INTERPERSONAI. DIMENSIONS OF CROSS~CULTURAL RELATIONS: INDIAN-WESTERN MARRIAGES IN INDIA Thesis for the Degree of Ph. D‘ MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSIW ANN BAKER COURELL i973 LIBRAR Y Michigan State University w --.'—v m. I! This is to certify that the thesis entitled The Interpersonal Dimensiona of Cross-Cultural Relations: Indian-Western Marriages in India presented by Ann Baker Cottrell has been accepted towards fulfillment I of the requirements for 4313.91.— degree in m 0-169 ‘—9 3-,. sarcoma 3y Y HMS 8 SlIIIS' BUM HINDU" INC. LIBRARY amncns mun". mutiny :2 375:? I Isinificu, .‘ lI. .5 M bus on at: I: n m: 5‘. I25: Milli, 3f I3! “I LE: mifially, u I“ I: :m 2n: 315‘ ‘ “191's. 2*: '31.. kt'fl 'C "‘ 9m H |..;: 65 ABSMI‘ ms INTRPfllmNAL DIMENSIONS OF CROSS-CULTURAL RELATIONS: INDIAN-WESTERN MARRIAGES IN INDIA 3? Mn Baker Cottrell A significant characteristic of the modern world is the high degree of interdependence between societies. Although this inter- dependence is well documented, little is known regarding the complex networks of individuals and social systems which mediate between societies, or of the cultures in which they Operate. The present study views the cross-culturally married, Indian-"eaten couples specifically, as we kind of link between societies. Some studies have been daze of persms bridging societies in formal representa- tional roles. e.g. diplaaats, missionaries, scholars. To this knowledge, the study of cross-cultural couples adds the dimmsion of highly personalized cross-cultural role relationships. Data for this exploratory study were collected between 196!» and 1966 in five major Indian cities as well as smaller cities and tons. In-depth interviews were conducted with 93 India: husbands and western wives and twenty western husbands and Indian wives. Subjects were selected according to length of. marriage in India, Indian partner's religion, liestern partner's nationality, husband's field of occupation. and place of residence. The major areas explored, around which the chapters are organised, include: 1) social histories and present social status. 2) patterns of garment; mar-scat: t: mam :: :L: :f Iran-I '::.u E wit? mmuhn 3‘ ..... . V ‘ Os; 1.2111} 31:: I :i'utiul 2 Ann Baker Cottrell linkage-~occupational, social and voluntary, and 3) the linkage proceaa--factors facilitating or inhibiting interaction with Indians and Westerners in India. The final chapter compares the linkage role of Indian-Western couples with those of Western-educated Indians and with hericans uployed as representatives of their society in India. The majority of all but the Western wives were involved cross- culturally prior to marriage. For some who married within their on bi-natiaial or transnational comunity, primarily Western husbands and Indian wives, this international marriage is less exogamous than an intranational marriage might be. Indian partners are from high status families with regard to class and caste; Western partners are from average and above average status families. The couples themselves are urban and generally high status. The husbands, typically, are professionals, officials, or executives. Nearly all of the couples associate with both Indians and Westerners in India aid maintain contacts in Western nations. Place of residence and income are the most important variables affecting associatimi with Westerners. Most couples know other Indian- Western couples but do not participate in groups of mixed couples. Western husbands and Indian wives are more likely to be integrated into Western coununities in India, more likely to be in third culture occupations, and thus generally more likely than the others to be sustaining established cross-cultural linkages. The majority of Indian husband couples are involved with some established linking {7:23 I: it lea L‘ vein at; t humus u meal alt- rum». : : rerun: mute grits: 3:35-23. 2. 31338 with 1 3'1 stem: t. . ' “Wilt! b". 3 Ann Baker Cottrell system in at least one role, but are not as highly integrated. All couples activate latent linkages in association with Indians and Westerners who are modern and therefore participate in an ecusenical culture but who have not been involved personally or have not maintained cross-cultural bonds established earlier. This is the predominant linkage pattern for Indian husband couples who associate primarily with modern Indiana. A smaller prOportion of the couples, mainly Indian husbands and Western wives, initiate new links with traditional Indians. Western wives have a particularly great potential for initiating linkages because they are most likely to associate with traditional women. Western wives are also notable in that they are most likely to perceive difficulties interacting with both Indians and Westerners in India. The marriages are generally thought to facilitate linkage in other roles. mile most respondents do not reject national heritage, nationality and religion are not especially salient parts of the subjects' social identities. More commly their statements reflect broader social identities. INTEPESONAL DIMBISIONS OF CROSS-'CULNRAL RELATIONS: INDIAN-“81'3“ MARRIAGES IN INDIA By Ann Baker Cottrell A IliESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR or PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology 1970 Copyright by ANN BAKER COTTRELL 1970 To Don ll In. I: :2: :l-aiman of 3‘." 22.123211 'Jseea, It :1 5:: tteir complete :ssniy, but for the ter. first!!! they have give: amazed fl: ::e to the 3351mm courittee se- *3. has In India were e 4 I ~tzs ‘ .121: research. nulrimtists. but; I Mantis, Dr. Helen '51 Tire: knack, Dr. Jar-I Lies, 3:. Ralph 51¢th fl. ‘4... ”an?“ 8m: ‘2 t 0 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS To the chairman of my Ph.D. comittee, Dr. John Useem, and to Dr. Ruth Hill Useem, I wish to express the deepest gratitude not only for their complete dedication to all stages and phases of this study, but for the ten years of support, encouragement and stimlatim they have given me. Dr. Charles P. Loomis has also contributed far sure to the development of this sociologist than is expected of a comittee member. The long discussions with Dr. and Mrs. Loomis in India were especially beneficial in the early stages of this field research. This study has benefitted from the cements and ideas of many social scientists. bong these are Dr. and Mrs. Mahadev Apte, Dr. Jay Artis, Dr. Helen Ullrich Baylis, James Bjorkman, Dr. Margaret Cormack, Dr. Joann DeLora, Dr. Irawati Karve, Dr. Robert D. Meade, Dr. Ralph Nicholas, Dr. Baldev Sharma, and Dr. David Winter. A Fulbright grant from the United States Education Foundation in India made the field research in India possible, and a sumner Stant from the National Science Fomdation permitted me to attend the Midwest Universities Institute for Cross-Cultural Research and training in Sociology for which part of the dissertation was Presented as a paper. iii imitation: and indiviz’. alive kicksm, Wiles tea Lem, Kit Liane)”, .‘Ze tn, my Van Sooten, 2‘. 32:5, Deccan College, as: his iagcssible to ace: 3&5. 3m, in: his supper “111: I special word of fix: an: OCCpcrati to th Institutions and individuals who provided technical help include Alve hickson, Wilma Hahn, Shirley Kanter, Youngin Ko, Roberta Leroi, Kit Linney, Margaret Mehta, Linda Moffet, Cathy Trimble, Nancy Van Nooten, The American Institute of Indian Studies, Deccan College, and the Indo-knerican Society of Calcutta. It is impossible to adequately eXpress my gratitude to my husband, Don, for his support both moral and technical. In addition, a special word of thanks is due the Indian-Western couples without whose cooperation this study could not have been done. iv -w .r. 3 gal - s: ‘v’ M" 'fZ {£310 5- ‘ II ‘ I heretical 32.1. Research Desist . Final N::e...... 3322. 2—12 5135. : its Barrie: Crc; Uta: bcmrsges 2e ..acess cf Essen: Social I S‘WOOeaaea. ‘IIn "' In... ' - III““H 1:..Aa-ltikl. PA Conscious Links Cmscicus Links ' . I Relationship 3.‘ JulabIQS.... be?! Reta" 3)» Q‘s-J 9.. Us £5:- L‘s-3&3; Ev “anti“: vi he“ Re T. Interaction CHAPTE I. CHAP‘I‘R II. CHAPTE III. CHAPm IV. TABLE OF CONTDJTS m3 THEORY AND METHOD OF THE STUDY.....................l Theoretical Delineationooeoeeeeeeeeooeeeeeeeeoeeeeoooool RESCBICh D9818“ and Process...........................20 Final NOte...‘OOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.00.00.00.000000000034 'DiE SUBJECTS: PESONAL HISTORIES AND PRESBIT STAIUS.3S “to Marries Cross-Culturally?”.......................35 mat Bicourages Cross-Cultural Marriages?.............56 The Process of Meeting and Marrying...................88 Present Social Position...............................92 mm...OOOOOOOOOOOOCCOOOCCOIOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOIO0.0.103 BEHAVIORAL PATTEINS 0F LINKAGE.....................lOS Conscious Linkage Through Occupation.................106 Conscious Linkage Through Voluntary Activity.........lll Social Linkages......................................128 Relationship Between Involvement in Indian, Western and Mixed Social Systems and Additional Independent variableseeeeeeeeeeeeeaaeeeaeeeseeeeaeeeeaeaeeeeeeeealag Summary NOtEaeeaseeeeeeeeeeaeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeeseaee178 THE LINKAGE PROCESS.................................180 Interaction with Indians.............................l80 There are Indians and 'nten There are Indians......180 Interaction with Indians: Inhibiting Factors.....185 Factors Facilitating Interaction with Indians.....204 Change in Ease of Association with Indians........206 'nte Process of Interaction with Indians: In overviw.‘.00...OOOIOOOOCOOOOOOOOOOOCO0.0.0.0...0.218 Interaction with Westerners..........................219 Commal Differences Affect Western Attitudes in India..........................................219 ?actors Di sc Factors Faci Interaction I he Partner's E with Westerners inaction: 1‘ o "b 9 9‘9. 9- . Q I LIIZII‘NISOOoeaee e 31'- "i" Cterecteristics 5323:1331 of a. Esters: aem‘eseI ‘3 lm'lhsten I lie LII-‘90: tance Final Note” . . £24....P‘.‘ v .s»..& 3‘- caarm V. Factors Discouraging Interaction with Westerners.....228 Factors Facilitating Interaction with Whaterners.....246 Interaction with Whaterners: An Overview............250 The Partner's Effect on Interaction with Indians and With “atmerSOO00.00.0000IOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO00.0.00000000251 A Reaction: The Mixed Couples Ca'oup"..................255 THE LINKAGE ROLE OF INDIAN-WESTRN COUPLES COMPARED WITH WESTERN REPRESBITA’IIVES AND WESTmN-EDUCA‘IE INDWSOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO.0OOOOOOIOOOOOOOOOOOO.0.0263 Characteristics Shared by All Three Groups..............263 Comparison of Whaterners Married to Indians and Western Representatives In India........................272 Indian-Western Couples and Western-Educated Indians IfltfitflCthfl‘With Indianseeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeeeaaeeeeeeeeeee285 The Importance of Indian-Western Couples as Cross- Cultural Links..........................................291 Fanal "Oteeeeseeeeeeeaeeeeeeesaseeesaeeaaeeeaaaeaeeeeeee296 BIBLIOWOOOOOCOO.0..0..OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0.0.0....0.0.0.299 APPEIDIX A8 APPENDIX B! ADDITIONAL MLBSOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.00.0.0...00.0.0303 INTRVIW wumJLEOOOOOOOOCCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCOOOOOOCOOOBw vi ' ZISIE'JZCS 0? 'IESTI maa.o:oa-a‘u I- "q. 4.3.1.4...CJ 8: add“ ' he. 0."-- . ".c.. ‘r- In ~l ‘ \ res suds-)5.“- v.’ u‘uu Ci' “\ I . 0'- OOIODOOOOOIOI. 333133 31311233? "I 32121 “335.5 A. Nuohsssnsssesesao if”: as U z, s-I '4 a) I a 5 rise 73". s4.a“ A ' m~JII II 3.3ng-ul .‘..‘ u I‘ ‘e.E‘ uxcut I ‘71 C? 92.. I =3- ..-..3. | “I“! C? W» 3.33“} TABLE 1. 2. 3. 4. 6. 7. 10. ll. 12. 13. LIST OF TABLES PAGE DIS'RIBUTION OF WESTmN PAR‘DIHIS ACCORDING TO NATIONALITY....45 DISTRIBUTION OF INDIAN BARNES ACCORDING TO RELIGION........4S DISTRIBUTION OF INDIAN PARTNERS ACCORDING TO REGION OF ORIGmOOO.0.0.0.0...OOOOOOOOOOOOOIOO.O...0.0.00.000000000000047 PECBITAGE DISTRIBUTION OF SUBJETS' CROSS-CULTURAL INWLVMEIT AT 'D'lE TIME OF MEETING PARTNRS ACCORDING '10 m OF MEEnNGOOOOCOOCCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCOCOOOO0.0.0.0....0.069 PBCBNTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF CULTURAL ORIBITATION mm SUBJETS MET 'DiEIR PARTNBS ACCORDING TD SEX AND NATIONALITY OF SPOUSE .a.bs...a....................................................74 PECDITAGE DIS'RIBUTION OF COUPLES ACCORDING '1!) CITY OF Rmmmcn...‘OOOOCOOOOCOOOOOOOOOOO0.0...0.0.0.00000000000000093 PEICWTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF COUPLES ACCORDING m AREA OF Rmpmcz ““11" A CINOOCOCOOCCCCOOOOOOOOOOO0.000000COOOCOOO% PRCEITAGE DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS' LEVEL OF OCCUPATION ACCORDING TO SEX AND NATIONALITY OF PARmEi..................99 PRCDITAGE DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENT“ 8 OCCUPATIONAL FIELD ACCORDING TO SEX AND NATIONALITY OF PARTNE" ...............lOl PECENTAGE DIS'DIIBUTION OF REASONS GIVEN FOR DIFFICULTY OF MEETING OR ASSOCIATING mm INDIANS ACCORDING '10 SEX AND NATIONALITY 0? “"880. 0.00.0000....OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.00.186 PRCDITAGE DIS'mIBUTION OF REASONS GIVEN FOR EASE OF MEETING OR INTEACTING “I'D-l INDIANS ACCORDING m SEX AND NATIONALITY OF smusEOOOOOCOOOOO0.00....OOOOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOZOS PECMTAGE DIS‘HIIBUTION OF STATst REFLECTING CHANGE IN EASE OF MEETING OR ASSOCIATING WITH INDIANS ACCORDING '10 S“ MD NATIONAL!” OP smUSEO..0..0..0.OOOOOOOOOOOCOOOOOCOON9 PECWTAGE DISTRIBUTION 0]? REASONS GIVE! NR DIFFICULTY OF MEETING OR ASflCIATING WITH NESTRNES IN INDIA ACCORDING m 8“ AND NATIONALI“ OF smusz...0.0....00....000000000000229 vii 17“! a a- F- = 'n.. 5.34.: 3153‘“ ’."‘ n a." ESTES- ,......'-I " “‘ MSWIY C F SP5: 5233:: 215:3:5 : 3.335: as ASSOC : 53x 50 ' ZCETAL mans: 3:532 ': wax-z are 21.5%.: CF ass-‘3: :2 sex an; “I g A ._' 3 " N' * ‘ 0-85.‘ AU: 8.5 an... :3‘: v .3." x '- ‘- - a ..._". ‘5 AI- - ::':: 46-" w a- PC‘ q- . I ‘2 L'U.A\.TLS."III P a. -‘a g! -- SEX m M25}; °' TABLE PAGE 14. 15. 16. l7. l8. A-l, A'Za A- 6, A97, A-e, A-9, PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF RMNS GIVBI FOR EASE OF ASSO- CIATING mm WESTMRS IN INDIA ACCORDING TO SEX AND NAHONALI“ OF smUSECOOOOO.00......OOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0.0.000000000247 PRCWTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF COMETS REFLECTING CHANGE IN EASE OF MEETING OR ASQCIATING WITH UESTENHIS IN INDIA ACCORDING m SEX MD “HOW” OF smUSEOOO...OOOOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOO.0.0.0249 PRCEITAGE DISTRIBUTION OF COMMENTS REFLECTING EFFECT OF MARRIAGE ON EASE OF ASfiCIATION WITH OW NATIONALITY IN INDIA ACCORDING TO SEX AND NATIONALITY OF SPOUSE......................251 PmCBITAGE DISTRIBUTION OF CONTENTS REFLmTING EFFET 0F MARRIAGE ON EASE OF ASSOCIATION UITH PARTNR'S NATIONALITY IN INDIA BY SEX AND NATIONALITY OF SPOUSE.......................252 PRCHYTAGE OF RESPONDst PARTICIPATING IN A 90cm. NEMRX OF INDIAN-WESTEN COUPLES AT ANY TIME SINCE MARRIAGE IN INDIA BY SEX AND NATIONALIH OF smusz....00......OOOOOOOOOOOOOCOOOCOOZSB LENGTH OF MARRIAGE IN INDIA BY NATIONALITY OF NREIG‘I PARTNER: Pmmncz DISmIBunON...OOOOOOOOCOOOCOOOCCCOOOOCOOO0.00.00.00.303 PmCDITAGE DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDst ACCORDING TO FATHEI'S OCCUPAHONOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO.0....0....OOOOOOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOO0.0.303 PEICBITAGE DIS'RIBUTION OF INDIAN RESPONDEI TS ACCORDING 10 CASTBOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCCCOOCOOOOOCOOOOOOO...00.0.0000000000000000304 PBCDIITAGE DISTRIBUTION OF RESNNDB‘TS ACCORDING TO LEVEL OF mucAnONAL ACHIwmmT...OOOOOOOOOOOCOOO.OOOOCOOCCCOOOOOCC0.000304 PRCUTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF INDIAN PARTNERS ACCORDING '10 FAMILY WPBOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO.OOOOOOOOOOSOS Pmcmnca DIS‘RIBUTION OF vss'rm PAR'mHiS ACCORDING TO EMILY ”PE...O0......OOOOOOOCOOOCOOOOOO.OOOOOOOIOOOOOOOOO0.0.0.306 PRCEITAGE DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDEVTS ACCORDING '10 MTIONAL 3mm AT mg or WMGEOOOO00......OOOOOOOOOCOOOCOOOOOO.0.0.0.306 LEVEL OF CROSS'CULTURAL EXPBIBICE BY PERIOD IN “TICK COUPLES MET: mcmTAGE DISRIBUTIONCOOOCOOOC.00...00.0.000000000000000307 LEVEI. OF INDIAN PAR‘mm' S CROSS-CULTURAL EXPERIENCE BEFORE MARRIAGE BY INDIAN RELIGION: PERCUTAGE DISTRIBUTION. . . . . . . . . . . 308 viii ‘I‘FT’l-q._ _ ‘ 25.1 "m CRY-£1723}; ‘ White "I CI UISTRN PAR; III-IE VARR LACE 3‘! II .. 3153133135 . . . . . . . . "I’ V’” IEEER FAA-\. 2:11:53 us: cs ass $3.535)ses000000000 "ii-3': CF asses-:3. tenses IS tat-t: me: C? 315K523 In“! BKA‘T’W-A um J. mm C! l 2532523} 3': mm '25: e' I “SPONGE “I: M .00 . P335? 0’ ‘ESKXCE VEST m; FIST ‘52:: I SEER?! BY 53X AN: TABLE A.100 A'llm A'IZe A'l3. A. 14. ATISe A’16. A'17. A-lB. A‘lge A. 20a A.21e A'22e A. 23a A. aka A. 25a PAGE LEVEL OF WESTERN mama's CROSS-CULTURAL EXPI'RIDICE BEERE MARRIAGE BY HESTHKN NATIONALITY: PRCBITAGE DIsmIBunoNOOOOOOOO0000......COOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCO0.0.0....308 CULTURAL ORIBITATION OF RESPONDst BY PERIOD IN WICH THEY MET THEIR PARTNERS: PERCENTAGE DIS'mIBUTION............309 PRCMTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF COUPLES ACCORDING TO HOW THEY MET.3IO PRCEYTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDEITS ACCORDING TO PARENTS' RWHON m m8 WIMEOOO.0.0...00......0.0.0.0000000000000310 DETAILED LIST OF RESPONDDITS' FIELDS OF OCCUPATION (IN mus).OOOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOO...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0...0.0.311 PBCBIT OF RESKINDENTS IN EACH OCCUPATIONAL FIELD WSE OCCUPATION Is mun CULMALCOOOOOOOO...0.0.0.000000000000000313 PRCWT OF RESNNDBITS WHO MEITION DIGAGING IN 804E WLUNTARY EDUCA'HONAL LINKAGE ACTIVITY BY SEX AND NATIONALITY O...OCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0.0.0000000000000314 PRCDIT OF RESPONDst WHO MDITION GIVING SPEEHES ABOUT INDIA OR THE REST BY SEX AND NATIONALITY.....................314 PBCEN T OF RESIONDEITS WHO umnon WRITING BOOKS BY SEX mp mnmnInOOO0.000.000.0000.OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0.0.000000314 MCDIT OF RESPONDENTS W0 MEITION TEACHING INDIA ABOUT "EST AND NEST ABOUT INDIA BY SEX AND NATIONALITY.............315 PBCDIT OF RESNNDUTS W0 MENTION SOME INTEPERSONAL MHVIH BY 88x MD NAHONALIIYOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO00.00315 PECDIT OF RESPONDDITS M10 MEIT'ION HELPING WESTENRS ADJUST IN INDIA BY SEX AND NATIONALITY.......................3l5 PRCBIT OF RESPONDEITS “l0 MEITION MAKING A NINT OF INVITING MIXED GOUPS BY SEX AND NATIONALITY.................315 PRCBYT OF RESPONDDITS WHO MUTION HELPING 0mm MIX!) COUPLES BY SEX AND NATIONALIHOOOOOOOOOO0.00.00...0.00.00.00.316 PBCDIT OF RESmNDB'TS Hi0 MDITION SOME ACTIVITY DESIGNED m an? INDIA BY an MD NAHOWWCOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0.0.0....316 PRCMT OF RESIONDDITS mo MDITION IN‘EIODUCING CHANGE, SETTING EXAMPLE OF HESTBN WAYS BY SEX AND NATIONALITY.......316 ix {I ‘. ‘i In ti 0 o ‘1. O ‘D‘ - e2. use: c:-' IEKSDLN race: or lessens“? 22336 Wu ”‘3 II PEST}: CI REFEREE?" . mums 3‘! SEX AN: 3:355 3‘5 SEX AND .‘~ F3333! DISTRESS . KATIE “2231' CF 2' m NATIONALITY" . . . MIRAGE 31511313. REAR?! MOUNT OF "ID NATIONALITY. as e a PKB'TASI 315115: . q TI?! "CLINT CF I. “5 3‘! sn “ND NA: mimic: 915mg: gm A‘C'JST‘ tr ~ as it sax us in: or REST-(N2: “1 “malt. (Ex A-26. A927a A. 28a A9290 A-30. A'31. A'32. A-33. A' 34. A-35. A'36. A9370 A-38. A'39a A940e A‘41. A-lsz. PAGE PRCENT OF RESNNDBITS Hi0 MENTION OTHER WAYS OF HELPING INDIA BY SEX AND NATIONALINOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.00.0.00000316 PRCENT 0F RESPONDDITS "HO NINE OF THESELVES AS LINKS BETWEEI INDIA AND THE WEST BY SEX AND NATIONALITY............317 PECBIT OF RESNNDBITS HID EXPLAIN/DEMO INDIA 'm MESTmNmS BY SEX AND NATIONALITY"..........................3l7 21!!ch OF RESIUNDDITS WHO EXPIAIN/DEFDID THE WEST TO INDIANS BY SEX MD NAHONALIIYOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0.0317 PRCDITAGE DIS‘mIBUTION OF RESPONDBI TS ACCORDING TO RELATIVE AFDUNT OF TIME SPENT IN ALL INDIAN (ROUPS BY SEX MD MHONALIW.....OCOOO.OOCOOOOOOOOOOOOCOOOCOOOOOOCOOOOOOOO318 PRCWTAGE DIS'mIBUTION OF RESPONDBITS ACCORDING TO RELATIVE AWUNT OF TIME 39m IN ALL HESTRN (ROUPS BY SEX MD NATIONALIHCCOOOOCI00.0.0.0...00......00.0.00000000000000318 PBCEITAGE DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDDITS ACCORDING TO REAT'IVE WUNT OF TIME SPBIT IN CROUPS OF MIXD NATIONALI- n“ BY SEX AND "Amount“...0.0.0...OOOOOOOIOOOOOOO...0.00.319 PRCBITAGE DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDBYTS ACCORDING TD RELATIVE AWUNT OF TIME SPENT IN GROUPS OF INDIAN-WESTERN mums BY SEx MD "AnmALIflOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.....000000000319 PECDIT OF RESIONDENT’S Hi0 PARTICIPATE IN NME ALL INDIAN ”CIAL NETWRK (MWDING FAMILY) BY SEX AND NATIONALITY.....320 PRCBIT OF RESIDNDING SAMPLE IN SPRIFIC INDIAN SOCIAL NEwas.’.0...0.00.00.00.0000.0.0000...0.0.0....0.0.0.000000320 PRCMT OF RESPONDDITS PARTICIPATING IN SOME ALL HESTHN ”cm Nme BY SEX MD NATIONALITYeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee321 PRCENT OF TOTAL RESPONDING SAMPLE IN SPECIFIC ALL WESTEN NETWRKS BY SEX AND NATIONALITY..............................321 PECWT OF RESPONDENTS PARTICIPATING IN sous MIXED NATIONAL. ITY “IAI- NETfiDRX BY SEX AND NATIONALITY....................321 PBCMT OF TOTAL RESWNDING SAMPLE IN ssacrnc MIXED “now!“ mm NEMRKOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0......0.00.322 PMCBIT OF RESPONDDITS PARTICIPATING IN 33MB MIXED COIMUNAL $CIAL NETIDRK (INDIAN-WESTERN COUPLES OR ANGID INDIANS) BY SEX MD NATIONALIHOOO...COOOCOOOOOOOCOOOOOO...0.00.00.00.000322 PMDIT OF TOTAL RESPONDING SAMPLE IN SPEIFIC MIXED cm“ ”cm NEmes...‘OOOOOOOOOOOO.00.00000000000000000323 PRCEIITAGE DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS' CIDSE RIMS “10 ARE INDIAN, WESTRN, AND INDIAN-HESTRN COUPLES ACCORDING w CHANNELS mum “TIC“ mm "ETC.0.0.0....0.0.00.000000000323 x 3 Pm: or noses: 1~ "' minim 015313222" - tut.) A, mm HUSBAKDSA s. was “13'1va 3. mm Him... '! 331M UNIS AND 323' “3M3 5‘! SIX A I 533'? C? RESECXZE.‘ M136 (323331.155 C '~ 3:}: as us: a: IR! 2‘ AT LEAST C5! “:10me ‘0000000001 ' {3:31 C! was: a? 331235: on: m:- u..csmt'z c: RES}! mm cr BESS. 3: 32:1 LEAST cs: ~41: " 853 “new I“ “311??? n“ o a A.420 A'43. A-Mo. A'aS. A'IOO. A-47. A-48. A'lt9. A9500 A'Sl. A-SZO A'53. A- 54. A-SS. PAGE (CMEO) A. INDIAN HUSBANDSoo000000000000000000000000...0.0000000000000323 3. INDIAN "IVESoooooooooooooooooooooooooo00000000000000.000000323 co "31m HUSBmsoooooooooooooooooococo0000000000.000.00.000324 Do "33m “mooooooooooooooooooo00000000000000.000000000000324 PBCB‘T OF CIDSEST INDIAN FRIDJDS mo ARE FROM CHILDHOOD FOR mum mm MD m8 m 0mm RasmNDmTSOOOO0.0.00.0000000000325 PRCBJTAGE DIS'mIBUTION OF FIVE CIDSEST FRIENDS ACCORDING TO NATIONALITY BY SEX AND NATIONALITY OF RESPONDmT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .325 PRCBWT OF RESPONDENTS WHO BEIDNG TD SGIE CLUB OR ORGANI- ZATION (REGARDLESS OF MDIBRSRIP) BY SEX AND NATIONALITY.......326 PECWT OF THOSE BELONGING IO CLUBS OR ORGANIZATIONS WHO ARE IN AT LEAST ONE WITH ALL INDIAN MMRSHIP BY SEX AND "AnONALIHOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOIOOOOOCOO.OOOOO326 PECBYT OF WSE BEIDNGING TO CLUBS OR ORGANIZATIONS W0 ARE IN AT LEAST ONE mm ALL WESTERN MMESHIP BY SEX AND NATIOMLIH OF RESmNDst.OOOOOOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOCCOOO00.00.00.326 PMWT OF THOSE BEIDNGING m CLUBS OR ORGANIZATIONS WHO ARE IN AT LEAST ONE wrm BI-NATIONAL OR INTHNATIONAL MMRSHIP BY SEX AND NATIONAL!“ OF RasmNDmTOO0.00.00.00.00.0.000.000.0327 PECD‘T OF 'DTAL SAMPLE mo BEIDNG TO SPECIFIC KINDS OF CLUBS AND ORGANIZATIONS AND ma NATIONALITY OF MMESHIP msr COWN FOR EACH TYPE OF CLUB OR ORGANIHTION.........”.u.....327 PBCEVTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF COUPLES ACCORDING TO SIZE OF CITY BY commm MYOOCOOOOOOOOOCCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0.0.0000000328 PRCEYTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF COUPLES ACCORDING TO LEVEL OF COMBINE) SALARIES BY HUSBAND'S FIELD OF OCCUPATION.............328 PRCDJTAGE DIS‘mIBUTION OF COUPLES ACCORDING ’10 SIZE OF CITY IN HiICH THE COUPLE LIVES BY NUSBAND'S FIELD OF OCCUPATION.....329 PERCUT OF RESPONDDITS mo HAVE sou: OCCUPATIONAL CONTACT um NON-INDIANS BY SEX AND NATIONALITY........u..........u..329 INDICES OF RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CITY SIZE AND INWLVWDIT IN INDIAN, NESTRN, AND MIXED SOCIAL SYSTMS (PRCWTAGES)........33O INDICES OF REATIONSHIP 33mm COMBINE) SALARIES AND INWLVE' MUT IN INDIAN, mmm, AND MIXED SOCIAL SYSTMS (PRCWTAGES) OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0....0.00.00...0.0.0.0000000000000332 xi It": Pi. P31. 9-55. a 331—525 C! meCSS-V ' 322!!!» 0? Bi! EMT: m B'WLVUE‘I IN I" (MIRA-$25)“..un 53 UNITED“ Di 1? ZEICES GI '51! BEAT B'ELE'MI IN INDIA‘ A. mm 12530523 ._ 3. m 15105733 T531523 0? TE! REA? m m‘n‘..m.a‘1 u 1 (mamas) "u. . . L 1591*“ BESPOKE 5. BM RISKS: HIE: ‘3 RISER] 9.“ “7713qu (1‘ “110m?!" . . . . ":9“! cr 1 “B “my ' I 25:.N MP“ 01' 1 . PIC m E Bmc A HESS P‘J TABLE A-56. A'57. A- 58. A'59o A'w. A'él. A- 62. A. 63. A-6lo. A- 65. A- 66. A-67o PAGE INDICES OF RELATIONSHIP BETHEW ARFA OF HUSBAND'S OCCUPATION AND INWLVMENT IN INDIAN, HESTBN AND MIX. $CIAL SYSTEIS (Pmmmns)00000000000000....OOOOCOOOOOOOOOOOCO0.0.000000000334 INDICES OF THE REATION BETWEEN 1.me OF MARRIAGE IN INDIA AND INWLVMEJT IN INDIAN, NESTRN, AND MIXED ”CIAL SYSTMS..337 INDICES OF THE RELATION BETHEEN wzsrm NATIONALITY AND INVOLVDIENT IN INDIAN, WESTERN, AND MIXED $CIAL SYSTEJS......339 A. mm RESNNDMTSOOO00.0.0.0...COOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0.0339 3. "Esra" RasmNDst...OOOOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOOO00.0.000000000341 INDICES OF THE RELATIONSHIP BENEEN INDIAN PARTNR'S RELIGION AND INVOLVMEIT IN INDIAN, HESTEN, AND MIXED ”CIAL SYSTMS (memncu)0000000000000000O...0......OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOMB A. mnw RESmNDmTSOOO...0.0.0.000...OOOOOOIOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOM3 8' mm" RESmNDmrs...000......OOOOOOOOOOOOO.0.00.00.00.00345 PRCB‘T OF RESKJNDUTS WHO HAVE A HEIGHTmm AHARWESS OF OW NATIONALITY (IN SPEIAL CIRCUMSTANCES) BY SEX AND Mfiomln.’0.0.0.0....OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCO0.0.0.000000000000347 PRCWT OF RESPONDst mo DISAVOH NATIONAL IDDITITY BY SEX mp NAHONALIHIOOOCOOOCCCOOOCOOOOOOOOOOOO0.00.00.00.000000000347 FRONT OF RESPONDDJTS HHO THINK OF THNSELVES IN TERMS OF BOTH NATIONALITIES BY SEX AND NATIONALITY..u...ou.......u..347 PEICEJTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF COMJENTS INDICATING AWARENESS OF BEING A MIXED MARRIAGE BY SEX AND NATIONALITY OF RESIDNDEJT...348 PRCWTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDDITS ACCORDING TO NUMBE! OF OTHER INDIAN-WESTBN COUPLES KNOW IN THE SAME mm BY szx MD "AnONALIWOC.COOOOOOOOOOO0....00000.OOOOOOOOOOOCOOOOCMB PECBJTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF RESENDE‘TS ACCORDING '10 NUMBR OF OTHER INDIAN-WESTERN COUPLES KNOW ANYWRE BY SEX AND NATIONALITY.-0000000000000000000000...00000000000000.000000000349 PRCEJT OF RESPONDst WHO HAVE CONGNIALITY RELATIONSHIPS mm mmns BY 3“ AND NATIONALI“...‘O...................349 PRCDJT OF RESNNDMTS W10 HAVE FRIDJDSHIPS WITH HESTERNES 1" mom BY SEX “D "Amnln.O.OOOOCOOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0.0349 x11 ‘- no. 0 J" "'| 25:22: of couples 1:: 2' arses has A thus c kcycrzlm of respond: 1: some voluntary act: *3: wmoooooooo. Pate-sage CISIIIEJUII: 1!] of [.5912 (five) c Etch 52 d1str1but1: :13! 1:. sec; 11 g: z .y, 5w, t! Ougs fidiml u- :f that ‘C;“;ntaacel "Jcmt of 115;,de : im‘l‘ty 'OCXQI I 3; “Vince 1.1, ::.:m‘: Of re’MfQ ~:am mx‘l “em: |- Per: 1:: 'Wial re: In: ”“98 4 I P»: 1111:2105 rQSpmde: “Page“ ‘oci‘l r us: . :1le ’ Span-1,, 1&1“,- 3MB ty Sociale LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE PAGE 1. 2. 3. 9. 10. ll. Parcent of couples in which one, both, or neither of the ”rulers has a third culture occupation.....o.......u........107 hoportion of respmdents who indicated consciously engaging in some voluntary activity designed to bring India and the *St “gatheroooooooooooooooooo0.000000000000000ease0000000000112 Percentage distribution of respondents according to national- Et’ Of “91: (five) Closest frimdsaoososoooooooooooaoaoooooolzg PErcentage distribution of respondents who spend most of their time in social groups which include Indians only, Westerners only, both Indians and westerners, and Indian-Western couples onIYOOOCOOOOOOOOOOCOOC0.00.00...O...0.0.0....0.00.00.00.000000130 Pbrcentage distribution of respondents according to percent of their acquaintances in India who are westerners............134 Percent of respcndents participating in Western and mixed nationality social systems according to size of city of residmceOOOOOOOOOOCOOOOOOIOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.00.00.00.0000000153 Percait of respmdents with above average involvement in Indian social networks according to level of combined income..157 Percent of respondents participating in Western or mixed nationality social networks according to level of combined incmeooosooooesooosooooooaooooooooooooooooooosoo0.00000000000157 Percent of respondents with above average involvement in Indian.social networks according to field of husband's occupatiMOOOOOOOOOOOOCOO...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO.0.00.00.00.0159 PErcent of respondents participating in “astern and mixed nationality social networks according to field of husband's occupatIaIQQso.soosoaosooooooaoooosooooosooosuccesses-00000000159 Parcent of respondents participating in western and mixed nationality social networks according to length of marriage in IndiaO.OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOIOOOOOCCOO0.0.0.0161 xiii 1:? d 5- Pr:c.: of resffliia 2:11: 30:12.1 setvor .zg....000000000 3mm: :35 ”Spencer. :crz'ing to rel1gio 313:: of reaper-.5: 1x111 interactim v :5 :1ty of residence Inez: cf responder. mill inter tier. v :ustei's field of a 3mm of respcnim menus: with .51 :;:.|OOIOIOOOIOODOO 923:: of hence-.3 fanny groupings 1 ~ .G... ...........l FIGURE PAGE 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. Perceit of respondents having above average involvement in Indian social networks according to religion of the Indian firmer.‘IOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.00.00.00.00.00.00.000.000000000166 Pbrcent of respondents participating in Hastern social networks according to religion of the Indian partner....................l67 Percent of respondents commenting on ease or difficulty of social interaction with westerners in India according to size Of City Of rOSIdencesa00000000000.oaoooosaooesaoocacao-00000000169 Percent of respondents commenting on ease or difficulty of social interaction with westerners in India according to husband's field of occupation..................................l70 Percent of respondents cementing on difficulty in social interaction with Indians according to length of marriage in mdi‘.‘OO..0.OOOOOOOOOOOOOIOOOO.00....O...0.0.0.000000000000000171 Percent of Americans and of Indian-HEstern couples in Western community groupings in India according to type of participa- timO.00......O.0..OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOI0.00.00.00.00277 xiv m I" F". p: ,n 7" 1... a I ’L .utfi‘s P ":£:;x> :3 bafi .‘U j 3.. ' ' h z: ..f HITSCEG“? he. as.) Eeutims of the wt! :33: pea-1.112 than ever I rscczety. 3:13 trend .5" 1:1: crass-Cultsnl rel‘ ..'£.'a:".:e; :1111ms of vr :1: a: new words have c has. It 1: question I: sustain: this has ~.t.:nrelaticr.s, that 1 luxury Ind its Cult‘c. “in“ the P9031: w‘rc 1:131 cm: ext 1:: which I _‘ '0‘ “-39H111 be made 1: .1: : °‘ W“ 30:1 1 b‘..‘ "4-113" V! r. have lean: We; a .sts % I no hav :r.‘ 2‘ ch" e hlture. 3 CHAPTER I THE THE-DRY AND METHOD OF THE STUDY Theor t a i t Ori ta in t 8 ud C oss-C tu a1 R lat ons in Socio o d ch av R lev 1 Th 9 Pa cu ar tu The nations of the world have become increasingly interdependent, and more people than ever are now directly involved in more than one society. This trend has been reflected in increasing attention paid to cross-cultural relations in popular and social science literature; millions of written pages have been devoted to the topic and new words have entered our vocabulary to describe the phenomena. It is questionable, however, how much true insight and understanding this has given us into the nature of cross- cultural relations, that is, into the actual dynamics of relating one society and its culture to another. In particular, little is known about the people who mediate between cultures, and the cultural context in which they fulfill their mediating roles. No attempt will be made in this context to survey the literature. but rather, selective citations are used to help delineate the theoretical focus of this empirical study. Much of what sociologists do know about "cross-cultural relations" we have learned from anthrOpologists. It is the anthropologists who have been concerned traditionally with the study of culture. They also provide most of what we know about zzs-ihsum "Wu” and. Especillly P4 (apologist! have cost: an concentrated cm mixer. Sane others. zsgezifzc tn1ts, hm adjustments of me $22!. ins: at the theoretic 2:12:31 diffusicn and I aimility to the stud; mm” {Med and at Mt coherence and h: :u’ in the 00de we: the non-Western societies with which Western natims are increasingly in contact. Especially pertinent to this discussion is the way anthropologists have conceptualized contact between cultures. Some have concentrated cm the diffusion of traits from me culture to another. Some others, concentrating on whole cultures rather than specific traits, have concerned themselves with acculturation, or the adjustments of one culture in response to contact with another. Most of the theoretical frameworks earlier developed for studies of diffusion and acculturation have, at best, only limited applicability to the study of centemporary relations between complex societies formed aromd natiais. They assume an isolation, with resultant coherence and homogeneity, of cultures which is rare, indeed, in the modern world. Kroeber was one anthropologist who considered the interdependence of cultures throughout the old world. He saw a world civilizaticm, a "historically interccnnected totality of cultures," which he called the "Oikomend'l That this excompassing view of culture is not typical of anthropological thinking is indicatedarby the fact that Kroeber's idea was ignored for nearly twenty years. Then Gordm Hewes extended the concept to include the entire civilised world, and elaborated on the channels joining the cultures. Like Kroeber before, and many others more recently, Hewes emphasised that the "cmstituait civilizations tend toward a comm and advancing technological base, and come to share various 1A. L. Kroeber, "The Ancient Oikoumene as a Historic Cultural Aggregate,” Jog-Eng; of the Rgal mthroulogiga]. 215151153: 75 (1946) p. 9-20. (Reprinted in A.L. Kroeber, We Chicago, lhiversity of Chicago Press.) :.u,scis:tific, 91‘1“”; isms of I world emu" m, u: be described ' 2:11 cmtext. 511113! 211:: has expressed 5? exists, as for instance t‘xopoiogiits do rec 12:: beaten societies rage circle. Beves ae slots, to amtim just “on little interest 11 flotiemo are involved to in which they opera 21m, to the basis of tastes about the nature 1‘5”“! societies in I 4.:fip'm1eul MM“ :22: . minimum of . k 4““, 1 ‘1y 1mp033ib 12 U '1 «I styles, scientific, philosophical, and religious ideas..."2 This view of a world civilization in which many societies par- ticipate can be described as social pluralism within a single cultural context. Similar interest in the spread of world civiliza- 3and tion has been expressed by historians such as McNeill, economists, as for instance, Bouldingf Isnthropoiogists do recognize the existence of institutionalized contacts between societies such as the silent barter, or the Rule exchange circle. Hewes mentions that traders, soldiers, and diplomats, to mentim just a few, are culture carriers. But there has been little interest in how such channels Emotion, the kind of people who are involved, what the roles are, and the cultural milieu in which they operate. It would be difficult for anthro- pologists, on the basis of their research heritage, to answer questions about the nature of culturally patterned links between large scale societies in a world-wide community and the character of trans-societal netw0rks which involve segments of nations. In in depth examination of the interaction processes linking societies is virtually impossible without cmsidering the status-roles of the individuals involved. 2Gordon H. Hewes, "The Ecumene as a Civilizational Multiplier Mtgqlwmmmaeeu 25 (Fall 1965). PP. " a 3min.- a. McNeill, mg Rise of the Qggti A History og the W. (Chicago; University of Chicago Press, 1963). “Kenneth E. Boulding, "The Emerging Superculture," in m , ed. by Kurt Baier and Nicholas Rescher (Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1969), pp. 336-350. Also, Cam (New York: Harper and Row Publishers, Inc., 1965). an . in of the early E‘s-"n ‘ 5e26, PI!!! and H, I. .. trespassing viev of I tandem differences 1' 3:21. in sociology dev. :221930'5 and 1a the 1': :‘uzgly inward. 1; axgtizaticn and 5:55 :51:le Shiied 1:: me e he “flatly there '~ E12: . . . ' 'as '- n ‘.E‘ ‘. *K‘Efa : . Ms. Sociologicu in te Many of the early EurOpean and American sociologists, Durkheim and Haber, Park and w. I. Thomas, for examples, had a very broad, world-encompassing view of sociology. They sought explanations for behavioral differences in different social structures and cultures. As sociology developed in the United States, however, in the 1930's and in the immediate years thereafter, it turned increasingly inward. Sociologists assumed that the elements of human organization and behavior were so basic that they could be adequately studied in one society,thus largely ignoring the con- cept of culture. Mere recently there has been a renewed interest in other social systems and in different cultures. Given the high level of interdependence of modern societies, sociologists cannot ignore the fact that societies are influenced by contact with others. Sociological interests in the broad area of cross-cultural relations fall primarily into four general categories: the study of social change and modernization; comparisons between societies of behavior, attitudes, or social institutions; the study of relations between societies as part of a larger international or supra-national systems, and studies of individuals who move between societies. 5See, for example, Amitai Etzioni, W. (New York: The Free Press, 1968) and J. P. Netti and Roland Robertson, t at t dth drn i 0 .(New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1968). -\.3 Like its: matte?”1 aezuizutim of ’41 ambushed solutes 'z’scse who respmd t :11: the individuals magic in tern-.5 of 15:25:: :51: how the a fixed '33 l person's e ‘3 3113133 1:: a fore: é 4" natty. 35 :.i.-_ -: .2393 P. {00:15. . U3 v t 531:"- 1 , .aJy to the Btu/L g3:55 . . ”(12.31 50425.3(” Like most anthrOpologists, sociologists have limited their conceptualization of culture contact to the effect of such contact on established cultures associated with particular societies. Even those who respond to the need mentioned earlier, the need to look at the individuals who are the carriers of culture, cansider such people in terms of the two cultures being linked. For example, they might ask how the attitudes developed in one culture are affected by a person's experience in another, or how an engineer with training in a foreign country introduces ideas of change to his one: country.6 WWW Charles P. Loomis, John Useem, Ruth Hill Useem and Robert C. Angeli are four sociologists who have turned their attention more specifically to the study of people and groups which interact across societal boundaries and provide links between societies. 68cc, for example, Ralph L. Deals and Norman D. Humphrey. N3 (In ,' ° .':113 I1 a‘x. 4.! lit 1' )9 Cd .7: ‘rs, (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1957); John W. Bennett, Herbert Passin and Robert K. McKnight, WW 0v 3 er d , (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1958); George V. Coelho, W ° A d f d ' P , (Glencoe, Ill.: Frae Press, 1968); John T. Gullahorn and Jeanne E. Gullahorn, W Washington, D.C.: International Educational Exchange Service, 0. S. Department of State, 1955) mimeographed; Richard D. Lambert and Marvin Bressler, r Ca , (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1958); and John Useem and Ruth Hill Useem, 3:; W411. (New York: Dryden. 1955). Liiif is “the Prxes “1535:5115 cm a '22:: as l “it”? :21 $226953 5: r:- :a: 15:13.6 ""h‘ z: :to . ‘! presc 3).: y‘XICO Ed :ke nestle-Al relation ...::es t’ze linkazes I if"! «'4‘ grated to eleee f... i “a. fertilizers a: \ 4:519.“ 1. 3:15, 25 )9055(19 2,,23-11.“ Forwards, w P?- 32-3 9 Loomis is concerned with "systemic links" between societies. This concept permits the analysis of social interaction between societies in status roles which is not incorporated in the general term used by many anthrOpologists of "cultural links." Systemic linkage is "the process whereby the elements of at least two social systems come to be articulated so that in some ways they function as a unitary system."7 Or, in other words, "the organiza- tional arrangements for group interdependence."8 M kinds of behavioral linkages which Loomis has investigated are particularly pertinent to the present discussion. In his study of linkages between Mexico and the United States he is concerned directly with international relations.9 The study of modernization in India explores the linkages through which traditional Indian villagers are introdnced to elements of a modern world culture such as 10 chemical fertilizers and vaccinations. Both of these cases 7Charles P. Loomis, "Systemic Linkage of £1 Cerrito," sum fipgiglggx. 25, p. 55 (1959). 8Charles P. Loomis, W (New York: D. Van Nostrand, Co., 1960), pp. 32-3. 9Charles P. Loomis, Zona Loomis and Jeanne E. Gullahorn, s x co d t (East Lansing, Michigan: Michigan Agricultural Experiment Station Research Bulletin 14, 1966). 10Charles P. Loomis, "Change in Rural India as Related to Social Power and Sex,"B_-1:_ - s - - -—, (March 1967), pp. l-28. Also, with Lalit K. Sen "Social and Cul- tural Change in Rural India." in W PM, ed. by Carle C. Zimerman and Richard E. Duiiors. 2‘: Hr» 3:33.135 between indiv 22:: of linkage sect. :zzgtizatims. k. a :35 Sutesfléexicc ""1 315:: that 1:: any case :::ss-t.".ttral intern: ..,,. g. a. ..:e these systems 4‘32 SICK-‘35 have "its ~--‘.:: originate in tn :3! SC- llzked nu w‘ a. h.e v a ' we. part of the i“! 11533:» . .. societies and c f‘.‘ m 522‘ -. s Liivj 4. illustrate the complexity of linkages between social systems. Behavioral linkages exist at many levels of complexity from friendships between individuals to organizations with the sole function of linkage such as the United Nations or community deve10p- ment organizations. An additional dimension, brought out in the United States-Mexico study, is "desired linkage," or attitudes which may further or hinder behavioral linkages. Loomis makes it clear that in any case of systemic linkage the participants in cross-cultural interactions do constitute a social system dis- tinct from these systems being related. He points out that these linking groups have "dual-natured status-roles, the expectancies of which originate in the linking social systems as'well as in those so linked."11 The Useems, likewise, note that shared expectancies are an important part of the interaction between individuals from different societies and cultures. In their research they have found that individuals who bridge cultures share many elements of a common world view, such as future orientation and recognition of a world civilization. These are values central to Hewes' ecumene, or world civilization. While a rather large prOportion of the world's population shares the values of the ecumene, not all are directly involved in roles relating two or more societies to one another. The Useems have devoted themselves to the exploration of what they call the "third culture." This, they explain. 11Charles P. Loomis, figgigl_§z§£gm§, Op. cit.. p. 32. unifies the i3“t an spans “'0 5‘ scam ICC pd film, it moieties associsi they incorporate 1 chaledged set 1 osnot be MOUSE! factions between at tine several so in to behave as " colon generates ad social smart '7 0f the societ fame of third the put of its c “"18 and vorkis the“Mfume“ of title-.1, It Wutia mm ‘5' M7 bu" halt. 3a “a! mime. signifies the patterns generic to a seasonality of men which spans two or more societies. It censists of more than the mere accousodatian or fusian of two separate, juxta- posed cultures, for as groups of men belenging to different societies associate together and interact with each other, they incorporate into their comm social life a mutually acionowledged set of shared expectations. A third culture cannot be understood fully without reference to its mediating functians between societies nor apart fran the cultures of the several societies in which its participants learned how to behave as husan beings. Nanetheless, each third culture generates a caaposite of values, role-related norms, and social structures which distinguish its patterns from any of the societies it spans. Perhaps the most conspicuous feature of third cultures is the self conscious effort can the part of its carriers to gate the canon grounds for living and working together. The usefulness of this concept of the third culture does not stop at its contribution to the understanding of cross-cultural relations. It questions assn-ptiens held by many social scientists regarding the very basic cancepts of culture and commity. The third culture is shared by a community of individuals which spans the world. A commity of scientists, for example, is bound by certain values and role expectations, not by geographical centiguity. In addition, the third culture is not simply an extension of a traditimnal culture; it is a cultnn'e created by individuals whose status roles place them in a positien of mediating betwaen two or more cultures. Because the third culture transcends many societies and is not locality bound, relatively few individuals now participating in it were socialised into the third culture as children. Most came into it as adults and had to learn the 12.1qu Usees, "The Cmity of Man: A Study in the Third Culunre," W. v11. no. 4, (Pall i963). ass. and role ha 150" 3, 5,. mm in sis! mun map: of -: mummy I intern: nodal pnticipatia mm that inches 1 iukblhtml, u on maximum men In 5m“. hamticnn 13:3, '3 in persons hltll nhnm with to “W huncuan tm "W °f mt-lc u trim him”, as In ”to! the litter g. tho mum, of “the: 3: It”: 0‘ ”filling values and roles from those who occupied their positians before them or from others in similar positions. Ingell's concept of "transnatianal participation" also focuses directly an interaction which links two or more societies.13 lrnsnatimnal participation exists when a ”role is performed in a structure that involves people from more than one country!“ It may be bilateral, as when a citisen of one country takes a role in an institution which has been imported into the other country from abroad. ’h'ansnational participatimn may also be multilateral in nature, as when persons play roles in international organisatians. longell shares with Loomis and the Useems a concern with the nature of interaction trmscmnding national boundaries, although the cancept of syst-ic linkage is not limited to linkage across national boundaries, as has bemn pointed out. To Angell, the heart of the matter is that an individual become involved in the local structure of another natimn-state. In this respect, as well, the cancept of trmnsnatianal participation is more limited than that of systuic linkage, for systmaic links can exist without the paramal involvumnt of each indiiidual in another culture. Boundary comaissions are an enmple of a systmlic link. A persmn could, however, serve as a seiner of such a couissimn without any personal erperimnce in the neighboring country. ‘ihe cancept of linkage also permits cmsideratimn of attitudinal links, or "hurt 6- Ins-11. W W (New York: Van Nostrans Reinhold Co., 1969 . 14 bide. Pa 22o mi W’ “on k isanior a learning nb< 1|:me, m M: Mums! panic! with“ that of the t miter M3“ it 1| :1 n‘irlial do has ”a” my flat ht cm" to m, :1. than tutti :‘ah nether society I gambuudor, or “1 551m kind of hunter: “gall-filling n role “mum to the thi: ‘1 in {net of tron-Cu *Mml and Cultur :31} inmactim; in W tint of lazuli. 10 desired linkage, whereas Ingell specifically exempts such categories of behavior as learning about another country or eXpressing interest in another country from his cancept. hmmatimal participatimn is, in cane respect, a broader cmcept tlnn that of the third culture used by the Useems, and in mother respect it is narrower. Although both exclude an individual who has become so completely incorporated into his new society that he ceases to have my effective ties with his former society, the tissues restrict their concern to individuals whose roles in another society are representative of their oven societies, e.g. an mbasaador, or sea-ants of their societies, e.g. a missionary. lhe first kind of bilateral trmsnatianal participation mentimned by Ingellufilling a role in an institutian in mother society-- is not gmeric to the third culture. ‘nne Useems are not cancerned with the fact of cross-cultural involvement per se, but rather with the behavioral and cultural patterns which are generic to cross- cultural interacting in this respect they carry their analysis beymnd that of Ingell. All four of these sociologists stress the potential of ”systemic linkage," ”transnatianal participation," and "third cultural roles” for reducticn of conflict, although none suggest that cross- cultural interaction promises an and of world tensions. A umber of studies have been dune, or are in progress, exploring various culmres and social systems bridging contmporary .xacs-m a“ ne‘ifl- mess include calmed Slim,” hr'l of lactic. educ mam: mutants ; :is a upects of the may being due by t titty (Philippines), I .‘rx Staten). fit. A :grepcwlntim in the L3 51 Ruth Essen, m 15 10.1., loo-in m: 15. "ea! 0?. Cit. ‘ 3:“ Mb Hill Use: 35‘ ”de 01' the .m" mu ' 1113 “In; Wad-1:3}; 11 societies. 'lhese include Loomis' study of linkages between Mexico 15 the Useems' of Imericans in India,16 and the United States, hinter's of American educators in Pakistan," Byrnes' of Americans in teclunical assistance program,18 and a group of comparative studies an aspects of the internatianal scientific co-aanity currently being done by the Useems with Baohtiar (Indanesia), McCarthy (Philippines), Aurora (India), and kestivo and Vsnderpool (united States), etc. A very different seguent of the third culture population is the focus of a series of studies being de- signed by Ruth Useem, that is, children who are socialized in 15Loomis, Ioomis and Gullahorn, op. cit. l6Useem, op. cit. See also the following articles by Jolun Useem and Ruth Hill Useem: "Interfaces of a Binational ‘nnird Culture: A Study of the American Coamannity in India," W , XXIII, (Jan. 1967). Pp. 130-143; 'hericm- Educated Indians and hericans in India: A Comparisan of M “with: Roles." MW. mv (1968). pp. 143-158; and with John D. Doncghue, ”Men in the Middle of the Third Culture: nne Role of Anerican and Non-Western People in Cross-Cultural Administratian," W, 22 (fall, 1963), pp. 169-179. See also: Ruth Hill Useem,”'1he Ianerican hmily in India," d Po t , Philadelphia, 368 (Nov. 1966), pp. 132-145, and John Useem, "Work Pattenns of lmericsns in India,” Mia W mud-19h“. 3“. CV” 1966). Pp. 1‘6‘156. "David 1:. Winter, (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan State university, 1968). 18li'mnncis C. Byrnes, s . (New York: Praeger, 1965). , gm mlture. H :ainhlp ad f-ili gm Sun's stud die but been pre .1523: amazing in: all, ad occupatia hatter set whit! “W 0! couple: in! this process 1 m: a minimum Mania C tecbni h and) in dawned um; India .14 u 0; $1 of mfi'hten Ital. 12 the third culture. With the exceptions of Loomis' inclusimn of friendship and familial linkages between the 0.8. and Mexico, and Ruth Usems's study of children of the third culture, these studies have been predominantly of systems and cultures established by those entering internatimnal networks through political educa- timnal, and occupatianal roles.19 lanother set which plays an important role in linking societies is cuposed of couples who are married cross-culturally. Their role in this process has often been overlooked because, not being part of an institutimnalised cross-cultural network as are diplomats, missimnaries or technical aid experts, they are not highly visible. This study is designed to extend our knowledge of the many pathways cmnnecting India and Western societies by exploring the contribu- tions of Indim-Wester'n couples in India to the overall linkage process. A link exists betwem two societies when informatian about tune is introduced into the other. ‘nnis does not have to be i-ediately or directly reciprocated. ‘ihus, the Western partners in Indian-Western marriages, because of their nan-Indian back- grounds, and the Western returned Indian partners, because of their experiences abroad, serve as a link bringing knowledge of the West to India. m. link occurs evmn if the couples have no cmntact with Westerners, thmaselves, to facilitate the flow "ac. tor ample. 3. c. tel-u. W: W1. (New York: Holt. Wt and Winston, 1965 . 5mm“ bath 1 u; d: effectivnu mucus of fine at Inn migrant :htznm's 1:01: Is the exchang mung. hem s '3 IN. Putici ”I their rupee: Hut Nhticsllj :3“. Putidpmm ’4"; “I tech .5, the ‘“Mist sin W m “t Man 1"" £1"t. inch: '93: a, Pint of the E5: Me *1“ h n 13 of information back to the West. If there is no contact with the West, the effectiveness of the link will diminish as Indian acquaintances of the Western partner exhaust informatien about his or her background and no new knowledge is added because of the Westerner's isolatien from his onsn society and culture. Inen the exchange of infometimn is reciprocal, we speak of a bridge between societies, a bridge with two-way traffic, so to speak. Participants in the third culture form a bridge between their respective societies. A cross-cultural marriage does not automatically include the partners in s bi-natimnal third culture. Participmts in the third culture have representational roles; the Irmch mbassador, director of a British firm, er hericm Methodist missianary. fine partners in a cross-cultural marriage are not primarily representatives of a larger collectivity. liney are, first, individuals in a personal relationship. Many couples are part of the third culture, however, because they have another role which is representational, such as teaching German at the Max meller Bhavan or heading an import-export firm. Others ndno live in cosmopolitm residential areas may become involved in the third culture through locality based networks. 'nne mnly situatim in which the linking functimn of crosr cultural couples is eliminated is when they form an isolated «unity of such couples. ‘lhis does harm. A classic exasple of the lung term effect of this is the Inglo-Indisn co-snity in India. ‘nneir pro-Western attitude has led then to reject India “a skii- wlm “d :iu. he ml“ at ,1... a. British. Th "in, but to sue t Ill. temporary India nun: often, but e '23:: Ma's Isdepend 31117 rid: other In “flinch this use 3‘11 “bark: of size “Senna of tin. Chm; M did I discover 4 14 and Indian culture and in turn to be largely rejected by the Indims. line knglos are also largely rejected by their reference group, the British. linis primarily because of their lower class positien, but to acne extent because of their mixed heritage as well. Contesporary Indian-Western couples, the subject of this study, are often, but erroneously, equated with Anglo Indians. Before India's Independence in 19“ some couples did interact primarily with other Indian-Western couples, but I heard of no case in which this was to the exclusimn of Indian relatives. Social networks of mixed couples have become far less frequent now because of the change in Indian-Western relations in general. Nowhere did I discover an exclusive grouping of Indian-Western couples. Other couples in the same situatien may be an important reference group, but they are not the only reference group. Prior to Independence, interactian between Indians and Westerners in India was superordinate-subordinste. In this system there was virtually no occupatimnal contact between the two societies on an equal level upon which to establish a basis for more informal cmntsct. Isny social interaction was generally limited to formalised occasians. Each "side" being rather e’mfined, a couple had to "choose sides.” ‘llnose who identified with the Indim cos-unity bee-e an integral part of it, and had little, if any, interaction with Westerners. It was those who were Western oriented, but because of their Indim attachents were not accepted by the majority of British, who formed groups of mixed couples. Formal relatimns 5L .. , m hams Ind Waste “3mm, dnich also as the utimnslitie: 15:11:; that if you i :‘mxhtim with 'us.‘ .132: to cmntinue feei ”:11nsdthe West. 1111: i511? bifurcated system heme Indian-West. Mil fr. Others in new”, they prov ““1! from those $111, but “fitter, 15 between Indims and Westerners in India are moo-ordinate, or equalitarian, dnich also pemits freer and more open interaction betwem the natienalities. here is no longer, with rare exceptions, the feeling that if you have ties with "then" you are not worthy of associatien with "us." heer interaction patterns also permit a couple to continue feeling a positive sense of identity with both India‘md- the West. his would have been more difficult in the highly bifurcated system of the colenial pericd. Because Indian-Western couples differ in several important respects free others in India who are involved in cross-cultural relatienships, they provide insight into linkage patterns different in smse ways from those of other kinds of groups in the third culture. hese differences affect attitudes as well as behavioral patterns. undoubtedly, one of the most important differences is in the feeling each has toward the other's country, his onen by marriage. his sense of personal involvement frequently extends to relatives who attend more closely to information about the country into which their sensor daughters have married than they would have otherwise. hrough letters and visits to relatives, the Indian-Western couples provide a link to individuals an both sides :dno otherwise might not have had my ties to a world outside their om. Certainly those in the third culture provide insights into foreign cultures for their relatives too, but this does not carry quite the same sense of persmnal involvement with it. 5,; Indian Film“! :5. afferent” 1“" go relatimns beam and Indians. as a: may become of h is mrhne would no 211:1: differences b« mist-nu (the Indi 51‘! :mc nationality no. “mole Ilrrled c 9333a of s life-1 {‘1' alum how they “-1110 an: tour. ‘1‘“. it 1, , a). “ham: foreign e “12091.48, that this 16 he Indian partner, because he is Western-returned, except for the differences just mentioned, fills essentially the same role in relations between India and the West as other Western:- returned Indiana. He may meet more Westerners, or see them more frequently because of his partner's communal ties, but having an Indian partner would not mean total isolation from Westerners. It is the differences between the foreign partner, in this case the Westerner (the Indian for couples in the West), and others of the sme natimnality which provide the most interesting con- trasts. A couple married cross-culturally enters the role with the expectation of a life-1mg involvesent. Most Westerners in the third culture know they will be involved for mnly a year or two, or perhaps until retiresent. llnile sure have made a lifetime cousitment, it is a comsitment to the third culture, not generally to a specific foreign culture, with the exception of some missimnaries. he knowledge that this is s life-lung involvement with a culture that is me's oven by marriage encourages many Western partners to go further in seeking an understanding of it than most Westerners do. he knowledge that they mat cope with different ways of thinking md behaving becaumthey are unlikely to leave India gives smny sdditienal tenacity when frustrations mounnt. he realisatim that one is in India for life can, however, have just the opposite effect. Some Indian customs which may have appeared quaint or exotic initially cease to be quaint or exotic an a permmnent basis, and are simply regarded in certain instmces as infuriating. mun NW‘ 4“ gum. in India 1211:” ”“89- ‘Zh :31} hportmt facta as. rain in their rm: In more often ”5 hmtisfection. mother hand. he th. :31: third Culture 3‘ “337. ‘ f-llllr ta :2. cuIvar-1 differm 17 Ianother important differmce between the Western partner and other Westerners in India is that the former has familial roots in India by marriage. he fuily, the Useens found, is a par- ticularly importmt factor in determining whether or not Asericms in India rmain in their linkage roles. Difficulty of fmily adjustment was more often a cause for leaving these positimns than was job dissatisfaction. he support provided by the fmily may, on the other hand, be the very factor which allows others to rmsin in their third culture roles. he family and home can provide a sanctuary, a familiar territory, when the Westemer is overwhelmed by the cultural differences encountered in India. he Western partner of an Indian, at least initially, has no fully to provide the support of a fmiliar cultural pattern; often he or she is without the support of anyone of his or her one: natimslity. Most Westerners abroad have their national cos-unity to help solve problems which cannot be handled individually, such as children's education. Many of the lustern partners, for a variety of reasmns, do not have access to the Western cmities. Supportive institutions are provided by the Indian community. But it may be exactly these institutimns which bother the Western so greatly that they feel the need for support from their one commity. mm. the third culmre has been created by its: participants, rather than evolving from a national culture, most of those entering it have centact with others in similar positions, who socialise than. he Western partners of Indians, on the other hand, may null he “uncut to] minimally. m “rs-bun couples 1 In :pite of the is: :35: styles without It‘ru. his is, in 1 {chums to any giv: Wand of the perm. 3:123. in“ “PC“- Rum each other, . “34 calm, the . Mm Mini: IN! the: 18 very well be without role models, and thus have to create their roles individually. here are no institutionalised patterns for Indian-Western couples to follow. In spite of the fact that many of the couples establish their om life styles without role models, there are discernible patterns. his is, in part, because there are only a finite nn-ber of solutions to any given problem because of the Western cultural background of the partners and the socio-economio stems of the couples. A more important reason is that many of these couples share with each other, and with those Indians and Westerners in the third culture, the values of a world-wide civilisatimn WISH. In this study the mixed marriage is a vehicle for the study of cross-cultural relatiens he linkage role played by such couples is of primary importance, not intra-marital roles. Because of the subject, this study can be included with other studies of W8 marriages. Its approach, however, separates it from most research about mixed marriages. Most such studies are oriented to pe-sonal problms focusing on difficulty of adjustment. The present study does not deny that there are problms in a cross- cultural marriage. here are problems in my relationship as close and mcompassing as marriage, and many may be complicated by the difference in cultures. he focus here is, rather, an positive contributens cross-cultural couples make to the relatimns between societies and to creating an ecumenical network which is mtimi. there or! maple es carriers :7 1f Philippine-Acct: mg: in West Africa.' Fired couples, whet” 12:1, are frequently c “31% 1° Stmequist, ruin, wriage, or .31.: 3: Culture without :13 itself on the tar “m Re ”Sinai to Enemy of the; thew 19 transnational. There are a few other studies which do view the mixed couple as carriers of culture, for example, Hunt and Coller's study of Philippine-AmericanMarriages,20 and Smythe's of Inter- marriage in West Africa.21 Mixed couples, whether cross-cultural, interfaith, or inter- racial, are frequently cited as examples of the "marginal man." According to Stonequist, "the individual who through migration, education, marriage, or some other influence leaves one social group or culture without making a satisfactory adjustment to another finds himself on the margin of each but a member of neither. He is a marginal man."22 Ihis suggests a society far more homogeneous than is the case for modern civilizations. Highly educated, modern Indians are marginal to traditional Indian society, but there are so many of them they cannot be considered marginal to India as a nation-state. In fact, in terms of the power structure these modern Indians are more central than the traditional. It is these modern Indians who have married Westerners. Both may be marginal to the traditional elements within their cultures of origin, but are integrated into a world civilisation which transcends and 20Chester Hunt and Richard W. Caller, "Intermarriage and Cultural Change: A Study of Philippine-American Marriages," W, 35 (1956-57). PP. 223-30. Zlflush H. Soythe, "Intermarriage in West Africa," mm mm. 42 (1957-58). p. 353. 22Everett V. Stonequist, (New Yerk: Russell and Russell, Inc., 1961). 13.3”“ Nth. my $211]: ‘1 mL in sand] of Indi: shine! to explore I to of interacticns 1 :2. he role of the tile: in any entry Emu-y bod foreig “hm mum; 20 encompasses both. Msrginality should not be equated with isolatim. W W his study of Indian-Western couples living in India, then, is designed to explore another facet of the widespread and varied series of interactions which link societies in the contmporary world. he role of the cross-cultural couple could have been studied in my country in the world, provided some nationals in that country had foreign husbmds or wives. I chose Indims and Westerners precisely because I wmted individuals from highly divergent cultures. his provides the opportnanity to study the manner in which the two are combined in several different areas of behavior. hmily patterns-«nuclear vs. extended, religion,” custmss of social interaction and culture patterns encountered in daily living mnch as food, ciothing, language, and household facilities are only a few of the many differences in traditions of India and the West. bother reason for my choice of India and Indians was my fmiliarity with the culture from a previous visit to the country, 23lvlnile there are Indian Christians, and they have been included in my sample, it should not be assumed that their life styles, or even religious behaviors are identical to that of Western Christians. :3:- ““8" I ha menu; to at! ‘1‘ m "guard: focus: samurai linkage- i tiara-y activities ad iimd of the: this fits into hia 12 Elias: is it .3 ¢x1 1311 role? In the 14 21 and from readings. I had ready-made contacts and was confident of my ability to get slag in that setting. his research focuses on personal histories, social identity. and behavioral linkages in occupations, social networks, and voluntary activities and associations. In important consideration in the background of these individuals is how a cross-cultural earriage fits into his life pattern. Is this a marriage of rebellion or is it an extension of an already established cross- cultural role? In the latter case the couples are really marrying within their on culture, the third culture. lh'iters who view the mixed couple as social isolates or as marginal nan tend to aphasia the couple's lack of identificatiax with me or both groups of origin. his study not only considers the couple's orientatim toward both India and the that, but their view of thanselves as possible links between societies and the degree to which being a nixed narriage is an important part of their social idntities. In addition to looking at the couples' attimdes, the study investigates their actual behavioral linkage patterns. his includes the degree to fiich their social networks and friudships, occupational roles, and volmtary activities and associations invie the subjects in interactiai with Indians, haterners, were of the third culture, and other Indian-Heston couples. In order to better understand the culture orientation, social identity, and linkage behavior of Indian-Western couples in India ‘1 “L 4. v-I— e a—I—‘h and” in rel 113:; land: of res mumpsticn, I mm, and moths :‘miincs is India 1 rats the nature of “ht, whether I if! 0M foreigzen) '3 5: post-independ “who h as "“1 than n z n. the Wins sad “it“ ‘1 India a ”Mt to life i 5‘“ Mae, pm t E“ °f “lumen:- “Min “4 Pia: 22 these are viewed in relation to several important variables, including length of residence in India, place of residence, husband's occupation, Indian commity (religim),24 Western natiaiality, and whether the husband 1.1mm or fleatern. Length of residence in India is an important cmsidsratiai because it indicates the nature of third cultural relations between India and the Mt, whether who relatiais between British (including a few other foreigiers) and Indians were superordinats-subordinate, or in the post-independucs period of co-ordinate, bi-national relatimahips. he ease with which the couples wove between the two social syst-s in India reflects the openness of interactim between the Indiana ad Westerners th-selves. Looking at length of residues in India also helps answer questicns about the process of adjuth to life in a non-flestern aslture, especially for the Western partner. For exerple, is there a pattern aieilar to the "U curve of adjustment" noted in studies of foreign students? Occupation and place of residence are significant factors, especially in detereining with which ssgnmte of Indian, thetsrn, and third culture populations the couple interacts. than the husband's job is in an all-Indian fire, or to the couple lives in an all-Indian tone: or residential area, their interaction with z‘Caate is not used in this study as an independeit variable because there is relatively little variation in the sesple with respect to cane status. As is pointed out in Chapter II, over half of the lindus and Sikhs in this sample are free families in m Drum. "rim. or dmm mm. mm Id '5‘“ ° ml the W19“ with Ind, an al :‘x‘n knowledge of t! :tkalhrt of the I he Indie partner unification it: t menu individual i? the of the can: harming ad 1: mum,“ m mWI. new: a 23 westerners ad when of the third culture is severily limited. his is true regardless of the couple's cultural orientatia. 0n the other had, an all-Indian nilieu ca provide opportunity to bring knowledge of the west to Indias who they not even share in the culture of the world ecusne yet. he India partner's religion ad Hesterner's natiaality have ieplications for the nature of linking patterns established because nost individuals pattern their lives, to some extent, after those of the counity in which they were socialized. he India Christians and Persia are more apt to have bea socialized in a Hesternissd cOural setting tha eost Hindus or Mslies. In additia, without even leaving their India coaunity. the Christia ad Parsi couples are more apt to have soee catact with ibsterners tha the others have. bag the Westerners the British are wore accusth to interacting with Indias than Norwegias are, for example. Although the orientation inherited by the British nay be one of aperiority, it does include sass failiarity with at least superficial elaents of India culture, of the British-introduced institutias and patterns in India, and say well have included catact with Indias in Britain. he husbad's nationality--Indian or Western-also has relevance for interactia patterns the couples establish. It is expected that the Usaten husbads ad their India wives will be sore coaopolita tha the India huebads and Western wives. ‘m .d m " fun when! is Ind satin. lhe CW?