THE FOREIGN TRABE OF COMMUNIST CHINA
1949:1960
A REGIONAL AND COMMODHY ANALYSIS
Thesis gel! the Degree 0? DI'I. D.
MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY
Victor Mok
1964
This is to certify that the
thesis entitled
The Foreign Trade of Communist China
19A9-1960
A Regional And Commodity Analysis
presented by
Victor Mok
has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for
Ph. D. degree in Economics
Jig/M 6”
Majojfprofeshor
[gt-4w! ?, /?[’—/
Date /
0-169
LIBRARY
Michigan State
University
ABSTRACT
THE FOREIGN TRADE OP COMMUNIST CHINA
19‘9-1960
A REGIONAL AND COMMODITY ANALYSIS
by Victor Hok
The purpose of this study is to analyze the regional
distribution and commodity structure of the foreign trade of
Communist China with respect to-her economy and economic
development. In order to make estimates of the regional
distribution and balance of her foreign trade, a comparison
is made between her statistics and those reported by her
, trading partners. This comparison shows that the foreign
trade statistics of Communist China are on the whole reliaé
ble, with due understanding of two factors. First, the
official yuan-ruble and yuan-dollar rates were divorced
from the international dollar-ruble exchange rate. Second,
Communist China reported her foreign trade figures in ex-
ternal prices; that is, her foreign trade figures are cal-
culated by converting the foreign exchanges used into yuan
figures each at their official rates. The estimates them-
selves indicate that the foreign trade of Communist China
was heavily oriented to the Communist bloc; and, while
accumulating a huge deficit with the Communist bloc, she
had a considerable surplus from countries of the Free World.
In the analysis of the commodity structure of her
Victor'Hok
foreign trade, commodities are classified into four major
categories, namely, machinery and equipment, manufactured
goods, raw materials, and foodstuffs. Her trading partners
are separated into three groups: Russia, the developed
countries, and the underdeveloped countries of the Free
World. Simple regression coefficients are calculated to
determine the trends of various commodity groups that
Communist China traded with various groups of countries.
This analysis indicates that while Communist China stood in
relation to Russia and the developed countries as an under-
developed country, she was rapidly emerging into the 9081m-
. tion of an industrial country in relation to the under-
developed countries. Also to adjust herself to the Embargo,
Communist China concentrated her purchase from Russia only'
on those commodities that she could not get from the Free
World.
Because of the size of the Communist Chinese
economy and her policy of "balanced growth,” the foreign
trade sector was not an engine of growth in her economic
development. Quantitatively, it occupied a very small per-
centage .in the national income of Communist China; its
level depended heavily on her ability to export, which in
turn depended on the performance of her economy. Therefore,
despite its importance in transplanting the modern tricks of'
technology into Communist China, foreign trade would fall
an immediate victim in case of a failure in her economy.
THE FOREIGN TRADE OP CONNUNIST CHINA
ISQS-ISSO
A REGIONAL AND COMMODITY ANALYSIS
39
Victor Hols
A THESIS
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
DOCTOR Of P811080?!"
Department of Economics
1966
ACKNONLEDGNENTS
The author wishes to express his profound gratitude
to Professor Anthony Koo, who first suggested the topic and
later directed the study. His unfailing guidance and sugges-
tions throughout the preparation of this dissertation have
been most constructive and are deeply appreciated.
In an early stage of this study, the author was also
benefited by discussions with Professors Herbert Kisch,
Hordechai E. Kreinin and Abba P. Lerner, to when his grati-
tude is expressed.
Special appreciation goes to Professor Alexander
Eckstein, of the University of Michigan, who, in addition to
giving a general discussion on the subject, actually read
the first draft of the second chapter and gave some helpful
opinions.
Further, thanks also go to Professor D. J. Mont-
gomery for>his permission in using calculating and drafting
facilities.
finally, the assistance of Mr. Prank Taylor and Hr.
Ruck-Pei Yeung in reading the manuscript is also gratefully
acknowledged.
ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACGOWSO O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O
“8! or TABLES O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O
us, or InwsrnrxouSO O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O
LIST OF APPENDICES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
CHAPTER
I. THE PLACE OF FOREIGN TRADE IN THE ECONOMY OF
COWIST CH!“ O O O O O O O O O O O O O
II. ESTIMATION OF THE TURNOVER, REGIONAL DISTRI-
BUTION AND BALANCE OF THE FOREIGN TRADE
OF COMMUNIST CHINA . . . . . . . . . . . .
III. THE IMPORTS OF COMMUNIST CHINA . . . . . . .
IV. THE EXPORTS OF COMMUNIST CHINA . . . . . . .
V. THE NET POSITION OF COMMODITY TRADE OF
COMMUNIST CHINA. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
VI. THE CONCENTRATION OF FOREIGN TRADE OF
COMMUNIST CHINA. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
VII. SUMMART AND CONCLUSIONS. . . . . . . . . . .
Blnuwmm O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O
APMICBSOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
iii
Page
ii
iv
vii
viii
26
SN
19
100
116
ISI
152
ISO
LIST or TABLES
Table Page
1-1. Relation of Capital Goods Import to
COPIEOI IMVOOCIOHTO e e e e e e e e e 10
1-2. Rates of Increase of In ort, Export,
Industrial and Agricu tural Production
Of COIEMHIOT CHIHO. e e e e e e e e e 20
1-3. The Relation Between foreign Trade and
National Product of Communist China . 23
11-1. foreign Trade Turnover of Communist
China s e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 2.
11-2. Regional Distribution of foreign Trade
Turnover of Communist China . . . . . 20
11-3. Foreign Trade Turnover of Communist
China s e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 30
11-h. Regional Distribution of foreign Trade
Of COUIMDAOE China e e e e e e e e e 31
11-5. Turnover and Regional Distribution of
Foreign Trade of Communist China. . . an
11-6. Official Foreign Exchange Quotations of -
COflflMMIOE Chifll e e e e e e e e e e e “o
11-7e Sinc-Communist-bloc T’Qd‘ e e e e e e e “1
11-8. Turnover and Regional Distribution of
Foreign Trade of Communist China . . us
II-O. Balance of foreign Trade of Communist
China s e e e e e e e e e e e e e e a NO
11-10. Balance of foreign Trade of Communist
Chin. e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 52
11-11. Turnover and Regional Distribution of
foreign Trade of Communist China. . . 53
iv
Table
III-1e
III-2.
III-3 .
III-“ .
III-5e
III-6 a
III-7.
111-8 .
III-9.
III-10.
III-Ila
III-12.
111-13.
III-lb.
IVOIe
IV-2.
IV—3.
IV-“ .
I'US .
General Commodity Imports of Communist
Chi“. e e e e e e e e e e e e s s e e
Machinery and Equipment Imports of
Communist China s e e e e e e e e e e
Machinery and Equipment Imports of
comm“ni.t China e e e e e e e e e e e
Manufactured Goods Imports of Communist
China e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e
Chemicals Imports of Communist China. .
Manufactured Minerals Imports of
COMMHBIHE China s e e e e e e e e e e
Other Manufactured Coods Imports of
Communist China s e e e e e e e e e e
Raw Materials Imports of Comunist
China a e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e
Animal and Vegetable Raw Materials
Imports of Communist China . . . . .
Crude Minerals Inports of Communist
China s e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e
Foodstuffs Imports of Communist China .
Exports of Russia to Communist China. .
Exports of Developed Countries to
Communist China s e e e e e e e e e 0
Exports of Underdeveloped Countries to
CONMHRIOE China s e e e e e e e e e e
General Commodity Exports of Communist
China a e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e
foodstuffs Exports of Communist China .
foodstuffs Exports of Communist China .
Raw Materials Exports of Communist
China a e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e
Animal and Vegetable Raw Materials
Exports of Communist China. . . . . .
Page
It
58
59
6:
SI
65
67
SS
69
7O
72
73
7|!
75
so
80
82
Table
Iv-s.
Iv07.
IVC8 Q
IV'g .
IV-lO.
IV'lle
IV-12.
IV-13.
IV-1k.
v-1.
v-2.
V-3.
V'“.
VI-10
VII-1.
vi
Crude Minerals Exports of Communist
Ctheeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee
Manufactured Goods Exports of Communist
China.................
Chemicals Exports of Communist China. . .
Manufactured Minerals Exports of
ComunistChina............
Other Manufactured Goods Exports of
CommunistChina............
Machinery and Equipment Exports of
CommunistChina............
Exports of Communist China to Russia. . .
Exports of Communist China to Developed
comtrieseeeeeeeeeeeeeee
Exports of Communist China to Underdeveloped
Countries...............
Net Commodity Trade Position of Communist
China.................
Gino-Soviet Net Commodity Trade Position.
Sino-Developed-Countries Met Commodity
Trade Pos ti
on.............
Sino-Uhderdeveloped-Countries Met
Commodity Trade Position. . . . . . . .
Geographic Concentration Indices of the
foreign Trade of Communist China. . . .
Manufactures Exports of Communist China .
Page
87
88
91
93
95
97
101
10k
107
110
119
1M7
Figure
I‘le
II-I.
II-2.
II-S.
III-1.
IV‘le
IVC2 e
IVC3.
IV-N.
v-1.
V-2 a
V-3.
V.“ 0
LIST Of ILLUSTRATIONS
Page
Import and Export as Percentage of
National Product of Communist China . . . 25
Comparison of foreign Trade figures . . . . SS
Reconciliation of foreign Trade figures . . as
foreign Trade Balance of Communist China. . “8
Exports of Underdeveloped Countries to
Communist China e e e e e e e e e e e e e 77
General Commodity Exports of Communist
Chin. e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 81
Exports of Communist China to Russia. . . . 9b
Exports of Communist China to Developed
COUDETIO. e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 96
Exports of Communist China to underdeveloped
Countries e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 98
Overall Net Commodity Trade Position of
COINHRIGE China e e e e e e e e e e e e e 102
Sine-Soviet Met Commodity Trade Position. . lOS
Gino-Developed-Ccuntries Net Commodity
Trade 9°.it10ne e e e e e e e e e e e e e 109
Sino-Underdeveloped-Countries Met Commodity .
Trade POOIEIOfle e e e e e e e e e e e e e 112
vii
LIST OF APPENDICES
APPENDIX
A.
C.
D.
F.
The Regional Distribution of the foreign
Trade of Communist China. . . . . . . . . .
The Regional Distribution of the foreign
Trade of Communist China -- Summary . . . .
The Commodity Structure of the foreign
Trade of Communist China in 1951. . . . . .
The Commodity Structure and Origin of Imports
of Communist China, lSSS-lSSO . . . . . . .
The Commodity Structure and Destination of
Exports of Communist China, lOSS-lSSO . . .
The Import of Complete Industrial under-
takings of Communist China. . . . . . . . .
Concentration Indices of foreign Trade. . . .
viii
Page
160
177
179
108
192
197
202
INTRODUCTION
The study of the foreign trade of Communist China
remains largely on a general-survey level. Either in
1 or in in-
general works on the economy of Communist China,
dividual articles on this subject,2 investigations usually
include an estimation of the turnover of Communist Chinese
foreign trade, its regional distribution, its balance, and
some discussions on its commodity structure and the terms
of trade problem. There are also two independent studies
on this subject. One is made by Main Ying in 1951:,3 most
1Some of the prominent works are: Cho-ming Li,
Economic Develo ment of Communist China (Berkeley and Los
KfigeIes: Universify of CaI1forn1a Press, 1959), Chapter XI;
A. Doak Barnett, Communist Economic Strategy: The Rise of
Mainland China (Wasi1ngton, . .: .at1ona anning Associa-
tion, ISSSI, Chapters 8-10; C. F. Remer ed., Three Essays
on the International Economics of Communist China (Ann
Arbor: Un1vers1ty of—7ICh1gan_Press, 1959); PYT'L. Wu, An
Economic Survey of Communist China (New York: Bookman
Associates, 19SST, ChapterEIS, Y. L. Wu, F. P. Hoeber s
M. H. Rockwell, The Economic Potential of Communist China
(Menlo Park: Sta-Ford RescarEfiInstitute, ISBSS, CHapTer 13;
and Bernhard Grossmann, Die Wirtschaftliche Entwicklun der
Volksregublih China (Stuttgart: Gustav Fiscfier VerIag,
, 3p er e
2for example: E. P. Szczepanik, "foreign Trade of
Communist China," Contem ora China, No. 3, (1958-1959),
pp. Su-ISO, and also "BaIance of Payments of Mainland China,”
Economic and Social Problems of the far East, E. P. Szcze-
paniE ed., {Hong Kong: Hong Kong Univer51fy Press, 1962),
pp. 113-129; and T. C. Li, "A Valuation of China's foreign
Trade,” Far Eastern Economic Review, Vol. XXVII, No. 1%
(Oct. 1’ 1959,, ppe 550-558.
aHsin Ying, The foreign Trade of Communist China
(Mong Kong: The Union*ResearCh ns 1 u e, .
1
2
of which is devoted to explaining the_trade practices in the
earlier years of the Communist regime. The other by Chang
Cho-yuan in 1956,1
which goes further to present some main
features of the commodity structure of Communist Chinese
foreign trade, but it is short of systematic analysis. There
are still other studies that limit themselves mainly or
entirely to Sino-Soviet economic relations and thus give
an incomplete picture.2
Evidently, many authors of these studies are not
aware of Communist China's manipulation of her foreign ex-
change rates and her special way in making foreign trade
reports, and therefore are confused when they find that
Communist China's foreign trade statistics are incompatible
with those reported by her trading partners. Besides, none
of these studies has a detailed and systematic analysis on
the changing pattern of the commodity structure of the
foreign trade of Communist China in relation to her economic
development. Moreover, none of them has assessed Communist
China's position in the international flow of commodities,
to say nothing of international comparisons.
