulty study habits and the raising of a pupil's general competence; remedial education focuses on academic skills using a medical model. Specific weaknesses are diagnosed, appropriate treatments 26 are prescribed, and the student's progress is evaluated to determine the effect of the treatment. If the treatment is inadequate, then the prescription is revised and the process is repeated (Clowes, 1982-1983, p. 4). Retention: That which occurs when students continue, complete, or resume their studies (Lenning, Beai and Sauer, 1980, p. 10). Strategy and Social Knowiedg_: Conscious and organized activities for seeing, hearing and understanding major requirements. Skills and abilities for managing, planning, recognizing and organizing ways of getting along and living with other human beings.* Triangulation: The use of various data collection methods may give totally different kinds of information that can supplement each other. Information from one source coupled with information from a second or third source elbows for cross checking and testing to verify the validity of all information (Gorden, 1980, p. 12). *As defined by the researcher. 27 ConcludiggSumarj and Overview Chapter One, the Introduction, has set the stage for what is to follow. Beginning with an explanation of the nature and purpose of the study, it discusses the problem and its significance, background factors and the site of the research. The chapter concludes with a 4 brief explanation of qualitative research as a legitimate method of inquiry and definitions of related terms. Chapter Two is devoted to a review of‘ the literature pertinent to this study. The first section reviews prior research on Black students at White colleges and universities throughout the United States. The second section is a review of theoretical models and concepts which underlie this naturalistic/qualitative study. Chapter Three furnishes an in-depth description of the research design and methodology employed for conducting the study. The chapter contains an outline of the procedures and techniques of data collection and analysis used in the study. Chapter Four focuses on the research setting and subjects. A brief history of the college and its objectives are discussed, followed by a profile of the students. The balance of this chapter presents an overview of the collegiate environment, the academic support services and student activities, the geographic significance of the college, and the signifiance of the time during which the study was being conducted. Chapter Five reports the results of the study. A presentation of the data collected is related in descriptive form. The students' 28 experiences at the college and the meanings of these experiences to them, as viewed from their wide variety of viewpoints are reviewed. Chapter Six, the final chapter, contains an analysis and sunmary of the data presented in Chapter Five, conclusions of the study, and suggestions for further research which might sharpen the concepts presented here and determine the degree to which the findings of this study may apply to other settings. In order to give the interested reader some additional relevant information, there are several appendices. Chapter II Review of Related Literature Educational literature includes many studies that shed light on Black students in White educational settings. In this chapter the literature review is divided into two major parts. The first discusses literature and previous studies about Black students in White colleges. The second part focuses on the theoretical models and concepts which underlie this naturalistic study. Introduction Studies of Black students attending predominantly White colleges and universities commonly incorporate one or a conbination of three central concerns: (1) their social and economic characteristics, (2) their levels of adjustment, and (3) their academic failureslor successes in these institutions. The literature's discussion of these topics implies a casual ordering among factors viewed as having definite implications for the experiences and outcomes of Black students in desegregated post-secondary settings. In what is essentially a socio-psychoiogicai model, student characteristics are lassumed to determine student adjustment to the college setting, which in turn influences student performance. It is further assumed that 29 30 Black student academic achievements suffer because of the difficulties Black students experience adjusting to the foreign environments presented by White colleges. These models also assume that the colleges in question experience coumensurate difficulties adjusting their norms, structures, and practices to incorporate Black students. A major premise derived from this set of assunptions is a poor fit exists between Black students and predominantly White colleges and universities. Some of the literature on Black students in White colleges is useful for determining the extent to which this premise is true. It contains much to indicate that Black students encounter a Iwyriad of problems and conflicts upon enrollment at small colleges or large universities. Ciaerbaut's (1978) work on alienation highlights difficulties attendant to the role of Black students in predominantly White institutions of higher education. His study relates to an underresearched group of Black students attending small,;u4vate, liberal arts colleges. He contends that an individual performs in a variety of roles. For example, one person may encompass the roles of female, mother, Catholic, White American, employee, and so on. Another may encompass roles of male, student, protestant, Black American, father, etc. Sometimes performing in a given role can be difficult as its demands may be in conflict with the individual's personality or the demands of another role. In such cases, alienation related to the problematic role may be experienced. This type of alienation, arising- from role strain and conflict, is germane to the purpose of this study which is to examine Black students' experiences in a predominantly White college. 3] Characteristics of Black Coligge Students One major question never adequately answered in the initial efforts to increase enrollment of Black students at integrated institutions was: Who comprises the potential pool of Black students and what are their characteristics? Because the question was not posed so that it could be answered with empirical data at the crucial stage when many special admission programs were instituted, many myths quickly emerged and became entrenched as dogma about the Black students who aspired to attend college. These myths were examined by Boyd (1974, 1979) in his nationwide survey of more than 800 Black college students in forty integrated colleges and universities in 1973, with a follow-up in 1975. Although Boyd found that the majority of these students came from families where the parents were not college educated and financial need was a major concern, 72 percent of the students still expected to complete their college education. As a group, 90 percent were graduates of public high schools and 91 percent were single. Over half of the group rated their academic preparation for college as "fair" or "poor", while 71 percent felt that they had some type of academic deficiencies. Regarding their attitudes about integration, these students reported more positive experiences in 1975 than in 1973. Just over one fourth cited "race" as a major factor in their choice of friends and activities, but only 8 percent said they preferred all Black housing facilities. Although over one-fourth of the students were admitted under special admissions criteria, over two-thirds obtained 32 G.P.A.'s of B or better. Finally, students from private preparatory schools adjusted better academically and socially to highly selective colleges than did students from public schools. These results contradict a number of widely held assunptions about Black students: that they prefer to have segregated social relationships and segregated housing facilities, that lowered admission standards will result in lowered academic achievement, and that all Black students have problems of acadmic and social adjustment to an integrated academic environment. Other studies of Black students have emphasized the diversity rather than the homogeneity of the group, noting that they are from all socio-economic levels; live in all regions of the United States; attend public, private, and parochial high schools; have varying levels of academic ability and potential; engage in a wide variety of athletic and extracurricular activities; and express a wide range of educational and occupational aspirations. (Peterson and others, 1978; Jones, 1979; Buriew, 1980; Smith, 1979.) On the other hand, higher proportions of Black than White students come from economically disadvantaged families, with parents who did not attend college, and are probably the first generation in their family to attend college (Erikson, 1979). In addition, as compared to White students, Blacks are more likely to have deficient academic backgrounds, lower G.P.A.'s, and lower scores on standardized achievment tests according to Boyd, (1974)- Qiowever, in spite of these educational handicaps, several investigators have found that the educational aspirations and career goals of Black students are equal to or higher than those of Whites’] 33 (Thomas, 1979). In a large-scale follow-up study of 7,249 Black and White high school graduates Thomas found that, when family status and test performance are controlled, a higher proportion of Blacks than Whites attend four-year as compared to two-year colleges. Data from this same study indicated that, contrary to expected findings, White students were more likely than Blacks to withdraw from college when the variables of socio-economic status, achievement, and aspiration were controlled (Fetter, 1978). Another study of dropout rates at Oberlin Colige found that a higher proportion of White students in groups from both regular and special academic programs dropped out than Black students in the same programs (Brown and Ervin, 1979)- As explained by Reed (1978), the educational aspirations and career goals of Black students tend to cluster around a more narrow range of options than do those among White students. For example, he notes that Blacks are more likely to select undergraduate majors in the social sciences, humanities, and preprofessional fields. LTheir career aspirations tend to be geared to professions traditionally valued as sources of high income, high status, and low risk within the Black coulnunity: professions such as law, medicine, and dentistry and, for women, social work and teachings In recent years, there has been some increase in the number of Blacks entering graduate programs of engineering and business administration, but there has not been a comparable increase in their enrollment in the expanding fields of science and technology (Johnson, 1977). Thus, although Black students constitute a heterogeneous group with diverse backgrounds, abilities, and interests, they can be 34 characterized, in general terms, as different from the model group of White students in their "average" family background, academic preparation, academic achievement, grades and test scores, and career aspirations. Centre (1970) conducted a study of Black students at predominantly White colleges in which he utilized the "Questionnaire on Student and College Characteristiscs" (OSCC). The questionnaire was administered to 249 Black students at 83 traditionally White institutions in 1978. White students were matched with Black respondents on the basis of sex and major field of study. As expected, the results revealed that there were large differences in socio-economic background between Black and White students and that White students were heavily involved interganized campus-based activities while Black students were involved with activities aimed at improving the larger society in general and those aimed at improving the status of Blacks in particular. The author also found that more Black students than Whites planned to attend graduate or professional school. An analysis of the data, according to Centra, also showed more similarities than differences in Black and White students' perceptions of the college environment. However, Black and White students viewed the racial environment quite differently. The differences pointed toward the existence of a dual environment with minimal Black involvement in most on-campus activities. 35 Sumary ‘The literature reviewed in this section compared characteristics Iof Black and White college students. Fewer similarities than differences were found. There are some similarities in their amounts of involvement in extracurricular activities and in their goals in college attendance, although the types of activities differed and the educational aspirations and career goals of Black students tend to cluster around a more narrow range of options than do those among White students. Black students differ markedly on family characteristics such as parents' income, occupation, and education, along with pre-coilege experiences of an academically relevant nature. While they constitute a heterogeneous group with diverse backgrounds, abilities, and interests, Black students can be characterized, in general terms, as different from White students in their average family backgrounds, academic preparation, and academic achievement. Thus, Black students encounter many more and different problems and conflicts as they enter traditional ’colleges and universities. Some of the major problems discussed in the literature were financial difficulties, restricted academic competence, and problems with individual and group identity. IAlthough the literature seems to indicate that Black students' plight is largely determined by factors outside the institution, the colleges and universities are not without responsibility and opportunities to improve the conditions for Blacks. 36 Problems of Black Student Adaptation and Retention In their comprehensive study of thirteen fairly diverse colleges and universities, Peterson and his colleagues (1978) identified a period of "transitional trauma" and a period of "active accomodation" as two phases in the institutional response to increased Black student enrollment. In the period of transitional trauma, Black students made unanticipated demands, displayed uncharacterisitc behaviors, and created high levels of conflict within the institutions. The next phase, active accomodation between the college administrators and the Black students, was shaped by two major factors: the interracial attitudes of both groups and the structure of organized programs for Blacks. The authors point out that an overarching factor influencing both of these phases was the lack of congruency between Black students' expectations of college life and the Institutional expectations that Blacks would fit into the mold of the traditional middle-class college student. The specific dimensions of these incongruent expectations have been outlined by Gibbs (1973). She points out that college administrators shared a series of inplicit and explicit expectations about Black students: (1) that they would be absorbed in the college community without any substantial modification of existing structure of programs; (2) that they would be able to compete effectively with White students whose academic preparation, achievement test scores, and study skills were generally superior; (3) that they would be assimilated into the campus's social, cultural, and recreational 37 activities without any consideration of socio-cultural differences; and (4) that they should be grateful for the opportunity to obtain an integrated education as passive recipients rather than active participants. On the other hand, the Black students' expectations were less clearly definable, partly because they were primarily first-generation coilegians and partly because their cultural experiences had not prepared them to negotiate with large impersonal bureaucracies. However, they also shared certain expectations: (1) that the institutions would be very flexible in responding to their individual and group needs; (2) that college academic work and standards of evaluation would be a continuation of high school courses and grading standards rather than qualitatively and quantitatively more demanding and competitive; (3) that there would be a greater diversity of and tolerance for a broad range of activities, interests, and life-styles, including those that reflected their own Afro-American cultural heritage and ethnic identity; (4) that they would have greater contact and involvement with the Black conmunity near their institutions; and (5) that there would be a mutual process of adjustment and accommodation between Black students' interests and needs and institutional responses. These disparate expectations were the source of much of the tension and conflict generated in the period of transitional trauma and of the chronic problems of poor communication and lack of mutual trust in the period of active accomodation as described by Peterson and his colleagues (1978). A number of authors have documented the problems of accommodation and adaptation of Black students during the 1970's in all areas of 38 student life: academic, social, and personal. In her three-year study of Black student utilization of mental health services at Stanllford University, Gibbs (1975) found that they expressed multiphe complaints, most frequently concerning problems in heterosexual relations (48 percent); problems in Interpersonal relationships with other students, staff, and faculty members (40 percent); ethnic- identity conflicts (46 percent); academic problems (35 percent); problems with parents and families (24 percent); feelings of depression, anger, or anxiety (74 percent); psychosomatic symptoms (25 percent); and career concerns (10 percent). Studies of the psychological problems of Black students at a wide range of integrated institutions reinforce these findings that their socio-cultural marginality is a major factor in their ability to adapt to these institutions in a growth-enhancing manner. While attempting to establish secure psychosocial identities, adolescents may engage in behaviors to protect themselves against identity loss, such as immersion in adolescent subcultures, ciannish and exclusive behavior, and testing others' loyalties. Although minority group membership could certainly serve to facilitate identity resolution, Gurin and Epps, (1975), suggest that minority students are prone to identity disorders and that the social atmosphere, whether one of acceptance or rejection, plays an important part in the developmental process during this period. ideally, the college experience should provide an entree into a broader social area with new opportunities for making friends, dating, and learning. But in contrast to the general opportunity for social broadening, some Black students face more constricted social life than ever before. According to Boyd (1974), 60 percent of his 39 nationwide interview survey sample of Black students complained about the low proportion of Black enrollment. Jones and others (1970) found that Black students on four White canpuses ranked inadequate social life as one of their more serious problems and attributed academic difficulties to these psychosocial factors. In a study of Black students admitted under a special program at the University of Michigan, Hedegard and Brown (1969) found that freshmen tended to feel intense loneliness and that Black women had a more difficult time socially on White campuses than did Black men. In a study conducted by the Southern Regional EducathflIBoard (Institute for Higher Educational Opportunity, 1970), Black students on the campuses of five predominantly White junior colleges reported feeling isolated and expressed the desire for more opportunities to become involved in the full range of campus life. Thus, social isolation clearly seems to constitute a problem for many Black students, one that must frustrate the natural developmental needs at this age for interpersonal sharing. Several studies report that Blacks come to integrated college settings expecting to be accepted by both Blacks and Whites and to establish friendships across as well as ufithin racial lines. Sylvester Monroe (1973), in a personal account of his experiences at Harvard, wmites that ”Black students were coming to Harvard expecting to be accepted and absorbed into the mainstream of university life." However, few experienced close personal relationships with White individuals or groups. The sometimes harsh realities of interracial encounters seem to combine with initial expectations to produce a heightened sensitivity to racial rebuffs. 40 Black students react in different ways to their minority status on predominantly White campuses. Among students seeking counseling at Stanford, Gibbs (1975) describes four general modes of adaption: (1) withdrawal, (2) separation, (3) assimilation, (4) affirmation. All four modes appear to be responses that Black students employ in coping with identity conflicts. The mode of separation, in particular, seems to derive from sensitivity to racism or hostility to Whites and constitutes an aggressive stance akin to Pettigrew's (I964) "Movement- against-the dominant-group" response to oppression or perceived oppression. This mode is characterized by a withdrawal into an all Black subculture. Willie and McCord (1972) note that the separatist movement of Black students on many White campuses appears to be a product of the racism encountered by individual students and is a phenomenon that increases rather than decreases with the degree of interracial contact. Many Black students experience instances of what they perceive as racial prejudice and traumatizing indigitites, which create the sense of being in a hostile environment. Willie and McCord describe Black student separatism as an adaptation to stress due to rejection, a form of self-protection. There are actually indications in the literature that some Black students are spending more of their energies in learning interpersonal coping strategies than in pursuits conducive to intellectual growth. Gurin and Epps (1975) found that informal contact with faculty outside the classroom is a critical factor in fostering high aspirations among Black students. However, Black students frequently find it difficult to establish rapport with their teachers. Boyd 41 (1974) reports that the major problems appeared to involve perceived assumptions by Blacks that professors view them as incompetent and dishonest and that professors question the validity of their outstanding work, ignore Blacks and are accessible only to White students. While specific incidents range from the overt to the covert, they appear to have similar effects on students. in addition to the academic factors of underpreparedness and less than adequate remedial help, lack of demands for achievment can undermine Black students' performance. Gurin and Epps (1975) point out that one of the factors associated with aspirations and achievement is an institutional belief that every student can and will succeed. Katz, Henchy, and Allen (1968) found that among students needing approval, positive reinforcement goes a long way toward improving performance, while the lack thereof may depress performance. Although many Black students perform well in college, the consequence of academic failure for the individual must be considered. One of the patterns observed by Gibbs (1975) in counseling Black students was a withdrawal response associated with academic failure and feelings of inadequacy. Bowles and DeCosta (1971) also warn that, while adjusted admission policies will increase educational opportunity, there Is also the risk of multiplying the personal tragedies of failure, which may lead to student discontent. The problems Black students experience and the coping mechanisms they develop to handle their marginality in integrated institutions provide some clues to reasons for their retention or attrition. In studies where Black students were asked to identify their reasons for discontent, maladjustment, or failure at integrated campuses, the 42 following factors were mentioned: feelings of loneliness and alienation, financial problems, lack of adequate support services, problems of cultural differences, academic competition, hostility and prejudice of White students and faculty, racial discrimination, inadequate number of Black faculty and staff as role models (Smith, 1979; Willie and McCord, 1972; Boyd, 1974; Jones, 1979; Sadlacek and Webster, 1977)- One consistent finding in all these surveys is the Black students' perception that White faculty are indifferent, ambivalent, or prejudiced toward them.. Faculty responses to Black students were characterized as condescending, demeaning, or depersonalizing. Many students felt they were strereotyped by the faculty as poorly prepared, (nIlturaliy disadvantaged low achievers who were not worthy of their interest or time. Recent news reports from a number of highly selective colleges, including several prestigious Ivy League schools, indicate that even the most academically capable Black students perceive faculty members as remote, uncaring, and unwilling to treat them as individuals. Empirical studies of factors correlated to retention of Black students from integrated institutions suggest that these factors vary according to the type of institution and the type of student enrolled. in their study of 103 large universities, Sedlacek and Webster (1977) point out that, along with a leveling off of Black freshmen since 1969, the nuuber of special minority programs has decreased in public universities while remaining stable in private schools. They also note that the number of schools using different admissions criteria for minorities has decreased back to 1969 levels. They conclude from 43 their data that private universities are doing a more effective job of enrolling and retaining minority students than public institutions. In his survey of 800 Black undergraduates in 40 four-year colleges, Boyd (1979) reaches a similar conclusion. Copeland (1976), in a study of the causes of Black student attrition at integrated colleges, found that dropouts entered college for nonspecific reasons significantly more often than the "stayers". In the group of dropouts, the decision to leave was related to experiences of racial discrimination but not to the level of financial aid. In their study of dropout rates of Black and White students at Oberlin, Brown and Ervin (1979) showed that Blacks participating in special programs had significantly lower dropout rates than nonparticipating Blacks. Moreover, fewer Blacks in both regular and special programs dropped out as compared to White students in both programs. Davis, Loeb, and Robinson (1970) studied Black and White college freshmen at the University of Illinois. The profile of the Black student which resulted was that of an individual with a relatively low academic preparation coupled with high aspirations. In addition, it was suggested that the Black student may need to work part-time in order to pay for his education. The authors reconmend that financial aid be given to these students. They also suggest that modifications of the academic program be made in order to aid Black students in their efforts to overcome educational deficiencies. In addition, Hedegard and Brown's (1960) study of Black and White freshmen at a 44 large public university revealed that the two racial groups differed most markedly on family characteristics, i.e., parents' income, occupation, and education, along with pre-college experiences of an academically relevant nature. In terms of Black-White attitudinal conflict, MacDonald and Sites (1972) studied Black and White freshmen attitudes toward Black power at a large Midwestern university. it was tentatively concluded that White students were not open to what Blacks most wanted and needed--a genuine basis of power. Whites were willing to go along to some extent, with less threatening aspects of Black power such as Black pride, identity, and traditionalism. However, issues such as Black community control, Black capitalism, and Black solidarity elicited a negative response from White students. Bressler (1967) discusses the problems Black students encounter as they enter White colleges. He cites financial difficulties, restricted academic competence, and problems with individual and group identity. He states that economic stresses reduce the number of Black students while those Blacks who do go to college are faced with having to choose among such social Options as assimilation, cultural pluralism, or separatism. Although Bressler allows that the Black students' plight is largely determined by extrainstitutional factors, he stresses that colleges are not without responsibility or opportunities to improve conditions for Black students. He recommends certain actions be taken in a number of areas including admissions policies, allocation of resources, teaching inventiveness and curricula. 