“ :3; ultra social net eds traditienl of '25s to east and as: malt India vane L'L! bile and sore CO! in" II ill I I . “In collects; “’3 ll broad a spe “mufltlme 1 snared in large , ”'1' kifically th lam. mush“, Be 9* vet "Jam 3'1! “191ml, Par 3‘ 5., m “t baud ' “an.“ Mb u m Wily . m “IP10 cf 24 A Western husband in India is very likely to have a third cultural oceupatia. he couple then becomes involved in the associated third culture social networks. In additia, he protected positia traditiaal of India women makes it more difficult for them to meet ad marry foreigners than it is for India ma. As a realt India women with foreign partners are less traditia- ally India and more cosmopolita than India men are as a group. Data were collected in India from 1966 to 1966. In order to cover as broad a spectra of couples as possible, ad to avoid making gaeralisatias based a regiaal variatias, he research was caducted in large ad small cities, in the North ad the South. Specifically the bases of operatia were New Delhi, Calcutta, Hyderabad, Bagalore, ad Poms. he vast majority of India-flastern couples is urba because they are culturally part of a modern, world civilisation. hat is, they are not bound by traditiaal world views ad traditiaal occupations such as village farming. In his respect, then, the highly urban sample of this study is quite representative of the universe \of this study. However, since the purpose of the research is to explore the paraeters of the culhral roles played by mixed couples in linking societies, an effort was made to include the widest rage possible with regard to life style, cultural orienta- tion, ad interpersonal catacts. Since rural couples help to broada the scope of the study a special effort was made to locate 13:9 “ring in still c unlikely to 50 active nghshich I received :lnts tin. I did he and cuts different fr fkiiristern cwples ”1‘31“" “truth-like “ream (averifiu ”Emlexistate in g 1 1‘"! also be Cmple; z-utimsl third tul m: mfi'uld third Cu a“ mum. ma th‘aed la .11 Indian 25 couples living in small cities or rural areas. Because such couples are unlikely to be actively involved in third culture circles, through which I received names of subjects, it was difficult to locate them. I did hear reports of couples whose life style seaed mite different from those who were interviewed. A number of Indian-Hestern couples are reported to be living an ashram (religious retreat)-like existence in the Himalayas. And I heard reports (unverified) of a couple living an economically marginal existence in a fishing village. Although I heard of none, there*may also be couples who live geographically isolated from bi-national third cultures, but are intellectually very much a part of a world third culture. he population from which the sample interviewed was dream is defined as all India-Western couples who were still married and'who considered India as their permanent home at the time of interviewing. An India is defined as one who is an India national by birth, excluding Inglo-Indias. A Vestsrner is defined as one who is by birth a national of a European country, Great Britain, North America, Australia, or New Zealand. Hhile it was fairly easy to define the pepulation of study, locating the total population was quite a different matter. No separate marriage records are kept for this kind of marriage, and Indian-western marriages are registered in at least as many countries as there are nationalities involved. Therefore, I relied entirely on the reputational ad "aowball" teclmiques ~‘—...se_g.i 1‘. :imlwm m 1“: ‘ finally drew I! aaplt‘ in. this method c: :all to mention biase: 12:11; biases in the 3. Hogan” is biased i‘ assume class, well :11“ wives. fits pred “him hisbads with “WWI Position c 2:1 ad the hit. Ch] Iii-d1. t 11 a, f. .tYI Rid Q . h tun {‘ ‘11 "t e “. .d i the a“ r 4 t ‘13“ doe; 131‘s .1 I. .17 £0: a“ in wt 26 for developing the list of nearly five hundred couples from which I finally drew my saple. Giva this method of defining the "population," it would be well to mentia biases in the populatia itself before con- sidering biases in the sapling procedure. I feel that this ”populatia" is biased in favor of urban couples of upper or upper middle class, well educated Hindu men with laserica or British wives. he predominacs of urba, upper class couples ,ad India husbands with Western wives is a reflection, primarily, of the social position of people involved in relations between India ad he West. ally to a very minor degree does my method of locating couples result in a overrepresentatia of these categories. he reason for the predominacs of urba couples has already bea discussed. he high status of the couples indicates the professiasl or highly skilled level of both Indias and haterners who move betwea hose societies. he Western representative in India has additiaal status because he is Western. Bva the non-professional Western representatives are able to live a upper middle class life style, at least economically, because they are paid on a Western salary scale. he overall pattern of cross-cultural relatias between India ad the West does not include may India women, so it is not surprising that he majority of husbands in India-Western marriages residing in India are India. Earthen-ore, the oppor- tunity for aploymat .: Western husbads in Indian. limited. a”. . v saw-Ia: medal society P a, relatively few In emetic age. hm nitud ts associate x hto catact with rats 'hrsindrain,‘ t1! hateners come t “‘7 “"1”“. he ”m8“ tbs: Hut w vould be 31:131. “arm ““80 to 5! Many. ”are “his“... or G 2‘ u. "‘5 Part1: an“ Mu“ in cro 27 A traditiaal society protects its women from outsiders. here- fore, relatively few India women travel abroad, especially at a marriageable age. BVa most of those who remain in India are not permitted to associate freely in situations which would bring them into contact with single Western ea. In addition, apart from the "braindrain," Indias generally go abroad for education, while Westerners come to India primarily to catribute skills already developed. he India men abroad, therefore, are apt to be younger tha Western men out of hair countries, ad more Indias would be single. Many of the employers of single Western ma forbid marriage to a national smile in India. he relative scarcity of Western partners who were not British, laserican, or German, simply mirrors the stragth of India ties with particular lbstern natias. he difficulty of locating Nuslims in cross-cultural marriages is only partly because they are a minority in India. Historically, the mun- population in India has not baa as integral a part of on-going third cultures as the Hindus ad those who were migrated at the time of Indepadence. hey have not come near the level of Christia or Parsi involvement in international networks. My oa interactia patterns in India did contribute to difficulty in locating malims and in locating Swedes, Italias, Ranch, etc. I collected names of potential subjects from people I met, ad I met mainly people in the Indo-imerica ad Indo-British bi-natiaal :ri culm- “I“ “as wild ha. i n‘. u out! bill I .1. male ha” “”131“. satin, and I have i Nicolai- more “eve Rich hetero wiwu . In" 5‘“! mi the ”“1““ “Just to . 28 third cultures. Neither of these included many Mopeas or Malims who would know of members of their oa communities fitting my needs. (has other bias I suspect in my "populatia" is toward socially visible happy couples. Sale unhappy marriages and in divorce or separatia, and I have indications that in other cases unhappy or odd couples were ”overlooked" by my sources. I heard of cases in which lhstea wives were imprisoned in tightly-knit joint families, being permitted no catact with tbstemers, ad of couples who could not adjust to one aohsr, but could not get specific aough references to include them on my list. Because my object is to explore the linking behavior of India- Western marriages, rather than trying to draw infsraces about the population of India-hatern couples in India, I used the case study method. I drew a saple of 113 couples, trying to distri- buts the cases as equally as possible among the categories for each of six variables: lagth of rssidaee in India, place of rssidaee, ibstern natiaality, India religia, husbad's occupatia, and husband's nationality. he reasons for the variables used have already bea discussed. A radom saple would, of course, have baa impossible with a unknoa population. he primary reasa, however, for this attempt at an even distributia on all variables is to provide aough couples in categories which are relatively rare in the population to avoid descriptia based «1 the idiosyncratic behavior of a few cases. For example, if I gt:- a rando- “Pl t!“ In,” ”ten am he ill-depth intern mupsrately taless | my interview as t: {Wrist session was I aims. Others I h... '2‘ P6104 of “the We of th. exp new. “fished ”1“ h the iota-'1‘. Cons hiked can“ we.“ ism. Wins the 29 had draa a radom saple from the list of 500 I might have only had two or three Western husbads, or only that may Muslims. Was he in-depth interview was conducted with the husbad ad wife separately aless that was impossible to arrange. he average interview was hres hours. With some couples only a very brief session was possible, usually because of scheduling conflicts. Others I had a opportunity to interview ad observe over a period of maths. Because of the exploratory nahre of the study, the inter- view was designed primarily to maximise the rage of responses. hue the interview consists mainly of open-ended questions: all the fixed choice questias also include a related open-ended questia regarding he reasons for the respases giva. (See Appendix 6 for copy of interview schedule.) Many of the problems aich plague Western social scientists caducting research in nan-Western countries were avoided in this study because of the oriatatia of he study ad because of the raher select subjects. In the formulation of the inter- view schedule, for example, I was not concerned with comparability of stimulus for several reasas. his is not a comparative study in which I need to standardise a questionnaire for two rather differatpopulations. hue, he sample does include individuals from may cultural backgrounds. These people, however, have a coaon lingua fraca, hglish, which for most is now heir primary '\» finger . sag-.2 W am, the P“ and. (las unable we of my inability nhzim is well-educa- ‘zim a the equiva and is haters sty may a work, so a "511m. is failisr "a the “Mia, t a"! ‘ ”it whole, hm" °‘ hericas. “Sun. I m: [any-”Mann. P 30 laguags. hue, the probla of linguistic traslatias is avoided. (I was aable to interview three couples, however, because of my inability to speak Carma ad Russia.) he sample populatia is well-educated, all having at least a high school echeatia or the equivalat. Nearly all of the Indias have bsa educated in Western style schools, ad have lived in the West for study or work, so a lbstern approach, as reflected in my questias, is familiar to them. I could not detect ay natiaality bias in the schedule, that is, it was not ay more difficult for Indias, on the whole, to understad questions than the English, French, or hericas. In general, I felt I was able to develop very good rapport with my respondents. My greatest difficulty was with India men. Wih he enceptia of a few, who actually refused to be interviewed, I had no opa lack of cooperation. I did feel that some of the India ma glossed over aswers, ad generally tried to present a smooth, positive picture. his took the form of monosyllabic aswers, ”fine," "good," etc.. or a phrasing of aswera which I took to be a way of softening a aswer. lather tha shit that "I hink" this or "I do" that, I often got the aswsr “maybe I do," or "perhaps I think...” In a few cases I actually noted distortia of fact. It is also possible that India man are not sensitive to areas of adjust-at hich are difficult for their wives. he India husbad traditionally does not become involved in his at. ”1" -P‘c‘ ”an, has, he -i ilyara file, for be m his wife -d an ant-sine inherat (hills his wife pr: 'm wife .4 a do. 0“ “Pl-atlas mun-u: of “PM! 31 wife's problens, especially relations betwea the woaen of the household. ‘nlue, he might respond that relations with his oa faily are fine, for he doesn't think the problem of relatiae betwea his wife ad mother are his cacern. He may consider these tensions inherent in the arrival of a new wife in a house- hold, ails his wife probably views then as a conflict between a m wife ad a doeineering m nether-in-law. Other explanations for the relatively less successful establish-at of rapport with India men may be found in the nature of the interview and the interviewer rather tha the reepudat. Because of the Isa'e professional obligatias they had far less tine to devote to interviews, thus there was not as much opportunity for as to probe and generally to work on establish- ing rapport during the interview. 'l‘hree characteristics of the interviewer nay also have influenced the nature of reepaeee fro- India ea. In a culture which places great eephasie on respect for age, ny being younger than almost all of ey respon- dents way have been a factor. Being a fasle may have affected the openness with which India eon responded, but I don't think this to be the case in India because ny experience, ad the experience of others, has been that a professional woesn is regarded saewhat asexually, ad thus that factor does not enter. Being lbsten is probably the attribute which had the greatest influence on responses. Many educated Indians aspire to an Mericen or e woe ‘6‘“"1 3. gun use at!“ “1’ m, be, baring sine felt caetra! :‘L‘utupired to, oz '::'.n with a *etern rally fanned. 3 mug to distingu! ““1117 to rank the: zhiia Fltterne, :1 ”W“. I think 1 as. to It as . “I the Ibo m say :1"! life so am 32 English life style which is often above their eeans on a India salary. Sue, having lived abroad ad having married foreigners, say have felt castrained to present their life styles in terms of that aspired to, or what I would expect from a "foreign-returned” India with a western wife, rather tha in terms of the pattern acmally followed. This way have been done more by pleading inability to distinguish India fru western life styles, or inability to rank their own style of life in tone of Western or India patterns, tha by actually misrepresenting the way they lived. I think that a wore relevat explaatia of their reaction to no as a Hesterner, however, is that unlike the lleeterner who ca say to as as aother outsider, "mm Indias, m sake life so difficult. m comtry isn't like an countries," the India asst place the blae a “I! people, my country, u faily,"... in a sense on ayself. He nay feel guilty for having imposed a lower stadard of living a his wife and a culture which she ca't understad or appreciate, ad thus respad de- fensively. I wust note that not all India nalee responded in this inhibited sense; I ofta fond India husbads openly critical of India, often sore so than their wives, ad ready to discuss their life styles. me night ask why the India wives did not respond to one as a listener in a siwilar naner. My feeling is that India wives have eede a were complete break with their India heritage ad L rr-fi'i— r Huh: freon-lag: is “21 have lit: “41”., h” 1:13:11 bu w: 33 identity tha have India husbads. I often completely forgot, when interviewing a India wife, that she was India. mis alaost never happaed with India non. In the first place, for a India woea to he in a positia to even meet a western ea, let alae narry hits, she must have broken froe the traditional patterns far wore than is necessary for an India na to nest western wuen. Also, the traditional expectation for a wona after narriage is to leave her on hone for her husbad's; her parents have little or no influence on her after narriage. The India nale, however, is expected to bring his new bride to his psratal hoes where she becolses part of the faily, ad is expected to fit into their life style. me ea's faily expects to influence the couple's lives to a great extent. In the case of neolocal couples, the husbad's faily still exerts influence. In the case of culturally nixed marriages the concept of hone sight be extaded to the ”cultural hone" or cultural heritage. 'l'hus India wuen would narry out with greater expectation of breaking with their culture tha the ea who expect m bring their wives into it. flith the exception of awe lack of depth of response on the part of acne India husbads, I noticed alnoet no specific parts of the interview to which the respondents seasd particularly eaeitive. ‘lhe only questia to which a aswer was ever refused was age at earriage, i-ediately following one on the year of narriage. No one refused to give caste, although in one instace three reepadats idatified one aother as caste brothers, yet aim different ca 1M1, because an :khtriyi, the top t :1 their relation I we in the intent li‘ifomtim in sy rdtlcly manned, hid Pakistan, a: '35! Men of I: ammmll linh W hatch m, can- mm‘mu, in . 34 gave-three different castes. Lack of sensitivity in this area is probably because nearly all Hindus in my saple were Brahmin or Kshatriya, the top two castes. Only when two Muslims opened up at their relatias with the Hindu community, a question not included in the interview, was I asked specifically not to include that information in my notes for fear it might be sea. the was particularly concerned, for it was daring the conflict between India ad Pakistan, ad most of his relatives were in prison under the Defase of India Rules. W lhe raaining four chapters focus on the individuals involved in cross-cultural linkage through marriage, ad the various ways in which they contribute to the overall process of linkage betwea societies, in this case nation-states. India~lhstern couples do provide systaic linkages betwea India ad the that, ad they are traaational participate. Iltile not all the couples are actually participate in third culture social systems, they do catribute the diseainetia of third culture values. In understading of the role of such highly personalized interactia across national boundaries adds a new dimasion to the growing body of knowledge regarding the caplex nature of interpereaal linkages between societies. 1!!! SUN” um diam: ht: belles: socie' apple on m I ampluvtheir 1 mm. Sada m of womanly? " 5.11! backgrcu “53mm she in " the Hut. min . “terns: it“ “n Rum: CRANE 11 ms SUBJE‘I'S: PBflAL HIS‘IORIIS MD PRES!!! sums W111! Before discussing how India-thatch couples function as links between societies, it is importat to know eaething about the poeple we are studying. ‘lhis chapter, tha, is a portrait of the couples-"their pereaal histories ad their present social status. Sectia one of this chapter aswera the questia "who marries cross-culturally?" with respect to nationality, religion, class, ad faily background. It points out the ways in which Indias ad Westerners who intermarry mirror the larger population linking India ad the Best. Sectia two probes reesas why a India marries a liesterner ad vice-verse; both situational ad attitudinal factors are presented. In sectia three the manor of entering a mixed marriage is described. this includes how ad where couples . met, ad reactions to their decision to marry. ‘Ihe last section presats the couples as they are now, including characteristics such as ecological position, mobility, social status, occupational sectem, religia ad nationality. WWW Indias ad Hesterners involved in cross-cultural marriages are a microcosm of the populatia which links India to the West with respect to trade in eisa of the population. lhis is also true with respect to religion for the Indias ad natiaality for Westerners. 35 1‘ :IE..__1_.,_ ' m 3:11 It the time of a: mutated positi a fact tbt India men an abroad, lap, Korea, a II. heareticallj fit is sax-21.8“ be! 5"st are pr! " 1‘ ‘50 relaticm curries h“ beg “hum“?- he 1 hm. hm. '5‘“ In M the 1: “211.3, m. in e: 36 ‘lhe most iuseedistely apparent characteristic of India- Western couples in India is that the husbads are primarily India. ‘lhis was the case in 451 of the 51’: couples located living in India at the time of the study.25 No basic reasons for this, the protected position of women in a traditional society, ad the fact that India men abroad are more apt to be single tha Western ma abroad, were discussed in Chapter I. Japa, Korea, ad Viet Nam are traditional societies in which women, theoretically, should be protected as they are in India. Yet in marriages betwea nationals of these countries ad Anericas, the husbads are predominatly Western. lhe distribution of single men in the relationship betwea the Ihited States ad the former countries has be. just the opposite of that in the India-Western relationship. ‘lhe majority of marriages between Americas ad Japanese, Koreas, ad Viet Namese occurred during ad i-ediately after were when there were far more hericas in Asia tha Aeias in the 0.8. hr, in addition, is a period of extreme crisis during which the normal fabric of society breaks down. ‘lhe defases of a society weaka, even around its waen. here were Western troops in India during World lhr II, but there were also may India troops in Southern Mope during the fir. nus period, 1940-45, was, indeed, a crisis period for India, but with a different aphasia than that in Japa, Korea ad Viet Nam. ‘Ihe lhr did not so directly involve the total India population. A crisis in India at the time of World lhr II, which did involve the population directly, was the fight for 2‘sBecauee husbads generally determine where a couple lives, the proportion of couples in which the husbad is Western would undoubtedly be higher if all India-Western couples in the world were being casidered. It is unlikely that the number of Western husbads auld exceed the amber of India husbads, however, for the reasas discussed in the text. {'1— ?l_.ss=t.~:_._.___ and" sgsinst d adult- 0‘ anti-H ambiance exi hum troupe rasine named a large po; a: «saint reduced. Him after I a is two of thc 'u‘h, the saple seh their vith htern ““8017. and m “imam”. wit a“, "3 bring.» ‘md “um Mum up. by the We. a"Ital gm: Eh I! cmPlus “d {h 37 indepadence against the British. “ibis was a period of intense nationalism ad ati-Wsstern feelings. Certainly, similar feelings against lbsterners existed elsewhere in the hr East, but occupying Western troops remained in those natias after the hr. ‘lhis maintained a large population of single Western males after tensions were somewhat reduced. In India, by contrast, the occupying forces were withdrawn after the fight for independence was over. As is true of the population of India-Western couples in India, the sample selected for the study is predominatly India huaade with Western wives. Ninety-three of the couples are in this category, ad twenty are Western husbads with India wives. It is noteworthy, with respect to the preceding discussion, that the aly "war brides" in the saple are Western. A second noticeable fact about India-Western couples, ofta reaarked upa by the couples themselves, is their increasing nuaber. Several mentiaed that in the "old days" they noticed other couples, ad that there were informal clubs for mixed couples. Now there are so may Indias married to Westerners they no longer notice as aother, and there are far too may to be incorporated into a socially cohesive group. ‘lhe need to had together in clubs is not felt as strongly now. ‘lhe increased nu-ber of nationally mixed couples directly reflects the change in the larger pattern of relations between Indias ad Westerners in India from a ewperordinate-aubordinete relatia to a egalitaria, co-ordinate relation. ‘Ihis lowering :fuotial barriers be malts increasinsly suing it easier for skinny. that India-Wee um than a refle 32!. here simply . “MM is interns: 3th ad Indian 1 ~11, m1 ad M both R. we: $1: “i " sen J h N. 21‘ “Maul a“; 38 of social barriers between the nationalities since Indepadence permits increasingly infernal contact between the nationalities making it easier for people to meet, socialise, ad marry cross- culturally. ‘nuat India-ibetern marriages are more coueaon now than ever is more than a reflection of relaxed interaction betwea nationali- ties. nuere simply are may more people, representing more natias, involved in international relations now tha there were prior to the lit ad India Independace. “ten the foreign population is small, persaal ad informsluocial control ca be exercised over both its meaers ad those foreigners who are peripheral to the foreigu cosnuunity. Wen a larger number of foreigners is involved, the social control over members is more formal ad those outside the cos-unity ca deviate from grasp none, interacting with the ”natives,” for example, without being brought under the formal or infernal social catrole of the cmunity. More directly yet, the greater the number of people moving between countries, the greater the availability of potatial partners for inter- national marriages.26 26It is generally accepted that the actual number of marriages has increased. But, because there are no official records of internatiaal marriages, it is not possible to say whether this is a increased proportion of the population linking India ad the West or not. he increased ease of mixing betwea the nationali- ties suggeete, however, that it is. u m put-Me?! I: he hit diversific ‘ueled. lo the sore minutes, and us! “latex-y aid prog Henry Service. D 9% to be single, 1h. 3- Ire burners M" in“: 1 India's relatio: '15 Next to ch, . ”In. him; a. nun M'- India 39 In the post-independence period the chanels betwea India ad the West diversified in terms of fuunctiuxu ad nationalities involved. ‘Do the more established paths of linkage-u-foreiyu ser- vice, business, ad missiaeuhave been added more student exchage ad voluntary aid programs such as the Peace Corps or Internatimual Voluntary Service. mese attract younger peeple, people who are apt to be single. ‘Ihe voluntary orgaisatias, in particular, draw more ihsternsrs into linkage roles. WW India's relations with the fist have diversified considerably with respect to the number of nations involved. Prior to inde- padence, Britain ad the West were synonomous to most Indias; links betuuea India ad other Western nations were minimal. ‘lhe training Indias received in their homelad oriented thee toward Britain, ad the rewards for foreign training went mainly to those returned from the 11.x. ‘Ihe British still accouunt for 75 percent of the foreigners in India. But Imericas, the second largest group in India, are increasing in number faster tha the luglieh. ‘nue importance of imarica in India's relations with the West ca be sea in the fact that now more Indias study in the 0.8. tha in nuglad, ad Germany is increasingly popular as a place for advaced education. ‘Ihe historical ad contaporary importace of Britain to India is evidenced in the "population" of couples from which this glen! W. 00 rib-ten We“ mun song the min are more apt :si'u, ad the Brit! “greater extent 1 ‘3 80in ll greater New in the 0.: file then, Studen “3N1 etuudeut org W“- India rum. .0 they ‘ out.“ “lag". Mind; ‘ Mica “mug. m "Ilium” of It ht“ autumn “Malena“ is I 3“ mp1” '1 Ch . 25 m. e “I,“ no sample was taka. (his third of the Western wives, ad over half the Western husbads are British. 'lhere is a higher proportion of British among the lustern husbads tha ihstern wives because couples are more apt to meet in the wife's country tha the hue- band's, ad the British dominate Indian-Western relations in India to a greater extent than they do out of India. Indias not only are going in greater numubers to countries other tha the u.x.. but those in the 0.x. are far from limited to contact with British while there. Students, in particular, ofta gravitate to inter- national etudent orgaisatiae where others from arouund the world cagregate. India ties with America ad Germay are important, but newer, so they are not as well represented in these inter- nstiaal marriages. Que fifth of the couuples in the "populatia" include a Aserica partner, ad nearly that may a German. Intonation available about couuples in the sample permits a exaination of the chaging relatiaship between India ad Western nations.27 The historical prominence of the British in these relations is particularly well demonstrated. One third of the couples with a British partner have been married more tha 25 years. Only a insignificat nunber of the others have bea 27!!sing the eaple for trends in cross-cultural marriages is only a rouugh estimate since it is not a radom saple of a total population. Couples were selected for the sample according to both length of marriage ad nationality of the Westerner. Ihe factors were considered independently of one aother, so this is a fairly radom dietributia of couples with regard to the rela- tionship betwea length of marriage ad nationality of the Western partner. tried that 1018- Leugth of marriage t sun the average d: a Gun- partners, glaze is the averag km' (am-Gen 2: British. his 1 "-th Readily fc :5 3‘ ‘1’ brides. a i"““mly fol 1c lo]. married that long. (See hble A01 in appendix.) The average length of marriage for Indias ad British, 17 years, is almost twice the average duration of marriage for couples with America or Germa partners, nine years. Somewhat surprising at first glace is the average length of marriage for Indias ad “other hropeae" (non-German), which is 14 years, almost as long as for the British. 'lhis is not because the other huropeas have been marrying steadily for as long as the British. Rather, it is because of the war brides. One third of this group were married during, or inediately following the war, mainly to India soldiers statiaed in Southern Europe. Wm India is 85 percent Hindu. lherefore, in absolute numbers, most contacts between India ad the West involve liindus. The Muslims, comprising ta percat of the population, are the largest minority group in India. hey are, however, very underrepresented in the third culture in India, largely because during British rule they did not participate as widely in the process of modernization ad industrialisation as did the Hindus. Nor did they take as great a advatage of Western education as the Hindus. And those that did, taded to go into the acksinistrative services in Pakistan. With the exodus of Muslims, especially the highly educated, to Pakista at the time of partition, the mealler cmmsunity rmsaining in India is traditiaal ad closed. he Christine an pertitipsted in is the ineliss. I bums or living iuCiuiutine ad I httutinally the: “'9 WM”, urbu '33 burners. A iu aim, hm," 3! that! are he, 42 The Christias ad Persia, mneller minority groups in India, have participated in the third culture to a far greater extent tha flue Muslims. If proportion of cumnunity interacting with ksterners or living a lhsterniaed style of life is casidered, the Christias ad Persia are probably ova more highly involved internatimually than Hindus. ‘lhe Persia, although a close coumeunity, are prosperous, urba, ad modern. ’nuue, they have much in canon with lhsterners. A large preportion of this conaunity, in additiau, is highly Westernised ad British-oriented. As a cunnity, they mixed more freely with the British tha Hindus because they do not consider foreigners untouchable as do traditiaal Hindus. ‘nue Christias, as a whole, do not share the characteristics of wealth ad urbaism with Westerners to the sac degree the Persia do. he Protestat ad Roman Catholic Christias stem from caversiae amag untouchables, while the Kerala Christias are not as cacatrated in the lower classes. All have the baud of a canon religion to bring them closer to the Western community. Christias, because of widespread missiaary work in India, have had a rather high degree of catact with Westerners, but with a very different group of haterners tha those the Persia ad Hindus met. In fact, the Western miesiaaries ad India Chris- tias together form a coaunity based on religious involv-at which sets them apart from both other Indias ad other Westerners. Although the philosophy of the Sikhs places them between Hindus ad lkuslims, with roots in both, they have, since Independace, Lumzified sore c101 cf Sikh c-nuli- aiu study the Sikh. inns became thei radiate to the Both {h 'pow 31' P‘ttm of law in“alllllticlial re 3" difficult to 6'9"?“ for h] (63 identified more closely with the dominant Hindus. he resurgence of Sikh cmlia is relatively recat. For the puurpoaes of this study the Sikhs (ad the one Jain) have been grouped with Hinukus because their overall life style ad world view bears more reeablaoe to the Hindu than to the Muslim.28 Both the "populatia" ad the sample drain from it mirror this pattern of involvemat of the various India cosmuunities in internatiaal relatias. he Muslims were the only Indias it was difficult to locate as part of a mixed marriage. mslims do go abroad for higher studies, but they do not become very involved in cross-cultural relations in India. Possibly a larger percat of India Muslims rain in the West than other Indias, in additia to the earlier ones who migrated to, or remained in Pakista. Hay fear that their skills will not be adequately utilised because of their minority status in India, ad especially because of the history of enmity between them ad the dominat Hindus. he lack of melim crose-cultural involvement in India is further substatiated by the fact that I heard of no Huslim women married to Westerners at all, ad by the fact that all Huslim men not their wives outside of India. his also points up the extreme caution traditiaal liuslims practice in protecting their woma from suutsiders. here were, on the other had, both men 28It anust be kept in mind that the Hindus in this study are modern, ad most of those in the sample, though not their parents, eat meat ad do not observe caste restrictions a interaction. g... firm all t mm, and thfi" trad. he “(I of w '4qu indicato at. he at the I t. the Indian hue] Kifim. h Hindu 44 ad women from all the other coumsuunitiea mentiaed married to westerners, ad they had met their partners both in India ad abroad. he nunber of women in ay co-eunity married to foreiguers is a useful indicator of the coslaunity's cross-cultural involve- ment. Home of the India wives are malim, ad as was pointed ouut, the India Muslim coannity is far from internationally oriated. he Hindus are the most numerous in international circles beceuuse they are such a large majority of the population, but as a uncle they are not overly active in the third culture. It is predainatly the Hinduu men who have specific role relation- ships with Westerners bringing thee into third culture groupings. Hindus are able to compartmatalise their lives in such a way that a husbad's involveuaent with other nationalities may have no effect at all on his faily. Hot may of the Hindu woma, there- fore, are actually involved in cross-cultural networks. his is seen in the ample of couples used in this study, for aly ten percat of the Hindus are woma. By comparison, the more modern ad Weeternised orientation of the entire Persi ad Christia cumsnities which includes women, is reflected in the fact that nearly 30 percat of the Persia in the saple ad 55 percat of the Christias are women. he diecuseia tlsue far has been in general tens. he following hbles, 1 ad 2, indicate the specific distribution of couples included in the study with regard to nationality of the Western partner ad religion of the India. 2m 1. 013mm ‘namalth (Cnada wmln, New Zea hm Mahopem timid, Belgi g, lather hen. Italy, spa Wham hum Europe “4‘4. Africa, 51’. 45 TABLE 1. DIS’DIBUTION 0! mm PAI'UBS ACWRDING '10 NATIONAL“! W nu mm m British 27 9 36 Imerica 17 6 23 leth (Caada, Australia, New Zealad) 6 l 7 German 14 2 16 Other European .22 .2 .21 Switzerlad, Belgiusa, Inxabourg, Netherlads (12) (1) (13) Race, Italy, Spain (8) (l) (9) Scadinavia (3) " (33 Beaten Europe (4) " (4) Other-"S. Africa, aeece 421 _:_I 42,), mm 93 20 113 TABLE 11. 01813130110” 0? INDIAN PAR‘INBS ACCORDING ‘ID RELIGION 1am We. Him m Hindu 63 7 70 Muslim ll - ll Christia 8 9 l7 Psrei 5 2 7 Sikh 5 l 6 Jain l - l Coors ._:. _l .4 mm. 93 20 113 bother kind 0f mused um affiliu em. or Gujarati. 29 1111: :n' of 500. 2: he lorth collect haunted that a c still indicate a 810 313111 relations c “'4 the third culture ‘3‘ “Ian. Delhi :1 "Hula, histori 46 Mother kind of «and identity important to Indias is that based on affiliatia with regional cultures, e.g., Bagali, Madrasi, or Gujarati. North Indias predominate in the "popula- tin” of 500.29 his is partly because far more time was spent in the North collecting naee of couuples tha in the South. It is expected that a complete list of India-Western couuplee would still indicate a greater involvmaent of North Indias in cross- cultural relations compared to those from the South. Indias in the third culture are largely urba, ad India's three largest urban caters, Delhi, Busbay, ad Calcutta, are in the North. In additia, historically as now, the Western pepulation in India concatrated in Northern caters, giving Indias there more opportunity to observe other cultures, ad providing chanels of acutal contact with Westerners for some. he importance of Cal- cutta as the major center of the British Colonial popuulation ad the city presently claiming the largest British population in India, cabined with the modern oriatation of many Bagalis makes Bagal the state catributing the largest nus-her of Indias to cross-cultural marriages. 29North India refers to those regias in which the language is Saskrit based, ad South India includes areas with havidia based laguages. i=3 3. 0151112 no 533' hj‘be ‘ J. and iii?- Bagal, Bi IST- fijsrat, )1 m - Utter ! m-Iadhra Pr Madras, G lifespan m he on f “‘le Mb: 0- n that ““2 tea 1‘5in “at". 1' lat N Watt“ 1 In: Ila, in Pitt“ 47 TABLE 3. DISEIBU'IION 0? INDIAN PAR'INHS ACCORDING ‘IO BEGIN 0F ORIGIN mum mu: Him m NOR!!! - Punjab, Bajastha, Himachal Pradesh, Jasnu ad Kashmir l7 3 20 EAST - Bagel, Bihar, Orieaa, Assau 23 S 28 WEST - Gujarat, Maharashtra 18 3 21 CDI‘IRAI. - Uttar Pradesh, Msdhya Pradeeh 8 l 9 ”Uh - lsudhra Pndesh, Mysore, Hernia, Madras, Cos 26 7 33 No response __1 J, __2 mm. 93. 20 113 W Que co-on finding regarding the social background of mixed couples brought out frequently in the literature on mixed marriages is that their ecaomic position before marriage was precariouus.30 In spite of the prevalent stereotype of Indias marrying lad- ladies' daughters, this gaeraliaation about the marginal economic position of individuals who merry cross-culturally prior to marriage is not supported by the couples interviewed for this study. he Indias, in particular, are from very well-placed failies; all ”Larry D. Barnett, "Research a International ad Interracial ”1‘80“. We 25 (1960)e 31-11“ findings were brought out with regard to specific exaples of mixed marriages in: Chester Hunt ad Richard W. Caller, "Inter- marriage ad Cultural Chageu A Study of Philippine-Inerica Marriages," We”, 35 (1956-7), 9. 223; John Biesas ad Luke M. hith, "Adjustment of Interethnic Marriages on the Istl-us of Pan-us." Wm. 16 (1951). p. 819; and Joseph Golda, "Negro-hits Marriages in Philadelphia,“ (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, ikuivereity of Pennsylvaia, 1951). I: 11 ”seat of dopafasiaal, film. he won rutige occupatio unfathers of Ind Rtfmuinal. (Se In India ae' 5|“- by class, up Matt. as well, Ill p1“, for c “3“ n“his, w:- luau.) (.3 but 11 percat of their fathers were executives, professimal. uni-professional. proprietors, or govermnent officials and military officers. “me wanen's fathers were more concentrated in high prestige occupations than those of the India: men; 85 percent of the fathers of India: wives were either professional or seni- professional. (See Table A-2 in appendix.) In India one's position is determined by caste evenneore than by class, especially when marriage is considered. In this respect. as well, the Indians who married foreigners were extr-ely well placed, for over half the Hindus and Sikhs were of failies in the Braluin. writer or doctor castes. (See table A-3 in appendiX.) Before Independence lower class and caste Indians had little if any opportunity to neet Westerners. Lower class Christians did neat niasionaries, but this was prinarily a Emotional rela- tionship, one in which the Heaterner was definitely superior. “be only Indians with who. the British interacted on anything like an equelitarian basis were the m-traditional elite of Hindu society. It was the am of that am elite who had the opportunity to study abroad. Before Independence financial status deter-ined who went abroad for studies more thm intellectual nerit. Hesterners in the suple are of a slightly lower class posi- tion as a diole than the Indians because most of then did not leave their on comtry to ueet their Indian partners. ‘nlerefore, the W of travel a gm of high: 'm In!" "3 ugh to attend cc mull. Ia addll mm Mplc ‘ h fathers 0 “Metal or off '3‘ 1| low: skll 3 mauve I». h. Inbounti 31¢ Mum a mi! elm p0“ “hunt". q I! ta In“. hunt kid a least . 3‘ “New "A... i5.“ m hen... to “an.“ lcl M m “Jerky 119 t“ ‘1! 12th 1 49 expnse of travel and living abroad did not select an elite group. The growth of higher educatim in the 0.8.. and to sue extent in Drops. per-its nore uiddle class and lower aiddle class yomg people to attend college, bringing then into contact with Indian students. In addition. Indian studnts in the Heat can. and do neet young people who are not in college. the fathers of nost of the Western partners were semi-professional, proprietors or officials. A larger proportion of the renaining were in lower skilled occupations than in the professiais or at the executive level in business. (See Table ha in appendix.) The substantial background of the couples is reflected in their high educational attain-cut. In line with their higher than average class position, the Indians are nore highly educated than the Westerners. (See this Ad. in appendix.) More than nine out of ten Indian husbands nd nearly eight out of ten Indian wives hold at least a B.A. degree, and an unusually large umber have cnspleted M.A.'s. professional degrees. or Ph.D.'s. Western husbands are between Indian husbands and Indian wives with respect to educational achimt. mly anong the western wives do we find the majority with at least a B.A. 'lhree fourths have con- pleted ally 12th grade or. that plus sone technical training. Although the western wives deviate fron the others in the suple with respect to average level of education. they deviate less frm others of their sex and nationality than do the Indian wives. In aarrying wen with were education than thuselves. the sun I". are t: at. l! the socia' mu II- thst of hm, filth gene am he status 3 almlly are well huh: I India Nth. his pg: “Meal attain “MI! is India c Wm: than sat: hm ad beha Wont. h tradlthu] Widen N 0ft: 1 "ho-ohm.“ that ”in“. CD 50 flastern wives are cmforning to expectations in India and the fleet. If the social status of an Indian husband is very nuch higher than that of his hater-n wife, the fact that the wife is hetero. duch generally carries high status in India. serves to reduce the status gap. The flhstern nun who have married cross- culturally are well educated. and have high status in India. Marrying an Indian wusan is generally regarded as bneath their position. Ihis particular status gap is narrowed by the high educatiaial attaiment of the Indian wives. A lug-tine foreign resident in India cmented that to the British status is nore inportant than nationality, and that if a girl had the proper background and behavior. the fact that she was Indian becane irrelevant. In traditional cultures those‘with very high status neat outsiders and often those in very low positions also neat out- siders, although in a very different kind of relationship. It is those in the niddle who are most concerned about protecting their position, and their cultural heritage. The Anglo-Indian co-Inity has its roots in marriages of low-caste. low-class Indian woaen to the lower ranking British*with the British East India Cupany, or British "Ionics”«the unlisted non. ’lhe cm- tenporary Indian-haters carriages draw Indian wonu fra the upper echelons of their respective groups*within India. the less traditional and closed a society. the deeper contact with out- siders can permeate. Western societies are far less traditional a. is India; the an: burners I the generatio mu is this an; ecu. (h the eve Ital. my in t 53“ to pan: ”‘8‘ PrOpottim that e a“ We: tullectual inter “rad! P0111: h the “ct that f °f their p be...“ u"0 do th. ..hbl‘.h. ‘10 about i: lie. cm“ W Ole-gm“ (he hbx. A-s h maul full :5. 1a .nch f 51 than is India; therefore, there is a higher probability that middle class Westerners will neat md narry foreigners. ‘lhe generational difference between the Indian and Western wives in this sanple is also related to their educatiaial differ- ences. 0n the average. the Western wonen are older than the Indian. Only in the last generatim has it becone at all cot-on for wonen to pursue higher education, especially graduate training. A large proportion of the Western wonen reached the narriageable age at a tine when a wonm's place was in the home and pursuing intellectual interests was definitely not fesinine. W Already pointed out several tines because it is so basic. is the fact that fewer Indian wonen than nan narry foreigners because of their protected position in a traditional society. ‘lhose wonen who do marry out of their community, therefore, one fron less traditiaisl fanilies than do the nu. ‘lhet is, their fanilies have already provided the beginnings of a now away fro. the established patterns for MCI. Wii le about three-fourths of the Indian husbands were raised in fenilies considered traditional or transitional. only a little over one-fourth of the wonen had this kind of fenilial background. (See an. A-S in appudix.) A transitional f-ily is one in which traditional fusilial patterns are beginning to change. Usually the wen in such failies have taken jobs which are nodern or Western in nature. Often because of these occupatiais such failies mm nd expel 5:. their traditic ayiuva evn trav! anus wtside the this the bone. 1 manual hone 3”! casidered '. 2 have each conta: a" great as}: “1‘! this tradi ““4 ‘0 nose on an", 5’ Vittu. 52 are urba ad exposed to ideas ad behavior patterns quite different fron their traditional ones. In additia, the men in the family nay have even traveled outside India. The transition, than, begins outside the actual faily ad only evatually permeates within the has. Heads of transitional families prefer to naintain a traditiaal home life; thus, the woeen in a transitional family ca be considered traditiaal. Consequatly, they are alikely to have much contact with, or interest in. the outside world. in. great najority of the India wives cane from families outside this traditional pattern, ad already nodern or Western oriented to some degree. Over half the women's families fit this category by virtue of religious identity, Christia or Farsi, alone. Ivan a girl in a relatively traditional Christia faily will feel some affinity with Westerners because their life styles reflect a coma heritage. A fairly traditiaal Christia girl protected fron outsiders may very well have contact with thatcrners as part of her own cos-unity. More significatly. over one-fourth of the India wives' families can be classified as nodern, Weaternised, or third culture failies.31 The modern faily appears traditional in patterns such as dress. food, ad housing, but is not bound to traditional ways of thinking about goal attain-ant ad interpersonal 31!.in types are not classified according to religion. The Christia ad Parsi failies just discussed are included in the aodern, Westernieed or third culture categories. muons. Gener at their trainin yeast character xlades the some fazly has adopts at is oriated I 21in. M 83 '15! the British, 'Fsat deal of 1 'a f“ “Pie he: “a“ ”must: den third cult . IHtI’. all 53 relations. Generally highly educated. the mabers of such families use their training to chage. or modernise their world. One im- portat characteristic of the modern orientation is that it includes the wasen a a more equalitaria basis. The Westerniaed faily has adopted lbstern cultural patterns almost entirely. ad is oriated toward the West as much. if not more than. toward India. These generally upper class families associate widely with the British. as they did before Indepadace. ad often spend a great deal of time in the 0.x. Several children of such failies in the aaple had all of their education in Britain. following the pattern established by British colonial officials in India. The modem third culture type of family is the newest of these patterns. Consequently. only two India wives ad one husbad were raised in this type of faily. mese are more internationally oriented failies. with less attention focused on the West (especially Britain) per se. Such failies are in a bi-national. or inter- national milieu because of the father's occupation-"a diplomat, representative of a foreign firm. or sale other third cultural job. Families of the India wives were more apt to have been non- traditional in two other respects as well. Almost half the women. half again as may as the men. had sue other mixed marriage in the nuclear family. For these individuals.marrying out of their c-unity.was not a complete break with traditia; indeed. for mit my have b a. (he Iadis: tudmslities, hi: Iii partner: lam mt of on 321! also patio Ila hall ace-tn N at of the h aha-p di 1”an ‘. ' 54 some it may have bea a continuing pattern of breaking comaunsl bads. (his India. after naing six different religions. regions. or natiaalities. from which his brothers ad sisters had chosa their six partners. said. "I suppose it was a unwritten law that we marry out of our own subcaste of Brahmin Bagali Christia." It is also particularly significant that nearly one-third of the women had na-tradi tiaal role models in their mothers who had moved out of the home. at least part time. for employment. The sharp distinctia betwea traditional ad modern failies is not found in the West as it is in India. Traditional families in India are conserving a acient culture. usually Hindu. a culture not affected by the world ecumae. The modern India failies. ad even more so the Westernised ad third culture failies have either introduced elements of the some ad the West into their lives. or easatially adopted the Western culture in mm. There is. then. a decided qualitative difference betwea the traditional and the modern and Western in India. In the West. traditiaal failies differ from the very modern mainly in the degree to which they preserve their ethnic heritage. Although their world view may be narrow. ad behavior traditional. they are preserving a culture which has its roots in the ecaae. The modern Westerners are not as tied to a specific. limited interpretation of the ecumae as is the hath villager. for example. The lives of modern Europeas are simply more closely integrated with other parts of the world. With this :33} mtem f3: ml of ape—rich“ 1:11 or nodern. C 17:33:, the £32111 :mt‘q for cross it'fifths did have :mendix.) these are than me cultuz :sbnis' families I 'he extent to l 2318: of exogenous Zita-n. Hater-n v. “*5 Bandage in t‘: as: other mixed mm it?! Vere a few re 55 in mind. Western families have been categorized according to the amount of experience with other cultures, rather than as tradi- tional or modern. Considering the proximity of other nations for Europeans. the families of the Wasterners in this sample are not noteworthy for crossscultural activity. although approximately four-fifths did have some cross-cultural experience. (See Table Ar6 in appendix.) Those who could be considered highly involved in more than one culture account for a larger proportion of Western husbands' families than Western wives'. The extent to which westerners might be following an established pattern of exogamous marriages is quite similar to the Indian pattern. Western wives are more apt to have some other kind of mixed marriage in the family than the western husbands. Although most other mixed marriages in the families were to other Westerners. there were a few relatives who had married noneWesterners. including two sisters who had Indian husbands as well. a pa s...” 2: :lu 1: till tits c 1| 1m “ l E _“ .1” I 232 3aIaJNULJIEIIIalahLJIHLlsls It is not unco—a to hear that people who marry out of their on group. especially when the marriage involves very dissimilar cultures or races. are marginal. me preceding discussion makes it clear that this is not the case for most of the individuals in this study with regard to social status at the time of marriage. 0fta discussions of marginality suggest that a elaat of choice is involved. that the coalunity chooses to "outcasts" a individual or the individual chooses to leave his co-aity. It also implies that the whole persa is marginal to his society or culture. 32leaik. in "Some Sociological Aspects of Intermarriage of Jew ad Won-Jew" W. Vol. 12. p. 94) attempted to classify the persa who will marry out of his one: group according to four types based on W. I. .‘niomas' four wishes for new experiace. security. new response (sex) ad recognition. It is persons seeking fulfill- ment of these wishes. he proposes. who are most apt to marry exogenously. Slotkin. in "Jewish-Gentile thrriage in Chicago" i m. Vol. 7. p. 34) expended upon this list and proposed the following personality types who are likely to marry out of their one: group: 1) the emacipated person. 2) the rebellious person. 3) the detached person. 6) the advaturous person. 5) the unorgaised or demoraliaed person. 6) the promiscuous person. 7) the marginal person. ad 8) the acculturated person. These categories describe the factors discussed in the text of this dissertation in the sectia "my do people marry cross-culturally?" The categories proposed by Beaik ad Slotkin incorporate some of the situatiaal factors into personality types; for example. the detached person is one whose primary group control has been disrupted. Waile these categories are useful as abstract basis for discussing mined marriages. I did not use it because it gives the impressia that individuals fall into mac or the other of the classifications. Host of the subjects in this study ca be included in several of the categories. therefore I decided to orient the discussion around social status. aotional state ad cross-cultural experience which would enoarage a mixed marriage rather tha around personality types- lhs simatia W of origin d njetsd the pars km the son of Iiitsatia which ehu th to 57 The situatia is far from that clear cut. Marrying out of the group of origin does not necessarily indicate that the group has rejected the person. Many people deviate in one status-role frms the norm of their society. They. thus. find themselves in a situatia which reduces the masher of potential partners avail- able te them who are deaed appropriate in their culture. W This saple is deviat from societal norms with respect to age at marriage. The average age at marriage for husbads. 31; for India wives. 30. and for Weatern wives. 25 ad a half. puts them all in a situation in aich most of their contaporaries are already married.” The older a single person is. the fewer people there will be for him to choose from to are considered appropriate. The India wives differ most drastically from the natiaal average age of marriage for women which in 1951 was 15 years. This comparison is not fair. however. for villagers continue to marry their daughters considerably earlier tha do the urba Indias. by authors writing on marriage in India place the upper 3!. limit on marriageability for India waen at 25 years. Cormack 33In the thited States. 1965. the mea age of marriage for ma was 23adforwomawas 20according to New W. The M lists the average age at marriage for hglish. Germa ad Rach ma ad wema. ad for Italia ad Spaish faales as bet-ea 20 ad 2‘ years. “in. for tussle. Kareem: Cor-sch. W. (m. l'ubliaing House. 1960). end A. a. Boss. W W. (Oxford University Press. 1961 . eczbummlbl “an age at I hcihthsvuen h hiia thou in suffered. highly educat: he mportai‘ bu gas. in m hsbands, drupsct e to iathelors. 30168 mu . ' “1‘ Mt have “fit, 0! betas: ' rulind ml! 58 describes the problems faced by girls who are marginal with respect to age at marriage ad level of education. both of which describe the waa in this saple. In India those girls who have tried to break with traditions have suffered. Girls who are too old (above 25) or too highly educated (above B.A.) have daied their parents the Opportunity to find than husbads. Bargaining power has gas. But it is difficult for the girls to find their on husbads. for in their jobs ad homes they mat be circaapact or lose their reputations. Indeed. go be friadly to bachelors...would often result in diaissal.3 The older person may oasider a exogenous marriage which he or she would not have years earlier either because of increased maturity or because of panic. In the first case. the older person has realized that there are far more importat elaats in a persa's character tha looks. social background. or cultural origin. The mature. older persa gaerally has established himself as a independat person. less subject to the values of his parats ad even of his peers tha most younger people. May of the waa who are still single beyad 25 find meaningful roles in life. and realise that marriage is not the aly path to self- fulfillmat. Such persons do not marry for the sake of marrying. but because they have found a individual who will arich their lives. ofta ae who shares a professional interest. In additia. failies may not object as strenuously to a older child's marrying out of the community. 35cm, op. Cite, P. 890 WI?! h fin u: sf mu 59 At the other extreme is the parent who panics because he is not married by 25 or 30. Some of these persons will marry at the first oppa'tunity. regardless of the other person's origin. for fear of being perpetually single. Ma are less subject to this kind of fear. but it is not totally irrelevat to tha. Bae- where in betwea are those who date aough to allay fears of being perpetually single. but have not found the right persai within their on cmity. ‘iheyz'finaily broaden their vision to include people fr- other natiualities wha considering marriage. For eat-plea Before. wha I was yoimger. I was quite prepared to accept a sai-srranged marriage. My parents did introduce me to people. they would have been unhappy if I had married a na- Bralnin Goa. I did data some Guess; I dated one for quite a lag time because everer thought it was a good match. I met so many boys in my on co-wnity. ad I haaOt made up my mind. After a while I bega to think that maybe I had better not stick to that cmity. Before I had refused to even go out with an English chap a the grounds that it might lead to something like this. A few in the study were older when they married cross-culturally because this is a second marriage for then. It would be plausible to argue that marriage outside the co-wuity is more plausible on s secdmarriage tha a first because the adog-ous rules do not apply to ascend marriages to the sac degree as to the {it"s W Chances of making a good traditiaal marriage were jeopardized for two India woma when they had to take a the role of house- hold head which meat taking a job to support their failies. in II . u. in pram am {I Z! “I me n his 1 My I dun influx: 60 (he was from a traditional family. the other from a trasitionai as. however. traditiaal Indias do not casider working an appropriate role for a single girl seeking marriage. as it is not a favorable reco-endatia for a potential wife. lkxdoubtedly. the new fond independace also influenced attitudes of these women regarding the desirability of a traditional marriage. Other India waa in the saple who worked before marriage were of highly modern or \iestsrnised cor-unities where this was not as musual. ad the not so apt to negatively affect their chaces of marriage. Having to work before marriage is not likely to influence a flsstern waa's desirability as a wife in the same way that it does in most India co-aities. But. it could make her desire more tha the role of the average wife in her annuity. W In aotional situatia. as well as a social positia. can encourage a mined marriage. (See table A-7 in appendix.) ‘lhe age of marriage is also a age when may other aspects of a person's life are chaging. here is ofta a feeling of insecurity associated with recatly achieved independence from the family. ad in the first steps toward a unknoa future. At such times may look to marriage for security. ad in doing so may reach beyond the group prescribed for them. Approximately one-third of the sub- Jects matiaed some frustratias or feeling of insecurity in their lives at the time they met their partners. Uncertainty regarding m I My. Mind find when raga hitch“ lutlin umuhiy luau. a: gala for a: herd pointed Nil upper: GI. “Whit rein: 61 work or study. dependence on parents. broken romance. and an unde- fined uneasiness regarding the future were mentioned most often. Baa included laeliness abroad as one of the things bothering them. ad certainly loneliness abroad may have exaggerated worry over other problas for may more. Several pointed out that their partner was the only as who gave real support during a period of frustration. Ibis could lead to a depadent relationship. or simply indicate the strengths of the supporting individual making him look even more desirable as marriage partner. In several cases. for example. a person married a doctor or nurse attending a member of his family. frustration and insecurity may have contributed to some cross-cultural marriages. but the fact is that more Indian husbands and western wives gave no indication of a emotional state which might encourage a mixed marriage than did indicate frustrations or insecurity before marriage. the fact that over half the Indian husbands were in the group which appeared satisfied may. however. be as much a reflection of the relatively shorter interview'with Indian hus- bands. as any remarkable stability on their part. be aotional state of the Western husbads ad India wives when they met again points up the similarity of the backgrounds they brought together in marriage. The most commonly evidenced emotional state for both before marriage was a desire to solidify a dual identity incorporating both India ad the "set. This is rut all my: lulu. lsarl; m Emilia. minding all t] shaman 33!. h nu ma Iill be Mimi ‘YM. rs mm of: 62 not at all surprising when one rem-hers two facts about these couples. Nearly half the India wives were raised in third cul- ture failies. Secadly. three-quarters of the Western husbands. including all the British ad all but one of the haerica husbads met their wives in India. ad most had decided on linkage occupa- tias. nu nature of the dual cultural orientation seen in these couples will be discussed more fully in the next section. W ayae. regardless of cm]. identity. may find himself in the kind of marginal position just discussed. Another kind of marginal position is that of a aole calamity. a minority group. than the minority coaunity is large. for example. the Muslims in India or the Jews in the Heat. there should be. numerically at least. enough partners available. then a large portion of the commuiity is of rather low status. however. as is the case with India Christians. an ambitious waa is limited in choice of mates. A waa canot marry below herself in stems or achievemat as easily as a man. this position encouraged one of the Goa women to marry a ibsterner. for. as she said. here are more charming educated Goa girls tha men; the girls work. ad working girls are more choosy. ‘lhe boys in the coaunity da't study as much ad don't go as far. so the girls go outside their co-unity. “the choice of men dwindles. Besides. I have noticed that the ‘Goa boys often choose more conservative girls for wives. illa the minority group is large. at least the mabers feel they have a co-niity with which they ca identify if they wish. Ilkp‘flp is an shangh people ‘ nutty. Yet. fllhu hi part Huh. thatch N {me with tau Inlnligiou p‘ '11“!!! accept. 63 than the group is small or geographically dispersed. there may not be aough people to make any individual member feel he is part of a cmity. Yet. this very affiliatia makes it difficult for him to feel part of the majority commity in that nation or locale. A Dutch girl who was a Rosicrucia recalls a child- hood filled with taunts of other children because of her family's unusual religious practices. She resented her faith for making her different. ad wated to get away from it. but she did not feel well enough accepted in the larger Dutch continuity to marry into it. As a saber of a minority group in a larger society as is already somewhat of a ctural pluralist. socialised in me culture. but always aware of the different ways of the other. For some. particularly those whose idatity is not strongly bound to their co-unity. the step to accepting aother culture ad way of life is not a difficult one. Some minority groups make the step to involvaat in aother society still easier. for the link to the other society is that which makes them a minority group within their oa. inch is the case of the India Christias. For many of tha a Usaterner is first a fellow Christia. ad secondly. of a different nationality. ‘lhis is comparable to the laws for whom a persa fras aother society is first a Jew ad secondly from aother society. Host exaples of marginal status through co-unal affiliation are from India weea. lhis is not without reasa. for 60 percent amine m i :1? pets: of t brain the pro hp: at throng mil amnion bum. in due hrigid taste a) it“ Immhablc “I mat or gr. "t We to an “‘5'“. the re] “'3'! into :5. “I an of n. 2".“ ll thf “a"! feel t1 6!. of the wema are from minority co-aiitiss in India. capersd to 27 percat of the husbands. ad virtually none of the Westerners.36 Ihe reasa the proportia is so high snag India women has baa brought out throughout the first part of this chapter. ‘lhs higher overall proportion of minority group members aag Indias tha hestsrnsrs is due partly to the nature of the dominant group. The rigid caste system not aly views outsiders as undesirable. but as untouchable. For a Hindu to marry a iiindu of aother caste is as great or greater a trasgressia of the norms as it is for most people to marry saeone of aother. quits differat natiaslity. ‘lhersfors. the religious minority groups in India are not as able to arry into the dominat group as are religious minorities in other parts of the world. Inaaddition. the India minorities represented in this saple. with the eaceptionoof the mslims ad Jains. feel that they have more in coaa with the fleet tha they do with iiindu society. A marriage to a mropea may be less of a "mix" for tha tha would be a marriage to a Hindu. Signi- ficatly. there were no Buddhists married to westerners located. A religious minority in the that is not quite as outcasts as those in India. ad the Ibstsrn minority has no reason to feel ay cultural bond with India groups. : ‘\ 360f the 106 Dsstsrners in the study the aly mabers of religion minority groups are one Jewish husbad. sin Jewish wives. ad as icrucia wife. anchor m7 urn-Id mans mum; sioor i‘rstim mil In apart-t bl cutie. with W Id India ml. to so d1 5! the to seat “Um. m 6S aother very probable reasa that there are fewer minorities represented aag the Nester'ners has to do with the basis of attributing minority status to Westerners in this study. lhe informatia available from interviews dealt with religia. A more importat basis of discrimination in may of the Western countries. which is not included here. may be etiuiic identity. Negroes ad Indias. importat racial minorities in the ihitsd States. are so discriminated against that there is little opportunity for tha to meet people of other natiaalities at all. except in the military. Nay Negroes in the military do take wives overseas. One couple was located in India. but not interviewed. in which the husbad was a hsrioa Negro. W Nest people idea in their ea co-unities do not marry foreiaers. Strag sanctias are brought to bear a one who does not follow the dictates of his society with regard to appropriate marriage partner. Sac who would have married within their co-aity. reached arrisgeabls age while away from home. If they cannot afford to return home for marriage and if they foresee may years away from their community. they may marry enogsmously. There is no as in the i-ediate situatia to aforce the norms of their culture. I-igrats. either from as natia to aother. or within India. from as regia to aother. find themselves in a situation mm: u 11: hit: in: p mt. 66 similar to that of the minority cosamity if there are others of their nationality in their new home. The i-igrat's experience is mas parallel to that of the foreign student if they are lae representatives of their group in the new region or country. (he liropai who “migrated to the lhited States with her faily brought out aae of the difficulties faced by one in this positia. It moved to a small tea in Wisconsin where we were the aly foreigners ad the aly Jews. People were friadly aough. but I never dated much in high school. I guess I dia't like Issarica boys because the ass in high school never took me out. I went to college with this attitude. There I dated the boys I met through the international club. MW Thus far the discussion has focused a how a individual's situatia ca encourage mixed marriage because of a scarcity of suitable marriage partners. he sae situations. especially wha other cultures are involved. encourage exogenous marriage by changing attitudes. Intended periods of time spent in aother culture sxpad a persa's outlook ad interests to include a larger portia of the world. Stimulated by these experiences. such persons frequently seek partners with similarly broad world views. ad desire to incorporate elenents of several cultures into their on lives. They could marry within their ca cosamity. but are unwilling. for sae. the desire to maintain a cosmopolita life. or at least to avoid a strictly parochial existence. is so strag that they feel they must marry out of their own coaunity 67 to assure a internatiasl future. be following are examples of the may cments expressing the desire to find a partner with a similar life style ad similar interests; from on India husbad: I had boa abroad five years. I didn't think I could find a persa here (in India) with the some knowledge ad liking of Western culture. It dia't matter where we lived. I had casidered settling in the Nest. especially in the light of my bad experiace a rearning from hgladuno job for four months. then a bad job. Marrying a Nesterner come naturally after six years abroad; I had adapted to the situa- t‘-a from a India wife: I loved being in the lhited States. If my parents were not in India I'd have stayed a. I already liked Nestern life. Western men give more freeda...my parents thought a boy would make a good husband if he was finacially well off. I'd have boa miserable with the Indias they picked out for me; being in the United States made no independent. from a ‘hstern wife: than we met I was traveling aroad the world. ajoying it. not thinking of marriage. linen he came to Europe I was unsettled after my trip around the world. We had had two years absence. After two weeks we decided to marry. The trip had been too exciting. tha I had to come has ad obey my parats...the routine. I was ready to go again; people in Race just didn't understand about all the countries 1" boa tOo Nearly overyae in this sample had had some experience in aother country. or with people of differat natiaalities. prior to marriage. (See Table A-8 in sppadix.) (lily 13 percat of the theta-n wives were without some cross-cultural experiace. Some of the saple. primarily India wives were rsisod in third culture failies ad several of them had actually spat more of their lives outside India tha in it. husbads. more typically. achieved a high degree of cross-cultural involve-at a their -vri : ‘ it.