This study consists of seven chapters. The first
1Cheng Che-yuan, The China Mainland Market under
Communist Control (Mong Kong: Tfie Union Researcfi Insfifute,
2For example: Alexander Eckstein, "Moscow-Peking
Axis: The Economic Pattern,” Moscow-Pekin Axis, H. L.
Boorman, et. al. (New York: Council on Foreign Relations,
1957), pp. su-111; Die Wirtschaftliche Verflechtun der
Volksre ublik China mi? Her Sowietunion (HamEurg: Insfitut
Fuer KsIenRunae, I959)
3
chapter is essentially an introductory chapter, which re-
lates the foreign trade of Communist China with her economy
and economic development. Chapter Two deals with the
compatibility of the Communist Chinese foreign trade statis-
tics with those reported by her trading partners, with an
estimation of the actual regional distribution and balance
of her foreign trade. Chapters Three through five are de-
voted to a detailed analysis of the commodity structure and
its changes in the foreign trade of communist China, and her
net position in various commodity groups in relation to
various countries. An international comparison with respect
to the concentration of foreign trade is made in Chapter
Six, with discussions on various factors that make the case
of Communist China somewhat special. Chapter Seven, the
concluding chapter, summarizes findings in previous chapters
and once more assesses the place of foreign trade in the
Communist Chinese economy and economic development and its
prospects in the future.
The time period under study is 19u9-1960. for
Communist China, this was a period of continuous, though
fluctuating, growth. In spite of the fact that her recent
economic crisis began in the latter half of 1960, foreign
wtrade still maintained its normal level in that year. Be-
cause of lack of statistics, detailed analysis is limited
to the period 1955-1960. Short as this period might seem,
it does not fail to provide certain evident trends indicat-
ing rapid changes in the commodity structure of the foreign
trade of Communist China.
Total value is used as the quantitative measure.
The problem of ”unit value" (price) is deliberately avoided
for two reasons. first, various countries made their trade
reports in various physical units even for the same commodi-
ties. There is no way to compare the ”unit value" of
commodities when some physical units are given in "pieces"
and "meters” while others are given in ”metric tons,” and
so on, not to speak of the more tricky problem of quality
comparison. Second, the problem of "unit value" is connected
with the terms of trade question, on which a few preliminary
studies have been made by some other economist by use of
sample commodities.1 No attempt is made here to repeat
their work, but their results will be discussed when they
are related to the context of the present study.
The following are abbreviations of titles of some
Communist Chinest publications and translation series that
are cited in this study.
Communist Chinese Newspapers:
JMJP Jen-min jih-pao (People's Daily)
TKP Ta-kung-pao (Impartial Daily)
Communist Chinese Periodicals:
‘MMYP Msin-hua yuch-pao (New China Monthly)
1for example: feng-hua Ma, "Price Problems in
Communist China's foreign Trade," Journal of Asian Studies,
Vol. XXI, No. u (August, 1962), pp. BSI- 33!. (ABsIracts of
Papers Presented at the fourteenth Annual Meeting): and A.
Yoshio, ”Terms of Trade of China and Underdeveloped coun-
tries in Relation to Their Trade with the Soviet Union,"
JPRS:9u9u (28 June, 1961).
It.
. 0""
HHPYK
CHCC
CHYTC
CKCKY
PC
PR
5
Hsin-hua pan-yueh-kan (New China Semi-
monthly)
Chi-hua ching-chi (Planned Economy)
Chi-hue yfi tung-chi (Planning and
Statistics)
Chung-kuo ching-kung-yeh (Chinese Light
Industry)
People's China
Peking Review
Translation series:
JPRS
SCMP
U.S. Joint Publications Research Service
(Washington, D. C.)
Survey of China Mainland Press
(Mong Kong, American Consulate General)
CHAPTER I
THE PLACE OF FOREIGN TRADE IN THE ECONOMY
OF COMMUNIST CHINA
The ambitious scheme of comprehensive economic
planning for development of Communist China shows an in-
patient giant's attempt to leap into prospective affluence,
with one foot still bound in deep-rooted economic backward-
ness of the past. China's economic backwardness was further
accentuated by eight years of Sino—Japanese war and four
years of civil hostility. when the Communist regime finally
took over in 19u9, it spent three years in restoring the
national economy, in spite of the Korean War which was be-
ing fought during part of this period. By the end of 1952
most outputs in major industrial and agricultural products
were reported to have surpassed the peaks in the "pre-
liberation” era.1 The ambitious first five-Year Plan was
then launched (1953-1957), followed by two years of the
"Great Leap forward,” in which major targets of the Second
five-Year Plan were claimed to have been fulfilled three years
1first five-Year Plan for Develo ment of the .
National Econom of {Fe Peo Ie's Re uSIic of China In 1953-
I§57 (Pe EIng: ForeIgn CEfiguages Press, I953), p. I3. (TEIs
worE will be cited in brief hereafter as the first five—
YCQE' Plan) a
7
ahead of schedule.1 Then came three years of devastating
catastrophe. Throughout these years, in days of achieve-
ments and in days of adversity, industrial development was
the focal point of all efforts. In the first five-Year Plan,
56.21 of total state investments in capital construction
was allotted to industry alone.2 It was contended that in-
dustrialization, and only rapid industrialization, was the
magic needed to rid the country of its economic backward-
ness. Such a contention, however, does not lead necessarily
to policies which the regime had consciously designed and
vigorously pursued, had it not been guided by other con-
siderations.
In the first five-YearfiPlan the Constitution of the
People's Republic was quoted:3
from the founding of the PeOple's Republic to the
attainment of a socialist society is a period of
transition. During the transition the fundamental
task of the state 13, step by step, to bring about
the socialist industrialization of the country and
step by step, to accomplish the socialist transforma-
tion of agriculture, handicrafts and capitalist in-
dustry and commerce.
Here it is unmistakably clear from the very outset
that the orientation was_ideological. It was not merely
industrialization, but socialist industrialization which was
1Li fu-chun, "Report on the Draft 1960 National
Economic Plan," Second Session of the Second National
Peo le's Con ass of {He Peo Ie's Re uBIic of Cfiina (Docu-
meng) (PeEing: Foreign Canguages Press, I935), p. I.
2first five-Year Plan, 22. cit., p. 29.
31bid., p. 21.
mi
ate;
ever
ccns
OCCR
1:
I
1132
‘1
A.
I
sat
for
m
zati
and
See:
tee
of t
the
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S
desired. The first five-Year Plan did not map out the exact
steps by which the whole process would be achieved. How-
ever, it was made clear that a small-peasant economy, which
constituted the overwhelming proportion of the Chinese
economy, was incompatible with socialist industrialization.1
The transformation of the traditional economy was therefore
a matter of necessity. In this respect, industrialization
itself was not merely an end which symbolized higher economic
well-being, but by its very process, it was also a means to
shatter the traditional economy and help achieve the ideo-
logical goal of socialization.
The first five-Year Plan also quoted Mao Tse-tung
for saying:2
Without industry, there can be no solid national de-
ense, no people s welfare and no national prosperity
and power.
This reflects very well the vivid impressions of
the days of treaty-ports and extra-territoriality in the
minds of the Communist Chinese leaders. To consolidate
national defense as well as to increase national prestige
and power, industrialization was deemed to be indispensable.
Needless to say the aim was political in nature. Mere
once again industrialization was a means as well as an end
of the whole venture. With a low industrial basis to start,
the main goal to strive for was, of course, the development
of her own industrial sector.
11bid., p. 16f.
2first five-Year-Plan, 22. cit., p. 16.
9
It is upon these ideological and political grounds
that we should tackle the problem of Communist Chinese in-
dustrialization. And it is in the lights of these con-
siderations that we should look into the pattern of her
foreign trade as an integral part of her economy and
economic development.
Reguirement for Capital Goods Import
In view of urgent need for rapid economic develop-
ment, Communist China required a tremendous amount of
capital goods. She not only needed capital goods for the
production of consumers' goods, but also those for producing
producers' goods. The first five-Year Plan was enunciated
to establish a multiplicity of industries, the core of which
was to be imported. This consisted of 156 fabove norm"
industrial and mining projects which were designed and fur-
ther supplied with complete sets of the latest equipment
from Russia, and another 68 projects from the Eastern Euro-
pean Communist countries.1 In addition to these, Communist
China also imported large amounts of other capital goods
and raw material imputs from the Communist bloc as well as
from the free World. Of all imports, pointed out the Minis-
terof foreign Trade, more than ninety percent were capital
goods.2
1These projects will be discussed in greater detail
in Chapter 3, pp. 61-62, and Appendix f below.
2Yeh Chi-chuang, "Shih-nien 1ai wo-kuo ti tui-wai
mac-i,” (foreign Trade of Our Country in the Past Decade),
JMJP, Sept. 22, 1959.
of
th
IA
Ye
of capital goods with total capital investments will show
the importance of these imports in her capital construction.
TABLE I-1:--Relation of Capital Goods Import to Capital In-
vestments (value in million yuans)
A comparison of Communist China's import
10
Year Total Capital Goods Capital Total Capital Goods
Import Imp. as t of Goods Capital Imp. as t of
Total Import Import Investments Total Invest.
(l) (2) (3) (u) (5) (6)
1952 3,7“6.8 90.6 3,399.6 “,360.0 77.8
1953 u,611.3 93.0 u,2ss.s 8,000.0 53.6
195s u,u0u.u 92.8 9,087.3 9,070.0 us.1
1955 6,039.0 99.5 5,706.9 9,300.0 61.3
1956 5,297.0 92.9 u,ssu.u lk,800.0 33.1
1957 5,002.0 92.7 8,636.9 13,830.0 33.5
1958 8,137.9 93.7 5,750.3 26,700.0 21.5
l953-57
25,353.7 23,619.0 55,000.0 “2.9
Sources: Column (2): Table 11-1 below: Columns
(3) 5 (5): Ten Great Years, (Peking: foreign Languages
Press, 1960 , p.
lated from Columns (u) 8 (5).
an pp. 57-58 respectively: Column
(a): calculated from Columns (2) S (3): Column (6): calcu-
.d W
”I U 1‘“
11'
It should be noted here that the Total Import figures
were based on external prices,1 while the Capital Invest-
ments figures were based on internal prices. Disequilibrium
exchange rates would distort their actual relation. There-
fore this comparison should be considered as a comparison
of expenditures on capital goods import and capital invest-
ments from the standpoint of the Communist Chinese budget.
The comparison shows that for the first five-Year Piflfl
period more than forty percent of the State's expenditure
on capital investments was made in purchasing capital goods
abroad. The abrupt decrease of the percentage of capital
goods import to capital investments was due to an abrupt
increase of the latter, which probably included a substan-
tial amount of local investments in indigenous industries
made during the ”Great Leap forward."
foreign Credits and the Need for Export
In part Communist China was able to finance her im-
ports with the help of foreign credits. from Russia alone,
she obtained a total of 1720 million (old) rubles under
agreements made in 1950 and 1959.2 She must also have ob-
tained further trade credits, for in his budgetary report
1Communist China's manipulation of foreign exchange
rates and her way of reporting foreign trade figures will
be discussed in Chapter 2 below.
2Equivalent to 1763 million yuans. The exchange
rate between the yuan and the ruble will be discussed in
Chapter 2 below.
12
to the People's Congress, the Hinister of Finance indicated
that up to l957 Communist China had received a total of 529%
million yuans of credits from Russia.1 In his later
budgetary reports, no provisions were made for further
credits. Therefore the total credit received during the
period 1950-1960 was 529k million yuans. For the same
period, Communist China imported a total of more than 5»
billion yuans of goods.2
Therefore, Russian credits helped
to finance an amount slightly less than 10% of Communist
Chinese imports during this period.
Because these Russian credits were tied to imports
from Russia, a comparison of these credits with Communist
Chinese imports from Russia would be more revealing. From
1950 to 1960 Communist China imported from Russia a total
of about 29 billion (old) rubles of goods,3 in which complete
industrial undertakings amounted to about 6.8 billion
rubles.“ These were equivalent to about 30 and 6.9 billion
1bi Hsien-nien, "Kuan-yfi 1956 nien kuo-chia chueh-
suan ho 1957 nien kuo-chia yfi-suan tsao-an ti pao-kao,"
(Report on the 1956 National Final Accounts and l957 Na-
tional Draft Budget), HHPYK, No. 1%, 1957, pp. 16-28.
2From Table 11-9 below.
3See Appendix 8 below.
“See Table III-2 below; also H. Sladkovskie,
”Razvitiye Torgovli Sovyetskogo Sousa s Kitaeskoe Napodnoe
_Respublikoe,” (Trade Development of the Soviet Union with
the People's Republic of China), Vneshn a a Tor ovl a
(Foreign Trade), No. 10, 1959, pp. E-IU.
13
yuans respectively.1 Then we see that Russian credits
were enough to finance about 169 of Communist China's im-
ports, or slightly less than 80% of her imports of complete
industrial undertakings from Russia. The rest Communist
China paid in current exports. Moreover, repayment for
part of these credits were due as early as 1955 in form of
exports.2
Dictated by her urgent need for imports, Communist
China had to promote exports to the best of her ability.