45 Ginzberg (1970) studied Columbia University student protests of 1968 and predicted that colleges and universities would experience increasing Black activism in the decade ahead. He also stated that peace on the campus would depend both on the ability of administrators to treat matters involving Black goals and aspirations effectively, and on the White faculty and students' attitudes and actions toward Black students. Furthermore, Ginzberg said that urban institutions will have to create and maintain close relationships with their urban Black neighbors, relationships which are beneficial to the interest of both parties. Taylor (1970) also took a rather strident approach in condemning the educational establishment as not really wanting Blacks to be properly educated, especially on Black terms. He castigated the liberal-integrationist educational outlook as one which amounts to having Blacks learn White values and culture in order for their intergration to be permitted. Universities are viewed as middle class entities which aid individual middle-class achievment and mold new members for the professional-business elite. Taylor found the focus of United States education to be inadequate in terms of Black education, cultural identity, psychological acceptance, feelings of relevance, and cultural needs and goals. He said that a genuinely pluralistic atmosphere is required. Kiernan and Daniels' (1967) study of lower-class Blacks in a community college indicated that attitudes and actions of a lower- class nature seemed to be a determinant of failure to finish college. The effort in making the transition from lower-class to middle-class status had negative psychological consequences including personal 46 anxiety, bitterness, self-hatred, and outward-directed hatred. Kiernan and Daniels found recurring value conflict as welt. They conclude that social change is occurring but not as quickly as many sociologists believe. Also from a small college perspective, Gaier and Watts (1960) studied Black and White freshmen at the predominantly White Macalester College and the all Black Clark College. The findings suggest that college attendance may be associated with upward social mobility for a larger percentage of Blacks than Whites. Recalling Kiernan and Daniels' study, one realizes that this mobility is not without its attendant social and psychological costs. From an institutional perspective, Leggett (1970) discusses the state of the small, private college. He sees a vital role for the small college in the educational scene, but also points to some problems. Leggett suggests that the small college is characterized as being of a single-purpose, non-metropolitan, and residential. Although these are regarded as virtues, Leggett says they are also seen as problems in that they render the small college vulnerable to the onslaught of contemporary social forces. Single purposeness frequently gives rise to a feeling that the curriculum is restrictive; the non-metropolitan aspect is often equated with irrelevance; and the residential dimension connotes barracks-like discipline to many. Leggett asserts that although the "in loco parentis" function of the small college is disappearing with no likelihood of returning, the small college cannot deny responsibility for the quality of the student environment. it might be pointed out here that such characteristics as singularity of purpose, non-metropolitan, and 47 residential, along with a lingering "in loco parentis" tendency, may prove stressful for urban Black students who attend these schools. This stress may in turn become manifest in one or more forms of alienation. Finally, there appears to be a relationship between Black student retention and their perception of institutional racism. In a study at the University of Maryland, Black students expressed more serious problems as victims of racism and discrimination than Whites, Asians, or Hispanics (Webster, Sedlacek, and Miyares, 1979). In an earlier study at the same school, those Blacks who perceived the university climate negatively and reported experiencing more personal racism received higher grades and felt they had a greater chance of obtaining a college degree than other Blacks (Pheifer, 1976). One could interpret the findings of these two studies as support for the hypothesis that Blacks who can attribute their problems to external sources are able to avoid self-attribution of failure and, consequently, can overcome external barriers to their achievment. The results of these empirical studies indicate a complex relationship between Black student retention and institutional variables. More recent studies suggest that Black retention rates are as high as or higher than White rates. Earlier claims of high attrition rates among Black students probably reflected inappropriate recruitment strategies and admissions decisions of students who were ill prepared and poorly motivated for college. If current trends continue, Black retention rates will probably be more influenced by financial aid 48 factors and adequate support services than by any other institutional variables. Summary The studies reported here regarding adaptation and retention indicate that many students experience a number of problems in all areas of student life: academic, social, and personal. Although many of these problems are commonly associated with late adolescent development, Black students more frequently experience severe identity conflicts, which are intensified by membership in a minority group; by interpersonal difficulites, which are often related to their perceptions of discriminatory treatment; and by academic anxiety, which is linked to their feelings of insecurity about their ability to survive successfully in a very competitive academic environment. This review of the literature also reveals that Black students react in different ways to their status on predominantly White college campuses. The four general modes of adaptation described include affirmation, a movement with the culture; assimilation, movement toward the culture; separation, movement against the culture; and, withdrawal, movement away from the culture. The studies view withdrawal as the most maladaptive mode in terms of the students' ability to cope with the college environment. 49 Academic Achievements Much attention has been devoted in the literature to the alleged poor qualifications and alienation of Black students at White colleges. Although some of these students have been able to reach their educational goals without any special assistance from the institution in which they were enrolled, many others experienced total frustration and failure. Recognition of this situation led to the establishment of programs designed specifically for the "high risk'I student in colleges throughout the country. College programs and courses that assist students' development of entry level skills in reading, writing, math, speaking, listening, note taking, and studying are not new to higher education (Cross, 1976; Maxwell, 1979). Today the academic difficulties of an increasingly diverse student population are being met by college basic skills, remedial and/or developmental programs which are designed to help students make the transition to college- level work. In the late 1960's and early 1970's, many colleges entraced open admissions policies and established remedial programs. The intent of these programs was to make a special effort to enroll students whose lack of preparation for college placed them at a disadvantage in competition with other students in college and to offer them an opportunity to overcome the difficulies of the past and succeed academically in the future. Each institution developed its own methods for dealing with the educational deficiencies of their low achieving enrollees. Programs ranged from requiring the 50 entire freshman class to take remedial English to quickly developing and implementing dozens of non-credit courses to a kind of benign neglect in which open-admissions students were treated like everyone else and it was assumed that they would seek help from faculty members when they needed it. Many of these attempts failed. Follow-up studies showed clearly that all programs that depended on large scale faculty support and involvement failed (Maxwell, 1979). Despite admirable aims, at many institutions where special programs existed, faculty members seemed to lack a clear understanding of the high risk students and thus blamed them for their inadequate preparation for college life (Roueche and Kirk, 1973). Critics maintain that traditional college remedial courses are failures and are not the best way to help underprepared students gain the skills and knowledge they need. Some experts believe that such courses are the worst possible way to deal with the problems of academically weak freshmen because they kill student motivation (Jason and others, 1977). Remedial and developmental programs are invariably classified as "special" or "supportive" and are often founded in a climate of hostility with very little consideration given to making them a part of the academic mainstream (Jason and others, 1977). Students in remedial and developmental programs are always considered different from other students. They are labeled "slow learner" or poor achievers" and their motivation and strengths are overlooked, while the work they are assigned is obviously at the high school level which does not inspire them to learn. The stigma attached to both taking and teaching remedial courses is important in discouraging students. If the program is viewed as a 51 salvage operation, both instructors and students suffer low morale. The situation is worsened when unwilling instructors are drafted to teach remedial courses. They may lack both interest and skills and be unable to relate to the students. Another factor that has prevented remedial courses from succeeding is the impossible expectations for them. For example, most remedial problems cannot be eradicated in one term. Nor can any reading program raise students' reading ability four grade levels in ten weeks, yet this expectation is often implied in curriculum schedules. If, for the reasons just cited, remedial college programs have failed to help underprepared students succeed academically, one might wonder why they are proliferating. The answer is that they may serve other functions. if they exist and are designed to discourage poorly prepared students from pursuing college goals, then they might be viewed as quite successful. Today many colleges faced with declining enrollments are re-examining their programs and are deeply concerned about student retention (Astin, 1975, 1977). Under these exigencies, institutions may have incentives to develop better ways of instructing stwdents whom they formerly preferred to reject or condemn to ineffective remedial programs. Underprepared students will not disappear from college classrooms, nor can most colleges expect to restrict admissions to the best prepared, there are too few of them, and average students' skills have deteriorated also. Under these circumstances, it is clear that colleges must continue to offer comprehensive and intensive academic support services to their students. 52 William Boyd (1979) points out that the findings from surveys conducted by A Better Chance, Inc. (ABC) in 1973, 1975, and 1977 each yielded quite different results. For exanple, the findings show that in 1973 only a small proportion (232) of Black students in White colleges had poor academic backgrounds, and by 1977 this proportion had declined even further (122). Also, in 1977 twice as many Black students had a college grade point average (G.P.A.) of "8-" or better as did students in 1973 (442 vs. 262). Not surprisingly, the proportions of students admitted under special programs during this period decreased substantially. Differences in students' family background often parallel and are reinfofied by the different types of colleges which students attend. Boyd'susurveys indicate that although Black students' experiences in public and private White institutions were very similar in 1973, they had become quite different by 1977. In 1977, twice as many Black students in private White colleges were graduates of private secondary institutions as were Black students in public White colleges (202 vs. 102). Also, more Black students in private than public colleges felt that their academic preparation for college was good or excellent. In addition, twice as many Black students in private colleges majored in math, engineering, and the biological sciences as did Blacks in public White colleges. An explanation for the better academic experiences of Black students in private colleges can be drawn from other observations revealed in this study. For example, more than three-fourths (762) of students in private colleges identified the academic reputation of the college as an important factor in their choice of colleges, while only 53 i about half of the students in public colleges did so. Boyd also found that a majority of Black public college students emphasized proximity to home as an important influence on their choice of college. Over 80 percent of these students enrolled at colleges in the same geographic region as their secondary schools, while only 60 percent of the Black students in private colleges attended secondary schools in the same region. Boyd's most recent survey indicates some interesting trends regarding the academic experiences of Black students in White colleges. One very obvious trend is that the quality, type, and regional location of the predominantly White colleges which Black students attend differentiate their academic, social and racial experiences in these institutions. Black students' experiences in predominantly White colleges cannot be fully understood without taking these college characteristics into consideration along with the academic and social background of the students themselves. In considering all these factors, findings of more recent studies suggest that many Black students have postitive experiences in some White colleges, particularly in the private and more select colleges. In fact, Boyd (1979) concludes that if White institutions and higher education in general do not complete their mission of moving toward a more integrated and equitable society, it will not be the fault of Black students. Clearly, this generation of Black students does not appear to want two societies any more than previous generations wanted slavery or Jim Crow. In fact, one reason the current integration of colleges has occurred so rapidly is that a substantial number of Black 54 students and their parents desire the same types of academic opportunities available to Whites. Sumary This section of literature review has focused on academic achievements and the many special programs that were created to provide services for minority or "high risk" students. It is clear from these studies that as a result of the lack of adequate planning and forethought, many college and university special programs were extremely inadequate and did not meet the needs of the students they were designed to serve. The literature tends to suggest that, by and large, whether remedial, developmental, or compensatory, these programs were often poorly conceived and lacking in scientific research to support their existence or to measure their effectiveness. At least, they seemed to have stressed many of the wrong components to insure the retention and academic success of a large number of minority students. The more recent finding from surveys conducted by Bowd(l979) yielded more positive results in relation to the academic preparation and academic achievements of Black students as the proportion of students admitted under special programs decreased. In addition, Boyd found that Black students in private colleges seem to fare better than those in the public, less selective colleges. He concludes that the quality, type and location of the college one attends differentiates the academic, social, and racial experiences. z" ' \\ / 55 ) .l . "' ./" The literature thus far reviewed in this chapter has addressed the role and status of Black students in various White colleges. It is apparent that considerable research on the topic has been conducted; however, there is little material presented that explains why some Black students survive in predominantly White environments while others do not. Models for Naturalistic Research The remainder of this chapter is devoted to reviewing a number of (EEEEESEEEEE:E§§EEE>°' constructs from basic behavioral science, all of which were particularly useful in this naturalistic investigation. As described in Chapter One, naturalistic research is most simply referred to as an investigation of phenomena within and in relation to their naturally occurring contexts. It deals with human beings and actual human behavior. In this approach, the researcher does not define meaning through the manipulation of variables or through a controlled experiment, but rather centers on what is being experienced and describes what happens from the perspective of the person living through the experience. V/Symbolic Interaction George Herbert Mead's formulation in MindL_Self, and Society (Mead, 1934) is the most cited, early source of what is now called symbolic interaction, the down to earth approach to the scientific study of human group life and human conduct. 56 Bogdan and Biklen (1982) point out that no agreement exists among social scientists about the use or importance of various concepts of symbolic interactionism. Must use It synonymously with qualitative research, but there are a few social scientists calling themselves symbolic interactionists who do quantitative research (p. 35). According to Herbert Blumer (1969), "symbolic interactionism lodges its problems in the natural world, conducts its studies in it, and derives its interpretations from such naturalistic studies..." Blumer goes on to explain that: Symbolic interactionism rests in the last analysis on three simple premises. The first premise is that human beings act toward things on the basis of the meaning that the things have for them... The second premise is that the meaning of such things is derived from, or arises out of the social interaction that one has with one's fellows. The third premise is that these meanings are handled in, and modified through, an interpretative process used by the person in dealing with the things he encounters. Following these tenets of symbolic interaction, in order to understand the subject's world, the investigator must understand that process of interpretation. A suitable way to acconplish this is to accompany the subjects as they encounter others, interpret events, and construct their social reality. Another important part of symbolic interaction theory is the construct of the "self". The self is the definition people create (through interacting with others) of who they are. As explained by Bogdan and Biklen (p. 35) in constructing or defining self, people attempt to see themselves as others see them by interpreting gestures and actions directed toward them and by placing themselves in the role of the other person. In short, we come to see ourselves in part as others see us. 1 "Self" Theony Lecky (1945) describes the core of personality as a constellation of attitudes, the most important of which are the attitudes of self regard. Behavior is thought to be consistent with one or more of these attitudes, and the preservation of the constellation is its major purpose. Rogers (1961) highlights both the actual ideal-self congruency and the self-esteem dimensions. He points out that as people achieve ....— »‘.e_..n-’.- --—— more in line with their reflections about the kind of person they _ ..,,._....—.-—-1----«-". '1; . ., _- ‘WF—Iv—I‘ would-like to be. He also indicatesithabt persons become more self- amanfid'morefully functioning primarily by being thoroughly accepted and trusted rather than being closely supervised and directed. Combs and Snygg (1959) stress the idea that the major sources of all behavior are self-maintenance and self-enhancement. One emphasizes defense processes that operate when a person is frustrated or threatened. The other stresses response to challenging, interesting situations that the person feels generally capable of tackling. Despite the extensive theoretical use of the self-concept, supportive research evidence is not so readily apparent in the literature as one might hope. One of the problems with research in this area is the superficiality of much instrumentation. What one is willing to reveal about oneself on a questionnaire, or even in an interview is, among other things, a function of how trusting one is of the persons requesting the information, and how accepting of oneself one is. Especially because of the distortion between reported and true feelings about self, observation should be used much more extensively in self-studies. Life-Space Concept A key concept from field theory is sunIIIed up in Lewin's term "life space" (1951). This refers to the person and his perceived environment. Life space includes the,p_syghpl_gflgaylyenyirgnment and the world as perceived by the individual, ___,___.— ._-—n-"" ""'——- -m- which is detflerminedpy his ___._..._._-.-— -- _-_—.— goals, needs, 301991.95 characteristics. It also includes the person W." f~'_m_fiH-‘~ himself, especially the perception he has of himself in relation to N .._.._ .