-- m, h min: and It inch in no '1») pa M attribute a kfelt sore It! to get to h *1! a social ”in: childhood Idol; "8 fit "8 mph uzlml both in 3' We: and 1 Minn} 1, 5'“ involve M the the I“ °‘ N hm “at a. Pro Mira .f m hi..." had a} 68 ea. when studying or working abroad. Some worked hard while abroad at developing a nationally diverse set of friends. feeling there was "no point in going abroad to stick to your oa friends.” Others attributed the variety in their friendship patterns abroad to default more than choice; the host country nationals were so hard to get to know that foreigners of all nationalities formed their own social world. Immigration from one country to another during childhood was a kind of cross-cultural experience found solely aag Ibstern wives. Young people throughout the world are bocaing more inter- national both in nabers of people involved ad in depth of involvement. The Indias ad Westerners in this study document the growth of cross-cultural interest. Couples married since 1956. have been far more involved intornatiaslly at the time they met their paraers tha those Idle married before the war. for exaple. nae of the Nestern wives who met their husbads after 1956 were without some previous cross-cultural experience. But. nearly ao-third of the Nostsrn wives who met their husbads before 191.5 had never had ay catsct with aother natiaality before that. to: the India husbads. who have always been the most highly involved internstiaally. the depth of involvaont has chaged more tha the numbers involved. Ninety percat of those who met their wives in the most recat period were so involved in cross- cultural relations that it was a basic characteristic of their life style compared to A5 percent at the sac level who met before the war. lerhpas Indias in Irops before their natia's inde- pendence felt inhibited in mixing with lbstsrners because of their colaisl status. in mm" m if 11 am hut-alum i: III hasticill hoisted lighly laten mm Chi Sq 5““ mine l“untied: 1 Min. .3. In... the th " 1mm m “at, an.“ it ”MI of a 69 ‘l‘ABLI 46 racemes 0181313111101 0? “ET? CROSS-CULTURAL 13‘me ‘1' 1.11! mm O!’ "m0 PAID!” ACCOIDUIG ‘10 run 0!‘ m Cross-cultural involvemat Before 1965 1946-1955 After 1956 (Ii-52) (Ii-66) 01-78) Nae 15.6 6.5 0 uperficial 36.7 24.2 20.5 kperiaced 29.0 36.4 34.7 Bighly Intornatiasl .214 .2159. 451.2 100.3 100.1 100.2 Table 4: Chi Square Test. No cross cultural experience or super- ficial experiac! caparod to experiacod compared to highly internatiaal: x - 16.60. df - lo. i - <.01. Indias were clearly more highly internstiasl prior to marriage tha the Nesterners. but Nesternsr men were casiderably more involved tha haters woma. especially in the early years. In fact. four-fifths of the lhstern ma had actually been in India for periods of six maths to 27 years when they met their wives. Still. they are not casidered as highly international as most India husbads because their interectia in India was usually cafined to Indias ad others of their ea natiaality. The India husbads whose life style could be casidered highly internatiaal had not aly spat may years in a culture very 37Individual tables for tho cross-cultural involvement of India husbads. India wives. lbstsrn husbads. ad Nestor-n wives uh: they met their paraors are in the sppadix. Thbles A-B. A-9 a A-10. 70 different from their ea. but had close friads from many other parts of the world as well. Active participatia in internstiaal orgaisatias was a coma characteristic of those highly involved cross-culturally. Many. in fact. had boa presidents of inter- natiaal organisatias a college campuses. (he might expect the people to were highly involved inter- natiaally to be from the commanities or natiaalities which attract the most foreigners to then. Saewhat surprisingly. just the opposite is true; the subjects from coamnities which attract foreigners. Christia in India ad British in the Nest. were. as a group. the least involved iritsrnatiaally.3.’39 Peraas raised in foreign recipient communities do not rank high a either of the two factors used to determine a individual's level of cross-cultural involvaont before marriageuexperionco in foreign countries ad diversity of friends' natiaalities. First. they do not need to leave home to meet foreigners. ad 38‘ihs pattern is less clear for the Nesterners because a natia is larger ad less homogaeous tha a religious coamity in India. The fact that Indias come to Britain does not give all British the sas probability of meeting a India that a Christia has in India of meeting missiasries who come to work with that casualty. ”he Christias in India are casidered a foreign recipient community because they are the only as which draws lbsterners to it specifically. Other Nosterners coming to India are not draa to a specific ccanmity. Likewise. Indias. because of their historical ties. are drawn to Britain more than to other lustern natias. except recently the lhited States which has attracted increasing nix-hers of Indians. locally. the) heat the wt liniticaal. title pinch! intent n 11 Ilulnulu I he not: lscu. then “It“ but I ”malty c. Him lit m“ '50 how “out, Mn N M! “'21 “It. to u; it “hull 71 secadly. they generally meet people of aly as other natiaality because the well-established chanels betwea natias tend to be bi-national. These bi-natiaal co-unities ofta are. in fact. rather parochial. restricted to people from two nations with coaa interest or life style. for example. the herica Methodist nissiaaries ad India Methodists. The preceding discussia has dealt with cross~culturo exper- iaces. There are may people in the world who are internstiaally oriated but who live for from cosmopolita caters. ad have no opportunity to build their internatiaal oriatatia into the i-ediato situatia. A distinctia must also be made between those who have a gauinoly broad world view ad those who still identify primarily with their culture of origin. but for a period of their lives are active in international networks ad associa- tias. To explore this other dimonsia. tha. we turn to a discussion of cultural orientatia before marriage ad how this is related to s psrsa's choice of marriage note. W Catact with differat cultures. both within ad out of as's ea country play a importat role in developing cultural orienta- tia ad ease of identity. as of the India husbads illustrated the effect of multiple cultural influences during the formative years on his identity very well. lie gathis aswer when asked what aspects of his background might have encouraged him to marry scneae of a different natiaality. Christian“ outlook a [vet to I use it u hitish 11:1 to go to C: no 3h“ M in to: '! “go 1 British a the ladies hm. Ia “ that c h the U. “Ills pr ’ I cQuoted Ht. Id ‘ted . 72 Christianity. my father's universality-ah internatiasl outlook a life". ad my schooling being liglish ad hasricsn. I wat to a American Nissiaary college. In a deeper sense it was thsabivalaces of being brought up under British influacos in school. Ivsryae in my school wated to go to Cabridgo or Oxford ad were frustrated by the war. School gave me a pro-British oriatatia. he first year in college it was fashiaable to be ati-British ad my chage in identity bega. I suddaly had to be atir British ad pro-India. I was in a Inerica college supporting the Indias. hen I wat to Imerica. hat broke my ties here. In the 0.3. aything I said pro-British was criticised ad that completed freeing me from the hglish allegiace. In the 0.8. I ro-identified with India. Bad experiences dating prejudiced American girls ad reading ' m. a book about the rejection of Indias by Americas convinced me I didn't wat to be a America or to marry one. I decided to return to India. By tha I knew I really wanted a na-chauvinistic type of wife. and wha I not my wife I knew she was it. his example makes clear how complex is the rslatia betwea various influences a a person's life. As ca be sea from the quotatia. the aspect of the identity predominating at a given time depends a s persa's social rolatias at the time. his stage of develoaat. ad period in world history. To better understand the part cultural oriatatia plays in decisions to marry cross- culturally. subjects have been grouped according to their attitudes towards their on ad other cultures. his is primarily in terms of how the persa felt at the time of marriage. but does not ignore his total history. Sons of the respadents did not express a particularly strag oriatatia toward either India or the Nest. This suggests acceptace of their culture of origin. Dissatisfactia with one's heritage ad development of a broader. more aconpsssing identity both indicate lam—u...“ ,. learnt chage at p notice: W in: the the no an oil In a ideologl me does not. ban on 'f 'Y Mp. w “"181!- In: fella" lbout If :5 him: Rent), and c ‘° Michal) “not. 73 importat chages in a persa's character. ad these chages do not go unnoticed. Sabjects who felt such chages in thasslves talked about them. partly because it is a chage. ad partly because those who are dissatisfied ad those who are world-oriented usually have a ideological co-itmat to their position which a accepting psrsa does not. floaters wives. who had the least cross-cultural experience of ay group. were the most likely to simply accept their culture of origin. Interviews with two-fifths of then elicited no strag feelings about their cultural identities prior to marriage. Two of the Nestern husbands (12 percat). two India husbads (three percent). ad as Indian wife (five percat) also appeared to have no particularly strong feelings toward either culture. The rest of the interviewees. the great majority. had already begun to think of themselves in rslatia to more tha as culture. or at least to have groa dissatisfied with their on: culture ad society by the time they not their husbads or wives. Some of tha catinued primarily oriated toward their culture of origin but were freed from the bade of their traditiaal culture by cross- cultural experiences. lnother group of respadats were oriented away from their our: cultures. while the distinguishing feature of others was that their oriatatia acapsssed many cultures. hose various oriatatias are discussed in more detail following Table 5. which indicates distributia of respadents according to their cultural orientation wha they met their husbads or wives. Lm.‘—VT' -7: mu 5. rncm’ aura m m: was: hlcn'sl Oriata “PM: of can 74 TABLE 5. ”CNN! DISRIBUM OF GUI-MAL OIIDI‘I'A‘I'ION “iii SINK“ m man MINDS WING m SEX AND NATIGIALI‘IY Ol‘ SNUSB Cultural Oriatatia India India Western Western husbads Nives liusbads Nivss Accepting of ca culture 2.7 5.2 12.5 100.0 Sae cross-cultural or na- traditiaal experience 58.0 21.0 -- -- Uprooted -- -- 6.2 8.9 labelling. rejecting or d1.‘11‘.‘“.d Sol. 15o8 18o7 21.1 Bxpading beyad own: culture 24.6 15.8 37.6 26.7 W (Porcatages total mas tha 100 percent because a few individuals are included in more than as category.) Table 5. Chi Square Test. a) Accoptace of ca culture plus some cross-cultural or n -traditiaa1 experiaco capsred to all others. - 17.90. df - 3. p - <.001 b) lxpading oriatatia plus socialized in third culture cmfld to .11 0:11.28. 82 - 15.3, at - 3. P. -( .005. c) lebelling. rejecting or disillusiaod plus uprooted compared to all others. To meet requirements of chi square test Indias are capsred with Nesterners rather than the four categories in the table above. X2 - 17.00. df - 1. P -(~leo 1. WW1: WWW- Ihu- individual- are much like the accepting gap just matiaed. but they have had some cross-cultural experiaco to acaaint tha with other ways of life. hey were still oriented primarily toward their cultures ad societies of origin. wha they met their partners. Because of brosdaing experiences. however. people in this group found it somewhat easier to marry out of their own coannnity. |Lu—_ ran a“ e.g., kjarati Br amides who Inlays as not listity as it we rintstias ext he basicsl Itill fit into “‘1 W tron b “Mt felt living .11 We: a”WW7. £11 5‘11“!“ the l 75 e.g.. Gujarati Brslmnin. Kersls Christia. tha those in their cunnities who had not experienced aother culture. But. such a marriage was not as casistat with their overall life style ad idatity as it was for those in the following categories whose orientations extended beyond their cultures of origin. he basically home-oriented respondents in this category still fit into their own societies with relative ease. but felt they had groa because of contacts outside the camaunity. an. rospadsnt felt that being the sa of a governmat ssrvat ad living all over India. exposed to diffsrat ways of life within the country. freed him from the bade of orthodoxy. Parents who challenged the established order during the Indepadace movement served as models for sas. Others found slaents of Nestern culture which definitely appealed to thqsalthough they did not idatify with the Nest nor did they adopt a overall Western style of life. "I foad in English waa the freedom ad frak- ness that is not found in Indians." as India husbad consented. “silo over half the India husbads are in this category. there are aly four India wasn. ad their limited catact with Nesterners took place in India. he scarcity of India wona is related to the difficulty they have fitting the traditiaal social order after a sojourn in the Nest. (tics they have sapled the freedom accorded waen in the West. India women are gaerally unwilling to accept the traditiaal India definition of a woman's role. he ma's role in India is neither as castraining as the ua'u I h the h put I G ad idem bun-1 h‘ In ml in in W. nth tion-c. mm 115! u 76 woma's nor is it as qualitatively different from the same role in the West as the woman's. Therefore, the ua does not feel as great a conflict as a woman betwea a modern or Hasterniaed role ad identifying with India which is largely traditional. The Heston-reamed India wuaan continues to idatify with the that. Westerners who have had sue exposure to other cultures, but are still hue-oriented are included aong the acceptors rather than in this category, as are Indias who have had one experience with other cultures. lhe difference is that flesterners with some cross-cultural experiaco have had catact with other Western cultures which does not provide as distinctly different a way of life as does a experience in a Ivhsten culture for an India. M India women in this saple had non-traditional faaily lives which provided th- with a view of an alternative life style to the traditional as available to lost India woman. ‘lhese two women fru fatherless failies were forced to take jobs to support their failiea. In these jobs they not only learned a new life style. but met some ibsternara in India as well. 2. W. A very small proportia of ilasterners were uprooted from their culture of origin by a major cultural move during childhood such as fully imaigratia or a prison of war experiace. ‘lheir ties with the country of birth were broha, yet they never were able to identify completely with their new country. Although marrying ad moving to India was greater chage "L-- “Q“. '4!“ *— Ea III th- Id at min as 1 tia. throw: 1} bun site m '1“ if you i am liked k “figured I . h of the Rt hit rootle blue to bin 77 for th- than moving from one Western country to aother. it did not involve as great a break with their calamity as it did for those thoroughly integrated into their own societies. As ae lbstern wife reflected about her feelings before owing to India, "I how if you want you ca be happy.aywhere...I raembered I had not lihed herica at first ad that I had adjusted to that. so I figured I could live in India." to of the Western woma had never left their ca countries yet felt reotlesa because since childhood they had bea without failiea to bind than to the country of their birth. a extreme case cabining both of the above factors contributing to a reotlesa feeling was that of a Finnish woman who had traveled nest of her life around the world with her journalist father. “hey usually spent only a few months in me place at a time. During the war in India she was separated from her father ad interned there. Not knowing if she would ever be able to leave India, not knowing if she had any faily alive at all. ad not having spat aough time in any country, including her ca. to have a ease of belag- ing. she decided to marry ad start growing roots thereuin India. «its a differat reaction to being uprooted led aother woman to India, although she was not interested in India itself. llsving baa torn by the lack of continuity in her life as she moved from as country to a different one. and having experienced war in Drops. in was determined to devote her life to some movement waking toward increased unity in the world. The Church of South India was her choice. g .' -._< mum—SI ummun- 1* aphid! md cat: no ands: calm 1!. least they ' hit us may, in attitude is c all In: “"7 I! Min 153“. n helium. tum; to .hs W. tot sec that“. km. 1 M1... . m r “Nut. m.“ at“tut u the ”his, “on “I it. 3%! 78 3. s i i W. lhe rebels had rejected their ca countries capletely and categorically. ‘lhey generally identified strongly with another cultural area, unduly glaorising or romanticising it. Because they had rejected a importat part of the world, their ca country, they cannot be casidered world citiaens. his attitude is enaplified by an India husbad saying: “I would never marry ay of my ca. I was a rebel. I didn't speak ay Indian language and refused to associate with Indias. I was too hgliciaed. lhe whole method and movaat of Indias was foreign to as." his alienation from the hue culture was self- impcsed. not necessarily a product of socialisation in a broader situatia. Rejection is characteristic of those who had not yet clearly defined a new reference group, but who had a definite wish to dissociate th-selves from their original nabership group. In catrast to the rebels ac categorically refused to be part of their culture. those who rejected it generally knew what they dielihed about it. Sonetines the slut or elements a person rejected were so widespread or general he rejected the country. At least he knew why. In India wife rejected the whole idea of marriage slag with her past life. She felt that narriage. as she knew it. would wed her to the life as well as the person; ”I thought I would not marry at all. I saw people get into a rut in the village; it was a terrible life of misery ad children. I wated to join a caveat or do social service." “-“F-_ in... h ladle. dun: rejecting s ajntia to um I a in friad- here.“ hfhod It. the Mil on“; M- Wife put “NW of: °f ha” Vere 79 In India. more tha in the heat. one ca reject his cannity without rejecting the whole country. an. of the India wives had no objection to Indias. but, she explained, "I didn't want to marry a man in business or the army. ad that cut out all of my friads here." In India various co-unitiea are more clearly defined tha they are in the lust. In a very real ease. the India cmity is the largest idatifiable unit. As aother India wife put it, "You must realise that with ny background-- being arnsd ofta against non-Farsi Indiaauthat all other kinds of Indias were foreigners to me as well." In the nore honoganous hestern natias the distinction betwea ceaunities is less sharp, blurring the distinction betwea ay given com-unity ad the whole. Slightly differat in feeling was the disillustioaent of Westerners. For tha the oriatatiou say from their own culture was more an increasingly critical view of sonething they had accepted, a realisation that everything in their house comtry was not as good as they had bea taught. lhe specific conplaints echoed the voices of disenchatnat of generatias past; "I as disillusioned with the behavior in my 'Christia' country-"apartheid ad war," "I had passed through a stage where I didn't like Merica, disliked the hypocrisy in government. the superficiality ad lack of cador in the people," "I felt there as no return to the U.S.A. ay more. Like nest college kids. I suppose, I as disillusioned.” A much less idealistic cause for disillusion. especially with the Imsrica drea cae mainly from woma. lhe life they saw “—— ‘1..- mm the he! liming to the. and More. chemically or “unread u 3‘ ‘0 expect dis 1m, to b. “t ‘1'! if those uh; M‘ I it its: :5! this A-ll 1 80 ahead with the best stadard of living on earth. looked dull. boring. stifling to than. Sons were sinply disillusiaod; they had not yet turned elsewhere. Others had begun to explore new cultures either altruistically or in a search for self fulfill-ant. Widespread unrest aag the young in the sixties night lead me to expect dissatisfaction with country. or with a routine life. to be most prevalent sung the yoager couples. Hewwer, more of those who not their partners between 1966 ad 1955 were rebels or at least disillusioned. tha those who net after 1956. (lee hble A-ll in appendix.) ‘Ihis nay not reflect an increased satisfaction with cantry as much as a increase in alternative ays to express dissatisfaction. In the 0.8.. for exaple. in the late 50's interest in overseas experiences nounted ad may cross-cultural opportunities epaed up such as Cross-reads Africa ad the Peace Corps. Not only did chanels open to seek acre weaningful experiaces elsewhere. but right at home the civil rights nova-at provided many dissatisfied young people the oppor- tunity to do something about one frustrating natiaal problem. Without such alternatives. any more might have expressed their dissatisfactia by marrying out of the natia. Sac. from both India ad the West. were reacting not so nuch against the comtry. social class. or caste,in which they were raised as they were generalizing fron unhappy family situatias. Several said that their parats' unhappy marriages had disabused tha of the notion that to be happy you must merry within your ca wv-a -- L‘m dun. bother, min to his so (unis; s girl min-nu. s hates on th me too strict, have. 81 culture. Iaicther. a Western husband. had a slightly different reaction to his mother which caused hin to quatia the advisability of marrying a girl from his own country...”Hy mother ad I were not on good terns. She is very puritaical. so ny picture of all women in Marion as threatened. All the 'good' people in ny cos-unity were too strict. threataingly puritanical.” lo. Wm. For acne of the respadents both India and the Heat were inportant to their identity before arriage. 'niese people were involved in both ad positively oriented hoard both. Others had expaded to a more inclusive cultural oriatatia ad thought of thaselves as "citisas of the world." People in this group had broadened their identities; they had not rejected their witures of origin as did those in the preceding category. Solae who had this acre inclusive orientation. naetheless. felt that they no longer fit into the nainstrean of their ca societies. This was especially true of Indians. ‘lhey realised that they had outgroa their own cultures. but unlike the rebels and disillusiaed. they sought the explaation for this poor fit in their ca broadened outlook ad chaged values rather than blae the coatry for its faults. Many people in this category were highly idealistic ad desired to inprove the lot of less fortunate people in the world. or increase world underatading. A good exaple of this kind of oriatatia is the India husbad who said: "I feel the odd an out aywhere. I have ronantic ideas. I ant to see a very much t"¢~_’ Jr a 1‘: 1‘. mu aid unified afltsble withpe ad I foreiper wi N itleichsals c iii Deadly of Tm ‘lmm -fi “We‘ll “‘th it this “(1.4 ”Nu. am “‘1'“? 1n- ““3"? "a ‘ 82 better ad unified world. PeOple think I'm a dreaner. I feel cafortable withpeople of all natiaalities who live for ideas ad a foreigner with people who live for noney in ay country." Osch individuals often seek others like thaselves in the Quakers. fibrld Assably of youth. HYCA ad sinilar orgaisatias. All of the hatarn missionaries in the saple fit into this category. 5. Wm. ‘lhe 'expading world oriatatia" just discussed neas. as it suggests. that the broader bi-national or world orientation represents a chage from a earlier. acre provincial outlook. moss in the previous category. then. had arrived at this axpaded idatity individually. usually as young adults. Others were unique because they had been raised with a idatity enconpassing nore tha as nation from childhood. heir failies were already involved cross-culturally. Also included in this category are a few,who. althagh not raised by third culture failies. had spat half a life tins in aother culture thaselves. ad had baa thoroughly socialized as adults into a third culture life style. he latter were mainly niasioneries who had decided before narriage to devote their lives to India. Ihia group shared the characteristic of a third culture heritage. ‘lhey did not. however. share a coma oriatatia toward India and the that. ‘lhe specific third culture in which a persa is raised does affect the resultant attitude toward cultures. In equal rider had been socialiaed in the Indo-British colaisl third culture. the aodern last-fleet third cultures (e.g.. Indo-Dritish. ;h_a~£ in- - hit-Gnu) ad t‘ Mint md to ultra, the Pro Mid deeply l dick, to begin heislinti FM ah i mum, hem " 1| the third ”help.“ in ““11! llvolv “hilt, gf ch alum. no“ “ Mt Christi Mu Mitre [third film; ”fable, I). mm mm“ film: n than. t}! I N Win. | a” not?!) MM“. t1. 0!: 0f 83 Indo-Gsrma) ad the Christia third cultures including the Protestat ad Catholic. lhose raised in the Christia third cultures. the Protestat missiasries ad the Goa Christias, remained deeply loyal to both Heat ad their own India coaunitiss which. to begin with. are highly hesternised. Socialiaatia in a nodern or colaisl third culture does not produce such a uniform cultural orientation. lhere is not much catinuity betwea the life style of a na-third culture Hindu ad one in the third culture; educated Christias are to varying degrees participants in a on-going third culture. whether they are occupa- tionally involved in church work or not. They do not face the necessity of choosing betwea the traditional caunity ad third culture. Ihose in both the ncdern ad colonial third cultures who are not Christian see a greater disparity between the life of the third culture ad the life of their own casualty. May associated a third culture life with a western life style which nost found preferable. lhe cultural oriatatia of those socialized in the nodern ad colaisl third cultures as related to their perceptia of how much choice they had regarding their life style. nore than to the specific third culture (e.g.. uodern or colonial. Indo-Anerica or Indo-Cerna). Hesterners in this group were all in India wha they net their partners. with the enception of one who as in Indonesia. 'lhey had chosen to work abroad, or to spend considerable tine out of their oa country in the tradition of the "ship set's" life style (the hiatus, they sour catty Mil] bias: 3 India for one “hill flavor. he India: White to ten 5'1“". for 1 mum; u" :"7 “allied u 84 life style (the forerunner to the contemporary het set). As hesternars. they knew they could terminate their involvemat in another cantry at will ad return has. The Westerners were genuinely bi-natiaal in their orientation. although attachat to India for one son of a British civil servat had a distinctly colaisl flavor. The India husbads raised in a third culture overseas indicated a desire to return has to help India develop. or to be with their failiss. For this group cahural oriatation as not finely established; they felt caflicting loyalties. Dedicated to India. they realised that living there would mea giving up much of life they had ajoyed in the Best. Ind they realised that in India their occupational roles could be very difficult to fulfill in the manor desired. Yet. they knew that as men in India they would be relatively free to incorporate as may of their Western habits and attitudes into their lives as they desired. or could afford. As household heads most would also have the optia of deciding to at least try to return to the Heat if they wished. Over half the India wash were socialised in a third culture. lhoae who had spent the majority of their lives in the heat were. wha they met their husbads. highly hastern oriated. 'Ihe Ittitudes ad life style of a hasternised woman deviate far more from Indian nous. even in a city. tha do those of a Hesternised India man. Take. for example. the normative conflict experienced it 3,, it,” 5!!! 1|le vi ii I hit forei; ad gloves. ”miner . girls. becsu hglish. I utlhg of s for being a Mod thei in Indian \ ll I’m! . .b Muti- m: ”this of film like. “Id“- 85 by as India wife a her return from schooling in Britain.“ I felt foreign wha I cae home from liglad. I wore stockings ad gloves. I couldn't wear a sari at first. I was dubbed a foreigner ad as suspect. especially snag the India girls. because I as so different. No as understood my hglish. I as 'out' because I as so used to boys ad thought nothing of sitting with th- in a restaurat. I got a nae for being a acre. ad it didn't worry me. finally they changed their attimde. ‘Ihe Indian men raised in the third culture abroad know little. if anything. about expectatias of a woman's role in India. not to natia that of a India wife. ‘lhey did. however. have caceptias of what it would be like. ad what they imagined they did not like. Generally they believed that marrying a India would mea a ad to their Western ways. Not aly would they be unable to catinue participatia in the third culture. they thought. but probably they would never have the option of re-entsring it. fearing that becoming part of the India coaunity would totally sever their ties to the third culture. they over-emphasised the Western heritage. ad how very little they had in coaa with Indias. As aother India wife put it. Everything encouraged us to marry saeae of a different natiaality. it were brought up so that even had we lived in India we would have boa very Westernised. lb aly spoke liglish. ate lbstern food. My best friad in India “Nay similar accounts of the Western-returned India's experiences are to be found in the autobiographies ad novels writta by Wostern-returned Indias. See. for eaaplo. Baths Baa Baa. . (New York: Harper. 1961) and W "cw York: Harper. 1936). Nayatara Ssghal. W. (Bombay: Jmico Publishing. 1957). Ruth Jabvala's novels also frequatly include Heston-returned Indiasgffor oaaple. see the short stories included . (New York: I.W. Iorta and Co., 1968). ; o:$a-O«~U~.— a." -.—‘- at. 86 before going to the USA as the child of an bglish-Daish couple. We alays knew that we would be educated abroad since both our parents had boa. we just thoudit in terms of the that. ‘lhose India wives socialized in a modern or colaisl third culture. but ac had raained in India. on the other had. had modern ideas but had maintained enough contact with Indias. both traditiaal ad modern. to avoid feeling alienated from India. Wiesel. ‘lhree out of five interviewees had already identified with a culture or cultures other tha- that in which they were riased by the time they met their partners. In additional ae-third had at least had experiaced sae other culture before marrying. This definitely challenges the catatian that these marriages are m}! mixed marriages. 'lhis challage is supported by the frequacy with which coaents were heard such as "may people say that I (the hetero partner) am more India ad he/she (the India) is more listen." or ”mine would have really boa a mined marriage if I had married someone of my natiaality. we would have so little in calla." Persas as have trascaded natiaal bomdaries in their interests ad social relatiaships ofta fern communities based on shared life styles ad interests instead of natiaality. which Deny consider superficial. A husbad ad wife. both of idiom are doctors. is just as of may exaples of marriages based on shared C‘s mu. A is holy share at Magical back! h era for 1 It both at: hti have o h politics In sot rel thin. 0th! ocupl til, “(bush t 87 interests. A Western wife pointed out that she ad her husband not aly share occupatiaal interests. but that they have similar ideological backgrounds as well. it are far more alike than people of the sae culture. We are both economists specialising in public industry. we both have overactive social consciences. we both are active in politics. both come from strict religious failies but are not religious ourselves. We have very similar life styles. Other couples actually married within their ca primary com-uni- tiss. although these were not based a nationality. Western missiasries marrying India church workers are a good exaple of adogamous arriages with respect to the casualty most relevant to both the India ad the Western partner. Another exaple of a intro-co—nal marriage involving different natiaalities is a Indian'woman‘who had all of her education at a British public school. Ber husband. the son of a British civil servant in India. had the same kind of public school education. he couples who are part of the international community of the wealthy. the "jet set“ is yet another example. Ibo couples in this sample are part of this international community based on the style of life which has produced may cross-national marriages. lhese are only eat-plea: there are many more specific kinds of jgm-coaunity but inter- national‘marriages. Above all. as the majority of the respadents aphasiaed. Mple do not marry natiaalities. they marry other individuals. ’06 saetimes these other individuals happa to have a different cultural heritage. or at least a different kind of passport. —a——-t v.1.“ 1 mm in uteri. unity lutesd M! chanels t mm.) I: I'll interest: " 5! Ital h: “M. Barium W. business " “ Isting, “PM“. ““1 “mi It 5“, ma it '1 than M Wat. W W ‘lhe catatia that these couples married within their own co-unity instead of completely exogaously is further substatiated by the channels through which they were introduced. (See Table A-12 in appendix.) Four out of five met in situations reflecting their normal interests ad social patterns. ‘ihe most coaon introduction as by atual friads. indicating participatia in a ceaon social network. Working in the ease occupatiaal field. e.g.. doctors- nurses. businessmen-secretaries. was the second nest frequent ay of meeting. followed by friendship established in a interest group such as a political orgaisatia. theater group. or inter- natiaal orgaisatia. Before Independence. India men most co-only met their wives through anal friends; this has shifted so that most of those ac met after the mid-fifties did so through occupa- tiaal contact. line trend for Western husbads is just the reverse. Although for many their "co-unitiea' trasconded natiaal boundaries. the couples were not necessarily bound together in isolated clusters of foreigners in a strage lad. lypicelly. for couples in this saple. the husbad as in his wife's coatry vha they met; most of the rasining couples met in the husbands' country. It should be raabered. though. that physical residence in a country does not'necessarily mean a person identifies with the dominant society. A large proportia of the Indian wives. in ”rticular. were in the West aotionally when they met their {g , minds. '. heir docisi me cm th ordinal: lath aft. dimtisfie Id nine ye u: an; 89 husbands. 'ihis. as was pointed out earlier. undoubtedly influenced their decision to marry as they did. he courtship period for these couples was no more out of the ordinary than the manor of meeting. he couples married within a math after they met; in both cases the Westerner was highly dissatisfied with her situation. 'lhe lagest courtships were seven ad nine years. but over half the couples had known each other for six months to two years before marrying. W The frequently posed questia ”but. would you want your child to marry as?" suggests that the most difficult aspect of marrying cross-culturally is overcoming parental objections. For some this as true. but paratal fury which extends to the point of breaking rolatias with their child because of a mixed marriage was rare. indeed. for these Indias ad Westerners. (See Table A-l3 in appendix.) 'lhe parental reaction to India-Western marriage may have been tapered by lack of historical conflict between the Western nations ad the India caeunities. ‘nne struggle for independace was a political. not lag stading. cultural caflict. ad it did not involve may Westerners directly. May Hindus coaented that their parents would have been far more upset had they married a Malia and vice versa. Although nae of the lbsterners mentiaed it. it is highly likely that the hericas would have faced a more determined negative reaction from their parats if they had married across the Negro-white line. lhe natia of pore rd by tilt. Fc minds: vith pa: nnflnted uh waist: any h mailing a very I'm hum re um cm H mummy “M. for e c M largl 90 perception of parente' reactions to the marriage may also be tom- pered by time. For most of those who faced some oppositia. relatias with parents improved over time. ad the interview may have reflected the later relatiaship more accurately. And some respadats may have "softened" their parents' reactias to avoid recalling a very sasitive topic. More Western than Indian partners reported that their parats were happy with the marriage or agreed to it. ‘lhe lbstern men had particularly agreeable parents: but the Western ma had little to loss. for a couple's social status ad social affiliatias are determined largely by the husbad. By the time they married. may of the Western ma had already decided that much of their lives would be spat in India. so the idea of a India wife should not have ban too great a surprise to their parents. ‘lhe Western husband-India wife couples were more apt to marry within a inter- national caaInity than the India husband-Western wife couples. so the ants hold not have found the prospective daughter-in-lsw too foreign. “me parats of half of the Western husbads had no objectia to their son's marrying a India. but did have reserva- tias aboaage differences. living for from has. etc. Although India husbads ad Western wives were more likely than the other couples to face oppositia. this as true for aly a little over one-fourth of them. ‘lhe fear of Western parats over their daughters' marrying a Asia reflects. in part. cacern over loss of status from marrying an "inferior" ad having to live U." ,, it» .4 i: ii: tau moi shalt Mil. for I had sore ¢ hiis. Indian Nani as: Wilding ti Mr mm, rum . ... mum. c “be“: “Hm 91 in his omity. May of these parents were also gauinoly ca- cerned abat the quality of life their daughters would lead in India. for news stories of polygay. poverty. ad disease. are heard more often tha stories of modern facilities ad life in India. India husbads faced the strongest opposition to their cross- cultural marriage of any group. Nearly half faced some oppositia. including those whose parents were initially negative but chaged their minds. ad those who did not tell their parents because they feared a negative reactia. It is not surprising that the greatest oppositia caes from the India husbads' failies because they are the most involved with the newly-wed couple. At least they expect the highest degree of involvement. A Western man or woman is expected a marriage to establish a independat household. ad the aount of subseasnt interaction with the faily ca be dictated by the friendliness of rolatias. The India woma is expected to leave her faily for her husbad's household. so a high degree of involvaat is not expected of her either. Ihe India male. by contrast. traditiaally brings his bride to live in the faily household so the faily needs to be very concerned about the kind of persa she is. In, the traditiaal arrangaat the faily. especially the women. spad as ach or more time with the new wife as the husbad. 'nie cajugal relationship is not suprae in a joint faily. Once this pattern of enpectatias has boa established it because part of the value system adhered I’ ”i— . , .._g.:( .3‘ My an a: his; his We: otnded fan Most of and that mitia f in birth of u We e 39! believe 92 to by ova modern Indian failies. If the India husbad dose not bring his Western wife to live with the parents they. ad the extaded faily. may suffer ecaomic loss. Host of those who had experienced apposition from parats agreed that ace the marriage as an accomplished fact most opposition faded; for some others the oppositia disappeared with the birth of the first child. Generally those failies or friends who oppose a marriage may do so vehaatly. but aly as lag as they believe there is a chaos of preventing it. W ‘Ihe aim of Chapter II has been to give the reader a better feeling for the nature of the people whose life styles and attitudes will be analysed in the next two chapters. 'lhe last three sectias of this chapter have sketched importat features of their social histories. ‘lhis final soctia prssats brief staarios of where the couples fit into the larger society in 1965. W India-Western couples in India are a urba populatia. Most Indias with higher educatia are drawn to urba areas. Modern jobs are found in the city ad the urba populatia provides more opportunity to associate with others who share the culture of the ocaene tha a village does. An India with a Western wife would especially ant to live where there is access to at least some of the aatties of Western life. Tables 6 ad 7 indicate the distributia of the couples according to city of rssidaee ad the area of rssidaee within a city. m 6. m: MIKE :ity kjr comopo H‘7: c‘l‘ LEI! cities 1 misting 1 to to uni killers, 1 Hill: sired this; res “divided: eUnities J“put. Jib “ml-Du: 101m, 00 M of no ha fool in. 53 Chi Ki 5! *i," 93 mu 6. MUM! 018318va 01‘ COUPLES ACCORDING 1D CITY OF RESIDUCII City Indian husbads Western husbads All Western wives Major ceaopolita centers: Babay. Calcutta. 0.1m large cities with a foreign populatia but not enough to be casidered cosmopolita: Bangalore. hyderabad. Poona Middle sired India cities-- foreign residents described as individuals or failies. not as co-anities: Ahmedabad. Kanpur. Jaipur. Jabalpur. Aligsrh. Asasol-Durgapur. Chadigsrh. Kolapur. Ootacaund aburbs of metropolita areas Iural Total hble 6: Chi Square 'Dast Major cities Large cities Middle ad all cities Total *At the time of Ill-WW 27.0 45.5* 20.5 93 .0 (II-93) 29 49 19 ill-0W 11.0 5.0 4.0 20.0 India wives couples (ll-20) (ti-113) 55 34 25 45 15 18 0 2 _§_ ..1 100 100 82 . 5.44 df - 2 P - < .10 interviewing as couple was separated. & $ ‘bm-M-4—h m 7: PER mot: HI: Urethra Comopolita fixed Indian dun) vit 51“ India- Uden (no fruiting 1 tool 94 TABLE 73 DECREASE DISRIBUTION 0P COUPLES ACCORDING m AREA 0? RESUME WI'DIIN A CITY lype of Area India husbads Western husbands All Western wives Indian wives couples (ll-93) (ii-20) (ll-113) Cosmopolita 13 25 15 Mixed India (traditiaal ad modern) with a few foreiaers 40 60 43 Mined Indiautraditiaal ad modern (no foreigners) 29 5 25 haditiaal India 1§ _19_ _L§_ Ibtal 160 100 100 m1. 7: Chi Square Inst. :2 - 7.49, or - 3. p -< .10 he specific area of the city these India-Western couples chose to live in indicates both their social status and rather Westernin style of life. Most live in the modern parts of cities like so many other modern ad Westerniaed professiaal Indias. In these areas comfortable flata ca be found with may Western convaiaces. especially in plumbing ad kitchen facilities. he neighbors in these areas are gaerally sophisticated. ad social interactia occurs snag couples without strict segregation of the ease. All these aspects are desirable to most Indians with a Western partner. he more Western oriatatia and life style of the Western husbad-India wife couples as a group. compared to the India husbads ad Western wives. ca be sea from the fact that one-quarter of hm lie sclms. ‘ run: of t! ulthy Ind iii: lied o although in but: res 36: Ir: I 95 of ha live in "cosmopolita" areas. sometimes known as the foreign enclaves. his choice of area also indicates the higher finacial status of the Western husbads ad wives. for in. such areas live wealthy India failies ad may Westerners. he atnosphere of his kind of area is affected by the high cacentratia of foreigners. although in no case did they ouhaber the Indias. he aly all- Western residential areas in India are embassy or business compounds. here are Indias married to Westerners or Westerners with India partners working in abassiss ad Western businesses. but I found no exaples of couples living in a all-Western compound. Many of the India husbads ad their wives who would like to live in the cosmopolita or modern areas including some foreigners ca't afford to. Others who would like a more internatiasl resi- dential atmosphere live in cities where there are no foreigners to create such areas. Primarily for hose reasas here is a larger concentratia of couples in which he wife is Western in the all-India residential areas which include both traditional ad modern Indias. here are. however. a few couples who could afford the more Western areas of a city but casidor tha "too suobbish." here is a dager in attributing too much meaning to choice of residatial area. It is tapting to equate this choice with social idatity. hen asked why they chose to live in a area with Westerners. a not infrequat reply was. "paved streets." ”plabing' or some other physical attribute of the area. thy worry shat natiaality of the neighbors. they were quick to point out. when in India you da't interact socially with your neighbors. 4L L-'&.;4a i will hurl mp] ”18*” P“! :ity live is it: slso hi tuitimsl l mind its °f the hm: 1' business 1 Menu, u alum than with Indian I ‘1" to 11.. c "We “ the :11 .mp1“ ‘ 'm out...“ “we. of “thumb 11m in Q1) “1"” It 1 if the I“, I to the file] “it of thej 96 A striking fact sbout the residential distribution of Indien- flssten couples in Calcutta tells us a greet deal about that city. A higher proportion of the couples in Calcutta than in any other city live in the highly Hesterniud, cosnopolitan areas. But Cal- cutta also has the highest proportim of couples living in the traditional Indian areas. Calcutta, nore that any other city, has retained its colonial socisl amosphere because it is the center of the British business world in India, and any of the flesterners in business are "old colonial” people. Calcutta is a city of two societies, the Western and the traditional Indian. Far fewer in Calcutta than other cities are behveen the two in terns of life style and social interaction. mm Indian nan in nilitary or government service are the uost opt to live outside of the large cities; they are also highly nobile as they nova tron post to post. One-tenth of the sample, all couples in which the husband is Indian, had lived in eight or sore different cities st the tins of the interview. with the exception of that group, the Indian-western couples do not nove exceptionally frequently. Forty-one percent of the s-ple have lived in only one city, and n additional quarter had lived in only two at the tine of the interview. ‘lhe najority, 61 percent of the Indian husbands and 80 percent of the Indian wives, are nobile to the extent that they have left the city of their psrents, and nest of theee now live in a different Indian state then their =3. I it. pen. I the chili: India ccnti high: sobi bun coh Holt o 1m: no t "0 lore lp "Rm of the “‘91“ mm spa the Min. ”Minty h ‘le hum,” ‘ “the t1 97 perents. 1his pattern of nobility is soncwhst underrated beceuse the nobility pattern of the younger couples is not yet known. As India catinues to nodernire it is likely that they will have a higher nobility rate than the older couples, sinilar to their flestern cohorts. Host of the couples activate their ties to the fleet with at least one trip abroad. Couples in which the husband is Western are none apt to have bent abrond at least once; roughly three- quarters of then have visited the Heat conpsred to about half of the couples in which the husband is Indian. In both csses the Western spouse returns to the fleet sonewhat nore frequently then the India. Western husbsnd-Indien wife couples have a greater probability of returning because a larger proportion of then are in uploynent which include a regular hone leave. e.g., British businesses and the nissionaries. However, the few who have nade nore then five trips to the West are all western wives or Indian husbands. (be such couple spends nearly half of ench year in Europe; she attends to the faily estate and he to his internstimal business affairs. wives. both Indian and western, generally linit their llestern visits to their on or their husband's country. Ihe husbends usually conbine work with pleasure when visiting the fleet. and therefore, visit nore countries. he Heetern wife often spade several nonths in the fleet, generally with her fanily, and is joined the lest few weeks or nonth by her husband. The couples in which the husband is hatern and wife Indian are nore I likely u 1n Weft! 1mm kcndix mutated to place the °fm1uetio Wm; .01 m trediti It by. .0: Mt an?“ d“Mining Id We: “a Mm. u! "1‘82: 1 "n '01“ c M1. '1" 1N1 While In Ind cont". npo n. “Mu. by”. .‘ Ming. ‘ t” I'm: "sht em: 98 likely to live in the West for a period of a year at a tine, because of the "hue leave" systen. W According to modern standards, these couples are definitely concentrated in the upper end of the status scale. It is difficult to place th. in terns of overall status in India because the basis of evaluatim for traditional Indians and for modern Indians differs: nore enphasis is placed on caste affiliation anong the sore traditional Indians. Because the couples are urban, however, and have nodern Indians as their reference groups, it can be assued that occupation rather than caste plays an inportsnt part in deter-ining their social status. Over half the Indian husbands and over two-fifths of the Western husbends were either high business executives or professionals. Only one Western husband, no lager living, was a skilled craftsnen. Wives who work were even more concentrated in the professions than their husbends. Indian wives were nore highly represented at the professional level while Western wives were predoninantly uni-professional. In India the relationship between the prestige an occupation confers upon an individual and the social class position it pensits are nowhere nearly as closely related as they are in the West. lalluyers md professors are two good exanples of high prestige Positions which pey very poorly, especially in the early yesrs for lawyers. Sone lawyers and professors lived in what Westerners ‘ight consider just above slun conditions, but which in India are ELM. use; .. W8. PE £331.86 ‘53 immune] mam hafnium “motes Myriam-y Cfficiele iluicel fins: ‘9! (incl indepqm' Widen Iii“, C14 the" We Hutu. i mes N: m l mu,“ mt" a! "thigh “a“ lo? ham o 99 TABLE 8. PBCNTAGR DIS'BIBUTION OF RESENDU‘I‘S' LEVEL OF OCCUPATION ACCORDING m SEX AND NATIONALITY OF PMDIH Occupational Level Indian Indian Western Western Husbands Wives Husbands Wives (ll-93) (Ii-20) (N-l9) (ll-93) kecutive IO -- 16 -- Professional 45 20 32 6 Sui-professional 19 15 15 21 Proprietary ll; -- ll 3 Officials ll -- ll 3 Clerical -- lo -- 3 Craft -- -- 5 -- None (including one independently wealthy and two studnit husbands) 1. 1: 19 a 100 100 i 100 100 niddle class. ‘lhe discrepancy between the standard of living for these professionsls and non in business firns, for eat-pie, is far greater in India than it would be in the West. ‘lhese couples are ecaionically above the average for India, but are not, as a group, nsong the financial elite. Western husbends and their wives, on the whole, could afford a slightly better standard of living than the Indian husbands and wives, although the difference is not too great when the medians for con- Mned salaries of husband and wife for the two groups are conpsred. M“Hen of nmthly incone for the Western husband-Indian wife couples u . __v4s:g A us Is. 2, until: in angles. in the In an half 1 the inter. 1110 one ‘ We he flirting. "“0"! in: 100 was is. 2,500 per nonth (roughly 526 in 1965) conpsred to a median nonthly incone of Rs. 2,000 ( 421) for Indian husband-Western wife couples. ‘lhe similarity of median of salaries is sonewhat nisleading, for the Indian husbands' salaries concentrate in the niddle, with over half nn'klng Rs. l,000-3,000 per month caspared to over half of the Western husbands making more than Rs. 3,000."1 There were also nore Western husbands at the low level of the salary range because two were students without incone and another was just starting. ‘Ihe snsll snnple of Western husbands neans that a few without incone have a great effect an the average. W Because these Indian-Western couples are so concentrated in the professiaal, executive, and official levels of occupation, a nore inportsnt distinction is the field of occupational endeavor-- nilitary, acadenic, business, etc. ‘lhe field of occupation and level of incone, as shall be seen later, are two of the most inportsnt factors related to overall life style and social networks of these couples. Nearly half the husbands, both Indian and Western, were in the fields of business and industry; Western husbands tended to ‘ “Incone figures are fru responses subjects nade when asked to check in which of several incone categories theirs falls. ‘lhis 1s sonewhat nisleading because acne enployers provide housing, and Porhaps a car to avoid the very high incone taxes. Sons of the ’“Mdents, then, are undoubtedly underrepresuted with respect ‘0 financial status. .v- “a h <.— mum in hitieh Iffiliites 1 minutes I null an Where an k the 61 p1: remind 1 of n. he 151.19, 1:; time 1: “Eli of 0c: 101 concentrate more in large business fine, for my of then were the British directors or representatives of British firms or Indian affiliates of British fires. Academic occupations and other professions such as law, medicine, journalism, claimed approximately an equal number of the husbands. It is significant that hatern partners are not in official diplomatic positions. Westerners in the diplaeatic service who marry Indians are, with rare exceptions, reassigned to other countries. The academic field employed nost of the wonen, primarily as teachers, but also as adeinistrators. IABLR 9. PBCBITAGB DIS'BIBU‘I'ION OF RESNNDU‘I'S' OCCUPATIONAL FIELD WHO 1!) SEX AND NATIQ‘ALITY O? PARIND Field of Occupation Indian Indian Western ibstern husband Wife Husband Wife (Ii-93) 00-20) 01-20) (kl-93) Business 15 10 35 3 Industry . 15 -- -- 1 0-1 business or industry 12 -- lO 6 Independent professionals 15 10 10 3 Professionals in Institutes 6 5 10 9 Acsdnsic 17 25 20 19 Goverth officials 11 5 5 3 Military 6 -- -- -- leligioua workers 1 -- 10 1 Other, not neployed‘z _1 1;: _:_-; _& Total 99 100 100 99 —_ 1.2m. two Western husbands who were students are included in the acad-ic group. 102 WWW ‘lhe subjects' social identities at the time of marriage with respect to religion for Indias and nationality for Westerners was discussed in the first part of this chapter. 'Ihe Indian husbad- Weatern wife couples sea to favor retention of earlier identities, with respect to nationality and/or religion, while the Western husbad-’Indian wife couples move closer together. Over half the Indian wives took their husband's nationality; none of the Western husbads changed nationality, ad there was no change of religia snag these couples. To begin with, nearly half the Western husbads ad India wives were both Christian, thus not necessitating any chage. ‘lhere were far fewer citizenship chages among the India husbad-an wife couples tha mg the other couples. If there is any tendency in this natter, it is for the wife to take her husband's nationality. However, when that citizenship involves nay political and sconunic restrictions many who might chage to indicate a sense of solidarity with husband ad family do not. (hily 18 percat of the Western wives did chage, and two Indian husbads were British citizens before narriage. About the sane nunber of Weatern wives changed their religion, and in addition sin percat of the India husbads chaged religia because of their narriage. Ihe reasons for chages in citizenship ad religion were pragmatic for the noat mt. ‘lhe number who chaged religion 30cm :1 "Sud t: ’51 1M“! timing 103 to neet the marriage requirenents of the partner's religion or ”for the childra," was twice the amber who became practicing nenbers of their partner's faith. The sae was true for chages in citisaehip. 'lhe nost canon reasons for changing or not chaging citizenship were ease of baking ad travel. For sue, the decision to chage or not to chage was a lag ad carefully nsde decision. For a few others citiaenship was not, or could not be of central importace; two were stateless and four did not know what their citisenship status was. flat aszchange of ci tisenship is not something taken lightly ca be sea by the length of tins it takes to make the decision. Pour-fifths of the Western wives who have tdksn out India citizen- ship had lived in India 18 years or more when they chaged, ad the sac proportion were over forty when they made the decision. No as younger tha 32 had made a citizenship chage when the study was done. 'Ihe sane general lagth of casideratia ca be seen aong the India wives: over half of then were at least #0 years old before they chaged natiaality. in Those who marry cross-culturally reflect the larger population noving between natias with respect to nationality, religion ad social status. If they are marginal to their societies at all with regard to social status it is that they are above the average. Following the trade in international relations, there is an in- creasing nunber of cross-cultural couples. l ‘ . lay of I.‘ will iituti traditiaal to when avail triage see I “tutu rage PM tutor 9m: of m h ' Malt c m the m built into I! ‘ “lure Med.“ 104 Many of the subjects, when they met their partners, were in social situations or an notional state which freed than from traditional role definitions, reduced the number of marriage partners available from their on co-nlnity, or their desire for marriage was sufficiently strong that they could ignore social dictates regarding appropriate partners. A more importat back- ground factor contributing to the exogenous marriages is the high degree of cross-cultural involvement of the couples before marriage. As a realt of this, most were already at least acquainted with more than their ca culture, ad a large proportim had already built into their identity an orientation toward more than their on culture of origin. India wives were most apt to have been socialized frma childhood in a third culture, while the Indian husbads had become, by the time they not their wives, the most highly international group. 'lhe Western wives were the least involved cross-culturally ad generally the least cosmopolita in oriatation. M this international cultural orientation is taken into casideration slag with the shared interests, life styles, and frequat participation in the same international conunity, it is apparent that may of these marriages were endognsous to the annuity most relevant to the individuals. For than an intra- natiaal narriage could have united people of far more divergent cultures. he bi incur e: 111. It a: facilitate 'limledge PM“! to ii both so b«savior 1 mm: 'h cmrm III BEAVIORAI. PATTENStOF LINKAGE lhe behavioral patterns through which cross-cultural couples function as links between their societies is the theme of Chapter III. It answers the question, how do India-Western couples facilitate the flow of information about India to the West ad knowledge of the West to India? Ibo importat dimensions of this process to be explored, in addition...to describing contact points in both societies, are first, the degree to which the linking behavior is consciously designed to traenit knowledge, ad second, whether the couples thaselves are adding new chanels to the overall patterns of linkages betwea India ad the West, or are simply sustaining already established links. Chapter III is divided into four sections: 1) linkage in third culture occupations, 2) voluntary activities designed to facilitate linkage, 3) informal linkage through social networks, including m-bership in clubs ad organisations, ad 4) the relationships between selected indices of linkage ad several indepadat variablesulength of rssidaee in India, city of residence, husbad's area of occupation, combined salary, nationality of the lhstern partner, ad religion of the India partner. In this chapter we are concerned with the collective linking function of cross-cultural couples rather than the way specific couples relate India to the lbst. 'lhe patterns of individual couples will be considered in the last chapter. 105 Poet, Icmuim: nociety to timed ll ii the w who have 1 bridge m h Indie, liuimu- '1th. t “I“ “a 106 I. k ou Oc Most, but not all, who have married cross-culturally make a cascieus effort to assist the flow of information from one society to the other. One-third of the respondats are actively engaged in relating India to the West because, by definition, that is the nature of their occupations. ‘Ihese are the individuals who have third culture occupations, the purpose of which is to bridge societies.“3 They are the representatives of Western firms in India, aployees of abassies or cultural informatia programs, missiasries ad such. Western husbads, ad to a slightly lesser extad, their India wives, are the most likely to have occupations which link societies. Over half the Western husbads have this kind of aployment, for it is this job wiaich brought many to India in the first place, ad thus led, indirectly, to the cross-cultural narriage. India husbads are the least represated in this kind of linkage: only 16 percat of tha have third culture occupations. ‘lhe largest proportion, 100 percent, of India and Western husbads in third culture occupations is found in the occupational field of religia. Hissiaaries in India are, by definitia, third cultural. The greater involvuent of Western husbads in third culture occupations is indicated by the fact that third ”Included anong those listed as having third culture occupa- tions presently are two Weatern wives who were aployed in such positions previously, but who now continue to work in the same orgaisation on a voluntary basis. In addition, two India wives and two lhstern wives who are presently not employed have worked previously in third culture positias (after marriage). L- ean—‘1! 'm“ 1001" 507." 601" ‘07. " m1 4. Ham 1. firmer 107 1001 801 602 602 20.: India husbads Western husbads ad Western wives ad India wives W-93 N-zo Figure I. Went of couples in which as, both, or neither of the paruers has a third culture occupation I! m Husbad only B E Both husband ad wife W E Wife aly N Dueither Figure 1: Chi Square. Husband, wife, or both have third culture occupatias comps-d to neither having third culture occupation. :2 - 17.33, df - 1, p - (.001 culture occupations account for eighty-five percent of the Western husbads in business ad industry, compared to 36 percat of Indian husbads in the sae fields. In both cases this is the occupational group with the secad highest proportion of respondents holding third cultural positions. lens of the husbands who have their on business or industries, nor ay of the husbands employed in goveraental or military positias are in third culture occupations. (See 'lhble A-lS in appendix.) Wives, Indian ad listen, are gaerally selected for third culture occupations after marriage; many feel that this marriage directly contributed to their being hired for a specific third nitm poei {animal at in cross-nil man 1 India for c" it is felt, th'7 need a: I lattices. I India u t° allele : 5" hauled than "Yer m “Ester: A ““111:— 108 culture position. ‘lhese are primarily wives in academic or pro- fessional occupations, specifically, teachers or shinistrators in cross-cultural institutes. lhe United States Educatiaal Poadation in India, for example, seeks an Imerican wife of an India for director of the herica scholars in India. The scholars, it is felt, ca tell a fel low Inerican freely of their problems; they need not hold back to avoid insulting a host natiaal. As an Inerica, the wife can empathize with them far more easily than a India ca, but she ca also draw on her experiace in India to explain reasons behind the problem ad to seek a solution. Ber knowledge of India stems, to a great degree, from having lived there several years at least. Inother positive attribute reco—ading the lbstern wife of a India for such jobs, tha, is her pernanace. A newly-arrived Inerican is also apt to be experiencing the sac problas he is supposed to help the scholars solve. Westerners hired for such jobs also generally sign short contracts at the ad of aich they return to their homeland ad a new person must be trained. In India wife was social secretary to the ambassador of a Western nation, in part, because she knows third cultural protocol ad custas for both cultures. A Gen-en wife in a similar positia explained how she is able to help out: Overseas employees here (Germas) like it that I a able to give advice on Indians, on how to treat the people. Genas ca't make out which are high ad which are low governmat officials. You must know that. I know who to invite with whom ad so on. item, ...... Ills Nth he pn'sn to the offered some! whines: I'n of ‘ dais to m thi 30 other e: “‘91” in \ fulfilling 1 M the see 'f "1! Inc to .ttEll 109 lhile such help is welcued, the similarity of the bi-cultural persa to the person seeking advice sometimes makes the suggestions offered saewhst suspect. he abassador's India social secretary explained: I'm of value because I ma supposed to say what should be done for India festivals. ‘Ihen they say, "that's what ya; think, but what would an m think?" ‘lho other exaples of positias held by wives of cross-cultural couples in which understading of both cultures is important to fulfilling the role are the director of the Indo-Imerican society ad the assistant consul of a small country in Europe. As is true of may such smaller countries, the consul is an India who does not speak the laguage of the country. Several wives put knowledge of their on culture, specifically the laguage, to good use by teaching in their natias' culture centers or in their on homes. The cross-cultural marriage is not as importat to this kind of link, for the understanding of Indian culture which it brings, is not as crucial to laguage teaching roles as it is to roles the express purpose of which is seeing the interactia betwea peoples of the two societies. One Western wife interviewed, and others of whom I heard, use their involvmsent in both India ad instern cultures to create new cultural aviramats rather than simply building bridges betwea the two as they exist. mese women are upset over the fact that their childra, inheritors of two cultural traditias, had to attend schools emphasizing one at the expense of the other. L+Lnaji -: in meet I uphill: pl: enrolling a Io me not u the urtied ind hue occu; mid exiu Imied to '1 cmtri‘l 5“ is not “In! i'l’l'wee a h“ i We: 1° yum Sosa him “I 1 110 To aswer a felt need, they established primary schools with equal aphasia placed a Indian and Westem culture and history ad enrolling a truly internatiasl student body. No as will questia the importace to linkage of occupations such as those described. However, the role of the cross-culturally married individuals in these occupations is a sustaining one. base occupational linkage positions would be filled ad the link would exist regardless of whether the individual in the post were married to someone of his own natiaality or aother. 'lhe marriage may contribute decisively to the quality of the role performace, but is not crucial to the existence of that particular link. Hay exaples indicating that a cross-cultural marriage improves occupational linkage were given. me such example came from a Western woma who had been a missiaary in India for nearly 20 years before she married. Someone had told me before we married that it would greatly hinder my mission work. I felt just the opposite, and I was right. lhe people loved :11de ad took me in more. ‘lhey felt that I had haored than by marrying one of their on people. The nusber of conversias increased greatly after we married, for before I had lived just alae. things were much easier wha my husbad joined me. Gaerally, respadents feel the cross-cultural marriage helps occupatiaal relations with people of the partner's nationality. Western men aphasiae how marriage improved relations with Indias ad thereby helps job performance. 'lhe increased catract provided by failiel ties ad more favorable respase from Indias "because I have shown my real interest in than” are the most cos-aly mentiaed. ii» ladies I theta: m eel intern. role in ”ti o; me lo: itie, ‘ ludit: "idem Mm. “math. Mm. 111 India men, a the other had, are more likely to emphasize how a Western wife makes tha appear more capable. For exmsple, I thinkmy marriage does help slightly with a British firm. They think I have quite a good standard of living, that I - non-traditional. They think that I ma go-ahead ad progressive, smart. It gives them more cafidence in me. WM Individuals in the third culture occupatias just discussed are self-cascious regarding their active involvmsent in the internatiasl linking process. Perhaps even more aware of their role in relating India and the West are those who voluntarily seek opportunities to link the countries by educating mabers of as society about others, by bringing people of different natiaal- ities together, ad by bringing modern methods of living to the traditiaal Indias. Voluntary linkage is undoubtedly grossly underrepresented in this discussia because there was no direct questia regarding such activity. Slightly over half the rsspondats, naethelsss, spataneously matiaed some way in which they, as individuals, go out of their way to strengthen ties between India ‘3‘ Ch. “Its“ “I was unable to obtain interviews, or obtained only very brief interviews with 21 of the "subjects." Pour were deemed, as ill, three out of town (including as political prisaer), ad eight too busy to spare the time. Several of the last group did great partial interviews. All of these but as are India husbads, In addition, the majority of several other interviews were completed, but because of caflicting time schedules, illness, etc. were not finished. As a result, aag the India husbads in particular, there is a wide variatia in number of subjects in the "no respase" category. To compasate for the sometimes rather large no respase group, all tables ad figures presented in the text are based on those in the :aple for whom informstia is available. This explains the divergent ... 112 India Husbands N-7l India Wives N-20 Western Husbands N-l‘l Western Wives "-90 Total @ EW/Z/Mé [ u-m Figure 25 Proportia of Respondents who indicated consciously engaging in some voluntary activity designed to bring India ad the lhst together. Indicated some Did not indicate 7 volunta ' ‘ ry linkage voluntary linkage ///// activity D activity Figure 2: Chi Square 'Dest. Those who consciously agsge in voluntary linkage activity capared to those who do not mention such activity. x2 - 15.9, df - 3, p -<.005. (See hbles A-16-26 in appendix for distributia of respondents with respect to specific kind of voluntary linkage activity.) Western husbads are the most likely to natia some kind of volunatry linkage activity. An important reasa for this is use large proportion of then who had decided, even before marriage, to dedicate their lives to furthering Indian-Western relatiaships. In sdditia, Western husbads are most apt to be in bi-nstional situations which castatly remind thma of their position with ties to both cultures. India husbands are the least likely to nation voluntary linkage activities. As a group, they are the most apt to maintain the patterns of living established before sojourns abroad; they do not feel the impact of the two cultures nearly as much as the others, so the questia of improving relations betwea tha is not as i-ediate or significat. Also, being on 113 home ground they may be unaware of how great a part they do play in the flow of informatia between natias, and casequatly neglect to natia it. Many of the Westerners in India are sought out for participa- tia in linkage-related activities. As foreigners their involvemat is obvious. India wives who move in their husbads' Weatern oil-unity are also, in a sase, foreigners, ad are sought in the sae way for voluntary linking activities. It is easier to overlook the foreign involvmsent of the India who settles in an India social setting, especially wha he has a foreign wife. As ae India husbad noted, "Bveryae thought I was so foreign, so chaged wha I returned from the West. lha my wife joined me ad suddaly I seaed very ordinary. All the attatia ad questions were directed toward her.” The most frequently mentioned kind of linkage activities are educatiaal. Over 100 percat indicate that they give speeches, write books, and/or teach Westerners about aspects of India life ad vice-verse. (See specifically Tables A-16-l9 in appendix.) may of the couples find thaselves in dasnd as speakers ad ”teachers" because they know ae culture well enough to explain it ad the other well aough to understand what people from that society need or wat to know about the first. One lhstern wife living in a India city which does not have a well-established third culture points out that she is the “official” oriatatia cater for haterners in that city. as explains that "now new in: it helps th nlttethov lain u "“310“: 114 whaever Westerners come to tom: the Indias bring them to me.