The importance of foreign trade, it was contended, was on
the side of imports. And the other side was but a necessary
evil. This was stressed by the Minister of Foreign Trade,
who stated that:3
The purpose of export is to guarantee the import of
those complete sets of equipment and various important
materials necessary for our various constructions, es-
pecially our heavy industrial constructions.
In fact, every country has to export for the sake
of import. However, when this truism became a slogan, its
underlying implication was obvious. It constituted the
grounds for an all-out export-drive policy. It was not at
all surprising that the minister proceeded to lay down
. 1The exchange rate between the yuan and the ruble
will be discussed in Chapter 2 below.
2For information on the terms of these credits, see:
Cho—ming Li, 22, cit., p. 170.
3Yeh Chi-chuang, "Kai-chin wo-kuo tsu-kou, Pao-
cheng kuo-chia kung-yeh chien-she," (Improve Our Work in
Exports, Guarantee Our National Industrial Construction),
HHPYK, No. 21, 1956, p. 155.
1n
principles stipulating that:quotas be imposed on exports of
those commodities that were necessary for national construc-
tion and people's livelihood, economy be practiced on domestic
consumptions of those agricultural by-products and light
industrial products so as to provide more for export, and
priority be given to export in those commodities that could
be dispensed with in the domestic market.1, In other words,
all surplus over minimum domestic requirement should be ex-
ported.
Therefore, the foreign trade sector of Communist
China was essentially a tool to transplant into Communist
China modern technology from the advanced countries. Its
function was to turn part of her domestic surplus into
foreign exchanges, and then the foreign exchanges into
foreign supply of capital goods. All her foreign trade
operations were part and parcel of her efforts towards
economic development.
Organization, Nationalization and Planning
Recognizing so important was the task for foreign
trade, the Communist regime lost no time and further took
no chances in leaving its operation in private hands. Under
the provision of the Organic Law of the People's Republic,
a Ministry of Trade was set up in 19u9 as the administrative
organ for all trade operations. Trade departments were
instituted in major administrative regions, provinces, and
1Ibid., p. 156, passim.
Eff
'1!
If?
15
municipalities to take part directly in trading. In May,
1950 twelve national-wide state companies were organized,
six of which were foreign trade companies dealing in bristles,
oils and fats, tea, mining products, native manufactured goods
and import-export.1 The Ministry was divided into a Ministry
of Foreign Trade and a Ministry of Commerce when Communist
China was about to embark on her First Five-Year Plan.
Thus the Ministry of Foreign Trade became the supreme ad-
ministrative organ in foreign trade since August, 1952.
There were also increases and reorganizations in the state
operated foreign trade companies. By 1955 there were some
fifteen such companies covering all branches of foreign
trade operations.2
Since 1950 there were also Foreign Trade Control
Offices under the Ministry of Trade, as private foreign
trade was then still permitted to operate. Their function
was to register and grant business licenses to private
foreign trade concerns, issue export and import licenses,
and to check and fix price in each deal.3 In 1953 these
offices were liquidated and their staffs were merged into
local offices of the Customs Administration, which itself
1”China's Foreign Trade Arrangements and Activities,”
JPRS:3725, Communist China Digest No. 22 (18 August, 1960),
PP- ’3'!“-
2"Trading Organizations in China,” Far Eastern
Economic Review, Vol. XX, No. 20 (May 17, 1953), pp. 527-
W
3Hsin Ting, The Foreign Trade of Communist China,
Ole $1.3" ppe 21" 2e
m i
5639
1.1 s:'
;-:m
soon
16
was integrated into the Ministry of Foreign Trade at the
same time.~ .
As the state trading companies grew in number and
in size, as well as enjoyed monopoly in trading certain imp
portant commodities, the scope of private business concerns
soon began to contract. Those who survived still had to go
through a process of socialist transformation. The govern-
ment had them under control either by making investments in
their businesses, merging them with state companies, sending
workers to supervise them, or making them to operate as
intermediaries or commissioners of the state companies.1
By 1955, virtually all foreign trade transactions were under
state control.2
In a planned'economy, foreign trade planning can
play either the role of balancing domestic surplus and
deficit of different sectors, or of fitting the domestic
economy into the international economy. In the first case
domestic lines of production are determined by considerations
other than existing comparative cost-price relationships,
so that foreign trade only functions as a safety valve.
In the second case considerations on comparative cost-price
relationships determine domestic lines of production. This
1”China's Foreign Trade Arrangements and Activities,"
22s Cite. pe 22s
'2Chao Chi-chiang, ”Chi-nien lai wo-kuo tui-wai mao-i
chung-ta pien-hua ho fa-chan," (Important Changes and
Developments of Our Country's Foreign Trade in the Last
Seven Years), Tui-wai mao-i lun-wen shuan (Selected Treatises
on Foreign Trade), (Peking, 195’), pp. 15-17.
.17
static dichotomy, however, precludes economic development.
When economic development is considered to be of paramount
importance, this dichotomy is then transformed into the
choice between development through “balanced growth,“ or
through ”comparative advantage.“ The choice of Communist
China was obviously the first one. Foreign trade planning
played the role of balancing domestic deficit and surplus,
which in the light of deliberate development, were but
capital goods and their necessary payments.
In her actual execution of foreign trade planning,
Communist China was not without difficulties. while im-
port requirements were heavy and pressures were high, and
were often pre-determined and thrust upon the Ministry, the
main task in planning rested on the arrangement of more
exports. Little information was available on the actual
planning procedure. All that which was known was that a
plan did exist. The agricultural sector remained the
main source from which exportable commodities were drawn.
With its unpredictability, there was no way to draw up a
plan of any precision in order to guarantee the rigid de-
mand for imports. Probably it was for this reason that, in
the First Five-Year Plan, there was only a target for the
total trade turnover in 1957 to increase 66.5% over 1952.1
No other information was given. This target, admitted the
Minister of Foreign Trade before the People's Congress in
1955, ” . . . is for controlling purposes and is only a
1The First Five-Year Plan, 22, cit., p. 163.
ta:
be}
fc]
{5’3
ts!
fit:
18
target to strive for."1 The difficulties in planning and
balancing were spelled out more explicitly by him in the
following year:2
In the past, because that the export plan very often
could not be handed down together with the national
economic plan, it could not be integrated into the
national economic plan of various provinces and
municipalities. This had caused a weak guaranty in
the source of exportable commodities.
Me also complained that:3
. . . in arranging or increasing import and export
plans, related government departments paid too much
attention on import requirements and neglected import
supplies.
and finally admitted that "not enough had been done
on developing the production of exports in a planned
.10
manner.
It was not until 1957, when previous Russian credits
came to an end and no further credits were foreseeable, that
import and export planned targets were reduced. The
planned import figure was cut to #755 million yuans for 1957
from an actual 5297 million yuans in 1956, while the planned
export figure was cut to 5200 million yuans for 1957 from an
1"Yeh Chi-chuang pu-chang ti fa-yen," (The State-
ment of Minister Yeh Ch -chuang), Jen-min shou-tse (People's
Handbook) (Peking, 1956), p. 232.
2Yeh Chi-chuang, "Kai-chin wo-kuo tsu-kou kung-
tso, Pao-cheng kuo-chia kung-yeh chien-she," (Improve Our
work in Exports, Guarantee Our National Industrial Con-
struction), HMPYK, Mo. 21, 1956, p. 155.
3161d.. 9. 155.
“Ibid., p. 155.
19
actual $569 million yuans in 1956.1 Thus a substantial
safety margin was provided. Also, it was not until the same
year that the export plan and the supply plan for export
commodities were ratified by the State Council to be inte-
grated into the national economic plan.2 Since then it was
advocated that export plan should not be based on import
plan alone. It should rather be arranged in such a way as
to balance basic construction, production, and domestic
market demand, and observe the principle of ”fixing import
by export."3
In fact this was quite a step towards more rational
planning. However, because of pressures on the side of
neededimports, long run planning and stabilization were not
achieved. As we shall see later, this only shows that her
foreign trade sector depended heavily on her domestic
economy, so that it would fall an immediate victim in case
of a mal-performance of the latter.
Foreigg TradeI Industrial and Agricultural Production
It was already mentioned that the export of Communist
China depended heavily on her agricultural sector, and that
1Yeh Chi-chuang, "Tan tui-wai mao-i," (On Foreign
Trade), MMPYK, No. 16, 1957, p. 91.
2Li Ming, "Mo-men shi chen-yang kuan-li tui-wai
mac-i chi-hue ti” (How we Manage Foreign Trade Planning),
CHCC NO. 5, 1957, p. 20.
3Li Po-fang, "Chi-chi chia-chiang tsu-chi tsu-kou
huo-yuan,” (Strenuously Strengthening the Organization of
Commodity Sources for Exports , CMCC, Mo. 2, 1958, p. 28.
Ilfl
m:
and
‘A
1:5
.- .a
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m
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c.“
e'u'
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20
her economic development depended heavily on capital goods
import. The following table is a comparison of the rates of
growth of her imports, exports, industrial and agricultural
pmdUCt 1 on 8 e
TABLE I-2:--Rates of increase of import, export, industrial
and agricultural productions of Communist China (percentage
increases over preceding year)
Import Export Gross Value
Year Gross Value Nature of
Indus. Prod. Ag. Prod. Ag. year
(1) (2) (3) (k) (5) (6)
1952 6.7 11.2 30.3 15.3 good
1953 20.8 28.1 30.2 3.1 normal
195“ -M.5 16.8 16.3 3.3 poor
1955 37.1 21.5 5.6 7.7 good
1956 -12.3 12.6 28.2 “.9 poor
1957 -$.6 -3.8 11.6 3.5 poor
1958 22.7 23.1 66.2 25.0 good
1959 12.3 15.2 39.3 16.7 good
Sources: Columns (2) 6 (3): calculated from figures
in Table 11-9 below; Columns (u) 6 (5): Yang Chien-pai,
"On the Internal Relationship between Industrial and Agri-
cultural Production,"
for 1952-1956, Po I-po,
1957 Draft National Economic Plan)
pp. 28-39; for 1958-1959, general
JPRS:563u, 26 Oct., 1960; Column (6):
uan-yU 1956 nien tu ching-chi
chi-hua ti chi-hsing chieh-kuo ho 1957 nien tu kuo-min
ching-chi chi-hue tsao-an ti pao-kao" (Report of the Re-
sults of the Execution of the 1956 Economic Plan and the
in?—
ormation.
napyx, Mo. 1u,1957,
21
In general, a rapid increase of export was corre-
lated with good or normal agricultural year, and slow in-
crease of expert with poor agricultural year. This shows
clearly the dependence of her export on the performance of
her agricultural sector. The same relationship holds be-
tween her agricultural production and import. Poor agri-
cultural yeare were correlated with actual decreases in her
import. This suggests that every year import was pushed as
far as the agricultural surplus would allow, so that in case
of a subsequent decline in agricultural production, it de-
creased in absolute value. Except in 1955 when there was
an inward transfer from Russia,1 the rates of increase in
export were higher than those in import. That is to say,
starting from a lower absolute level, export had to forge
ahead at a faster rate to sustain import and repay previous
credits.
The relationship between the rates of increase of
industrial production and that of the others was less con-
spicuous. In some cases there seemed to be a one-year lag
in the pattern of growth in industrial production behind
those of the others. The prime determinant was of course
agricultural production, which not only helped finance imp
port, but also furnished raw materials for industrial pro-
duction. The remarkable rapid rates of increase in indus-
-trial production in the latter years were mainly due to the
development of the ”indigenous industries" during the ”Great
1See discussion on p.62 'below.
_._'
£1“
I!
5a
th
22
Leap Forward," however, they were also partly fruits of prev-
ious imports.1
Foreigg Trade and National Income
Even though the role of foreign trade in the economic
development of Communist China was important, one might ask
'a further question, how important was it in relation to her
national income?
For the purpose of comparison, the estimates of T.
C. Liu and K. C. Yeh for the national income of Communist
China are used. Their estimates are in 1952 constant prices.
As the Communist Chinese foreign trade figures are in current
prices, adjustments are made by using the United Nations'
export and import price indices as deflators.2
One point should be noted in this comparison. As the
National Product figures were calculated in internal prices,
the Import and Export figures were calculated in external
prices.3 Disequilibrium exchange rates would affect the
1By the end of 1959, it was reported that 113 Russian
projects, and some projects supplied by the Eastern European
Communist countries, were completed and put into operation.
See Appendix F.
2In the view that Communist China's foreign trade
was transacted in, or based on "capitalist world market
prices" (see p. 50 below), the use of the United Nations'
‘1rice indices is justified. Here the world export price
: dices are used to adjust the Communist Chinese imports,
and the world import price indices are used to adjust the
Communist Chinese exports.
See Chapter II, pp. 36-h1 below.
23
TABLE I-3:--The relation between foreign trade and national
product of Communist China (valge in billion constant 1952
yuans
~Year Nat'l Import Export Import, Export, Im. 0 Ex.