— -- __._ _-_1_ . , _ - .. . ._.._ , , Jfl____ _--- life :pace. ,— the rest of his As explained by Brandt (1981, p. 71) this concept calls for full scale appraisal of the individual's environment (particularly his perceived environment at the moment of action) if his behavior is to be predicted or even understood. It is in these two aspects of the environment that possibilities for especially useful data gathering exist, namely, the non-psychological milieu in which he is regularly immersed, on the one hand, and the perceived or psychological environment, on the other. Life space descriptions of the objective and the perceived environment lend themselves to analysis of various 59 patterns of living. They reveal features of one's world that serve both to stimulate and to coerce activity. Perspective Tamotsu Shibutani (1955) defines "perspectives" and stresses their functions as follows: A perspective is an ordered view of one's world -- what is taken for granted about the attributes of various objects, events and human nature. It is an order of things remembered and expected as well as things actually perceived, an organized conception of what is plausible, it constitutes the matrix through which one perceives his environment...one's perspective is an outline scheme which running ahead of experience, defines and guides it. As mentioned in Chapter One under "Conceptual Framework", Karl Mannheim defined "perspective" as the subject's whole mode of conceiving things as determined by his historical and social setting. Although Mannheim and Shibutani do not include actions in their defiIIitions of perspective, a number of researchers have investigated the relationship between the two. For examle, Everett Hughes, Howard Becker, Blanche Geer, and Anselm Strauss (1961) have analyzed perspectives and their relationships to group behavior in two student cultures, a medical school and an undergraduate college. Their conception is similar to Mead's in that perspectives are seen as providing views, motives, and strategies: We use the term "perspective" to refer to a coordinated set of ideas and actions a person uses 60 in dealing with some problematic situation.." These thoughts and actions are coordinated in the sense that the actions flow reasonably, from the actor's point of view, from the ideas contained in the perspective. Similarly, the ideas can be seen by an observer to be one of the possible sets of ideas which might form the underlying rationale for the person's actions and are seen by the actor as providing a justification for acting as he does. A perspective, to be more precise, contains several elements; a definition of the situation in which the actors are involved, a statement of the goals they are trying to achieve, a set of ideas specifying what kinds of activities are expedient and proper, and a set of activities or practices congruent with them (p. 436). As explained by Cusick (1973) the term "perspective" includes both actions and beliefs about those actions. It assumes that a human being is an active agent, constantly engaged in the process of constructing his social self, and that what he does depends on how he perceives himself in relation to various features of his environment. In turn, his beliefs reflect an evaluation of his actions in terms of their success or failure. It is this dynamic process of interaction between self and environment and the resulting combination of an indivudual 's beliefs and actions in relation to that environment that the term "perspective" attempts to explain. Smith discusses self-perception in terms of a "competent self" which he defines as an attitude which orients one to make the most of one's opportunities in the world. Since this is a study of students who have made use of certain opportunities, and are cognizant of the lack of certain Opportunities, it has been important to understand exactly how they define themselves (1968, p. 28). 6i For the students in this study, selfperceptign has been expresse "— -—--...-_..._._.._ u-._H in outward and inward manifestations of awareness and action that have been influenced by numerous factors. The institution itself possesses certain unique characteristics, and external dynamics influence the educational setting as well. Smith's explanation of self-perception include certain intrinsic factors. Among them are: Personal myth and values - the inner, even secretive, belief about the nature of being which gives selfhood, direction, and focus to our expression. Cultural and Historical Socialization- the social ethical, and ethnic constraints that make up the environment in which an individual has lived or continues to live and which has influenced a person's development and perceptions as well as influencing how others perceive the individual based on their acculturation, biases, and socialization. Relationships - the personal experiences that grow out of communication and interaction with others. Role - the status, either assigned or assumed, of a position in a particular environment. ,-_.-_\ l «:2; Skills - the acquired or learned traits an individual develops as part of his/her life experiences. Style - the individual's manner of expression of ideas and concepts to others, or the behavior expressed in relationships and toward tasks (p. 30). Hopes, fears, wishes, and conflicts also contribute to a person's self-perception. Moreover, self-perception can change with time and circumstances. The students in this study were being observed at a particular point iritime; how they perceive themselves must be understood as inportant to that time. Sumar The literature reviewed in this final section relative to theoretical concepts for naturalistic study proved useful to the researcher as a source of ideas, questions to ask, and behavior to observe in investigating both the intrinsic and extrinsic factors of Black students' experiences in a predominantly White college environment. Those concepts can briefly be sumarized as follows: VS/y’mFboLicii_nter_act_ion - inner perspective - an approach to the scientific study of human conduct, based on the meaning a person gives to his/her situation. 'v/Seif Theory - attitudes of self regard - self 63 esteem - the definition people create (through interacting with others) of who they are. Life-Space Concept - the person and his/her perceived environment. Perspective - view of one's world - a set of ideas, beliefs, actions, and attitudes a person uses in dealing with some problematic situation. Chapter III Methodology_and Procedures This chapter describes the various qualitative research methods and the way they were used to collect and analyze data for the study. By describing the way data was actually gathered and some of the practical problems and frustrations encountered, the investigator hopes to illustrate how human the process of field research really is. Introduction The term "qualitative research" is used as an umbrella term to refer to several research strategies that share certain characteristics. The data collected has been termed ”soft" by Bogdan and Biklen (1982, p. 2). They explain that, "soft data is rich in description of people, places, and conversations, and not easily handled by statistical procedures." While people conducting qualitative research may develop a focus as they collect data, they do not approach the research with specific questions to answer or hypotheses to test. They are concerned with understanding behavior from the subjects' own frame of reference...They tend to collect their data through sustained contact with people in settings where subjects normally spend their time. The best known representatives of qualitative research and those that most embody the above characteristics are participant observation 64 65 and in-depth interviewing. Procedures for this study included the use of a questionnaire and the analysis of several documents in addition to observation and interviews. Bogdan and Biklen use the phrase "qualitative research", but others in the literature use different terms and conceptualize this brand of research slightly differently. Field research is a term that is sometimes used by anthropologists and sociologists, and its use derives from the fact that data tend to be collected in the field as opposed to laboratories or other research-controlled sites. In education, qualitative research is frequently called naturalistic because the researcher goes where the events in which he or she is interested naturally occur. And the data are gathered by people engaging in natural behavior; talking, looking, and listening. "Ethnographic" is a word that is applied to this approach as well. While some use it in a formal sense to refer to a particular type of qualitative research, one in which most anthropologists engage and which is directed at describing culture, it is also used more generally, sometimes synonymously, with qualitative research as defined here. Other phrases are associated with qualitative research. They include "symbolic interactionists", "inner perspective", "phenomenological", "case study", "descriptive", and "human science". The exact use and definition of these terms, as well as fieldwork and qualitative research, varies from user to user and from time to time. While this researcher does not mean to suggest that they all mean the same thing, nor to imply that some do not have very exact meanings 66 when used by particular people, in this study the phrases are used synonymously. The goal of the researcher was to describe experiences, record the participants' understanding of them, and analyze them to reveal their underlying meanings. Wilson (1977) describes this quest as "seeking theory grounded in the reality of the participants." The major tool in ethnography is the researcher. He or she begins by adopting the role of participant observer and collects field notes as a means of addressing broad questions about complex social events. Additional data are collected using multiple methods which may include audio and vfideotaped records of events, documents, and lobservational notes. Frequently interviews and questionnaires may be designed as a means of casting a participant in the role of informant. This method permits a closer examination of personal thoughts and feelings. Wilson (l977) classifies such data into five categories. 1. form and content of verbal interaction between participants. 2. Form and content of verbal interaction with the researcher. 3. Nonverbal behavior. A. Patterns of action and non action. 5. Traces, archival records, artifacts, and documents. The researcher examines the data and begins to develop tentative hypotheses from them. These working hypotheses lead to more specific questions and continued data collection in order to confirm or refute theuu This continued search for evidence to verify hypotheses 67 and to correct for bias is known as "disciplined subjectivity." At this point, the multiple methods of studying the phenomena become part of a triangulation process (Denzen, 1978) which ensures that observed results are valid. Triangulation is accouplished when two or more distinct methods are:found to be congruent and yield comparable data (Jick, 1980). The researcher also begins to move between the perspectives of the insider (emic) and the outsider (etic) to uncover the implicit guiding logic of the behaviors. Procedures This study focused on the experiences of selected Black students at Pearson State College. Designed to elicit their views regarding their experiences and strategies for success at a predominantly White college, the study explored their experiences in relation to environmental, academic and social factors. The students, faculty, administrators, and their college have been renamed to provide anonymity because the researcher was allowed entry into many facets of their personal lives. Attendance at both faculty and student meetings, extra curricular activities, conferences, and social times, as well as classroom visits, provided a rich look into the lives of the students. Although preliminary negotiations for entry began early in May, l983, interviews and observations made from August, 1983, through May, 198h, have provided the data for the study. Four specific means were used to collect, record, and organize the data. These included interviews, observations, the use of a questionnaire, and the analysis 68 of several documents. Gorden (1969) has suggested the validity Of this multimethod approach, stating that: Often the nature of the problem under investigation demands a multimethod approach because the various methods give totally different kinds of information that can supplement each other, because we do not know how to interpret some of the information unless we can couple it with other information, or because we need a cross-check to verify the validity of our observations (p. 12). Preliminary visits to the research site and entry negotiations were started in May of 1983. As a means of feeling the pulse of the institution and determing the feasibility of using this particular site for this particular study, the investigator made two separate trips to the campus to unofficially observe and informally talk to Black students and staff members. Schatzman and Strauss (1973) refer to this technique as ”casing and approaching." They support this strategy by pointing out three sinple reasons: I- to determine as precisely as possible whether this site does, in fact, meet his substantive requirements--a question of suitability; 2. to measure some of its presenting properties (size, population, conplexity, etc.) against his own resources of time, mobility, skills, and whatever else it would take to do the job- -a question of feasibility; and 3. to gather information about the place and people there in preparation for negotiating entry--a question of suitable tactics (p. 19). The first visit occurred near the end of the second semester of the 1982-83 school year. Students were very involved in preparing for 69 final exams. The second visit took place three weeks later at the beginning of the summer session. There were very few studentsThat's one of the problems here. The few Blacks on (staff are always overloaded with several different jobs. Sunmary Established in 1960 as a four year liberal arts college, Pearson State College has experienced three major reorganizations since 1967. The first reorganization of the academic structure was for the purpose of broadening the academic program. Betw 1 68 and 1973, the studentr_b_ody grew “981132300 to more than 5,000, resulting in the need to revise the faculty governance system and streamline the administrative organization; the second reorganization. Between 1973 m and 1980, the figmentupopmujatignwgrew from only six students to approximately 500, by far the largest number of Blacks to attend Pearson State in the history of the college. Since 1980, the picture with respect to the recruitment and _. W ——r—¢'——.—- A...‘ 5— mm retention of Bl ck, students, faculty, and staff has been less than ,. WM _4. *3 dramatic. Affirmative action demands have fared poorly in the face of “W general academic entrenchments. Minority-oriented programs, considered adjunct rather than integral to the institution, were the first to be dropped. Black students, faculty, and staff, although never a major focus at Pearson State, were beneficiary of affirmative action initiatives during the 1970's. Today, affirmative action at Pearson State has been reduced to a state of stagnation relative to / V“ ""73. I 32 1’ .‘C .lll'i;.. Black presence and participation. Generally, neither the culture nor v—fi existence of Blacks has been reflected in the educational goals and \v/flflmflfl-h 22..._ v "‘ ‘N-mv'mwmflmm“fifiwhmgh ”m“... objectives of the college. Other than the Louis Armstrong Theater H ‘ -,22—rh’ .qmfimwflv ”Mmmwmfl "4...... _ Mm ”MW located in the Fine Arts Center, none of the campus buildings, 2--"‘“"‘ ““1 "N" ""“”" 7. x‘ """"‘ ''''' ..—--....__ _flmwmflmfi...” monuments, or streets are designated or named in honor of Black or War-muN‘.‘ sub-*1“ WK‘a" ' —.mmm‘ 5.- other minority persons. Between 1981 and 1983, the Black student ___,/"““--..» .2...’ 2.4de 2...“. ._ ~ population at Pearson State declined from 500 Blacks in a total l4‘_.,—5thu“— .I'Hn .- I. A“ MM!- .H—fl.‘ student body of more than 6, 000 to approximately 250 Blacks in a total A2444 unar- us-Qa “Mir" ‘2. “" Md“ MI 2.2... 22.; PM .uq student IWLZQg,“ Among more than 500 faculty and staff .2... — .22...._\_2-, MM ’22-... _fl .— persons at Pearson State only 19 are Black. -a .u 2‘4”,“ ,5 44".“M Jaw—UV Pearson State can be described as a beautiful 876 acre campus in a semi-rural seting with wide open spaces and modern, well equipped buildings. The attractiveness of the academic programs and the fact anmwmm‘ ”I "K“L‘T“ M “hm—4.2.2..- 0“ that smaIl classes are taught by highly qualified, enthusiastic 2‘ ~ «I‘M ‘PJ 4., 'Ju 2.4. 1.224%»; 2'2...- e._ -o .22»- 2M I .I. . "~- faculty were the most frequently cited reasons White students gave for 2‘.» 224- .h. , ._,.,~. “A 9* "w ‘qmu “H“-wm-‘L attending. Black students, however, more often cited their admission 'Ahsmku... em, through the Development Skills Institute and their recruitment by Black faculty, staff and other Black students. WV an. “M ”M. “ha“. aw»! .2. The college has also been described as not the best place to be if one is Black. The institutional setting reinforces the preexisting class biases_ of a White middle class student body. The college has W Wynn—2-..-.- Mk” “ H m” been desig_ned with their educational and professional socialization in Who-.- PW Iw—n-v- r,‘ v; .1... ' .4 ‘HH ‘2.._.-'. A -|,-Il II‘X" .m- 'Mfia‘y‘ mind. The predomInantly White student _and staff population, as well ‘ ”W W WWW-(w. as the overwhelmingly White Mconyhunity surrounding the campus, results W?” fivwfl-v-u Pew-I'M.- ww\~.m 44-, ', _wgqr’ A" in Blacks, for the most part, feeling Isolated in a hostile, alien kW” Wflm“ v‘v"- "fit-" -" 'P' - , 4w g.- ml 81'“! I ronment o . ”AM . '33 Chapter Five contains additional findings of the study relative to factors that affect Black students' success and the strategies they employ to adapt, adjust and function in spite of their isolation and other problems in this college setting. Chapter V Presentation of Findings Introduction This study focused on the experiences of selected Black students at Pearson State College. Designed to elicit their views regarding their experiences and strategies for success at a predominantly White college, the study explored their experiences in relation to environmental, academic and social factors. For this descriptive investigation, in-depth personal interviews __.2_._-———— were employed to collect information from 25 Black junior and senior - -.-. -__.. Mu-th-“um .,MH ~n-no—m ”.22.!“ lrfi‘ 3" level students, five former students, and 18 faculty and staff one»- Hu 1 “‘1...- . “_.__‘._..-......u_.—- n. um. (“awash—r - flu“- ‘pg—" ’1‘“. a... persons. Specifically, information was obtained from several sources. “Av‘qfiuestionnaire survey of Black students was conposed of a series of items concerning opinions of campus life, impressions of classroom activities, impressions about self, and reports of the extent of their interracial contact. There were also audio-taped recordings of meetings conducted by Black students; analysis of written documents and records concerning campus activities; and fieidnotes from observations in classrooms and at out-of-class activities. To present the finding of this investigation, this chaper is divided into three sections. The first section gives a limited profile of the sample population. The second and third sections contain information that responds to the two main research questions: a 1 f“- ‘I r - \ ( I35; '\ \\ (9 i. What do Black students see as components of a successful experience at Pearson State College? 2. AWhat are their experiences and what are their perceptions of the relationships between Blacks and Whites at Pearson State College? The researcher selected the examples and excerpts used in this study after a careful analysis of the detailed field-notes and audio- taped interviews. The perceptions presented are representative of those expressed by the students and other informants interviewed and observed during the study. Demographic Profile of Sample Population In this section a brief overview of the Black students Hithe study is presented. Specific statistical information on Black students was not generally available to the researcher through reports and documents at the college. As indicated in Chapter Three, most available data were not categorized according to predominant ethnic background or race. The researcher could not have access to much of WW‘W‘VH'H“‘~“’~M""“Wu4mm - - »— su— , ___,_., the data that were available because of the privacy rights of students.3 Therefore, the researcher relied on the information gained W”. from questionnaires and interviews to formulate a general profile of the sample population in the study. The population for the study was, theoretically, all the Black students on campus. The sample, in 3 Famiiy Educational Rights and Privacy Act of 197h (states in essence that) Institutions may not disclose information about students nor permit inspection of their records without their permission unless such action is covered by certain exceptions as stipulated in the Act. _,_\ actuality, were those Black students who were willing to participate. The sample for the interview portion of the study consisted of 25 ,f/ currently enrolledfland S former students. Based on the research fl _.__...-__ objective to discover the students' strategies for success, only third year and fourth year students were interviewed. The students interviewed included 18 women and 12 men. The #4 average age was 22 years, with the youngest being 19 and the oldest ~~r~u~w __ {law-*4 36. The self reported high school grade point average ranged between 1.9 and 3.5; the college grade point average ranged between 2.2 and 3.2 at the end of the students' sophomore or junior year. All 30 students were from various urban areas within the state with the majority coming from the southeastern corner of the state. During the interviews, students were asked questions regarding “ha—o.- ‘ ~I—abt‘q‘ "mo. “flu“ Aux? lsmw "ah...- .M- “Wu-AK ~MMMMAMM..AL’ ‘—- 'u ‘h - 5.; their experiences at the college and the strategies they believed helped tham most in their success and/or survival at a predominantly ____~_MMM ‘K "--""‘ "" “”“’“’ f i _. I. Ht. M1,. ma... White college. For example, the researcher asked students to identify the'ehxlpwectations White instructors have of Black students; the expectations Black students have of themselves; the educational outcomes valued highly by Black students; and their experiences and perceptions regarding inter-racial relationships at the institution. Students were initially contacted by the investigator informally as they were encountered on campus. Later, with the help of several students, the researcher distributed questionnaires throughout the residence halls. A list of names of Black students who indicated they _u—v— "- " '4 ""‘"mw'g'mr‘—“r .‘K'N de' -'.-‘~m m w - ‘ ““A‘i ““ J2m- were willing to participate in the study was compiled and appointments W“ ‘dkmwwwam '“W‘l- MAW" *' new: hm” ”qr-‘3‘" were made by telephone for interviews. ”5“. ”NJ; ,‘m a-IW flm‘s‘nw .. M I‘ve“- “JG-1" ”this n I. (I 37) Three of th students were graduates and two were ro outs. The researcher was introduced to the three graduates at a "Welcome Reception" for minority students in the fall prior to the beginning of classes. All three are females who are now employed in a nearby city. man-#Mh I’“mw_w:’m v'l‘l Having graduated just three months earlier, they'attended the reception to visit former classmates and instructors and to offer friendly advice to the incoming freshmen. One of the graduates was instrumental in putting the researcher in W— ._ - M“ luwflanM‘ ._..‘- ___ _4 contact with the two former students who had not graduated. Both of 4 ‘ WWWW'M" 'Mmo-‘r MW” ,,.-,_.5._ ,4“... - 44 u“ ‘——me M these students were males who had withdrawn after their freshman year. -W‘ “W «0' H”. up At *mflL—hhu-‘HJ‘W ‘ 72'2““ “W M.A....- One had left for "financial reasons." He ran out of money and could not qualify'for financial aid. His plans were to work for a year and complete his studies at some later time and most likely at some other college. However, at that time he had been unable to find a job. The second young man had withdrawn near the end of his freshman year for what he described as "a lot of reasons." He said that he really Wr‘ cry-4“ ”1;.- 'ufll-O-H‘Jflm ‘. w 7 I‘ ‘- “h.- wasn 't ”making it" academIcally, he didn' t really know what he wanted WM?“ kw ,, . M” A M’" ———~ haw-am; to study; and, he was about to be married. The researcher found that u add-'— 1"" a. _Juwl—L “" interviewing these former students added a valuable perspective to the study. Their stories were especially helpful in view of the fact that the freshman year of study is considered to be the most difficult and that the juniors and seniors being interviewed most likely had already passed the critical dropout stage. The purpose of this study was to determine strategies and critical J A x factors for succegLaLdWBlack students'Jerceptigps of thW To identify strategies and factors for success, the researcher attempted to compile and organize the data collected in I38 terms of the success strategies students identified as being most important on the questionnaire (see Table 3). The strategy cited most frequently was to study; however, the students mentioned several other strategies related to studying and study habits and compensations for being academically underprepared. These are also presented in this chapter. The researcher also observed students' classroom behavior and other activities. The students' perceptions of their experiences were determined primarily from analysis of notes from interviews. TABLE 3 MOST IMPORTANT STRATEGIES FOR SUCCESS n - 30 RESPONSES‘ FEMALE HALE TOTAL 1 . Study 16 12 28 2. Develop good study habits 1h 10 2h 3. Attend classes 9 11 20 A. Get help before too late 9 7 16 5. Find a support group 11 h 15 6. Get involved on campus 5 8 13 7. Choose friends carefully 8 2 10 8. Set some priorities 6 2 8 9. Know what is expected 5 2 7 10. Make good use of time 3 2 S 11. Use the library 2 2 h 12. Learn to be competitive 1 3 h 13. Don't give up 2 2 h 1h. Stand up for your rights 0 1 1 15. Worry about learning, not grade 1 0 1 16. Check everything out 0 1 1 IRespondents mentioned more than one 139 The researcher asked each student interviewed for the study what helshe thought was the most important strategy that Black students at this college need to develop in order to be successful. Table 3 summarizes the respondent's most important strategies for success. In addition, the researcher discovered both academic and non- «QM affected‘t'h/e success of these students. The A i balance of this chapter is devoted to a discussion of these factors as viewed from a variety of student and staff viewpoints. gademm (8 Underpreparedrégs s? \w \ \~ "wow. --’ A careful review of fieldnotes from observations and interviews revealed that achievement of successful academic performance is probably one of the greatest challenges for the Black students at Pearson State. One problem is that many seem to be academically underprepared. More than fifty percent of the students interviwed for this study said they were underprepared for their course work when they entered the college. These studens had been admitted through the former Developmental Skills institute (051). Most of them were admitted with less than a 2.0 grade point average and had lower than average reading, writing and/or math test scores. Even those who had earned good grades in high school said they were underprepared for college level courses and that their grades during the first and second years were much lower than they had expected. As one student told the researcher: lAO I got pretty good grades in high school, maybe because I took the courses I liked. I avoided taking math and science except for what was required to graduate. Now i wish i had taken more of them. ' A Black faculty member interviewed for the study was asked to identify critical factors that cause some Black students at Pearson State to drop out. Among those he cited were: 1. Poor writing skills 2. Weakness in skills for mathematics and science. 