- it helps them feel at home; I am permaat." And an India husbad relates how he has becae a instant "expert a everything” in the eyes of the Danish. In the beginning the Danish here asked me about Hinduism ad politics a lot. hat was especially so wha they first can out. In Des-ark by being an India I was automatically a expert a everything. I was always giving speeches a religia, foreign policy,...on everything. ‘nas writing ad speech making agaged in by the husbads is gaerally on topics related to professiaal interests--but not always. bag the most active lecturers are missiasries a home leave. A number of the India husbads are a lists of speakers used by abassies in oriatatias for their nationals wha they arrive in India. linen woma write or give speeches their topics usually cacern customs, family life, ad discussias of the religious philosophy ad practise of India. This topical division is general but not exclusive. Only as wife in this study was cataplsting writing a book about her life as the wife of an India. (he does find may such‘examples of cultural presentatia in the popular literature. The informatia trasmitted about the na-ihstern culture, in this maner is not always favorable, but a trasmissia of informatia does take place naetheless. Inci- dentally, the theme of the book proposed by the wife in this study is the similarity of India ad the West. Those who choose to link cultures by educating as group about the other do not limit themselves to describing their on cultures. in; the“ wife writ hgliih I littory, tilled I; while in 115 cultures. In fact, they seem to spad about as much time explain- ing their partner's culture as their own. For example as Italia wife writes articles about India for her home toa paper, ad two English wives have collaborated a a children's book of India history, as writing ad as illustrating. In India they are called upon to teach both Indians ad Westerners about the other, while in the West they devote themselves to explaining India. Host of the discussias a culture and society contributed by India-Western couples describe as or the other culture. A writer duo is, himself, cross-culturally married, has devoted much aergy to daying the inherent difference betwea cultures. For example, in the flyer for a book called W W he argues that Culture does not consist of a series of cultures like Eastern ad Western, India ad Imerica, each with a dis- tinguishable ad castant pattern, orgaically correlated with areas, races or nations... There has baa but as culture in the world. It casists of an ever increasing number of individual culture traits, each of which was invated, not by a natiaal, racial or geographical group, but by a individual person, saetime, somewhere, and aich 45 diffused free the invator to other individuals, far or near... Although not stated as directly, this feeling that there is, in truth, little if ay distinctia betwea cultures, or that the distinctias are irrelevat, was put forth by several of the India tin.“ d. e ”P. Rod-ad. no. W. (London! George Allen ad Unwin Ltd., 1939). Another example by the same anchor in W. (sassy: Pad- Publishers, 1946). bone but throu tirady ex m not in iucxibed. In lined the index timdy u militia: Cultures, mm. or “0:“ w 116 Those who are making a cascious effort to link India ad the West through third culture occupatias are sustaining a link which already exists. To some degree this is true also of those who are not in third culture occupations but link by educating as just described. May of the people to whom they address themselves are already involved internationally, and the "educator” is helping them understand their role and situation. This sustains a link already established. Almost nae who work in third cultural occupatias reach a audiace which is completely unaware of other cultures, for it takes a certain amount of interest to read a article or bask,or to attend a speech. sharing information about another culture*with this kind of audience is encouraging a nascent link more than forging a new'one. his kind of voluntary linkage mentiaed second most frequatly is interpersonal activities specifically designed to bring people of different nationalities together, thereby fostering the exchange of ideas. Nearly one-fourth say they make a point.of always inviting mixed natiaalities when atertaining, of introducing Westerners to Indias with shared interests, or of making foreigners generally feel at home in India. (See Ihbles A920-23 in appendix.) One Indian'wife summarises her philosophy regarding how she is best able to improve cross-cultural relatias by saying, My whole desire is for Best to meet West in healthy, happy situatias as they do in our home. I always try to invite Indias ad Inericas together. I want to be a bridge builder.” Mother sees her role 117 extading beyad two nations. Ste feels able to help foreign atudats in a way the Indias canot. "Israeli, Iraqi, Burmese, Japaese students come here daily for milk. I know tha better tha the India atudats because we have being na-Indias in comaon: they can to me with problmsa ad for advice that Indias da't need." Other couples make a special project of introducing newly- arrived, India-Western couples to circles in which they ca make friads easily ad generally helping thms feel at home in the cunnity. Facilitating interaction betwea people of different natiaali- ties tads to involve those who are already at least tagatially involved cross-culturally but it has the potential of involving in a cross-cultural situatia people who would not otherwise have the opportaity. However, wha people who are not accustomed to interacting with other nationalities are brought together the initiator may find it an awkward experience, as related by one of the Waters wives: We had a party with as of the Inerica couples for the purpose of getting the Indias ad hericas together. Sons of the American women here were complaining about not meeting Indias. But, when they came, the Inericas talked together and so did the Indias. We tried to move tha together, but wha we weren't looking they moved into nationality groups again. Most give up trying to bring natiaalities together if the individuals do not have some cross-cultural experiace unless there is a functiaal basis for interactia, e.g.. c cos-ittee. his kind of linking, then, also tends to serve those in both 118 populatias who already have been included to some extat in cross- cultural relatias, or at least those Indias who are Westernised or modem ad have been involved in some culture catact. Inother way of bringing together people of differat natiaalities, which seas to work regardless of previous cross-cultural experiace, is encouraging correspadace between mabers of the Western partner's faily ad the India relatives. Sas of the couples acourage individuals to become extensively ad persaally involved in aother culmre. Perhaps this is because they realise that unless people are internstiaally experienced, bringing differat natiaalities together in a restricted social situatia tads to emphasise differaces ad may lead to awkward relatias. This effort usually involves helping Indias ater lbstern society, since gaerally it is so much more difficult for Indias to go to the West tha for Westerners to go to India. One India husbad produces plays ad with the easy raised sends yotuig Indias to Oxford or Cabridge. Many couples help arrage educatia, jobs ad lodging for Indias going to the West. A Western husbad raarkad that, quite unknowingly, he acouraged an India to go to the that for a extaded period. One friad, a very conservative Brahmin, knew my wife ad father-in- law ad was very against the marriage. Three years ago he wat to the U.S.A. a a Fulbright. At the statia he said this trip was due to me. Be had learned to love me ad had applied to go to Inerica because knowing me he saw he could live there. Other couples encourage Indias to enter Western social systmss in India by leading the way. A Casdia wife explains that she tc' her nus rum. E 30 staff doesn m: and t go tr e in old 1 is s' and Fift kind of ‘ fluid at] Ward . Sew-51 t° Work: hm,“ "am: as ind m, w PM &‘ n 119 and her husbad go to a British church in India for this very reason. We go to the Scottish church. My mother-in-law was on the staff of the church ad we have that tie, but my husbad doesn't like it. It is a primarily British church. He feels that he should go because of the faily tie. His mother ad the minister felt stragly that we should continue to go there because it will help break the barriers. It is a hobbish British church; the people who go there are the old type British. Their attitude is not friendly but it is slowly chaging. me church wants to encourage Indias, ad if we go others may follow. Fifteen percent of the respondents specifically mention the kind of voluntary linkage activity most apt to reach Indians who would otherwise be untouched by Western ideas-"activity oriented toward modernizing India. (See ‘l‘ables A-za-zo in appendix.) Several of the wives, India and Western, for example, devotmtime to working with poor India women, teaching them modern ideas in housekeeping, childcare, etc. Some work through volunteer welfare orgaisatias, while others take advatage of contact they have as individuals with the traditional and poorer Indias. A Western wife who travels through India villages collecting data for her Ph.D. dissertation uses this contact to help village Indias. She reports the following: Especially when travelling and meeting the people, the ordinary ones in villages, I seek opportunities to tell the: about life in Germany, how we work, about education, agricultural techniques, birth control; I really try to influence them though I don't know if it has ay effect. They do listen attentively though. Several India and Western husbads mentioned that they make a specific point of trying to introduce elements of Western work 120 patterns or organizational techniques into their places of employ- ment. May Western wives have an unparalleled opportunity to introduce chage because their position in the extended family gives them access to Indian women. Chages introduced by Western wives in the family, not sur- prisingly, center on the role of the woma, performace of her tasks, and the nature of interpersonal relations within the family. Sometimes the chage adopted by the India women is as small as wearing a sleeveless blouse or boiling the drinking water. In other cases the Indian women are encouraged to show equality in the house by pursuing a education, or by eating with the men ad children instead of waiting until the men have finished. An herica wife describes how she helped modernize her sisters-in-lsw. In sue ways I as a link for the faily. Some Western ways have entered here through me. For instance, my sisters- in-law didn't like school so they were allowed to be educated at home by tutors. I have managed to get my younger sister- in-lsw to attend the Alliace fiaciase so she can have the experience. I think the barriers against non-vegetaria food have come down since I've been here ad I might have helped in some way. As apoutsider the Western wife is in a position to introduce chages that even the modern India women cannot. She is not expected to know the traditional norms as is the modern India woma. Thus, she canot be expected always to uphold them, ad her trasgressimis provide an example for the traditional India woma. In addition there is a status contradiction inherent in the Western woman's position. As a Westerner she is often accorded high status, comparable to that of the men in the faily. Yet as 121 a wasn, ad especially as a daughter-in-law, she is in a low status position. ‘lhe family is in a quandary; if the Western wife eats last with the women, for example, it is a insult to a "memsahib" (lady of high rank). Yet it is decidedly uncomfortable for me daghter-in-law to eat with the men while the others wait patiently for a later dinner. “rich course her relations with faily takes depends in part on the faily as a whole, but to a large degree it depends on the extat to which the husbad is willing to support behavior which does not fit the traditiaal faale role. Several of the Western wives also told how they had trans- grassed the rules of interactia within the faily by talking familiarly with their fathers-in-law, even arguing with them. ‘lhey all agree that the reaction from that "austere" household head has baa positive. In fact, the father-in-law of one Western woma staunchly maintains that she is the only one in the faily who really cares for him; the others, he feels, only fear him. ilia the Western wife eats with the men ad expresses her own opinions to her father-in-law, it is difficult to convince the other woma in the faily, especially the younger ones, of the inherent value of the traditiaal system. Not all the traditional women are convinced of this value to begin with. Another Western wife reports that her mother-in-law encourages her to introduce chage to the family. ‘lhe old woma is aware of how precarious her position within the still traditiaal social eyeta could become if she ignored the established nous, but she eagerly encourages a outsider to open the door to new ideas. 122 Some of the Western‘wives are able to introduce change into their homes, and into the lives of their Indian relatives. It should not be asst-ed, however, that this meas all Western wives in India failies are able to be change agents. Some Western wives are completely engulfed by the Indian family; they choose or are made to follow'a strictly traditional role, and are not permitted any contact with the Western world. ‘lhe India family seems to say "we will accept one outsider but she must be one of us in all respects. In this way she neither contradicts our ways nor brings other outsiders and ideas to our world." None in the sample fitted this description at the time of the study. One hglish wmaan had spent the first ten years of marriage in the strictest pggggn, the Muslim system of completely secluding women. liar life opened up only as her melim "sisters" began to come out from behind the protective curtains of m. Similar cases at the time of the study were rumored, but only one was verified. Consistent with the desire to prohibit other outside influences the family encompassing a Western wife would not permit an inter- view with the mixed couple in their midst. And, in a tight joint family situation, the couple does not have the right to make such a decision for themselves. A few Western wives marry into Westernised families in*which the life style does not differ greatly from their own. A little over half the respondents spontaneously matiaed engaging,in at least one of the voluntary activities just discussed which are designed to bring India ad the West closer. Only a 123 slightly higher proportion, 58 percent, acknowledge that they think of themselves as links between their countries, or can at least see that they fulfill this function to some extent. (See Table A927 in appendix.) Host feel that the way they are best able to bridge the societies is by explaining the ways of one to the other, pointing out the good in both, or by pohnting out the similarities. Two examples are provided by an Iaerica wife and a India husbad. I da't like it when they admire the mag things about America like smart clothes, smoking cigarettes, generalisa- tions like that. I try to explain what it's really like in.America. I have bea abroad, and so Westerners find me a better exponent of India things. Appreciation is easier for a Westerner when I explain because I understand his values and observation of life in general. They are interested in general history, places, books, customs. In fact, when specifically asked if, informally, they explain one society to those who live in the other, or defend one nation to the other, 86 percent said they do. (See ThblesArZB and A929 in appendix.) As is true of writing ad giving speeches, the majority explain and defend both India and the West. And, it is not too uncommon for the couples to defend India to overly critical hd‘“e Somethmes the desire to improve relations between the countries by adding to knowledge and understanding is greater than an indivi- dual's ability to do so. One America wife blames herself for not being a better link. 1 24 I get upset about how little I know of the 0.5. Here I feel my on lack of knowledge of the 11.8. acutely when people ask about it. then people make coaents which annoy me I wish I knew more because I ca't answer on the basis of aything more than my on experience. How do you aswer criticisms about race when the people of the 0.8. all have different opinias themselves? ma there is a misconception I try to reason with them fra my own experiace. I get agry when a statemat is incorrect. Inother herica wife blames the Indias for her difficulty in improving understanding. She complained that using her own experience to defend herica and Imericans does not work because she suddenly becomes "the exception that proves the rule." ilaa criticia of I-erica fra her husbad's India friends exceeds her tolerace she interrupts saying it is not that way. She had, after all, lived in America 25 years before coming to India, she points out, ad nae of her friends or faily are like that. To begin with, she finds, that fact comes as a surprise to many of the critics, for to tha she is kam's wife, not an imarican; but they simply counter her by saying she wouldn't know anyway because she is "different.” A Western wife in a small city is disappointed by the lack of interest in other cultures on the part of Indias, especially the women. In social conversation I may get some questions. Women are interested in supermarkets, food. I get annoyed at their etlmocentricity about food. I cook food from Imerica for then but they don't like to try it. I'm surprised that they don't ask more tha they do, I had expected more questions. The second most frequently mentimied way the couples see thaaelves serving a linkage function is as representatives of their 125 countries. Although it is true that the Indian-Western couples differ frme participate in third cultures in not officially representing their countries or segaents of their societies, there are may times when they are seen in terms of nationality. This happens when questions arise about the put of the world from which the foreign partner canes; then he is seen as a source of informatia. The nationality of the partners is also considered when diverse national backgrounds are desired in a group. Several couples feel they are invited by some Indians for the prestige of having a Western guest ad some feel Westerners invite them because they think they should entertain Indians but don't know ay. May respondents are aware that their own countries are judged to some extent by the impressions they give. Again, the words of two interviewees, an India husbad ad an Indian wife, illU‘UC“ tibiae I feel a link in the ease that Caadisn people, at least my wife's family, might take more interest in my country tha they would have. he impression I give them are their impressions of India. Their opinion of India depends on their opinion of me as a individual. There is a tremendous potential for mutual understading betwea the two countries. I a often conscious of being a link. linen abroad I am aware of being an India ad a diplomat. me prejudice against Indias these days is great so I go out of my way to show sophistication; I lay it on. In India I bring out the Western culture to drive a point home with Indias, trying to show them how to improve things by exaple. I use both in some cases. I like to show the hinsn side of both cultures. With Indias I show the Western approach to things. I think being married to a Westerner helped this because both sides take more note, you are a more legitimate representative of both. 126 Another India husbad relates that his father had baa cri ticiring the English ad his mother reprimaded him, saying, m(cu know you ca't generalize, you know Ellen wouldn't do that." Sass of the listeners in this study feel that their ca image in their social circles, ad the image of their nation in gaeral, is tarnished by the performance of their society's formal representatives. They wish their national representatives were not casidered representative in informal behavior as well as in the formal role, but fear that they are. further, they wish that they, who have married Indians, could either play a more importat role as national representatives or disassociate tha- selves fr- the image given by the official representatives. Being married to Indias ad living with Indias, they feel that they are more sensitive to the negative impression foreigners ca make on host natiasls. lhile some who make this kind of complaint are undoubtedly repeating stereotypes, the majority are describing their own interpretation of India reactions to Westerners which they have observed. They feel that they are able to observe bi-national situations as both Indias ad'as Westerners. (he of the Imerican wives was particularly sasitive to foundation representatives, but similar co—ats were heard about the diplomatic, business, ad missiasry Westerners in India. Inn we meet the foundation people I a humiliated. The worst hericas sea to be brought out, or at least the worst in Imericas is brought out here. I wat to tell the 127 Indias that not all hericas are like that. At times like that I suddenly realise, "My God, I am one of these too.” Other times I forget I a a lsserican and I fit in with the Punjabis. lha I see the wonder, perplexity, cafusia, disgust that goes into the reaction to the foundation people, I want to tell the Indians the fine things about America as well. I get annoyed because those people give false impressions ad the Indias judge all hericas by tha. I a annoyed when Indias feel that because hericsns are around they must serve drinks. They think all.hmericsns are narrowsminded because some make no effort to get to know'Indians. I try to show the other side, from my own experiences. ‘All the voluntary activity oriented toward bringing Eadie ad the West closer has just been discussed in terms of the kind of activity. Mother way to look at this is in terms of the benefactor of the activity. Considering the vastly greater amount of contact‘with Indiana, the difference between the proportion of respondents who said they voluntarily aid the flow of information about the West to Indians, 91 percent, and those reporting volun- tarily contributing to information moving in the opposite direction, 86 percat, is minimal. The difference would be greater if the frequency or number of different activities were considered as well. One other rather specific kind of bridge some of the couples are trying to build is between the subcultures within India. One Western'wife of a Muslim said she always tries to invite hindus ad malims together, although, she adnits, it is not terribly successful. Other wives are attempting to instill within Indians, as well as Westerners, a pride in the traditional arts by working on local cottage industries boards, etc. 128 Ways: Most of the couples do defend both India and the West and explain.esch culture to those who have less experience and knowledge ‘with one or the other. And there is no question that, at least to awe of the people some of the time, Indias ad Westerners who have married cross-culturally are seen as representatives of their nations, although it is realised that this is not a primary role. Tb fully understand the linkage role the couples play, then, it is important to know with whom they interact ad in what situations. The following discussion is concerned with involvement in India, Western, ad bi-natiaal or international social networks in India. It a large extent, social patterns do reflect cultural orientation and are an indication of a couple's reference group. Choice of friends is not entirely related to cultural orientation, however. Sane couples live where there are no foreigners to interact ‘with. Friends of other couples are dictated by status considerations; for example, one of the Indian husbands who manages a mill associates ‘with other managers, all British, not with the Indian workers. Another Indian husband's social patterns revolve around the theater. A British theater group gave him more freedom as a producer and more money for production.than the Indian group for which he had been producing. Changing theater groups brought about a change in his social pattern from nearly all India to nearly all Western. 1 t i s It is not surprising to find that all respondents have social contact with Indias ad therefore serve as a link bringing the 129 West to India. The extent to which they fulfill this function depends upon the extent of their own experience in the West and the degree of interest on the part of the Indias. Most of this contact is with modern or Westernised Indias ad may increase their depth of understading; those who have social contact with traditional Indias are able to introduce completely new information. Interaction with traditional Indias, however, accounts for a much smaller proportion of the total interaction betwea India- Western couples ad Indias. 1002 802 601 601 201 W v w o 1 India India Western Wes tern Busbads Wives Husbads Wives I-72 N-l9 N-ll. N- 92 Figure 3. Percentage distribution of respondents according to nationality of their (five) closest friends. Iflmmfl five closest friends all India X mfive closest friends include Indias ad Westerners WE five closest friends all batern 0 j has no close friends (Figure 3 does not meet chi square assaptions.) 130 100/. I 807.1- x I 81 607.- I 0 407. x 53 X 207.‘L :22; w.:c w: E; _ o / Indian Western hestern Husbands Husbands Wives N-74 N-lS N-91 Figure 4. Percentage distribution of respondats who spend most of their time in social groups which include; Indians only, Westerners aly, both Indians ad Westerners, and Indian-Western couples only. 7 I- Participates most-frequently in social groups with all Indias. WEI Participates most frequently in social groups with all Western mabers. X- Participates most frequently in social groups with Indias ad Westerners. C - Participates most frequently in social groups of only Indian- Western couples. ((hie respondent may be in two of the above categories when in 2 kinds of groups with equal frequency.) (See Tables A-30-33 in appendix for complete data and Chi Square Tests.) Indian wives, as a group, appear to be the least involved in India society. The only ones who did not include an India among their five closest friends were India wives. (This was only two individuals.) They are also the only group in which the majority does not spend more time in all India social groups than in Western or mixed groups of Indias ad Westerners. It should be recalled that most of the Indian wives were Westernised an: 1 tom} to vhf only I vim throu; III! E of th. not a‘ to [0 Dim 0th; 591: ch, ' ch, ‘ 1n .1 131 when they married and that they married into coamopolitan or Western social networks. This was, for a number of them, the social system to which they belonged before marriage. The lustern husbads are only slightly more involved in all Indian social groups than their wives. One reason for this difference may be that they meet Indians through business and carry such acquaintances into predominantly male social gatherings. Another explanation lies in the nature of the respondents; some of the most highly Western husbands were not available for interviews, thus possibly skewing the date. Not surprisingly, the Indian husbands, many of whom returned to social patterns established before study or work abroad, are the most highly involved in Indian social networks. Over 80 percent of them spend most of their time in social groups composed solely of Indians. A.comment from one of the Indian husbands about why he is were involved'with Indians than Wasterners is illustrative. We know a lot of Indians because, as I warned my wife before we married, I am of a different background than many Indians who marry Westerners. I had been a full participant in the political movement in India. I am a businessman'with academic interests and close contacts in both fields, so she would have to meet both kinds, In addition, I am still in my boyhood home, Calcutta, so I have maintained contact‘with a lot of school friends, some of whom are very high, some not so well off, some very modern, and others very traditional. If I lived away from home, town, my friends would be more within the occupation group ad more modern. The most com-only matiaed India social network in which the couples are involved is the family. Almost 100 percent of the couples maintain catact with the faily. (See Thble A-3'5 in appendix.) No attempt is made here to discuss the effect of 132 the marriage on that relationship; some couples live in the joint family, other visit only rarely. The reason it is impossible to assess the effect of the marriage on the relationship, given the data available on frequency of contact, is that most of the couples who see their relatives less than once a year live far from them and find making the visits difficult. In some cases the distance may be coincidental, in others it may be related to the Indian psrents' reactions to the mixed marriage. The second most common basis for participation in all Indian social networks, mentioned by close to two-thirds of the subjects, is occupation, usually the husbandb. This is followed by social networks based on con-aal affiliation. A little over half of the individuals responding indicated that they are part of a social network including only Indians of one religion, e.g.. Parsi or Christian, or, in the case of Hindus, of one caste or regional group. The regional affiliation is especially important to the Indians who are ”foreigners" in a part of India themselves, e.g.. the Bengalis in Maharashtra. Communal groups based on regional identity are found among Indians living in their own region as well, for there are many whose sense of regional identity is strong, eva at has. Interestingly, it is the India wives who have the highest participation in Indian communal networks, 60 percent. .Although this rate of participation is not significantly higher than that of the other groups, it is consistent with the fact that most of the close Indian friends listed by Indian wives are child- hood friends, while the close Indian friends listed by others tend 133 to be people met through some kind of functiaal relatiaship. (See Thble Add in appadix.) The India wives, then, seem to remain attached to very close friends from the past, but do not make a effort to meet new Indias. Or, when they do meet new Indias they show a preference for those from their ca region or religion. Indian-Western couples are involved in several other kinds of social networks including only Indias. Nearly one-quarter of the respondents participate in a social network of the India partner's childhood friends. About the sac proportion of respondents are involved in India social networks growing out of a cannon place of residence, and about one-fourth have a network of Indian friends which is based on a shared special interest. While Very few of the interviewees are without some Western acquaint- ace; however, may of the Western acquaintaces are in India for only a short term, or live far away ad are rarely seen. Over half estimated that betwea one ad 25 percent of their acquaint- aces are Western, but roughly half of this group indicate that the percentage is between one ad five. Western women, as a group, have the highest proportion of Western acquaintaces; they are probably the individuals who most desire at least some contact with Westerners since they find the least in cola-on with their coaterparts in India society. (The reasons for this difference are discussed in greater detail in Figurq than . df a WM thug 5! to leid hfiqu “Hg 1'01: We, 134 1001 801 B 3 607. C 78.. 5 53 } £6 / 40: u‘ 58 c c B 3:? c % 201 7-2-1 A V‘ H D / I D « A /29: D A 2.. D 2 ”j A 1:: :2: J /... } 16_ 13 M. India Indian . Western Western llusbads Wives ‘ Husbands Wives W-75 N-l9 31-15 11-91 Figure 5. Percentage distribution of respondents according to percat of their acquaintances in India who are Westerners. A - none c 111,30-55 percent 3 1 01-25 percent 0 Over 60 percent Figure 5: Chi Square feet: Zero to 25 percent compared to more tha 30 percent of acquaintaces in India are Western. :2 - 9.35, d: - 3, P - < .05 Chapter IV.) Also, Western wives are far more likely to live outside the cosmopolita cities than the Western husbands. men there are few foreigners in an area they are often drawn together by coaon background, or they are brought together by the Indias who seem to feel they must have a great deal in canon or must need each other's company}.6 ‘lhe Westerner in smaller cities frequently meets every other Westerner who comes to the area, while a Western partner living in Bombay or Calcutta, for example, “he Useems, likewise, found that foreigners living in isolated areas are drawn to others of their nationality ad will often travel great distances to meet other Westerners. 4.. .,e.. 135 is ofta overlooked ad may not be introduced to other Westerners. It is assumed that with so may around, each must know aough other Westerners already.“ be wives, India ad Western, have more Western acquaintaces tha the husbads do. 'lhis may be due, in part, to free time during the day for women's coffee groups, or time at the club. Both of these activities attract Western women. Also, those woma who work are more likely tha the men who work to meet haterners through occupational contacts, as indicated by the fact that a slightly larger percentage of the working women report having occupational contacts with non-Indias than working men. (See hble A-Sd in appadix.) The fact that Western wives list a higher properties: of Western acquaintaces tha India wives may also reflect a relatively smaller group of India acquaintaces. Thus, a Western wife having the sae number of ihstern friends as a India wife would report tha as a larger proportion of her acquaintaces. Although Western wives indicated the largest proportion of Western acquaintaces, this is not reflected in close friadships. Western husbads ad their India wives are most frequatly in all Western groups, ad approximately three-quarters of them list at least one Westerner among their five closest friends. Least apt ”It list be emphasised that this refers to acquaintaces, not to close friends or even to people with whom the respondent has regular social contact. ‘lhus, Western wives in small cities are likely to include Westerners they have met passing through their city from Delhi, Calcutta, etc. among their acquaintaces. 136 to mentia Westerners as close friends are the Indian husbads, yet loo percent of them do include at least one Westerner as one of their closest friends. (See Table A-M. in appendix.) ‘lhe fact that nearly three-quarters of all respondents in this study (71 percent) have at some time been associated with an all lbstern social network, in spite of the fact that at the time of the interview many live quite far from centers of Wastern population, pays tribute to the Western coauunity's cohesiveness. Distace from other Westerners is the major reason for lack of participation in all Western social networks. Other reasons will be discussed in Chapter IV. In their articles on the laerica coaunity in India, the Useems have documented the cohesiveness of the America coll-sunny.“8 Less tha ten percat of the hericas they interviewed lacked ay enduring social ties with one of the many social systems which comprise the herica continuity in India. nu. cohesiveness helps the Westerner who is not officially part of the third culture to locate others of his natiaality. If the Western partner of a India meets aother Westerner there is a high probability that he has access to a network of those of his natiaality in India. “John Useem ad Ruth Will Useem, "The Interfaces of a Binational Third Culture: A Study of the herica Com-unity in India,” .113. W. XXIII (January 1967'). p. 8: John "seen and Ruth Hill Useem ad John Donoghue, "Men in the Middle of the Third Culture: The Roles of herica ad Non-Western People in Cross- Cultural Abinistration,” W. 22, (Fall 1963), p. 13; John “seen, ”The CoalIunity of Na: A Study in the Third Culture," We VII (“11 1963)s P0 ‘90- 137 The cohesiveness of the community also means that the Western partner who has not.met any other Westerners can predict where he will find focal points of the Western communities through which he can gain access to the larger network. National culture centers, churches in the cosmopolitan area of the city, and friendship organisations such as the rude-American society are a few examples of focal points apparent to outsiders. India-Western couples may also be introduced to the Western community by Indians who are part of the constellations of nationals surrounding one part of the Whatern community.“9 Thelve percent of the couples are integral parts of third cultures. They can be considered integrated into the Western community using the Useems' definition. That is, one who both considers himmelf and is so regarded by others in the group as being a active member in its social life; who conforms to its custas in his style of living ad who, in general, shares the prevailing values of the particular group. These couples are integrated into third cultures by virtue of the husband's occupation. All but one are missionaries or in Western businesses. The other couple is part of the third culture 49The function of the third culture group for most Westerners in India is to introduce them to Indians. Because the Westerner married to an Indian is part of the Indian community as well as a Westerner in India, the relationship may work in the other way for her: i.e.. the Indian introduces her to the third culture group. soJohn Useem and Ruth Useem, ”The Interfaces of a Binational Third Culture," op. cit., p. 6 surrou are C into first: with test of 1 no. 138 surrounding a Western national culture center. Because they are more dispersed throughout India, the missionaries are less fre- quently in all Whatern groups, but they are no less integrated into their own nations' third culture networks. Fifteen percent of the couples are isolates with respect to ‘Western communities in India. That is, they do not even interact with Westerners in bi-national or transnational groupings. For ‘most of these couples their social isolation is a direct reflection of their geographical isolation. An additional 14 percent have no contact‘with Westerners in all Western social networks, but do meet them in bi-national groups. The largest group of couples, 41 percent of the respondents, are what the Useans call "fringe" with respect to Western comuni- ties.51 A.person who is ”fringe” to a grouping is a person who identifies himself as a nominal part of a group but who does not feel strongly attached to it and enters only intermittently into its routinised social life. Reciprocally, integrated members of the ingroup identify him as an acceptable but peripheral figure to be occasionally included on ceremonial events or under special circumstances.5 51The Useems' categories describing relations of WEsterners with the Western conuunities in India include one group not mentioned here, that is, the deviants. A deviant is one who is, by definition, part of the group, but who does not choose to participate in it's social life. None of the IndiandWestern couples, except those who are integrated into third culture groups, are defined as members of the Western community; thus there are no ”deviants" in this sample population. 52Useem and Useem, "Interfaces of s Binational Third Culture," OP. Cite, Po 6e 139 Some in this category are integrated into specific organizations, but cannot be considered integrated into the total life of the community. Many of these couples are less marginal to the group than the definition of a fringe person indicates, but are definitely not integrated. They are included far more frequently in informal gatherings of the community than just on ceremonial or special occasions. We are, in this section, discussing participation in social networks which are composed entirely of Westerners. The Useems distinguish two kinds of groups or networks within the American community in India.53 1. W consists of ay enduring associations of Americans who are connected together in their place of residence. The character of these local groupings may be formal or informal, tightly knit into an exclusive social set or open-ended with a hard core of members and others who become temporarily involved. ‘ 2. Wm consists of a social network of Americans who have a ”consciousness of kind" a shared ethos and an interpersonal system of communication. The nucleus may be found in a locality, but such groups fan out into a region, the whole of India or may even include Americans who are stationed in other countries or who are passing through India. The members are held together by a variety of specific interests or specialised activities. Thus, there are functional groups...in the business community, missionaries of one or several closely related denominations, those having professional interests in common; others are made up of those who share a concern for the performing arts, modernisation... 53Ib£dm ’ p. 4-5. 140 This classification considers sub-groups within a nationality- linked community. It starts with the community and looks at the sub-groups‘within the community. Most Indian-Western couples are not, by definition, part of Western nationality groups in India. Therefore, while they may be participating in what is to the ‘Western community a locality-linked or a functionally-linked group, its meaning for the couple is also coaunal. For may Western partners the most important reason for the association with Westerners in India is the common national-identity of the Western partner and the community. Because of their greater dispersion, the Indian- Western couples enter such groups more frequently from functional associations than locality-linked associations. In addition to participation in all Western social networks which have a communal importance to the couples, that is, composed entirely of the Western partner's nationality, couples belong to all Western social networks which are strictly functionally- linked. This is far less frequent. Only seven percent of the respondents participate in Western social networks stemming from occupational contacts, the second most common kind of social network. This is quite different from the situation with respect to participation in all Indian social networks. Several different kinds of Indian networks, e.g.. occupational, communal, etc., involve a majority of the respondents. Nearly all couples, in addition to contact with Westerners in India, write home to friends and relatives in Western nations. 141 This provides a link to a group of peeple often less knowledgeable with respect to other cultures tha the Westerners in India are. It should be noted parenthetically, however, that may of the couples, especially the India husbads ad Western wives, report that they are assed at the general lack of understanding about India they find aong Ibsterners living in India. And, as was pointed out earlier, roughly three-quarters of the Western husbad-India wife couples ad over half the India husbad-Western wife couples have been able to carry impressions ad information about India to the, West in personal visits. A few also mentioned that their presence in India encourages friends or relatives who otherwise never would visit India to come see tha. Correspondence ad visits with Westerners outside of India do more for linkage in general tha is represented by the information contained in letters. Having a friend or relative married in India heightas one's sensitivity to news of that country. Many of the Western respondents cemented that especially their failies now read ad remember news of India, in fact actively seek news of Indie. As is the case with most links, information does not stop with those iaediately involved, but diffuses into segments of the larger society. A Caadia wife pointed out several ways in which her being in India strengthens interest in ad knowledge of India in her home toil. My faily knows I'm here, so people like retsred friends of my parents who are traveling for pleasure come to visit us. Several have said that they wouldn't have come to India except that they know that we are here, ad that has drawn tha. It's easier for my Western relatives ad friends to develop such a interest, they 93 come to India, where as 162 the Indians are not able to get out to visit the West in that way. Some of my friends ad relatives may have made more of an attempt to meet Indians in Canada. I would say that those who meet people of other nationalities anyway probably make more of an attempt to meet Indians since our marriage, those who wouldn't.meet such people anyway don't make much of an effort. At church last year they were studying India, so there was much attention focused on mother as a source of information. I think it made it more meaningful to than to identify the country with a person they know here, and to see slides of us in relation to India. Not all information, however, is passed on about life in India. A few of the Western wives do not want to worry parents or are too proud to let Westerners know'what life is like for them in India. An uglish wife said, It is difficult to explain India to»my parents. I don't tell much. If mother knew that my husband's relatives were bringing me all their laundry for a while because I had a 'machine and they assumed I wouldn't have to work because of it, or that I can't go into the kitchen, or the puja room... she just wouldn't understand. The same kind of diffusion takes place in India as well, although the information may not be as new to Indians as it is to Westerners. Indian partners also commented that their families take more interest now in news of the partner's nation. Most of the couples' contact with Westerners in India takes place in groups of mixed nationalities. (See Table A940 in appendix.) This is true for all, but more so for those Indian husbands and Western wives who are not employed in Western orgaisations or firms, and who, for various reasons, do not feel completely com- fortable in all Western groups. Only one-quarter of the respondents claim they are never in a mixed nationality group; a few of these 143 are following a decision of preference. but most live where such interaction patterns are not feasible. The most common basis for mixed social groups is occupation, followed by social clubs as a place for establishing a mixed social network. Third culture organisations, the next most common source of mixed social groupings, provide the initial contact for little over one-fourth of the couples' mixed social networks. Some respondents maintain that India-Western couples are drawn into mixed social groupings because the people in such social networks are least likely to have stereotyped images of the other nationality. Not only does this make the couple feel more easily accepted themselves, but interaction is easier in such circles. While the couples may feel that their role as a link is reduced in such international groups because they are not the only repre- sentatives of one or the other nationality, the reason may be more directly related to the nature of conversations characteristic of established international groups. Useem points out that American domestic customs and foreign policies do not come up for searching questions in most of the mixed Indian- Amarican congeniality groups of long standing--the Indians are past the stage of asking elementary questions or they do not feel the need to "tell off" an American or they are so deeply committed to a western style of life that they do not challenge its shortcomings...the newer socialsgroups do reveal a broader flow of factual information. 5“John Useem, "The Community of Mani A Study in the Third Culture," op. cit. p. 496-7. 144 If the mixed couple is asked fewer questions about the countries they represent in such groups it may be only partly because there are other representatives of each in the group. It is not necessarily that the greater numbers of national representatives diffuse the questions, but rather that the questionshave been diffused over time. Reflecting the bi-national social orientation of the couples, the majority of the respondents, 45 percent, listed both Indias ad Westerners among their closest friends. (See Table A-44 )55 Westerners are somewhat more apt to list a mixture in appendix. of close friends because as new-comers they start fresh ad draw from both coauunities, while the Indias have more coaunal associa- tions, as well as childhood friends to make them feel closer to Indias. me Westerners also are apt to wat someone of their on natiaality for a close friend. The various kinds of social relationships just discussed provide a obvious forum for the informal exchage of ideas in conversation which ca contribute to greater understading betwea India and the West. Such unplaned linking is also characteristic ”This figure should not be confused with the figure of SO percat for close friads of mixed nationalities presented in Figure 3. The 50 percent includes all those whose close friends are not "all India? "all Western," or who did not say they had no friends. merefore, included in ”mixed nationalities" in Figure 3 are couples who listed Indias ad India-Western couples, or Westerners ad other India-Western couples, all three, or who also mentioned Anglo-vlndias as close friends. The 45 percent mentioned here refers to respondents who actually included Indias ad Westerners among their five closest friends, not including India- lhstern couples. 145 of interaction taking place at work or with neighbors. Because in India the majority of cantata, social or functional, are with Indias, this informal linkage encourages the flow of information about the West to India's more than in the other direction. Still. may of the couples do have functional relationships in India with Westerners ad ca contribute to increased understading of India on the part of Westerners through informal conversatias. As was pointed out earlier, it should not be assumed that just because a Westerner lives in India it follows that he understads the country, its people or culture.’6 Three-quarters of those in the saple who are employed do have some occupational contact with Westerners in India ad over half the couples live in areas where there are at least some foreigners with whom the couple may interact. (See Table 7 in Chapter II.) Wives are more apt to have jobs giving than contact with non- Indias tha husbads. The fact that they are frequently sought for third culture type jobs has already been mentioned. In addition, most wives do not have as firmly established occupational positions as the husbads, ad therefore ca take advatage of situational factors, such as living in a area close to a Western con-unity. One good example of this is the Western wife of a professor whose colleagues are all India. On the campus where her husbad teaches, 56This is not meat to suggest that the mixed couples are necessarily always trasmitting the correct information about India or the West to those of other natiaalities. 146 however, is a center for foreign scholars where she works assisting the foreign scholars with their work in India. Clubs and organisations, some social, some functional, provide another opportunity for Indian-Western couples to serve informally as a link between cultures, although the importance of their role is limited by the fact that many of the organisations couples join are third culture organisations. Over three-quarters of the respondents belong or have belonged to at least one club or organisation. (See Table A945 in appendix.) The desire to maintain a bi-oalteral orientation is particularly well illustrated here, for, more than with residence, occupation, or family, the couples have a fairly high degree of choice in organisational affiliation just as they do with their friends. And, a pattern quite like the friendship pattern is seen in the membership of clubs and organisa- tions the Indian-Western couples join. The great majority, 79 percent, of those who do belong to organisations and clubs belong to at least one with a mixed nationality membership. The rather low participation in organisations with all Western membership, especially for the India husbad-Western wife couples, indicates a relative lack of such clubs for one thing. Also, however, the suggestion of superiority implicit in the all Western club causes many to reject the idea of joining. Indeed, until recently, many social clubs did not permit a Westerner married to an Indian to join, or if they did permit it she was not to include the Indian partner in club functions. Now the vast majority of social clubs, the 147 gymkhanas, etc., do have open membership and it is to this kind of club that most of the affiliated couples belong. This helps to account for the high proportion of couples in mixed nationality organisations or clubs. There are also all Indian social clubs to which mainly the Indian husbands belong. Some belong to all Indian social clubs because they are in locations where there are no Westerners. Some of the Indian clubs do offer a slightly more traditional and communal oriented social atmosphers. (See Tables A-46-48 in appendix.) While most of the respondents do belong to some organisations or social clubs there is little concentration in terms of specific affiliation. (See Table A-49291n appendix.) As was just mentioned, the most common affiliation is the social clubs, to which roughly one-half the couples belong. The next most popular kind of affilia- tion, quite in line with the interests of Indian-Western couples, is third culture organisations. Roughly one-fourth belong to these, more if those employed in third culture orgaisatias are included. May a Western wife who has been without ay meas of meeting others of her nationality turns to the British Council library, Max Mueller Bhavan, the Indo-American Society and such to locate othera‘with whom she can share her cultural heritage. May foreign partners find no difficulty adopting a new people and culture, especially when they are interacting with the modern element of their adopted country. It is quite another thing, however, when this adoption meas being cut off from meaingful 148 ties with one's own cultural heritage. There are many ways of maintaining such contact--correspondence, or subscribing to news- papers from home for example, but the third cultural organisations do play an important role in providing immediate contact. A German wife reported that she had been happily living in India for several years when she heard about the Max Mueller Bhavan. During her first visit there, speaking German and finding ”old friends” like Goethe on the library shelves, she almost cried for joy. Now, not only does she maintain an active interest in the Max Mueller Bhavan, but the others in her Indian joint family frequently accompany her to German cultural programs. Many of the India-Western couples, the Western partners in particular, play an important sustaining role in the cultural centers and may contribute a great deal to the organisation. The import of such organisations, however, with respect to mixed couples is more in what the organisations do for the couples by allowing active participation in both cultures. Couples are able to build new links through third culture organisations, however, when they introduce Indians who otherwise would not participate, to the centers. The above is true primarily of the cultural organisations. Not surprisingly, Indians are somewhat more involved in third culture organisations which do not represent nations, but are definitely transnational. While association with such organisations is meaningful to the individual, his role as a contributor generally is larger than his role as a benefactor. 149 Such a organisation is the Nehru International Institute; at least one of its founders is a India with a Western wife. this is a group of intellectuals from may natias who meet regularly for seminars an international issues. Groups orgaised around shared interests raging from art to bridge were mentioned by about one-fourth of the respondents. It is likely that far more are involved in this kind of group but didn't casider them "clubs or orgaisations." Nearly as may, primarily the husbads, belag to professional organisations. Interest groups tend to be mixed nationality groups while the professional orgaisations are almost all India in membership. More of the husbads probably belong to professional orgaisations in the West tha thought to mention them; a few did think to include mabership in the America Sociological Association, the Royal College of Physicias, etc. Other clubs ad orgaisations with which India-Western couples are affiliated are listed in Table A-6! in the appendix. ;-1, '1'. 1 .b— “-2 -u ~ #1 1 4- ..g 11 M ,. t V b e 'nius far, the discussion of the India-Western couples' involvaent in India, Western, ad bi-national or trasnatiaal social systas has bea in terms of the entire sample. At most, a distinction has bea made between India husbads, India wives, Weatern husbads, ad Western wives. Hui le these differaces are significat, there are other importat independat variables related to 150 to the couples' patterns of interaction in India. This section explores the relation between involvement in the various kinds of social systems just mentioned and: 1) length of time the couple has been married and living in India, 2) whether they live in a large, middle, or small sise city, 3) the husband's field of occupation, 4) husband's and wife's combined salary, 5) Indian partner's religion, and 6) Western partner's nationality.57 o c ti Certain characteristics of the couples' social patterns presented in the preceding sections of this chapter must be kept in mind throughout the following discussion. Most importantly, all the respondents have some social contact'with Indians. There- fore, the very broad index of "participates in some all Indian social network" does not vary significantly within the independent variables. Three more narrowly defined indices of association with Indians are used. These are: l) membership in clubs or organisations having only Indian members, 2) participation in 57Continuing the pattern already established, the sample for the following discussions includes only those subjects who responded to questions concerning friendships, participation in social net- works, and affiliation with clubs and organisations. The complete tables showing the relation between the independent variables and the selected indices of friendship patterns and participation in the different social systems are presented in Tables APS4-59 in the appendix. Chi square levels of significance for each of these are also presented in the appendix tables. for ease of conceptuali- sation, statistically significant relationships between the independent variables and interaction patterns are presented in graph form in th. “Xte tilt m' m; :15: the all M 151 India cmmsunal social networks (a group bound by common religia, caste, or regional identity, ad 3) mentioning only Indians as one's five closest friends. Because a smaller proportion of the respondents are included in these three indices, statistically significat differaces are possible within the independat variables. The assuption is made that individuals whose close friends are all India, who associate with Indias on a co-unal basis, or who belong to all India clubs are more highly involved with Indias tha are those not included in these indices. Sixty-seven percat of the interviewees participate in at least one Western social network ad 84 percent in at least one bi-national or traaational social network. This permits more variation tha is true for involvemat with Indias, ad consequently, the broader indices of association with Westerners ca differ significatly from one category of a independent variable to aother. Association with Westerners is indicated by involvement in some all Western social network as well as participation in some club or orgaisation with all Western mabers. Participation in col-minal orgaisations or social networks (i.e., those serving one nationality group in the case of Westerners) are not used as indicators because they are components of the broader indices which are used. However, associations with Western commal orgaisations ad social net- works are included in the larger table in the appendix. Only 2.5 percent of the subjects listed only Westerners as their closest his pet: a 1 ten the 6118 M1 of ti 152 friends.58 In place of this, the respondents' estimates of what percentage of their acquaintances in India are Western is used as a index of interaction with Westerners. Those who estimate that 60 percent or more of their friends are Western are considered more closely affiliated with the Western coammnity in India tha the average couple. The other kind of social involvement included in this dis- cussion is participation in bi-national or international social networks. Indices of bi-national social patterns are: l) inclusion of both Indias ad Westerners among the five closest friends, ad 2) participatia in social networks ad in clubs or organisa- tions with both Indias ad Westerners. Relationshipbetween involvemat in bi-national social systems ad in all Western social systmss follow similar patterns ad will be discussed together. Fourteen percent of those responding are incorporated in a social network of India-Western couples, ad an additional ten percent have been part of such groups in the past. The meaing of participation in groups of such mixed couples is discussed in Chapter IV. This kind of social involvement is significatly related to only one of the independent variables, salary level. These associations do not facilitate international linkage; therefore the informatia on relations with other mixed couples is in the appendix. 58‘lhese include two India wives and ae Western husbad as well as one India husbad who had completely rejected Indias, ad a newly arrived Western wife. l.l. f ‘ [lllrlrrhllrfi he an In do whi - w E t ' B 153 fiiis_2£_sl£! An obvious, but nevertheless important, factor explaining Indian-Western couples' patterns of interaction with Indians and/or ‘Westerners is availability of Westerners. This is especially apparent in the relationship between sise of city in which a couple lives and the indices of association'with both Indians and Westerners.59 There simply are not many foreigners in small cities. The signifi- cant change in involvement with Westerners in all Western and mixed nationality groupings occurs between the middle-sired cities and the small cities for that reason. The couples in small cities do, however, generally find it easy to associate with Westerners who are, themselves, isolatediin small towns. Western — ---Mixed Participates in some all Western organisa- tion Participates in some all Western social network Participates in some mixed nationality organisation - D. Participates in some Large Middle Snell social network with cities sise cities Indians and Westerners cities 8. Lists Indians and . i Westerners as close W friends Figure 6: Percent of respondents participating in Western and mixed nationality social systems according to also of city of residence. (See Table A954 in appendix.) 59Large cities are Delhi, Calcutta, Bombay; Middle-sised cities are Bangalore, Hyderabad, and Phone. Included with couples in the middle- sised cities are three couples living in all Indian "suburban" areas near the three large cities. The smaller cities include: Ahmedabad, Kanpur. Jaipur, Jabalpur, Aligsrh, Asansol-Durgapur, Chandigarh, Pantnagar, Kholapur and Ootacamund. The categories are based on evaluation of the foreign population in the cities--an indication of how cosmopolitan they are--as well as actual sise, as described in Chapter II. 154 lliat little increase there is in proportion of couples associating with Westerners as size of city increases is due mainly to interaction with Westerners in all Western groups. The proportion of respondents who interact with Westerners in mixed nationality groups does not change significantly with increased city size. The difference in ease of associating with an all Western group is related to the basis for group solidarity. Useem points out that "the smaller and more heterogeneous the herican population, the greater the self and superimposed pressures to find a canon basis for doing things together."60 This ”smaller and more heterogeneous foreign populatia" is found in the middle-sized cities; the small cities or town have only a few individual foreigners. the couch basis drawing the otherwise heterogeneous uglish or hericans in a middle-sired city together is nationality, and the American wife of an Indian is not automatically considered a member of that nationality group in India. The reasons for this are the fact that she is unlikely to be returning to the Western society to live, and the fact that she is likely to have divided loyalties because she is part of an Indian family and of Indian conunities. These differences betwea the Western partner of an Indian and Westerners living in India as representatives of their societies apply in large cities as well. In the middle-sired city, however, the foreign 60John Useem, “The Counmity of Man: A Study in the Third Culture," op. cit., p. 496. 155 population is not large enough to divide into subcoomunities, usually oriented around occupation, as happens in large cities. Cmsequently, the social interaction msong foreigners in the middle- sired Indian cities is more likely to be in locality-linked groups rather than fmctiaial groups. Interaction with those who are not part of the Western «unity is not as easy in the locality groups because there is no natural basis of conversation, such as pro- fessiaal cmcerns, lid because these more frequently include the partners. In large cities where the foreign population splits into functionally-linked groups, there is a greater probability a mixed couple on meet Westerners with whom they share co-on interests. It oust be kept in mind, however, that this data refers to meeting and associating with Westerners in all Western groups, but that this does not suggest the respondent is integrated into such groups, for this is as difficult in s functionally-naked group in a large city as in a group with a broader basis of affiliation in a middle-sized city. W A strong association can also be seen between patterns of 61 association and level of income. Couples in the lowest income category are least likely to have social cmtact with Westerners. 6113"“ of income overlap. This is because each respmdut was asked to indicate in which of several categories his or her incae fell. To obtain the cubined income the categories had to be added, rather than sctul income figures. 156 (he axplmiation of this lies in the strmg relationship between level of income and size of city in which the couple lives. (See Thble A950 in appendix.) Two-thirds of those in the two lowest incue gr” live in small cities, and thus do not have much opportunity to meet Westerners. The lower income couples living in middle and large cities cannot afford to live where the Westerners do, nor c- they afford to join the social clubs which provide access to the foreign community. some of the lower income couples who do have contact with Westerners through occupation or organiza- tions fail to encourage friendship because they are unable to afford the Western style of entertainment. It also is noteworthy that, while most indices of interaction with non-Indians are lowest in the low income group, participation in bi-national organisations starts high and decreases as income increases. This suggests that couples who cannot afford to interact socially with Westerners fulfill their desire to meet them by doing so in a mixed nationality organisation which does not necessarily require reciprocal inter- taining in the home. Couples in the lowest income category are also most likely to report all Indians as their closest friends, and to participate in Indian communal social networks. Not able to afford social interaction with Westerners and highly Westernised_Indians, these couples spend more time with family and childhood friends. They are also more likely than couples with higher salaries to be tied to the f-ily by need for financial aid. For 12 couples, all but 157 1002 A. Indian Conunal social network 801 B. Lists all Indiana 602 as close friends A 402 20: 3 less than 1,000- 2,000- Over Rs 1,498/mo. 2,498 3,498 3,000 Rs/mo. Rs/mo. ill/mo. s ' d w ' a Figure 7. Percent of respondents with above average involvement in Indian social networks according to level of combined income. (See Table A-SS in appendix.) l001 _'_,.DB """- Western *‘nMixed lor”” a C A. Perticipates in some ‘Western organisation or club 3. Perticipates in some _ A Western social network C. Perticipates in some 2020- _Agg mixed club or organi- 1/ W ration ~ ° D. Perticipates in some less than 1,000- 2,000- Over mixed nationality l,498 2,498 3,498 3,000 social network Rs/mo. Rs/mo. Bs/mo. Rs/mo. WWW Figure 8. Percent of respondents participating in Western or mixed nationality social networks according to level of combined income. (See hble A-55 in appendix.) ' I; 158 two being marriages involving Indian husbands and Western wives, this tie extends to living with the family which encourages partici- pation in the family's comaunal associatims.“ Wm 11.. husband's field of occupation is significantly related to both the couples' combined incomes and size of city in which the couple lives. (See hbles A-51 and AM: in appendix.) It follows then, that association with Indians and Westerners also differs significantly from one occupational group to another. Couples in which the husband is an academician, as a group, are the most poorly paid in comparison with other groups in this universe of study. In addition, nearly half live in the small cities where few, if any, foreigners live. This is a higher proportion than in my other occupational group. biany of the colleges and universities in larger cities are distant from centers of foreign pepulstimi, such as Delhi University which is in Delhi, not New Delhi, where most Westerners live. Because of these factors, academic couples list all Indians as their closest friends more frequently than other couples. They also report the lowest degree of interaction with Westerners. Acadmaic couples are not, however, 62The fact that two of the couples are living with wives' f-ilies is somewhat surprising in the context of a patriarchal, patriloaal culture such as India has. In both cases the Western husbands are students who have bent in India less than two years, and who have no source of incue in India. L.“ 159 A 100%" a 8014- A 601» A . A 65}3 0 51 so 3 A 3 401 41 38 37 - s 201‘ B 7 o Business, industry Academic Religion Government, military W A. Participates in some Indian calmnunal network 3. Includes only Indians as five closest friends Figure 9. Percent of respondents with above average involvement in Indian social networks according to field of husband's occupation. (See Teble A956 in appendix.) D E 1007.7, m1 ., sozw .; E fir // 601-» B If n on a 40%" a? as I; 9/ 2011’ c gflgfl A C o 5‘ .0. 0, A. Perticipates in Western organisation 3. Perticipates in Western social network C. Over 60 percent of acquaintances are Western D. Perticipates in mixed club or organization I. Perticipetes in mixed social network Figure 10. Percent of respondents participating in Western and mixed nationality social networks according to field of husband's occupation. (See Thble A956 in appendix.) 