P’Oduct (adj'td) (de'td) e e e e “e 1Pe
(l) (2) (3) (u) (5) (6)
1952 71.81 3.75 2.71 5.3 3.8 9.1
1953 75.33 8.85 3.85 5.0 5.1 11.5
1958 79.28 “.57 8.07 5.8 5.5 11.8
1955 82.30 5.83 5.37 7.8 5.5 18.3
1955 92.08 5.52 5.92 5.0 5.8 12.8
1957 95.30 5.10 5.52 5.3 5.9 11.2
1958 108.00 5.85 7.29 5.0 5.8 12.8
I. “
Sources: Column (2): T. C. Liu and K. C. Yeh, The
Econom of the Chinese Mainland: National Income and
Ken's-{m 'c'15'e_ve'To""m'e'n"‘E 193331959 (2 voIs.: Santa Monica: The
Rand Co oration,1953),VoI. I, p. 98: Columns (3) 6 (6):
Table II-9 below, with adjustments as mentioned in the text;
Columns (5) through (7): calculated.
result of this comparison. It is known that the Communist
Chinese yuan is overvalued against currencies in the Free
world;1 however, evidence also shows that it was undervalued
2
against the Russian ruble. Then, the effects of these
disequilibrium exchange rates would balance each other out
1Yeh Chi-chuang, "Tan tui-wai mac-i,” (On Foreign
Trade), MMPYK, Mo. 16,1957, p. 93.
2Kang Chao, “Yuan-dollar price Ratio in Communist
China and the United States,” Occasional Pa are No. 2
James I. Crump, Jr., ed. (Center or nese u es: 1-
versity of Michigan, 1963), p. 19. '
2'6
to some extent. Since there is no way to determine the
net result, we can only keep this as a qualification.
The comparison shows that both the import and export
of Communist China were small compared to her national
product. While the percentage of import to national pro-
duct was quite constant (about 66), the percentage of ex-
port to national product showed a slight trend of increase.
For the whole period under study, the foreign trade turn-
over of Communist China.was only about 126 of her national
product. The percentage is about that of the United States,
and considerably lower than most industrial countries.1
1The same percentage for United Kingdom was 326
(1965-1952); for France was 256 (1986-1951): for Canada
was 306 (1950-1956): and for Japan was 206 (1950-195“).
See Simon Kuznets,
Six Lectures on Economic Growth
(Illinois: The Free Prwss of GIencoe, 1959), pp. 101-103.
25
FIGURE I-l
Import and Export as Percentage of
a ona ro uc o ommun s . na
PCEBIIE~
export
9 _ ----- import
1 1 1 u L
1952 165: 165» ilss 1655 1537 1953
Source: Table I-3.
U".
m
CHAPTER II
ESTIMATION OF THE TURNOVER, REGIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND
BALANCE OF THE FOREIGN TRADE OE COMMUNIST CHINA
There are two sources of information from.which we
can get statistics to estimate the foreign trade of Commu-
nist China: reports made by Communist China, and those made
by her trading partners. Theoretically, statistics derived
from these two sources should be identical. However, they
are found to have substantial differences when compared on
the same currency basis, and thus raise a host of possible
explanations among economists. The core of the entire prob-
lem, as I shall demonstrate, lies in Communist China's
manipulation of foreign exchange rates, and special way of
reporting foreign trade figures. On this basis, it will be
shown that these two sets of figures are essentially the
same, and we are enabled to arrive at the actual turnover,
regional distribution and balance of the foreign trade of
Communist China.
. Estimates from Communist Chinese Sources
Compared to other Communist Chinese economic
statistics, foreign trade statistics have been relatively
scarce, because they are classified as economic secrets
25
27
of the State.1 But it is still possible to compile the
following tables from information given in various Communist
Chinese publications, (Tables II-l, II-2). .
In Table II-2, all countries outside the Communist
bloc are grouped together under the heading of Rest of the
‘World, for which all absolute figures and percentages are
residuals. Incomplete statistics hamper the operation of
breaking down these figures into further sub-groups. What
is more, it is exceedingly hard to assess the connotations
of such terms as ”capitalist world,” “capitalist countries,”
and the ”Asian-African countries,” which are often seen in
Communist Chinese publications. Therefore, it is better to
classify them under one group. As for breaking down the
several trade figures into exports and imports, incomplete
information again hampers us.
Estimates from United Nations' Publications
In spite of the fact that foreign trade statistics
from Communist Chinese sources are scarce, such statistics
are far more readily accessible from Communist China's trad-
ing partners. Foreign trade reports of various countries
.to the United Nations, and occasionally some other informa-
tion, make it possible to have a more detailed picture.
For the purpose of comparison two following tables are
compiled,2 (Table 11-3, II-b).
IChoh-ming 1.1. 22. 233., p. 116.
2For detailed statistics and explanations, see
Appendices A and B.
28
TABLE II-l.--Foreign trade turnover of Communist China (in
million yuans)
Year Turnover Import Export
(1) (2) (3) (8)
1950 8,150.0 2,116.5 2,033.5
1951 5,950.0 3,510.5 2,839.5
1952 6,860.0 3,786.8 2,713.2
1953 8,090.0 8,611.3 3,878.7
1958 8,870.0 8,808.8 8,065.6
1955 10,980.0 6,039.0 8,981.0
1956 10,870.0 5,297.0 5,568.0
1957 10,850.0 5,002.0 5,887.0
1958 l2,870.0 6,137.9 6,710.6
Foreign Languages Press, 1960 , p.
1957) (Cambri ge:
BPVQI‘
Sources: Column (2): Ten Great Years (Peking:
; o umns (3) 6 (8):
1950-1955: calculated from (2) and indices given by Com-
munist Chinese source.
chang Yin, Economic Statistics on Mainland China (1989-
niversi y ress,
For indices, see Helen Yin and Yi-
s P0 535
I955: Yeh Chi-chuang, "Tan tui-wai mac-i," (On Foreign
Trade), MMPYK, Mo. 16, 1957, p. 91; No final official
figures were given for 1957.
Here estimates are made by
assuming both the import and export targets were overful-
filled by the same percentage.
chuang, Ibid., p. 91: 1958: calculated.
For targets, see Yeh Chi-
Import was 2.9
times and export was 3.3 times that of 1950, Ten Great
Years, 2p, cit., p. 168.
29
TABLE II-2.--Regiona1 distribution of foreign trade turnover of
Communist China (in million yuans)
Year Total Communist bloc Rest of
Turnover o a oc . . . . es oc the World
Value a us 5 VaIue a us a ue
(l) (2) (3) (8) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10)
1950 8150.0 33.5 1390.3 30.9 1282.8 2.6 107.9 66.5 2759.7
1951 5950.0 63.3 3766.8 88.7 2897.7 18.6 868.7 36.7 2183.6
1952 6860.0 78.1 5085.3 57.3 3701.6 20.8 1383.7 21.9 1818.7
1953 8090.0 75.5 6108.0 56.8 8562.8 19.1 1585.2 28.5 1982.0
1958 8870.0 80.0 6776.0 n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 20.0 1698.0
1955 10980.0 80.0 8788.0(62.0) 6797.0 (18.0) 1987.0 20.0 2196.0
1956 10870.0 75.0 8152.5 58.0 5869.1 21.0 2282.7 25.0 2717.5
1957 10850.0 75.0 7837.5 50.0 5225.0 25.0 2612.5 25.0 2612.5
1958 12870.0 (70.0)9037.0(88.0)6165.5(22.0)2871.5 30.0 3833.0
Sources: Column (2): Table II-l; Columns (3) to (10):
a.
b.
Ce
d.'
f.
All percentages in 1950-1953: Vneshn a a Tor ovl a
(Foreign Trade), No. 5, 1956, p. 12. *Bsquée figures
are calculated.
Percentages for Total bloc in 1958-1955: Jen-min shou-
tse (People's Handbook) 0 . cit., p. 522. Percentages
IEF'Rest of world are res duEIE’and absolute figures
are calculated.
Absolute figure for USSR in 1955 was 5.3 times that of
1950; Li Hsien-nien, "Shu-luan shih wo-kuo chien-she
she-hui-tsu-i ti pang-yang ho wei-ta ti yuan-tso-chieh,"
(The Soviet Union is a Model for Constructing Social-
ism and Great Helper of Our Country), HMPYK, Mo. 5,
1956, p. 50. Rest of bloc figures is a residual.
Percenta e for Total bloc: Yeh Chi-chuang, "Tan tui-
wei mao- ,” (On Foreign Trade), HHPYK No. 16, 1957,
p. 91: percentage for USSR: Peo Ie's China, No. 23,
1957, p. 81. Percentages for Res? of EIoc and Rest of
World are residuals. Absolute figures are calculated.
Percentage for Total bloc in 1957: Pekin Review, June
17, 1958, p. 13. Percentage for USSR in I957: "Chung-
shu soong-ti pan hu-tso ho-tso ti hsin-cheng-chiu,"
(New Achievements of the Sine-Soviet Fraternal Mutual
Assistance and Cooperation), JMJP (Editorial) Apr. 28,
1958.
residuals, and absolute figures are calculated.
Absolute figures for Total bloc: 6.5 times of 1950. Ten
Great Years, 2p, cit., p.168, Absolute figures for
over 57. SCEP’No. 1893, p. 81.
for Rest of bloc and Rest of world are residuals.
Percentages in parentheses are calculated from absolute
figures.
Absolute figures
Percentages of Rest of BIoc and Rest of world are
30
TABLE II-3.--Foreign trade turnover of Communist China (in
million 0.8. dollars)
Year Import Export Turnover
(1) (2) (3) (8)8(2)+(3)
1989 370.0 829.1 799.1
1950 808.9 703.7 1512.5
1951 955.9 872.5 1829.8
1952 836.8 817.3 1658.1
1953 1179.3 1072.0 2251.3
1958 1231.0 1157.8 2838.8
1955 1285.8 1352.8 2557.2
1955 1807.5 1535.0 3072.5
1951 f 1330.5 1621.3 3010.3
1958 1811.7 1950.8 3762.1
1959 1958.8 2182.8 8137.2
1950 1888.3 1918.1 3752.8
Source: Appendix B.
31
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53.3... 53 65.8 «3558 no 893 c328 no 5338536 8532 . 8653--.»..3 was:
35
FIGURE II-1
Com arison of Forei Trade Fi ures
i '; IE" Wo'us'ana BIIIon 'yuans' 5 '
----- - total trade .’ C.C.
12* - — - Communist bloc trade '
rest of world trade '
I l J j 1 L J l
I 1 l T l I r 1*—
1950 1951 1952 1953 1958 1955 1956 1957 1958
Source : Table II-5.
ll
36
certain explanations advanced by other economists.
In his study, R. F. Dernberger finds that the
figures from Communist Chinese sources are in general higher
than those reported by her trading partners, and thus ad-
vances the argument that this is due to the over-valuation
of the Communist Chinese yuan.1 But this argument simply
does not apply in this case, even if the yuan is overvalued.
In Communist China, the state operated foreign trade con-
cerns serve as the bridge between the foreign and the in-
ternal market. Then, the Ministry of Foreign Trade can
report her total foreign trade figures in two ways. It can
either report the sum of all foreign exchanges used, con-
verted into the local currency each at its official rate;
or the sum of the values of all traded commodities at their
local prices. If the local currency is overvalued, the
latter sum will be higher than the Former. Evidence shows
that Communist China used the first method of reporting.2
Then, the sum should be exactly the same as that which is
1R. F. Dernberger, "International Trade of Communist
China," Three Essa s on the International Economics of Com-
munist Cfiina, e3. 5. F. Remer (inn Arbor: Universiiy of
Michigan Press, 1959), p. 136.
2We shall see later that when the Sino-Communist-
bloc trade figures as reported by the Communist countries
are converted into yuan figures at the official ruble rate,
they are almost the same as those reported by Communist
China. This shows that Communist China reports her foreign
trade by converting the total transacted value of foreign
exchanges into the local currency, not by summing up the
total value at local prices.
37
calculatedby converting the United Nations' figures into
yuan figures at official exchange rates. In other words,
Columns (10) 6 (11) in Table II-S should be identical.
It is known that the Communist Chinese yuan is overvalued.
But as long as she reports her foreign trade in the first
method, internal prices are not involved and overvaluation
does not come into the picture.
The same argument applies to show that the differ-
ence can not be due to "difference in pricing," as advanced
1 In the trade between Communist China
by Choh-ming Li.
and the Free World, prices are most likely quoted in foreign
currencies, and most unlikely quoted in yuan. Then, the
total trade value announced by Communist China is only a
summation of these prices, each multiplied.by its quantity
and converted into yuan. Again, this summation should not
be different from that reported by her trading partners,
when their reports are also converted into yuan figures.
The argument that the differences are due to differ-
ences "in c.i.f. and f.o.b. valuations" and "in timing of
arrivals and departures" do have some weight.2 It is diffi-
cult to assess the effects of timing, since it affects both
sets of figures in both directions. Most countries in the
Free World report their trade c.i.f. import and f.o.b. ex-
port. While Communist China probably reports in the same
1Choh-ming Li, 93. cit., p. 188.
2Choh-ming Li, Ibid., p. 188.
38
way,1 the U.N. figures would overstate Communist Chinese
exports and understate her imports. The net effects on the
total value is hard to determine. Probably the result
would be an overstatement because Communist China exported
more than she imported from the Free World in the years
under study.
Some other explanations also help to make up for the
differences. (There were trade activities kept unreported
in the United Nations' publications, the most important of
which was the smuggling trade of embargoed commodities
through Mong Kong, Macau and Japan.2 Another explanation
lies in the statistics themselves. Many countries made no
report at all, especially in the earlier years under study.