3. General academic deficiencies. The significance of the deficiencies can be noted in their choice of majors. Another Black faculty member, Dr. Wilson, also noted that after Black students enrolled, they did not major in the hard sciences. Several of the students said they had not been enrolled in college preparatory courses in high school and were quite surprised at the lower grade point average that resulted when the college admissions officer recomputed their grade point omitting many of their elective courses. These students felt that it was through the tutoring, refresher courses and other support services of the OSI that they were able to improve their basic skills and survive the introductory college courses. Some said they continued to use those services throughout their college years. Tyrone, who had been recruited to play baseball for Pearson State, explained that he discovered as soon as he received his first semester grades that he needed help and began then to use the free tutoring service. 141 Yes, I IJse the tutoring service. They have really helped me. You see, the first semester here i did not really do anything but party. i thought i could get by with glancing at the books once in a vfliile. Then, after I got my grades back; well, it looked pretty bad. And i didn't like being on probation. I decided to start studying a little more but found out that l was really behind. i realized my skills from high school were not up to par and l was spinning my wheels and getting no where. That's when i started going to the tutoring center for help. Now I go right at the beginning of every term before i get behind. This helps me get the jump on the stuff before i get into trouble and they have helped me learn to balance my time between work and play. Diane, the only married student in the study, suggested that new students should not be afraid to ask for help; she said she encourages Black freshmen to seek help before they "get too deep into academic difficulty". Diane had attended another college for a few months right after high school graduation. She dropped out, married, and started again after two years. Her husband also attends Pearson State. She told the researcher: At first, I thought i could do it on my own. But i found out that i couldn't compete with these White kids. I got pretty good grades in high school and then got here and really felt like a dummy. Sometimes i didn't even know what the professor was talking about. So, yes, I got some tutoring and i started going to the professors after class and during their office hours for heip...once i worked really hard on a term paper for this one class and found later I had done it all wrong...i didn't understand what the prof wanted. After that I started asking questions right in class. Now i am sure of what i'm supposed to be doing before i waste a lot of hours on something. it's really different from high school, much harder. ,./“‘) \Mz/ In another discussion about the achievements and aspirations of Black students at Pearson State, the Actin Director of Admissions pointed out that Black students seem to experience their greatest difficulty in academic performance during the freshman year. She W noted that ..uas Black students become second and third year students, we see some improvement in their grades. However, while there is improvement in their performance over the freshman year, they nevertheless still lag behind their White classmates. an; b the ear ack stude ' ' and sometimes surpassed their White peers i des. Thus, as she surmised, fourth-year Black students seem to have overcome many of the impediments that tend to interfere with their academic performance during the first years of college. As Sarah, a graduate of Pearson State, explained: The freshmenare just so lost out there. When i was there, we just put our arms around the new -studens...now the juniors and seniors don't do that...juniors and seniors now don't go to the dorms and to the dining hall and introduce themselves and teach the freshmen and sophomores about the system. introduce them to the Black professors and all that...show them around. Sarah also cited success factors for the Black students in her graduating class: The ones that graduated with me were a strongly motivated bunch to begin with and had a really good sense of values. They were not here to party. it's all right to party...have fun...but we thought academics were more important and that we should spread what we called our "campus awareness" to other students. Having been involved in the Black student protest against the elimination of the Office of Minority Affairs, Sarah recalled that even such an intensely time-consuming activity did not detract her from her course work: All the time i was involved in that coalition, and I was busy day and night, but i kept up with my classwork. Sometimes I didn't go to class but I sent the work or had another student go and take notes in the classes where the teachers knew and approved of what we were doing. There were a couple of classes I had to go to, because the teachers were total ly against what we were doing. One class I didn't get to for five or six weeks but I got all my work done and I passed the class. In the meantime, the researcher also noted that while Sarah was talking about Black students being self-motivated, she also saw pride as a deterrent to the success of some: ...and their pride...sometimes our pride gets in the way...especially when we won't admit we need help. Many times students would drop out, move into the city, get a job, all without telling their parents; parents think they are still in school. Some were required to sit out for a term or for even a year, sometimes they were required to take classes at Junior College to establish a grade point. Their parents may know nothing at all about it because they just wouldn't want the parent to know that they came all the way here and spent all that money, and just couldn't hack it. One of the questions the researcher asked students during their interviews was: Can you remember whi academic experience_you have had since coming to college that made you feel very good about /w*__...-..._..-m.__-__ .--._ _. lhh yourself? in almost every instance, the student told about a course, an examination, a paper or class project in which an unusually good grade was earned. One student said: My first quiz was an A. That made me feel pretty good. I had just started my major courses and didn't know the subject or the professor. Another studemt talked about her first accounting test; she recalled that she was extremely anxious: I had such an anxiety about accounting because everybody kept telling me 'it's gonna be hard' and 'not many Blacks can make it; they just don't have the discipline for accounting.‘ Well, i decided to try a major in accounting anyway; and, miraculously...and I had...or at least i was told i had the hardest professor in the department, but i got a B on my first test. Selecting_a Major Another factor involved in the challenge to achieve academically is the selection of a major area of concentration. The students in the study reported being enrolled in some major areas that are non- traditional for Blacks, however, the majority of them continue to follow paths which traditionally have been more open to Black people. One student said she felt good when she finally decided that accounting just wasn't for her and changed to a social work major. She recalled that: My sociology class was my first A. After two years in coilege...and a year of struggling in math and th business courses...l finally changed to sociology/social work major. For the first time i really felt good going to classes. i enjoyed doing the assignments, the readings, the class discussions. I felt that I was really learning something. Ten of the twenty-five currently enrolled students interviewed were enrolled in non-traditional areas such as business-related majors in Accounting, Marketing, Public Administration, Hospitality-Tourism Management, or Legal Administration. The remaining students indicated major in Criminal Justice (six), in Sociology/Social Work, Journalism and Special Education (two each), and Health Sciences, Nursing/Sports Medicine, and Psychology (one in each area) see Tables Four and Five. 1&6 TABLE (I FEMALE STUDENTS iNTERVlEWED FOR STUDY NAME AGE MAJOR AREA OF STUDY CLASSIFICATION Allison 22 Journalism Senior Carol 26 Social Work Graduate Crystal 21 Sociology/Social Work Senior Cynthia 26 Social Work Graduate Della 36 Social Work Junior Diane 24 Nursing/Sports Medicine Junior Gloria 21 Special Education Junior Kathy 21 Hospitality-Tourism/Management' Junior Leslie 21 Accounting Junior Letti 20 Legal Administration Senior Leslie 21 Accounting Junior Marianne 21 Journalism Junior Natalie 20 Criminal Justice Senior Pamela 21 Health Sciences Senior Sally 20 Criminal Justice Senior Sarah 25 Public Relations/Advertising Graduate Tiffany 21 Psychology Senior 147 TABLE 5 MALE STUDENTS iNTERViEWED FOR STUDY NAME AGE MAJOR AREA OR STUDY CLASSIFICATION Bob 21 Criminal Justice Senior Clarence 21 Special Education Junior Emitt 22 Business Administration Junior John 21 General Business Junior Kenneth 2h Criminal Justice Senior Lionel 21 Business Administration Junior Rick 21 Marketing Junior Rodney 23 Social Studies Dropped-out Stan 20 Criminal Justice Junior Terry 19 Accounting Junior Tyrone 20 Marketing Senior Willie 25 Special Education Dropped-out An analysis of a list of major educational areas for Black students at Pearson State College for the 1982-83 school year compiled by the Records Office for the Affirmative Action Office revealed that major choices of the students in the study were typical of those of other Black students at the college. The area listing the largest number of Blacks was General Business with eighteen. There were eleven in Criminal Justice, eight in General Education, seven in Special Education, and six in Special Education/Psychology. There were five majors in Social Work, four each in Hospitality/Tourism Management, Computer Sciences, Arts and Media, BioMedical Sciences, and General Psychology. Only one, two, or three were listed for several other areas of Business, Social Sciences and Humanities. lh8 There were at least thirty additional academic degree programs listed which had no Black students enrolled. Dr. Wilson, a Black Assistant Professor in Public Service (criminal Justice) in which a large number of Black students are enrolled, made the following observations about the students' academic involvement and their choices of major fields of study at Pearson State: I see no significant difference in Black students' scholarly endeavors than in the majority students. You find some are very good students, some average, and some poor. And, that's consistent with the mainstream or majority of students that we have here. We have never had a completely open door policy but until just a year ago, we had as close to an open door as you can have without completely having one. So, we got students that completely run the gamut. Whether you are talking about Black or White...l don't see a significant difference. One of the things that does surprise me about Black students, and I don't know why it should because I would fall into this category myself. We don't see any Blacks in the hard sciences, which is strange because that's the one place that racism can't weed you out. In mathematics you either know it or you don't. Nobody can use their subjective judgment and say this answer is not quite what I had in mind...not quite what i wanted. They can do that with an essay answer. They can say 'you don't have quite the flavor' or 'you didn't put enough emphasis on this or that'. But we just don't see us in those areas. During the days of segreatation, and I grew up in the south, we saw Black doctors. They had to have some kind of scientific background before they got into medical school. We see Black doctors, but no Black engineers...no Black people in physics..lt seems that segregated society needed Black teachers and Black preachers. How can one be a doctor and not be an engineeri’i'iBut, we see very few Blacks coming through here in the hard sciences. I cannot ~\u/g think of one off-hand. There must be some...but very few. H55 One of the principal problems in selecting a major seems to be the m 7 lack of career counseling. The researcher noticed that on the list of (/,_.—-—-———— —~.._ major educational areas for Black students at Pearson in the academic _\ year of 1982-83, for 130 of 245.;tudents or 53 percent, no majors were _ --— MM-.-»M~ - *-s~r~~*”““"""""""‘“”‘-‘"\ indicatediwfégggnsx.ugigugndeclared majors; forty:three were enrolled \ in DSI and seventeen were listed as unknown. Man“... ’4’ MM ‘- f}! 0.. Dr. Thomas, Director of TriowPfograms (Upward Bound, Talent Search .and Special Services) and the former Director of Developmental Skills Institute, also spoke to the researcher about Black students' career aspirations. He said it is not unusual for both minority and majority students to take as long as two years or more to decide on a major. He agreed that 3'l_$22.2:EEfle§l§£5_§SEEEfl£§ confine their choices to a more narrow range of career fields, those in which they see other ff .. .-..,. ...,... “fl.“ ...W ”W----— ---~ -"‘-""’ "—'~'-*¢--n—.-—_.~__ Baicks. He suggested that ...most Blacks value education because that's one of the ways out of the ghetto. Some, too many, look to sports and entertainment. I think sports and entertainment takes away from education. Too many of our kids don't realize that we can't all be a Michael Jackson or a Patrick Ewing. But that's hard to realize when you see a Moses Malone, who is still ”earning to read, making two million dollars a year. h Michael Jackson is an Internationally acclaimed musician, vocalist and entertainer. Pawrick Ewing (Georgetown University) and Moses Malone (Philadelphia 76ers) are both famous basketball stars. We are seeing more...if you look in Ebony Magazine...because you don't see Blacks...professional, successful Balcks in the media. Ebony Magazine has been my tool of inspiration to see what Black people are really doing. That's why I still buy them and pass them around and let kids look at them. Several students said they were not encouraged while in high school to prepare for non-traditional careers, in fact, in some cases they felt they were discouraged. And, as Crystal told the researcher, even some college advisors discourage Black students. She said she was warned by her advisor, the professor, and "some guys in the School of Business" that she should not attempt an accounting major: ‘They said it was too hard; that I would never make it. The professor said I probably couldn't pass no matter how hard I tried, and he didn't even know me. It's true, i had not done real well my first year, but he didn't know that. My advisor, who had never been much help, tried to talk me into another major and several guys in the business division warned me that it would be too hard. But, it seemed like the more everybody said I couldn't do it, the more i wanted to prove I could. It has been hard. I really bonbed on the firs test, but it's getting better now. i changed advisors; I went to a Black advisor in the business department and he helped me a lot. He is very encouraging. I also got help, tutoring from special services. It took me a year or more but now I have a 8 average. I'm glad i stuck it out. I think it will be okay now. i really like it. // acuity/Student Relationshipgx \ l \ "I /'J ‘- Another significant factor in the students' survival/success is W— ... “W facultymstudent relationships. It is obvious from the literature that faculty play a key role in the college experience. The Black students lSl interviewed for this study, for the most part, did not find it difficult to establish rapport with one or more of their major professors. The key seemed to be in exhibiting a sincere interest in the course work and a desire to do well. Actual contact with faculty outside classes was low, however, several students stressed the importance of approaching professors after class, during office hours, and even calling them at home if necessary. The researcher asked questions relative to the expectations of professors, as well as, what expectations Black students have of themselves. The majority of the students thought that their professors did not expect them to be able to do the work in the classes without special assistance. Crystal expalained that she thought all Blacks were treated as if they were all "special admits" and did not belong: Well, it's like, if you don't understand what's gong on, maybe you shouldn't be in this class. Maybe it was because I asked so many questions, but this one professor started ignoring me and not calling on me when I raised my hand. So I went to talk to her after class and she was nicer after that. Although I could see that she really didn't think I could do the work. I did B work all semester and got a C out of her class. Sarah, the recent graduate quoted earlier, recalled an experience she had while at Pearson State: This professor gave me a failing grade which I knew I did not deserve. i tried to discuss it with him and he just said 'that's what I gave you and that's it!‘ So I told him that i had talked to my mother and father before coming to him and they said to call them if i had any trouble with him, and they (£52) would come right out to campus. I also told him that my mother was an English teacher and that she had said this wasn't failing work. Well, his eyes got really big and he turned red. I guess he was surpsised that a college student would call her parents. He said, "No, no, you don't need to call your parents. Let me look over the material again, maybe i did not judge it fairly." Well, he took all my papers back and when i did get them back again, i got a C out of his class. Sarah told the researcher that she believed that many times White I professors think of all Blacks as only average or below. They just have that "find-set. They just see your color and never get beyond that to get to know the person. Maybe they don't mean to but they don't judge you fairly...sometimes they don't even read 'your papersw..they glance over them and give you a C or D for getting them in. One of the things we learned early at Pearson was to zerox all your papers, even the rough drafts...keep a file of all your work. Then, in the end you can take them all back to the professor. The funy thing was, sometimes they acted like they had never seen some of the papers before. But, all our grades went up when they realized we meant business.. Not all the students interviewed for the study blamed their problems on the professors and racial discrimination. Pamela agreed that often the fiite profgmdo not have very a high expectations of Black students, but she refused to allow this to _— discourage her: What I expect of mlyself is the most important thing. And I know that my parents have high expectations of me. I can't disappoint them. Once you understand exactly what your profs expect and how they want the work done, it:is up to you...l had to ask myself: Why are you here? That's when I began to set some priorities. i started spending my time with students whose goals were similar to mine and not being influenced by others who waste their time. When I fail a test or something, i don't let it get me down: i just try harder the next time. For Terry, two factors contributing to success were living on campus and receiving help from his professors. Terry, who lived off- campus at home during his freshman year, moved to caapus because in that way he could make better use of the college resources. He perceived professors as very willing to assist students. He told the researcher: i lived at home the first year because it didn't make sense to spend the money for the dorm when I lived so close. That might have been okay if I had a car, but as it was I was spending a lot of time waiting for the bus. The buses don't run at night, so I would have to leave campus at least by five o'clock, sometimes even earlier, because I had a part-time job near home in the city. I didn't mind missing social activities or games and things because I'm really not into that, but I did mind not being able to use the library, studying with classmates and talking with professors after class. I moved out here on campus the second year, last year and that made a lot of difference in my work and grades. I still don't spend much time socializing but I do find it helps to discuss classwork with other students and to talk to the professors. I found that most of them are' really willing to give you time and help if you just show that you are interested. in fact, most professors go overboard to help if you show some initiative and interest. Both Drs. Wilson and Thomas alluded to low expectations that White -..— _- \__‘ A wu—Ma—uu‘awh.-- ptanmflm faculty have of Black students. While the students attributed MW in. MWJ'W," "' an- ..M. “'Mmr—n“ professors' behavior to racism, Drs. Wilson and Thomas mentioned "elitism" as a primary motivator. In response to the researcher's 5.) question relative to faculty expectations and their relationships with Black students. Dr. Wilson replied: That's a pretty difficult thing to assess...because...at an institution like this you are not going to see overt racism. if it's here, it's sopisticated, and it's too sophisticated to be picked up by casual observation. You really have to look at it over a period of time. One thing that i have noticed, what some Black kids have termed racist, with respect to a particular professor, is not so much racist as it is...what shall I say? Elitism...Ciassism...all too often I have seen the situation where a White professor just could not wait to tell me about this 'great Black kid that he or she had in class. I exemped him from my final exam, He is just such a great kid.‘ I remember the situation when I had an office next to this White professor. One Black student came to ask him a question and he read the riot act at this kid. I guess I assumed it was racist...racially motivated; but about two days later, another Black kid came in, he was entirely different. He took this kid around and introduced him to everybody in the department, 'this is so and so, one of my best students'. He was somebody. Somebody's son or nephew or something. I can't accuse that man of being racist, i can accuse him of being an elitist. So, that's the way I see it. I'm sure it (racism) does exist. But, I think it can be overcome. I think that in many instances White rofessors look at Black swarm-rs. aswbglggmlazy“andnunuijjjng to work. I don't think racism is a problem to the extent that it would be a deterrent to getting an education here. in the time that i have grown up, I have seen a hell of a lot worse. Dr. Wilson told the researcher that he often had Black students come to him and say that some professor was a racist; usually it was the result of their getting a C or D when they should have received an 1'59 A or B. Dr. Wilson said he was not always convinced of this, but, as he explained: It is a funny thing...| have also seen some White professors give Black students higher grades than they deserve; it goes the other way too...White man's burden...and I've seen Black people play on this too. Dr. Thomas made a similar evaluation of the situation at Pearson State when he said: i think there is a certain amount of elitism involved as far as the faculty and minority students are concerned. But, if you are a bright student, a scholarship winner or something, there's no way you can fail here. if they hear about you, know you are somebody, there is no way you can fail. We hear faculty talking all the time about so and so who is such and such a person's son or daughter. I think it goes back to the reputation preceeding the person, however, with Blacks, the kinda lumLus all into one category unlesswhe or she is someonewfipecdlal....:goodu credentials. CWNMWNH‘IMAHI- J Role Models Another of the key variables that seem to make a difference is the -' W’mflrg 9;.ar-I- 3.- ~‘t' VU-flw'” ' T - ‘s..t ..-a— > vpxux‘v l-h— K’.m availability, or lackm, of significant role models, particularly models VIM-I. {W -...r...:urnwa- 1“" 3": 5' ”w \M __— - w‘mnw A who exhibit some interest and concern for the struggling Bwlack “Mum¢w.w.wn-p .1 :1... - . JHMM “ml—i " ‘— ""“ A . W. Many of the Black students come to Pearson State from a “at U“ Isa—J7 I " ’L‘J~‘H--- .; .‘4... :‘n—mw-wol-o \ thew H—b'h-Ao. pan-Hake me‘m’q Au“ #1..