160 the most involved in Indian cosmunal networks. A larger proportion of cmiples in church work than in academic fields participate in Indian enunal networks. These whose occupation is in the church are involved in Indian co-unal networks by definition, because both the region and the religimi of the Indian partner are being considered here as bases for cousunal associations. Couples in Indian government or military service are not quite so isolated from Westerners, nor quite so poorly paid, as those in the aoaduic field. The fact that they have an equally low level of involvuent in Western social neurorks may be due, in part, to the fact that the military provides a well-established, highly-Weaternised oommniity to meet the couples' social needs. Some in this category, therefore, feel no need to meet Westerners; others report that official policy discourages individuals in these occupations-"both government and military-“from much social inter- actia: with foreigers. Couples in the occupational groups most likely to live in large cities and making, m the average, the most money, are those inr‘business and industry, followed by those in the indepenth professimis. As is to be expected, these couples have the highest rates of involvaent with Westerners. The pattern that those groups ranking high a: indices of association with Westerners are low in interaction with Indians does not follow here, however. It is the couples in the field of religion who are least likely to name all Indians as their closest friends; in fact, none do. 161 And, those in religion as an occupation are also the most highly involved in bi-national social networks and organisations. This is because religion is the only field of occupation in which all the husbands are in third culture occupations. Their occupatias and the finale life style built around the church in India include both Indians and Weeterners. —— Westernr-m-Mixed sue Western organisation 8. Participates in \,. ...... ..3 some Western social network W c. Participates in A some mixed D C A. Participates in B - L organisation lessthan 2-5 6-9 10919 ’more than D. Participates in one year years years years 20 years some mixed social network WW 3. L10“ both Indians and Westerners as closest friends Figure 11. Percent of respondents participating in Western and mixed nationality social networks according to length of marriage in India. (See bble A957 in appendix.) illen couples first arrive in India they are busy settling, and may feel they do not have the time to concutrata on developing friudships. Consequently they spend more time, on the average, with the Indian partner's relatives and frimids from before his sojourn abroad. Many couples at first don't know how to meet Westerners, or are too busy to seek thu out. With time the couples find, and utilise, channels into the third cultures. Thus, 162 approximately one-third of the couples in India one year or less nae all Indias as close friends. Couples in India two to nine years are least apt to restrict their closest friends to Indias. It is in this time period that the highest proportion of subjects associating in some way with ihsterners is found. Couples in India 10-19 years differ greatly from those who have hot bea there as lag. Nearly half of this group mention only India close friends. Ind, there is a decline in interaction with Westerners in this group. By the time a couple has been in India ten years or more they have witnessed a large part of the Western population turn over several times. India friends are constat ad it is not surprising that so may of the respondents nae Indias they have known for may years as their closest friends ratlmr tha Westerners who have bea in India only a short time ad who they know will leave in a few years. In addition, as the Western partners are socialized into India ad third culture patterns, they find they have less in coo-on with neophyte Westerners. Specifically, several mentioned tiring of the newcomers' "superficial observatimis ad stupid cupiaints." Couples in India since before Independence have the lowest overall involvmsent with all Western groups. Only those in India less tha one year have a lower involvement in Western social networks because they gaerally have not yet had time to establish themselves in such networks. The generally low involvement of the 163 pro-Indepadence couples in all Western networks is more than a reflection of Indiaisation of social patterns over time. This reflects the nature of social interactia: between nationalities before Independace compared to post-Independence as well. The pro-Indepadace period was characterised by superordinate-subordinate relationships. There was no tolerace on the part of the rulers for individuals with dual allegiace such as they might suspect of India-Western caiples. The only opportunity a mixed couple had for social interaction with the British before Independence was in the ritualized tens to which India elite were invited. Foreign wives were included in such formal atertaining, but never in a informal gathering of the Western con-unity. Although the pattern of interaction beaveen the Indias ad Westerners now is coordinate ad the norms egalitaria, social patterns established before Independence are still in evidence among caiples who came to India during the colonial period. Perhaps in compasatiai for their perceived inability to participate in all Western social groupings, the couples in this group do have a higher rate of participation in Indian-Western groups tha those who cae to India i-ediately after Independence. Couples who have been in India more than twenty years are also less likely to nae only Indias as close friends tha those who have been in India 10-19 years. Given the reasoning for friendships in the latter group 00-19 years) one might expect close friends to be more India for the pro-Independence grasp. One reason for 164 this differace with respect to friendships may be found in the nature of the ample for the pro-Independence group. The fact that one-third of the husbads, mainly India, in India since before Independence were not interviewed is likely to under-emphasise close friadships with Indias in this time period. India husbads are most likely to nae all India close friends, while the Western wives more frequatly include Westerners or other India- Wastern couples. The proportion of husbands in the 10-19 year group for whom this kind of social information is not available is only half the sire of the nus-interviewed husbads in the pre- Independace grasp. Thus, the influace of the husbads on the overall friadship pattern of the more decent group is greater. WW Nationality of the Western partner has virtually no effect on patterns of involvemat with Indias or with Westerners. (See Thble A958a ad b in appendix.) The aly significat relationship is the higher percentage of British partners, 71 percat, who are members of some mixed nationality orgaisation or club. Because of their long time in India, ad because they are the largest foreign cm-nsnity in India, the majority of international orgaisa- tions ad clubs in India include at least some British. “sen the Western partners of mixed couples make friads along the Westerners in India, they do so mainly with those of their out nationality wha possible. They may join orgaisatias or clubs to meet Westerners, or a Western friend may introduce the Western partner 165 or the couple to such a orgaisatia. In either case, the pre- dominacs of British in India means that the British partner has a saawhat higher probability of joining clubs or orgaisations. The fact that the British partners have been in India longer, as a group, than partners from other Western casntries also influences the pattern of association with Westerners. Over 40 percent of the British partners have been married ad living in India since before Independace. (See Table A-1 in appendix.) ilsile this greater length of time acasraged some to become capletely involved in the India cousunity, it has given others time to develop well- established associations with Westerners, including joining clubs. The other noteworthy aspect of this relation beueen length of marriage in India ad participation in Western or mixed nefiorks is the all proportion of theCmnsawaalth partners (14 percat) who are in mixed natiaality orgaisatias ad clubs. Although not always significatly so, the Cosmeonwealth partners appear consis- tatly as the group least involved with Westerners ad participating least in international groups. Relationships with some of the other indepadat variables, variables for which a significat rolatias with the indices of Western associations have already bea presented, help to explain this low rate of interaction with Westerners. Although most Co-onweslth partners do live in middle- siasd or large cities,:~.ha1f live in all India residential areas. Busbads of half the couples including a Co-onwaalth partner are in occupatiaal fields having low rates of interaction with Westerners 166 in bi-national groups--they are academicians or in the military. All but one Commonwealth partner is in one of the two lowest income categories. WW 1001" 801“ £31 T351 -JL . 601” B 1 68 B h c ‘ 55 A A 60119 ‘68 so ‘ M 52 C 2014» 2 43 C . j "‘91. Hindu Christian Muslim Hindu Christian Muslim Sikh Parsi Sikh Parsi Jain Other Jain Other W W A. Participates in Indian communal social network B. Lists all Indian close friends C. Participates in some Indian club, organisation figure 12. Percent of respondents having above average involvement in Indian social networks according to religion of the Indian Partner. (See Table A-59a ad b in appendix.) Religion of the Indianspartner is somewhat more indicative of associational patterns than is the Western partner's nationality, but not much more. That the involvement of Muslims married to Westerners in Indian communities is greater than involvement of the other couples is indicated by the fact that over half the Muslim husbands and over one-third of their Western wives indicate that their five closest friends are all Indians. As a minority group, the Muslims maintain much tighter boundaries around themselves than 167 1001s 5° A . . A 602“ a A / . . 68 ‘0‘" A é A Z / é ' fl 9 3 A 20r- 3 éfi. 3 s j 3 a B ‘ 3 / 7 #51 W 10 Hindu Christia ihsslim Hindu Christia Muslim Sikh Psrsi Sikh Parti Jain Other Jain Other Western A. Lists Indias ad Westerners as close friends / B. Over 601 of acquaintaces are Western Mixed Figure 13. Percent of respondats participating in Western social netowrks according to religion of the Indian partner. (See Tables A-59a ad b in appendix.) do the Hindus. But, unlike the Christia ad Parsi minorities,. they do not have a history of association with Westerners in India. The 'Isslim" couples appear to spend more time within their coanunity as indicated by the fact that over 80 percent participate in India co-unal social networks. The closedness of minority comaunities is also seen in the participation of "Christia" ad “Farsi" couples in Indian coamunal social networks; over half of these couples are also part of such a network. The very differat attitudes of these minority grasps toward Westerners, especially the inclusion of Westerners in the Christia commity in India, is aphasised by the difference in choices of slosest friends by casples in each group. The propensity 168 of "Malia" couples to mention only Indias has just been noted. By castrast, three-quarters of the India partners, ad over two- thirds of the Western partners in the "Christia, Parsi, Other" grasp include both Indias ad Westerners among their (five) closest friends. use relationship between the independat variables ad cosmsents made about ease and difficulty of associating with Indias ad with Westerners in India support the analysis of behavior patterns. The importace of availability of Westerners is underscored by the 84 percat of those living in small cities who complain about difficulty meeting ad/or maintaining social relations with Westerners. Almost all the couples in the occupational field of governmat ad military, followed by a large majority of the respondents in the academic field also complain abast problems of social interaction with Westerners in India. Likewise, those who have the highest amasnt of interaction with Westerners most readily make statements about why it is easy to meet and associate with Westerners in India. The pattern of the relationship between interactia with Westerners ad length of residace in India is less clear cut. This too, is reflected by sonata from the couples, for neither cos-ants about ease nor abast difficulty of social interaction with Westerners differs significatly according to length of time in India. The couples in the second lowest level of income perceive more difficulty in establishing ad maintaining social relations 169 with Westerners than other couples. Couples in the lowest income level have little contact'with Westerners, and the question of social interaction does not arise. Those in the higher income brackets are better suited financially to fit the social pattern of the Western community in India. Over half of those in the second income category feel the conflict, and they talk about it. 100‘ A. Made some comment 801 3 about ease of social interaction 60% ‘ with Westerners B. Made some comment 401 about difficulty A of social inter- actias with 20‘ Westerners Large cities Middle Small cities cities W Figure 14. Percent of respondents commenting on ease or difficulty of social interaction*with Westerners in India according to size of city of residence. (See Table A954 in appendix.) 170 100 8888 Business, Professims Academic Religion Government industry Military ' f c A. Made sone count about ease of social interaction with Hesterners 3. Made sone consent about difficulty of social interaction with westerners Figure 15. Perceit of respondents counting on ease or difficulty of social interaction with flesterners in India according to husband's field of occupation. (See 'Dable A-56 in appendix.) Lugth of residence in India is the only variable, on the other hand, which is significatly related to co—ents about difficulty of social interaction with Indians. 'lhe lowest complaint rate cues from those who have been in India the longest, both Indian and Vsstern partners. In this discussion we will deal with the Indian and Western partners separately because feelings about interaction are more an individual matter than are patterns of social interaction. um. some reactions may be shared, one partner is returning to a familiar culture and the other is usually adapting to a coupletely new culture; these experiences are likely to produce different reactions. 171 1001? 8 1‘ “~o Western partner 201‘ Indian partner less than 2-5 6-9 10°19 over 20 one year years years years years rri d I'igure 16. Percent of respondents cementing on difficulty in social interaction with Indians according to length of narriage in India. (See hble A-S‘l in appendix.) two kinds of studies would lead us to expect the Western partner to have an initially positive reaction to Indians. Many studies of foreign atudats have noted the "U-curve of adjustment." Jacobson et al., stunariring these studies describe the first phase as that in which the sojourner is exhilarated by the stimuli of his new enviralment and by the possibilities presented by study abroad. Attitudes regarding the hou culture at this time are likely to be very positive.63’ “Eugene Jacobson, Hideys Kumata and Jeanne E. Gullahorn, ”Cross Cultural Contributions to Attitude Research." W m. 24 (an-er 1960). p. 216. “he comparison of this data to discussions of the "ll-curve" of adjustmuts is only suggestive. 'lhe ”ll-Curve" studied among foreign students usually is noted in a period of a few years at nost, while the data for the Indian-Western couples covers a period of over twenty years. It is possible that if the reactions of the western partner during the first few years were studied more closely a similar pattern would be apparent; however, the Usemas' data suggest this would not be so. In 172 The Useuss' study of Americans in India explores a situation more like that of the Westerners in the present study than the foreign students' situatias are. ‘lheir findings too, however, predict a period of initial enthusiasm for India on the part of the newly arrived Western partner. It should be noted that their theory does not predict the sane reaction on the part of a Western partner who has had extensive cross-cultural experience prior to his arrival in India. mey describe the "first-timers," the Americans who arrive in India on their first foreign assignments as (the) least selective in their initial contacts. The breathless new arrival who reaches out for everygging Indian, who accepts all overtures extended by Indians... and as ”Plungers" into the traditional culture of the host country.66 western husbands, most of whom arrived in India as umarried third culture westerners, are more likely to have experienced this first stage than the Western wives, but prior to marriage. This is more characteristic of the Imerican husbands than the British addition, the studies of foreign students' adjustment patterns include reactiais to the country and their experiences in general as well as to interaction with host country nationals. “me dis- cussion here is based on one dimension, feelings about mixing with Indians. This is, however, likely to be correlated with the other indices of adjustment. 65Ruth Hill Useem, "Interpersonal Relationships Between Indians and Anericans in India," Symposium 7, A ic f t i h - l C ati Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry. Mimeographed copy, p. 11. 66John and Ruth Useem mid John Donoghue, "Men in the Middle of the Third Culture", op. cit., p. 173. 173 who took established positims in the British business conmmity. As us pointed out in Chapter II, the cross-cultural marriage can be interpreted as an extension of this initial enthusiasm for many of the partners, a desire to maintain an association with India. Bluests of the exploratory stage excitement can be seen among the Western wives at first-“in eagerness to wear a sari, to try bits of Indian food, to observe natiaal customs--although not all indicate interest in exploring even these elements of Indian culture. Several important differences between the Westerner married to an Indian who is abroad for the first time, and either the foreign students or members of the Merican comnity in India help explain why 85 percat of the western partners in India less than a year made consents about difficulty of interaction with Indians instead of enthusiastic cmmsents. me of the most important factors affecting attitudes is the knowledge that India is, for most of them, now their home for life. ‘lhis means that there is plenty of time to get to know Indians and Indian culture; there is no need to "plunge.” This knowledge also inediately removes the western partners from the spectator role and puts them into a participating role with regard to Indian culture and society. Certain social customs, aspects of family relatims in particular, which are fascinating bits of cultural data to are who is not greatly affected and who will leave it all in' a year or two, is something the person married into the system must come to grips with.” 67 me difference between being a spectator and participant is noted by Ruth Hill Useu with respect to resctims to "the servant problem" in "me Servant Problem", Mimeographed paper. 174 There is even the fear among some of the Western wives when they first arrive, that every aspect of Indian culture they adopt signifies the loss of another part of their own cultural heritage. The second important difference is that the contacts with host natimals are already provided, and by a host national. hero is no need to eschew the contacts provided by other foreigners as many of the "first-timers" do. The Indian partner can encourage selective involvement in Indian society instead of the indiscriminate involvement of many other newcomers. But, this frecpently means meeting Indians who are neither associates nor "chasers" of Westerners and who, therefore, may not be as at ease with Westerners. The Indian partner may also‘ ease involvement with Indian culture at first. we Western wife, who would be considered a "plunger," reports that it was her mother-in-law who encouraged her to slow down in her self-imposed program of Indianisation. I was anxious to adapt as completely and as fast as possible. I was prepared to go overboard to meet all that one my way. I was prejudiced for everything that was Indian. hang other things, I wanted to eat all vegetarian food from the start. My mother-in-law, who is a strict vegetarian, insisted that I eat meat because it would be unhealthy to change so completely so fast. She also insisted that I go to a European style docms “i110 this initial involvement in India guided by a host national may hold some back, it provides far more of an emersion for others than they had expected, or than they were willing or able to accept. In particular, those who move to a town without other Westerners or even without many cosmopolitan Indians are 175 frequently overwhelmed by India and Indians. This is especially true if they move in with the Indian partner's family at first. The differences between their Western way of life and that of the Indians around them may appear overwhelming and even frightening when there is no recourse to a familiar society and culture. Such an experience can easily lead to negative statements regarding ease of interacting with Indians. Statements made by Western partners who have been in India for a while reflecting on their initial experiences support this analysis as well as the high proportion of negative statements made by the Westerners in India only a short thee. As the accompanying graph indicates, the incidence of negative statements from Western partners about ease of interaction with Indians decreases steadily with length of time in India. This reflects a greater understanding not only of Indians and their culture, but of the Western partner's position in the social struc- ture and the expectations for that position. It also reflects the establishment of circles of Indian friends with life styles similar to the couple's and a reduced amount of contact with traditional Indians, if being introduced to traditional relatives was part of the couple's first year routine. This withdrawal from the traditional, if the couple had such contacts at first, and selective interaction‘with Indians more like themselves, is somewhat parallel to the behavior of the Americans in India who the Useems call "Ekperienced" in cross-cultural in- volvement. It does not parallel the withdrawal seen among foreign 176 students in the "ll-curve” syndrcmle, for it is accompanied by a more positive, rather than a more negative attitude toward host natimals. In the final stages all three patterns are much the same as the individual establishes meaningful roles for himself in the new society. “he Indian partner's perceptions of difficulty in interaction with Indians increase significantly after the first year in India following marriage. Most of the Indians had been abroad for extended periods of time. mile many were anbivalait about returning to India to live, the initial period of renewing acquaintances, and “catching up," at least temporarily offsets many doubts about relatims with Indians. Frustrations during the first year center around problems of housing and occupation. As these issues are resolved the question of establishing new social relations and maintaining old was becomes more importmt, and this is reflected in the increased dissatisfaction with the nature of social interaction with Indians from two years in India on. The Western-returned Indian is increasingly aware of the expectations for social inter- action he has internalized while abroad. He finds that his interests, and the things he likes to talk about have changed somewhat. Most important, however, is the difficulty found in integrating a Western wife into a social system which is rooted in a culture dictating separation of the sexes. There is a significant difference between the apparent adjust- ment to Indians of those Indian partners who have been in India since 177 before Independence and those who have returned since Independence. There are two significant differences between the pre-Independence period and the post-Independence period which explain this. First, those who returned to India before Independence knew they were coming home to an Indian way of life, and that they had little alternative to this in the colonial situatim. Those returning in the modern period have the option of interaction with Westerners in India as well as casiderably greater flexibility in choice of life style. Those who are not able to fulfill these expectations, when they know there are alternatives, are more likely to be dissatisfied than those who accept their position. One expression of a general dis- satisfaction is complaint about the Indians one meets socially or has to work with. The second difference pointed out by the Useems in W W, is that those who returned to India before Independence were more unusual. Therefore they drew more attention and in general had a higher social capital. In contrast, Today the man who is foreign-educated has his picture in the paper on his return, is congratulated by his relatives and friends, and thereafter is on his own to make his way in life. In short, foreign education gives a perscm less bargaining power than it did in the old days. There is no reason to believe that the attitude toward foreign wives would have changed drastically around the time of Independence. 68John Useen and Ruth Mill Useem, t Ed t m. (New York: The Dryden Press, 1955), p. 118. 178 There is, however, the fact that as there were more Western-educated Indians after Independence, there were also more foreign wives. As the foreign wife has become more conrnonplace, most of the subjects feel, she has also become more accepted. 2mm: Indian-Western couples perform linkage functions in three different ways. mey may engage in activity specifically designed to bring their societies closer together in occupational or voluntary roles, they contribute to the exchange of information through informal contacts with Indians and Westerners, and encourage increased interest about one country in their friends and relatives in the other. Western husband-Indian wife couples have the highest degree of contact with Westerners in India, and are the most likely to be involved in established linking networks. This is largely because the Western husbands' occupatims are more likely than the Indian husbands' to include them in some segment of lhstern society in India. Indian husbads have the least involvement with Westerners in India and the most with Indians, for they have more ties from the past to India than Westerners and find it easier to maintain these relaticns than the Indian wives. Western wives have more catact with Westerners than their husbands because they activate comnunal ties. hey are also, however, in the best position to serve as a link to the outside world for the most traditional segment of Indian society, the women. 179 men couples are considered in terms of other variables than nationality of the husband and wife we find that the greatest involvemat with Westerners is mnong couples living in large cities on high salaries. Husbands employed in business or industry are more likely to interact with Westerners than those in acadesic work, government or military. Couples who have just arrived in India and those who have been in India since Independence are less likely to associate widely with Westerners than the other couples. Attitudes about ease of association generally follow patterns of association as has been suggested in this chapter. The next chapter explores the couples' feelings about factors which inhibit or enomnrage interaction with Indians and with Westerners in India. CHAPTER IV THE LINKAGE PROCESS Indian-Western couples mediate between cultures through interpersanal cantacts. This chapter examines the social and cultural factors which inhibit or encourage the couples' inter- action with Indians and Westerners in India. INTRACTION WITH INDIANS Ar d Th ere e di Very fan of the interviewees are willing to talk about relatians with simply "Indians." Most respondents insist immediately upan making a distinction between traditional and modern Indians. Further distinctimns between modern and Westernized Indiana, or modern and liberal Indians become entangled in individual semantic differ-nations. Regardless of the labels chosen, there is general agreement on three basic kinds of Indians. First is the traditional This persm's life style appears traditional; his thought patterns are organized around a world view dominated by religion (usually Hindu) and conmunalism. The secand, the Westernized Indian has adopted the accoutrenents of Western living, and may even have been abroad. The Indian- Western couples interviewed frequently describe such Indians with derision, indicating that Westernization is a veneer. It is possible that the features I share with Westernized Indians are only superficial, that their Western characteristics are only a shallow veneer. I might get to know them faster than other Indiana, but might never really like then. I would prefer a genuine Indian who is himself. 180 181 This quotation indicates another reason many Indian-Western couples tend to disdain the Westernised Indian; they feel he has sold himself. We is so enamored with foreign things and foreign people he is ashamed of being what he is, an Indian. This rejection of Indians attributed to the‘Westernired Indians is not characteristic of most Indians married to Westerners, and living in India. One important difference between the Indians married to Westerners and the Westernised Indians is in the letters' need to prove themselves to the ‘hsterners. The Indian with a Western partner may not always feel at ease with Westerners, but he always knows that he, as he is, is acceptable to at least one Westerner. The Westernized Indian, without this knowledge, feels he must always be proving himself. This latter person is often a "hangereon" around the Western com- munity in India. At least one Western wife pointed out that the ‘Westernised Indian's relations with Westerners are'widespread but "shallow." He is frequently seen in the cocktail circuit, but seldom in small infonmal gatherings which include both Indians and Westerners. The reaction of an herican to some Western-returned Indians indicates why the relationship does not progress beyond superficial contact. Those who have been to the West are usually eager to meet you; they seek you out. I don't like that. They think they are superior because they think they know your way of doing things. They are the ones who offer chairs when everyone is sitting on the floor. I an uncomfortable around them. Often they misconceive what they have seen abroad, but you can't correct them because they know, they've been there. The third type of Indian, variously called modern, liberal, intellectual, cosmopolitan, is generally admired by the couples. 182 This person is truly ecumenical; first, in the sense that he has internalized the culture of the ecumene, and second, in the sense that he has an understanding of, and appreciation for, many cultures. He is able to select what he thinks is worthwhile from a number of cultures without having to reject his om identity. The modern or liberal Indian is recognised by a way of thinking rather than a way of living. Many in this category appear superficially to be rather traditional. Perhaps the best way to describe these Indians is in the words of the couples themselves. I prefer the term contemporary or progressive to modern. By that I mean people who think of syntheses, assimilatim; who project themselves into the future. A modern persm is one who has made the choice, who is aware enough of both cultures to make a conscious selection for one or the other. If he selects the traditional pattern of living, he can still be modern. Being liberal is being open minded. We fit the modern pattern. Before, while living in the fanily we were intellectually modern, although we lived a traditional style of life. Now we are living away from the fmnily and we are free to express and behave ourselves in a modem way as well. Those whose contact with the traditional Indians is infrequent and superficial generally claim that the traditional Indian is the most difficult to interact with. This view is not shared by many who have close enough contact to penetrate beneath the super- ficial differences. A nunber of the Western partners, somewhat to their surprise, have become very close to traditional Indians. They maintain that interaction with then is easier than with the Westerniaed Indian. The traditional person has a sense of self 183 esteem which stems from knowing who he is and where he fits in the world. The Westernized person, on the other hand, tends to be defensive, having moved away from the traditional society, but not being assured of his place in the Western world. The Westernized person is particularly insecure when a Westerner, his role model, abandons that behavior and adopts elements of Indian culture. A Western woman wearing a sari frequently faces far more negative reaction from urban, Westernized, Indian girls than from traditional women in villages. The person who is in transition himself has enough insecurity in his own life. He demands conformity to well- established role behavior on the part of both the group he is leaving and his new reference group. The surprise awaiting an Italian wife on her arrival in India illustrates the difference. My husband and I cue to India together with another Indian- Italian couple. The other Indian family, I knew, was very mod-IL. Those girls smoked, played tennis in shorts, etc. I thought my friend would have no difficulty at all with such a modern family, and I expected to have many adjust- ments to my traditional family. men we arrived, I was met by crowds of relatives at the station and given so many garlands. There was no one to meet my friend, so my mother-in- law gave her some of my garlands. I was given complete freedom. My mother-in-law is not educated formally, but she is very wise. Not threatened in his way of life, the traditional Indian can afford to tolerate differences in others. This tolerance of difference also reflects the Hindu philosOphy which accepts, and eventually incorporates, much of what is new. The traditional Hindu 18 a master of cultural pluralism. kn Anerican wife found this out °n¢e she had learned enough Hindi to talk with the older women. 184 Once you can speak glibly in Hindi and talk with the older generatimn, you find Indian women are adaptable and have a sense of hnmnor. The modern women are torn between new and old; they oust be what their husbands want-~liollywood. be older ones are more open, tolerant, understanding, interested in things outside thenselves. [another distinction made, although not as frequently, is between the different regional coununities in India. Some respondents firmly maintain that the only Indians with whom Westerners or Indian-haters couples can interact comfortably are the Bengalis because they "think modern." Others are just as insistent that the Punjabis are the enly ones because they "live modern." then asked about mixing with Indians some respondents made distinctions such as mlou can't say I don't like to mix with Indians; I don't like to mix with Marwaris or Punjabis, but I do like the Bengalis." There is no clearcut pattern with respect to whether the Preferred group is the Indian partner's coununity or not. For come it is, while others prefer outsiders. The latter preference Probably reflects a difference in depth of interactian with the connunities. One meets a greater range of the Indian partner's Own conmnunity, from the very traditional to the very modern. By cantrast, the Indians one meets fren other commities are the Progressive ones who have moved far enough away to contact outsiders. Often they are actually living far from their regional homes. A thrassi in Delhi is almost as foreign as a German, and the two .here a "we foreigners" bond. This can lead the Western partner ‘0 feel he has more incomnon with Madrassis than Punjabis. Others 185 simply see the South as more traditional, which some prefer, while others prefer what they see as the multi-cultural influences modernising the North. r d i i Here we are specifically concerned with difficulties Indian- Western couples perceive in interaction with Indians. (Table 10) There are many differences of culture and social structure between India and the West which can hinder cross-cultural interaction. Most of the couples have probably encountered some difficulty inter- acting with some Indians because of these factors. However, fewer than half the respmndonts spontaneously made some statement regarding difficulty of meeting or associating with Indians. The following discussion is based on the specific problems mentimned. Some individuals, because of situational or personality factors, feel these differences more strangly than others. Although such problens are insignificant to some, few are totally oblivious to these differences. It should be kept in mind that these do not cause a complete breakdown in cosnnnnication. Table 10 indicates the frequency with which specific kinds of Probleas perceived in interaction with Indians were mentioned. Men are more likely than men to mention difficulty of interaction with Indians; in fact, over two-thirds of the Western wives and nearly that many Indian wives mentioned at least one difficulty in social relations with Indians. This reflects, in part, 186 TABLE 10. PECWT‘AGE DISTRIBUTION OF BEAMS GIVE NR DIflICULTY OF MEETING 08 asmcnmc WITH INDIANS ACCORDING TD SEX AND NATIONALITY 01‘ SNUSIo W Indian Indian Western Western Total s b e (II-72) (N-zo) (rs-15) 04-92) (rt-199) mm 21.9. 3.2.9. 22.9 512.5: 21.5 Don't speak the language 6.9 10.0 6.7 35.9 20.5 Different outlook different interests 13.9 15.0 13.3 18.5 16.0 I am different 11.1 5.0 13.3 2.2 6.5 General Commication 1.4 10.0 -- 9.9 6.0 SW 12.: 39.9 m 22.9. m Women, Women's role 1.4 10.0 -- 32.7 16.5 Coolmnnal Affiliation 11.1 20.0 13.3 13.0 13.0 hilial, Occupation .um. 2.8 5.0 13.3 8.7 6.5 W 12.1 20.9. 12.1 51.9. 21.! mm they permit no 4.2 5.0 -- 33.8 17.5 privacy, stare, single me out. their (orthodox) customs 9.8 20.0 13.3 14.1 13.0 Can't get to know Indians 1.4 -- -- -- 0.5 We 59.6 40.0 53.0 29.4 43.2 187 Percentages for each colunsn total more than 100 because a respondent may be included in more than onne category, with the exception of "no difficulty.” The sale is true of the subcategoreis under each Table 10. Chi Square Test husbands Wives Total Made a statenent regarding 36 72 108 difficulty of mixing with Indians Mo state-ant regarding 51 40 91 difficulty of mixing with Indians Total 87 112 199 x2 - 10.35, a: - n, p - <.oon the fact that women have more cantact dnan men with the most traditional element of Indian society-«the traditional women. Problens of interaction mentimned by the couples fall into three general categories; 1) commnnicatimn, 2) status roles and 3) Indian culture. Wm Problus of conmsunication in general are mentioned most frequently as factors which make interaction with Indians difficult; inability to converse in an Indian language is themost frequently Imentioned single barrier to interaction. This problem is particularly relevant to Western wives, one-third of whom specify it. They have the highest probability 6‘ finding themselves sequestered in a room 188 full of wmnen with whom they have no means of linguistic conununica- tion. However, not knowing an Indian language is neither restricted to female respondents nor to Westerners. Inglish is the mother tmngue of 11 percent of the Indian respondents. Altogether 58 percent of the Indian partners live outside their own linguistic region. A Goan wife from Bombay, for example, complains about the difficulties she has conmunicating in Calcutta. I feel out of place in Calcutta. In Bombay I am even a bit of an outsider, being a Goan. but I can go to any shop or government office and talk in Mglish or Hindi. Here I try both Hindi and English and they always talk back to me in Bengali. They refuse to use Hindi although they know it. A comnon language is a necessary but not sufficient element in successful cross-cultural communication. Opportunity for mis- understanding is great when representatives of different cultures believe they are using the same language. One small example is the confusion engendered by the hglish meaning of "homely" (home- loving, cmnfortable, pleasant) and the Imericmn connotation of the same word (unattractive). The difference in meaning attached to the word "no," at meal times, for example, is another source of confusion. linen an Indian refuses a second helping he usually means "try me again." linen a Westerner refuses he probably means "no, thannk you, I dmn't care for any more." Ind, incidentally. if he politely refuses with those words, chances are he is insulting his host dno believes he does not care for the food. Several respondents pointed out that although they speak the sane language .8 their Indian friends they are aware that comnunication is not completely free because of the differences in humor. 189 Difficulty in transmitting ideas cross-culturally is related to more than the simple use of words, for culture influences personality and the way individuals see things and express them.69 Personality differences and lack of common interests were mentioned second most frequently as problematic to communication. Sixteen ;percent made comments such as "we have a different outlook, a different way of thinking," or, "we lack cannon interests as a basis for social interaction." Underlying most of the specific differences brought out is the fact that the couples' world view and life style is modern or Hestern. One very basic difference between the Indian and western ‘cultures which has a significant effect on personality and on commication is the Indian view that life and me's place in it are ascribed, in contrast to the Western achievement orientation (seen especially in the Protestant, work-oriented ethic). This difference is manifest in several Indian behavioral characteristics *which annoy westerners and flbsternised Indians. Most Indians tend to accept their environment and the decisions of others passively. They look to others to make their decisions. This is noticed with the greatest irritation durhng attempts to communicate with petty 'bureaucrats who refuse to take the responsibility for decisions, ‘but it is noted in other kinds of interpersonal relations as well. iifor a more extensive discussion of this general topic see lflnund 8. Glenn, ”Semantic Difficulties in International Communica- tion." in s. 1. Kayaks“. WW. (Greenwich. Conan Pramier Book, Pawcett mblicatims, Inc., 1962). 190 In her cunt, a Swiss wife attributes the difference in personali- ties to the Indian dominance of social self compared to the Hestern emphasis on the individual idmtity. The big difference between that and East which makes it hard for a girl to adapt here is that we are brought up and trained always to be individuals. We are not told to put something above our own desires. The Indian is brought up to be a part of a larger whole, to think of himself and to act in relation- ships as father, son, brother, husband, but not as an individual. It is difficult for a girl to realise that she is not to be an individual in dress or hair style, that her mother-in-lsw decides what the family will wear each day. Because a: individaal's position is assured by birth there :is little need for introspective evaluation with respect to how the percat is playing his roles. How the Indian meets the expectaticns of a coasmmity or group is more important to him than how he lives up to his one: expectations because in a society where positions are ascribed the individual is not encouraged to set standards for himself. Neither does he internalize specific norms against which he measures his on behavior as do many Westerners, punishing himself for failure to meet these standards by feeling guilty. Cmsequutly, some Westerners feel that Indiana do not have any conscience at all (and, sale feel, therefore cannot be trusted). Other westerners, who do grant Indiana a conscience, are disturbed by what they interpret as a willingness to sell their consciences at the price of social acceptance. This bothered a German wife deeply when she first wes married. One of my biggest diffialties at first was a difference in principles. I have always felt that if I have a strong cmviction about something and others disagree I stick to my one: principles. In India you take great stock in what others' 191 opinians are and act according to what others think. My oven self respect is more important to me than the respect of others if I feel something is right. I am less willing to lose my self respect than the respect of others. Indians are always thinking about how society reacts to what they do and say. Their thoughts are always on loss of face which to an Indian is worse than death. Other respondents are reacting to the seas syndrome when they complain that "you never know what an Indian is thinking, or what he feels.” It is particularly hard for Westerners to learn "the ropes" in India when their requests for advice on how to act or what to do are met by a smile and "as you like We" (my lady) This is seen in yet another way when Indians say ”yes, yes" to any statcsent a superior makes whether they agree or not, whether they know it to be wrong or not."0 A few subjects made quite a different consent regarding connmnnicatian with Indians; that is that the Indians are excessively «notional. Shared interests are mentioned by many as facilitating and lack ofshared interests as inhibiting interaction with Indiana. A functional relationship based on shared interests transcends nationality, and reduces the self-consciousness in interaction. 70This tendency of Indians to agree with statements is seen in ‘11 unpublished study done by Robert D. Meade in 1965 in Agra. Indian atnndents were asked to respond to ststcnents an a five point scale I’Irnging from strongly agree to strongly disagree. He found that most 1‘Qapondents agreed with nearly all statements, even when statements “1th which they “strangly agreed" were in direct contradiction to one anether. For example, many students "strongly agreed" with both of the following statements: "in. United Nations and similar organisatians Provide the only hape for the world," and "tune lhited Nations is ”Orthless and should be disbanded.” / ... 7 192 ,. x e linen this is missing the dominant feature in the relationship frequently becomes cultural differences. A couple living in a factory conpound with three other Indian couples nstices the difficulty in establishing a social relationship with their neighbors because there is no cannon ground for activity or discussion. ”If they only liked classical Indian music as we do," the English wife complains, We could at least listen to records together.” W Status role differences are particularly important to social interaction in a highly stratified culture such as India's, and one-third of the respondents blame status role definitions and differences for their problems of interaction with Indians. The role of woman in India leads the wives to make this kind of complaint more frequutly than the men. This difference is of particular concern to the Western wives since they are the most likely to be interacting with the traditional Indians. Modern Indian wives also raise their voices against having to interact with the tradi- tional women. Although others include lengthy descriptions of agonizing hours on the floor in a room full of staring sari-clad women talking in an incomprehensible language about the foreigner in their midst, the following cmplaint of an haerican wife is quite typical of the many heard about associating with Indian women. Indian women are very difficult to make friends with. They don't lend themselves. we don't have much in cannon. I tried, but they make no effort. It's not that they're 193 194 unfriendly, really. They were anxious to meet me when I cane, but that is all. We were invited a lot, but they never case to see me or to see how I was doing. Indian men are easy to be friendly with, but they are my husband's friends. Part of the problen with the women is that we haven't had the sae kinds of experiences. There is some barrier to cousunicatian. I don't know just what it is. The difficulty wives of Indian-Western couples eXperience relating to the more traditiaal women has deeper roots tha dif- ferences in language ad experience; the source of the difficulty lies in the nature of the social structure which assigns women a very restricted positimn within the faily. If Indian women were not so restricted in the first place, they would have a broader range of experiaces to share with outsiders. The role of women in India also discourages interactia between the western women and Indias because it restricts the rage of people with whom they are permitted to interact. In traditional situations, women are not permitted to commicate with men. One-third of the western wives specifically mentioned women and/or wouen's position as a basic hindrace to successful commication with Indians. One of the wives interviewed, a widow, feels so constrained by her par- ticularly restricted position in India that she is considering leaving the country altogether, in spite of her love for the country and its people after may years there. liere alone, I a not supposed to meet men without their wives. It's hard to invite man who share interests with me, because their wives feel left out of the conversation and aren't interested. If I direct all the conversatia to the ma ad leave out the women it is looked on badly. I ca't interact with single men here. laid: Ella" itsfl 195 Difficulty interacting with India women makes some of the western wives extremely dependant upon their husbands ad their husbands' friends for social compaionahip, yet this violates the norms outside modern Hasternised circles. mne wife notes that people "talk" ad may not want to be seen with her because she does spad so mch the with her husband. I wish I could be more friendly with more India wanna. Either they treat me as superior ad make it difficult to have friendship, or they are just the opposite ad say, ”Oh, look at the stupid Westerner.” I wat something in between. People think it strage that my husband ad I do everything together. finey must think that I aly like to associate with men. For that reason I would like to know some India women better so I could go places with them. I'm sure they think I aly go places with ma. India men note the sae conflict. Especially those whose friends are not as modern as they are find themselves torn between the desire to fulfill the needs ad the expectations of their wives to do things as a couple and the desire to go slang with the socially established pattern of going out with the men. This caflict is reflected in cantata by two of the India husbads. My friends want as to carry on as they do without taking my wife into casideratia. They ca't understand it if they suggest a movie ad I say I have to see if my wife ca case slag. For then a wife is not expected to participate or talk much. I make then feel guilty about their onan failies when I consider my ca. They try to avoid situations which make then feel guilty, so I don't see as such of them as I would otherwise. With a India wife I might have gone out more with men ad felt less guilty about going out by myself. I'd have social catacts with Indias, visit more India families, but with my present wife it ia't easy; India wusen ad foreign woma don't really get slang well. lhe laguage problem, etc... 196 Communal status roles are seen by some as another factor inhibiting interactions with certain Indians. Some Westerners find that they are not only accepted by their partner's community, they feel engulfed by it. In this situation the casualty may cut off access not only to foreigners in India, but also to other kinds of Indians as well. One Western wife felt hemmed in by the Bengali community when she first married, another by the Christians. friends were thrust upon me, not of my own choosing. I dislike this trait in Bengalis. They think themselves so much better than others. They frown on the idea of making friends outside the Bengali community. If I didn't particularly like somebody (an Indian), they would say I should like her because she is educated. Church work is narrowing unless you make a real conscious effort to break out. It is difficult to get outside the Christia colmsunity. Wen if we do make the effort, outsiders have no need to know use or to respond to invitations. There is another, even less positive, way communalism stands in the way of interactia with Indians and that is by communal conflicts or rivalry. A malim husbad maintains that he has a very difficult time caductiag business in India, let alone making friends, because of Hundu attitudes toward people of his religion. A couple living in Calcutta reports being upset when rocks were thrown at their windows and obscenities scrawled on their car, they thought, because of their mixed marriage. Not until they learned that the funjabi and Madrassi families in their building were receiving the sane treamsent did they realise that this was a expressia of Bengali feelings against outsiders. 197 WWW Thaty-nine percent mentioned aspects of Indian culture as factors making interaction with Indias difficult for then. The complaint heard most frequently comes alm0st exclusively from Western wives who feel that their caceptian of privacy is being violated. lbstern culture, which places more enphasis on the individual tha does India culture, has may nouns which permit a person to protect his individuality. The wives point out that they feel their norms protecting privacy of personal behavior, property, ad even of thoughts, are violated by Indias. Westerners consider it impolite to stare; this makes the individual aware that what he may casider private behavior is, in fact, very public. Western wives who complain that they are "the object of staring contests" feel they are no longer individuals but have become part of the public domain. In India norm of privacy, averting the eyes in interaction, is almost as disturbing to Westerners who are not accustomed to this way of protecting privacy. Some interpret this as just aother reflection of the fact that Indias refuse to recognize fine individual. A very fine line distinguishes paying attention to a foreigner-- making him feel welcome, wanted ad part of the group-~from violating his sass of privacy. This distinction is particularly hazy in India, for Indias do not, as a rule, like to be alone. Most Westerners, by catrast, treasure some time alone, especially when their senses are being castatly bombarded with new stimuli. The foreign 4.... 7:... 4...: 198 partners, especially when in the joint family, often complain of the need for just a little time alone, to pull themsleves together. One Western wife details the extreme to which her India sisters-in- law went to make her feel loved. There was no privacy...to escape I'd nap in the afternoon, but the relatives kill you with kindness. My sisters-in-law didn't.want me to be honely so they would all come in when I napped, or drag me out of the room. A Belgian'wife found her sisters-in-law sitting at the end of her bed when she awoke in the morning, while yet aother newly-arrived foreign*wife adopted the practice of getting up in the middle of the night and going to the sitting room to luxuriate in an empty room. The overabundance of company experienced by some Western wives stems in part from the Indian dislike of being alone, and in part from the fact that a newHwife is family property. As such, when she first visits the traditiaal faily home she is essentially put on display for everyone to come see. This may mea weeks of receiving visitors. This is bad enough, many feel, in itself. It is worse to have to sit while relatives come in a constant stream talking languages the wives don't understand about a topic they do understand, themselves. The concept of joint property, which allows anyone in a family the freedan to open packages addressed to an individual, or to read that person's mail, infuriates a number of Westerners living in Indianfamilies. Questions from Indiana about topics which Westerners feel are tabu also tend to violate the Westernera' cacept of 199 personal privacy. Indians ask questions quite openly about such things as one's salary and sexual habits, topics a Westerner finds insulting. Indians frequently pay attention to a Westerner in their midst by making special allowances, creating special situations for the Westerner who, they believe, must be uncomfortable on the floor, eating with his hands, etc. An American wife vented her resentment over such treatment in her interview. Sanetimes Indias make a big fuss about our living conditions ad keep saying how difficult I must find it. I don't mind not having a stove and an oven, etc. (I do mind not having water, things that can be helped.) What I really mind is their assumption that because I'm a foreigner I should find it so difficult. I da't find ay difficulty in having to work for myself at all. I hate being singled out because I'm a haterner in this way. I feel that same way wha people give me a chair and everyone else is on the grownd. When you go to a function you expect to do what others do. It makes me mad when they give me very small portias of food because they think that I won't like the hot food. I like food very hot, and I'm just as hungry as anyone else. There are times when you'wish.you could be one of them, but they keep making allow- ances for you and singling you out because you are a Westerner. At first Westerners, especially the wives, find interaction with Indians difficult because of the different style of social behavior they find in India. Western wives are frustrated by social behavior they consider informal to the point of being impolite; for example, not knowing when a person drops in whether he will stay two minutes, two hours, or two weeks. They are also annoyed at the absence of Western social rituals such as saying "thak you," "excuse me," and "please." As is to be expected, the Indians, in turn, are somewhat put off by what they call the "formality" l 200 of Westerners in entertaining. Several Indian husbands conanented that they thought some of their Indian friends had been discouraged from dropping over by this difference in approach to social interaction. As one describes it, In one respect my friends are not as at home ad it takes some time to overcome the hesitacy toward a foreign girl. She has different habits. ‘nney da't know what to do, what is to be expected. They feel ill at ease, don't know where they stad with respect to the person. It is the sense of formality...The India likes informality in receiving people, entertaining, ad dropping in. My friends didn't feel so free to drop in at first. Although the majority of consents indicate that itstern social behavior is perceived as being more ritualized than India, there are some who see it the other way around. In Australia wife says, In Hyderabad the norm is to follow tradition. It is beginning to get on my nerves-"the people we meet here. The Muslim Hyderabadis have such excessive politeness, it seems super- ficial. I'm inclined to feel it decadent. It seems a facade all this bowing ad mailing. I don't think they have much on their minds. In sane cases the couple frankly admits that difficulty inter- acting with Indias can be blaed on their own dislikeoof the traditional India life style ad their own unwillingness to make concessias to fit in wifin it. They don't like having to be vegetaria or teetotalers, for exaple, or finey don't like the hour at which Indias eat. It is highly probable that an important factor in the dislike of social involvement with Indias is uncertainty the to lack of familiarity with the traditional culture. This, like knowledge of the laguage, is by no meas limited to fine Western partners. Fear of insulting another, or abarrassing 201 oneself by not knowing fine social norms for eating, speaking, timings etc., ca be a powerful deterrent to relaxed interaction. Only a few people mentioned difficulties they encountered on arrival in India which grew out of misconceptions they had about the country, what their India partners would be like when returned to their onan culture, or what their one positia would be in India society. Hay who experienced culture shock upon arrival in India blame India for adjustment problens. Some of the Western partners, however, had virtually no understading of India or India culture before caning. One woma arrived during the Indian snaner with a trunk full of English winter clothing. aother English woma who spent ten years in purdah had been told about this institution before leaving anglad, but purdah had been described to her as "having curtains." She thought this rather quaint...until she was ushered behind those curtains. More con-only, fine Western partner believes he or she knows India culture, but learns that it is a stereotyped image, or an idea constructed from partial knowledge. A Western girl who meets an India in hrope falls in love with a person who is cosmopolitan in outlook ad behavior. She witnesses him in a modern occupatiaal role, such as a doctor. His behavior in this role is very modern, and gaerally continues to be so in India. She also sees him inter- acting mainly with Wsaterners, but is unaware of the ease with which Indias ca comparfinatslized their lives, being highly Westernized in certain roles or wifin certain groups, ad very traditional with 202 others. fine is, finerefore, unprepared for the fact that her husbad feels comfortable with India friends who do not include their wives socially, ad she is often totally unprepared for the possibility of traditional role relations he may have with his faily. The most difficult tradition for a Western wife to accept is the fact that the filial relationship supersedes the conjugal relation in the joint faily. May wives feel that the husbad's support for her needs vis-a-vis the demands of the traditiaal faily is absolutely essential for satisfactory adjustment in India. fine conflict is felt strongly by may of the husbads as well. for exaple, one husbad worries, I feel a duty to both mother ad my wife, ad I haven't the time to do justice to either. If any wife were India, she could mix easier with mother, there would be no laguage problms. finey would keep each other company. I don't enjoy the visits with mother tremendously because of this. Ind from aother, Laguage creates may misunderstandings, even when I traslate. It is more difficult for me tha for my wife because I am trying to please bofin sides. People always run the risk of marrying stereotypes, but the risk is greater when a difference in cultures is involved, ad at least one of fine partners has relatively little experience or real knowledge about the culture into which he is marrying. finis stereo- type may be based a differences or similarities; either may cause diffidty when the individual is initially confronted with the realities of the new culture ad social structure. Sue Weatern partners may have perceived India as a exotic lad of maharajahs, 203 ad never have considered having to contend with the joint family. fine author has met a nudner of single Western men who have great expectations of marrying their ideal India girl, beautiful, feminine, ad subservient. They do not realize that most of the India wmnen they are likely to meet socially are liberated ad willing to marry a Westerner precisely in order to avoid being subservient. Equally disarming is marrying on the basis of a stereotype or preconception of cultural similarities. finis ca happen when one knows one subculture in India ad assnsnes that others are like it. It is more likely to happen when a Westerner marries a Indian Christia ad assumes that their life styles ad philosophies are alike. The India Christias are, however, influenced by their cultural environment ad by the fact that may have only recently converted to Christiaity from the Hindu faith. India Christianity is not a duplicate copy of finat found in the West. Although the difference between a Western Christia ad a India Christian may be smaller than between a Westerner and a Hindu, the frustration experienced in encountering the differences may be greater because the Westerner expects the cultures to be the same. He is not prepared to have to make allowances for, ad adjustments to cul- tural differences. Less than ten percent feel that it has become more difficult over time to meet Indias or maintain social relations with them. (See Table 12, p.209.) Most of those who do explain their difficulty 206 by a change in occupation or place of residence. Tho blane what, to fines, is the deteriorating social condition in India. (he, married to a Muslim, notes finat that connnunity's positia is growing worse. fine other, an Indian whose mother tongue is English, bemoas the fact that Hindi is used more widely ad Indians are more political. A few others point out that they simply aren't trying as hard to meet Indiana or to interact socially with them as they 0363 dide WWW Virtually everyae respading made at least one statement regarding the ease of meeting or interacting with Indians. fine great majority of all but the haters husbads attribute this ease to characteristics of the Indias-u-friendsly, open, easy going, etc., as ca be seen in fible ll. Westerners were most apt to elaborate on their statements regarding ease of interactia wifin Indias. Indias, especially the men, take finis for grated. Westerners, on the other hand, pleased by the ease with which they establish relationships with Indians are more apt to discuss it. Half the Western husbads ad nearly that many Western wives attribute this ease to their own characteristics. Most who so credit thenselves point out that they had known Indias a long time before marrying, either in India or the West. Conannal similarities are cited by a small group, 13 percent of the Western partners, as contributing to ease of interaction 205 TABLE 11. PBCEH‘AGE DISTRIBUTION OF REAQNS GIVE NR EASE OF MEETING OE INTBACI'ING WIT}! INDIANS ACWRDING TD SEX AND NATIONALITY 0! 81003‘ Reasas India Indian Western Western Total n WW. (NI-72) (NI-20) (N-lS) (NI-9T) (N-l98) fineir Characteristics, 84.5 95.0 40.0 ' 66.0 73.6 (friendly, modern, informal, accepting)* "y “autistic, 8.4 -- 5304 4002 2506 (at home, knew before, adaptable)* Idiosyncratic reasons" 1.4 -- 13.3 19.6 10.6 Commal Involvement, or similarity between India and Western cm1t1“* 5s6 5.0 13.3 1300 9s). No Conmnent about Base of interaction with 13““ 4.2 "' 6.7 "' 2s5 (*Percentage totals are more than 100 percent because one person ca be included in more tha one category with the exception of "no consent." Table ll. Chi Square Test. a) Made statement that interaction wifin Indias is easy because of "their characteristics" compared to no Statement giving Indians credit for ease of interaction. x - 19.50, df - 3, P - < .001 b) Made statement finat ease of interaction with Indias is easy because of "my characteristics" compared to no statement giving subject credit for ease of interaction. x2 - 34.9, at - 3’ p -< .001 between Indias ad Westerners. Several pointed out the great similarity in the importace of the faily in Hindu ad Jewish culture. A Ranch wife feels that with her upper class background she has more in conmnon with her husbad's Ayar Bralnnin community tha mhe would with the l'kach middle class. 206 WWW Western wives are the most likely to find interaction with Indias problematical, especially during the early years in India. It is not surprising, then, to find that the Western wives are also, the most likely to note that associatia with Indias has become easier for then. Most of the India ad Western husbads (69 percent ad 60 percent respectively) ad even more of the India wives (90 percent) stateuthat they have experienced no change in ease of mixing with Indias. Because change in relationships with Indias is perceived mainly by Western wives the discussion will focus on their conments. linile they tend to blame Indias for difficulty of interaction, they feel they themselves are respasible for the improvement in relations with Indias. Seventy-three percent of those Western wives who feel it has become easier to relate to Indias (55 percent of all Western wives) give themselves the credit. By far the most cannon change mentioned is having learned the language. finis, again, reflects the findings presented earlier, that the greatest disparity between the need for an India language and ability to speak it is mnong fine Western wives. All of the other specific changes in themselves ad described by Western wives as facilitating interaction with Indias reflect increased insight into the India way of life ad thinking. For may this is a direct result of learning the laguage. This insight includes learning what Indias like to talk about, and developing 207 increased sensitivity to how Indias react to things a Westerner might do or say. In English wife reports several such chages in herself: It is easier to mix with Indias now because now I know how an India ticks, what interests they have, and what they expect of a woma. Now I have more background on India ad I can discuss India politics ad things. I know who the palitical figures are. fine Indias are more interested in personalities tha ideas. A great part of the discussions here are "do you know..." kinds of conversatimns. Much of what appears to newly-arrived Westerners as coldness or rejection is reaction to transgression of a norm the Westerners do not know exists. For example, a Western wife may receive negative feedback when she tries to talk too much or too freely with men in the faily, even if she does not know the norms ad believes she is "just being friendly,'."~ Although the wife may never fully agree with the norms, once she understads than she is far more comfortable in social situations, ad is usually more warmly accepted by the Indias. Eventually, many Westerners pass the stage of merely learning norms. finey begin to understand why fine Indias behave as they do ad how specific behaviors reflect the total cultural syndrome. In knerica wife explains, Now I ca see the different approach. finat helps. I can see why things are dune as they are, ad my frame of reference is chaging. Now I don't feel so isolated. Imericas have a built-in casplex about mothers-in-law. A girl here is brought up to realize she will be close to mother-in-law and will have to share a great deal with her. Brought up with finis idea the relation is not so emotionally charged. fine India women have well-defined roles which is not so to 208 finat extat in the “.8. Once I learned what these roles were ad where I fit in I was no longer frustrated by aspira- tias ad caflicts. At first I was upset with my mother- in-law's behavior ad attitudes but now that I understad these were her ways of expressing her concern with her faily I appreciate her. With time, may, especially those who have developed an understading of India culture, begin to feel part of the country, ad cease to feel self-conscious. Fifteen percent of the Western wives who note an improvenent in ease of interaction with Indias stated that they feel a part of, ad feel accepted by, India society. Table 12 indicates the respases of each group regarding the chage in fineir feelings about associating with Indias. Alfinough the actual number of Western husbads who find mixing with Indias increasingly easy is smaller, (:0 percent of those who do see a chage are similar to the Western women in attributing the changes to themselves. However, they emphasize slightly different reasons. fine Western women explain how and why they adjust to India society, whereas the Western men enphasize their ability to adapt by selecting the segnsnt of India society per- mitting the easiest interaction. For example, one Western husband consented, "Now I know cues; I can tell what kind of an India I a meeting ad how to act. I ca also predict whether this is the kind of pe'son I would like to get to know right away.” Western women would not be expected to make such a consent very ofta, because they do not have as great a choice of India friends as a Western husbad. 209 TABLE 12. MCHTAGB DISTRIBUTION OF STATMTS REFLETING CHANGE IN BASE 0? MEETING 08 assocnrmc "I'D! INDIANS ACCORDING ‘10 SEX AND NATIONALITY OP SPOUSB India India Western was tern husbads wives husbads wives (N-7l) (Ii-20) (N-lS) 01-92) No Change 69.0 90.0 60.0 30.5 Easier (total) 19.7 5.0 40.0 69.5 They have changed -- -- 6.7 20.7 I have changed 15.5 5.0 33.3 55.5 The situation has CM“ 5.6 "' 607 1402 More difficult (total) 9.8 5.0 6.7 7,6 Harder in general 7.1 5.0 -- 2.2 Situation has changed 2.8 -- 6.7 5.6 Percentages total more than 100 because, with the exception of "No chage," the respondents may be included in more tha ae category. Table 12. Chi Square ‘l'est. Interaction with Indians has become egaier compared to no chage in ease of interaction with Indians. 3 - 37.34. df . 