,These two reasons are important enough to explain why in
general the Communist Chinese figures are slightly higher
than the United Nations' figures.3 '
With all these facts in mind, it can be stated that
these two sets of statistics are on the whole compatible,
and there is no evidence of deliberate falsification on the
part of Communist China.
1See discussion on p. 87.
2See Hsin Ying, 2p, cit., pp. 115-116.
3Another unreported trade activity is probably
narcotics traffic. See Feng-hwa Mah, ”The First Five-
Year Plan and Its International Aspects,” Three Essazs on
the International Economics of Communist C 1na . .
REmer, e3. (Kin KrSor: Universiiy of”flicfiigan Press, 1959),
9. 96s
39
(3) Sino-Communist-bloc Trade
The Communist Chinese and the United Nations'
statistics markedly differ from each other in the Sino-
Communist-bloc section. Such differences can, in no case,
be explained by any or any combination of explanations
given above. We have to look for other clues.
In his speech delivered at the National People's
Congress in July, 1957, Yeh Chi-chuang, the Minister of
Foreign Trade, pointed out that:1
Our Country's internal conversion rate between the
ruble and the PeOple's currency was also fixed at
the People's Bank's quotation at that time. This is
what we now call the "trade ruble.”
”That time" which was referred to was April 19,
1950, the date of the signing of the first Sino-Soviet
Trade Agreement. Little is known about this internal con-
version rate, so that many economists had tried to derive
it by various methods.2 However, a thorough checking of the
foreign exchange rate quotations of the Bank of China3 will
make all these efforts unnecessary, and give us the clue to
1Yeh Chi-chuang, "Tan tui-wai mao-i, " (On Foreign
Trade), HHPYK NOe 16,1957. pe 93s
2Die Wirtschaftliche Verflectun der Volksre ublik
China mit am urg: nst utrt uer s1en-
pp .Jorld Economic Re (UnitedA
Nations, 1957), p. 222, Ta e , note 3 . rtC. Li,
Valuation of China's Foreign Trade," Far Eastern Economic
Review, Oct. 1, 1959, p. 552; Choh-ming Ci, 2p, cii., pp.
3.
3The Bank of China is a specialized bank under the
People's Bank as the sole agent in all foreign exchange
transactions.
M0
solve the whole problem.
The following table is a compilation of these offié
cial quotations since May 1950.
TABLE II-B.--Official foreign exchange quotations of Commun-
ist China (yuans of Mar. 1, 1955 per unit of exchange)
Date 5 1. Ruble
May 11, 1959‘ 3.75 ~ 9.3 1.925
29, ' 3.75 9.99
June 9, 7 3.75 9.99 9.99b
July 3, " 3.55 9.323
9, . 3.50 9.32 1.025
25, ” 3.50 9.199 unchanged
Aug. 7, ' 3.22 n.a. unchanged
Sept. 6, " 3.1 7.821 unchanged
Jan. 5, 1951 2.99 5.937
29, - 2.299 9.235
June 7, " 2.227 6.235
Dec. 5, 1952° 2.227 9.959
- aPrior to May 1950, official quotations were not
unifiede
bFor inward remittances (esp. buying government
bonds) only. ~
cOfficial quotations remained unchanged hereafter,
except for 0.8. notes, the buying rate for which was later
pegged at 82.3“.
Sources: Compiled from information in the Financial
Market section in respective issues of the Far Eastern '
Iconomic Review. '
“1
Here there are actually a few quotations for the
ruble, which was later either quoted as unchanged or not
. quoted at all.
If we apply the rate Rbl.l.00 t 81.025
to convert the Sino-Conmunist-bloc trade figures in the
united Nations' statistics
into yuans,
l
and compare the
results with the figures given by Communist China, we get
the following table.
TABLE 11-7.--Sino-Communist-bloc trade‘ (in million yuans)
Year Total Bloc U.S.S.R. Rest Bloc
O O O O O O O O O O O O
(l) (2) (3) (u) (5) (6) (7)
1950 1390.3 2911.2 1282.9 2375.9 107.9 35.3
1951 3766.9 3708.5 2897.7 3319.8 868.7 388.7
1952 5085.3 9907.9 3701.6 3968.9 1393.7 939.5
1953 6108.0 6299.7 9562.8 9806.9 1595.2 1888.3
195“ 6776.0 721“.“ fleas 53816.2 neae 1730e2
1955 878u.0 7622.3 6797.0 5706.8 1987.0 1915.5
1956 8152.5 8196.1 5869.1 6139.7 2282.7 2056.8
1957 7837.5 7553.8 5225.0 5257.0 2612.5 2296.9
1958 9037.0 9082.3 6165.5 6209.8 2871.5 2872.5
*Since ruble is used in foreign trade pricing and
settlement in the Communist bloc, the conversion rate men-
tioned is used here not only for trade with Russia, but
also with the entire bloc.
Sources:
Columns (2), (u) and (6) are from Table
11-5; Columns (5) 6 (7) are calculated by converting Columns
(7)6 (9) into yuans at the rate 81. 00 a 39.10; Column
(3) is sum of columns (5) 5 (7).
» lThat is, 951.1. 00 . v1. 925, and as u. s. 51. oo .
351.9. 99, 0.3. 91. oo 2 99.10.
#2
When comparison is made on such a basis, there is a
remarkable degree of similarity between these two sets of
figures, especially in the more recent years.1
In Sine-Soviet trade (Columns 9 6 5), the U.N.
figures are in general slightly higher than the Communist
Chinese figures. Relatively large differences are found in
figures for 1950, 1951, and 1955. Differences in 1950-
1951,period of the Korean war, may be due to Russian mili-
tary equipment supplies which were not recorded as foreign
trade by Communist China, thus making.the Communist Chinese
figures considerably below the 0.". figures. In 1955,
when the Russian shares of the four Joint Stock Companies
were transferred to Communist China and were to be repaid
by Communist Chinese exports,2 it is probable that these
transfers were recorded by Communist China as trade, but not
by Russia, and so making the Communist ChineSe figures
higher than the U.N. figures. It is also very probable that
when Russian investments were made in these companies
(mainly in form of equipment) prior to 1955, Russia recorded
these as trade, but Communist China did not. Rhen in 1955
Communist China took over these shares, she recorded them
as trade, but this time Russia did not.
In comparing Columns (6) 6 (7), the Communist
1For comparison, also see Figure 11-2 below.
2These Joint Stock Companies are the Non-Ferrous
and Rare Metals Company, The Petroleum Company, The Civil
Aviation Company and The Dairen Dockyard.
“3
Chinese figures are in general higher, especially in they
earlier years. One explanation can be found in the statis-
tics themselves. The coverage of the U.N. statistics are
far from complete. Some of the trade figures of the Eastern
European countries are not available for the earlier years,
and little of the trade figures of the Asian Communist
countries are accessible th.oughout these years.1 'It is
also possible that in the earlier years part of the Sino-
Eastern-European trade was transacted via Russia, with the
result of aggravating the Russian trade figures and under-
stating the Eastern European trade figures.
Overall Comparison of Statistics
We can now put the separate comparisons together
for an overall comparison, which is shown in Table 11-8
and Figure 11-2. Here a marked similarity between these
two sets of figures can be seen. It is therefore by under-
standing the Communist Chinese manipulation of exchange
rates and her special way of reporting foreign trade figures
that her foreign trade statistics can be reconciled with
those reported by her trading partners. Also by the same
understanding, her foreign trade turnover in 1959 and 1960
can be estimated.
1See Appendix B.
I!“
TABLE ll-8.--Turnover and regional distribution of foreign
trade of Communist China (in million yuans)
Year -Total Communist Bloc Rest world
(1) . . . . . - . . . . .
1950 9150.0 5399.1 1390.3 2911.2 2759.7 2975.9
1951 5950.0 5771.0 3755.9 3709.5 2193.5 2052.5
1952 5950.0 5599.1 5095.3 9907.9 1919.7 1291.2
1953 9090.0 9099.9 5109.0 5299.7 1992.0 1759.2
1959'A 9970.0 5979.9 5775.0 7219.9 1599.0 1555.0
1955 10990.0 9577.5 9799.0 7522.3 2195.0 1955.3
1955 10970.0 10925.9 9152.5 9195.1 2717.5 2529.9
1957 10950.0 10915.2 7937.5 7553.9 2512.5 2952.9
1959 12970.0 12972.2 9037.0 9092.3 3933.0 3799.9
1959 (19532.5) (11172.9) (3959.5)
1950 (13002.5) (9909.2). (3599.3)
Sources: Column (2): Table'II-2; Columns (9) 6
(5): Table 11-8; Columns (6) 6 (7): Table 11-5; Column
(3): sum of Columns (5) 6 (7); Figures in parentheses are
estimates_by_converting U.N. figures in Table 11-9 into
yuans at exchange rates: for Communist bloc trade, $1.00 8
89.10, and for Rest of world trade, 61.00 a 82.95.
95
FIGURE II-2
Reconciliation of Forei Trade Fi ures
'- (IE {Sousana zillion yuans}
7
""" " total trade '1'
_ ——- Communist bloc trade ,'
12 rest of world trade I;
6.6. p
ll~L 9..-.-- .0
0 .i‘.§..... ~
2" 1"“ N. t '9
.4 0 I 0 e
J 1 I I 1
J l
l
"O".
I I l T l I l
1950 1951 1952 1953 1959
Source) Table II-8.
1
1955' 1955 1957 1959
98
It is also possible to make a comparison of statis-
tics from the standpoint of trade balance. In so doing, we
have to content ourselves with a simpler form of comparison.
Because of lack of detailed statistics, only a comparison.
of an overall balance can be made. i
TABLE II-9.--Balance of’foreign trade of Communist China
(in million yuans)
Year Import Export . Balance
0 O O O O 0 ECU. U u
(1) (2) (3) (9). (5) (5) ~ (7).
1950 2115.5 2951.9 2033.5 2935.3 - 9.3 - 515.5
1951 3510.5 3115.9 2939.5 2559.2 -1071.0 - 952.5
1952 3795.9 2995.9 2713.2 2712.1 -1033.5 - 279.9
1953 9511.3 9350.9 3979.7 3599.5 -1132.5 - 551.9
1959 9909.9 9792.3 9055.5 9095.1 - 339.9 - 595.2~
1955 5039.0 9755.9 9991.0 9733.9 .1099.0 - 32.0
1955 5297.0 5055.5 5559.0 5535.9 + 271.0 + 570.3
1957 5002.0 9595.7 5997.0 5577.5 + 995.0 + 990.9
1959 5137.9 5150.9 5710.5 5711.5 + 572.7 + 550.7
__'_
Sources: Columns (2) 6 (9): Table II-l; Columns
(3) 6 (5): calculated by converting trade figures in Table
II-9 each at their respective exchange rates; Columns (8)
6 (7): differences between Columns (2) 6 (9), (3) 6 (5)
respectively.
Three observations can be made from the table
above. First, concerning imports, the Communist Chinese
figures are higher than the U.N. figures. Second, for ex-
ports the 0.9. figures are higher than the Communist
. 97
Chinese figures. -And third, differences in the import
figures are greater than differences in the export figures.
Since the effects of Communist Chinese manipulation of foreign
exchange rates are already taken into account in the cal-
culation of the table, explanations must be sought in other
aspects. It is here that the c.i.f. and f.o.b. valuation
practice of various countries comes into picture.
In the import columns, Communist Chinese figures are
in general higher than the U.N. figures. This suggests
that, while all her trading partners report their exports
f.o.b., Communist China reports her imports c.i.f. The
result is that the Communist Chinese figures are substan-
tially higher.
In the export columns, the U.fl. figures are higher.
This suggests that while Communist China reports her export
f.o.b., part of her trading partners (i.e., countries in
the Free World)1 report their imports c.i.f., with the re-
sult that the U.N. figures are slightly higher.
The combined effects are shown in the balance
columns. In general, the 0.x. figures understate Communist
Chinese deficits when she has an unfavorable balance, and
overstate her surplus when she has a favorable balance.
1As a rule, Communist countries report both their
imports and exports f.o.b. country of origin.
“8
PIGURB 11-3
Forei Trade Balance of Communist China
' I (In 65535.3 million yuans,
united Nations' figures
012
10.1 ._ ..__.. ...A Communist Chinese figures
/
/
51+ 5 5 i f #.
19’0 1951 1952 1953 195‘ 1 55 955 1957 1'50
7.. /
10
1*
10.
~12
Source: Table II-9.
99
The Actual Re ional Distribution and Balance of the Forei n
Trade of Communisf China
After all these comparisons ending in the final
reconciliation of the Communist Chinese and the United
Nations' statistics, we come to the question: Which one set
of figures should be used in order to arrive at the actual
regional distribution and balance of the foreign trade of
Communist China? On the one hand, there are Communist
Chinese figures which are sums of two separate parts, each
converted into yuans at its own rate of exchange: on the
other hand, there are United Nations' figures with incom-
plete statistical coverage and the need for adjustments in
their c.i.f. and f.o.b. valuations.
Two aspects of the same problem should be considered.