“ an. IM‘. large urban area and for them the quiet, wooded, country life and “flu—r“. w-.. bra -«v , Wufi~mma1nm~arxmruW~‘-W‘ an As one young Black "~—r -rr« LVN-M HH' *Vw'fi \m ‘x.:.- -— «v .--— ‘g—J‘ dormItoryJestrIctIons a_I:__e dIffIcult to accept. male said: 156) I: ../" This is really what you call 'cultural shock'. And to find practically no Blacks on the faculty or staff, nobody to talk to except other kids who are having the same problem; man, it was rough at first. Without a doubt the person who has done the most to serve as a role model for me had been Mr. Williams. Not only has he personally helped me, but a lot of my friends talk to him, too, when they get down in the dumps. Mr. Williams, a Black administrator, Is enployed at Pearson State as an Assistant Director of Special Services and Financial Aid Assistant. According to a number of Black students, he is their friend and advisor. During an interview with Mr. Williams, the researcher learned that his time was divided almost equally between the two jobs: mornings in Financial Aid and afternoons in Special Services. Mr. Williams told the researcher that the most enjoyable part of his day was the hour between the two office responsibilities, because he often spent that hour chatting with students in the lounge. In his words: I really get a kick out of discussing the issues with these kids. Gives them something to think about, and if I help one or two along the way to solve a problem or something, thats all well and good. Every now and then I invite a couple of them home with me for Sunday dinner. My wife and kids enjoy that too. In a discussion with the researcher about the sparse enrollment of Black students in mathematics and "the hard sciences" at Pearson r‘k 1- w...- mWthn-ww’ "» "' n. State, Dr. Wilson pointed out the importance of Black role models to thefistudents' choice of majors and careers. WTr... He indicated that it is inportant for Black students to see Black W‘wwmwm’r 3.31%... are .. H‘u WW1” 4.0. .,“. [w > am ”an Htc- mmu,_r' . .H -':.---'-l' _-,_.p.-:1r d‘uM-pa faculty in a_ parth-‘ular dflwfll ' major: “Mu“...m-..“ I do think that the presence of Black faculty tends to be a magnet for Black students. Especially for those who are undecided about what they want to do...if they don' initefiglaggtjon in which to e presence of a Black facu ty person in a partTtular“aepartment or major can be the deciding factor.f ’““*“”' ' «IUVU As an illustration, Dr. Wilson described for the researcher the increased enrollment in Criminal Justice, the department in which he teaches. He explained that Criminal Justice majors has increased threefold since his arrival on campus seven years ago. He estimated that out of about 350 majors in the department, at least 50 of those are Black. And, they are getting a number of Black females going into the Criminal Justice field which was not the case before he came. The students emphasized that much depends upon with whom Black students become acquainted during their first few weeks at school. If they get to know supportive individuals who are serious students and faculty or staff who are concerned and interested, they generally settle down and adjust to the environment. Black role models on m“ *‘MMM 3, “W Mar-.. canpus are so few in number that many students say they never see them h n (W "'“ J“ “A “1 _ “hi-“93M *1..th Lh-W- 0".J' 1" “W m ‘1: ‘hW 4%" WT- Fianna“, " or get WW to: meet them. The names of Black administrators and faculty members were mentioned frequently during interviews. ‘Even thou h the students emphasized talking to their professors about classwork and academics, W “W when asked who they would go to with a problem, in every instance a ~*W_.m m Black faculty member or staff person was named. The important I a W counseling function that a Black advisor performs on a White college “In-"r" Its... My -f “M ’ W.‘ MM film- Wm” MW ‘Ww RM“: m Jr ,4'. an.“ campus is perhaps best described by Rick's comment to the researcher. \vlhen explaining why he seeks advice from Mr. Williams, Rick said: I know I can trust him not to screw me. He tells me which classes to take and what teachers to avoid or to choose. He's really concerned. You can stop in his office anytime and he will always take time for you. Another student related the need for more Black facultysand staff this way: We definitely need more people like Mr. Williams around here, somebody for Black kids to identify with. Everybody likes him because he spends a lot of time talking to kids on campus, discussing the issues and so forth. A lot of the time you will find him in a lounge just "rapping" with a group of the guys and girls, too. The thing is, there are about 250 or 300 Black students here and only about 15 or 20 Black teachers or administrators, I guess. i don't know that many; some of them we never see. Similar advisor/counselor roles are played by Black faculty. Another function they fullfill is to indirectly influence students' career choices. Dr. Howell, an Associate Professor of Management in the School of Business, told the researcher that at one time he spent M A“. a lot Wflten on his own time, recguitingJJack students at \____ N the local high schools for Pearson's School of Business. The headcount in 1980 at Pearson State was the highest in the history of the college. That was the year we had the highest number of Blacks also and most of them i recruited for the Business Division. lie have several graduating this year. Some good kids...some really sharp kids that I got to come here. Some didn't make it through the four years, but, I would guess there are at least eight or ten graduating in various business majors; six of them I could name right now because I have practically held their hands for the last four years. Another Black faculty nienber told the researcher that one of the reasons he felt good about being at Pearson State was knowing that he had intervened in some Black students' lives. In his words: Perhaps I only convinced them to stick around a little longer or showed them some things they could do differently or better. I don't know...but I wonder what would have happened to them had I not been here. Black faculty members sometimes encounter disappontment and frustration when working on students' behalf, especially if the students don't attach the same value to what is being done. Dr. Wilson had tried to start a college chapter of NAACP. He said his frustration came about three years ago during Black History Week: I had put together what I thought was a culturally rich and rewarding program. We had two speakers out of Detroit; some dancers from the Lansing area, professional dancers that did traditional African dances, and a local pianist doing some things with the origins of Black music. Only about 40 students showed up. Saturday night...and only #0 students showed up. Later on that night they had a dance and 300 of them showed up for the dance. That hurt me. I guess that should not have dissuaded me from further involvement, but it did...it stopped me for a while. The dance wasn't until eleven o'clock. The program was over by then. They could have still gone to the dance. I bet we spent $1,500 on that two hour program, and it was good. Black studemts' attitudes toward Black faculty and administrators aM' WW'AWMIA ' ,_ m ‘IW “W were somewhat ambivalent. ”On the one hand, most students expressed a ”W W“~"" «mun: 4. ._,.<;-.“'1'U‘.-d:mV-;"\‘f flair. .--. _éa'ue-ul-eJa-d‘s-‘agfl “Jung-39%. Q the strong need for more BIBCW.LNWDE&EEBWV§- On the N other hand, Black faculty and administrators were criticiged for not ._.. “A..." , ‘. ”“...fi-M‘anA Joan"; 0......”— spending time with Black students. Several students contended that W” W '--....__.ha.o~mm “I, stub-Ia".- ‘v most of the small hunter of Black professors on W interact ,a M4” w I” —--I----w-\. ”— well with Black students. ”...I'uu At the same time, Black students seemed to understand the diIeIIIna facing Black faculty: "thanJnd-haleimited time and ma ior academic responsibilities, but it seems that some of Wm .. a~ M.A.—...an- _.. -..— .uaar hmwmfi‘I‘u—H s-r "" 9' “‘"" n—“h- M- -Nu~ “392315.35 the Black students." This was the feeling expressed by one young man who told the researcher that the Black administrators were more often available to Black students than were Black faculty. By contrast, discussions and interviews with Black faculty and staff revealed that they are aware of the academic and socio-racial pressures on Black students and are concerned about their welfare. Hhat Black faculty and staff do to help students deal with such pressures is quite another matter, however. Except for three administrators whose names were often mentioned by students, none have any regular or formal duties to help Black students with their problems. The three administrators, by virtue of their job assignments or personal interest, worked closely with Black students. Generally, the faculty members said they were available to students. One, however, told the researcher that it was up to the students to come to him and indicated that few did so. Interviews with Black faculty menbers and admmistrators revealed W WW “mm“; My...“ MM. 1.. ...1 ..JA. In 3,. (__‘1 , I ' ' \‘M‘IM'T‘II H5“. 931' that their perceptions are similar to those of Black students in areas ”Wm". ‘i‘tm~_._. vq-vaW-v-wr-K ‘dkwwviw'mvm Wmmfi _ new MW“-.. such as academic problems and characteristics of the college which Mafiamn fl.‘ M. a... H~nhwuufifl """"‘ __,,.. ..-fl-M*‘ pg“- have negative impact. They differ, however, in their opinions of W¢M'H~'m""““‘-"'-m KID \\‘“ -/’ Black students' adjustment to their college experience. Seven out of ten Black staff members thought the majority of the students were not participating as fully as they should in classes and campus activities. The researcher did perceive from the Black faculty memWJh_atfithe_amount of time required for them to deal fl with the multitude of problems presented by either the institution or 4.. _ru.__n.. _. _g‘flgn; Wat-ix“... .“ ”at...” ,I...__k “.5 ’V“ ‘ ._. " nag. ..., ,‘ . “_- .-WmWMJMAQ-Mg‘n the individual Black student is so overwhelming that usually one or , ‘ mthfi‘w ‘ HM""‘-Atd.‘__, ( l War)“ "’ “1v._,*.l,w an} the other gets slighted. as one professor stated, the job for which _MJn-n-J‘HMEV— Wfi'flmmmflmufi‘ _a—A: the college pa_ys him a salary must take precedence: mast- ~,-. V‘TIW 'r Too many of our students are caught up in the social life. I'm not going to be an advisor or sponsor or anything like that for their social organizations. My main interest is to do what I can to help students walk across that stage. And, that's what I tell them. That's a commitment I have made; maybe that is why I'm a Student Marshal at graduation. I like to see them walk across the stage. They wave to me, and that's a kind of intrinsic reward for me. They come back later to say 'thank you' for being so hard on them. This is true for both minority and majority students. Black/White Relationships The majority of the Black students interviewed said that they had not expected the fierce academic competiveness and that they often felt enormous academic pressure. Even the ones who had attended primarily White and racially mixed high schools had never experienced as much academic competition. Lionel, a senior student majoring in Business Management, told the researcher that he came to Pearson State prepared mentally for tough academic standards but he was not prepared ‘ -_ . .W. 13!va wmflm M- u._‘m"_-'-“'qwr___,g m. ,, ”Ha—.,“ JIM qlr/ mt!” forMsti l ity and BLEEDESIQD- He told the researcher during his mflfihl interview: I graduated from a high school where I was in the minorityu I thought I was prepared to handle any racist remarks and discrimination that I encountered. But I wasn't prepared for the majority of the White students who made me feel like I had no right to be here. I thought I would make White friends as well as Black friends. The White students here are very unfriendly...superior acting. It seemed to me that they were unable or unwilling to see a human being beneath this Black skin. My first two days here were very frustrating. I expected students to be more open and friendly; instead I was overwhelmed by the sense of superiority that many Whites have in their relations with all minorities. I hadn't met any Black 'students. I was in a room with two White roommates who did not believe that I had not come here to play basketball...after all, doesn't every Black male play basketball? I hated being the only Black in most of my classes; eating meals in the dining hall, because White students stared at me constantly. It seemed as though I was on exhibition all the time. By the third day I was angry, tired and ready to leave. I even started packing. Then I called home and talked to my mother. She convinced me to stay; to try a little longer. I temember telling her how unreal it was here. She said, 'No Lionel, that is the real world.‘ And, of course she told me how I must be tough and patient to succeed in this world. So, I stayed. It has never been easy here, I have never felt totally accepted here, but I've adjusted, I've learned to cope. I've made some friends, Black and White friends. My close friends are all Black. Separatism in the Academic Setting Dr. McKenzie, Dean of Students, emphasized that there are many opportunities for Blacks to mingle without fear of rejection and that I 6 33, I), there are things that both Blacks and Whites can learn from each other. She added, "As a matter of fact, it would be very difficult for most of us to make It without some contributions from them Whites)". Throughout the study, observations the researcher made in ‘——_~ classrooms, as II as out-of—cl ss activities, [revealed very little mlnchk and Whitgfiudsntso In two of four I ses er ed by the researcher, there w I one Black student. Another class had two present and one absent. W In both the classes that had onl one Black student, neither student spoke up ur ng the class. After one class the English instructor (w , J said the student almost never contributed to class discussion; however the student Indicated to the researcher that he was ne upon M to do so by the Instructor. The second class with one Black female WW— __,.__.\ student was a laboratory situation in which the Black student worked on a Biology project along with two White classmates. She told the researcher that in most of her classes she was the only Black. Hajoring in Health Sciences, she had become accustomed to being the only one and worked very well with the White students. In the accounting class that the researcher visited, the two Black students did not sit together or work together. Although some students in the class worked in twos and threes on their problems, these particular students worked alone. The fourth class, a sociology class with a Black professor, had six Black students. The researcher observed this sociology class for two consecutive class periods. The Black professor was one that had been described as "very good" by several students. The course was Social Problems and the topic being discussed on both days was 1614 prejudice and racism. As It turned out, Dr. Jackson, the professor, lectured for most of the first period but did stimulate some discussion and interaction near the end. The researcher observed that comments were being made only by three Black females in the class. When the researcher mentloned this observation to Dr. Jackson after the class, he suggested that Black students typically were outspoken in his classes on the topics such as prejudice and racism. Dr. Jackson said, "This is a subject they can relate to." He explained: For one reason they know from personal experience all about this subject. For them this is a real and relevant issue. My classes are probably the nearest some of these students ever get to Black studies on this campus. As suggested by the professor, the researcher returned to his class the next day and heard a very lively discussion of prejudice and racism, this time involving several White students as well as the Black students in the class. It was evident that Dr. Jackson had good rapport with his students, both Black and White, because those involved in the discussion seemed comfortable in speaking up and expressing themselves on this subject. During the class discussion, one of the Black students said she thought the major problem between Black students and White faculty members at Pearson State was that many White professors view them as incompetent. She cited the example of a professor telling her she would probably need special help without knowing anything about her or her abilities. Another Black student reported that a professor told her she probably would not pass his class no matter how hard she tried. These l65 students felt that this kind of prejudice evoked the self-fulling prophecy, if not outright inequality, into the grading process. Dr. Jackson agreed that one major problem between Black students and some White faculty members involve assumptions about all Black students. He explained to the class that often both Blacks and Whites who have not experienced a relationship, or have experienced an unsatisfactory relationship with a person of the opposite race, assume that all Blacks and Whites have incompatible tastes. Separatism in the Non-Academic Setting Outside the classroom, in socialand lgjfiuIe-time activities, ‘ d - i'm . \ p, . W i"W-Lfll,._2f,-,_.5..1§2,'5...PIEELHMES students at Pearson State is zit-Immatutama: ., . u' M._.;.,,,N _ "3."""FI'I“; . ”My-”B. wry/u also infrequent. ,n . _,~¥.J~””’i{N’-WmME ' ‘ Black studenwtpsminmthe study described their campus relationships <“--O ., ‘dktmwlr w-tlfia,nnwgpmnyh‘_ 'JFIM‘I' “nit "‘Mm VII-WM , florgn‘" 7m“ a ‘ ‘ ‘ “HMMh’a-nmn“, as basically separate from those of White students. Black faculty and q... ,' . .Mr J‘"" mmm.wn'mv&"”‘< ufl'flrr‘5 ’ ’ ‘ 3‘4". L u‘m‘q “N‘WM “mmkwas :19..ij staff persons interviewed seem to concur with students' perceptions S?‘ A.” I M's-9"", ' w race relations 0 amp-usmenemofmtnhnekresidence hall managers said _.mh*~ that even in situations wheriglacmjhite students room together /”________,fi__fi_u fiwfimfls there is very little association between them outside the room. As he W ‘- stated: "They respect each otherlsprivacynin the ~mom and go their ‘-__. ..~—’ -,d—f own separate ways,mwjth their own separate frjends outside the room.” M s.“ —--.._.- __‘___ . w __ __,_... .. .. .... ._—.—-—-~ - -- -- w—Mflmmu-”o .. A Black professor said: Socially we are separate. I don't see that changing. If you go into the cafeteria, people are usually seated accouring to race; out of choice. Every now and then you see some mingling. There are certain interactions on campus that mandate / 3 166/ .m" socialization between the races, some clubs and organizations, the football team, basketball team or something like that. But very little of that comes out of associations in classrooms, or studying together, or because you live in the same dorm. PeOple/Wr to be with their own kind. \. wmfiewwmt to ,jml'ngle we so es red, but we on t want it mandated. There is a great difference between the . two. / in." One professor, a White, simply said: "The situation here at W A _ a Pearson State has societal implications. Colleges and universities W W **** a are mirrors of society. If it's not there, it's not going to happen s- ' here." Another staff members, a White administrator, explained the problem from a different perspective: The problem with this institution is not that it falls to promote interracial contact. The structure of this institution does not lend itself to social contact, period! The faculty lives in towns and cities 20, 30, or 40 miles away. There is no faculty housing. No housing development around here where people can congregate. Our student body in terms of age probably looks more like that of a coumunity college. The average age of a student here, I think is about 26 years of age...that's pretty old for a traditional four-year Liberal Arts College. So we have a lot of commuters. Except for a few people who live here on campus, dormitory managers; and a few apartments around for students, there is no one around after dark. There's little social contact period; not just between races. All the faculty and half of the students live miles away. The researcher did discover that some Black students had come to the campus expecting to participate in an integrated environment. Several Black students mentioned that they had changed from desiring i tegraticu: to ' separatism since leaving their hometowns and "V'PLQPIL and night with Whites. Because of what they perceive as ridicule, rejection, insensitivity, and insincerity of some Whites; they have learned by direct experience that acceptance as an ‘h'vfi- . ' "'5 AW. - 1 L‘?’— Lassa-was-” . individual is no guarantee against rejection because of one' 3 race. ' ' - :1. "’ "‘F.‘ 'in-L'.‘-lvm.‘n “‘9’ Clarence, a Black male student, related his experience of W nejection by a White study group which convinced him that many_Whites l’c-fl .‘haflz. Fw“" W‘K‘WMWhi Had ' are untrustworthy and insincere. .. “13‘s. .W '4‘ ‘n— A group of us always studied together for exams in . this one course. When I found out they had already . ,«f' studied and did not call me, I asked why and was x told that one of the guys objected to me being in i the group soithey thought it would be best (for my K sake) not to include me. The tension of racial conflict was introduced into the study group _4- “ad-«IWM __“d aWfiTtET?;;m;;::wyet the group decided to deal with the tension by ”N'JM" dl-y'k.WH rflwmn—smwfi‘oWsmw , . S'IWW’Am-u lHW—Famvw;. m, m..~ rejecting the Black rather than the White member. This was viewed as F'WWJmflmwv-flwmm s «u m 5.6va..u.~-. _L L A .. .,“... t- «at ...me m...“ Wflwww" W a racist solution. Incidents similar to this were experienced by many mv'fl'ifi‘ Jewu'IWr-w re- famxmx ‘... - , vf"! '- NF if u‘ .— —--u-— - I... _— ; -._ a -l. .‘M “4,5.wa mflflwm Black students and, in large part, are responsible for. Blacks vfim‘m‘wmmmmwm WW1§N~PHW¢R 1% Juana .V'p‘ “In ,1,3_..-_q.. ihw‘l‘! ~-.‘ 3: "‘ .s' withdrawal from frequent interaction with Whites. . _4-1 “ H‘mr ..- .,s‘vlfl: “ Sally is a third-year student who grew up in a middle class family 'hkxa'z. in a large city. Here is some of what she said about her experiences and change of attitude about integration: I came from a pro-Black family and almost all Black , neighborhood. I went to a integrated high school, L24 about 50-50, but my friends were all Black and we had separate activities and interests outside school. We didn't have any racial problems because we never spent that much time with Whites. and told the researcher how she was able to reconcile this "' '. (’39 My first two years I lived in the dorm. My roommate was White and we got along okay. But after a while you just get tired of their phony liberalism. You try to overlook some of the things they say but you really get tired of the stupid questions. When you are in a situation like that, exposed every day to some kind of racist remarks, it begins to work on you...l don't particularly like being questioned about my hair or my lifestyle. There are certain foods you like to eat that they don't cook (or can't cook) in the dorms. And you never really feel you have any privacy. I guess I came here expecting to be accepted by Whites and to establish friendships with both Blacks and Whites. I have established no close personal relationships with White individuals or groups. In fact, the racial prejudice here has resulted in a growing dislike and distrust of White people. My tendency now is to avoid any unnecessary contact with Whites. I've changed a lot since my freshman year. Then I had hopes that Black people could move into the mainstream. I came to school here with the attitude that my parents and friends at home were wrong about not being able to get along with Whites. Now most all of mly friends are Black and l have become more or less militant. That is, I speak out whenever I hear someone saying something about Blacks and they don't know what they are lking about. Alison, a journalism student, voiced disappointment in campus life disappointment and use it to an advantage: It has not been as much fun as I thought it would be because the work is harder and there is nowhere to go around here. There are very few activities for the Blacks, and the Whites have their own parties. There are so few of us and we are scattered all over. We never all get together. I think there are fewer Blacks here now than when I started three years ago. I know that most of those who started when I did are gone. It can really be sort of depressing. But then ou tel a ourself you are here t et an education and the ' can wait. Actually being here—has slowed me down a ot, coming from the big city...and that has been good for me and my grades and studies. Tiffany came to Pearson State on an academic scholarship and found the professors helpful: You know, it is really a good school and the professors that I have are all willing to help you if you show you are interested. I haven't experienced any racism except some remarks from guys driving by in a car occasionally. They know you can't reach them so you just ignore. When questioned about the strategies employed for dealing with __fi ¥ racial pressures so that they don't interfere with their academics, MHMW __‘y r—w most students stated that their Black friends were their source of I _Mr. _‘I-"\ M l - J‘m“ .n.‘ i“ “I A _ woman-man. ”a. 1mm MAM": ...ml-u‘f— support. Black students appeared to associate primarily with other mm- M Q I ‘1 JA‘ _n Black students. A few experienced the desire to become involved in kw # n rfi “* “r " .._ w- __h MI W, more intergrated campus activities; however, they generally felt that ”HMMW “4‘“ both Black and White students at Pearson State were more comfortable 0 \ o ' NWWMM‘M With their r t activites. During the time of the interviews for this study, some racial tension existed between Blacks and Whites on the Greek council. Crystal who had served on the council for two years explained that: 44 Last year all the officers of the council were .