3, p - (0001 It is rare for an India to point out that it has become increasingly easy to interact with Indias, but some do. The main reasa given by Indias for this chage is that they have relearned India norms of interaction forgotten during years abroad. Some feel it has taken them almost as long to relearn social codes or to learn the norms of the adult world as for the Western partner to learn them. A few Indias who had been rather indifferent to Total (Ii-198) 52.5 43.0 10 .1 34.4 9.1 8.1 4.0 4.0 210 India culture have been encouraged to participate in India society by Western spouses who take great interest in that culture. A westernisad India girl, for example, married a European who is pursuing a degree in India studies ad intends to write books an India villagers. are reports enjoying visits to villagers, some- thing she would never have considered before her marriage. Changes in the Indias are likely to account for much of the increased ease westerners find in relating to them, but these chages are not as obvious as chages in oneself ad consequently are not mentimed as frequently. Again, it is the western wives who most notice the change. lhirty percent of those who find it easier to interact with Indias (21 percent of all Western wives) notice chages in the Indias, primarily the India women. ‘lhe greatest encouragaent to social interaction they feel, stems from the fact that India woman are beginning to accompay their husbands socially ad are participating more frequently in such social activities as dacing ad swim-ing. WWW Situational factors such as occupatia, residence, ad status encourage interaction with Indians for some couples ad discourage it for others. Nine percat feel a situational chage has made associating with Indias easier; four percent find Indian friend- ships harder to establish ad maintain after a situational chage. A couple moving from a conservative town to a cosmopolita city may 211 find it easier to gain rapport with the urba modern Indians; a move in the opposite direction is likely to make the couple, or at least the western partner, feel that participation in India social life has become more difficult. Chage in the occupational situation ca have an equally great effect on case of making friends with Indias by opening or shutting doors to contact with whole groups of Indias. A simple chage of a firm's director, from a Westerner to an India, ca chage rolatias within the whole organisation. An India wife points out that when there was an office function during the directorship of a British ma the families came ad this provided good opportunity to establish social contact. Now that there is an India director, failies are no lager included, ad it is now very difficult to make social acquaintaces in the firm. A chage in director affected the status position of two husbads within their orgaisations, and consequently their relationships with other Indias. One couple found that when a Bengali became director of a professional institute the non-Bengalia, including this Madrassi husband, were m m m. A Western husbad relates a similar experience when church leadership: changed. ‘lhe chage affected the individual concerned in far more than just his relations with Indians; it shook his self cafidence with regard to his acceptace in his adopted country as a whole. I've a new appreciation of my foreianess now. I felt more secure, ad adjusted ad accepted than I really was. My bishop chaged ad with that my job security chaged. 212 My vulnerability was exposed in a way that I had not known. Because my position in the church has chaged I find a new attitude toward me. People who I thought accepted me as aother worker in India, I suddenly find, see me as foreign. If you are in solid with the bishop you are treated one way, wha you are just aother missionary you are treated differently. As long as I was in adninistration ad had authority with strong support in my church I was dealt with like ayone else. Now that I no longer have authority or support I feel my marginality with respect to the Indias. Status ca also be a important determinat in either inhibiting or encouraging interaction with the India family. he son of a fairly traditional India faily mentias two ways in which his status made his faily accept his marriage when they might otherwise have ostracized him. ”I have the halo of being a barrister, so my family wouldn't ostracise me. find, to my younger brother ad sister I am a half god ayway, being the eldest brother. They coula't object to my western wife." Inother Indian husbad used occupatiaal position to his advatage in a slightly different way; he worked his way into a indispensable position in a family business, then announced his engagement to a Ianerican. ‘lhey literally could not afford to lose him. ‘lhese are examples of how a high status occupational position encourages continued contact with Indias, in this case the family. However, it is conceiveable that a low status position could have just the opposite effect. Westerners are quick to pick up status distinctions in the family. than one is on the upper side of the status differential, it enhaces rolatias with Indias, but when one is on the lower end of the status ladder itmay inhibit rolatias as a French wife discovered: 213 fly eldest sister-in-law is conservative. I don't enjoy seeing.her. As the elder, she has the right to tell me what to do, and she does. That isn't very pleasant. I feel freest with my youngest sister-in-law because she wouldn't dare tell me what to do, or even comment on what I do because I am the wife of her older brother. That means a lot here. An important status distinction is also made between the daughter-in-law who is dominated, and in a traditional family has little control over her own behavior, and the son-in-law who is outside the family control. A Belgian husband thoroughly enjoys his position as the son-in-law. It is easier for an India wife with a Western husbad because the son-in-law is god. I have a say in the family, but the daughter-in-law doesn't. My wife ca msoke in front of her family when I am there if I permit it. They can't say anything if I o.k. it. Our life is my decision. This commit leads directly to the next variable which can work for or against the ease with which western wives fit into their India families. It is the opinia of may people, including those within the study, that the strength of the Indian husband's relationship with his wife via-a-vis his relationship‘with his parents is very important. From the point of view of the western wife, at least, interaction with Indias is made far easier when the husband supports her needs, at least some of the time. This support, against a traditional family, takes a strong husband, for the traditional social system dictates that the filial relation- ship take precedence over the conjugal relationship. The right to privacy, the right to go out alone, to follow her on religion, to dress as she pleases, or to raise her children according to 214 western practices, are only a few of the may matters a which the flestern wives are apt to need the support of their husbads. The Western wives comating on this matter are about equally split between those praising husbads for support ad those blaming him for lack of support. One wife differs; she blames her husbad for too much protection, saying, I was happy with my husbad's family for five months. Then my husbad came and he was defensive for my sake. I put up with things, he would say they would make me uncom- fortable ad tell them. It made the relationship more difficult. Equally important is the support, or lack of it, offered by the family head. Complete lack of cooperation from the head of the faily is rare, judging from the experiences of the couples in this study. Several of the western partners praised fathers- in-law for dictating acceptace of the foreign partner to the family. A Western wife describes how her father-in-law assured her integration into the faily, My father-in-law said if the faily didn't treat me right I should tell him“ No one ever bothered me. He told the cook he would fire him if he didn't let me in the kitchen. My father-in-law told me I could bring meat to the table to chage the others. No one could object because his word was law. A more coumon pattern is acceptace on the part of parents, but no dictuus issued. This leaves individual relatives free to accept the foreign partner or not accept as they choose, although they generally are accepting if the parents are. One or two wives mention the difficulty of living with indifference. Open 215 hostility, they feel, would be preferable to being ignored; "Hostility you can deal'with but how can you deal with someone who refuses to recognize your very presence?" they ask. A high status occupation or high prestige by virtue of being Western or being Western-returned with a foreign wife ca be a advantage in meeting some Indians. Two western wives commented that Indiana tend to seek out such people and consequently, without trying, their own contacts with Indians are broadened. Others are actually distressed by the Indian tendency to perceive Hasterners as some kind of superior beings. They feel they are not being seen as individuals but are sought out because they are HEsterners, perhaps to give the Indian himself prestige by association or to request favors from the Hist. Hhatever the reason, couples sus- picious of Indians who want.to meet them.tend to shy away, thus reducing their interaction with Indiana. Indiana tend to polarise people into ”we,wthey” categories, and the "they” group is then assigned a position as decidedly superior or decidedly inferior, neither of which is necessarily true in the eyes of the Hesterner. This tendency reflects the degree to which the caste organisation of the Hindu social structure permeates the thinking, even of many modern Indians. Several comments reflect this; "I still feel a foreigner when we mix*with Bengalis. Some of them feel inferior around me and this is wrong. Others feel very superior around me and condemn everything "batern." "I used to feel uneasy taking my husband into an all Indian group, even the highly educated. They 216 either adore or hate the British. In either case natural relations are very difficult.” "In a small town there is a polarisation of people, wonderful or awful. we did not fit into a predetermined class so people had to make up their minds about us as the situation arose." Nay Westerners, especially the hericas, fail to appreciate how very fundamental is the establishment of relative status positions to Indias. The Imerica desire to be friendly ad egalitaria frequently aliaates not only those Indias who feel they have higher status but also those of lower status the aerica is trying to befriend, because it isn't fitting the status of a foreia "sahib." (master) In other cases, real status differences ca affect relations with certain Indias. In India husbad concerned about improving cross-casts relatiaships points out that he has not visited his faily since long before his marriage because his having untouchable friends would present an extraely awkward situation for his orthodox Bralunin fai 1y. Differences of class status are mentioned more frequently than caste differentials as a factor inhibiting close friendships with Indias. This does not mea that a wealthy couple does not have India friends, only that certain individuals may be hesitat to tons a close association with someone much wealthier than they are. M of the India wives pointed this out in discussing their relatiaships with India school friends whose husbads do not make 217 as much money as their own western husbads. These women hesitate to invite their friends has for fear of embarrassing them, or for fear that they would refuse because of inability to reciprocate. Their solution is to invite India friads to have coffee in tow. In the past India men with traditiaal wives frequently entertained Hesternised friends in clubs or restaurants to avoid the prohibitions of a traditional household. It is relatively new for waen to do the sue. me factors mentiaed above, place of residence, occupational status, caste ad class may inhibit or encourage associations with Indias, depending on one's position. There are two other factors which were mationed both as helping ad as hindering the establish- ment of cmafortable relationships with Indias. Here, however, the differace is not as of actual position, but rather a difference in interpretation of a situation. One such factor is living in a fairly traditional social aviramant upon arrival in India. Some feel the gulf is so great they never begin trying to interact with Indias. Others feel that such a acounter was the best thing that could possibly have happened to them, even though it was not easy at the time. A German wife maintains that not only was her experiace in Kerala during the first years of marriage crucial to her understading of the India Christias with whom she works ad lives, but was also crucial to understanding her husbad. It was aly after marriage that I learned the thinking of the India Christias in Kerala on marriage, life, ad sex, ad could really understad it. If I had bea married ad living in Busbay I wouldn't have understood either, nor living 218 in Baabay would I have been able to understad my husbad. You must really live in his society, understad their way of thinking to understad your husbad. The second differace in interpretation concerns the importace of gaining a understading of the traditiaal culture for inter- actia with Indias. Wile most feel that the more they know of India culture, the easier it is to establish social rolatias with Indias, there are a few western partners who feel that not knowing the culture is a distinct advatage in getting along with Indias. If one doesn't know the laguage, they argue, it is far more difficult to get into arguments with the in-laws. The foreigner is pampered ad excused. Begging ignorace, the foreigner ca ignore those rules which make him uncomfortable in a social SIMCICIe W The position of the Western wives vis-a-vis Indias stads out in the discussion of the couples' attitudes about interaction with Indias. Western wives have the most complaints about their associatias with Indias, ad the main coaplaints registered reflect their position: 1) the lack of a laguage for comnunicating with non-Iiglish speaking Indias, 2) restrictias of the woman's role, ad 3) self-consciousness ad uncertainty of their position as indicated in concern with privacy ad staring. India women feel more restricted by their com-mal relations than by the women's position per se; but these are related, for they are subject to 219 the restricted female role in their on commities more than in their Western husband's community. The position of men is less restrictive in India, thus fewer husbads found interaction with Indias problematical. Laguage is less of a problem for Western husbands tha Western wives because India men are more likely to speak English tha India woma. t t a WWW ma discussing relatias with Westerners in India the couples distinguish betwea various kinds of westerners, as they do with Indias, ad point out that it is easier to interact with some tha others. Some of the westerners in India are more cosmopolita in outlook than others, but there is no traditional-modern difference. Therefore, to the extent that the respondents do categorise westerners it is primarily according to natiaality ad occupation. The else of a given foreign commity in India ad the city in which it is located were rarely used as a basis for making distinctions between westerners in India. They will be discussed in this section, however, because these factors do contribute to the formation of a Hesterner's attitudes in India. The way respondents evaluate specific Western nationality groups in India differs according to each individual's experiences Some may gaeralise to a natiaality group on the basis of experience with a few very friadly or a few very unfriadly people of that nationality. Others may have favorable experiences with Germans, 220 for instace, because of a coma interest in music ad feel that Germas are the easiest Westerners to know in India. The couples' experiences with the foreign partner's own nationality group also vary ad there is, casequatly, no consensus regarding the effect of a comsa natiaality bad a ease of establishing friendships with Westerners in India. Directly catradictory statements were heard from these couples. For exaple, "It is always easy to make friends with your own kind," ad, "Anaricas are the least tolerat ad uglish the most tolerat, but that is because my wife is liglish,” catrast with stataents such as ”The Germas (my natiaality) are so aobbish. “reliever we go to a Carma party we talk to other mixed couples because the Gare-swa't talk to us. The other mropeas aren't that bad." There are may other variables besides whether or not the Westerners are the smse natiaality as the Western partner which affect the couple's ease of establishing social rolatias with 71 In spite of the lack of casasus regarding the Westerners. "friadliness" of the various Western natiaality groups in India, may individuals in this study have definite opinias about which nationalities are friendly ad which are not. Such individuals have ”facts" ad beliefs to support their opinias. One India who has studied in Germany, for exaple, feels the ”Game are the 71'See Chapter V for further discussia of why an Indian- Western couple generally has difficulty becoming integrated into Western community groups in India. 221 easiest to mix with because the Cermas ad the Brahmins share the idea that they are superior beings, and each respects this in the other.” Another, however, feels equally strongly that the German feeling of (Aryan) superiority is the reason Indians have more difficulty making friends with Germans than any other nationality. Similarly, the long history of uglish involvement in India is given as a reason for ease in entering British circlea--"they understand us”---and for difficulty in penetrating that nationality group as well--"they still have the superior colonial attitude toward the natives.” Evaluations of the occupatiaal third cultures in India ad ease of participation in each are also influenced by an individual's experiences. But there is a little more consensus regarding the nature of Westerners wha they are classified by occupatia tha by nationality. This is particularly apparent'with respect to Western businesanen and academicians. Although only a minority of respondents expressed a opinia, their consents suggest that in general the business community is the hardest to get to know and the academic community the easiest.72 There are several reasons for this difference. Academic people are less apt to be in India for long periods or on a semi-permaent basis, ad they are also 72This refers to the opinias of couples who are not already inte- grated into ac of the Western comsunities. Those couples who are integrated into the lhstern business calamity would not agree with this overall evaluation. 222 inclined to be "first-time-outers" compared to the "old hads" in the business coununity, especially the British business community. An importat difference betwea the "first timer" ad the ”old had," reported by the Useems, is the enthusiasm of the ”first timer" for plunging, often indiscriminatly, into India society.73 As a result of these characteristics, the academic persa is seen as friadly, but willing to interact with ayae. One India wife describes her impressia of the educators ad scholars she has known. The acadenic Westerners sea to make friends more easily, ad they seem willing to make friends with ayae. I guess if they are here aly taporarily that they dait have to be so discriminating. I woula't make friends with some of the same types because I will be here lager ad would have to put up with it all. There are just certain people I da't think my children should have catact with, or with their children; their stadards of living are so different from ours. Another importat difference is the locale of the business ad acadaic Westerners. Businessma are generally in the coumnercial centers which meas that most are in the cosmopolita larger cities.“ They are usually within well-established business orgaisations as 73For further discussia of the gaeratias of the third culture see: John ad Ruth Usea ad John Daoghue, "Ma in the Middle of the mird Culture: The Roles of America ad Na-Western PeOple in Cross-Cultural Aainistratia," W, 22 (Fall 1963). 7I'Respadents tend to include industrialists with businessmen when discussing Westerners in India. May of their attitudes are similar; however they differ in ac respect. The Western industrial- ists in India are less likely to be living in major urba centers. Rather, they are advisers in smaller cities or even in newly- developed industrial areas which are not located in a city. Their attitudes toward Westerners married to Indias depends to a greater extent on the degree of isolatia from other Westerners ad a the sise of the Western community. 223 well which meas that even the newcomers move into a agoing network of social relatiaships including Indias associated with that particular group of Westerners. The foreign scholar, a the other had, is more likely to be Independat of other Westerners. Even when he is affiliated with a organisatia he is frequently associated, on his on, with a India university in a mull city or a India part of a larger city. He may be the aly Westerner in the area, in which case his associations with Indias are not circunscribed by the group with which he is affiliated. And, he is dependent a Indias for his social activities. Not aly are the Western academicias distributed differently tha businessmen in India, but a the average they maintain a slightly lower stadard of living as well. This eases interactia with Indias ad Indian-Western couples as will be seen later in this chapter. One last factor catributing to the friadly image of acadaicias is that Western academic ccmsunities are gaerally more accepting of cross-marriages of all varieties. Undoubtedly ae of the most importat variables related to ease of associating with Westerners in India is the sise of the Western commity. then there are aly a few Westerners in an area their criteria for inclusia in their natiaality group is broadened to include natiaals married to Indias ad even Indias who have spat time in their country. A Western wife points this out: 224 than we were living in a small tower we were good friends with a lot more foreigners tha here (larger city). It was a mealler commity ad there were several foreign failies canected with a natiaal laboratory. We were all close friends there. Others living in areas with very few Westerners report that whenever a Westerner passes through the area all are called to meet him. Any lusterner, married to a host natiaal or not, living "up country" becomes, in a sense, a outpost of the Western cos-unity. One missiaary relates that when he was stationed in a small toa ay Westerner doing village research stayed with him ad depended a him for catacts ad informatia, eva though may disapproved of missionaries. Sometimes those in all pockets of Westerners are in India a short tours without failies. than this is the case it is easier for than to opa thaselves to Indias and to Westerners married to Indias. Commities become more protective as the proportia of woma and children increases. It is easier for the India-Western couples to make contact with other Westerners in the large cities where there are more Westerners, in more fields of activitynbusiness, academic, profess- ionals-"providing more channels of access to the Western commity. In sdditia, there are more associations where the isolated India- Western couples can predict they will meet Westerners if they so desire, e.g. the Indo-Imarica Society, the Max Hueller Bhava (German culture center), etc. Wiile it is easier to make catact with Westerners in the larger cities, it is not necessarily easy to become integrated into 225 the social life of the foreign coumnnity. In large cities the Western populatia splits into functional or occupatiaal third culture groupsubusiness, governmat, etc. Each socialises its our “era ad determines, to a large extent, how arch interactia with the "natives" is permissible ad which of the host natiaals are appropriate as associates. These functiaal commanities, orua entire natiaal community, e.g.. the British, in cities with a smaller Western population, are generally large aough to be socially self- ccntainad. Yet they are small enough to be aware of first their emsbers are doing, ad to be able to enforce social sactias a those duo trasgress the established norms with respect to social behavior ad associatias. The following quotatia describes the way a group pressures its mmsbers to avoid close associatias with outsiders. Although this passage actually refers to a India community in Europe, the dynaics apply to may foreign enclaves. Partflpatia in the life of a foreign country is not easy... Most difficult is leaving your own group, which usually regards such a attempt as unnecessary defection, cavinced that it ca provide you with a self-catained social life...Attempts at fraternisatiossdubbed you as as of them ad ashamed of your our people. Several of the Western wives who lived in India prior to their marriages described reactias to their violatia of the commity's norms of associatia when they attempted to become better acquainted with Indias other tha those prescribed by their own commity, or 75ml! finda, W, (Londa; Chatto ad Windus, Ltd., 1961), Pa 208a 226 appeared to be developing more intimate relatias with Indians than was casidered appropriate. Before Independence the norms of associatia with Indias were more restrictive than is true presently, as as of'the English wives relates: “1C1 I first case out mglish people weren't allowed to get to know Indias. In fact I nearly got put out of India by the English resident directors more than once because I in- sisted a meeting Indias, ad it just wasn't done in those days. I met than ayway, but it wasn't easy. A Caadia wife reports that the British community let it be know: she was trasgressing its norms by dating Indias in 1960. although the sactias were not as strag as those reported before Independence. She was told that it was not wise to fraternise with Indias because ”it might lead to marriage.” The majority of the India-hatern couples are not integrated into a lbstern calamity by virtue of occupatia. (See Chapter V for more detailed discussia of this.) In this respect they are considered outsiders to ay specific subccmsunity, e.g., the business casualty. Because those in the Western comaunity are in India to represent their own natia or some segment of their our society to Indias, the India-Western couple, unless the husbad is functionally related to the comaunity, has difficulty becoming closely associated. They are aly half-India, ad the representa- tiaal role is better fulfilled with a completely India couple. The couples find it easier to establish close friendships with Westerners who are, themselves, on the fringes of a Western ccamunity. There is a high probability in cities with a large 227 foreia populatia of meeting Westerners who do not wish to sub- scribe to the norms of their specific subconmunity or who do not belag to ay coemmnity by virtue of occupatia. Couples also find it easy to establish close friendship with Westerners who are isolated fra such a group. This is the kind of Westerner found in the asll toms already described. India's three largest cties, Calcutta, Bombay, ad New Delhi, each have a distinctive character which ca also influence the nature of a couple's interactia with Westerners. Calcutta holds most stragly of all to the colaisl heritage. Itvwas, ad still is, the center of British counserce in India. At the time of the interviewing, may of the British in Calcutta were old colaisl hads still in India, ad still holding to many of their colaisl attimdes about associating with Indias. The British are a larger pooportia of the foreia populatia in Calcutta tha elsewhere ad therefore are in a better position to dictate the nature of cross-cultural interaction for that city. Bombay is a far more heterogeneous city tha Calcutta, with respect to both Indias ad Westerners. The very modern Parsi community is catered in Bombay; there are also may Goa Catholics ad South India Christias in Bombay as well as Hindus. ‘me British have never bea as stragly represented in Bombay as in the other two major cities. The Western comaities, more equally distributed in that city, have bea free to develop their over codes of behavior in India. The Indias have also felt freer to mix with Westerners 228 in Babay because they were not brought up with quite the same awe of the British. An India wife compares the two cities in which she has lived, Calcutta ad Bombay, saying, 'nie Bengali is more difficult to know. They are either traditiaal or desperately Westernised. In Bombay the British were a asall minority, so not very importat. They lived a normal life like everyae else. Isolatia of the British, the way it is in Calcutta, was impossible there. Bombay is comaopolita. In Calcutta it is the Bengalis ad the foreigners, two separate worlds. New Delhi is, as its name implies, a newer city ad therefore without as strongly established a traditia regarding Bast-West relations as Calcutta. Because it is the natiaal capital, all parts of India ad the world are represented there. It is more difficult for any ae group to dictate social patterns. birch cross-cultural interactia in New Delhi falls within diplomatic protocol. 80 may Westerners are involved in required diplomatic social activities that my couples feel, since they do not represent ay collectivities, they are marginal to the diplomatic world. Some complain that the social life of Westerners in New Delhi is too ritualised ad thus it is difficult to establish informal rela- tiaships with the Westerners there. W More complaints were expressed cacerning difficulty of interactia with Westerners tha with Indias by everyae but the India wives, as can be seen in Thble l3. 229 ’ TABLE 13. PRCBITAGE DISBIBUTION OF REASNS GIVE NR DIFFICULTY 01" MEETING OR ASSCIATING WIN WESTRNHS IN INDIA ACCORDING TD SEX AND NATIONALITY OP SPOUSE. India India Western Western Total husbads wives husbads wives (N-72) (N-20) (N-15) (Ii-92) (Ii-199) W No opportaity, no time, there ara't many here 50.0 25.0 53.4 45.5 45.2 W 22.2 19.9 11.1 LL: 32.6 Siobs, clicquish, reserved, lower class but put a airs, wa't visit us 18.2 10.0 20.0 34.8 25.1 Not interested in India, just here to make maey, not per- manat, no roots here 16.6 10.0 13.3 28.2 21.2 W 1.2.2 1.2.9. 2.1.1 1.2.2 22.2 I da't have enough money 8.4 5.0 6.7 16.3 11.6 I a Indiaised, less formal, have different interests, have different entertainment patterns 2.8 5.0 13.3 18.5 11.1 I as not interested in meeting them, prefer Indias, da't need lusterners -- -- 13.3 13.1 7.0 It makes me homewick, gives me a complex about my marriage 5.6 -- -- 6.5 5.0 I a n0: .xiablgg I." :00 Old 5.6 5.0 13e3 2.2 4.5 MW We 40.4 , 65.0 40.0 13.2 30.0 Percatages add to more than 100 because with the enceptia of "no difficulty" respadents ca be included in more than as category. Thble 13. Chi Square Test. Made a statement regarding difficulty to made no stataent regarding difficulty of associatia with Westerners. .2 - 28.5, df - 3, p - «.001 230 In general the couples, especially the India husbads ad Western wives, feel it is more difficult to establish social relationships with Westerners in India tha in the West. This feeling was expressed even by those who had been married in the West ad might have faced the prejudice against a mixed marriage there. Couples who feel this are reacting to the phenomena noted by may Indias who have traveled between Britain ad India, the "Sues Switch.” They have observed that the British are friendly ad egalitaria, that they treat Indias as individuals ad hunan beings in the United Kingdom, but ace east of the Sues treat Indias, almat with respect to status, as "lowly natives." This has probably bea less true since Independace when the British becae guests rather than rulers in India ad it is probably less true of the other Western natiaalities. Not aly do attitudes toward the India-Western couple, or the Western-returned India for that matter, chage according to geographical setting, they sometimes chage with the social situatia in India as well. A Western wife pointed out that within their o‘er commities Westerners ofta appear unfriadly, while the sac people are friadly to a India-Western couple in a mixed natiaality gathering. In the homogeneous Western natiaality group the mixed couple stads out as being different. (arcs in a internatiasl gathering where there are may other natiaalities ad may more Indias, however, the mixed couple with the partner of the same natiaality is failiar ad shares a natiaality bad. Another 231 factor in this attitude difference is the basis of group affiliation. In the Weatern natiaality grouping the basis for mabership is natiaality ad thus the mixed couple aly half qualifies. In a internatiasl gathering, e.g.. a politieal discussia group, a theater group, etc., the basis for affiliatia is talent or interest. In this situatia the mixed couple's credentials and those of the Westerner are equal. MW Eighty-seven percat of the Western wives registered complaints regarding the difficulty of establishing social relatiaships with Westerners in India, compared to aly 35 percent of the India wives. The attitudes of husbads a this subject fall between these extremes. This difference betwea Indian ad Western wives reflects both expectatia ad reality. The difficulties appear greater to the lbstern wife because she expects to be accepted by her one: people. The Indian wife, as a foreigner a the other had, is pleased with her acceptace into the Western commanity. In additia to having greater expectatias of acceptance, the itstern wife is likely to feel a greater need for the ccmpay of Westerners in India. “Due India wife is still in her our country ad has childhood friends ad family in the sac country if not the sae city. he India wives are more failiar with norms of interactia in India, ad do not feel as awkward with Indias as the newly-arrived Westerner. The Western wife has neither family nor childhood friads in India for social support, ad not being 232 failiar with Indian culture is likely to perceive a greater need for the support of Westerners who share her cultural heritage. As is true of ay newly-arrived foreigner, the haters partners use those foreigners who have bea there llager to test their observatias ad to learn more about how to operate is the new setting. The haters-returned India partner ad other Western- returned Indias are helpful in this respect. However they still do not have quite the sac perspective as aother who is completely new to India. There are several other very real differences in the lives of India wives ad haters wives which make it easier for the former to associate with haterners in India. The haters husbads ad India wives are more likely to be living in a city where there is a large foreign populatia. (Fifty-five percent of India wives live in Bombay, Calcutta or Delhi capared to 28 percent of the haters wives.) Even those Western wives who live in the cosmopolita cities are less likely to have contact with Westerners than the other couples because the couples' social patterns generally follow the husbads' friadships. These, because of interests ad occupatiaal catacts, are primarily within the husbad's own commniity as a rule. In additia, the husbad's status dictates the wife's. By virtue of his natiaality, the Western husbad has a certain aount of status which most India husbads canot claim. If the wife is of a comsasurate status she is accepted regardless of natiaality, especially by the class-cascious British. Also, 233 the ecaaic stems of India husbad-Western wife couples is usually below that of haters husbads ad India wives. This, too, makes interactia with Westerners difficult. W More difficulty'is accustered in developing social relatiaships with hstersers than Indias, in part, simply because there are not may Westerners in India compared to the millias of Indias. This is reflected in the reasas most comaly given for problems of associating with Westerners--lack of opportunity. Forty-five percat of the respadats mentiaed situatiaal factors which make it difficult to meet hstersers, including such consents as: "there are nae in this city/area,' "We have no trasportatia to visit them," "there are nae is my husbad's/my field of occupatia," etc. ha there is a opportunity to meet Westerners there is ofta little choice of individuals. If those hstersers who happen to be living in the sae community are friendly it is good. If they do not have mutual interests with the couple or are not friadly, there are no others to whom the couple ca turn as they ca in the case of Indias. ‘nle group pressures in a foreign comaity, just discussed, also make it harder to associate with Westerners than Indias, although similar factors are not altogether absent among Indias. India husbad-haters wife couples in India military or government service are discouraged from extensive social catact 234 with hstersers not aly because they are likely to be statiaed far from foreigners, but also because of rules regulating the husbads' occupatias. Social catact with foreigners for than is supposed to be limited to formalised occupational entertaining, although in practice most do have some haters friends. Forty percat of the interviewees, including over half the haters wives, feel that at least part of the difficulty they experiace is developing social relatiaships with Westerners in India ca be attributed to characteristics of the hstersers themselves. Their colaats fall into two broad categories: 1) the feeling that hstersers do not accept India-Western couples ad _ 2) the feeling that hstersers are not interested in India or Indias. It is importat to note a differace in the main thrust of complaints about interactia with Indias compared to complaints about interaction with Westerners. Culture ad persaality dif- ferences are mentiaed most often as reasas the couples feel uncomfortable with Indias. This refers to the traditiaal Indias, for the modern ad somewhat Westernized Indias are much like the couples themselves. The implicatia is that the couples decide for themselves that they may prefer not to spend much time with traditiaal Indias. More like the Westerners in culture ad persaality, the couples' most coma complaint about misting with hstersers (besides the strictly situatiaal factors) is the é ——a 235 feeling that they are not accepted. One-fourth of the respondents reflected this feeling when they listed the "snobbishness," "cliquishness," ad "cadescading attitudes of Westerners" as barriers to friendships. Before Indepadace the hstersers' "exclusivaess" was highly formalised; Indias could not, for example, join most of the clubs in India. haters husbads could join but not bring their wives; Western wives report that they were occasiaally invited to accompay British ladies to the clubs. Nay refused to do so, however, because that suggested a rejectia of their husbads ad failies, for not even their children were permitted atrace. And, they felt, it would be deceitful. hile most of thecl‘ubs now accept Indias, the feeling that they are "snobbish" persists. Some respadats support this catation by pointing out that it is harder for a India to get mabership in the club tha a hsterser. This does not indicate a anti-India policy as such as a desire to maintain a balace between Indias ad hstersers. There are more India applicants to begin with, ad there is virtually no turnover rate among Indian mensbers. A haters faily ca be accepted to fill the place of aother which just left India. One couple argues that this policy does contradict the purpose of the club because a hsterser, regardless of social status, ca get mabership while a India with casiderable social status may have to wait a lag time. Much of what the couples perceive as "cliquishness" aong hstersers in India ca be attributed to occupational as well as natiaal bonds. Requatly the Swedes in a city, for example, are 236 all working with a single industry ad live in the sac residential area. Their social interactia is a extensia of their work ad residential patterns. A Dutch wife noted that this is an importat reasa why she ad her husbad find it difficult to participate in the Dutch community's social activities. Sometimes I feel badly at all Dutch parties. They are usually very polite, if they talk to you. It is difficult because they all work together ad see each other daily. There is the KIN (airlines) group, the bak Dutch move in a group ad so on. lines we get together I da't fit in ay group. A British wife substantiates this. As the wife of a India doctor she was acquainted with may of the British in her city, but did not have ay social catacts with them. has her husbad was appointed director of the British compay clinic she became part of the cosamity ad from then a has been invited to all the British morning coffees ad other social events. Although she did not point it out, there is aother importat reason her husband's new job chaged her relatiaship with the British ccasmity. Not aly did he become part of that occupational commity, but he gained a good deal of status as well. Status is importat to both British ad Indias as a basis for establishing social relatiaships. The status differential betwaen Indias in general ad hstersers in India is a source of cacern underlying the couple's consents regarding the haters community's ”snobbish attitude." It is always hard when as feels that others are looking down on him, but it is even harder when those who are looking doa, by 237 most indices of social status, should be looking up. A cons-only- heard caplaint is that the hstersers in India are not of the same class, ad especially not of the sae educational level as the couples, but that they let their high salaries ad the status of ”sahib" (master) go to their heads in India. Typical of these ccaats are: I would meet more hglish people if I could, but the ass who come here are not our sort of people-"that is, today they are of a lower class (working in business or industry instead of civil service), I wouldn't associate with them in liglad, so why should I here? I da't say that just to be aobbish, but I da't have aything in coma with them. Also, they da't like us because they know we know their background, whereas they pretend to be wealthy ad importat people when they come here ad fool the Indias. The most critical hstersers here are the technical types, the ass who are not educated. I da't have much in cos-Ion with may of the Europeans here. Their background is different. They would live very low in mrope. They wouldn't be much more than a forema, ad here they are in charge of a whole department ad are higher than Indian agineers. They get so much maey and don't know how to act with it. They try to live the high life of Europe ad they go overboard. One German couple always puts "Formal" on their invitations. They feel they must be formal to show their status. aother German woma told me, when she first came out, that her father taught high school gymnastics. Later he was a college instructor, ad before she left he was a private lecturer in physical culture or something like that. He had to keep up too. The people with a good background, like the World Health Organisation people, da't let the maey go to their heads. Another factor leading to the superior attitude of Westerners perceived by these couples is the stereotype that girls who marry Indias are ladladies' daughters, or gaerally of lower class origins. hila the facts do not support this, as has been shown, gallant“; 238 there are hstersers who react to India-Western couples categorically a the basis of this belief, they do not want to meet people who are ”beneath than." Quite a differat case was reported in which a India-German couple was consistently ignored by certain Americas. Nay interpreted this as a. rejection of a mixed marriage when, is fact, it was due to a herica's categorical dislike of Germans. There is a degree of the self-fulfi lling prophecy in the lack of interest some couples feel in hstersers' attitudes toward them. A British wife who has bea married to a India ad living in Indiasisce before Independace blaes the haters wives for bringing their problems a themselves. If she feels there is nothing to do here, she won't find aything to do. If she feels she wa't be accepted by her our people, she probably won' t be. I came out 27 years ago ad I've always felt accepted by the uglish. Not mixing with the hstersers because of lack of maey is nasase. If they are worth knowing they will visit you whether you serve them coffee or cocktails. nus woma has made things easier for herself by exempting those who da't accept her as ”not worth knowing.” It is true, naetheless, that some who would be friadly to a mixed couple otherwise are discouraged by a defasive attitude. One haters wife revealed this kind of defensive attitude wha she said, "I da't go looking for hstersers. Their talk is boring, ad I asst-e they'll be cadescading to me because of my marriage.” Couples with a similar attitude were observed at parties by the author. They gaerally ater a room quietly ad stad a the I‘ll! v Elks...“ 239 edge of the group until someone approaches. They aswer questions politely, ofta in maosyllables. It isn't lag before the other party waders off in search of more stimulating caversation. At as such gathering the cater of attatia was aother India- haters couple, negating the claim that the hstersers there were cadascading because of the mixed marriage. he majority of couples do idatify with India to some degree ad all have close relatias with at least some Indians. his fact is recognised by both the couples ad the hstersers as a feature which distinguishes tha from as aother. It is a factor which ca make it difficult for the haters commmity to include the couple or the haters partner in its more informal gatherings. One factia of such informal gatherings is the airing of grievances about India ad open discussia of relatias with Indias. It may be felt that such a discussia would be an insult to the haters partner as well as the India. Although the haters wife may feel as great a need as hstersers to discuss her "India problems" some adait that in haters groups they not only refuse to criticise India but defad it against the very criticisms they haselves make. he haters cc-aity fears more tha insulting the Western partner of a India when they do not include her in such gather- ings. here is the deeper fear that her close connections with Indias will provide a chanel through which informatia and attitudes will pass into the India coaunity. 240 In a discussia with the author, a hsterser living is India suggested a more psychological explaatia for the attitude haters wives, in particular, interpret as dadescendisg. he hsterser, it was argued, is more accepting of the haters husbad- India wife couples tha the others because of the degree of choice is the marriage he attributes to the haters partner. It is the man's role to propose marriage, thus it is reasaed, the haters man who chooses a India wife probably does so ratiaally. It is his decisia. Women, a the other had, are to be protected, lest they be lured away by outsiders. he haters girl married to a India, it may be felt, has bea caught by a exotic Basterser; she may be pitied, but not respected or treated as a equal. Since the woman does generally follow the husbad into his coausity there is also the feeling she has betrayed her people. A German wife recalls feeling she was being pitied at the Max Mueller Bhava morning coffees. ...the mabers were all Carma ladies with India or haters husbads. It happened, though, that themes-married to Germas sat together ad talked about the unhappy girls married to Indias. It wasn't that we weren't welcome, but they felt sorry for us. hey hear of broken marriages and generalise. hey forget that people with German husbads have marital problems as well. It seas more important to Lack of interest in India a the part of hstersers living there is the secad broad criticism made of Westerners. A little over ae-fifth of the respadats indicated that this characteristic of hstersers hinders the developmat of friendships. The fact that hstersers do not have permanat ties with India has many 241 implications. Very simply, it is more difficult to establish deep friadships with individuals who are not there permasstly. Not aly does the terminatia of active interactia discourage friad- ships in the lag rm, but, after a while, the very newness of foreigners becomes wearing. Some respadats cemented that they have tired of hearing the same first observatias, the same com- plaints, ad aswering the same questions from newly-arrived foreiaers. For some the tediouaess of this task, combined with the increasing depth of Indian friendships has led them to cease seeking catact with hstersers. A similar reactia may explain why more India-Western couples aren't involved is third culture orgaisatias. One American wife pointed out that after a while the progras at the Indo-America society became rather repetitious. Sac indicated that they would be willing to put up with the repetitia if the hstersers ever showed a "sincere interest” is India. hey felt that most hstersers have no interest at all is India, make no effort to understad the country or Indias, look down a Indias ad are insincere is their relatias with Indias. Occasionally a ccaent is heard showing isdignatia at the ignorace of hstersers, not for looking doa on Indias, but for unrealistically idealisisg them. For example, Sometimes I get fed up with types from Merica who think India is very spiritual that we are lucky to live here with all the glory of the Upaishads. I think that it is more materialistic here. It sounds stupid to say it is so spiritual ad to run doa the hat as though it was too materialistic. 242 he lack of permaace has other implicatias as well, re- flected in consents such as, ”they are just here to make maey ad leave; they da't care to give aything to the coasunity.” arch cos-ants were heard mainly from those who had known India is the colaisl period when British were powerful superordinates. Then they care to stay ad had deep roots in India, at least in the British con-unity ad is the missiaary comaities. It was they who built clubs as well as may hospitals ad schools ad kept tha running. in India husbad consented that there is little to talk about besides failies with the British sow. Before Inde- pendace when the British were more or less permanent residents they had all the interests of the country in coma. WWW Ccaats about themselves maticned by 29 percent of the respondents, comprise the last general category of factors dis- couraging interactia with hstersers. The category further substantiates the fact that haters wives are most likely to perceive difficulty associating with hstersers in India. Most of the following exaples are from 39 percat of haters wives who blaed thenselves for such problems, although nearly as large a proportion of haters husbads, ae-third, also looked to them- selves to explain this kind of probla. he two most counaly mentioned characteristics thought to hinder association with hstersers are 1) lack of maey ad 2) India normative patterns. 243 halve percent of all respadats feel that their relatively lower finacial status makes social interactia with hstersers abarrassing, if not impossible. his is a importat factor catributing to the feeling, discussed earlier, that hstersers look doa a some couples. an India husbad may make as little as ae-fifth what his haters counterpart does. In additia, may hstersers have large homes or flats provided for them, some ca buy haters liquor tax free, ad have access to haters goods through coaissariss. All of these affect style of entertaining greatly. a laser ica wife now flatly refuses invitatias from ay but acadaic Inericass in India. She explains: I da't particularly west to give myself the opportunity to feel inferior. If I went to the internatiasl coffees, I'd have to return the isvitatia. I da't feel inferior in general; may of those hstersers are mechaics at the factories. Here they live high ad their noses are up. hey wouldn't believe the way we live. Ind a British wife describes what happened whenever she did invite a hsterser, wha her husbad was still a young lawyer. At first it was agay if we called a hsterser. h would spad the whole day running around worrying about how every thing in the house looked, counting ad recounting the knives ad forks to be sure we had enough. We used to find it so embarrassing to have then to the house that the rare times we dli invite a hsterser we usually took them out to a restau- rat. h had to save fa: a lag time ad count every pics if we could offer them as drink. Quite a few couples simply do not allow thenselves to get into a situatia here they must reciprocate invitatias. One who does is a [aerica wife who was a saber of the America Women's Club. Her home is aly slightly less comfortable tha those of the otlarImerica ladies. She recalls her abarrassment 244 after atertaining that group when she discovered that she had never put out a roll of toilet paper instead of, or at least in additia to, the traditiaal lota (jug of water for cleaning asself after using the toilet). his indicates a concern for their comfort, but also a realisation that this small slip opened a great window into the chages in her nature ad behavior which had taka place since she case to India. It would, she feared, make them realise how Indiaised, ad therefore to some extat alike tha, she had become. Sightea percat of the Western wives (ll percat of all respadats) echoed this Imerica wife's belief that their acceptace of India norms hinders interactia with hstersers. Some, like the waa above, fear embarrassing thenselves or insulting the hstersers by failing to follow haters patterns of behavior. A French wife discloses her initial fear of meeting hropeas after several years in India: I had a awful time the first time I went to Delhi from a outlying town. I feared being with mropeans. I had forgotten how to act, what to do. I scarcely ate. I had also forgotten the laguage. he first time it was very hard. Now I am used to making the chage ad can do it, but I'm still un- cafortable, I fear shocking the Mopeas with my India ways of acting. hey are far more formal. Other waen state that they have internalised India norms to the extat that they simply prefer India company. One finds entertaining Indi as more relaxed because of what she now sees as the ”excessive formality of Westerners." he describes as aall aspect of this fornality: 245 If I atertais a foreign woma I'm all the time worrying abort the end tables-ware they in the right place-~ad if the table is set just so. It is too disturbing. You ca't relax. In hglish wife, applying India norms to interaction with hstersers, finds that she is embarrassed wha hstern mes trasgress those norms ad look her in the eye when talking to her. To resolve this dissaace she avoids meeting haters men. Other haters wives simply point out that their interests ad life styles are different from hstersers. One haters wife com- plained, ”all they talk about is servats, ad I da't have ay.” Inotheruaid, "I da't have aything against them, but I da't live the same life. I da't have time for 'elevensies' ad msj jag parties. I da't spend time at the club.” A few of the haters wives adsit that as of the reasas they are hesitat about mixing with hstersers is that it makes them homesick. hstersers in India spad a great deal of time comparing India ad their home countries, ad talking about what they will do when they return. his kind of interactia with hstersers rainds tha that they will not, in the near future at least, be going home. It also makes sure highly dissatisfied with India. Realising they are here ad ast make the best of India they too reduce the cognitive dissaace by avoiding the hstersers. Over time, as the haters partner becaes more acclimatised to India ad develops deeper friadships with Indias she begins to realise that she doesn't need friadship of hstersers to the same degree that she did when she first arrived in India. 246 One final cos-at is offered by a India husbad who used to seek out hericas in India because he wated to improve the linkage betwea the two cmmtries. Evatually he decided he was not needed for this role. "h da't bother ay more. he hstersers are so surrounded by Indias that you have to stand in line for attatia." But then he added a more coarsaly given reasa for his low rate of interactia, "...besides to meet hstersers you have to go where they do, to the club. I neither drink nor dace, so we don't belag.” The majority of the respadats feel there has been no chage over time is ease of meeting ad associating with hstersers. haters husbads are the most likely to feel that it has become more difficult, mainly because of situatiaal chages--"there aren't as may here now," "we have moved," ”I have retired." his correspads with the fact that situatiaal factors were almost the aly reasas given by haters husbads for difficulty in mixing with hstersers. WW Over half of the haters husbads ad India wives made some positive ccmaat about ease of associating with Westerners in India. Nearly half the India husbads also made such ccsmats, but aly about ae-fourth of the haters wives had aything positive to say about ease of interactia with hstersers in India. his corroborates the finding that haters wives are most apt to feel interacting with hstersers ca be problaaticsl. 247 TABLE 14. PBCIJTAGE DISTRIBUTION O!‘ ems GIVE! DR EASE OF ASNCIATING WIn-l WESTENIS IN INDIA ACCORDING m SEX AND NATIONALITY OP SPONGE. m; India India haters haters Total husbads wives husbads wives My situatia-"e.g. job with internatiasl catact. 18a6 2500 40.0 16e3 19.8 My Characteristics 21.4 55.0 6.7 3.3 15.2 Collateral leasas--a.g. easy to mix with your one: kind 10.0 " 26.6 10.9 10.7 heir Characteristics 4.3 5.0 13.3 3.3 4.6 NO CMt “a3 3500 46.5 74.0 6100 Percatages add to more tha 100 percent because, with the exceptia of "no cos-at" the respadats may be in more than one category. Table 14. Chi Square Test. Made some ccmat regarding ease of associatia with hstersers capared to no commit a ease of of association with hstersers. .2 - 14.7. df - 3. p - <.oos haters partners most comesly cite situational factors to explain why mixing with hstersers is easy, the most coma of these being that as of the partners works in a haters cultural center, embassy, or business. As hstersers, they see no point in matiaing that they share the haters commity's cultural heritage. Indias, a the other had, feel that their oa hsternised persaality ad cultural preferences, usually a reflection of lagthy experiences abroad, are the main reasa they find associating with hstersers 248 easy. Some hstersers do natia that it is always easy to "get slag with your oa kind.” Shared cultural heritage is responsible for encouraging some who do not have automatic occupatiaal catact with hstersers in India to seek them out. India husbads may make a point of locating hstersers because they feel this is necessary for their wives' happiness. For those who have the time ad inclinatia, ace the first haters catact has been made, it is generallymot difficult to expad the circle of haters acquaintances. hile there are sub-groups of natiaal ad occupatiaal third cultures, there is also a certain circularity in the third culture; membership in may of the internatiasl orgaisatias is overlapping. Expanding acquaintaces within the haters comunity does not mean a couple becomes fully integrated into the ccmaity's social life, however. Although haters wives paint the most negative picture of interaction with hstersers, they do not feel all is lost. Nearly half feel that it has becae easier to associate with Westerners over the years. Again, the importace of proximity to association with hstersers ca be sea in Table 15. he most comaly given reason for improved relatias is that the respadat's situation has chaged by moving to a residace or job providing more contact, not that the nature of the interactia itself has chaged. As was pointed out in the discussia of interactia with Indias, a paucity of in-depth comats indicating ease of inter- actia with hstersers does not necessarily mea that most find it 249 TABLE 15. PRCUTAGE DISTRIBUTION 01' CMMTS REFLETING CHANGE IN EASE OF MEETING OR ASQCIATING WITH WINES IN INDIA ACCORDING TO SEX AND NATIONALITY OE SNUSE W India India haters haters Total husbads wives husbads wives M (1‘!- No Chage 51.0 65.0 60.0 36.0 45.8 Easier (total) 25.2 20.0 20....0. 95...}. 3.2 Situatia has chaged 19.7 5.0 6.6 32.6 23.2 I m cmsad 5.6 20.0 " 16e3 lleé “'1" '1“ Changed 4.2 Sec 1303 10.9 8.1 More Difficult (total) am 29.51 $1.9. 2L2 22.1 Situatia has chaged 21.2 20.0 40.0 18.5 21.2 Harder in gaeral 7.0 10.0 13.3 13.1 10.6 Percatages add to more tha 100 percat because, with the except-ion of "so chage," the respadat may be included is more than one category a Table 15. Chi Square Tests. a) Statesents indicating that it has become easier to interact with hstersers compared to statements indicating a lack of chage or more difficulty in relating to hstersers. :2 - 10.05. df - 3. p -¢ .02 b) Statements indicating that it has become more difficult to interact with hstersers compared to stataents indicating no chage or greater ease in interactia with hstersers. x2 - 2.2, d: - 3. P -'>.1O c) Statemats indicating no chage in ease of interactia with hsterners compared to those indicating chage. :3 - 8.5, as - 3. p -<.05 difficult. People are more apt to discuss difficulties at length tha the often intagible factors which make life easy or pleasat. his is especially true when there is a captive listener in the persa 250 of an interviewer. There were many enthusiastic contacts made about life in India with special reference to the kind of people. Western as well as Indian, the couples neet. An Anerican wife pointed out that her life in Calcutta is far more exciting and cosmopolita: than she feels could ever have been possible in the United States. A British wife also feels her caitacts in India are more interesting than they would be in hgland. Life is more interesting here. You neet so many new people. Here I on meet the celebrities; in ligland I never could. Here when an M.P. cones we are invited to everything for hill. Ne meet the top brass; we were even invited to meet the Queen at a party. ‘lhat would never happen in hglsnd. Here you are more of a somebody. W The primary factor affecting ease of interaction with Westerners is the couple's situatia. their proximity to Westerners. hang those who live in the vicinity of Westerners, the Western wives stand out, aice again, as the group perceiving the greatest difficulty in interaction. Cultural bonds lead the Western wives to expect great ease in associating with their countryman in India; status differences are thought to be the reason for the lack of acceptance by Westerners. Status differences include both the relative poaitim of Indians in general conpsred to Westerners, as well as actual differences in finacial status and thus standard of living. Nestern husband-Indian wife couples find less difficulty associating with hsterners because a larger proportion of Western husbands are affiliated with the hstern commity by occupatia: and the wives tend to follow their husbands' social patterns. 251 Westerners in this sample, as a group, are more convinced that their partners help their interactia with people of the partner's natiaality than are Indias. Nearly three-quarters of the western partners feel that being married to a Indian facilitates their relations with Indias ad a little over half the Indian husbands also feel that their marriage is a asset in relating to people of their partner's nationality. Indian wives are slightly less convinced that a cross-cultural marriage contributes to ease of association with westerners. But, it will be recalled that as a group they were rather Westerniaed before marriage ad many had established relationships with Westerners in India. TABLE 16. MUTAGE DISTRIBUTION OE (30!“st EEFLRTING MT 01" MARRIAGE ON EASE OE A8”CIATION "IN ON NATIONALITY IN INDIA ACCORDING m SEX AND IATIONALITY Ol‘ SPOUSE. Indian India Weatern Weatern Total husbad wife husbad wife Marriage makes no difference 57.2 55.0 73.5 61.6 51.0 Marriage makes it A Marriage makes it had“ 22e9 30.0 13e3 37e0 28s“ Depads on group or .Emchn 7.1 .' "' 9.0 6e7 Don't know what effect it has -- -- -- 1.1 .5 Table 16. Chi Square Test. Marriage makes no difference in associating with one: nationality plus don't know what effect it has cmpsred to marriage does make a differace in associating with on nationality. :2 - 7.3, df - 3, p - (.10. >.os 252 TABLE 17. PRCDIMGE DIS‘RIBUTION OF COWMTS REFLETING EFFET OP MARRIAGE ON EASE OE AsmCIATION "I‘D! PARTNE'S NATIONALITY IN INDIA BY SEX AND NATIONALITY 0! 810083 India India Western Western Total husband wife husbad wife _IE=19l___Sfl=2Q1_____flE:1&1___Ifl:221____1N=12§1 Marriage makes no difference 39.0 55.0 21.4 24.0 32.6 Marriage makes i t easier 54.0 45.0 74.0 72.0 62.7 mrriage makes it h.rder 1.4 " -' lel 1.0 Depends on group or IEtUECECn 4e2 .' 7a“ 2.2 3el Don't know what effect it has 2.8 '- -' 1.1 1.0 Percentages total more than 100 percent because one individual may be included in more than one response category. Table 17. Chi aware Test. a) Marriage makes no differace or don't know the effect of marriage in association with partner's nationality group compared to marriage does make a difference in associating with partner's natiaality. x2 - 9.85, df - 3, p - < .02 b) Marriage makes it easier to associate with partner's nationality group compared to no difference. depends on group, harder, or don't know effect. x2 - 35.16, df - 3. 9" ‘(eOOle Contact is the main reasa given by all the respadats in explaining how the marriage helps to establish or maintain social relations with the partner's natiaality group. Westerners notice this more readily because there is always the possibility of 253 increased contact with Indias in India. If, on the other had, a couple lives in a area where there are no Westerners, having a Western partner does not help the India increase his circle of Western friads. Acceptace by the partner's natiaality group is the second most couonly cited contribution made by the marriage to ease of interaction with the partner's nationality group. Westerners believe that the marriage makes then accepted as part of the India faily ad the calamity. ”They see me as one of them," or "now I'm a wife instead of a Gar-an," are frequently heard consents. ‘nie Indias, on the other had, state only that marriage makes than seem more acceptable. or "makes the Westerners feel we have more in cannon." ‘lhese collate substatiate to some degree, the feelings brought out in the preceding section that the couples feel more accepted by Indias than by haterners in India. An India husbad relates how having a Western wife made him a social center for hsterners visiting his city. Almost every herican who case to toss: visited us ad most of the British who were stationed there came to call on us when they wouldn't on other Indias. In other homes. while the husbad might be modern. the wife was usually orthodox Hindu and Westerners weren't comfortable there. It was hard for those Hindus to invite Westerners to their homes, social life was different. Indias da't have social life as it is in Imerica. (lily the man visit, ad aly at weddings or funerals do the wives come out too. We were an exceptia, I was India and my wife could atertain so the British ad Americas always case to us. We were the social center for all the foreigners in that city. We were the first on the British list. Then the Governor case we sat next to him ad his wife at the dinners. 254 Absolutely no one indicated that their marriage hinders association with people of their partners' nationality. The same canot be said of the effect of cross-cultural marriage on interaction with one's on people. A significat minority, raging from 13 percent of the Western husbads to 37 percat of the Western wives feel that marrying amaeone of a different nationality does have a negative effect a the ease of interaction with their on cointrymsn in India. Wives are more aware of the chage in relations with their ova: people than their husbads because the wives generally do follow their husbads socially into his commity. Chage in status with marriage is given most frequently by both India ad Western wives as the reasa it is now harder to maintain social relations with their on countrymen. The direction of the status chage differs. however. India wives state that friends are apt to think they have become too Westernized, too pro-foreign his, combined with the status of the Westerners in India, leads some friends to suspect they will be "aobbish," some of the India wives report. One wife mentioned just such an incident. ”We met one couple ad the wife didn't talk to me for some time. Later she said it was because she thought that having married a Imerica I would be too proud to talk to her." Weatern wives casplain that they lose status in the eyes of some fellow countrymen who look down on Indias ad consequently on the Western wives of Indias. This situation was discussed in the preceding section. India husbads catinue to distinguish betwea Indias wha discussing the effect of their marriage on association with Indias. 255 he most frequently mentiaed hindrace, the wife's inability to speak the laguage, only affects friendships with the more traditional couples. One of the two Western husbads who feel the marriage hinders relations with the Western comaunity said he wouldn't go where his wife couldn't, ad the other simply felt that Westerners would be more friendly if his wife were the same natiaality, but that they are not unfriendly now. The majority of respadats. it should be aphasiaed. feel that their marriage has no effect on relatias with their own nationality in India. This represents over half of all the groups except Western wives. In fact, three-quarters of the Western husbads find their wives accepted completely as one of the calamity. Some of the respondents even feel that their marriage ahaces ease of interacting with their one: commity because people are drain to them. One Weatern wife who does feel her marriage encourages interaction puts it this way. "Westerners like to meet you because they are curious. They like to ask about India. Sometimes it is hard” for them to meet Indias, ad it is easy to incidea India socially wha they invite us." * W This chapter has been cacerned with couples' feelings about social relations with Indias ad with Westerners. Fifteen percat of the respondents made no statements about ease of difficulty of interaction with either Indias or Westerners. For some of these. 256 nationality is irrelevant. They may think of themselves first as human beings and their friends in the same way; the fact that a given individual is called German or Gujarati makes no more dif- ference than the difference between Germans called Wolf and those called Hans, or the difference between those Gujaratis called Ram and those called Bujit. 