From the financial point of view, the manipulation of ex-
change rates by Communist China, divorced from their inter-
national parities, affects only internal conversion within
the country. Or to be more specific, it affects payments
made or received by the Ministry of Foreign Trade in its
transactions with the Bank of China in buying or selling
foreign exchanges. Whether or not it affects decision on
'trade directions, we do not know. It is probable that it
does. Definitely her pattern of exchange rates would over-
state the proportion of Sino-Communist bloc trade in the
total if they are given in yuan figures. For instance, a
trade value of one million rubles would be recorded as
1.025 million yuans. But a trade value of a quarter million
50
dollars, which is equivalent to one million rubles, would
be recorded as only 250,000 x 2.95 = 512,500 yuans. When
it comes to international clearance, it is the accounts of
the Bank of China, in terms of rubles, dollars and pound
sterlings etc., that matter. All settlements must observe
international parity. Therefore, it is the United Nations'
statistics that are meaningful.
From the commodity point of view, it is known that
the pricing of commodities in intra-Communist-bloc trade is
based on world market prices.1 This is also true in Com-
munist Chinese trade with all countries.2 Then, the United
Nations' trade figures are also representative of commodity
movements. For example, when prices are more or less the
same, the amount of commodities valued at one million
dollars would be equal to that valued at four million rubles.
On the contrary, the amount of commodities valued at one
million yuans would be different if purchased from, or sold
to different sides of the Iron Curtain. Therefore, the
United Nations' statistics are again more appropriate.
It is difficult to assess the incompleteness of the
United Nations' figures. However, compared to the statis-
tics that are already available the errors are small. Ad-
justments can be made for c.i.f. and f.o.b. valuations.
Because countries in the Free World report their
1?. Bystrov’ 1°C. Cite, pe 57.
2Yeh Chi-chuang, ”Tan tui-wei mac-i," (On Foreign
Trade), HHPYK, No. 18, 1957, pp. 92-93.
51
trade statistics f.o.b. exports and c.i.f. imports, and
Communist China depends heavily on foreign transportation
in her foreign trade, United Nations' figures necessarily
overstate her exports and understate her imports. An
arbitrary 56 adjustment is made here, i.e., Communist
Chinese exports are scaled down by 53, and imports raised
59. Since trade figures reported by the Communist countries
are f.o.b. both imports and exports, an upward adjustment
of 53 in her imports alone is necessary. Furthermore, no
adjustments are necessary for Sino-Soviet trade, because
these two countries are neighboring and deliveries are
made mainly by railway hauling. Table II-lO shows the
results of these adjustments and the final balance. The
actual turnover and regional distribution of the foreign
trade of Communist China is shown in Table II-ll.
on!” ”no.” “’3‘ ”£34 ’na‘u Ahmad. MUaanH‘ huh-9.1” :63”. Kahuna.“ omfiufiu
52
3.000 0.03+ 0.00+ 0.05+ 0.00+ 0.05+ 0.030+ 5.000+ 5.00+ 3.00! 0.006 0.56 NHMMR
same
0 0.30 0.00 0.30+ 0.000 0.00I 0.30! 0.000 0.33! 0.000I 0.0+ 3.536 P000
5.00+ 0.000: 0.530: 0.0300 0.000) 0.000: 0.3000 0.00+ 0.300+ 0.030+ 0.030+ 0.00+ 000:
5.00+ 0.0006 0.030! 0.0006 0.030: 0.030) 0.000I 0.06 3.030+ 0.500+ 0.000+ 3.000 0000
0.00+ 0.0000 0.000! 0.00! 3.000! 5.000) 0.00+ 3.000+ 0.000+ 0.03+ 0.030+ 0.30: 0du08
eeoceaem
0.000 0.003 0.003 0.030 0.000 0.000 0.000 3.033 0.030 3.000 0.005 0.005 Swmmm
0 0.0 0.03 5.53 0.500 0.030 0.030 0.000 0.050 0.003 0.030 0.530 #000
0.030 0.000 3.053 0.300 0.500 0.005 3.035 0.005 0.330 0.300 0.000 0.000 0003
0.030 0.300 0.000 0.000 0.300 3.5000 5.000 0.000 0.000 0.3000 3.3000 0.0000 0000
0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.0000 3.5000 0.0000 0.0330 0.0000 0.0500 3.3000 0.0000 00908
scam whoa
5.000 0.053 0.003 0.300 0.003 0.050 0.003 0.300 0.000 0.035 0.000 0.005 fimmmw 7
0 0.0 0.53 0.00 0.050 0.000 3.500 3.300 0.300 0.000 5.530 0.000 “a.“
0.000 0.000 0.000 5.003 5.353 0.050 0.030 0.305 0.005 0.000 0.0000 0.530 0003
0.000 0.000 0.050 5.053 0.030 0.005 0.000 0.000 0.050 0.0500 0.0330 0.0300 0000
0.503 0.000 0.530 0.000 0.0000 5.5000 0.5000 5.0000 0.0000 0.0000 0.0300 5.0500 00008
g
0300 0000 0000 0000 0000 3000 0000 0000 5000 0000 0000 0000
b
Ama600ov .0.D 6000005 :00 madcu unaudesoo 00 even» meuhou no eocedemII.OHlHH u4mnet position
in a certain commodity has no relation with the importance
of that commodity in her total foreign trade, because of
balancing effects. That is, large imports may be balanced
by large exports. All we know is which deficit commodity
groups were paid for by which other surplus groups.1
Met Commodity Trade Position of Communist China in General
TABLE V-l.--Net commodity trade position of Communist China*
(in million U.S. dollars)
1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960
Foodstuffs 0355.1 +399.9 +352.2 t507.9 +969.7 t329.9
An. Veg. Mater. t288.8 +286.7 0191.1 t128.l +209.8 .0100.2
Crude minerals + 69.8 + 99.0 tll9.3 9 86.1 + 82.3 0 73.5
Chemicals - 71.0 - 59.9 - 68.6 - 80.0 - 89.5 - 51.8
Mfg. minerals - 68.3 - 88.0 - 86.2 -329.2 -260.5 -279.8
Other‘mfg. goods 0 70.7 0126.8 0297.5 4356.9 0532.1 +599.5
Mach. 6 Equipment -211.3 ~315.8 -309.1 -356.8 -588.0 -528.9
*A plus sign denotes a net exporter and a minus
sign denotes a net importer position.
Source: Appendices D and E.
1Trade figures for'net positions need not balance
because of imbalance of trade.
'53)
'0'?
w-
n.
Isa
Ur
1M
.09
L—l 1“
'9'
i A
I
102
FIGURE V-l
Overall Net Commodit Trade Position of Communist China
5 ' "'"'""'-'('I""n mIIIIon' U.S. ao'II'ar"T—"'—s ' " """'"""
+600
500. other mf. .
r goods
900p I
3°°J
foods uffs
208-»-
.n. 5 .8.
'-ter als
100‘
crude miner ls
0 L I 1 I
1055 1050 1052 1050 1350 15.0
b—‘A .4 A ‘/
100+ chemicals
20g-
mineraLs
9010
500'” mach. 5
equipment
-600
Source: Table V-l.
103
The overall picture shows that Communist China was
a net exporter of foodstuffs, raw materials and other’manu-
factured goods, while a net importer of chemicals, manu-
factured minerals, machinery and equipment. This basic
pattern remained throughout the period under study. How-
ever, there had been certain trends in some commodity groups.
Communist China was an increasing net importer of
machinery and equipment. Such net imports were largest.1
Her'net imports of manufactured minerals also had an increas-
ing trend. Her net exports of manufactured consumption
goods showed a.most spectacular increase, and finally re-
placed foodstuffs as the major net export commodity. In
foodstuffs, her net exports fluctuated with no definite
sign of change; but net exports of animal and vegetable raw
materials decreased. In other words, in financing her net
imports, her net exports of foodstuffs remained substantial,
while that of animal and vegetable raw materials were rapidly
substituted by manufactured consumption goods.
with various country groups, the net position of
Communist China in commodity trade was slightly at variance
with this general pattern. Separate discussions with some
'more detailed information are given in the following
sections.
I
1It was pointed out in Chapter III that substantial
amounts of military supplies were excluded from these
statistics. Including these will add to the predominance
of net imports ofmachinery and equipment.
109
Net Commodity Trade Position of Communist China with Russia
TABLE V-2.-JSIno-Soviet net commodity trade position (in
million U.S. dollars)
T I :—
1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960
Foodstuffs 0179.8 6213.0 t162.8 +293.9 +226.9 0130.7
An. 5 Veg. matr. 0213.9 +22l.9 0209.0 +171.6 0291.6 0196.2
Crude minerals t 57.1 9 70.1 + 87.7 + 72.2 + 70.2 0 55.3
metal ores t 71.2 t 89.9 +101.9 0 87.2 t 83.9 t 67.9
crude petrol. - 19.1 - 19.8 - 19.2 - 15.0 - 13.7 - 12.1
Chemicals 0 9.3 + 18.3 t 12.9 0 13.9 + 5.2 t 6.6
Mfg. minerals - 70.1 - 70.5 - 55.9 - 79.2 - 77.5 -109.0
iron 6 steel etc-'99.7 - 35.6 - 25.7 - 36.9 - 23.2 - 93.1
petr. products - 69.9 - 71.1 - 76.2 - 77.9 ~109.0 ~101.0
non-ferrous base
metals 0 99.5 + 36.2 + 95.5 + 39.6 0 99.7 4 90.1
Other mfg. goods + 97.2 + 96.0 +169.6 +259.0 +910.8 4389.5
Mach. 5 equip. -209.2 -286.9 -252.3 -286.2 -568.3 ~980.6
Source:
Appendices D 5
E.
Under a broad classification Communist China was a
net importer of machinery and equipment, and manufactured
minerals, and a net exporter of foodstuffs, raw materials,
chemicals and other*manufactured goods.
More detailed in-
formation shows that of crude minerals, she was a net im-
porter of crude petroleum, while of manufactured
105
mineralsl she was a net exporter of non-ferrous metals.
It was pointed out in an earlier chapter that Com-
munist China tended to depend on Russia only for the supply
of commodities that she could not obtain from the Free
world. Evidence here also supports this thesis. From Russia,
Communist China was a net importer of mainly machinery and
equipment, and petroleum products. In spite of the fact
that she was also a net importer of Russian iron and steel,
such net imports were by far exceeded by those from the
developed countries of the Free world since the relaxation
of the Embargo in 1957.2 Crude petroleum was also her net
import from Russia. It can be seen in Figure V-2 below
that not only was Communist China a heavy net importer of
Russian machinery and equipment, she had continued such
imports increasingly.
In all commodity groups in which Communist China
had a net exporter's position with Russia, the values of
net exports had not changed except that of manufactured
consumption goods. The increase in net exports of these
manufactured consumption goods was phenomenal. In the period
from 1958 to 1960, the net exports of these goods were enough
to finance almost 809 of her’net imports of machinery and
equipment.-
In general, the net commodity trade relation between
Russia and Communist China was essentially one between a
1Tin was the main export within this category.
2Compare Figure V-3 below.
p.
I.
1'.
OI
..
106
FIGURE V-2
Sino-Soviet Net Commodity Trade Position
:1 on e e O ”3
+600 6
Jr-
500
000 ‘*
other mf-.
30° goods
A an. 5 V3.
200 7' //,z -w m- erials
100 4. foodst ffs
. ‘ ‘ meta ores
-ferro
1955 1956 1957 8 1959 ‘960
l I I L I
4— W. p 1.
J - 1 iron 6 stee etc.
100 petroleum products
200 "
300 '
900 “
machinery 6
500‘__ equipment
-600
Source: Based on Table V-2.
101
developed country and an underdeveloped but rapidly in-
dustrialising country.
Net Commodit Trade Position of Communist China.with
DEGeIdpeH Countriesm' " ""”"' ‘
TABLE V-3.--Sino-developed-countries net commodity trade
position (in million U.S. dollars)
1355 1956 , 1957 1958 1959 1960
Foodstuffs +29.1 039.8 +33.9 +99.5 +98.5 039.0
An. 6 Veg. mater. 098.1 +55.7 032.5 +37.5 +73.7 082.0
Crude minerals + 0.3 4 0.3 0 0.3 t 1.1 t 2.6 t 3.6
Chamcal. -90.0 “-81.8 -61.3 ~77.2 “92.7 -6l.0
Mfg. minerals - 1.6 -13.9 —l8.8 -229.5 -l79.8 -173.9
iron 0 steel .2..- 2.5 -10.2 -10.0 .105.5 -111.7 -120.5
non-ferrous base
metals + 0.7 o 0.8 + 1.1 -99.0 -63.1 -52.9
Other mfg. goods - 2.3 -10.6 - 2.9 + 5.9 + 8.2 + 7.6
Mach. 6 Equip. - 5.9 -20.0 -99.9 -59.3 -99.2 -97.l
L
Source: Appendices D and E.
To the developed countries, Communist China was
mainly a net exporter of foodstuffs and raw materials, and
a net importer of machinery and equipment, chemicals, iron
and steel, and non-ferrous base metals. This basic pattern
remained the same throughout the years. Also, she gradually
emerged as a net exporter of manufactured consumption goods.
But in absolute values, these net exports were very small
108
compared to those of foodstuffs and raw materials.
In commodity groups in which Communist China was a
net importer, the relaxation of the Embargo in 1957 and 1958
clearly showed its effects. Her net imports of machinery
and equipment experienced a jump and had maintained the new
level: meanwhile her net imports of iron and steel, and
non-ferrous base metals also showed tremendous increases.