{fi White. This year they are all Black. Now the 2’ EX Whites want to split council. It was akay as long as they were running things, but now that we are in charge, so to speak, they are pushing for two separate councils. All the sororities and @‘3 [R r' R ‘ fraternities have always been under one council "4 before, but now'that more Blacks are involved they want out. in a separate interview with Rick a couple of weeks later, he also mentioned the problem of the Greek council: ..g Most of the Blacks here belong to a fraternity or sorority because that is the main social outlet for Blacks on this campus. The problem last year was that the council always gave the Blacks a hard time about using the college facilities for parties and dances and things. Even after going through all . the paper work and red tape for reserving a place {2%) and hiring security, something would come up so ’ that they could cancel the Black group and give the facility to a White group, a technicality of some kind. So this year we all got together and elected Black officers. That was one time the Blacks really stuck together. Now they want to separate. I don't know if legally they can, but they sure are trying. Rick explained that he believed that White students pushed for separatism far more than do Blacks: There are no Black dining rooms or even tables. No lack dormitories or all Black floors. We don't even have Black studies at this college and nobody is pushing for them either. The~:3££_£hgtfimost BlWWflare apartments or sit toghetherJagmmiilsflLiwhcsiuse we are uncomfortable-doing otherwise. After all, there a réflma‘firmpjflgijfij :¢_‘s,;,xhaj§__11_§_I§“6W th i s campu s . Thermal—{e no effort to integrate with us. Nobody thinks anything of seeing a group of them together, t they_frightened~and“susp+eion§ when a few Black‘smge‘twtoggfither. Why should we make all the efforts to change things and at the same time risk rejection by other Blacks as well as Whties? As for the Black fraternities and sororities, well, I guess that's one reason they got started in the first place because they were not asking us to join theirs. ‘\ {fl/[s _l, \‘ . r” '7', Social Activities Sororities and fraternities provided the primary vehicle or social activity a Black students on campus. The first Black Greek Letter organization was formed at Pearson State only four years prior to the study and all the six functioning chapters at the time of the study had very few active members. One group was struggling to maintain itself with only three members, and not one of the groups had more than twelve members. This situation placed a burden on a very few to keep the organizations alive. A part of the problem is that more than one-half of the Black students at Pearson State are classified as freshmen. Sorority and fraternity members are primarily upperclass students. Very few pledge during their first year and some of those who do, sometimes don't return for the second year. So memberships fluctuate from year to year; sometimes from one semester to the next. Members become ’inactive for a number of reasons: the lack of finances, academic probation or dismissal, as well as loss of interest. This leaves a very few students from whom the six organizations have to select, and, of course, not all of these students are interested or academically eligible. The important factor is that most of the social activities sponsored by these organizations are open to the whole student body, so, any student can attend and many do enjoy the functions without ther responsibilities of membership. Dean McKenzie, who is an advisor to the undergraduate chapters of a sorority on campus and who is also an active menber of a graduate chapter of that organization, talked about Greek Letter organizations / -.\ @a in general and Black Greek Letter organizations in particular. The following is what she told the researcher: Contemporary sororities and fraternities are a uniquely American development that adds the elements of a friendship and close association to the academic traditions of college. In the Black experience, sororities and fraternities have certain characteristicsiflnch further distinguish them. Social action and service programs responding to the needs of the day are integral parts of the structure, character and personality of every Black Greek organization. Black students at Pearson State College have found that membership in one of the sororities or fraternities offers them an opportunity to develop their potential in an atmosphere of friendship and mutual supportive stimulation. Undergraduate membership in Greek organizations is supposedly open to those of high ethical and scholastic standards who are pursuing a course of study leading to a degree. Undergraduate Blacks at Pearson State College say thatj§§l§fi§1fi§31§2fiflgW9f the sororitLes -Ql: fraternities affords them many advantages and meets some offthe needs not otherwise provided fonmataa_g;edominantly White WW. colhfifibW Like most Black Greek Letter organizations, those at Pearson State have no sorority or fraternity houses, but the organizations serve as support groups for their members. The led e riod itself teachesm cohesiveness, humility, group loyalty, endurance and perseverance. These teachings are continuéd beyond the pledge period and emphasized throughout the membership. For many Black stugennsrguuww%tLesquuLJkateLnLLhfiLfl%¥g_em their salvation-.bothW 7- While most students spoke highly of their involvement in fraternities and sororities, Black faculty and staff members, for the ”,w-fi‘m'mv “N‘m HM M WMJi‘hh'W'Mvwx-N most part, saw them as detrimental forsomestudents_atflPeaL§on State. "‘-”‘._.,_h,_.,\ “‘ ‘ Dr. Thomas said: I y \s. Not that l have anything against fraternities and sororities, but for our students whose averages are low to begin with...and the time it takes to pledge...they go lower. The standards need to be higher to start with. I've seen a 3.0 go below 2.0. I'm not against them...l am against what I see happening to students who et caught up in that social life too ear . Dr. Wilson had much the same Opinion although he was an advisor to one of the fraternities. He said he was an advisor simply because he knew some of the members and they prevailed upon him for help. All organizations on campus are required to have a faculty advisor to function and to sponsor some activities. He told the researcher: They do some good things. But I'm really opposed to the Black fraternitiess on this campus because it has promoted divisiveness. It has speread the Blacks apart. Since started two or three years ago, there have been several incidents of violence involving Black fraternities. i guess they need something to identify with. They need to belong to something, and to have an identity with other students from othere campuses. It helps to develop a sense of brotherhood or sisterhood. But i see it as being a real detriment on this campus. You know, the big problem I see is that too often, on this campus, students join fraternities and sororities for a different reason than they did on the campus where I attended. They join to be somebody, and it seems to me in other places you were in a different fraternity because you were somebody. You didn't join to become somebody, you already were somebody. Dr. Wilson said tha .cfiEggsnis.nn~eampus~haue_n9£fling to do with the fraternities angflggggLitiesyflandwalthough~he was not _.._—.——--"'— "anti-fraternity", he was QanLLMflwnflhdmr1mma~happan+ng to the “flw‘u- "A J‘Qm.‘ ‘ "'1‘“- [HI-M students at Pearson State. To make his point clear, Dr. Wilson a - “Warm—III- related the following to the researcher: We haven't had any serious racial incidents in quite a while. We had a couple when I first came here. One night, right outside this building, a mob of White people were surrounded by about fifty Black students. The Blacks had broken bottles, sticks and chains; and the mob was afraid. There was a lot more togetherness in those days than we have now. Blacks tended to stick together more. Maybe thw Whites are not as afraid now as they were then. Maybe that's why Blacks are so divided...why they're going after each other. Something happened last year that just made me sick. It was the first time i had seen anything like that on this campus. Two fraternities, Black “Wm of‘kjfl’jiolk just didn't fighljlacszolk...you know...we do it back in our own coulnunities because we are safe there. So, i don't know whether that is a sign of progress or what. Are we feeling so safe out here in the outside conlnunity that we can now band together and form our own little cliques and at the same time go after one another? That was a really ugly thing to me. On many college campuses with a nunber of Black students, there are organizations variously called 'Black Students' Union', 'Afro- American Students' Union', 'The Black Caucus', or 'Afro-American Association'. At Pearson State College there is no longer such an organization; apparently the interest dwindled about the time Blacks began to become involved in fraternities and sororities. Several students expresseed the desire for such an organization saying that it could serve as an affiliation and support group for the students who were not members of a fraternity or sorority. It could also serve to bring members of those organizations together in one group. Kenneth, however, seemed to be expressing a different viewpoint: At first, my whole life was football...when l was cut from the team I almost dropped out of school...then I decided to give it my best shot, to ® hit the books and make the best of the situation...you know, not everybody wants to be a Greek and I try to tell these guys, and the girls too, that they can do for themselves what that organization does for them. Most of them feel like they need that to be involved in parties and things. But since there ain't no Black independent group like they used to have, some people feel left out. I personally don't need a club or group; I think I'm better off making it on my own. The researcher noticed that while Black fraternities and sororities do contribute to social segregation, at the same time, they a do provide a vital support system for many Black students. Those who M w do not belong to a fraternity or sorority sometimes feel isolation and rejection by other Blacks in addition to that from Whites. Gloria, feeling this type of isolation, pledged Alpha Kappa Alpha during her junior year. Most Black students pledge during their sophomore year. She told the researcher she had not planned to become ivolved in any of the undergrad Greek Letter organizations but found that "everything here socially seems to revolve around them." There have been attempts to close the gap between Black and White Greek Letter organizations. Gloria talked to the researcher about working with the Greek Council and the attempt they made to have an integrated dance. 'flgajffek W Council is an organization composed of representatives from all the MA— \ Greek letter groups at Pearson. The result, she said, was WWW a disappointing. /\‘ ('The idea was to have something that would bring all f the chapters together, Black and White. The V‘ planning comittee was made up of a representative from each of the groups. The dance started at about 8 p.m. and all the Whites came early. When the Blacks arrived at about 10 or 10:30 p.m., all the Whites left. The researcher attended two dances given by Black sororities on campus. On both occasions, those in attendance were all Black except for two White females and one White male. The researcher learned that these three White students regularly associated with Black students and attended their functions. Otherwise, most social activities on M campus are racially separate. In discussing racial separation and discrimination, Black students distinguish overt discrimination from the more subtle types. Overt discrimination included such things as name calling, ("nigger" and other names, usually from a distance); vulgar remarks about mixed couples, and refusal to accept a Black roommate or lab partner. Subtle discrimination did not involve direct confrontation or exchange but concerned such things as "coldness and condensation" and, "a general attitude of White supremacy". Emitt expressed this feeling about having White friends: They are okay some of the time, like in the dorm and in class. But when you see them later, out somewhere, they act different, like they don't know you or don't want to be bothered, especially if this White dude is with a girl. Black students who come to Pearson College from urban areas say there is "nothing to do" for Blacks. One student talked about the limited opportunity to see Black artists in such a small coulnunity. mther Black “th approximately three-@rths of the Blacks at Pe Colle e go home on the weekend "to \ social ize." "Nothing to do," "nowhere to go": these were sentiments W. m) / -__.' expressed by many Black students. Tyrone, a senior at Pearson College, suumed up the situation this way: 9y first year here I felt trapped, imprisoned, and isolated, in this White town with no access to transportation for weekend trips home or away from canpus. No matter where you go, you are surrounded y Whites. Tyrone explained that: "after a while you realize that your'e here to get an education and the socializing is less inportant. So you spend your weekends studying." Natalie, a senior psychology major, says: It is like, you put your social life on hold for four years. I have been here three years now and if that was two summer included. I learned that I ‘1 had to get my educa ion first and the rest could wait. I have friends here, both Black and White friends, but there are so few Black guys that I don't expect to meet my dream man here. When asked about the many college sponsored activities (ems, speakers, movies, plays, dances and parties) on campus every week, f'" w— A“ __ M most of the Black students agreed that they could find things to‘do ’— .._.—..'...—.__ but most of these activities were not geared to their interest. N —-—~ Several Black students described "our kind of music" as soul music, jazz, music with rhythm, good dancing music with a consistent beat and lots of bass. They expressed dislike for "too much guitar and loud pop-rock". " Wu” to be "keggers" with lots of beer drinking and "fooling around" whereas Blacks enjoy dancing. "The M“. music at White sponsored parties and amt-not appeal to most Black students," says Rick, a football player for Pearson State. "I I78 go to some of the dances and parties after games. So do most of the Black athletes, but we never stay more than a few minutes. They don't play our music and there is no one to dance with. The Black girls aren't there. Some of the guys date White girls, but not many, and you don't. want to spend too much time rapping with your White team mate's lady because you could lose frienship over that." During an interview with Kathy, a Black senior majoring in health administration, the researcher asked how she would describe herself as a student. Kathy mentioned setting high goals for herself and going after whatever it took to reach those goals. She also mentioned that she had benefited from a mentor relationship provided by the Dean of Student Services who serves as the undergraduate advisor to the sorority of which Kathy was the chapter president. This experience helped her learn to get along well with everybody. This is the way she described herself to the researcher: I guess I just like people. I haven't had any problems here. I treat everyone the same and if they don't want to be bothered, that's okay. I just speak and go on about my business. I guess what really helped me was being involved; I am a cheerleader and a tutor for special services. I just keep busy, helping other students, and working in the sorority. Host of my close friends are Black, my sorority sisters; they are my support group. But I also have some White friends or acquaintances. \ In my field, health administration, there are no other Blacks in most of my classes. So I spend a lot of time with the kids who take the same classes. We work in the lab together and study together. We get along fine. I found that most of the Whites are friendly. Blacks just don't give them a chance. They are 179 just as uncomfortable as you at first, until you get to know each other. When I first became a cheerleader some of the girls were cold and made some remarks that hurt my feelings, but I decided they had to learn and I wasn't going to let them discourage me. It took a while but we get along fine now. I think sometimes they just don't know any better and other times they are just trying you out. The Black guys here seem to have more interracial relationships than the Black girls because of sports; and some date White girls, but White fellows don't often date Black girls. Dr. Wilson summarized his feelings on separtism for the researcher this way: I don't think there is anything wrong with some separatism. I don't think there is anything wrong with White people deciding that they want clubs that no Blacks are in; that's their right as long as they are not supported by public funds; by taxpayers money. That's your right to associate with whomever you desire. I also think that any Black person who has to work or go to school in a predominantly White environment, finds it quite relaxing sometimes to et back to their own kind. And, I'm sure that anybody else, Black or White, could say the same thing. It is nice to mingle..with whomever you want. And, I would say that probably on this campus, the greatest barrier to that kind of cohesiveness and associations, is probably the Blacks themselves. They have no desire, because what you are talking about is acquiring the ways and values of another group. That includes not only speaking, but music, dance. Where are you gonna go? Listen to some bluegrass music? You I gonna guzzle some beer. Most Black people don't \0 drink much beer. You go to a White party that is \ all they drink is beer. We're talking about more than just associating with somebody. We are talking about assimilation of another groups values and I think when it comes right down to that, Black people are saying, I A \ \ \ V). ‘ 6x / don't see anybody else's ways that I like better \ than I do my own. What prevents Blacks and Whites from enjoying integrated relationships? Sarah answered this question by saying: It stems back to our roots. I have White friends, but we treat each other with a long handle spoon, as far as getting close...it stems from our past, the way we were brought up...the way they were brought up. Different cultures, different ways, different values. Our life styles are different. When I see White people and Black people being really buddy-buddy, I know It is for some reason; political or something. There has to be something in it for them, both of them or they are not being for real. Society has structured us so, we have no choice. That is also true with my job. I work with a lot of White people, professionally, but, when it comes to socializing, forget it...there is some other reason. They never come to my home nor me to theirs. Professionally we have to work together, \otherwise, we don't, and that's our choice. Sunmary {\This investigation revealed that although many Black students entered Pearson State College academically underprepared, those who had the will to persevere were able, through the use of tutoring and other support services, to catch up and sometimes surpass their White peers in academic performance by the fourth year of study} The significance of these students' academic deficiecles is reflected in their choice of majors. The majority of them had avoided or not performed well in math and science courses in high school. They, therefore, avoided majors related to these subject areas in l81 college. The presence of Black faculty members in a particular discipline appeared to attract Black students. There were Black professors in the Public Service, Education, Sociology, Business, and Music departments at Pearson State. The majority of the Black -students were enrolled in these departmental majors. A few students in the study said that their White professors were willing to assist them and offer time and attention both in and outside the classroom. Others, however, felt that their White professors lacked sincere interest in their welfare, had low expectations of their abilities to do the work, and generally viewed Blacks as lazy and incompetent. Racial discrimination was not mentioned by thirty percent of the Black students interviewed for this study. Seventy percent did report incidence where they felt that they were victims of racial discrimination. The reported incidences most often involved treatment by faculty members rather than other students. Two Black professors interviewed for the study characterized the attitudes and behavior of their White colleagues as elitism rather than racism. Black students who complained about the small number of Black faculty and staff menbers expressed a need for more Blacks who could understand them and who would exhibit interest and concern for their problems. Role models for them appeared to be persons who had made it through the system and were willing to help them do the same. The students also couplained about the isolation they experienced at Pearson State, while at the same time, most voluntarily separated themselves from White students in alsmost all social activities. Although some of the isolation they experienced was due to the semi- l82 rural, predominantly White environment of the college, their choice to not participate in most campus activities resulted in further isolation. Their social life was limited almost entirely to parties and dances sponsored by their own Greek Letter organizations. Those Students who chose not to belong to a sorority or fraternity, as well as those who were not chosen, sometimes experienced further isolation because they were separated not only from White students but from some Black students as well. The students' belief in themselves was strong enough to keep them motivated and determined the strategies they used to survive. They learned to make use of the support services, developed effective study methods and habits, selected friends with goals similar to their own, and sought support and advise from Black faculty and staf personnel. These factors are reviewed in more detail in Chapter Six. Chapter VI Summary, Conclusions Implications and Recommendations Introduction This study was conducted for the purpose of determining and describing the perceptions Black students have of their experiences in a predominantly White college environment and the strategies that they employed tolfunction successfully in this setting. The study focused on twenty-five Black junior and senior level students who had survived at least two years in one such institution. An ethnographic method of research was used,employing an inductive approach and emphasizing the subjective beliefs held by the participants. The four specific means used to collect, record, and organize data were: (I) selected student and staff interviews, (2) a written questionnaire, (3) analysis of several documents, and (ll) observations. For the period of one year (1983-198h), the researcher interviewed and observed Black students, faculty and staff members at Pearson State, a coeducational 'institution established in 1960 as a four-year liberal arts college. During this time, observations were made of the students in their classroom, as well as, their out-of- class activities. Interviews were used as an important source of information and a means for clarifying and reinforcing the data gathered from observations and the questionnaires. Certain documents I83 18h were used to establish facts about events which the researcher was unable to observe directly. Thejrinclpal Hoblem consisted of determiningwhether there were common identifiable experiences, adaptive behaviors, feelingsL and attitudes among_8lack students that could be categorized as strategjes for success. This chapter contains a summary and discussion of the major findings and the conclusions drawn from these findings. The findings are organized and presented according to the initial research questions which guided the study. Research Questions ’ ‘\ (E. ~What do Black students see as components of a —' successful experience at this institution? A” What is the nature of the expectations that instructors place on Black students? B. What expectations do Black students have of themselves? C. What strategies do they employ to succeed and with what results? 0. What are the educational outcomes valued highly by Black students? (IL; What are the experiences and perceptions of Black \xe/ students regarding relationships between Blacks and Whites at this institutions? A. To what extent do Black students see the institution as promoting interracial campus contacts? 8. To what extent do Black students see a need for such contacts? I85 {" c.