0r, nationality may be irrelevant because they are so completely involved in groups*with a functional basis, such as scholars studying the Mogul period. modern artists, socialists, etc., that they don't notice the group's nationality composition. Others in this group are aware of nationality differences, but enjoy the contrast provided by friends of different nationalities and do not find the differences problematical. me complaints about interaction are from people who are not only aware of nationality differences but are unhappy about some aspect of their position bridging cultures. They find it hard to associate‘with Indiana or Westerners, or feel they are caught in a cross-fire between people from those cultural areas. One reaction to the feeling that there is a cross-fire, is to confine oneself to a one-culture setting, either in Europe or a part of India where there are no foreigners. A.multi-cu1ture setting makes people self-conscious about cultural differences, and thus makes it hard to interact‘without inhibitions. Bach group in such situations, a respadat with this view maintains, sees the mixed couple as representative of the other group and thus is on guard when they are present. Also, torn between the two groups, the couple does 257 not settle into the routine of’one or the other. In homogeneous cultural settingsthere is no question about the style of life to follow'and the outsider can be accepted as an individual instead of a representative of another group with ties to the other group. Some of those who are dissatisfied in the multi-national social setting, or dissatisfied in the all India setting react when there are others in the vicinity by forming their on small group or community of mixed-couples like themselves. Presently 14 percent of the couples are involved to varying degrees--some very tangentially-- in groups of Indian-Western couples or in groups composed of one partner of a mixed marriage. Nearly all of these people are Indian husbands or Western‘wives, slightly more of the latter. The one Wbstarn.husband and Indian*wife who can be said to be associated with such a group are very much on the fringes of the group. An additional 10 percent of the subjects, all Indian husbands or Western‘wives, have been part of a group of mixed couples sometime in the past, but are no longer Ninety-one percent of the respondents know at least one other Indian-Whatern couple in their area. However, unless the marriage is a importat basis of a friendship these are not considered mixed-marriage friendships. Some friendships between mixed couples are simply a continuatia of friendships established aong India students abroad. Others are friendships based on shared interests to which the marriage is irrelevant. 258 TABLE 18. PRCHITAGE OP RESNNDMTS PARTICIPATING IN A $CIAL NET- PORK OE INDIAN-NESTRN COUPLES AT ANY TIME SINCE MARRIAGE IN INDIA BY SEX AND NATIONALITY India India Western Western Total husbad wife husband wife (Nu-fig} {Elm 5&18} 9222) (3:212) In mixed Couples' Social Network 24.4 5.0 5.5 30.6 23.6 Not in Mixed Couples' Social Network 75.6 95.0 94.5 69.4 76.4 Table 18. Chi Square Test. Respondents who have at some time since marriage in India been associated with a group of India-Western couples con ed to those duo have never been associated with such a group. 2: - 9.498, df - 3, p - < .025 aoups of India-Western couples were far more comon before Independence because the two social systems, British ad India, were so shuply divided. The Indias were more traditional then, so a Western-returned India ad a Western partner might have less in cannon with most Indias than they do now. In addition, the British almost completely ostracized British nationals married to Indias. The India-Western couple who did not wish to adapt to the fairly traditional India social systen had no alternative but to turn to others in the sane situation. It is reported that there were a nunber of formalised orgaisations of mixed couples as well as may informal social networks in the larger cities before Inde- pendace. 259 Now that interaction is freer betwea Indias ad Westerners in India, the need for a self-contained group of India-Western couples is not as great. Association with other India-Western couples does fulfill importat functions for those who feel the need. The need is felt most strongly by newly-arrived couples ad Western wives. Nearly one-third of the couples in India less tha a year are part of a circle of mixed couples. Not only do Western wives have the largest proportion involved in groups of mixed couples, or wives of such couples, they are also the most likely to say ”other India- Western couples” when asked what group of people they would most like to increase snag their friends. There are a nuber of related reasons why some couples desire the friendship of other mtxed couples. As was mentioned, they may feel they do not belong or fit into either of the parent cultures. In Western compay they feel the need to defend India ad in India compay the need to present a good picture of the West. In a group of mixed casples there is no need to support either. This is the place couples ca let their defenses down ad gripe about India, about the Westerners in India, and about their own position. It is from other couples may newcomers learn their roles. A few of the more settled couples do what one called "our own private social work." It is the Western wives, may of whom raember their on period of adjustment, who are particularly active in this kind of activity. Fourteen percent spataneously menticned efforts to help newly-arrived India-Western couples. They are receptia 260 centers for the newly arrived couples; they introduce them to Indias ad to Westerners, feed them with Western food if they canot get it, ad generally try to make them feel at home. Such contacts are gaerally short-lived, for as soon as the new couple because established the need for the tie ceases to exist ad the friendship fades. It is a Emotional friendship ad is seen as such by the older initiator. The established couples who help newcomers locate them in various ways. Usually a India friend of one hears about the other ad introduces them. Sometimes a international network brings then together as in the following case. (his girl had married a Hindu who agreed to let her keep her religia, but once here he gave her a very hard time. She wrote to Home for advice, they wrote to England ad the people there wrote my missionary friad who asked me to help out. I took her to mass, but I didn't want to get too involved. The younger couples sometimes gather to determine their place ad identity together, discussing questions such as ”what is our identity, ad where is our allegiace?” Western wives of Indias discuss problems of household ad children as ay waen do. To this some add discussion of "getting our husbads to live the way we like, by celebrating Christmas ad New Years," as one woma put it. An Imerica who lives amag relatively traditional Indias mantias aother problem that some couples discuss, i.e., how to presat their lives to outsiders. than a friend of my husband's visited with his Merica wife we talked for a long time. It made all the difference in the world to talk with someone who had the same problems, for instace, what to write home. You ca't tell the truth, people wouldn't understad. They would be horrified if you 261 told than about the conditions--then what is left to write about? It's not so bad, it just sounds bad. But if you write .and they haven't been able to see for thenselves you just get pity ad you da't wat that. Another Imerica wife who is very happily settled in India enjoys the copay of other mixed couples very much. She does not feel the need for moral support; she continues her relatiaships with other India-Western couples, she says, because "I find the people who marry other nationalities usually interesting. They are gaerally well-educated ad have well-formed opinions a importat things.” Reasas given by couples who prefer not to associate with other India-Weston couples are just the reverse of the reasas given for association. For example, most say a reasa for associating with other mixed couples is that they canot afford to interact with Westerners. One couple claims the reason they dropped out of a large circle of mixed couples was inability to afford their pattern of entertainment. Another comated, "Iwouldn't go out of my way to meet mixed couples. The India boys pick out such dreadful women." A reason given by as Wastea wife for not associating with other couples is unrelated to the mixed marriage but inhibits interaction just the ease. "Most of the couples we meet are Western wasen married to Bengalis. My husbad ca't stad Bengalis." By far the most cos-only given reason for not associating with other mixed couples reflects this statement: "I don't seek out other 262 cross-cultural couples. I am completely at home. ad happy both in India ad the West ad I feel accepted by both. my should I bother?" cmm V THE LINKAGE ROLE OF INDIAN-“STEIN COUPLES COMPARE) WITH WESTBN REPRESENTATIVES AND WBSTflN-BDUCATD INDIANS “his final chapter provides a overview of the role India- Western couples play in the gaeral process of establishing ad maintaining links between India ad the West. This is done by comparing their roles with those of Western-educated Indias ad with Westerners who are representatives of Western collectivities in India.76 W W There is some difficulty assessing the unique catributions made by India-Western couples to the totalwprocess of linking India ad the West because in most cases the cross-cultural marriage is but one of the role relationships involving these individuals in India-Western relations. Ninety-five percent of the India husbads ad all of the working India wives have had work and/or study experience abroad which they apply to their occupational roles. By definition all Western-educated Indias have had at least study experience in the West. Most of the 76Representatives of Western collectivities (hereafter called Western representatives) are formal representatives of Western nation states (e.g., diplomats) or segmats of Western societies (e.g., missionaries, businessmen, scholars). The discussion of Western representatives in this chapter is based on a study of representa- tives from one Western society, the Useem study of Americas in the third culture in India. See Useem, m 263 264 Western partners who are aployed are in third culture occupational roles: 60 percat of the husbads ad 85 percent of working wives are aployed as representatives of some segment of their own society as are the Westerners with whom they are compared in this cupme 77 The remaining Westerners who are working in India have traaational occupational roles. Like the Western-educated Indias, they apply experience in aother culture to their work role, but they do not formally represent aother society. For most couples, then, their cross-cultural marriages provide a additional linking role to those the couples share with the Western-returned Indias ad Western representatives. These linking roles may be mutually supporting or they ca conflict. Wiles India-Western couples, including the wives who are not as- ployed, share with Western representatives ad Western-educated Indias three characteristics of a modernizing status role.78 The first of these is conth to ratiaal, secular, open-ended, expasive ad future-oriented procedures. The second characteristic, 77M! Western husbads who do not currently have third culture occupatias came to India in such positions. Tito have raained in their original positions although since Independence, the orgaisation has bea ”Indianited.” As a result, they are now in traaational occupatiaal roles. One of the other two who came to India in third culture occupations has gone into business independently ad the other has retired. 78John Useem ad Ruth Useem, "Imerica-lducated Indias ad Mericana in India: A Comparison of M Modernising Roles," m1 Wm. mm (1968). p. 151-3- 265 supported by comments throughout these interviews, is a broadened world view.79 As is true of the others, India-Western couples see ad interpret much of what takes place in the imnediate avironmat in terms of social ad political entities which extend far beyad their own comunities or nations. Close association with people of other nationalities helps tha see their on country ad people from a outsider's point of view. They also find they are more sasitive to events in other parts of the world. Some attribute this increased sensitivity to a heightened sass of personal identification with specific parts of the world through past experiaces there, or friends or relatives presently there. Others casider themselves citizens of the world ad express concern for all other "citizens of the world.” Individuals in all three groups find that involvement in other cultures expads self identity ad social identity as well as world view. The India finds on return to India that he is no longer just aother India, he is a ”Western-returned" India. The Westerner in the third culture is ”the foreigner," or perhaps ”British," eva if he is Anerica or Italia, ad the foreia wife of a India is frequently referred to as "the mglish mem- sahib.” The particular social identity attributed to people 79am asked how they had chaged w, 28 percent of the respadats made statemats indicating a broader world view. The high degree of cross-cultural involvemat W accounts for the relatively small proportion responding in terms of broadened out- look since marriage. 266 from other cultures by host nationals depends, to a large extat, upon the host national's experience outside his own commity. To a provincial India all foreigners may be ”British" ad the Imerica or Italia must learn to operate within this social identity. The more sophisticated make fine identity distinctions. Interviews with the India-Western couples reveal three expressions of new social identities: heightened awareness of one's on national identity, a disavowal of national identity, ad recognition of broader bi-nationsl or multi-national identity.80 (See hble A-60.) Nearly nine out of ta Western partners men- tioned situations in which they are made particularly aware of their on nationality, and the fact that they are different from the Indias. Most comaonly the Western partner is aware mainly that he was socialized in a differat culture. This awareness is particularly evidat in traditional India situations, especially if everyae else is speaking a different laguage. Consents indicating this feeling emphasize differences between the Western partner ad Indias with respect to world view ad approach to life, social behavior, ad laguage. Nearly one-third of the Western respadats report that they are made acutely aware, some uncomfortably so, of their national identity when they are singled out by Indias for special treatment. 80This discussion is based upon respases to three questions: "limo am I?” "Do you ever thing of yourself in terms of natiaality?” "Are there times when you feel a foreigner?" 267 This treatment may take the impersaal form of being stared at, or the more personalised special attention of being given a table ad silverware when everyone else is seated on the floor eating with fingers. mile may Westerners married to Indias ad may simply working in India are made more aware of national identity by their experiaces in aother country, there is a difference in the meeting this has for the individual. For the Western representative working in India the realisation of his differences with Indias gaerally leads to a new appreciation of his own culture ad country. Many comat that they realise how lucky they are to be Imericas. Westerners married to Indias, on the other had, were heard to make stataents such as "I've always been proud to be branch ad I am proud." No conuents, however, were heard suggesting a realisation of how lucky they are to be French, America, etc. The significat difference is that Westerners working in India have a heightened awareness of their bonds with their own nationality. Westerners married to Indias, on the other had, realise that they are no longer just Americas whose home is the United States, or Swiss who will return to Switzerlad. They recognise their strong ties to India ad Indias. Most of the consents reflecting a heightened national identity made by this group stress how it sets them apart from the people of their new home, India. 268 Over half of the Indian partners indicated a similar feeling of being different from most Indians. Most frequently this reflects awareness of a particular social identity within India, for example, "I am a Bengali in Maharashtra,” or "I was a city girl in the vilage.” fbr many Indians, however, this reaction is related to the third new'kind of social identity, for it empha- sises the degree to which the Indian respondent has internalized modern or Western cultural patterns, the extent to which he is a participant in a larger social order. Just the opposite of heightened national identity, a disavowal of national identity in favor of a far broader reference group, ‘was evidenced by a little over half of all the respondents. (See Table A961 in appendix.) When asked the question "Who am I7”, for example, these individuals responded with stataents such as "a human being," "a person in this world," or "a link in the chain of life." Others indicated simply that nationality is not a salient part of their social identity. ‘A third response to involvement in more than one culture is to build a sense of participation in more than one society into one's social identity. (See Table A962 in appendix.) Approximately one-third of the cross-culturally married indicated that they think of themselves as belonging to both India and the West.81 81These new identities are not mutually exclusive. A Western respondent can feel that he is "A human being" and deny the importance of nationality, yet still be made aware of his national identity when in a traditional Indian group. 269 India-Western couples have a additional social identity which the Western-educated Indias ad Western representatives do not-"being a mixed marriage. Although this identity is undoubtedly heightaed for most couples during courtship or the early period of marriage, more than a third stress that the mixed marriage is not a salient part of their identity. (See Table A-63 in appendix.) lira asked directly if they are ever conscious of being a mixed marriage, however, nearly two-thirds of the respondents indicated that they have been in some situatia. According to those who have bea married ad living in India for a long time, awareness of their mixed marriages was greater when there were fewer other couples in India to attract attention. There was also a greater tendacy to form social groups in the past, because the smaller number could be encompassed in a cohesive unit ad because it was so difficult to bridge the two societies before Independence. Those who joined groups of mixed couples mutually reinforced the importace of this identity. then asked if they are conscious of their mixed marriage, the India partners more frequently tha the Western partners point out that this awareness is heightened in social situations. This is especially true when their partner is the only foreigner in a group. They are aware that they are responsible for intro- ducing the foreign element into a otherwise homogeneous group. The Western partners, on the other had, are more likely to be made aware of their cross-cultural marriage by chages in their on style 270 of living ad social patterns tha in impersonal or social situations. These chages heighten awareness of the marriage more tha of the Western nationality because for may their life style ad social patterns are considerably different from others of their nationality living as representatives in India. Few of the Western-educated Indias, Western representatives, or Indian-Western couples have bea socialized to their roles during childhood. Because of this, not only do they have new social identities, but they are in the process of learning or creating new roles as well. The Western educated Indias ad the India-Western couples are not formally representing specific collectivities in their linking roles as are the Western represata- tives. Therefore they are not as subject to the norms of those collectivities, ad are freer to be innovative in the creating of the roles. The India-Western couples, linking cultures through marriage, are subject to some behavior restrictions by the India faily, but the faily cannot remove the couple from their linkage positia in the sure way a government agency, religious institutia, etc. ca remove the Western representative who does not meet the norms of that segment of his society he represents. W All three groups, Western-educated Indias, Western representatives, and India-Western couples rely upon interpersonal relationships ad thus oral communication in encouraging aderstading of one society on the part of the other. Not only do these individuals all carry knowledge of specific national cultures to other parts of the world, 271 they are representatives of modern cultures in general. In this respect, the Useems pointhout, Western-educated Indias ad Western representatives have a importat symbolic function, one shared by the India-Western couples. Altogether they represent modernity in what they are supposed to be doing ad accomplishing. “tether or not those ads are achieved, they signify a class of men who, along with like-minded Indias, are deeply involved in strengthening the modernising patterns. They help attain this general goal less through specific innovations or the tasks they perform than by reinforcing the convictions of those who are firmly conmitted to modernity but encounter indifference to their aspirations in their iwediate work situation or otherwise feel alone and isolated from the mainstreams of what they value most.82 Modernity is not confined to work related roles. India-Western couples have an importat symbolic functia in encouraging moderni- sation of the family as well. Several respadats in this study reflected this point with comats suggesting that they symbolise a nonparochial outlook. Comparison of the modernising roles of Merica-educated Indias ad hericas in India reveals that there is little over- lapping of the two groups' spheres of influence in India. he amoat of interactia between them is only moderate... we found that it was neither the shared Imerican experience nor the coumnon outlook but the structuring of their work roles that brought them together. um. there is some overlap, each group enters into India by differat ecologi- cal pathways ad are positioned differently in the work .mmum 82Useem ad Usea, "Merica-Bducated Indias ad Iner‘icas in Indian Ops Cite. P. 154.5. 272 Imerica-educated, although rarely residing in villages where the vast majority of Indias live, are more widely distributed over India ad more dispersed in the metropolita centers. Americas tend to live in more circumscribed areas inhabited by foreigners ad upper-status Indias. Although America missionaries are widely dispersed, the communities with whom they interact have few foreign-educated}:3 India-Western couples overlap the other two groups' spheres of influence as well as providing completely new kinds of links. In the following sections the nature of India-Western couples' linkage will be compared specifically with patterns of each of the other groups. India-Western couples are less concerned with the collective image of foreigners in India than are the representatives of the West. Most Westerners married to Indias are more concerned with individual tha group adjustment, for they are not orgaised in terms of a collectivity. Western representatives are more concerned with collective images. A great deal of discussion in gatherings composed of ay one Western nationality in India is devoted to what natiaal image should be projected. One aspect of this concern is how much adoption of ”native culture” ad how much involvement with host nationals is consistat with maintaining this image. The great majority of hericas in India see thenselves as part-time 83mm, 1). 153-4. 273 ambassadors of their societies, although they envisage different maifestatiasof the role such as "getting along," improved under- stading by Indias of their country, or building strager association of Indias ad Westerners.“ The Westerner married to a India does not appear to be as cacerned about the picture he presents of his country as does the representative of a Western collectivity, unless he is in a fomsl representational role by occupation. One reason this cacern does not come out as strongly in those married cross- culturally is that norms for their role as culture mediators have not been defined for thus by a group. here are several other factors which reduce the importace of the national image for Westerners married to Indias: 1) they are in India as individuals ad national identity is not primary in their interaction with Indias, 2) Indias ofta consider the Western partner of a India one of them, or at least, "somehow different from other Westerners," ad 3) there is the feeling that as isolated indivi- duals a Western partner does not have as much impact on India images of a Western nation as does a Western comaity group as a whole. his does not mea that Westerners married to Indias are unconcerned about the images Indias have of their countries. As was pointed out in Chapter III, 73 percat of the Western “vane-u. 2min. 274 husbads ad 62 percent of the Western wives acknowledge their role as cross-cultural links; they are aware that they catribute to understanding between societies ad to the impression each has of the other. (See hble A-27 in appendix.) hen discussing Indias' images of Westerners ad of the West, however, the Westerner married to a India is more likely to focus on the picture the formal represatstives give than the way they them- selves represent their societies. hey perceive their linkage role as a personal one rather tha cultural or political. A similar lack of personal responsibility is seen in the couples' concern with the image of India-Western couples in general. fine is some concern over the effect already established ideas about mixed couples may have on social interaction with Indias or Westerners. But there does not appear to be much discussion about how a couple ca chage the image. India-Western couples are aware of one aother; all are aware that there are other cross-cultural couples, ad the vast majority of the Western partners (92 percent of the wives ad 70 percent of the husbads) are personally acquainted with other couples like themselves. (See Tables A-64 ad A-65 in appendix.) his does not provide the sac kind of collective identity that is found aong the Western representatives, most of whom live near ad share consaon work roles or orgaisations with other Westerners. The greater diversity of work roles ad residential distribution are two importat factors contributing to the greater involvement 275 of India-Western couples in India society ad their lower level of involvemat in Western groups compared to Westerners working in India. W In general, the India-Western couples ad the Westerners interact with the same kinds of Indias-modern, urba, ad primarily Hindus, Christias ad Persia. The breadth of associations with Indias is greater, however, for the couples. 'l'he Westerner married to a India has additional channels into the India society provided by the India partner's familial ties, childhood ad college networks, ad communal bondaucaste, regional or religious. aother reasa the couples have a greater variety of contacts in India comaities tha Western representatives is that the goup the Westerners are representing circunscribes the kind of Indias with whom interaction is appropriate. A high ranking foreia diplomat, for enmple, does not have catact with villagers. ‘lhe couples, on the other had may be related to villagers. Not aly are the couples' relations with Indias more wide- spread, they are more likely to have deeper and more personalized relatias with Indias tha the Western representatives. All of the Western partners, with the exception of two wives, have close India friends compared with 20 percent of the Imericas in the 85 study of the Imerica commity In India. mis depth reflects 85John Usea ad Ruth Hill Useem, ”'lhe Interfaces of a Bi-national ‘l‘hird Culture: A Study of the America Comunity in India," w W. mu (January 1967). p. 137- 276 the fact that the Western partners are in India as individuals rather tha representatives of a collectivity, that their India spouses provide ready-made, highly-personalised contacts for them, ad that they are in India for a longer time tha the Western representatives, except for the traditiaal missiasries. me last factor meas that may in the sample had already been in India a long time when interviewed ad had made close friends over that period. ‘lhe fact that a newcomer plas to spend a long time in India may also influence the willing-less of both the Western partner ad the Indias to connit themselves to friendships. Wining“ Westerners married to Indias have a lower rate of involvement in Western commities in India tha the Western representatives. The Western representatives tend to live near one aother ad to interact in multiple role relationships. lheir family lives, work lives, ad social lives are all closely intertwined in the same social systen. With the exception of the ll percent of the Indian- Western couples who are encompassed by some third culture comaity, the couples generally enter such networks through a single role relationship, either functional or social. The difference between the couples' ad the Western representa- tive's levels of participation in Western groups in India is made clearer by using the fourfold system of classification presented in the following table.86 86Ibid., p. 139; definitias of Integrateddkinge ad Isolated individuals are those used by Useems. 277 Mericas in Mericans in Western wives Western husbads locality linked functionally of Indias in of Indias in groups linked groups some Western sane Western comalty comunity group group N-92 N-ZO Percat of hericas and of Western partners of Indias who are integrated, fringe, deviat, or isolated with s 1 di e A. E Integrated C. D Deviat B. hinge D. 7”: Isolated Figure 17. Percent of Mericas and of Indian-Western couples in 87 Western comunity groupings in India according to type of participation. Figure 17. Chi Square ‘l‘est. (Western partners of Indians only) Integrated Fringe Isolated Total Western wives 4 70 18 92 Western husbads lO 8 2 20 x2 - 31.30, df - 2. p - (.001 87Data on the Anericas refers only to heads of household, while the data on Western partners includes both husbads ad wives. 278 Individuals who are integrated with a Western grouping in India both consider themselves ad are so regarded by others in the group as being a active member in its social life. ‘lhey conform to the group's style of living ad subscribe to its prevailing values. All but one of the Indian-Western couples who are integrated into a Western comunity are part of business or missionary coununities. The Western husbads are integrated into one of the Western comunities by virtue of their occupations; their India wives are accepted as ay other wife. The integrated Western wives, with the exception of one, were integrated into the missionary coununity by occupation ad then married Indias who were in that commity themselves. Significatly, only one of the Westerners who are integrated parts of a Western commity is married to a Hindu. ‘lhe Christia ad Parsi India partners are more easily integrated into the foreign comunity because, in a sense, they too are differentiated from the dominant Hindu coumunity. 'lhe vast majority of Western wives, ad nearly half the Western husbads of Indias are fringe to Western communities in India. mat is, they idatify thaselves as a nominal part of a group, but do not feel strongly attached to it. Ihey enter only intermittently into its routinised social life. ‘lhe integrated members of the ingroup, in turn, identify such individuals as acceptable but peripheral figures to be occasionally included on ceremaial events or under special circumstaces. Especially in large cities, the Western calamities congregate around work roles; 279 thus, for example, Western bakers form a comiunity, as do diplomats. The Western woman whose India husbad is employed in a India orgaisation, or who is independently employed, finds it difficult to become integrated into such a group. Likewise, the 40 percent of the Western husbads who are fringe to Western comunity groups are working independently, for India concerns, or are the lone Western representatives of a occupational category such as a newspaper editor. mose who are fringe to the total commity group may, nevertheless, be central to me part of that comunity. ‘lhey might be a leader in me of the Western churches, or very active in a interest group, but not in other facets of the community's social life. ‘lhere are no deviats to Western comnity groups in this sample of India-Western couples. A deviant is one who must be included in the group because of his work role, residence, status or orgaisatiaal affiliation. lhe majority of Indian-Western couples do not qualify as individuals who must be included, and therefore canot be deviat. ‘lhose in this sample who do qualify as integral parts of the community are integrated. It is, of course, theoretically possible for a India-Western couple to be deviat to a Western community in India. Isolates are not even marginally affiliated with Western communities in India. Most of the isolates in this saple of India-Western couples are living in small cities in India where there is no Western community. Some of these have Western friends 280 who are also isolates from Western groupings. May of the isolates have lived elsewhere ad at that time were fringe to Western communities. Isolates may also live in the vicinity of Western communities but be unaware of them or unknom to the group. he proportia of isolates aong the couples studied is quite close to the proportion of Imericas isolated from groups of other Imericas, thus the major difference beixeen the two groups is in ability to become integrated into Western community groups as opposed to being a "fringe" participant. he meaning of participation of Western groups for most couples is ”central.” he groups in which they participate may be locality or factional groups for the Westerners involved, but because for such a great proportion of the Western partners the meaing is "communal," the distinction between locality ad fac- tional groups is not made here.88 he locality-linked group, in particular, is not as importat a basis of association with Westerners for the couples as it is for Western representatives because may are not in a geographical positia to be included naturally in such groups. hose couples, especially, who are geographically separated from Westerners in their city may seek contact with the Western partner's natiaality group because they 88l"or a discussion of locality-linked ad factionally-linked groups in the herican community in India see John Useem, "he Cosseunity of Man: A Study in the hird Culture," W Review, VII (Fall 1963). PP. 492-4. See also, John ad Ruth Useem ad John Donoghue, "Men in the Middle of the hird Culture, "he Roles of America ad Non-Western People in Cross-Cultural Administra- tion." Wm. 22 (Fall 1963). p. 176. 281 desire friends who speak the same laguage, ad follow similar norms in social relations. hey desire more tha the similar life style which characterizes locality-bound groups. here are may modern Indias who have a life style similar to that of the India-Western couple, and may undoubtedly live in their locality. his difference in meaing ca lead to misunderstading. he Western locality- linked group is formed on the basis of residential proximity, and Westerners who are integrated into the Western community but do not live in a certain area understad why they are not included in a locality group's activities. he Westerner who is not integrated (whether married to a India or not) sees the locality group as "fellow hericans," ad does not discern its residential basis. He is therefore more likely to be hurt when not included in its activities. Association with the Western commity has the sane meaing for Western partners ad for newly arrived Western representatives. It provides a feeling of stability, a link to one's own culture, when all else is new. he meaing of the commity differs, however, when the Western representatives ad those married to Indias have been in India a longer time. For the individual in the third culture, especially one who has been stationed in differat parts of the world, the America, British or other Western commi'ty provides a sense of continuity to his life. Although third cultures in Nairobi, Paris ad Bombay may differ Ital, fl I. It‘. 282 in specific details, the overall pattern of the diplomatic or busine- third culture, for example, is basically the same. he longer India-Western couples are in India ad associated with foreign communities, by catrast, the more aware they becae of the turnover in membership. he general pattern of the associa- tions continues relatively unchanged, but there is a high rate of mobility in the personnel. his is contrasted by the couples to the associations with Indias which may include continuous relation- ships from the time of arrival in India, if not from the India partner's childhood. he difference in perception of continuity or lack of catinuity provided by participation in third culture groups is also related to the position of the individual within the group. linen a individual is central to a group, highly integrated, it is the group which is importat. Particular individuals within the group may change but the cohesive unit remains. As has bea shown, the Westerners married to Indias are more likely to be fringe to Western groups tha integrated into them. linen a person is a the edges of a group he may be mas stragly attached to specific individuals within the group tha to the group itself. Vina those individuals leave that person's relations with the group chage and he is necessarily more aware of the turnover. he meaing ad functian of third culture communities impinge differently upon India-hstern couples ad Western representatives in several other ways as well. One very importat function of the 283 Western calamity in the third culture is providing a place where a member ca relax. He does not have to be self-conscious about his behavior ad what he says because the others share his life style ad norms. he group may provide a catharsis for some who feel a need to talk about problems of dealing with host nationals or of living in a new place. Some of the Western partners find that the Western conlmnnity in India serves this faction for them as well. Others feel that they are viewed as India or part India, and that when they are present interaction becomes self- conscious again. hen a Western partner senses that his own nationality group is not relaxed in his presence he may feel the need for a escape from the Western as well as the India comnunity. Some of the Westerners married to Indias who feel this way turn to other mixed couples for their onsn catharsis; in that group they find others who share their ovan particular life style ad face similar problems. ho norms of third culture con-nunities are described in the study of Ianericas in India as follows. 1) he newcnner is not expected to possess great social talents or a exceptional personality, the only demads being that he adopt the folkways of the groupuif golf is the recreation, than he learns to play golf; ad if politics is not a appropriate topic at parties, then he learns to avoid the subject.89 89John Useem, "he Cons-unity of Na," p. 494. 284 2) he most universally specified norms (originating out of the rejectia of the colonial heritage) are social acceptace of persons as equals ad freedom from racial bias ad attitudes of superiority ad inferiority. In the words of a leading Merica figure: 'If Indias think you are condescending, gstronising, or acting like a m m, you are through. he first noun applies to those who qualify for membership in the group by ascription, those single persons or family heads who have a occupation with representatianal responsibilities. In other words, Western husbads with third culture occupations ad their India wives fit easily into the Western conlnunities in India. he necessity of accepting the group's folkways, of which may of the mixed couples complain, is one of the major factors inhibiting interaction with Westerners. "To be part of the group you must play golf, you must serve drinks, you must have servats, ad we cannot afford ay of these on a India salary.” Western representatives in India may believe they are acting in accordace with the secad norm of equality. hat their behavior is not always sea in this light by outsiders is indicated by the fact that one quarter of the respadats in this study stated that interaction with Westerners is difficult because they "are aobbish," are "cliquish," "act like burrs sahibs" (V.I.P.'s), or "have a superiority complex." (See hble 13.) Some who made this complaint attribute the attitude to finacial differences. Others, 9°Ibnd., p. 496. 285 in the minority, attribute the attitude to racial and cultural 91 These couples may be on the defensive with Western prejudices. representatives because of their lower position in the system of stratification in India. Also, what the couples interpret as attitudinal differences or differences in life style are, in part, only a reflection of the relatively high conformity stemming from constant interaction in different roles in comparison to their own lives which are influenced by involvement in a different social SYStale ‘13!" nT-‘tuez ° 9 '-‘ 49' 311"?“ ate ‘2- an: 1 2a in In many respects the Indian-Western couples are like the thtern-educated Indians, for, after all, 95 percent of the Indian husbands and 75 percent.of Indian wives are, themselves, Western- returned Indias. Like othlr Western-returned Indias, the couples are mods-n, predominantly urba, ad mobile. It is probable that the Indian-Whatern couples are somewhat more urban than the Western- educated Indians and that they have slightly less contact with 92 traditional Indians. An Indian married to a Westerner may be 911t is difficult for one who has had little opportunity to observe the interaction between Indian-Western couples and Whaterners in India to assess the extent to which the couples are looked upon as inferiors, or the extent to which those making the comments enter a group of ‘Wbsterners fearing such a treatment and thus creating a self-fulfilling prophecy. 92In their study of Western-educated Indiana the Useems do not include estimates of amount of contact with traditional Indians, nor is it possible ‘with the data collected for this study to quantify the amount of contact these couples have had*with traditional Indians for direct comparison. 286 somewhat more likely to stress urba employment than his counter- part who married an India to make his Western partner more comfortable both physically ad socially. He may also, casciously or uncon- sciously, avoid association with traditional Indias to "protect" the Western partner ad/or save himself from embarrassment. Several specific ways in which a Western wife'ca inhibit her husbad's social involvement with traditional Indias were discussed in Chapter IV. linen the India-Western couple has prolonged or frequent contact with traditional Indias, hwever, they may provide a link to the West for more Indias than-the Western-educated India can. Most Indias who have been abroad are male. On return to India the recipients of their new knowledge are also generally male. he contribulas to India of their foreign experience are more readily 93 hen the India- apparent in the work situation tha the home. Western couple meets traditional Indias the wife has a oppor- tunity to introduce elements of modern culture to the otherwise shielded women. WW he Indias married to Westerners ad the Western-educated Indias also differ with respect to ease of catacting ad ease 93It 1- noteworthy that in W. (New York: Dryden Press, 1955), the Useems focus on the world of work because "foreign educated both judge ad are judged by their degree of success in this area of life,", p. 77. here is no discussion of their influence in the sphere of family life. 287 of integrating into Western groups in India. An Indian married to a Westerner is far more likely to be motivated to make contact ‘with segments of the Western or international communities in India than the Indian who does not have a Western partner. The Western partner provides many of the contacts. However, it is also socially legitimate for the Indian to seek out Westerners in India "on behalf of his wife.” By contrast, when a Western-educated Indian seeks friendships in the Western community he is often looked upon an one who "runs after foreigners." Three-quarters of the Indian husbands and 85 percent of the Indian wives at least interact regularly with the same Westerners in one or several social circles. establishing a congeniality relationship. Although there is no directly comparable data for Western-educated Indians this appears to support a higher rate of contact with Westerners on the part of Indians with Western partners. (See Thbles A966 and A967 in appendix.) The Indian man married to a Westerner may have a more difficult time tha an Indian couple on the other hand, going beyond the congeniality relationship and becoming integrated with a segment of the Western community in India. When members of the diplomatic corps, for example, interact*with persons outside of their own national community in India, they do so as representatives from that community to Indians. The Indian'with a Western partner is only half Indian, and does not appear to be as viable a representative of India as an Indian couple. Only three percent of the Indian husbands are integrated 288 into a Western community group in India, although 35 percent do indicate that they have close friendships with Westerners in India. The Indian wife of a Westerner is in a different situation, and differs significantly from Western educated Indians with respect to probability of becoming integrated into a Western grouping in India. Half of them are integrated into one of the Western communities in India. As was pointed out earlier, they are included as the wives of Western men who are defined as part of that community by virtue of occupation and are accepted as a part of the community. An additional quarter of the Indian wives have close Western friends in India. Indian-Western couples also have a higher probability of con- tinued relations with Westerners in Europe or North America. Indian partners who have lived abroad share with the other Western- educated Indians continuing functional ties, usually professional, 'with persons in the West. The Western-educated Indians non- professional ties with acquaintances in the West diminish rapidly after his return. The Indian with a Western wife, on the other hand, also has at least indirect contact with his partner's friends and relatives. Communication with these too diminishes over time, but not as rapidly nor to the same degree. e f - Three different ways Indian-Westenn couples encourage linkage between India and the West in general can be discerned according to the group‘with which the couple is associating. 289 l) W. Couples who are integrated with third culture Western connnunities in India are sustaining an already existing link in their interaction both with the Western repre- sentatives ad the Indias associated with them. Although the couples may strengthen this bridge between societies, it would exist without them. Fbr those couples integrated into a specific third culture colmnunity (50 percent of the Western husbad couples and four percent of the Indian husband couples), this kind of sustaining linkage is central to their life style. he majority of couples, those who are fringe to third culture conununities, sustain already established links in certain role relationships. A Western wife employed in her nation's culture center, for example, would be sustaining a link in that role, but in no others. 2) WM. Interaction with modern Indias who are indirectly influenced by the West, ad who share with Westerners the culture of the "ecumene,” is activating a nascent cross-cultural link. For example, a couple at a India university in a small city, or a couple in the India military is associated with Indias whose professional lives, in particular, involve them in a internatiasl network, although they may have never been in personal contact with outsiders. then a col league or friend has himself been trained abroad, but has lost contact with friads and associates outside India, the couple is reactivating a weakened link. All couples fulfill this role at least some of the time, ad for most this kind of linkage is their primary con- tribution to the overall process of cultural mediation. 290 3) W. Couples who interact with traditiaal Indias are initiating a completely new link. Traditional Indias may have heard of Western nations, especially Britain, but remain largely unaffected by modern ways of thinking. Most connnonly contact with traditional Indias is through family relationships. Sometimes the contact has only the potential of initiating a link, for it is limited to a brief period at a large gathering. It is possible for a Western partner to become completely involved in traditional India society ad culture, excluding ay remats of his Western past. Such a person ceases to perform ay linking role. Several such persons were reported, but none are in this sample. Most of the couples in this study have had at least limited contact with traditiaal Indias ad thus the potential for initiating a link. halve percent of the couples, primarily India husbads ad Western wives, have aough catact with traditiaal Indias to play a importat role as initiators. he second ad third linking activities described are those in which the symbolic faction, mentioned earlier, is particularly importat. he contribution to cross-cultural relations is more than symbolic, however, ad is often more than introducing a single Westerner who is married to a India to the scene. Friends from abroad visiting India may be drawn to that town by the Western partner, as well as Western friends in India. Western partners are also able to put Indias in touch with people in their own countries to help them while in India or while abroad. 291 In none of the above activities does the Indian-Western couple make a unique contribution to cross-cultural relations. They share the first function with all the Western representatives in India as well as with a few Western-educated Indians. wThe second and third they share with the‘Western-educated Indian and*with a few Western representatives. In a following section some of the ways these India-Western couples make special ombutions to the overall linkage process are discussed. -' Lfl' .enct 0' .. .4-.;»t..¢ o_- :: - o:.- .A: ~. In many respects, the kind of links Indian-Western couples provide between India and the West are also provided by Western- educated Indias ad/or Western representatives. In addition, many of the subjects in this study perform linking functions in other roles which many would fill regardless of their marriage. One might ask then--what is the couples' importance to cross- cultural relations? Cross-cultural marriages do contribute to occupational and voluntary linkages between societies in two ways. First, the marriages put some individuals who might otherwise not have the opportunity or inclination to mediate between cultures in a position to do so. his is particularly true of Western wives. Second, the understanding gained from marriage to someone of another culture strengthens a person's effectiveness in his other linking roles. 292 W The assumption of this study has been that interaction between individuals from different societies contributes to the develOpment of mutual understanding between their societies. There are, however, several different kinds of understanding: factual knowledge, com- prehension, and endorsement.9‘ Because of differences in their cross-cultural roles, the Indian-Western couples are less concerned ‘with the last type of understanding than are representative Westerners. Although the couples' cross-cultural role is not primarily directed toward improving understanding, they are in a particularly favorable position for personally contributing to comprehension of facts that Indiana or Westerners can gather else- where. It is because their relationships in both societies are highly personalised and intimate that cross-cultural couples are in a position to make special contributions to the overall process of linkage. They relate to others in this role as human beings, in addition to being formal and/or informal representatives of larger collectivities. As such, they are more credible to many. Indians, in particular, place a great deal of importance on personalised relationships and are more willing to trust someone with whom 9“the While. 0?. cit.. p. 134. for original discussion of these three kinds of understanding. 293 they have established a close personal relation than with someone they meet in an official role. Indian-Western couples have added credibility in certain domains of life because their knowledge of each society is also highly personalized. The Indian married to a Westerner is likely to have more personal experience in the private life of the Western society through his wife's personal-social associations than the Western- educated Indian and certainly the Western partner speaks from greater personal experience than the Western-educated Indian. The same is true for the credibility given the couples' explanation of India to Westerners. The Indian-Western couple's additional sphere of influence in India is as important a factor in their impact on cross-cultural understanding as the intimacy of relationships and the nature of their knowledge. Once the Western partner of an Indian is accepted in India, he is accepted into that society's most central institu- tion,‘ the family. We: Because of its apolitical, non-ideological nature, the link provided by cross-cultural couples is less sensitive than that of Western representatives to variations in international relations. When international relations cool the exchange of representative personnel is curtailed or the bi-nationai participation becomes more circumscribed. Although governments cannot withdraw foreign partners of nationals from a country, policies regarding the 294 exchange of persons and other endeavors between countries does affect the potential number of cross-cultural marriages. The western partner is more likely to remain in India during periods of international tension than the western representatives. However, the nature of the situation does affect the ease with which the mle is able to bridge their societies. When tension between societies polsrizes the populations it is difficult for a cross- cultural couple to move freely between their nationality groups. Both groups close channels of access to the other. Either side, or both sides, may actively discourage interaction with the bi- national couple, precisely because of their ability to serve as a channel between the two societies. It is feared that information given one partner will pass, through the foreign partner, to the other group. Another aspect of this polarizing is the tendency to see people increasingly in categorical terms. The foreign partner is seen more as a foreigner and less as an individual than at other times. Categorical suspicims and negative attitudes may extend to include the Indian partner. Instead of gaining prestige from association with a Westerner, the Indian partner is regarded as one who has "sold out" when Indian-western relations are not friendly. an. increased tendency to categorise makes it more difficult for the newly arrived Indian-western couple than one.which has lived in India a long time to bridge societies in times of stress. There is little known about the recently arrived couple besides the fact 295 that one partner is foreign. They have not yet had time to establish the important intimate relationships and to establish their "bona fides" in other, more neutral, roles. The foreign partner who has lived in India for a long time when relations between the countries cool has valdated himself in a variety of other roles, and thus is not as likely to be sent only in terms of natimality. Such a person may be known as a dedicated volunteer worker in the hospital, or'the cousin who took care of our children," for example. In many ways, over the years, the foreign partner has had an oppor- tunity to show his attachment to his adopted country. One Western wife organised women's defense groups during the Indo-Pakistani conflict in 1965. Another showed her identification with India during the fight for Independence by always wearing a sari, although she preferred western dress. Couples react and adjust to their changed situation in different ways. Some avoid the situation by moving to a third country. Others find that the polarisation extends into their persmal relationship and the strain is resolved by divorce. The majority, however, remain living where they are and adjust their behavior to minimise cmflict with their on: friends and associates. The couple may be sought out in the early stages of tension between their countries, as an important source of information to help others in the interpretation of a changing situation. As tension increases, however, and feelings about the other group intensify, the couples are likely to emphasise the strictly personal aspects of 296 friendships even more than before, and to avoid political discussions. Activities which underscore the couple's bi-national nature are likely to be played down or ignored, and non-sensitive areas em- phasized. The Western partner might stop teaching his language, for example, or encouraging young Indians to study in his country. They are still available, however, for those Indians in the third culture who wish to maintain associatiais reaching beyond their own national and cultural boundaries. MM Cross-cultural couples provide one of many and often additional linkages between diverse societies. The supplement and complement other individual, organisational and coununal linkages between social systens. ‘me diversity in the network drawing societies closer gives it flexibility and strength. Each kind of link has its own strengths and weaknesses. me will be able to withstand stresses which break another of the linking systems. The diversity also provides a broader understanding between societies, for each provides a slightly different kind of understanding and influences a slightly different segment of each society. The overall frailty of the ties between societia can be seen in the difficulty many linkage systems will have surviving the increasingly nationalistic feelings develOping in many parts of the world. The fact that linkage systems may weaken or break does not mean the disappearance of third culture values. The cross-cultural 297 couples, almg with others who have participated in bi-natimial or international social systems can provide a symbolic link. The following coments are indicative of the attitudes which provide a symbolic link between societies, even in the absence of actual interaction. People ask me what the peeple there are like. I tell them that deep dove: in their hearts all people are alike, that there are good and bad in every country. I am far more tolerant of differences, social and individual. It (cross-cultural marriage) makes you question your om ideas, ways of living, values. Ours is not the only way. The cross-cultural couple has an important linkage fmction in furthering interaction between societies and in representing third culture values, for they bring cultures together in both their private and public lives. Not all are able to do both successfully. Some feel they have succeeded at neither. Some feel they have failed in their persaial lives, but have contributed to building bridges between societies and still others feel they have done just the opposite. The sense of fulfillment in bridging societies may often be uneven. As one woman camnented, "sometimes I feel I have done nothing; at other times I know I have made a real breakthrough.” In spite of all, most couples would agree with the woman who said My feeling is that the world would do better with more inter- marriage because when you intermarry you love the country of your spouse as well as your out. There would be less dager of war and such if everyone would consider all the countries of the world their om. We help in a small way; now my family in IurOpe feels that India is their country too. 298 And a husband adds, "one of the great pleasures of my life is being a link, and my marriage has only increased this." BIBLIOGAPHY BIBLIOMY Ansell. Robert C. W- N.‘ York: Vb“ NOBtrCnd'ReinhOId. case 1969e Barnett, Larry D. "Research on International and Interracial Muse.” WW. vol. 25 (1960). Beals, Ralph and Humphrey, Norman D. ti ' We Minneapolis. 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"Interfaces of a Binatiaial Third Culture: A Study of the Merican Carnality in India." We. . "herican-Rducated Indians and Americans in India: A Comparism of Tho Modernizing Roles.” W m, XXIV (1968). 1’. 143-58. "inter. David K- W8 A Study of Cross-Cultural Relations. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan State University, 1968. APPENDIX A APPENDIX.A TABLE A-l. 1.me 0P MARRIAGE IN INDIA BY NATIONALITY OF ”REIGN PARTNER, PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION Length of Great United Common- Germany Other mans. (N-36) (N-23) (N-B) (N-16) (N-30) 0-5 years 30 39 50 50 20 6-10 years 17 26 25 25 20 11-15 years 11 9 25 6 13 16-20 years 3 17 6 30 21-25 years 6 - 6 7 MW— 2, 6 49.... Total 100 100 100 99 100 Thble A91. Chi Square Test Great Britain United States Others 1-10 years 17 30 11-20 years 5 17 W 41‘: 7 Total 36 54 x2 - 12.62, or - a, p - < .02 TABLE A-2. PERCHTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDUTS ACCORDING TO EATHER'S OCCUPATION Father's occupation Indian husbands (Ii-84) Executive 1.2 Professional 34.6 Semi-professional 10.7 Proprietor 21.4 Official 21.4 Other (clerical, sales, 9.5 farm, craft, service) Can't classify, none 1.2 Total 100 Indian *wives (N-zo O 50.0 35.0 0 0 15.0 100 303 ) Western husbands (N-l9) 10.5 15.7 21.0 15.7 0 31.5 5.2 99.6 Hestern ‘wives (N-BB) 3.4 15.9 15.9 27.2 11.4 23.9 2.3 100 304 Table A-2. Chi Square Test. IN IN Bkecutive, pro- 39 17 fessional, semi-prof. Proprietor, official 36 O Other ‘_2 _2 Total 83 20 \D U 31 34 23 88 x2 - 28e12 df I- 6 P. (0001 TABLE A-3. PERCWTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF INDIAN RESNNDBJTS ACCORDING TO CASTR. Caste Indian Husbands (N-93) Brahmin 27 .0 1m ters, Doctors 18.3 Merchants 9. 7 Agricultural l7 . 2 Other 2 . 2 Not applicable , no response 25.8 Total 100. 2 TABLE A-4. MCMTAGE DIS’RIBUTION 0P RESPONDBJTS ACCORDING TO LEVEL OF EDUCATIONAL ACRIMT Rducaticnal level Indian husbands (N-84) Less than B.A. 3.0 B.A., B.A. plus diploma 39.0 54er or CQURVEIat (including work toward Ph.D.) 23.0 Ph.D., 31.0., etc. 3495 Tatll 99.5 Indian Western husbands (N-i9) wives (Ii-20) 20.0 35.0 35.0 10.0 100 .0 21.0 32.0 26.0 21 .0 100 .0 Indian Wives (N-zo) 10.0 10.0 5.0 10.0 5.0 60.0 100.0 Hes tern wives (N-89) 76.0 15.0 3.0 6.0 100.0 305 Table A94. Chi Square Test. Hestern‘wives less than B.A. 68 B.A. and M.A. 16 Ph.D. 5 Total 89 all others 11 x2 - 100.70 77 df - 2 35 p - (.001 123 TABLE A-S. PHCNTAGE DISTRIBUTION 0? INDIAN PARTNES ACCORDING TO FAMILY TYPE Pamily Type Indian Husbands (N-84) Traditional 37.0 Transitional 39.4 Indian Christian 4.2 Parsi 9.5 Modern 9.5 Hesternised 2.1 Third Culture 0 Total 101.7 Table A95. Chi Square Test. IH Traditional 31 Transitional 33 Non-traditional 20 Total 84 x2 - 15.92, df - 2, p - (.001 Indian Hives (N-ZO 10.0 20.0 30.0 15.0 0 15.0 10.0 100.0 IN 14 20 306 TABLE A96. PRCUTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF HESTEIN PARTNES ACCORDING TO FAMILY TYPE. Family Types Hestern Husbands Hestern Hives (N918) (N-92) No cross-cultural experience 22.2 21.8 Superficial cross-cultural experience 38.9 36.0 Extended cross-cultural experiences 0 18.5 High cross-cultural involvement 38.9 20.6 No family 0 3.3 Total 100 100 Table A96. Chi Square Test. Extended or high cross-cultural involve- ment in family compared to all others. x2 - .003, df - 1, p - V'.lO TABLE A-7. PRCDJTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS ACCORDING TO DDTIGJAL STATE AT TIME 01" MARRIAGE. hotimal State Indian Indian Hestern Hestern husbands wives husbands wives (NI-71) 05-20) (Nu-15) (hi-90) Desire to maintain identifica- tion with more than own society or culture 12.7 30.0 53.2 16.7 Desire to change identity or to live in another society 7.0 15.0 0 13.3 Feeling of insecurity, frustration, etc. 24.0 35.0 40.0 34.4 Period of crisis, i.e. war 5.6 0 0 6.7 Nothing special indicated 55.5 30.0 13.3 36.8 Percentage total more than 100 percent because a respondent may be in more tho cme category, with the exception of those in the "nothing special" category. Table A97. Chi Square Test. a) Some emotional state indicated compared to noremotional state indicated at time of marriage. x2 - 12.15, df - 3, p -*( .01 b) Desire dual or changed identity compared to all others. x - 9.67. df . 3. p - (.025 TABLE A98. COUPLESIMET: Level of cross-cultural experience 307 LEVEL OP'CROSS-CULTURAL EXPERIENCE BY PERIOD IN WHICH PRCBITAGE DISTRIBUTION Date of Meeting Pre-1945 1946-55 1956 and after WM (N-20) (N-23) (11.29) No cross-cultural experience - - - Superficial cross-cultural exp. 20.0 9.0 3.0 Intem‘timal 1y experiaced 40.0 2600 7 e0 Highly international 40.0 65.0 90.0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 Table A98a. Chi Square Test. Superficial d internationally exper- ienced compared to highly international. x . 13.55, df - 2, p - (1.005 Wm (”-4) (“-5) ("'10) No experience 0.0 0.0 0.0 Superficial experience 75.0 40.0 20.0 Experienced 25.0 20.0 20.0 Highly international 0.0 40.0 60.0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 Table A98b. Chi Square Test. Does not meet assumptions for Chi Square. -8 n s (N-z) OM) OM) No experience 0.0 0.0 0.0 Superficial experience 0.0 0.0 11.0 Experienced 100.0 60.0 77.0 Highly international 0.0 40.0 11.0 Total 100.0 100 .0 99.0 Thble A98c. Chi Square Test. Does not meet assumptions of Chi Square. W (N-26) (N-33) 04-30) No experience 31.0 9.0 0.0 Superficial experience 42.0 36.0 40.0 EXperienced 15.0 43.0 53.0 Highly international 12.0 12.0 7.0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 308 W Table A98d. Chi Square Test. No experience and superficial cross- cultural experience compared to experienced and highly international. X - 6e92, df - 2’ P ' ( e05 TABLE A99. LEVEL 01" INDIAN mama's CROSS-CULTURAL EXPRIBVCE BEFORE MARRIAGE BY INDIAN RELIGION: PECEJTAGE DISTRIBUTION. Level of cross- cultural experience Hindu Muslim Christian Parsi Sikh Jain Tribal (N-58) (N-B) (NI-14) (N-7) (Nu-4) (N-l) (NI-1) Superficial 7.0 25.0 57.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Experienced 26.0 25.0 14.0 29.0 25.0 100.0 0.0 Highly international 67.0 50.0 29.0 71.0 75.0 0.0 100.0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Table A99. Chi Square Test. Christian All others Superficial and exper. 10 27 Highly international 4 52 Total 14 79 x2 - 5.39, df . 1’ p - < 001 TABLE A-10. LEVEL 01" HESTBN PARTNE'S CROSS-CULTURAL EXPBIWCE DEIDRE MARRIAGE BY HESTRN NATIONALITY: PBCBVTAGE DISTRIBUTION Level of cross- m'eat United Comon- Germany Other . cultural experimce Britain States wealth erpean (ll-34) (Iv-22) (N-B) (N-io) (N-33) No experience 18.0 14.0 0.0 0.0 6.0 SaperITCIaI 32.0 23.0 37e8 40.0 4300 EXPCrRCHCCd 44.0 SOeO 37e8 50.0 3300 Highly intemational 6.0 13.0 25.0 10.0 18.0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.6 100.0 100.0 0.01. A-lO. 0111 Square Test. 1:2 - 1.01, df - 2. p - > .10 309 TABLE A911. CULTURAL ORIDITATION OI" RESPONDst BY PRIOD IN WHICH THEY MET mam PARTNES: PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION 4:11a._.lndlan_£arsasra Cultural Orientation Pre-l945 (N-21) Home oriented with some cross- . cultural or non-traditional experience 29.0 Rebelling, rejecting, disillusioned 14.0 Expanding outward 24.0 Socialized in third culture 33.0 Total 100.0 Table A911a. Chi Square Test. Some cross-cultural or non- traditional experience 6 Rebel, reject, disillusioned 3 Ekpanding + socialized in third culture 12 Total 21 x2 - 7.22, df - 4, p - > .10 - c P (N-29) No strong orientation 45.0 Uprooted 3.0 Rebel, disillusioned 14.0 Expanding outward 21.0 Socialized in third culture 17.0 Total 100.0 Thbla.A9llb. Chi Square Test. No strong orientation 13 Uprooted plus rebeling* 5 Expanding plus socialized in third culture 11 Total 29 1946-55 (N-32) 53.0 22.0 9.0 16.0 100.0 17 32 (N-36) 25.0 14.0 28.0 28.0 5.0 100.0 9 15 12 36 After 1956 (N-38) 40.0 10.0 32.0 18.0 100.0 15 19 (N-38) 39.0 8.0 18.0 32.0 3.0 100.0 15 10 13 38 112 - 5.53 df I 4 p ->.10 *These are combined only for the purposes of meeting the chi square test assumptions 310 TABLE A-12. PERCDJTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF COUPLES ACCORDING '10 HOW THEY MET. Hay of meeting Indian husbands Hestern husbands Hestern wives Indian wives (N-93) (N-19) Mutual friends 37 53 Occupation 29 37 Interest groups 16 Travel 4 Chance Residence 8 0 Total 100 100 Table A-12. Chi Square Test. Friends 34 10 x2 - 4.32 Occupation 27 7 df - 2 All other means 32 2 p - > .10 Total 93 19 TABLE A913. PECWTAGE DIS‘mIBUTION 0F RESPONDst ACCORDING TO PARBVTS' REACTION '10 THE MARRIAGE. Parental Reaction Indian Indian Hestern Hes tern husbands wives husbands wives (N-85) (N-19) (N-18) (N-92) Positive, without reservation 9 16 ll 10 Agree with reservation, i.e., age difference, distance 22 16 50 38 Indifferent, agree with reluctance 8 0 17 2 Unhappy, very opposed 28 10 O 26 Opinion changed, parents disagreed 8 21 ll 12 Parents did not know, not living or not told 25 37 11 13 Total 100 100 100 100 Table A-l3. Chi Square Test. Positive plus agree 26 6 11 44 x2 - 28.46 Indifferent 7 0 3 1 df - 9 Opposed 24 2 0 24 p - < .001 Other 28 ll 4 23 Total 85 19 18 92 TABLE A114. numbers) . Field of occupation Business Firms British or Hestern Indian Firm Indian, British managed Industry Hestern Industry Indian Industry, Govt. Indian Industry, private Family industry Own Business or Industry Om small industry (factory) Shall production plant (cheese, pottery) Farm related--dairy, stud Shops Contractors Equipmmt supply Rents rooms Independent Professionals Lawyer, judges Editor of paper Doctor in Indian hospital Doctor in Hestern hospital Doctor in own clinic Architect, artist Fires lance writer Nurse in Hestern clinic Rofessionals in Institutes Govt. institutes, usually research oriented Ford Foundation consultant Secretary, teacher, etc. world assembly of Youth Alliance Francuse, etc. 311 Indian husband 1!: MHNHuNJ-‘L: NHNNN up roux-Slob; Hum lo DETAILED LIST OF RESPONDENTS' FIELDS 0F OCCUPATION (in Indian Hestern Hestern Hife husband wife .2. ..Z .2 l 6 1 l 0 1 O l l .1 l .2 .9 2 1 l. l .2 ..Z .2 l 1 l l l 1 l .1 .2 .8. l l 8 IIIU. 1:. R.-. , a” 312 TABLE A” 16 (cmte) Field of occupation Indian Indian Hestern Hestern husband wi f e husband wi fe Academic 1.6 ..5. ..‘2 IE Teaching in college 15 2 2 6 Primary or secondary l 3 6 Teach language on own 2 Student 2 1 Non-academic personnel 2 Established own school 1 Government officials 19, _1 _L _1 Indian government 10 1 l 1 Hestern government 2 Military ..5 Doctor 1. Other 2 Religious (not incl. teaching in church college or school) _1 _Q _2 _1 Minister 1 Missionary 1 1 Church official 1 Other Independently wealthy 1 Not working __ _9_ __ 59_ TOTAL 94 20 20 93 313 TABLE A-15. PHICENT OF RESPONDEVTS IN EACH OCCUPATIONAL FIELD HHOSE OCCUPATION IS THIRD CULTURAL. In third Business] Own Profes- Academic“t Religion“ Govt. Total culture Industry Business] sional* + occupati on Indus try Mi li tary A. Indian (N-28) (N-ll) (N-zo) (N-16) (N-Z) (N-16) (hi-93) husbands Yes 35.8 0.0 10.0 12e5 IOOeO 0.0 17.2 No .29.}. 490.9. .2041 .81.}. _0.9. 100.0 8.2.8. Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 ' 100.0 100.0 E. Indian 01-1) (NI-O) (N-3) (M) (N-l) (Nu-l) (N-lO) wives Yes 100.0 0.0 66.6 75.0 100.0 100.0 80.0 "0 _.Q..Q ..Qafl. .11.} .229. _.Q.9. ..(m .2041 Total 100.0 0.0 . 99.9 100 .0 100.0 100.0 100.0 C. Hestern (Nu-7) (N-2) (N-4) (hi-4) (NI-3) (N-l) (N-Zl) husbands YES 85.5 OeO SOeO 25.0 100.0 0.0 57.0 No 451.5. 1.09.9. .3141 15.-.0. _Q...Q 100.9. .5114}. Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 D. Hestern (N-3) (N-S) (Nu-9) (N-17) (Nu-2) (N-3) (Nu-39) wives Yes 33.3 0.0 77.7 41.0 100.0 66.6 50.0 No ..QQJ. 109.9. .22.}. .1241 .1141 .22.}. 32.0 Tbtal l99e9 lOOeO 100.0 100e0 100e0 99e9 100.0 *Professimsl includes individuals who are teaching in cross-cultural institutes and government culture centers. 1|“‘One Hestern husband who teaches in a theological college is included in both the Religica: and academic categories. 