Probably this reflects the inelastic supply on the part of
Russia for these commodities, of which Communist China was
in urgent need in the process of her industrialization.1
Therefore the relaxation of the Embargo immediately led to
rapid increases of her purchases from the Free World.
The net exports of her raw materials also increased.
This shows that Communist China had redirected her tradi-
tional exports to markets of these countries. Unlike her
trade relation with all other countries, net exports of her
manufactured consumption goods to these countries had in-
creased only slightly.
In general, the commodity trade position of Com-
munist China to the developed countries is typical of an
underdeveloped country to the developed countries. This
can clearly be seen in Figure V-3 below.
1Since the relaxation of the Embargo, net imports
of iron and steel from the developed countries exceeded by ,
far those from Russia, while Russia was continuously a net
importer of Communist Chinese manufactured non-ferrous base
metals. (cf. Table V-2 and Figure V—2.)
109
FIGURE V-3
Sino-Develo ed-Countries Wet Commodit Trade Position
Value (I5 EIIIIon 0.5. a.!1.».1" ' ,
t150
+100 3
50
l
50 d
100"
150‘
95 s . othggmfg. good
an. 6 veg. raw
materials
1956 1351 1350*
.on-ferrous base metals
:\‘\\\\\\\\¥ mach. 6 e.ui-
chemicals
iron 6 steel
~200
Source: Table V-3.
60
110
Net Commodit Trade Position of Communist China with Under-
HEVEIbpéU Countries
TABLE V49.--Sino-underdeveloped-countries net commodity trade
position (in million 0.8. dollars)
1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960
Foodstuffs 0101.2 +151.5 +150.0 +220.0 +100.5 +150.1
An. 0 v.3. mater. 0 10.0 + 0.1 - 50.0 - 01.0 -110.5 -120.0
Crude minerals + 12.0 . 23.0 + 25.0 . 12.8 + 0.0 + 10.0
Chemicals - 35.3 - 21.9 - 20.2 - 16.2 t 3.0 t 2.7
Mfg. minerals t 3.9 - 9.1 - 11.0 - 8.1 - 8.2 - 2.9
Other mfg. goods. + 00.1 . 01.0 + 05.3 0 02.0 4113.5 +151.»
16.3 - 0.5 - 0.1
Mach. 5. Equip. ' 1.2 - 9.“ - 6.9
Source: Appendices D and E.
The net commodity trade position of Communist China
with the underdeveloped countries gives a marked contrast
to those discussed in the previous sections. In a few
years, it had changed considerably in some manner. Though
still a heavy net exporter of foodstuffs, Communist China
had shifted into the position of a heavy net importer of
animal and vegetable raw materials. Mer net exports of
manufactured consumption goods also increased tremendously,
and finally became as important as her net exports of food-
stuffs. Towards the end of the period under study, Communist
China had also reversed her position in chemicals. But
111
with respect to machinery, equipment, and manufactured
minerals, she was still a net importer. Quantitatively
these were of little significance, however. She had also
net exports of crude minerals.1
It is interesting to note that the net commodity
trade position of communist China with the underdeveloped
countries differed considerably from that with other
countries. Firstly, her net exports of foodstuffs remained
dominant. Secondly, she became a heavy net importer of
raw materials. And, if we exclude foodstuffs, the basic
relation became the exchange of her manufactured consump-
tion goods for animal and vegetable raw materials. This
pattern, curiously enough, is typical of the trade relation
between an industrial country and the underdeveloped coun-
tries. Furthermore, her net exports of these manufactured
goods had increased to an extent that they alone could
finance all net imports from these countries, so that her
net exports of foodstuffs could be used for financing
through other channels. These relations are shown in the
figure below, (Fig. V-9).
Conclusion
By putting together previous findings, we can once
more construct a complete picture of the commodity trade
pattern of Communist China. From this we can gain further
insight into problems related to her economic development.
1The bulk of such commodities was coal.
‘4
69-
1e"
+250
112
FIGURE V-9
aino-Underdeveloped-Countries Met
OMMO 1 ra e 05 1; 1011
(in miIII U S 'a II
ion . . o are)
200-
150‘
100-
SQ.
foodstuffs
OthBI‘ mfg q
goods
>< \ cm“ “199“131
I I ' i,§:*
50"
100
l
I T I r
1055 1050\ 1951 10 1050 1060
‘ ‘ chemicals
an. 6 veg.
materials
-150
Source: Table V-9.
113
In her trade with Russia and the developed countries, the
relation was the exchange of net exports of foodstuffs,
raw materials and light industrial goods for net imports
of manufactured minerals, machinery and equipment: while
with the underdeveloped countries the relation became the
exchange of net exports of foodstuffs and light industrial
goods for net imports of raw materials. One fact stands
out clearly. To all countries she was a net exporter of
foodstuffs and light industrial goods. These commodities
were mainly consumption goods, and her capacity for their
exports depended on how effectively she could hold down
domestic consumption. Yet, as her net exports of light
industrial goods increased tremendously, her net exports
of foodstuffs remained more or less stagnant. Once more
this reflects the low performance of her agricultural
sector, in sharp contrast with progresses made in her pro-
duction of light industrial goods.'
Here we can visualize the dualistic nature of the
economy of Communist China. On the one hand, there was her
large but slowly improving agricultural sector, which, be-
sides providing for domestic consumption of her teeming
millions, constituted the final resort for external financ-
ing. On the other hand, it was on this basis that she was
able to build up her industrial sector, which soon
gathered strength and helped further financing by exporting
part of its products. Yet, in the vast hinterland, the
agricultural sector remained almost as backward as it ever
119
was: and only enough improvements could be made to keep
in pace with her population growth. As a result, her
agricultural surplus that could be spared was more or less
constant.
In case of foodstuffs, this duality created no
problem, as domestic consumption could be arrested at a low
level to leave a surplus for export. Therefore, the net
exports of Communist China's foodstuffs always constituted
a cushion for her external financing. However, this is not
so in the case of raw materials. Domestic consumption had
to be increased if the production and growth of her in-
dustries were to be sustained. In face of limited domestic
supplies, certain agricultural raw materials had to be im-
ported increasingly. Consequently, in spite of the fact
that her exports of agricultural raw materials remained at
the same absolute level, her net exports decreased because
of increasing imports. It is in her trade relation with
the underdeveloped countries that her economic duality was
most pronounced. While having considerable net exports in
foodstuffs, Communist China stood as an industrial country
to the underdevelOped countries in her other sector.
To Russia and the developed countries, Communist
China was still an underdeveloped but developing country.
However, the picture was distorted by the Embargo. In
earlier years, she was limited to have considerable net
imports of only chemicals (mostly fertilizers) from the
developed countries of the Free World, while her not imports
lls
of-machinery and equipment,'manufactured minerals and crude
petroleumrwere predominantly from Russia. Freer trade in
more recent years tended to spread her net imports of some
once-embargoed commodities more evenly among these countries.
She was able to acquire huge quantities of manufactured
metals from the developed countries of the Free world.
Yet, Russia remained unchallenged in her position as a
dominant net supplier of most machinery and equipment, crude
petroleum and petroleum products, most of which were still
on the Embargo list. In other'words, the Embargo had
affected the direction of Communist Chinese commodity
imports from various developed countries. Yet, Embargo or
not, she remained an underdeveloped country in her commodity
trade relation with these developed countries.
CHAPTER VI
THE CONCENTRATION OF FOREIGN TRADE OF COMMUNIST CHINA
So far in this study, the investigation of the
foreign trade of Communist China is largely confined within
the context of her economy and economic development. In
spite of the fact that we have assessed her overall import,
export and net positions in commodity trade, as well as
her positions towards various groups of countries, we are
still left with the question about her actual standing
among all countries. we know that her imports and exports
were concentrated on certain groups of commodities, and her
foreign trade in general was heavily oriented towards the
Communist bloc; and yet we have no accurate measure of
the degree of this commodity and geographic concentration
that can be compared with those of other countries. An
international comparison of this kind will not only add to
our knowledge of her standing in international economic
relations, but also give us further insights into her
economic potentials and the path of her economic develOp-
ment. To make such a comparison, the ”concentration in-
dices” are used.1
A
1For discussions on the “concentration indices,"
see Appendix G.
116
ll?
The work on-the concentration of foreign trade was
pioneered by.Albert O. Hirschman, who first developed the
"indices of concentration of trade" and calculated the geo-
graphic concentration indices of imports and exports of
forty-four countries in lOl3 and several interbwar years.1
This work was furthered by Hichael Hichasly, who, in addi-
tion to the geographic concentration indices, calculated
the commodity concentration indices of imports and exports
2 Later these indices were
of forty-four countries in lQSB.
calculated by Joseph D. Coppock for the exports of some
eighty countries in 1957.3 The commodity concentration
of exports of Communist China was included. However, his
calculation was based on about act of Communist Chinese
commodity trade statistics, thus raising the question as
to whether its result can be appropriately compared with
those based on complete statistics of other countries."
By making use of more complete statistics, both the
geographic and commodity concentration indices of imports
1Albert 0. Hirschman, National Power and the Struc-
ture of Forei Trade (Berkeley and E5e AfigeIes: University
of CaIIIornia gross, 195%).
2Michael Hichaely, Contribution to Economic Anal sis
Vol. 26: Concentration in InternafidnHI Trade (IfisterEZE:
NoFffi-RoIIana PuSIIsfiing Company, 1952}.
3Joseph D. Coppock, International Economic In-
stabilit : The Experience after Worra War II iNew York:
Hcfiraw RIII Rook Company, IQSI’.
“Statistics given in the United Nations' Yearbook
of International Trade Statistics, which Coppock use ,
echude infra-SIoc Trade stati§fics.
118
and exports of Communist China have been calculated. They
will be presented in the following sections and compared
with Michaely's findings for forty-four countries.
Needless to say, for Communist China political con-
siderations precede economic decisions. Therefore her
special case may very well be at variance with the general
pattern. Yet, her behavior is not unique. The Embargo
itself is its counterpart. Furthermore, extra-economic
considerations are not free from the confines of economic
potentials. Therefore, economic factors remain to be the
underlying basis for the comparison. Deviation from the
general rule will give us a clue to what extent extra-
economic factors can affect the economic ones.
Geographic Concentration of Foreign Trade of Communist China
The investigation of the geographic concentration
of the foreign trade of Communist China here is based
essentially on statistics given in the united Nations'
Yearbook of International Trade Statistics, from.which
indices are calculated and presented below.
Before comparing these indices with those presented
in Hichaely's study, it is of interest first to look into
these indices themselves. One striking fact that stands
out is the rapid decrease of the import concentration in-
dices. That is to say, Communist China had been diversifying
her imports more evenly among her trading partners. This
"as probably the result of‘ two factors. First, it was the
110
TABLE VI-1.--Geographic concentration indices of the foreign
trade of Communist China?‘
:-
Year Exports Imports Exports/Imports
105! 50.0 60.0 0.05
1055 50.0 50.1 0.05
1050 50.0 52.0 0.02
1057 h7.0 02.0 1.13
1050 05.0 37.0 1.25
1050 51.0 50.0 1.00
1060 05.0 05.0 1.02
Average
1050-1050 00.1 00.7 0.00.
1057-1060 00.0 “3.0 1.10.
*Because of rounding off, this differs slightly
from the average of the Exports/Imports column.
**Calculated from statistics given in Appendix A.
A higher index means a higher degree of concentration.
gradual resumption of ”normal" trade between Communist China
and countries of the Free World. Vigorous trade-promoting
efforts on the part of Communist China were responded to by
the relaxation of the Embargo. In 1951, all countries of
the Free‘World, except the United States, resolved to reduce
the Embargo list for Communist China to that for all other
Communist countries. A further reduction of the joint list
was resolved in the following year. As a result, the increase
of trade between Communist China and the Free world exceeded
120
by farxthat between Communist China and the Communist bloc.
When 1055 is used as a basis, Sino-Communist-bloc trade
registered a 305 increase in 1050, while in the same period
Sino-Free-Horld trade was more than doubled. The increase
was especially noticeable in her trade with the non-
Communist European countries, which were the chief suppliers
of the once-embargoed goods. Trade with these countries
was more than tripled. The effects on Communist Chin-
089 inPorts were even more revealing. within the same period,
Communist China's imports from the Communist bloc increased
only by 155, while those from the Free world increased by
1555, and more specifically, those from the non-Communist
European countries were quadrupled.1 The second reason
is essentially economic in nature. As a country develops,
it diversifies its economy. It begins to demand commodities
that it did not demand previously, and that its old trading
partners might not be able to supply. As a result it makes
new trade connections with an increasing number of countries
and increases its demand on commodities supplied by this
group of new trading partners. In the case of Communist
China this is manifested in her'increasing imports of raw
materials from the underdeveloped countries, such as natural
rubber, cotton and jute.
In fact, these factors must also have effects on
the geographic diversification of her export, as her
1All these percentages are calculated from figures
in Appendix B.
121
geographic concentration indices of exports show a slight
trend of decrease. This retarded decrease compared to that
of imports was probably due to the fact that she was bound
to repay her previous debts to countries of the Communist
bloc.1
If we take the geographic concentration indices of
Communist China in 1055 and compare themuwith those calculated
by Hichaely for forty-fourmcountries in the same year, we
find that Communist China ranked eleventh in export concen-
tration and eighth in import concentration.2 That is to
say, she was among the first quarter of countries whose
foreign trade was geographically concentrated. No doubt,
this concentration was partly due to the fact that being a
Communist country, she tended to have more trade with
countries within the bloc. But evidence suggests that this
is far from the decisive factor. In Coppock's calculation
of the geographic concentration indices of exports of eighty
countries, six Communist countries were included. None of
1Since 1057 Communist China had a favorable balance
of payments with the Communist bloc, from which she accumu-
lated a huge deficit in transactions during previous years.