‘ What is the nature of the formal and/or ' informal networks of acquaintance and communication which facilitate contacts between the two racial groups? The conclusions represent generalizations derived only from this study population and are based primarily on information from personal interviews and observations. In addition, the chapter contains a discussion of the implications of the findings for practice in higher education and recomnendations for further research. Sumary of Mahr Findinqu l.K~The researcher discovered that successful Black students at Pearson State have had clearly defined career goals, strong self- concepts, and the determination toperseverel This investigation revealed that although many Black students entered Pearson State College academically underprepared, those who had the will to persist were able, through the use of tutoring and other support services, to catch up and sometimes surpass their White peers by the fourth year of study. Crucial to the development of academic competence were supportive services including tutoring, counseling/academic advising and adequate financial aid. 2. The sigpificance of the students' academic deficiencies was reflected in their choice of majors. The majority of them had avoided or not performed well in math and science courses in high school. They, therefore, avoided majors related to these subject areas in college. The presence of Black faculty members in a particular I86 discipline appeared to attract Black students. There were Black professors in the Public Service, Education, Sociology, Business, and Music departments at Pearson State. The majority of the Black students were enrolled in these departmental majors. 3. Although the students in this study initially exgected to become integrated into the college settirg, this integration did not occur. Instead, the students found more prejudice, more discrimination, and less social integration that they had expected to encounter. While the college boasts about its beautiful canpus located in a semi-rural setting with wide open spaces, natural land structure, wooded ravines, modern, well equipped buildings and enthusiastic, highly qualified faculty, Black students complained about the isolation and rejection they experienced in the overwhelmingly White environment of an institution which they perceived to have been designed for the educational and professional socialization of a White middle class population. A few students in the study said that their White professors were willing to assist them and offer time and attention both in and outside the classroom. Others, however, felt that their White professors lacked sincere interest in their welfare, had low expectations of their abilities to do the work, and generally viewed Blacks as lazy and incompetent. Racial discrimination was not mentioned by thirty percent of the Black students interviewed for this study. Seventy percent did report incidences where they felt that they were victims of racial discriminationf The reported incidences 187 most often involved treatment by faculty members rather that other students. Two Black professors interviewed for the study characterized the attitudes and behavior of their White colleagues as elitism rather than racism. As mentioned in Chapter Five, the investigator found that White faculty members tended to favor the "good" student and to lend unsolicited support to those who entered with strong academic records and high grade point averages. "Elite" Black students with good credentials received this "red carpet" treatment the same as did White students. Black students who complained about the small number of Black faculty and staff menbers expressed a need for more Blacks who could understand them and who would exhibit interest and concern for their problems. Role models for them appeared to be persons who had made it through the system and were willing to help them do the same. The students also complained about the isolation they experienced at Pearson State, while at the same time, most voluntarily separated themselves from White students in almost all social activities. Although some of the isolation they experienced was due to the semi- rural, predominantly White environment of the college, their choice to not participate in most campus activities resulted in further isolation. Their social life was limited almost entirely to parties and dances sponsored by their own Greek Letter organizations. Those students who chose not to belong to a sorority or fraternity, as well as those who were not chosen, sometimes experienced further isolation because they were separated not only from White students but from some Black students as well. I88 1h.l The students' belief in themselves was strong enough to keep them motivated and determined the strategies they used to surviveR The findings reNealed several strategies that they employed for adapting. The most salient was to accept the reality of their isolation and Talienation and the potential barriers to their success. The students learned to give less priority to social involvement even though they desired itu. ‘They gave greater priority to developing academic competence. They learned to make use of the available support services, developed effective study methods and habits, selected friends with goals similar to their own, and sought support and advice from Black faculty and staff. 5. Whether these Black students left a predominantly White or fledominantly Black high school and/or comnunity to continue their education at Pearson State Collegg, new adjustments were necessary for all of thehu Many had to learn new sets of coping skills and, at the same time overcome academic deficiencies. The majority of the first- year students fared poorly in their course-work while making these adjustments. Some became discouraged and left. Those who struggled through and were eventually successful developed and used a variety of coping mechanisms or strategies in order to survive*within this institution. They generally learned to live in two worlds. Discussion of Findings Ideally, there are at least five institutional components that are crucial in the successful adaptation of Black students to a 189 predominantly White institution: (1) institutional comitment and recognition of the Black experience (Willie and McCord, 1972), (2) adequate financial assistance (Boyd, 1977), (3) academic and personal counseling and support services (Gibbs, 1982), (A) Black faculty and staff models of achievement, and (5) an organized program of Black cultural/social activities and organizations (Smith, 1980). An examination of factors that Black students at Pearson State believed were related to their successful matriculation revealed that academic swport services were the most effective components available to them. These services included financial aid, counseling, and tutoring. Of these three, tutorial services seemed to contribute the most to the students' success. Financial Aid Most Black students need financial assistance (Smith, l980). While Pearson State provides financial assistance based on need, some students complained of the inadequacy of the aid package, which usually consisted of a combination of grants, loans, and job earnings. Several students indicated that without financial assistance they would not have been able to remain in school and that for some former students, large loans and the lack of contigency funds to help meet financial emergencies had caused them to drop out. Among such students were those whose parents were unemployed, or had low-paying jobs, or the responsibility of supporting other younger children in their future educational endeavors. I90 Counseling 'The use of counseling services by Black students was a more difficult area to assess because of the diversity among Black students in academic preparation, prior experience with integration, and level of social and psychological awareness. Students from integrated, middle-class backgrounds who were relatively comfortable at this predominantly White institution and who were able to cope successfuly with the college pressures did not require any special counseling. The majority of students in this study, however, were not from these backgrounds, nor were they responsive to the traditional counseling approaches used at the college. The Career Planning and Counseling Center is the only counseling center at the college and those services were used by the students for career planning assistance rather than for personal problems. As explained earlier in these findings, Black students indicated that when they had a personal problem they discussed it with their close friends and family. Problems relating to academics and/or instructors were discussed with a Black faculty member or administrator. Tutorial Services Many students in the study began college with low academic skills. Most expressed feeling academically underprepared as beginning freshmen. At the time of this study, as juniors and seniors, they had basically overcome the impediments that tended to interfere with their academic performance during the first years of study. They credited 19] tutorial services at Pearson State as being partly responsible for their academic improvement. They did, however, express dissatisfaction wflth a recent change in the procedures for providing tutorial services. Pearson State had a special program to promote academic achievement of students whose admissions credentials (test scores, class rank, grade point average) did not qualify them for regular admissiom. Several of the students in this study were admitted under that program. The program has since been discontinued although many of the support services remain. Some Black students see the abandonment of this program as a move to limit Black enrollment and a weakening of the college's commitment to them. Even though the students interviewed praised the support services that were still available to them, especially tutoring services, they still perceive that by reducing opportunities for under-achieving Black students to enter, the college could ultimately limit its Black admission to an elite group of high achievers. 'The firuiings show that Black students' feelings of alienation and academic anxiety (and presumably their negative effects on academic performance) are greatly reduced when Black students perceive that the college is committed to providing them with the necessary supportive services. Faculty Expectations One significant factor in the adaptation of Black students to the college environment is the lack of congruence between institutional 192 expectations that Black students will fit into the mold of the traditional middle-class college student and the students' expectations of college life (Peterson, et. al., 1978). In this study, the faculty's low expectations of most Black students made the students' adaptation more difficult. The general perception of the subjects of this study is that the White professors viewed the majority of Black students at Pearson State as Incompetent "special admits" who did not belong in college. Even before coming to know the students' abilities, they seemed to expect them to need special help. Both the subjects and Black faculty mentioned tolthe investigator that those Black students entering with the reputation of being "good" students are viewed more positively and are welcomed with more encouraging attitudes. Those White professors whose classes were observed by the researcher pointed out that many of the Black students tended to lack proficiency in basic skills. These professors seemed to concentrate too much on negative stereotypes and terminology such as "disadvantaged," "deprived," "underpriveleged," and an assortment of terms that focused on the weaknesses, the liabilities, and the shortcomings of minority students rather than to accentuate the positive. Black Students' Self Expectations <:jnitially, the subjects in the study perceived themselves as capable of successful academic performance;;7They reported arriving at Pearson State expecting to integrate themselves fully into college life. They did not perceive their academic underpreparedness until '93 after unsuccessful academic encounters such as failing examinations, or being placed on academic probation. These encounters illustrate the period of tension and conflict that Gibbs (1978) asserted occur because of Black students' expectations that academic standards and requirements in college would be similar to those in high school. For students in this study,[the key variable for managing such tension and conflict seemed to be positive self concepts. Those who survived did so because they valued a college education enough to work to overcome the gaps in their academic preparation and because they continued to believe in their ability to succeed academicallyj At no time did the juniors and seniors interviewed for this study exhibit a loss of self-esteem. In fact, several students suggested that the Black students who had low opinions of themselves and their abilities did not last long at this institution. The students' belief in themselves determined the strategies that they used to survive and succeed at Pearson State College. Strategies for Success The strategies employed by the students were generally reactive in nature. While the study did not focus on the underclasmen, it was apparent from observation and the reports of upperclassmen that most freshman- and sophomore-level Black students were constantly reacting to the problems presented by the predominantly White environment. Their strategies gradually became more proactive as they became adjusted to the college environment. Della (p. 70), for exauple, began to sit next to the very classmates that she knew resented her l9ll being there. When she realized that she was being ignored by the professor, she would raise her hand more often and ask more and more questions. Another strategy that several students reported using was to seek assistance and advice from Black professors. Crystal decided to change from a White to a Black advisor in order to get the help she needed. Tyrone became proactive when he decided to seek tutoring assistance at the very beginning of each term even before he needed it; the Black menbers of the Greek Council (p. 170) were proactive in banding together to get Black officers elected to the council; and Sarah (p. 142) reported that the members of her senior class frequently went into the residence halls and dining areas to give the freshmen the benefit of their "caupus awareness." As has been noted, the students cited the availability of tutorial services as the most significant component at Pearson State that contributed to their success. In addition to using those services, they cited developing effective study methods and habits as their primary strategy. The decision to study more effectively seemed to be self motivated. The stimuli for their motivation differed. Tyrone didn't like being on academic probation; Diane felt like a "dumy" in class. These situations helped them to recognize and to admit their deficiencies and prompted them to seek help and to prioritize academics before social life. Several students mentioned that they made the decision to spend more time studying instead of going home every weekend. Experiences such as failure and academic probation, at least for the juniors and seniors in this study, served as a challenge for them to prove that they were capable of better academic 195 performance. For some, the desire to achieve academically became more important than socializing. In addition to studying and developiMOOd study habitsJ crucial factors in Black students' success at Pearson State included findipg_g supportjroy and selectiporiends with ggals similar to their own. They seemed to be locating faculty and friends who were supportive of them and had knowledge of the college system. Black staff members and a few Black students suggested that Black students with the ability to mingle with White students found that to be a helpful skill. The majority of the Black students, however, said that their close friends were all Blacks and that when they had a problem they always went to a Black friend, Black professor or Black administrator for advice or counseling. Another very significant factor in their survival was learnipg to seek help_from the Black faculty and staff. The researcher discovered that specifically, Black faculty and staff members helped address both the students' academic and psycho-social problems while providing reinforcing support. Almost all students interviewed for the study named a Black person on campus who had served them as an advisor, mentor, and/or friend. The person was someone they felt was trustworthy, to whom they could go with their problems, and who would give them time and attention. There were some Black students who did not need to seek such support from faculty. There appeared to be a built-in support system for "good" Black students. Those who enrolled with high-grade point averages or reputations for academic excellence and scholarship automatically received a more cordial welcome from White professors. I96 These were the students who found their White professors accepting and willing to assist them. The characteristic of the college noted most often as having a negative Impact on Black students was the low percentage of Black student enrollment and especially the small nunber of Black faculty and staff members. Black students' evaluation of faculty and administration at the college did not necessarily become more positive from their freshman year to their junior or senior year, but their ability to cope and to locate those faculty meubers who were helpful improved. The students felt there was a definite need for a larger more diverse group of Black faculty and staff members to whom they could turn for advice about ways of adapting to the college system. The most ngnificant strategy the students employed was continuing to beleive that they had the capability of achievigg academic success. While Black students complained about the predominantly White environment and the racially biased treatment they received from some faculty, at the same time they did not believe that the environment would change. Instead, they sought ways to adjust and adapt their own behaviors and activities. For example, several of the students experienced difficulties with their White professors which caused them to feel they were being discriminated against. A few White professors and White administrators were referred to by the students as "ok", "straight," or "cool" In their relationships with Black students. These professors were perceived to be fair. In the meantime, those students who recognized that some White professors' low expectations and lack of demands for achievement could undermine their performance and make academic cometition more difficult, worked I97 harder to achieve and to prove those attitudes invalid. One strategy was to seek advice and counsel from others. More importantly, they confronted their disapointments about college life and continued to bolster their own egos and self-esteem by believing more strongly that they could achieve their academic goals and objectives. Even after negative encounters, it appears that they achieved success because they continued to perceive themselves as capable. They sought to identify means for accomplishing what they desired. At no time did they suggest resorting to feelings of low self-esteem. As a result, through their own initiative they learned to cope with their environment . Educational Outcomes CA coulnon goal for the subjects of this study was preparation for a secure future. In their terms, security meant "getting a good job." A good job was perceived as one which "paid well." Some spoke of desiring a better way of life and generally interpreted that to mean having a job with sufficient remuneration to afford them more material goods than their families currently possessed. Some spoke of going to graduate school. The researcher found, however, that the students were giving greater priority to their present and lmediate concerns of getting through school rather than dealing with educational outcomes? 198 Institutional Promotion of Interracial Contacts Students interviewed for this study said the opportunities were provided for interracial contacts at most campus-wide activities. Through the Student Activities Office, numerous clubs and organizations, and student government, Black students had the opportunity to participate along with White students. Few chose to do so. Given different interests and concerns, most spent their spare time in activities with students of the same race. The lack of involvement can be accounted for to some extent because of the small numbers of Blacks on campus. To a great extent, Blacks voluntarily separated themselves in most social activities. Attempts to offer racially mixed affairs or activities such as the one sponsored by the Greek Council met with little success. In spite of the belief of some students and faculty that mingling with White students can be a very helpful skill for Black students, most Black students seememd to feel that they had sufficient contact with White students as a result of their day-to-day'encounters h: classes, residence halls, and elsewhere on campus. Surrounded by Whites twenty-four hours a day, they felt the need for a place to ocassionally escape this overwhelmingly White environment. They felt that some separatism can be beneficial both psychologically and intellectually, and desired a place where they could gather and talk freely, discuss their problems, talk of frustrations, plan, promote, and conduct academic and cultural activities and seek help without being misunderstood, misinterpreted or appearing to confess inferiority. I99 Black students at Pearson State appeared to be very much aware of their minority status and to perceive the college as a place where race determines their friendships and associations. The data revealed that most of the students came to Pearson State expecting to find less prejudice, less discrimination and more social integration than they actually encountered. Both Crystal and Sarah thought that Black students were often prejudged by White faculty as incompetent and "special admits" and treated as if they did not belong. Lionel and Clarence related negative experiences which involved what they perceived as racially motivated, discriminatory treatment by insincere, insensitive, and superior-acting White students. Social isolation constitutes a major problem for many Black students on predominantly White college campuses (Boyd, 1971}; Jones, et. al., 1970; Hedegard and Brown, 1969; Monroe, 1973; Willie and McCord, 1972). Peettigrew, (1961i) and Willie and McCord found that Black students sometimes separate themselves by withdrawing into an all Black subculture. From the researcher's observations and by their own admission, Black students at Pearson State were isolated and limited in their social, cultural, and academic activities at the college. The college as well as the predominantly White, semi-rural comunity environment, lacked support systems geared to the cultural tastes and different ) interests of the Black students. Negative experiences in the college / community in most cases seemed to lead Black students toward an 1] increasing consciousness of their blackness and toward an identity { almost exclusively with Black people. Since support from White \ students usually was not dependable, Black students were increasingly w turning toward themselves. They were less often risking friendships with Whites. Paradoxically, this voluntary self-segregation was construed by some faculty to be self-defeating and discriminatory because it limited the students' opportunity to grow socially and intellectually. For Black and White students alike, the desire to mingle appeared to be lacking. Other than through occasional interactions in classes and classroom projects and among team members during and after sports events, very little interaction of a meaningful nature was observed or reported as existing between Black and White students. As one professor observed, the structure and location of the college does not lend itself to social contact for most of its population because almost all of the faculty and at least fifty percent of the students live from twenty to forty miles away from the campus. The other half 10f the students who>llve on campus, included most of the Black students. The college groups divided along racial lines because both Blacks and Whites have been socialized to be more comfortable with that kind of division. Conclusions Based on the findings of this study, the following conclusions were drawn: (:1?\ For the students in this study, the key to their success -’ seemed to be in establishing clearly defined career goals, Inaintaining positive self concepts, and the determination to persevere. 20] (23) The White faculty's low expectations of most Black \’ students appeared to make the students' adjustment more difficult but did not lead them to lower their expectations of themselves. 3. r The heavy demand by Black students for. assistance from ‘\_/ the few Black faculty and administrtative staff employed at Pearson State College added to the already heavy work load of this.group of college professionals. Still, the students were willing to accept consequent limitations In scheduling appointments and the amont of time Black "advisors" could spend with them, believing that the overall value of the advice received was better for them /“\\ than that generally available from Whites. )Rh.) Although Black students demonstrated a range of opinions \“ regarding their desire to have regular contact with White students, their strategies for success did not involve actively seeking such contact. Implications for Practice This study raises several questions for college administrators and other personnel concerning the status of Black students on predominantly White campuses. 1. Who is responsible for assuring the adaptation and subsequent success of Black students attending a predominantly White college? As has been stated, the researcher discovered that most successful Black students at Pearson State have to learn to identify their own strategies for coping and survival. They especially had to learn to manage themselves in the college environment if they were not "exceptionally good students." 