314 Tables A916 through A926 indicate the percent of respondents who spontaneously mention voluntary linkage activities. Three main categories of voluntary linkage activity--educational, interpersonal, and activity to help--indicate the total percent of respondents who mentioned at least one of the voluntary activities listed in the tables immediately following the three main tables. voluntary linkage Indian Indian Hestern Hestern Total mm W ... EDUCATIONAL TABLE A-16. PERCEVT OF RESPONDDITS W0 MDJTION WGAGING IN mME WLUNTARY EIJCATIONAL LINKAGE ACTIVITY BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. (N-69) (NI-20) (N-l6) (IV-891' (N-194) Mentions educational 11111:an 2300 45.0 62e5 47.0 40.0 Does not mention 77.0 55.0 37.5 53.0 6.0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Table A-l6. cm Square Test: x2 - 13.65, df - 3, p - <.005 TABLE A-17. PERCENT OF RESPONDst WHO MENTION GIVING SPEECHES ABOUT INDIA OR THE WEST BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. (N-70) (N-20) (NI-15) (N-91) (NI-196) Mentions giving speeches 32.4 20.0 20.0 5.5 10.7 Does not mention 67.6 80.0 80.0 94.5 89.3 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 TABLE A-18. PERCENT OF RESPONDEHTS “10 MENTION WRITING BOOKS BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. (N-68) (N-19) (Nhl3) (N-88) (N-188) Mentions writing books 2.84 5.2 38.4 6.9 7.4 Does not mention ' 97.2 94.9 61.6 93.1 92.6 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 315 TABLE A-19. PRCENT 0F RESPONDENTS mo MMHON TEACHING INDIA ABOUT NEST AND WEST ABOUT INDIA BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. (N-69) (xv-20) (N-15) (N-91) (IV-195) Mentions teaching India about Host 4- Heat about India 21.8 35.0 46.5 40.7 33.0 Does not mention 78.2 65.0 53.5 50.3 67.0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 INTRPRMAL TABLE A-20. PBRCBiT OF RESPONDENTS WHO MEVTION SOME INTEPHISONAL ACITIVITY BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. Mentions some inter- ("'74) ("'20) ("'15) ("'92) ("-2017 WHOMI JCCEVICY 1706 25e0 33e3 2400 2204 Does not mention 82.4 75.0 66.6 76.0 77.6 x2 on total impersonal - 2.2, df - 3, p not significant at (.05 TABLE A-21. PRCBIT OF RESPONDENTS lfl-IO MNTION HELPING NESTBNBS ADJUST IN INDIA BY SEX AND NATIONALITY.“ (N-73) (N-ZO) (N-14) (ll-92) (NI-199) Mentions helping Hesterners adjust in India 12.3 15.0 28.5 12.0 13.5 Does not mention 87.7 85.0 71.5 88.0 86.4 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 TABLE A'22. PECWT OP RESPONDst m0 MWTION MAKING A POINT OF INVITING MIXED GROUPS BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. (NI-74) (NI-20) (NI-16) (N-92) (N-200) Mentions making a point of inviting mixed groups 2.8 15.0 12.5 8.3 7.0 Does not mention 97.2 85.0 87.5 91.7 93.0 316 TABLE A923. PBCWT OF RESPONDENTS WHO MWTION HELPING 0mm MIX- COUPLES BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. (N-72) (N-20) (N-16) (N-9l) (N-199) Mentions helping other mixed couples 4.2 5.0 6.2 14.3 9.05 Does not mention 95.8 95.0 93.8 85.7 91.9 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 ACTIVITY 1:) HELP INDIA x2 on total activity to help India - 7.5, df - 3, p not significant at<:.05 TABLE A-24. PmcmT 0F RESPONDst “-10 MEITION SOME ACTIVITY DESIGNED TD HELP INDIA BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. (N-69) (N-ZO) (N-13) (N-92) (ht-194) Mentions some activity desiged to help Inde 7.2 15.0 3.1 19.6 15.5 Does not mention 72.8 85.0 96.9 80.4 84.5 TO“). lOOeO 10° .0 lOOeO 100.0 lOOeO TABLE A925. PEICBNT 01" RESPONDEVTS W0 MENTION INTRODUCING CHANGE, SETTING EXAMPLE OF NESTBN HAYS BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. (NI-7O) (IV-20) (NI-14) (IV-92) (IV-196) Mentions introducing change, setting example of Hestern ways 4.3 10.0 14.3 13.3 9.7 Does not mention 95.7 90.0 85.7 86.7 90.3 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 TABLE A-26. PERCMT OF RESPONDBVTS WHO MWTION OTHR HAYS 0F HELPING INDIA BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. (N-70) (NI-20) (NI-13) (NI-92) (N-l95) Mentions other ways of helping India 2.9 15.0 23.0 5.4 5.7 Does not mention 97.1 85 .O 77.0 94.6 94.3 Total 100.0 100 .0 100.0 100.0 100.0 317 TABLE A-27. PERCENT OF RESPONDEVTS HHO THINK OF THEISHNES AS LINKS BETNEDI INDIA AND THE REST BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. Indian Indian Hestern Hestern Total husbands wives husbands wives (N-60) (N-19) (N-15) (N-80) 01-17:.) Think of selves as links 49.0 58.0 73.0 62.0 58.0 Do not think of selves .3 link. 51.0 42.0 27.0 38 .0 42e0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Table A927. Chi Square Test. Indian partners compared to Hestern panic". x2 - 4.41, as - 3, p - >.10 TABLE A'28. PECDVT OP RESPONDWTS wan EXPLAIN/DEMO INDIA '10 NESTENBS BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. Explain/Defend Indian Indian Hestern Hestern Total India to Hesterner husbands wives husbands ‘wives (Nu-66) (N-20) (NI-15) (NIB 6) (Nu-187) Do 91 85 80 78 83.5 Do not do 9 15 20 22 16.5 Total 100 100 100 100 100.0 TABLE A-29. PRCENT 0E RESPONDDJTS m0 EXPLAIN/DEPEVD THE NEST TO THE INDIANS BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. Explain/Defend Indian Indian Hestern Hastern Total Heat to Indians husbands wives husbands wives (Nu-66) (N-zo) (N-12) (N-87) (Nu-185) Do 85 85 92 84 85 Do not do 15 15 8 16 15 Total 100 100 100 100 100 318 TABLE A930. PRCBITAGE DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDDJTS ACCORDING TO RELATIVE WUNT OF TIME SPENT IN ALL INDIAN GOUPS BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. In all Indian groups Indian Indian Hestern Hestern Total husbands wives husbands wives (N-74) (N-20) (N-15) (N-91) (N-ZOO) Most or tied for most frequently 81.0 40.0 53.0 70.0 70.0 2nd or 3rd most frequent, or tied for middle frequencies 19.0 55.0 47.0 30.0 29.5 Least, or tied for least freq. 9 9 9 9 9 Never 9 5.0 9 9 .5 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Table A930. Chi Square Test. IH9HH NH-IN Total Most 12!. 16 140 x2 - 11.7 Middle, least, never 41 19 6O df - 1 Tbtal 165 35 200 p 9 .001 TABLE A931. PECWTAGE DIS'RIBUTION OP RESPONDst ACCORDING TO RELATIVE ADDUNT OF TIME SPBVT IN ALL NESTHN GROUPS BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. In all Hestern groups Indian Indian Hestern Hestern Total husbands 'wives husbands 'wives (N-74) (N-20) (N-lS) (N-9l) (N-ZOO) Most or tied for most frequently 2.7 15 7 4.5 5 2nd or 3rd most frequent or tied for middle frequencies 40.5 65 60 45.0 46 Least or tied for least frequent 6.7 - - 3.4 4 Never 50.0 20 33 47.0 44 Total 99.9 100 100 99.9 99 Table A931. Chi Square Test. IH IH HH HH Total 2 Most-middle 32 16 10 45 103 x - 10.05 least-never 42 4 5 46 97 df - 3 Total 74 20 15 91 200 p - .02 319 TABLE A932. PRCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS ACCORDING TO RELA9 TIVE MDUNT 01" TIME SPENT IN GOUPS OF MIXED NATIONALITIES BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. In mixed nationality groups Indian (N-74) Most or tied for most frequently 27 2nd or 3rd most frequent or tied for middle frequencies 58 Least or tied for least freq. 9 Never 15 Total 100 Table A932. Chi Square Test. IH-HH couples Most 50 Middle 91 Least-never 24 Total 165 TABLE A933. Indian Hestern husbands wives husbands wives (N-20) (N-15) (N-9l) 70 67 33 25 27 53 - - l 5 6 13 100 100 100 HH-IH Total couples 24 74 9 100 2 26 35 200 PERCDITAGE DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDEJTS ACCORDING TO Hastern Total (N-200) 37 50 .05 12 '99 X - 17.2 df - 2 P ' 0001 RELATIVE MDUNT OF TIME..SPBVT IN GOUPS OF INDIAN-HESTEN COUPLES BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. In groups of mixed couples Indian husbands (N-74) Most or tied for most frequently 2.7 2nd or 3rd most frequent or tied for middle frequencies 6.6 Least or tied for least freq. 5.2 Never 84.5 Total 100.0 Table A933. Chi Square Test. IH-HH couples Most-middle l6 Least-never 149 Total 165 Indian Hestern Hestern Total wives (N-zo) 100.0 100.0 HH-IH couples 0 35 35 husbands ‘wives (N-15) (N-91) (N-200) - 303 2.0 - w 7.7 5.0 9 6.6 6.0 100.0 82.5 87.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Total 16 x2 - 3.69 1.84 df I 1 200 P ' (010 320 TABLE A934. PERCEiT OF RESPONDENTS HHO PARTICIPATE IN 33MB ALL INDIAN mCIAL NETWRK (EXCLUDING FAMILY) BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. All Indian social network Indian Indian Hestern Hestern Total husbands wives husbands wives (N-89) (N-20) (N-18) (N-93) (N-zzo) Does participate 92 80 75 88 88 Does not 8 20 25 12 12 Total 100 100 100 100 100 Table 1934. Chi Square Test. x2 - 5.496, df - 3, p - >..10 mats A-35. PERCENT OF RESPONDING SAMPLE IN SPECIFIC INDIAN SOCIAL mamas. (N - 220) Family Occupation Husband's occupation 45.0 Hife's occupation 2.7 Joint occupation 3.6 Occupation/location 11.9 (e.g. factory compound) Communal occupation 6.1 (e.g. caste occupation) Indian "le" 55.3 Indian Communal 43.7 (e.g. Parsi, Bengali, Caste) Communal occupation 11.9 Hestern-Returned Indians 5.3 Childhood friends 27.8 Locality (including occupation/ 24.5 location) (a) Special Interest groups 21.0 Husbands interest group 11.7 Hife's interest group 3 3 Joint interest group 2.3 Intellectual group 9 4 Indian Social Club (e.g. gymkhana) Unspecified Indian social group (“)0ccupation sum does not equal the sum of its parts because 1 couple can be involved in social networks based on both husband's and wife's occupation. The same is true for interest groups. (b)Unspecified social groups will be grossly underrepresented since the questions did not elicit information regarding such networks. 97 64.5“’ 7.4 4.0(b) 321 TABLE A936. PRCDIT OP RESPONDENTS PARTICIPATING IN SOME ALL WESTBIN SOCIAL NET‘DRK BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. A1 1 Hes tern Indi an Indian Hes tern Hes tern Tots 1 social network husbands wives husbands wives (N580) (N-ZO) (N-18) (N-92) (N-210) Does participate 61 80 78 76 71 Does not 39 20 22 24 29 To ta 1 100 100 100 100 100 Table A936. Chi Square Test. x2 - 6.02, df - 3, p - ) .10 TABLE A937. PmCEiT 01" TOTAL RESPONDING SAMPLE IN SPRIFIC ALL NESTERN NETWRXS BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. (N - 210) Hestern nationality 77 Occupation 6.9 Husband's 1.4 Her's 6.4 Locality 1.5 Special interest-husband 1.0 TABLE A938. PmCEiT 0F RESPONDBVTS PARTICIPATING IN sous MIXED NATION- ALITY SOCIAL NETWRK BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. Mixed nationality Indian Indian Hestern Hestern Total Social network husbands wives husbands wives (N-BO) (N-20) (N-18) (N-92) (N-210) Does participate 84 90 83 85 85 Does not 16 10 17 15 15 Total 100 100 100 100 100 Table A938. Chi Square 165:. x2 - 1.95, as - 3, p - > .10 322 mu A939. PERCENT OF 10m RESPONDING SAMPLE IN SPaCIPIc MIXED NATIONALITY SOCIAL NETiDRK. (N - 210) Clubs (e.g., Poona Club, Delhi Gymkhana) 42 (a) Occupation 40.7 Husband's occupation 33 6 Wife's occupation 7.7 Joint occupation 4 5 Occupation/location (e.g., campus, compound) 12.4 Third Culture organization 28.4 (Except church) Church 20.2 camel/occupation 4.8 (missionaries) (a) Interest groups 18.2 Husband's interest group 4 4 Hife's interest group 4.6 Joint interest group 5 6 Intellectuals, artists 4 9 Locality (including occupation/location) 15.2 Social group (no discernible (b) specific basis) 5. (”See explanation Table A-35. (”See explanation Table A-35. TABLE A940. PEICEVT 0F RESPONDENTS PARTICIPATING IN 37MB MIXED COMMUNAL MIAL NEMRK (INDIAN-HESTBN COUPLES 0R ANGIO-INDIAN) BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. Mixed communal social Indian Indian Hestern Hestern Total network husbands 'wives husbands ‘wives (Nh80) (NhZO) (N-18) (N-92) (N-210) Does participate 33 25 22 40 34 Does not 67 75 78 6O 66 Total 100 100 100 100 100 1.61. 1940. Chi Square Test. x2 - 10.78, as - 3, p - .02 323 TABLE 1-41. PEICENI OF 10m RESPONDING SAMPLE IN SPECIFIC MIXED comUNAL SOCIAL Narmaks. (N - 210) Anglo-Indian 12.7 All Indian- Hestern couples 23.6 TABLE A942. PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS' CLOSE FRIENDS “10 ARE INDIAN, NESTEIN AND INDIAN-NESTmN COUPLES ACCORDING TO CHANNELS THROUGH WHICH THEY MET} How they met Indians Hesterners Indian-Hestern couples W (N-213) (N-az) (N-14) Phnctional relationships 42.2 55.0 28.5 Communal relationships* 16.4 7.2 7.0 Social networks 7.5 19.0 14.2 Childhood/college friends, own or partners 28.2 11.9 14.2 Other 5.6 2.2 15.6 Total 99.9 100.3 100.5 Table A942a. Chi Square Test How they met Indian friends others functional 9 27 x2 - 56.19 communal 35 4 df - 3 childhood 60 7 p - ( .001 other 28 18 Total 213 56 Indians westerners Indian-Hestern couples B ND V (N-45) (N-58) (N-z) Functional relationships 11.1 13.8 - Communal relationships 15.5 26.0 9 Social networks 11.1 50.0 9 Chgldgggg‘ggglege friends, own 55.5 5.2 - Other 6.8 5,2 JQQ‘Q_ IABLE A942. (Comte) Table A942b. Chi Square Test. functional communal childhood Other Total ShL.JflHEDEELJflEEMEflEi Functional relationships Communal relationships Social networks 324 Childhood/college friends, own or partners Other Total Thble APAZCs functional Chi Square Test communal childhood other total W Ponctional relationships Communal relationships Social networks Childhood/college friends, own or partner's Other Total Indian friends others 5 8 15 25 3 8 32 45 58 Indians Hosterners (N-33) (N-24) 60.5 25.0 15.1 46.0 9.1 16.6 15.1 8.4 ' 4.2 99.8 100.2 Indian friends others 20 7 11 2 6 33 26 Indians Hesterners (N-232) (N-80) 41.6 31.2 22.2 28.8 10.3 12.5 15.0 1.2 .12.: ..2912 99.4 99.9 x2 - 34.19 df - 3 P 9 < .001 Indian-Hostern couples (N-2) 50.0 50.0 100.0 x2 - 10.11 df I 3 P ' < e02 Indian-Hostern couples (N-53) 26.4 20.8 20.8 3.8 .2319 100.2 325 TABLE 1942 (cont.) Table A942d. Chi Square Test. Indian friends others 2 functional 97 39 x - 31.7 communal 52 34 df - 3 childhood 35 3 p - < .001 other 48 57 total 232 133 N - number of friends mentioned *own or partner's community TABLE A943. PERCENT OF CLOSEST INDIAN FRIENDS W0 ARE FROM CHILDHOOD FOR INDIAN NIVES AND FORnALL OTHER RESPONDENTS. Origin of friendship Indian wives all other respondents (N-45) (N-478) Chi ldhood 54.4 20. 9 All others 45.6 79.1 Table 1943. Chi Square rest: x2 - 27.13, df - 1, p - < .001 TABLE A944. PRCBNTAGE DISRIBUTION OF FIVE CLOSEST FRIENDS ACCORDING TO NATIONALITY BY SEX AND NATIONALITY OF RESPONDENT. Community of closest friend Indian Indian Hestern ‘Hestern husbands ‘wives husbands wives (N-72) (N-19) (N-l4) (N-92) All Indian 43.0 26.4 14.3 18.5 All Hestern 1.4 10.5 7.1 1.1 Mixed nationalities 50.0 63.0 71.4 77.3 No close friends 5.5 9 7.1 3.3 Total 99.9 99.9 99.9 100.1 Table A944. Chi Square Test. a) TBose who name only Indian close friends compared to all others. x - 13.58, df - 3, p - ( .005 b) Those who include more than one nationality among closest friends. x - 13.46, df - 3, p - .< .005 326 TABLE A945. PERCENT 01" RESPONDst WHO BEIONG TO ME CLUB OR ORGANI9 ZATION (REGARDLESS OP MMRSHIP) BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. Indian Indian Hestern Hastern Total husbands wives husbands wives (N-73) (N920) (N-lS) (NI-92) (ii-200) Belong to some club or organization 78.0 85.0 87.0 74.0 77.0 Do not belong to any 22.0 15.0 13.0 26.0 23.0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 (does not meet assumptions of x2) TABLE A946. PERCENT OF THOSE BELONGING TO CLUBS OR ORGANIZATIONS WHO ARE IN AT LEAST ONE WITH ALL INDIAN MMQSHIP BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. Indian Indian Hestern Hestern Total husbands wives husbands wives (Nu-57) (N-l7) (N-l3) (N-68) (N-155) Belong to some all Indian club or organization 72.0 23.0 31.0 43.0 50.0 Do not belong to all Indian club or organ. 28.0 77.0 69.0 57.0 50.0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Table A946. Chi Square Test. x2 - 21.47, df - 3, p . (..001 TABLE A947. PECBVT OF THOSE BEIDNGING TO CLUBS 0R ORGANIZATIONS WHO ARE IN AT LflST ONE WITH ALL HESTBN MMBESHIP BY SEX AND NATIONALITY OP RESPONDENTS. Indian Indian Western Hostern Total husbands wives husbands wives (N-57) (N-l7) (Nu-13) (Nu-68) (Nu-155) Belong to some all Hes- tern club or organ. 12.0 39.0 38.0 24.0 21.0 Do not belong to any all ‘HEstern club or organ. 88.0 61.0 62.0 76.0 79.0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Table A947. Chi Sauare That. a) x2 I 8.73, df - 3, p . <'.05 b) x (IH-WH couples compared to HH-IH couples) . 6.46, df - 19 P . < .02 327 TABLE A948. PECD‘T OF THOSE BELONGING TO CLUBS OR ORGANIZATION “10 ARE IN AT LEAST ONE um! BI-NATIONAL OR INTRNATIONAL MMRSHIP BY SEX AND NATIONALITY OP RESPONDENT. Indian Indian Hestern Hestern Total husbands wives husbands wives (N-57) (NI-17) (N-l3) (N-68) (N-155) Belong to some club or organization with mixed membership 70.0 88.0 85.0 84.0 79.0 Do not belong to mixed mem- bership club or organ. 30.0 12.0 15.0 16.0 31.0 Tatal 100.0 100 .0 10000 100 e0 100 .0 Table A948. C91 Square Test (Indian husbands compared to all others) x -a. ,df-1,p-<.05 TABLE A949. PERCENT OF TOTAL SAMPLE Wm BELONG TO SPECIFIC KINDS OF CLUBS AND ORGANIZATIONS AND THE NATIONALITY OP MDiBERSHIP MOST COMMON NR EACH TYPE OF CLUB OR ORGANIZATION Type of club or organization Percent who Most common belong membership composition Social (Country) clubs 51.5 mixed Third Culture organizations (not including respondents employed in third culture organizations) 26.6 mixed Special interest groups (e.g., music, politics, cards) 24.5 mixed Professional 22.0 Indian Communal 16.7 Indian Religious 16.1 mixed Helfare (volunteer) 14.3 Indian Government committees less than 10 Indian Social " " " Mixed, Indian Organizations of Indian- Hestern couples " " " Mixed couples Raternal organizations " " " Indian Homen's groups (e.g. Nat'l Assoc. of Indian Honen, Bengal Homen's Union) " " " Indian 328 TABLE A950. PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF COUPLES ACCORDING TO SIZE OF CITY BY COMBINED SALARY. City size Combined Salary Level less than 1,0009 2,0009 Over Total 1,498 Rs/mo. 2,498 3,498 3,000 Rs/mo Rs/mo Rs/mo (N-44) (N-70) (N-48) (N-38) (N-200) Large 13.6 28.6 37.6 52.5 32.0 Middle size 59.9 48.6 46.0 31.6 47.0 small 27.2 22.9 16.6 15.8 21.0 Total 100.7 100.1 100.2 99.9 100.0 Table A950. Chi Square Test. x2 - 15.604, df - 6, p - < .02 TABLE A951 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF COUPLES ACCORDING TO LEVEL OF COMBINE) SALARIES BY HUSBAND'S FIELD Ol" OCCUPATION. Level of combined Husband's field of occupation incomes Business + Professions Academic Religion Govt.. industry Military (N-82) (N940) (N-38) (N-lO) (N-26) less than Rs 1,498/mo. 7.3 20.0 63.2 60.0 15.3 l,OOO-2,498 Rs/mo. 24.4 45.0 31.6 20.0 38.5 2,00093,498 Rs/mo. 34.2 25.0 5.2 20.0 23.0 Over 3,000 Rs/mo. 34.2 10.0 9 9 23.0 Total 100.1 100.0 100.0 100.0 99.8 Table A951. Chi Square Test. Combined income of less than Rs 2,498/mo. campared to combined income of more than Rs 2,000/mo. x - 46.51, df - 4, p . (0001 329 TABLE A952. PRCWTAGE DIS'RIBUTION OF COUPLES ACCORDING TO SIZE OF CITY IN WICH THE COUPLE LIVES BY HUSBAND'S FIELD OP OCCUPATION. Size of city Husband's field of occupation Business, Professions Academic Religion Govt., industry Military (N-96) (N-48) (N-40) (N-lO) (N-34) Large 41e6 37.5 25e0 20.0 1104 Middle size + "suburbs" 48.0 50.0 30.0 40.0 65.0 Small 10.4 12.5 45.0 40.0 22.8 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 99.2 Table A952. Chi Square Test. x2 - 33.72, df - 8,p - < .001 TABLE A953. PERCENT OF RESPONDET TS WHO HAVE wME OCCUPATIONAL CONTACT WITH MN9INDIANS BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. Nationality of occupa9 Indian Indian Hestern Hestern Total tional contacts husbands wives husbands wives (N-77) (N-ll) (N-18) (N-39) (N- 145) Have some contact with non-Indians in work relations 68.9 82.7 77.8 79.6 73.8 All Indian (nearly half had contact with non-Indians in a previous job) 31.2 18.2 22.2 20.4 26.2 Total 100.1 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Table A953. Chi Square Test. x2 - 2.15, df - 3, p - ) .05 330 closest friends *This reads: TABLE A954. INDICES OP RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CITY SIZE AND INVOLVEMENT IN INDIAN, HESTmN, AND MIXED SOCIAL SYSTEiS (PmCENTAGES). Indices of Involvement City Size in Indian, Western, and Large Middle+ Small Total x2 level Sig- Mixed Social Systems Suburbs nificance Wm Belong to at least one 33.37.* 46.57 36.22 40.071 x2 - 3.31 org. with only Indian of 67 of 97 of 36 of 200 p I > .05 members Belong to at least one 1.57. 10.37. 071 5.47. d as not meet Indian communal org. of 66 of 97 of 38 of 201 x assumptions Participate in at 1...: 58.27. 51.07 61.07. 55.27 x2 - 1.5 one Indian communal social of 67 of 102 of 41 of 210 p - ) .05 network Five closest friends are 16.97. 26.67. 50.07. 27.57. x2 - 20.7 all Indian of 65 of 94 of 38 of 200 p - < .001 Win: Belong to at least one 29.47. 11.27. 10.87. 16.87. x2 - 9.52 org. with mly Hestern of 67 of 98 of 37 of 202 p I ( .01 members Belong to at least one 16.77. 5.157 2.67. 8.457 x2 - 8.77 lhstern ,comunal org. of 66 of 97 of 38 Of 201 p - < .02 Participate in st 1...: 84.57. 77.07 30.87. 70.957. x2 - 45.92 one all Hestern social of 70 of 101 of 39 of 210 p - (.001 network Over 60% of acquaintances 15.27. 4.17. 5.47. 8.01 d s not meet in India are Hestern of 66 of 97 of 37 of 200 x assumptions Five closest friends in 6.27 07. 2.77. 2.57 does not meet India are all Hestern of 65 of 94 of 38 of 197 x2 assumptions 1 i t Belmg to .: least one 64.27 69.57 46.07 63.57 x2 - 6.4 org. with Indian and of 70 of 101 of 37 of 208 p - ( .05 Hestern members Belong to at least one 35.47. 30.67. 2.87. 27.27. x2 - 13.66 third culture org. of 68 of 98 of 36 of 202 p 9 < .005 Participate in at least 92.8% 91.07. 55.02 84.87. x2 - 33.9 one mixed nationality of 69 of 101 of 40 of 210 p - ( .001 social network Include both Indians + 52.47 48.07 23.67 44.77. x2 - 8.7 westerners among five of 65 of 94 of 38 of 197 p - < .02 33.32 of the 67 respondents, for whom we have information, in large cities belong to at least one club with all Indian members. 331 TABLE A-54 (cont.) friends Indices of Involvement City Size 2 in Indian, Westem, and Large Midd1e+ Small Total 3: level Sig- Mixed Social Systems Suburbs nificance M xed on s d o W Belong to at least one org. 4.67. 5.27. 0 3.97. d es not meet with all mixed couples, or of 66 of 97 of 38 of 201 x assumptions Inglo mulbers, PartICIPCte in at 1388t 30s87s 41.11 22s57s 34.37. X2 - 4e96 one social network of of 68 of 102 of 40 of 210 p - .05 mixed couples/Anglos Include at 1...: one mixed 26.27 31.07 26.47 28.47 x2 - .5 couple (or partner) anong of 65 of 94 of 38 of 197 p -> .05 five closest friends Museum Made at least one state- 53.07. 37.0% 26.4% 40.37. x2 - 7.96 ment regarding ease of of 66 of 92 of 38 of 196 p - .02 mixing with Westerners Made at least one state- 55.37. 74.57. 84.5% 69.82 x2 - 11.48 ment regarding difficulty of 67 of 94 of 38 of 199 p - < .005 mixing with Westerners Made at 1...: one .:.:.- 55.37 53.27 68.87 56.87 x2 - 2.66 ment regarding difficulty of 67 of 94 of 38 of 199 p - > .05 mixing with Indians Include no Indians among 16.97 1.067 13.17 8.67 x2 - 13.48 five closest friends of 65 of 94 of 38 of 197 p - < .005 Include no Westerners 35.47. 50.07. 73.67. 49.77. x2 - 14.07 among five closest of 65 of 94 of 38 of 197 p - .001 TABLE A'55. 332 INDICES 0!" RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN COMBINED SALARIES AND INvOLvmzN'r IN INDIAN, 1733mm, AND MIxm SOCIAL SYSTEMS (Pmcmmss). Involvement in Indian, “Stem, md Mixed Social Systems W I Belong to at least one org. with only Indian 44.42 39.07 members Belong to at least one Indian communal organization Participate in at least one Indian communal social network Five closest friends are all Indian W Belong to at least one org. with only Western members Belong to at least one Western social network Participate in at least one all u..- tern communal org. Over 607 of acquain- tances in India are 'Western Five closest friends in India are all Western Muzsd_fisslsl_fixs£saa of 43 2.382 of 42 68.0% of 44 52.57 of 42 7.0% of 43 42.0% of 38 07 of 42 2.86% of 35 01 of 36 Belong to at least one org. with Indian «1- Whatern members Belong to at least 68.2% of 43 3.262 one third culture org.of 43 Participate in at least one mixed nationality social network 63.62 of 44 Combined Level Level Level 2 of 64 4.47. of 68 55.02 of 69 32.4% of 65 15.0% of 67 68.02 of 69 7.357 of 68 12.1% of 66 02 of 65 48.52 of 66 25.87 of 66 78.57 of 70 3 41.07 of 44 9.1% of 44 37.6% of 48 19.5% of 41 11.4% of 44 62.57 of 48 9.17 of 44 2.4% of 42 4.9% of 41 59.07. of 44 25.0% of 44 87.5% of 48 Salaries Level 4 44.2% of 34 9.4% of 32 51.5% of 37 21.2% of 33 39.4% of 33 94.52 of 36 22.81 of 32 12.5% of 40 9.72 of 31 91.57 of 35 18.77 of 32 97.2% of 34 x2 level of significance Total x2 - .4 p - > 005 2 X - 2.4 P . 005 42.0% of 185 5.92 of 186 x2 - 8.4 P-<-05 53.02 of 198 x2 - 11.7 p. (001 32.0% of 181 x2 - 15.1 p - < .005 16.6% of 187 x2 . 23.0 p - < e001 66.5% of 191 8.67. d s not meet of 186 x assumptions does not meet 8.27 x2 assumptions of 183 does not meet 2.92 x2 assumption of 173 P . 0001 X2 - 1.0 of 185 p - > .05 80.5% x2 - 15.1 of 196 p - .005 61.2% of 188 25.92 TABLE A-SS (cont.) Involvement in Indian, Western, and Mixed Level Social Systems 1 Include both Indians 36.82 + Westerners among of 42 five closest friends W W Belong to at least 4.9% one org. with all of 41 mixed couples, or Anglo members Participate in at 20.9% least one social net- of 43 ‘work of mixed couples] Anglo Include at least one 11.07 mixed coupleGor of 36 partner) among five closest friends MW Made at least one 28.62 statement regarding of 42 ease of mixing with Westerners Made at least one 69.0% statement regarding of 42 difficulty of mixing with fiat-nus Made at least one 51.07 statement regarding of 42 difficulty of mixing with Indians Include no Indians 02 among five closest of 42 friends Include no Whaterners 58.3% among five closest of 36 friends 333 Combined Salaries Level 2 42.57 of 66 2.9% of 69 38.3% of 68 38.61 of 65 36.02 of 67 77.6% of 67 55.3% of 67 3.08% of 65 55.52 of 65 Level 3 46.47 of 41 4.37 of 46 47.72 of 44 39.2% of 41 45.02 of 40 75.8% of 41 54.72 of 42 9.81 of 41 39.2% of 41 Level 4 60.67 of 33 6.17 of 33 19.4% of 36 20.51 of 31 57.5% of 33 45.07 of 34 9.17 of 33 32.27 of 31 2 Total x level of of significance 45.07 x2 - 4.4 Of 182 P - > 005 4.2% D s not meet of 189 xg. assumptions X2 - 1003 P.-05 57.37 of 185 x2 - 5.86 P - > 005 4.9% of 181 x2 - 6.8 p->.05 48.02 of 173 334 TABLE A-56. INDICES OF RELATIONSHIP 8mm AREA OF HUSBAND'S OCCUPA- TION AND INWLVMWT IN INDIAN, WESTBN, AND MIXED $CIAL SYSTDiS (PRC DI TAGES) . Involvement in India, Western «1- Area of Husband's Occupation Business+ Profes- Academic Govt+ Religion Total Mixed Social Systems Industry sional Milit. Wt. Belong to at least one org. with only Indian members Belong to at least one Indian communal organization Participate in at least one Indian communal social net. Five closest friends are all Indian 32.67 50.01 44.7% 22.2% 52.02 40.22 of 89 of 40 of 38 of 9 of 25 of 201 x2 - 6.1, df - f, p not significant at< .05 5.67 4.7% 5.27 02 8.37 5.4% of 89 of 42 of 38 of 9 of 24 of 202 Does not meet x2 assumptions 51.5% 50.0% .65.07. 100.0% 38.01 54.27 of 95 of 42 of 40 of 10 of 29 of 216 x2 - 13.6, p - < .01 20.52 41.07 54.0% 07 37.52 32.61 of 88 of 39 of 37 of 5 of 24 of 193 82 . 16.6, p - (.005 W Belong to at least one org. with only Wes tern members Belong to at least one Western communal organization Participate in at least one all Wes- tern social network Over 602 of acquain- tances in India are ‘Western 24.8% 23.3% 5.25% OZ 0% 16.7% of 89 of 43 of 38 of 9 of 25 of 204 x2. 7.6, p. < .01 13.52 9.57 0% 11.12 07 8.42 of 89 of 42 of 38 of 9 of 24 of 202 does not meet x2 assumptions 82.57 71.07. 45.02 50.07. 45.02 70.27. of 95 of 44 of 40 of 12 of 27 of 218 x2 - 24.4’ p - < .001 12.47 12.87 0% 0% 07 8.12 of 89 of 39 of 38 of 6 of 26 of 198 2 does not meet x assumptions TABLE A'Sée (c0nt.) Involvement in Indian, Western + Five closest friends in India are Western W Belong to at one org. with Indian and Western members Belong to at all least least one third culture organization Participate in at least one mixed nationality social network Include both Indians + Westerners five closest friends W W Belong to at least one org. with all mixed couples, or of 88 66.6% of 90 25.4% of 87 91.6% of 95 52.9% of 89 Anglo members Participate in at least one social network of mixed couples/Anglos Include at least one mixed couple (or partner) ammg five closest friends 335 Area of Husband's Occupation Milit. 5.7% 0% 0% 0% of 39 of 37 of 5 2 does not meet x assumptions 71.5% 50.0%.100.0% of 42 of 40 of 10 - 12.4. P ' < e02 41.0%. 30.0% 30.0% of 44 of 40 of 10 . 10.5, p - < .05 80.0% 55.0% 100.0% of 46 of 40 of 10 . 22.5, P - < 0001 46.1% 29.7% 55.5% of 39 of 37 of 9 362- 7.4, p- > .05 6.7%. 4.7% 0% 0% of 89 of 42 of 38 of 9 does not meet x2 assumptions 39.8% 20.9%- 29.0% 66.6% of 93 of 43 of 38 of 9 x2- 8.6, p- > .05 39.4% of 88 21.6% 0% of 37 of 5 20.5% of 39 0% of 24 50.0% of 28 4.2% of 24 74.0% of 27 33.3% of 24 0% of 24 39.4% of 28 25.0% of 24 Business+ Profes- Academic Govt+ Religion Total Mixed Social systems Industry sional 2.6% of 193 71.4% of 210 27.3% of 205 80.7% of 218 44.9% of 198 3.9% of 202 35.1% of 211 29.5% of 193 TABLE A956 (cont. Involvement in Indian, Western + Mixed Social Systems We Made at least one statement regarding ease of mixing with Westerners Made at least one statement regarding difficulty of mix- ing with Westerners Made at least one statement regarding difficulty of mix! ing with Indians Include no Indians among five closest friends 336 Area of Husband's Occupation Business+ Profes- Academic Govt+ Religion Total Include no Westerners among five closest friends Industry sional Milit. 55.0% 23.6% 23.6% 55.5% 26.0% 39.6%. of 89 of 38 of 38 of 9 of 23 of 197 2 X - 18.4, p - (.005 62.4% 64.0% 79.0% 66.6% 96.0% 70.0% of 90 of 39 of 38 of 9 of 24 of 200 2 x - 11.2, p - < .025 63.5% 52.5% 60.5% 22.2% 52.0% 57.5% of 90 of 40 of 38 of 9 of 23 of 200 x2..- 6.0, p - > .05 10.5% 0% 0% 0% 0% 4.6% of 88 of 39 of 37 of 5 of 24 of 193 does not meet x2 assumptions 36.4% 54.0% 67.5% 0% 37.5% 45.1% of 88 of 39 of 37 of 5 of 24 of 193 x2 - 15.2, p - (.005 TABLE A-57. 337 INDICES OF 1118 RELATION BETWEEN LENGTH OF MARRIAGE AND INVOLVEWENT IN INDIAN, WESTERN, AND MIXED SOCIAL SYSTmS. Length of Marriage in India Involvement in Ind., Western, + Mixed Social Systems d1 S 1 Belong to at least one org. with only Indian members Belong to at least one Indian Communal organization Participate in at least one Indian communal social net. 81: Five closest friends are all Indian Wm Belong to at least one org. with only Wes tern members Belong to at least one Western Com- munal org. Participate in at least one all Wes- tern social net. Over 60% of Acquain- tances in India are Western Five closest friends in India are all Western W Belong to at least one org. with Indian + Western members Belong to at least one third culture org. Participate in at least one mixed nationality social network Less than 2-5 one year years years years years 20.0% N-25 50.0% N-28 32.0% N528 23.0% N-26 3.8% N-26 50.0% N-28 7.4% N-27 2.6% N-28 24.0% N-25 19.2% N-26 65.5% N-26 6-9 10-19 20+ 35.5% 39.4%.52.3% 47.5 N-60 N-33 N-44 N-38 7.0% 19.5% N-44 N-33 39.1% 54.0% 57.0% 66.0% N-64 Nh37 N-44 N-47 20.4% 16.0% 50.0% 31.6% N-59 N-31 N-40 N-38 23.4% 3.1% 20.4% 10.0% N-GO N333 “-44 N-38 11.9% 5.2% 9.1% 7.3% N-59 51.32 NI“ N-41 75.0% 81.0% 61.5% 76.5% N-64 N-37 N-44 N-47 15.07 6.77 7.07 o N-Go N-3o N-4o N-4o 5.1% 0 2.5% 0 N-59 N-31 N-40 N-38 72.0% 68.6% 57.0% 77.0% N-61 N-35 N-44 N-43 32.8% 36.4% 20.0% 24.4% N-58 N-33 N-45 N-4l 86.97 94.57 79.57 91.02 u-éo N-36 N-44 N-44 Total 40.0 N-200 5.4% N-202 52.5% N-220 29.5% N-l96 17.0% N-200 8.4% N-202 70.5% N-220 8.0% N-200 2.5% N-196 63.5% N-208 IN INDIA 2 x x2 p- does not meet x2 assumptions 2 level of significance . 8.42 > .05 x - 7.9 P- >'.05 x2 - 12.44 p- x2 p- d es not meet assumptions 8 2 .02 <'.01 x - 10087 P - <{.05 dges not meet assumptions X d es not meet assumptions X x2 - 23.2 P ' ‘(e001 27.07. x2 - 4049 N-203 84.6% N5210 p- x2 .05 - 14.2 P - <7e01 338 TABLE A957 (cont.) Length of Marriage in India friends Involvement in Ind., Less than 2-4 6-9 10-19 20+ Total x2 level of Western, + Mixed one year years years years years significance Social Systems 1 ed e 0 8t Belong to at least 0 6.8% 0 2.3% 7.3% 3.9% d es not meet one org. with all N-26 N-59 N-32 N-44 N-41 N-202 x assump. mixed couples, or Anglo nenbers Participate in at 29.6% 31.7%.40.5% 26.2% 43.2% 34.3% x2 - 3.8 least one social N-27 N-60 N-37 N-42 N-44 N-210 p - )*.05 network of mixed couples/Anglos Include at least one 48.0% 27.6% 38.8% 16.6% 26.3% 29.5% x2 - 9.37 mixed couple (or N-27 N-58 N-3l N-42 N-38 N-l96 p - > .05 partner) among five closest friends 11132211113222 Made at 1888: me 23e07s 48.4% 43.7% 40.5% 37.0% 40.37. 32 ' 5.08 statement regarding N-26 N-58 N-32 N-42 N-38 N-196 p - > .05 ease of mixing with Westerners Made at 1...: one 74.17 55.87 79.27 81.07 69.27 70.07 x2 - 9.16 statement regarding N-27 N-59 N-32 N-42 N-39 N-l99 p - >'.05 difficulty of mix- ing with Westerners Made .: 1...: one 55.57 68.4% 59.47 61.07 31.57 57.07 x2 - 13.65 statement regarding N-27 N-6O N-32 N-42 N-38 N-l99 p - < .01 difficulty of mixing with Indians Include no Indians 11.1% 10.3% 9.7%. 4.8% 10.5% 9.2% dges not meet among five closest N-27 N-58 N-3l N-42 N-38 N-196 x Assump. friends Include no Westerners 77.7% 38.0% 29.0% 52.5% 60.5%.49.5% x2 - 18.3 among five closest N-27 N-58 N-3l N-42 N-38 N-l96 p - <:.005 flur- '- TABLE A" 58 e 339 INVOLVEMENT IN INDIAN, WESTERN, AND MIXED SOCIAL SYSTEMS. INDICES OP'THE RELATION BETWEEN WESTERN NATIONALITY AND A R PO D (Classified according to partner's nationality) Involvement in Indian, Western, + Mixed Systems Indian_fissial_§xsssms Belong to at least one 53.3% org. with only Indian members Belong to at least one Indian communal org. Participate in at least one Indian communal social network Five closest friends are all Indian .EEaSsrn_fissisl_§zs£sma Belong to at least one org.'with only Western members Belong to at least one Western communal org. Participate in at least one all Western social network Over 60% of acquain- tances in India are Western Five closest friends in India are all Western W Belong to at least one org. with Indian + Western members Belong to at least one third culture org. N-28 6.9 N529 57.5 N-33 38.0 N-29 24.70 N529 10.3 N-29 77.0 N-30 7.15 N-28 6.9 N-29 71.0 N-31 17.8 N-28 47.6% N=21 0 N-22 69.5 N-23 47.9 N-23 14.3 N-21 4.6 N-22 66.6 N-24 12.5 N-24 N-23 62.0 N-21 27.2 N-22 28.6% N-7 N-7 71.5 N-7 43.0 Nb? N-7 N-7 12.8 Ni7 N-7 N-7 14.3 N-7 14.3 N-7 60.0% Ni15 N-15 40.0 N-15 21.4 N-14‘ 13.3 N-15 N-15 86.8 N-lS 7.1 N-l N514 69.0 N-16 37.4 N-l6 45.5% 49.5% N-22 8.7 N-21 48.0 N-23 47.0 N517 4.56 N-22 0 N-23 65.1 N-23 0 N-21 5.9 N-17 60.0 N-25 17.4 N-23 Britain United Common- Germany Other Total States wealth N-93 4.2 N-96 56.5 N-lOl 40.0 N-90 13.8 N-94 4.2 N-96 70.0 N-99 6.4 N-94 3.3 N-9O 62.0 N-100 23.0 N-96 x2 level of sign. X2 ' 2.2 p - >005 does ngt meet x 88813111? e x2 - 4.6 P.>e05 x2 - 3.03 P ->.05 does not meet x2 8881111“) 0 does not meet x assump. does not meet x2 assump. does nat meet x assump s does n t meet x 888001? e x2 . 8.17 p -7.05 does not meet x 8331111113 e 340 TABLE A-58A (cont.) Britain United Conmon- Germany Other Total x2 level friends States wealth of sign. Participate in at least 84.0 82.5 42.8 93.5 95.7 84.0 does not one mixed nationality N-31 N-23 N-7 N-15 N-23 N-99 meet x social network assump. Include both Indians + 41.4 47.9 57.2 50.0 23.5 42.3 x2 - 3.72 Westerners among five N-29 N-23 N-7 N-14 N-17 N-9O p - >.05 closest friends i C d Aaals_fissisl_§22£sn2 Belong to at least one 3.4 4.5 0 6.7 0 3.1 does nat g org. with all mixed N-29 N-22 N-7 N-15 N-23 N-9 meet x 3 couples, or Inglos asmp. Participate in at least 28.0 25.0 14.3 57.0 31.0 31.3 does not I one social network of N-32 N-24 N-7 N-14 N-22 N-99 meet x mixed couples/Anglos assump. Include at least one 6.9 4.3 0 35.7 23.5 13.4 does nat mixed couple (or N-29 N-23 N-7 N-l4 N-l7 N-9O meet x partner) anong five assump. cluest friends 8112211182221 Made at 1.... one 54.0 40.8 28.6 61.4 50.0 44.0 x2 - 2.8 statement regarding N-26 N-22 N-7 N-13 N-20 N-9 p -> .05 ease of mixing with Westerners Made at least one 53e6 52.2 71.0 4208 60.0 54e5 x2 - 1.87 statement regarding N-28 N-23 N-7 N-l4 N-20 N-92 p - > .05 difficulty of mixing with Westerners Made .: 1...: one 53.5 60.9 14.3 28.5 35.0 45.0 x2 - 8.18 statement regarding N-28 N-23 N-7 N-l4 N-20 N-91 p - > .05 difficulty of mixing with Indians Include no Indians 13.8 0 - 7.15 11.7 7.8 does nat among five closest N-29 N-23 N-7 N-l4 N-l7 N-9O meet x friends assump. Include no Westerners 48.3 52.1 43.0 50.0 76.5 54.5 x2 - 4.31 among five closest N-29 N-23 N-7 N-l4 N-17 N-90 p - > .05 341 TABLE A958 (cont.) g, WESTIBN'RgfiPONDguIS (Classified according to nationality) 2 Involvement in Indian, Britain United Common- Germany Other Total x level Western, + Mixed Systems States wealth of sign. W Belong to at 1...: one 35.4 33.3 38.6 14.3 31.0 30.4 x2 - 2.2 org. with only Indian N-34 N-21 N-7 N-14 N-29 N-105 p’-:>.05 members Belong to at least one 12.1 4.76 O O 6.9 6.7 does nat Indian communal org. N-33 N-21 N-7 N-l4 N-29 N-104 meet x assump. Participate in .: 1...: 57.2 68.2 71.5 35.6 41.4 53.2 x2 - 6.48 one Indian communal N-35 N-2 N-7 N-14 Nun-29. N-lO7 p - > .05 social network Pive closest friends 17.6 23.8 16.6 7.15 21.4 18.5 does not are .11 1.81... N-34 N-21 N-6_ N-14 N-28 N-103 ...: x2 88‘umpe Eastern_§ssial_§125en2 Belong to at least one 26.4 18.2 14.3 14.3 14.3 19.0 does not org. with only Western N-34 N-22 N-7 N-14 N-28 N-105 ...: .2 members assump. Belong to .: 1...: one 15.6 18.2 0 7.1 13.3 13.4 does not Western Communal org. Nb32 N-22 N-7 N-l N-30 N-104 ...: x2 assump. Participate in at least 80.0 69.5 50.0 93.5 82.0 18.0 does not one all Weatern social N-35 N-23 N-8 N-15 N-28 N-109 meet x2 network ' assump. Over 60% of acquaint- 11.8 18.2 0 7.7 0 8.6 does not ances in India are N-34 N-22 N-7 N-l N-29 N-105 meet x2 Western assump. Five closest friends in 2.9 0 O O 3.6 1.9 does ngt India are all Western N-34 N-22 N-6 N-l4 N-28 N-103 meet x assump. Mias§_fisslal_§xs£sas Belong to at least one 75.0 66.6 14.3 71.5 59.0 64.9 x2 - 10.13 org.‘with Indian and N-36 N-21 N-7. N-14 N-27 N-lOS p I“(.05 ‘Western members Belong to at least one 27.2 27.2 14.3 71.3 24.1 32.4 does not third culture org. "-33 n.22 n.7 n.14 n.29 N-lOS meet x2 assump. TABLE A9588 (cont.) Involvement in Indian, Western, + Mixed Systems Participate in at least one mixed nationality social network Include both Indians + Westerners ammg five closest friends Mirsd_£ssslss_andlsr Asxls_fissisl_fixs£sna Belong to at least one org. with all mixed couples, or Anglos Participate in at least one social network of mixed couples/Anglos Include at least one mixed couple (or partner) among five closest friends Miassllaassuz Made at least one statement regarding ease of mixing with ‘Westerners Made at least one statement regarding difficulty of mixing with Westerners Made at least one statement regarding difficulty of mixing with Indians Include no Indians among five closest friends Include no Westerners among five closest friends 91.5 N-35 47.0 N-34 6.1 N-33 43.0 N-35 47.0 N-34 31.2 N-32 82.5 N-34 70.6 N-34 11.8 N-34 47.1 N-34 342 78.2 N-23 62.0 N-34 4.7 N-21 30.2 N-23 33.3 N-2l 28.5 N-21 77.2 "-22 63.6 N-22 N-O 38.0 N-21 42.8 N-7 66.6 N-6 14.3 N-7 14.3 N-ll 66.6 N-6 37.6 N-8 100.0 N-8 62.5 N58 16.6 N-6 66.6 N-6 93.5 N-15 50.0 N-l4 7.1 N-14 50.0 N-14 71.5 N-14 50.0 N-l4 78.4 N-14 71.5 N-14 7.15 N-l4 50.0 N-l4 Britain United Common- Germany Other States wealth 86.2 N-29 38.0 N-28 N-27 38.0 N-29 32.1 N-28 20.4 N-29 86.5 N-29 65.5 N-29 17.8 N-18 50.0 N-28 Total 84.5 N5109 49.6 N-103 4.9 x2 level Of 8181‘s does not meet x2 assump. p - >.05 does nat N-102 meet x 38.0 N-108 “.7 N-103 30.8 N-104 83.0 N-107 67.5 Nh107 10.7 N-103 47.6 N-103 assump. x2 - 3.43 P - >005 x2 - 8.18 p - >.05 x2 - 4.03 P - >e05 x2 - 2.58 p'>.05 82 - 5.0 P .>e05 does not meet x2 I. sump e P - > e05 343 TABLE A959. INDICES OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN INDIAN PARINPR'S RE'; LIGION AND INVOLVEMENT IN INDIAN, WESTERN, AND MIXED SOCIAL SYSTEMS. A, [NEW RESPONDDJTS Percentage involved in each index category 2 Western members Involvement in Indian, Hindu,Jain Christian, Muslim Total x level Western, and Mixed SystemsSikh Parsi,Other of sign. We Belong to at least one 55.0% 37.4%. 50.0% 50.0% does ngt org.*with only Indian N-62 N-24 N-8 N-47 meet x members assump. Belong to at least one 3.12 8.35 0 4.16 does ngt f Indian communal org. N-64 N-24 N-8 Nh96 meet x j aflfimpe A Participate in at least 48.5 68.0 81.6 57.0 x2 - 5.6 1 one Indian communal N-66 N-25 N-ll N-102 p -< .02 L social network Five closest friends 50.0 8.0 55.5 39.2 x2 - 14.07 are all Indian N-58 N-25 N-9 N-92 p -*<.001 s l t Belong to at 1.... one 11.1 25.0 0 13.7 x2 - 4.2 org. with only Western N-63 N-24 N-8 N-95 p - >.05 members Belong to at least one 1.3 12.5 0 3.7 does ngt Western communal org N-76 N-24 N-8 N-108 meet x assump. Participate in at least 68.0 84.0 50.0 70.0 x2 - 4.4 one all Western social N-65 N-25 N-lO NilOO p - .05 network Five closest friends in O 8.0 11.1 3.3 does not India are all Western N-25 N-9 N-92 meet x assump. Over 60% of acquaint- 1.64 17.4 10.0 6.4 does ngt ances in India are N—62 N-23 N-lO N-94 meet x Western assump. e a s Belong to at least one 55.4 80.0 60.0 62.0 x2 - 4.6 orge With Indian and N-65 "-25 ".10 N-IOO p - >e05 .1— TABLE A959A (cont.) Involvement in Indian, Western, and Mixed SystemsSikh Belong to at least one third culture org. Participate in at least one mixed nationality social network Include both Indians + Westerners among five closest friends Mixed C u and Aasls_§sslsl_§xsnsm2 Belong to at least one org. with all mixed couples, or Anglos Participate in at least one social network of mixed couples/Anglos Include at least one mixed conple (or part- ner) among five closest friends Misssllansaes Made at least one state- ment regarding ease of mixing with Westerners Made at least one state- ment regarding difficulty of mixing'with Westerners Made at least one state- ment regarding difficulty of mixing with Indians Include no Indians among five closest friends Include no Westerners among five closest friends 21.9 N-64 81.4 N-64 31.0 N558 3.12 N-64 30.8 N-65 15.5 N-58 40.6 N-59 53.5 N-60 32.2 N-59 6.9 Ni58 69.4 N-58 344 Hindu,Jain Christian, Parsi,0ther 19.2 N-26 100.0 N-25 72.0 N-25 4.16 N-24 33.3 N-24 16.0 N-25 37.5 Ni8 45.5 N-22 62.5 N-24 8.0 N-25 16.0 N-25 Muslim Ibtal 37.6 N-8 72.5 N-ll 33.3 N-9 N-8 27.2 N-ll N- 9 76.0 N-Zl 77.7 N-9 75.0 N-8 11.1 N59 55.5 N-9 24.0 N-98 85.0 N-lOO 42.5 N-92 3.12 N-96 31.0 N-100 14.2 N-92 49.0 N588 54.0 N-91 44.0 N-91 7.6 N-92 53.5 N-92 x2 level of sign. x2 - .5 P " >005 does not meet x assump. x2 - 11.94 p - (.001 does not meet x2 assump. X2 - e04 P .‘>e05 does ngt meet x assump. does nat meet x assump. does not meet x BBSUMPe x2 - 9.6 p -'(e01 does not meet x2 QSBUMPe does not meet x2 assump. 345 TABLE A959 (cont.) B a EESIEN RE§PONDENT§ social network Involvement in Indian, Hindu,Jain Christian, Muslim Total x2 level Western, and Mixed Systems Sikh Parsi,0ther of sign. .Isslan_§ssisl_§x§£sms Belong to .: 1...: one 27.87 52.07 9.17 31.17 x2 - 7.6 org. with only Indian N-72 N-23 N-ll N-106 p - ( .02 members Belong to at least one 5.4 13.6 0 6.55 does not Indian communal org. N-74 N-22 N-11 N-107 ...: .2 8881111130 Participate in .: 1...: 44.5 69.5 81.6 53.5 x2 - 8.0 one Indian communal N-74 N-23 N-ll N-108 p - (.02 social network Five closest friends are 16.4 13.6 36.2 17.9 does nat all Indian N-73 N-22 N-ll N-106 meet x assump. i!ss£srn.§221sl_§x§£sms. Belong to at least one 16.2 36.2 9.1 19.6 does not org. with onIy Western N-74 N-22 N-ll N-107 n..: x2 members assump. Belong to at least one 12.2 13.6 9.1 12.1 does ngt ‘Western communal org. N-74 N-22 Null N-107 meet x assump. Participate in at 1...: 78.6 83.5 54.5 77.0 x2 - 3.8 one all Western social N575 N-24 N-ll N-llo p -L>.05 network Over 60% of acquaint- 5.4 23.8 10.0 9.5 does n t ances in India are Nh74 ~Nfi21 N-lO NHIOS meet x Western assump. Five closest friends in 1.4 4.5 0 1.9 does not India are all Western N-73 N-22 N-ll N-106 meet x assump. e a s Belong to at least one 61.0 82.5 54.5 64.5 x2 - 4.2 org. with Indian and N-74 N-23 N-ll N-108 p - >.05 Western members Participate in at least 81.5 100.0 72.5 84.5 does not one mixed nationality n.75 n.24 n-11 N-llO meet x2 assump. 346 TABLE A9598 (cont.) Involvement in Indian, Western, and Mixed Systems Sikh Belong to at least one 29.8 third culture org. N-74 Include both Indians + 45.2 Westerners among five N-73 closest friends Missd_§suslss_sadtst Aasls.§9£isl_fixessns Belong to at least one 4.06 org. with all mixed N-74 couples, or Anglos Participate in at least 40.8 one social network of N-76 mixed couples/Anglos Include at least one 43.8 mixed couple (or part- N-73 ner) among five closest friends Misssllanssss ‘Made at least one state- 30.2 ment regarding ease of N-73 mixing with Westerners .Made at least one state- 84.0 ment regarding difficultyN-74 of mixing with Westerners Made at least one state- 67.3 ment regarding N-73 difficulty of mixing with Indians Include no Indians among 9.0 five closest friends N-73 Include no Westerners 49.4 among five closest N-73 friends Hindu,Jain Christian, Parsi,Other 36.1 N-22 68.2 N-22 8.35 N-22 29.1 N-24 36.2 N-22 40.0 N-20 77.4 N-22 59.0 N-22 9.1 N-22 18.2 N-22 Moslim Total x 27.1 N-11 18.2 N-ll N-Il 27.1 N-ll 45.4 N-ll 18.1 N-ll 91.0 N-ll 90.9 N-I 18.1 N-11 72.5 N-ll 2 level Of Digs 30.8 x2 - .4 N-106 P ') e05 47.2 x2 . 7.6 4.69 does n t N-107 meet x 8881311], s 37.0 x2 - 1.5 N-lll p - > .05 42.7 x2 - 0 "-106 p - > e05 30.8 does not N-lO4 meet x2 8881!“? s 83.0 does not N-107 meet x2 assump. 67.0 x2 - .9 10.4 does not N-106 meet x2 assump. 45.3 x2 - 10.0 347 TABLE A960. PERCDJT 0F RESPONDst WED HAVE A HEICMTUED AWARBJESS 0? 0m NATIGJALITY (IN SPRIAL CIRCUMSTANCES) BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. Indian Indian Western Western Total Husbands wives husbands wives (N-7l) (N-ZO) (NI-14) (Nu-90) (N-l95) Are made aware of national identity 53.5 60.0 85.7 88.0 72.4 Are not made aware of national identity 46.5 40.0 14.3 12.0 27.6 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 I Table A-6o. cm Square Test. x2 - 25.9, df - 3, p - < .001 TABLE A961. PRCBIT OF RESPONDENTS m0 DISAVOW NATIONAL IDWTITY BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. ‘rfi . Indian Indian Western Wes tem Total husbands wives husbands wives (Nu-68) (N-20) (N-16) (N-85) (Nu-189) Do not think of selves in terms of national identity 62.0 45.0 37.4 52.9 53.5 Did not make statemmt disavowing national identity 38.0 54.0 62.6 47.1 46.5 Total 100 .0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Table A961. Chi Square Test. x2 - 4.17, df - 3. p - > .10 TABLE A962. PRCBIT OF RESNNDmTS WHO THINK OF NMSELVES IN runs 01“ WTH NATIONALITIES BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. Indian Indian Wes tern Wes tern Total husbands wives husbands wives £N-68) (N-20) (N-l6) (N-85) (Nu-189) Think of self in terms of both nationalities 31.0 40.0 18.8 35.0 31.8 DO no: 69.0 60.0 81.2 65.0 68.2 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Table A-62. cm Square Test. x2 - 3.79, df - 3, p - > .10 348 TABLE A963. PEICDJTAGE DISTRIBUTION OI" COMMENTS INDICATING AWARWESS OF BEING A MIXED MARRIAGE BY SEX AND NATIONALITY OE RESPONDENT}. Awareness of mixed Indian Indian Wes tern Wes tern Total marriage husbands wives husbands ‘wives Not conscious of mixed ("'70) ("'19) ("'15) ("'90) ("7194) marriage 40.0 31.6 26.6 40.0 38.2 Impersonal reactions of others-9staring, etc. 20.0 15.7 13.3 17.8 18.0 Reactions of others in social situations, family 28.6 42.0 20.0 20.0 25.2 Aware because of change in self, life 8ty18 25e7 26.2 40.0 30.0 28e8 Percentages total more than 100 because a respondent can be in more than one of the last three categories. Table A963. Chi Square Test. Those who are not conscious of being a mixed marriage compared to those who are conscious of being a mixed marriage in some way. x2 - 1.42, df - 3, p - > .10 TABLE A964. PmCDiTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF RESKDNDMTS ACCORDING ‘10 NUMBER OF OTHER INDIAN-WESTEN COUPLES KNOW IN THE SAME TOW BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. Number of couples Indian Indian Western Western Total known husbands wives husbands wives (N-70) (N-20) (N-l3) (N-90) (N-193) None 13.0 5.0 7.7 7.8 9.3 1-5 56.0 45.0 53.8 56e7 5500 6-14 24.4 40.0 38.4 27.8 28.4 15 or more 7.0 10.0 0. 7.8 7.2 Total 100.5 100.0 99.9 100.1 99.9 Table A964. Chi Square Test. 095 mixed marria es known in same town compared to more than five in the same town. x - 2.34, df - 3, p 9')’.10 349 TABLE A965. PRCWTAGE DISTRIBUTION OI" RESPONDENTS ACCORDING TO NUMBEI 0? 0mm INDIAN9WESTRN COUPLES KNOW ANYWRE BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. Number of other Indian Indian Western Western Total couples known husbands wives husbands wives (Nu-60) (Nu-13) (N-l3) (N-82) (NI-168) Nme 13.3 30.8 30.8 8.5 13.7 1-5 28.4 46.0 53.5 44.0 39.2 6-14 33.3 15.3 7.6 23.2 25.0 15 or more 2500 7e6 7e6 24s“ 22.0 Total 100.0 99.7 99.5 100.1 99.9 Table A-65. cm Square Test. x2 - 16.68, df - 6, p - < .02 TABLE A966. 9211ch OF RESPONDst mo HAVE CONGBiIALITY RELATIONSHIPS WITl-I WESTBNBS BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. Indian Indian Western Western Total husbands wives husbands wives (NI-8 l) (N- 20) (N-18) (N-9l) (Ii-210) Have congeniality relation- ships with Westerners 75.0 85.0 94.5 77.0 78.5 Do not have congeniality relationships with Westerners 25.0 15.0 5e5 23.0 21e5 76:.1 _ 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Table A-66. cm Square I..:. x2 - 3.73, or - 3, p - > .10 TABLE A967. PmCENT OF RESPONDENTS WHO HAVE FRIENDSHIPS WITH mmms IN INDIA BY SEX AND NATIONALITY. Indian Indian Wes tern Wes tern Total husbands wives husbands wives (N-71) (N-19) (N-17) (N-90) (N-197) Have friendships with 35.2 73.6 82.0 55.5 52.3 Westerners Do not have friendships 64.8 26.4 18.0 44.5 47.7 with Westerners Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Table A-67. cm Square Test. x2 - 18.20. df - 3. p - < .001 APPENDIX B 1. 2. 3. APPENDIX B INTERVIEW SCHEDULE a) How long have you lived in India since marriage?_:_ w b) Have you lived in any other country since marriage? Yes___ No Ifyes: mm W W c) What were your reasons for coming to India to live? d) How did you feel about coming (back) to India to live? What did you expect? a) Have you been out of India since you came (since marriage)? Yes No If yes: aim aims Ms W Have you ever considered moving to another country? Yesg_g_NoL__, If yes: a) What country? “i _f b) Why have you considered moving? c) How definite are your plans? We are definitely going. We are presently making plans. We have considered it seriously but have made no plans. It has only been a passing thought? d) How do you feel about moving? a) Please list the places you have lived since coming to India and indicate whether the people living in the immediate area were: A. 811 Indian B. all Indian with 5 or fewer households of other nationalities C. Indian with more than 5 households of other nationalities D. about half Indian, half other nationalities E. all other nationalities £151, A g C D ' 3 Da of R c 350 4. 5. 6. 7. 351 (cont.) b) If availability and cost of housing were no consideration at all, which kind of area would you prefer to live in? _____all Indian mainly Indian half Indian/half Western mainly other nationalities all other nationalities no preference c) What are your reasons for that choice? a) (Wegtern pgggggr gnly rgggggd) Do you feel at home in India now? Yes No b) How did you feel right at first? Please describe. c) Who or what was most helpful in making you feel at home? (Both partners respond) a) Are there (or have there been) times when you feel a foreigner? Yes No If yes, please describe. b) Did this happen more or less at first? In general, would you say your style of life is more Indian or Western? Please indicate on this line where you would be if you put a very traditional Indian family on one end, and a _____(Nationality of foreign partner) family on the other end. a) Now Indian g_, 4__ Western b) just after you came (married) Indian_ _ Western c) before marriage Indian___ _. __ ‘Western (in India) d) In what way is it Indian, and in what way Western? How ‘would it have been different if you lived in India married to someone of your own nationality? a) What language(s) have you learned from your partner's country? (if none, why?) 1.11m W? Waxed lent. good, fair, 9992') b) What is your mother tongue? c) What other languages do you know?_:;:_ ‘_ d) In what language(s) do you speak with the following? (If more than one is used circle the one used most frequently) 7. 9. 10. ll. 12. 352 d) (cmto) your husband/wife? your children? your Indian relatives? your servants? a) b) e) a) b) a) b) a) b) 8) When do you eat Indian and when do you eat Western food? Is this the pattern you have always followed? (Including the way you ate in India before marriage, if.applicable) (Wife only) Do you know how to cook food of your husband's country? Yes No If yes, how did you learn it? Vixen do you wear Indian and when do you wear Westem clothes? Is this the way you have always dressed in India? Yes No If no, when and how was it different? Presently, who are the five people you most enjoy seeing? Please indicate nationality, religion if Indian, occupation, and how you met. Have the five people you have most enjoyed seeing always been ? (all Indian, mixed nationalities, all Western, depending on response to lO a) Yes No If no, how has it been different-~when and in what way? Who are the five people you and your husband/wife most enjoy seeing together? (nationality, religion of Indian, occupation, how you met) Have the people you as a couple have most enjoyed seeing always been ? (all Indian, mixed nationalities or all Western) Yes No If no, when, and in what way was it different? Now think of the peeple you have seen in all social situations over the past year. What percent would you say are Indian and what percent are Whatern? Indian Western 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 353 (cont) b) c) a) b) c} e) a) b) a) a) b) “at do you think is the reason for this distribution? Was the distribution of your social acquaintances always been like this? Yes No . If no, when was it different, what was the distribution then and why was it different? How many other Indian-Western couples do you know in this city? _ that are the nationalities of the foreigi partners? (how many of each) there and how often are you apt to see another mixed couple? Changed with time or residence? How? How many other couples do you know or have you heard about? Do you see any Inglo-Indians in social situations? Yes No If yes: how many do you see socially? How often do you see some Anglo-Indians socially? In what situations do you see them? (i.e. visiting, parties, functions) Has the number of Anglo-Indians you see socially changed with time? Yes No If yes: in what way? Do you presently have social contact with peOple who are neither Indian nor Western, such as Japanese, Chinese, Africans, Arabs? Yes No If yes, what nationalities, and how many of each? How often do you have social contact with such people? here do you see them? (i.e. visiting, parties, functions) How do you know them? If you had the opportunity to increase the number of friends you have in m of the following groups, which would be your choice? ___Indians Westerners Other Indian- Wes tern couples ____Anglo-Indians Other nationalities (i.e. non-Indian, non-Western) No preference first are your reasons for that choice? 354 16. (cults) c) If you could increase the number of friends you had in 911 W. which would you net increase? Indians Westerners Other Indian-Wes tern couples Anglo-Indians Other nationalities (non-Indian, non- Western) d) Hny did you say that? 17. Now think of the Indians you see in social situations here in “118 city. a) Approximately how many do you know in each of the following groups? (In numbers not percentages) About how often do you see someone from each group? Are there individuals in each group you know well enough to entertain or visit at home? Hunts: W W (yes or no) Hindu Muslim Christian Farsi Sikh b) Has the distribution of your Indian acquaintances always been about like this? Yes___ No If no, in what way, and at what period was it different? 18. a) Approximately how many Indians do you see socially who have the following occupations? Business Industry Education _____Doctors, lawyers, writers Government officials __Mi li tary b) Has the general occupational pattern of your Indian acquaint- ances changed with time or residence? Yes No If yes, in what way, and when was it different? Religious Land owners or agriculture 19. 20. 21. 22. 355 Considering all of your Indian acquaintances, would you say they are more traditional or modern? 6) b) c) a) b) a) b) Now a) b) c) presently traditional __ modern when you first came (married) traditional _ Jodern before marriage (in India) traditional modern How many Indians do you know who have studied or worked in the West? Do you find any difference in getting to know those who have lived abroad and those who haven' t? Yes No If yes, in what way? Do you think it is easier or more difficult to get to know Indians now compared to when you first came (back) to India? “1y do you think that? Does the fact that you are married to an Indian/Westerner make any difference in getting to know Indians? Yes No If yes, in what way? that do you think is the attitude of Indians toward mixed marriages? think about the Westerners you know presently in this city. “not nationalities are they, how many do you know of each nationality, how often do you see someone from each group, do you know anyone in each group well enough to visit or entertain at home? W WWWC e 11': (yes orno) How have you met the Westerners you know? Has the number or distribution of Westerners you know changed with time or residence? Yes No If yes, how and when was it different? 23. 24. 25. 26. 356 Approximately how many Westerners do you know in each of the following fields of occupation? a) b) c) a) b) e) a) b) c) a) Industry(technologica1) Education Professional Government officials Military Business Religious Land owners, agriculture Do you have any contact with tourists? Yes No If yes, how, how often? Has this distribution changed with time or residence? Yes No If yes,how? Do you think it is easier or more difficult to meet Westerners now compared to when you first came (back) to India? Why? Do you think that the fact that you have married an Indian/- Westerner makes any difference in getting to know Westerners? Yes No If yes, how? What do you think is the attitude of the Westerners in India toward mixed marriage? How frequently are you (the only Westerner)in an all Indian group? In what situations does this occur? social groups of less than lO_i___ social groups of 10 to SO__ social groups of more than 50 ‘weddings, festivals, etc. occupational functions___ organizations, associations, clubs _.__ family _:_ other (flhggggng;_gnly How do you feel when you are the only Westerner in a group? How frequently are you (the only Indian) in an all Western group? 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. -357 (tank) b) c) a) b) a) b) In which of the following situations does this occur? social groups of less than 10 social groups of 10 to 50 social groups of more than 50______, A__ weddings, festivals, etc._¥ __ Occupational functions WM) How do you feel in an all Western group? How frequently would you be in a social group including Indians and Westerners? organizations, clubs, associations__i__ 1. inflammaw What situations include groups of more than one nationality? social groups of less than 10 ‘1qnlens-L' A:- h‘.‘ V a. p » social groups of lo to 50 __‘___ social groups of more than 50 weddings, festivals occupational functions organizations, clubs, associations:_ How frequently are you with only other mixed oouples? What kinds of situations are those, how large are the groups? Has the relative amount of time you spend in these kinds of groups changed with time or residence? Yes No If yes, in what way and when was it different? a) b) a) Do you ever change your behavior in any way according to whether you are with Indians or Westerners? Yes No If yes, in what way, with what kind of Indiana or Westerners? Have you ever felt anyone would like you to change in any way? Yes No If yes, who and in what way would they like you to change? What clubs, organizations, or informal groups have you be- longed to since marriage? (including professional groups and things like card groups) 3222 WWW (all Indian. mixed. or all Western) 31. 32. 33. 34. 358 (cont.) b) Are there others you might like to join but haven't? Yes No If yes, what are they, why haven't you joined? How often do you attend films, plays or concerts? Are they Indian or Western? W W a) films b) plays or concerts c) Has the kind of films, plays or concerts you see changed over time, or has the frequency changed? Yes No If yes, in what way? Why? Do you think the way you spend your leisure time is any different from what it would have been if you had married someone of your own nationality but lived in India? Yes No If yes, in what way is it different? When you read for pleasure do you read books in any language other than English? Yes No If yes, what language? .__ 4_ b) Do you read books by Indiana or about India often seldom never ? c) What journals, magazines, or newspapers do you read regularly? (including professional journals) THE NEXT FEW QUESTIONS ARE ABOUT OCCUPATION 35. What jobs have you held since you were married? (include volunteer work) mm mm W b) Have any of these jobs required contact with people of different nationalities? Yes No If yes, what nationalities? How frequently? Pl: I .‘liWrI-n i;_ 36. 37. 38. 39. a) b) c) a) b) a) b) 359 How do you feel about your present Job? What were your reasons for choosing this job? What is your present salary? Has the fact that you are married to a Westerner/Indian ever been a help to you in your job? Yes No If yes, in what way? Has being married to a Westerner/Indian ever been a negative factor in terms of job? (including reaction or employer to marriage initially) . Yes No If yes, in what way? Now do you feel about your husband's/wife's job? have you been Involved in any way in his/her job? Yes No If yes, in what way? What is your/your husband's attitude toward a working wife? THE NEXT QIESTIONS DEAL WITH YOUR FMILY--REI.ATIVES AND CHILDREN 40. How often do you see your Indian relatives? How long are visits (if more than a day), and where do they live? (include those you have not seen, and indicate why) a) b) c) (0 Their WWW Parents Brothers and sisters (list) Any other relative Was the frequency of visits with Indian relatives changed? Yes no 41. 42. 43. 44. a) b) c) a) a) b) c) 360 How do you feel about visiting Indian relatives for short periods, and how do you feel about long visits with them? (check one statement in each column) lass I enjoy these visits very much. I enjoy these visits. I don't object to these visits but I don't particularly enjoy them. IIIIE I do not enjoy these visits. I dislike these visits very much. Please explain‘why you responded as you did. Are there any relatives about whom you feel differently? How did you feel about visiting your Indian relatives at first? Have you seen your Western relatives since coming to India? WMMWM How do you feel about visits with your Western relatives? (Now would you feel if you have not seen them?) mum ._____ I enjoy these visits very much. I enjoy these visits. I don't object to these visits but I don't particularly enjoy them. I do not enjoy these visits. I dislike these visits very much. Please explain the above. Are there any relatives about whom you feel differently? Has your feeling changed with time? Yes NO If yes, how? How often do you correspond with your own relatives? w 45. 46. 47. 50. 51. a) b) a) b) c) d) 361 What are the ages of your children? Are the children's names Indian or Western? Are your children being raised more Indian or more Western? Indian g4,Western Please explain your response. In what way are they Indian and in what way Western? Do you think a conscious attempt should be made to introduce the children to both cultures? Yes No If yes, how and why? . annuity.” '1'. __”-'{ Are there any aspects of the children's upbringing about which you and your husband/wife think differently? Yes_ No_ If yes, what? 14.}‘2‘ What languages do your children speak? lama: W7 a) b) c) What kind of schools do/did your children attend? government private church day school boarding if boarding, where English medium vernacular What were your reasons for choosing that kind of school? If money did not have to be considered, where would you like your children to have their higher education? (i.e., India or abroad)? Why? (if they are in college or have finished, please indicate place of study) Where do your children reside presently? What is the citizenship of your children? a) New many of your children are married? What are the religions, nationalities, and castes of their partners? 362 51. (cuts) b) Did you, or will you, arrange your chi ldren's marriages? Yes partly no c) From which of the following groups would you prefer your children to choose their husbands/wives? Indian Hindu____ Western Jewish_____ African Negro Indian Muslim_____ Oriental____ Anglo-Indian— Western Christian_____ Indian Christian— Children of other Indian-Western couples No Preference___ d) Please explain the choice you made above. e) ilnich of the following would you object to as partners for your children? Children of other Indian-Western couples Orientals Indian Christian Indian Muslim Western Christian Indian Hindu Inglo-Indian African Negro Western Jewish No Preference f) Please explain that response. 52. that are the occupations of your children, or what would you like them to be? NOW I HAVE JUST A FEW QUESTIONS ABOUT RELIGION 53. a) Have either you or your partner converted? Yes No m, who, why, how do you feel about it? u, did you ever discuss the possibility of converting? Yes No b) “at religious holidays or festivals do you celebrate? 54. a) How important was the religion of yourfamily to you at the time you met your husband/wife, and how important is it to you now? Metallu— It was/is very important part of my life. I practiced/practice it, but it was/is not extremely important to me. 54. a) b) e) SSe C) b) e) 56. a) b) e) 363 (cont.) I was/am indifferent to this religion. I was/am disillusioned with this religion. IIE HF I had/have rejected this religion altogether. Cosmen ts, explanations. How often do you go to church/temple/mosque? What was your attitude toward your partner's religion before you met and what is it now? I took/take great personal interest in the religion. I found/find it interesting. I was/am indifferent to it. I didn't/don't consider it worthwhile. I was/am negative or resentful IIIIIE IIHIF I had never heard of it at all. Comments, explanations. Do you ever take part in worship in your partner's faith? Yes No If yes, how often and on what occasions] What religion are the children being raised? How did you decide on the children's religion? What kind of religious training do the children get? WE'VE BEE! TALKING ABOUT YOUR MARRIED LIFE UP TO NOW. I HAVE A FEW QUESTImS NEXT ABOUT YOUR LIFE BEFORE YOU MARRIED. 57. a) Had you ever been outside your own country before you married? Yes No If yes, 33.9.3.9. mm Reason for fling 57. 58. 59. 61. 62. 63. 364 (cults) b) Bad other members of your family been out of your country before your marriage? Yes No If yes, m9. mars ' m Re or Had you been separated from your parents before marriage? (including living in hostels for school or ark or because of death of a parent) Yes No If yes, Au th 1'8 Beaten a) Did you have acquaintances of other nationalities before marriage? Yes No If yes, what nationalities, how many of each, and how did you know them? b) Ware any of them close friends? Yes___, No If yes, which ones? c) Did you make a special effort to meet peOple of other nationalities? Yes_ No Did your parents have friends of other nationalities close enough to invite home? Yes No If yes, my mm Waco v: Have any of your relatives or close friends married people of other nationalities, races, religions, or castes? Yes No If yes, he WWW What schools, colleges, universities have you attended? MWWWW What is your present citizenship? b) (Westerner only) Why did you choose that? c) Have you been a citizen of any other country? no Yes (speci fy) 65. 66. 67. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 365 Nationality of parents at birth: Eather____ (or language group for Indian) Mother Religion of Parents: Father Mother (Indian only) Caste of Parents: Father: caste___ __ subcaste __‘_ Mother: caste subcaste__i __ (Westerner only) mat is the caste of your husband/wife? that is his/her subcaste?_w Occupatien of Parents: Father's job title___ __ employertr Mother's job title__ __ employer How many older brothers , older sisters younger brothers: , younger sisters _“ have you? Did anyme live in your family when you were growing up besides your parents, brothers, and sisters? yes no if yes, who and how long? Is this your first marriage? Yes No If no, what was the religion and nationality of your former husband/wife? m, was he/she of your caste and comunity?) that was the cause of separation? Had you ever considered marrying someone before your husband/wife? Yes No if yes, what nationality, religion, and caste was he/she? Hnat aspects of your own background do you think may have en- couraged you to marry someone of a different nationality? a) How did you meet your husband/wife? b) How long after meeting did you marry?— —__ c) After meeting your husband/wife, did you make any attempt to learn more of his/her country? Yes No if yes, what aspects, and how? If no, why not? 74. 75. 76. 77. 366 What was the reaction of the following to your marriage? a) Parents b) Brothers and Sisters c) Other relatives d) Friends e) Wes there any other reaction strongly favorable or negative? Yes No if yes, from whom? a) Wes your wedding civil sacramental or both______3 If sacramental, what religion was the ceremony?_.__ b) Where were you married (city)?__. _-_.-_ —_ ... c) Now many attended the wedding?__ ___ reception? d) Did your parents both attend? Yes No If no, who did not attend, and why? e) What year was it? f) How old were you? Now I want you to place yourself on this ladder. Supposing the top rung (10) represents the best life possible, overall, and the bottom rung, 0, represents the worst life possible. a) Where would you place yourself presently? Why? b) Where would you have put yourself the first year in India? (or of your marriage if you lived here already) Why? c) Now think back to just before you met your husband/wife. Where would you have put yourself then? ‘_ Why? Now I would like you to put down the first things that come into your mind if you ask yourself the question. "Who am I?" b) Do you ever think of yourself in terms of nationality? Yes No If yes, how and when? 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 367 In what way do you think you have changed since you have been married? Have there been times when you have been conscious of being a mixed marriage? Yes* No . If yes, in what kinds of situations do you feel this? Did it happen more or less at first? If no, what has helped to avoid this feeling? Do you ever hear comments about your own country that annoy you? Yes No If yes, what kind of comments, from whom? What is your response to such comments? Do you ever hear comments about your partner's country that annoy you? Yes No If yes, what kind of comments, from whom? What is your response? Do Indians ever look to you as a source of information about your/your partner's country? Yes No If yes, what kinds of things are they interested in? What kinds of Indians ask these questions? Do Westerners ask you questions about India? Yes No If yes, what Westerners, what are they interested in learning about? Do you find yourself comparing India and the West, or India and your/your partner's country? Yes No If yes, in what respects? With whom do you discuss this? Do you compare more now, at first, or is it the same? Do you ever think of yourself as a link, so to speak, between your two countries or cultures? Yes No If yes, in what way? Next, I would like to use the ladder again. This time the top rung (10) represents the highest overall opinion you could hold of a country, and the bottom the lowest opinion of a country. Where would you put the following? a) India ' f) England b) Your own/your partner's 3) Nigeria “mu" h) Pakistan c) The United States 1) Mexico d) g__ West Germany e) Thailand 86. 87. 368 (cont) Now think back to jug; bgforg 293 me; your husband/wife, at that time where would you have put 1) _ India k) _ Jour own/your partner' s country If you were 89.5 in your own country at the time you met where would you have placed your country before you left it? that were your reasons for ranking m as you did before and now? Wnat were your reasons for ranking your own country as you did before and now? As a sunmary question, do you recomend- the idea of cross-cultural marriage? Wny or why not? MICHIGQN STQTE UNIV. - -..-n - I fl-i--.—n-n a-I-----