2. What specific support systems should be institutionalized for assisting Black students in predominantly White colleges? Effective intervention at Pearson State, for example, cannot occur when the only institutional resource especially provided for them is the Office of Minority Affairs and the Director of that office is also responsible 202 for the administration of the college's affirmative action program as well as the special Student Services Program. The researcher discovered that affirmative action recruitment has not been a recent priority. 3. Should college addmlnlstrators and staff direct efforts toward projects or activities to generate more involvement of Black students in college life and to encourage Black and White students to intermingle? The Student Activities Office at Pearson sponsored a variety of events throughout the year, apparently with the assumption that all students would participate. There was little Black student participation because the Black students generally chose to isolate themselves from many events. It seems they knew the opportunities for involvement exist, but decided not to avail themselves of them. The choice not to participate is an adaptive behavior. It is an insular approach which protects Black students from negative discriminatory encounters with White students. Black students at Pearson State perceive open events as a pseudo approach to egalitarianism. Several subjects in this study expressed their concern about not knowing which White students they could trust or when they could trust them. Many Black students also expressed their distrust of some White faculty. With so many more White faculty than Black, this distrust presents a tremendous barrier for Black students' success. 11. In order to eliminate this barrier, should Black faculty and administrators be expected to assume leadership to effect changes within the institution even when doing so is not a part of their job assignment? Are they to seek to establish channels of conmunication 203 with their White colleagues to initiate institutional concern and comnitment for acting affirmatively to create a setting more conducive to the positive devel0pment of Black students? Because Black students tend to distrust White faculty, Black faculty can help to cement trust between them and the institution. The students interviewed for this study were all either juniors or seniors. One factor in their survival was the help received from Black staff members. Almost every one of the Black students mentioned finding a Black person on campus who served as an advisor, confidant and mentor. More Black faculty and administrators are needed at Pearson State. When Black students can see, through the presence of a sizeable, more diverse Black faculty and staff that they can approach a range of choices that is equivalent to that range of choices available to White students, they will then have reality-based rationales for aspiring to roles to which they have not typically aspired. An overall concern is whether a more viable and concerted effort needs to be focused on the plight of Black college students as they seek to adapt to the predominantly White college system. Racial discrimination is the fundamental difference in the Black and White experience in America (Willie and McCord, 1972). Black students at Pearson State College feel that recognition of this difference and its consequences is crucial to their survival and success at any predominantly White college. Examination of how and why Black students fare as they do on White campuses is often distorted by assumptions of egalitarianism (Gibbs, 1982). Such assumptions ignore the current and historical oppression that Blacks have experienced. To treat Blacks as if their interests 201i and concerns are the same as those of Whites is a mistake. Too often White college officials take the position that students are students and, thus, reject the need for support systems geared to the cultural tastes and differences of Black students. They base this position on the opinion that, in the best interest of all students, race should be downplayed. Black students at Pearson State were asking that they not be expected to find their heritage in a counterpart of White society. The Black professors also rejected the notion that a student is a student whether he is Black or White. What is posed as a substitute for the doctrine of color-blindness is a view which recognizes that skin color has an enormous consequence in the U.S. and that if one is defined as Black, then such a person's condition is significantly different from that of any White imigrant or native. Black students feel that recognition of the Black experience is one of the most important conponents of a successful experience at a predominantly White institution. When examining Black students' special problems and needs, faculty and staff of other colleges may wish to address three dimensions of their institutions: structural, attitudinal, and professional (Gibbs, 1982). First, they should examine the effectiveness of current structural arrangements in dealing with the problems of Black students. In view of increasing financial constraints and decreasing levels of commitment from within and without higher education, it may be necessary to incorporate special programs for Black and other minority students into the regualr administrative structures. An important factor in the success of the consolidation process will be the degree to which flexibility can be maintained in these programs, so that Black students can continue to perceive options which take into account their soclo-cultural background and experiences. Three examples of this type of flexibility are: (1) "drop-in" counseling services, whereby appointments do not have to be made weeks in advance; (2) peer counseling services, where students who have experienced similar problems are available for informal discussions; (3) financial aid officers who are responsive to short-term financial crises, which Black students are more likely to experience than White students(Gibbs, 1982). If these offices are organized along functional lines, it will continue to be relevant to have integrated staffs, so that Black students will perceive that there are understanding and sympathetic persons to whom they can turn, even if these staff members do not have a specific responsibility for serving their needs. Second, theaattitudes of administration, faculty and professional student services staff are significant elements in the successful adjustment of Black students to predominantly White campuses. As noted, White faculty and staff attitudes were perceived by Black students as negative. There was no indication by staff or students in this study that organized efforts had been made to alter the negative attitudes of these groups. Nevertheless, because this is a major source of Black student discontent, institutions must begin to take the initiative in promoting changed attitudes. It is not enough for presidents to make cliched conmencement addresses or to issue annual reports that reaffirm administrative support for equal opportunity and affirmative action programs. These efforts are perceived as primarily 206 directed to various external constituencies of educational institutions; the internal groups largely ignore or discount these pronouncements as propaganda and public relations. If Black students are ever to become an integral part of the academic world, all faculty and staff must become more sensitive to their historical, social, and cultural background; to their patterns of behavior and coulnunication; and to their values, goals, and aspirations. The shared experiences of racial prejudice, discrimination, and for some, economic disadvantage has inevitably shaped the social and psychological development of Black students. Without understanding the dimensions of these experiences, White faculty and staff will continue to behave toward Black students in demeaning, condescending, and discriminatory ways. it is obvious that administrators cannot issue edicts to compel faculty and staff to change their attitudes and behavior toward Black students, but there should be mechanisms established to foster such changes, such as human relations workshops, departmental seminars, and perhaps incentive awards for extraordinary service to minority students. Additionally, increased informal and social contacts between Black students and faculty/staff may reduce tensions and improve relationships. If there are substantial reports of faculty/staff discrimination against Black students, there should be channels for processing complaints, such as an Ombudsman's office, where students can be assured of obtaining a fair and impartial hearing to redress their grievances. If institutions are committed to continued enrollment of significant numbers of Black students, they must be willing to reassess their responsiveness to the problems and 207 needs of these students' and to institute modifications in structural, attitudinal, and professional areas. Some institutions may need to improve their recruitment strategies, clarify their admissions criteria, provide adequate levels of support for Black students and monitor their internal climate to foster an environment that encourages interracial communication and contact at all levels. Finally, institutions should neither encourage nor reinforce Black separatism because that stance will not prepare students to deal with the complexities of a mlultiracial society or to compete successfully in their future careers. If predominantly White and historically Black colleges can become truly integrated institutions, they will not only establish a more stimulating and diverse academic environment, but they will also make a lasting contribution to increased economic opportunities for Blacks, resulting in greater benefits to the society as a whole. / "\. I f Recomnendations for Further Research1 I \ . ‘ .2 ,/ I, .\\ / \ I \ I/ \~ \ ‘3- ‘iAlthongh~thee£indingswand’generalizations of this study were based on a small sample population at one college, they were, nevertheless, helpfkrl in revealing the strategies for survival and success of a few Black juniors and seniors. Further studies on Black students at other colleges are needed to discover why some survive and achieve while others do not: K? A study that comares success strategies \m”” of Black and White students. '\ 2.) A study that compares success of Black students at a predominantly White college 208 to Black students at a historically Black college. A study of Black underclassmen experiences and coping skills as compared with those of upperclassmen. \ ' l )1/ )4.) A study of the factors that differentiate \ , between persisters and dropouts among Black students attending predominantly White colleges. These studies would add to the knowledge and understanding of the strategies and social knowledge necessary to achieve in an integrated setting. In addition, such research could contribute to understanding of the complex processes of interaction between Blacks and Whites in the larger social, political and cultural environment, especially since colleges provide training grounds that prepare students for real-life interactions. APPEND I CES APPENDIX A APPENDIX A-l BREAKDOWN OF REGULAR FULL-TIME AND PART-TIME FACULTY AND STAFF BY RACE AND sex JULY 1, 1983 A. ALL FACULTY AND STAFF Total Number . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 533 . . . . . 100.02 1. Number of White Males 286 53.72 2. Number of White Females 205 38.52 3. Number of Black Males 14 2.62 A. Number of Black Females 1h 2.62 5. Number of Asian-American Males S .92 6. Number of Asian-American Females O .02 7. Number of Spanish Surnamed Males 5 .92 8. Number of Spanish Surnamed Females 2 .42 9. Number of Native American Males 1 .22 10. Number of Native American Females 1 .22 11. Total Number of Males 311 53-32 12. Total Number of Females 222 “1.72 209 m‘a‘mg’WN-P o QNO‘U‘I#\NN-’ O FACULTY Total Number . . . . . . . Number Number Number Number Number Number Number Number Number Number of of of of of of of of of of 2l0 White Males White Females Black Males Black Females Asian-American Males Asian-American Females Spanish Surnamed Males Spanish Surnamed Females Native American Males Native American Females Total Number of Males Total Number of Females Tota I "umer O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Number Number Number Number Number Number Number Number Number Number of of of of of of of of of of White Males White Females Black Males Black Females Asian-American Males Asian-American Females Spanish Surnamed Males Spanish Surnamed Females Native American Males Native American Females Total Number of Males Total Number of Females 200 137 k as OOOWO-P-‘N 151 #9 EXECUTIVE, ADMINISTRATIVE AND PROFESSIONAL STAFF 125 80 W —o~ocoa~.&-N e- a: _. e- . . . . . l00.02 68.52 2A.02 3.52 .52 2.02 .02 1.52 .02 .02 .02 75.52 24.52 a o e o 0 100.02 64.02 25.62 3.22 h.82 .02 .02 .02 1.62 .02 .82 67.22 32.82 D. \DGDNO‘UIkWN-d O —o O a ll. 12. ”NO‘U'i-B'WNH O Tota I "umer O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Number Number Number Number Number Number Number Number Number Number of of of of of of of of of of 2ll CLERICAL, OFFICE AND TECHNICAL STAFF White Males White Females Black Males Black Females Asian-American Males Asian-American Females Spanish Surnamed Males Spanish Surnamed Females Native American Males Native American Females Total Number of Males Total Number of Females Total "umer O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Number Number Number Number Number Number Number Number Number Number of of of of of of of of of of MAINTENANCE, GROUNDS AND SERVICE STAFF White Males White Females Black Males Black Females Asian-American Males Asian-American Females Spanish Surnamed Males Spanish Surnamed Females Native American Males Native American Females Total Number of Males Total Number of Females 1h] 0 o o o 0 100.0: l7 119 0 OOOOOOU'I 17 12k 62 . . . . . .P O-‘ONO—‘NWU‘IQ U1 \JU'I 12.12 8A.k2 .02 3.52 .02 .02 .02 .02 .02 .02 12.12 87.92 100.02 77.22 8.12 h.92 3.22 1.62 .02 3.22 .02 1.62 .02 88.72 ll.32 212 F. SAFETY AND SECURITY STAFF Total Number . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 . . . . . 100.02 1. Number of White Males 4 80.02 2. Number of White Females 1 24.02 3 - 10 0 .02 11. Total Number of Males 4 80.02 12. Total Number of Females 1 20.02 The figures exclude employees on layoff status. 213 APPENDIX A-2 MINORITY STAFF REPORT Year Total Minority Breakdown Staff Staff 1983 (August) 536 44 - 8.22 307/25 Males (15 Faculty) 229/19 Females (15 E.A.P.) 29 Blacks ( 5 C.O.T.) 5 Asians ( 9 M.G.S.) 8 Hispanics ( 0 S.A.F.) 2 Native Americans 1983 (January) 549 44 - 8.02 319/26 Males (15 Faculty) 230/18 Females (15 E.A.P.) 31 Blacks ( 5 C.O.T.) 5 Asians ( 9 M.G.S.) 7 Hispanics ( 0 S.A.F.) 1 Native American 1982 (July) 537 45 - 8.42 314/28 Males (16 Faculty) 223/17 Females (14 E.A.P.) 31 Blacks ( 6 C.O.T.) 5 Asians ( 8 M.G.S.) 7 Hispanics ( 1 S.A.F.) 2 Native American- 1981 (August) 547 44 - 8.02 322/29 Males (17 Faculty) 225/15 Females (13 E.A.P.) 31 Blacks ( 6 C.O.T.) 5 Asians ( 8 M.G.S.) 7 Hispanics ( 0 S.A.F.) 1 Native American Year 1983 (August) 1983 (January) 1982 (July) 1981 (August) Total Staff 536 549 537 547 213 APPENDIX A-Z MINORITY STAFF REPORT Minority Staff 44 - 8.22 (15 Faculty) (15 E.A.P.) ( 5 C.O.T.) ( 9 M.G.S.) ( 0 S.A.F.) 44 - 8.02 (15 Faculty) (15 E.A.P.) ( 5 C.O.T.) ( 9 M.G.S.) ( 0 S.A.F.) 45 - 8.42 (16 Faculty) (14 E.A.P.) ( 6 C.O.T.) ( 8 M.G.S.) ( l S.A.F.) 44 - 8.02 (17 Faculty) (13 E.A.P.) ( 6 C.O.T.) ( 8 M.G.S.) ( o S.A.F.) 307/25 229/19 29 5 319/26 230/18 31 Breakdown Males Females Blacks Asians Hispanics Native Americans Males Females Blacks Asians Hispanics 1 Native American 314/28 223/17 31 5 Males Females Blacks Asians 7 Hispanics 2 Native Americans 322/29 225/l5 31 5 7 Males Females Blacks Asians Hispanics 1 Native American 214 MINORITY STAFF REPORT (continued) Year Total Staff 1980 (July) 597 1979 (October) 591 1978 (July) 585 E.A.P. C.O.T. M.G.S. S.A.F. Minority Staff 40 - 6.72 (19 Faculty) (11 E.A.P.) ( 3 C.O.T.) ( 7 M.G.S.) ( 0 S.A.F.) 44 - 7.42 (20 Faculty) (13 E.A.P.) ( 5 C.O.T.) ( 8 M.G.S.) ( 0 S.A.F.) 56 - 9.62 (21 Faculty) (16 E.A.P.) ( 9 C.O.T.) (10 M.G.S.) ( 0 S.A.F.) 352/30 245/10 27 s 7 Breakdown Males Females Blacks Asians Hispanics 1 Native American 366/34 225/10 29 354/39 231/17 38 6 ll 1 Executive, Administrative and Professional Clerical, Office and Technical Maintenance, Grounds and Service Safety and Security Males Females Blacks Asians Hispanics Native American Males Females Blacks Asians Hispanics Native American Year 1983 (August) 1983 (January) 1982 (July) 1981 (August) 1980 (July) 1979 (October) 1978 (July) 215 APPENDIX A-3 STAFF REPORT MALE/FEMALE BREAKDOWN Total Staff 536 549 537 547 597 591 585 Males 307 57.32 319 58.12 314 58.52 322 58.92 352 59.02 366 61.92 354 60.52 Females 229 42.72 230 41.92 223 41.52 225 41.12 245 41.02 225 38.12 231 39.52 216 APPENDIX A-4 POSITIONS FILLED FROM THE OUTSIDE BY EMPLOYEE GROUP AND RACE FOR THE PERIOD JULY 1932-JUNE 1933 Faculty (1982-83) Total 8 6 White Males 2 White Females E.A.P. Total 19 13 White Males 5 White Females 1 Black Male C.O.T. Total 1 White Males White Females Black Female deN M.G.S. Total White Males White Females Black Female American Indian Male d-‘Nww S.A.F. Total 0 Of the 46 positions filled by outside applicants: 4 ( 8.72) were minorities 27 (53.72) were males 19 (41.32) were females A P. Executive, Administrative and Professional .O.T. Clerical, Office and Technical G S A F . Maintenance, Grounds and Service . Safety and Security APPENDIX B APPENDIX B QUESTIONNAIRE ‘This questionnaire is part of a study being conducted to learn how Black students feel about their experiences in one educational jnstitution where the majority population is White. Knowledge obtained from the study could be of value to college personnel who plan programs and services for student development at the college. If this study is to be helpful, it is important that you answer each question as thoughtfully and frankly as you can. Your identity and answers will be kept strictly confidential. The information requested below is optional. If you would like to receive a summary of the results of this study, I will need your name and address” Also, if you are interested in being interviewed indicate this by checking the appropriate space below and providing a phone number at which you can be reached. Please print: I 1 Last Name First Name Phone 3' Address City State 'Zip7Code Yes, I would like to be called for an interview. No, I would not like to be interviewed. 217 ‘413. «m. Bhec 218 fgggESTIDNNAIRE .4 Age '\2. Sex 3. Marital Status Religion XS. College Curriculum How long have you been at this college? How many credits have you earned? When did you graduate from high school? Name and location of your high school. What was your high school G.P.A.? What is your current college G.P.A.? List the classes you now have and give the number of Black students in each class. Name of Class Number of Black Students 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Are you employed? On campus Off campus Are you receiving financial aid? How and why did you choose this college? Current college classification: Freshman Sophomore Junior Senior fl2l. .222. '24 219 What do you like best about this college? What do you dislike and how would you like to see the college change? Do you have both Black and White friends? What do you feel are the most improtant qualities to look for in a friend? Do your professors encourage out-of-class contact about academic work? Are professors friendly and accessible to Black students? Do you feel comfortable talking to your professors on a one-to-one basis? Where on campus do you study? 25. Are there places on this campus where you do not feel welcome and comfortable? Which of the following things do you feel could most likely prevent you from getting a job you want. Why? a. your religion b. your sex c. your race d. family background e. lack of education f. lack of ability Who or what do you feel has had the greatest influence on your life? Please explain why. If you could do anything you wanted to and nothing stood in your way, what would it be? What is your major source of fun and recreation? What do you think are the most prevalent social problems at this college? Please explain why. Have you personally experienced any problems of racism. Please explain in detail. 221 9&32. In what ways does the college differ from what you expected? (383 What are some major concerns and/or unmet needs of Black students at this college? ‘34:) To what organizations do you belong? 2‘35) Do you believe there should be more Black students enrolled at K ’ this college? 2%862) Would you recommend this college to your friends? i‘3~ ‘4437> Please share any other thoughts, feelings, and opinions you have “. about being a Black student at this college. APPENDIX C APPENDIX C-l lNTERVIEW GUIDE # l Openers: l. 2. Have you had any problems in adjusting to this college? In what ways does the college differ from what you expected? Faculty/Student Relationships Do you feel faculty members treat students differently if the students are of a culture group different than their own? Do you talk with your instructors? When? Where? And about What? If you live on campus, describe your experience. Student/Student Relationships 1. Do you and White students associate with each other on campus? In the cafeteria? Student lounge? Game room? Dances? Classroom? Residence Hall? Are there places on this campus where you do not feel comfortable? Where? Why not? Should the college do anything to increase the contact between students and faculty of different races? What? Should there be more Black students enrolled at this college? 222 223 CollegeActivities 1. What organizations do you belong to at the college? 2. Do you think the college should support separate activities for various racial groups? Why? Closures l.‘ Who is accepted better socially on campus by students of other -.. /‘ cultural groups? a. b. ./7‘ 2) a o b. C o d. e. f. Black males Black females Whom do you think this college is designed to serve? (Rank one to six, with one the highest) White students Black students __ International students Hispanic students Native American students The total college community 3. Whom do you think the college serves better? 4. Is there any other opinions you want to share about being a Black White students Black students __ International students Hispanic students Native American students The total college community student at this college? 13". 224 APPENDIX C-2 INTERVIEW GUIDE I 2 Scale 1 to 10 College Satisfaction: 1. How would you describe your general feelings as a student here? (very dissatisfied - very satisfied) Academic Anxiety and Alienation 1. How high would you rate your general anxiety with regard to academic pressures here? (very low - very high) 2. How much do you personally feel a part of campus life in-so-far as student activities and government are concerned? (not at all - very much) Student Social Interactions 1. How do you perceive the general racial climate here on campus? (very poor - excellent) <::) How would you rate your White professors in regard to their service to Black students? (never - always) a. Open and willing to give Black students adequate time and attention? b. Have difficulty communicating with Black students? c. Avoid interaction outside the classroom? d. Provide encouragement to continue to study and go on for an advanced degree? e. Seem genuinely concerned about Black students' welfare? 225 Black Support Networks Scale 1 to 10 1. To what extent do you participate in the extra-curricular activities of the Black Student Movement? (negative - positive) How often do you have an opportunity to interact - with other Black students? with other White students? How would you rate the quality of these interactions? Black student interaction White student interaction Institutional Support of Black Students 1. 3. 4. How helpful has the academic advising been which you have received while here? (very poor - excellent) How responsive or adequate have campus counseling services been to your needs? (poor - excellent) Financial aid? Tutorial services? Social Knowledge and/or Strategjes for Success What would you say a Black student on this campus needs to know and/or do In order to be successful? APPENDIX D APPENDIX D FACULTY AND STAFF CONTRIBUTORS TO THE STUDY NAME POSITION AT THE COLLEGE PEB Anne Director of Upward Bound/Talent Search B Arlene Upward Bound Counselor B Mr. Albert Placement Director W Mr. Black *Financlal Aid Director W Dr. Brown *Professor of Education B Mr. Burton Associate Professor/Management B Dr. Cedar Professor of Psychology W Mr. Davis Associate Professor/Education B Mr. Green *Academic Resource Center Director W Ms. Howard *Assistant Housing Director/Apartment Manager B Dr. Howell *Associate Professor/Management B Dr. Jackson *Professor of Sociology B Dr. Love Executive Assistant to the President W Mark Minority Recruiter/Admissions Counselor B Dr. Marcus *Senior Counselor W Dr. McKenzie *Dean of Students B Mrs. Miller Associate Professor of Music B Mrs. Neuman *Office of Minority Affairs/Affirmative B Action/Director of Special Student Services 226 227 NAME POSITION AT THE COLLEGE PEB Mrs. Pacer *Counselor B Phil *Residence Manager/Housing Assistant W Ms. Reid *Acting Director of Admissions W Mr. Rose Professor of Sociology W Sandy *Resldence Manager/Housing Assistant W Scotty *Student Activities Director W Dr. Thomas *Director of Trio Programs B Vince *Residence Manager/Housing Assistant B Patti Talent Search Counselor W Dr. Ward Provost/V.P. for Academic Affairs W Dr. Wilson *Acting Director/School of Public Service B Mr. Williams *Assistant Director Speciat Student Services and Financial Aid Assistant 3 * - Faculty and staff members interviewed for the study. 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