The retarded diversification of her exports geographically
might also due to the sluggish increase of the Free World's
demand for her exports. However, Communist Chinese exports
to the Free World amounted to only 0.5-0.65 of total world
(excluding intra-bloc) exports. In view of her low commodity
concentration in exports, which will be discussed later,
the Free World could have absorbed more of her exports.
2Hichaely's indices range from 18.7 to 05.5 with a
median of 35.0 for exports, and from 10.5 to 81.2 with a
median of 31.2 for imports. op, cit.. PP. 19-20. Table 3.
122
them.was among the first quarter>of countries whose exports
were concentrated, and two of them.came very close to being
among the first quarter«of countries of diversified exports.1
Thus, the high concentration of exports of Communist China
should be due to other reasons also.
.0ns reason is the strict Embargo that was imposed
upon her. The fact that she had to turn to Russia and the
other Communist countries for>most commodities needed for
basic constructions was responsible for the concentration
of her exports to these countries. Even when the Embargo
was gradually relaxed, repayments for'previous debts still
had to be made. From the standpoint of Russia this pattern
might not be economically desirable. It depends on whether
Russia was really in need of these exports from Communist
China. If it was not, Russia could finance her imports by
means of her favorable balance of payments with Communist
China;2 otherwise, she could find some other compensations.
Or if it was, then Communist China would trade with Russia
heavily regardless of the Embargo. Therefore, it is imp
portant for us to look further if there were underlying
economic reasons other than the political ones. The
1Among eighty countries, the ranks of these Comp
munist countries were: Russia, 21‘ Hungary, 25; Czecho-
slovakia, 33; Poland, 51g East Germany, 55; and Bulgaria,
58, in order of from low to high concentration. Coppock,
op. cit., Appendix Table A92, Column X23.
2That is, by acquiring the Pound Sterlings which
Communist China had accumulated from trading with the
Sterling Area.
123
investigation of the commodity concentration of her foreign
trade wili help to disentangle the effects of various
factors s
Commodity Concentration of Foreign Trade of Communist China
Based on bread commodity classification, Coppock
. calculated the commodity concentration index of exports of
Communist China in 1051. Numerically the result was 55.5,
which ranked fourteenth (from low to high concentration)
among seventy-eight countries.1
This is to say, Communist
China was among the first one-fifth of countries whose
exports were diversified. As it was already pointed out,
the statistics which Coppock used excluded intra-bloc trade
statistics, which accounted for 605 of Communist China's
exports in that particular year. To what extent his result
was representative of Communist China's commodity trade con-
centration, therefore, requires further investigation.
On this account, one experiment is performed. It
is to estimate the commodity concentration index of exports
of Communist China by including Sino-Soviet trade statistics,
thus making the coverage of statistics up to 805 of Com-
.munist Chinese exports.2 Using also the broad Standard
1Coppock's indices range from 51.6 to 06.5 with a
median of 67.5 Coppock, 22, cit., Appendix Table A-2,
column X26.
2What is absent in the statistics is that of the
other Communist countries, which accounted for another 155
of Communist China's exports. The commodity components of
such exports were similar to those of her exports to Russia,
especially when these countries were taken together. (see
also explanation in Appendix C.)
125
International.Trade Classification, which Coppock used, the
calculated-result is 55.5.
It is striking to notice that numerically this index
is almost identical with that which.was calculated by Coppock.
This suggests that in exports Communist China was equally
diversified in commodities in her trade with the Free World,
and in her trade with the Free World and Russia combined.
It also reaffirms Coppock's result that Communist China
was a country of diversified exports in commodities.
In order to compare the commodity concentration of
the foreign trade of Communist China with those of other
countries in Hichaely's study, it is necessary to recalculate
her commodity concentration indices by using the 150-group
Standard International Trade Classification which Michaely
used. Here, 1051 is used as the basis for calculation.1
Such a choice is dictated by the fact that it was a year
for’which commodity trade statistics of Communist China
are most complete. In addition, it has the advantages
that this was the year Coppock used and the year in which
"freer" trade was resumed. For Communist China it was the
concluding year of her First Five-Year Plan. Horeover,
despite unfavorable agricultural conditions, her economy
was stable for being free from the disruptive effects of
her ”Great Leap Forward" and the introduction of the commune
1It should be remembered that Michaely's study was
based on 1055 statistics. For’most countries, it seems
reasonable to follow Michaely's belief that using statistics
of immediately neighboring years would call forth only
minor changes in the indices.
125
systemrin latter-years.
The outcome of the calculation is most interesting.
Communist China had a commodity concentration index of 18.8
for exports, and 35.1 for imports.1 .Compared to Hichaely's
calculation for forty-four countries, she ranked the third
in export diversification (tied with the United States),
and the second in import concentration.2 For exports the
result of this calculation reaffirms the conclusion of both
Coppock's study and the aforementioned experiment.
The high commodity concentration of Communist China's
imports is easily understandable. The monopoly of foreign
trade by the state made it easy to concentrate her imports
on commodities suitable for her developmental purposes. In
1051 more than 005 of her imports were within the category
of "producers' goods,” the bulk of which consisted of
machinery and equipment, manufactured metals, petroleum
3 It is mainly due to this reason
products and natural rubber.
that Communist China departs from the general rule in which
import indices in commodity concentration are substantially
lower than export indices.”
1For statistics and explanations, see Appendix C.
2Hichaely's indices range from 16.0 to 00.6 with
a median of 30.0 for exports, and from 15.5 to 83.0 with a
median of 20.6 for imports. Michaely, 22, cit., pp. 11-12,
Tab1e 1 e
3See Chapter III above.
“Michaely, op, cit., pp. 12-13.
126
Hichaely suggested several possible causes for the
variation in commodity concentration in exports. One of
these is the stage of economic development, and the other
is the level of industrialisation. In general, the more
developed (as measured by higher per-capita income) and the
more industrialized (as measured by lower share of primary
production in national product) is a country, the more
diversified would be its experts.1 To explain the highly
diversified commodity exports of Communist China, the first
reason is out of the question. Yet, by the end of her
Firm Five-Year Plan she did have an industrial sector which
could turn out substantial amounts of such goods as tex-
tiles, manufactured metals, clothings, chemicals and some
other manufactured goods for exports. This reason alone,
however, seems still insufficient to rank her high in ex-
port diversification, for in 1051, she still had 505 of her
national product generated from her agricultural sector,2
compared to that of 13.05 for Netherlands (1051-1055), 11.15
for France (1051-1050), 1.25 for the United States (1051-
1055), and 5.65 for the United Kingdom (1058-1055), the four
1Hichaely, 22. cit., pp. 13-15.
2This percentage is calculated from estimates of
Ta-chung Liu and Kung-chia Yeh, "Preliminary Estimates
'of the National Income of the Chinese Mainland 1052-1050,“
American Economic Review, Vol. LI, No. 2., (May 1061), p.
W”
127‘
other*most diversified exporters.1
One simple-minded explanation would ascribe it to
her export-drive policy. Yet, diversification itself could
not have been achieved had it not been supported by economic
potentials. Here the sise of her economy becomes important.
Even when we compare two underdeveloped countries of differ-
ent sises as Simon Kusnets pointed out, we would expect
a wider range of economic activities to exist in the larger
one, ' . . . particularly if our observation penetrates
' below the broad economic sectors and distinguish divisions
within agricultural, mining and so on."2 Communist China
is an excellent example to illustrate this point. The vast-
ness of her territories enables her to command varied
natural resources. within the broad categories of food-
stuffs and crude materials, she was far from a country ex-
porting only a few staple or extractive commodities, as
many an underdeveloped country tended to be. Her exports
ranged from grains, tea, sugar, dairy products to tobacco
in foodstuffs, and from non-ferrous metal ores, oil seeds
and fats, bristles,silk, fur skins to natural rubber in crude
MtCE'iCl. e
A“
1These percentages are calculated from estimates
of Simon Kusnets, ”Quantitative Aspects of the Economic
Growth of Nations -- II: Industrial Distribution of National
Product and Labor Force,” Economic Develo ment and Cultural
Change, Vol. V, No. 5 (SuppIemenE, 3uIy 1557), pp. 52-::.
2Simon Kusnets, ”Economic Growth of Small Nations,”
Economic Conse uences of the Size of Nations ed. E.A.G.
RESIEEbfi'TREW'TSrE: SE. HSFTIfi's'Press;'I§FU), p. 16.
121(a)
No doubt, the commodity diversification of the ex-
ports of Communist China was fostered by her deliberate efforts,
as it was her pronounced policy to export whatever it was
available over and above her own requirements. Under such a
policy direction, all sectors of her economy were exploited.
It is exceedingly difficult to assess to what extent her
pattern of exports reflected her comparative cost in produc-
ing these commodities. Many of her exports were those China
exported traditionally during the pro-Communist era, while
some others were mainly the products of her recent industrial
development. To say nothing of the inavailability of her de-
tailed price statistics, her manipulation of the internal
price structure also poses a problem. Several attempts had
been made to close the price differentials between industrial
and agricultural products; but there is no way to tell whether
this reflected the ”real" or the ”desired" cost-price re-
lationship. In any event, this probably did not affect her
determined drive for exports. It was clearly admitted that
in exporting to countries in the Free World, her foreign
trade concerns were actually sustaining losses.1 In other
words, to her the marginal utility per unit of foreign ex-
change by far exceeded that of the equivalent value of local
resources at internal prices.
Even so, this does not mean that the low commodity
concentration index of exports of Communist China was mainly
the result of her export-drive policy. This follows by the
1Yeh Chi-chuang, ”Tan tui-wai mac-i,” (0n Foreign
de°). HHPYK. NO. 16’ 1957’ p. 910
121(b)
very nature of the index itself. A.low index depends not on
the gambgg.of kinds of commodities that a country can export,
which can be easily stipulated, but primarily on the 3322.
distribution of the value of its exports, which must be
supported by certain economic potentials. Because the index
is calculated on the basis of the percentage shares of the
exports of individual commodities in total exports, an ex-
port-drive which results in increases in the exports of all
or most of the individual commodities will also increase total
exports. The percentage shares of these individual exports
in the total, and consequently the index itself, would not
be different significantly from that in the case had the
export-drive not been undertaken. Therefore, the basic
determinants are still the underlying economic conditions,
which in the case of Communist China were her size and the
development of her industries.
128
In his investigation in commodity concentration of ’
exports with respect to the stage of economic development
and the size of the economy, Michaely inferred that among
developed countries exports are more concentrated in the
small countries, and that among underdeveloped countries
the effect of size is relatively unimportant. Among large
countries, the developed countries had an average index of
21.1, compared to an average of 51.0 of the underdeveloped
countries.1
Curiously enough if we compare the numerical
magnitudes of indices Communist China ranked with the large
and developed countries. Then, contrary to the general
pattern, the effect of size was overwhelming in her case.
Underdeveloped as she was as measured by per-capita income,
the diversification of her exports was fostered by her size
and the very existence of her industrial sector which she
could exploit for the purpose of exports. In fact, we can
find another similar example in Hichaely's study. According
1Hichaely, 22. cit., p. 16. His calculation of the
average commodity concefifFation indices of exports is repro-
duced below.
Developed Underdeveloped Total
countries countries
Large countries 7 21.1 51.0 50.6
Small countries 30.1 52.0 53.5
Total 31.1 55.8 51.0
Here, a large country is defined as one whose population
numbered more than ten million, and a deve10ped country is
one whose per-capita income exceeded $300, for the period
052-1055.
120
to the same-criteria, Japan was also a large and under-
developed country. Yet, her industrial capacity ranked her
the tenth in export diversification among forty-four
countries.
Another factor that contributed to the diversifica-
tion of Communist China's exports is her location. For one
reason or another she traded heavily with Russia; the geo-
graphic vicinity of these two countries must have also in-
creased the variety of commodities that they could exchange
with each other.
The Relationshi Between Geo ra hic and Commodit Concentra-
fT—on of'Tfie"To're'i Li"'gg_i""'l"ra'3e' "'o' 1' Comm'un' Is' E'Cfiin'a ' " ' 2' ""' ""'"
Both Hirschman and Michaely pointed out, as a rule,
there is a positive correlation between geographic and
commodity concentration of exports.1 Then Communist China
was an exception--as we have already seen she ranked high
in geographic concentration and low in commodity concentra-
tion. To explain the general rule, Hirschman suggests that
as a country becomes more industrialized, which in general
means more capable of exporting a greater variety of goods,
2 It is true
it makes trade connections with more countries.
that the industrialization of Communist China, together with
the size of economy, enabled her to rank among countries of
high commodity diversification in exports. But effects of
1Hirschman, 22. 933., pp. 106-101; Hichaely, 22.
Eli-Ea. pp. 22-23.
zaimcm. Ole .cl-Le. pa 1°70
130
these factors‘on"her geographic diversification were out-
weighted by her political alliance with Russia. However,
it would seem appropriate to reason that her high geographic
concentration in exports based on political alliance alone
would not have been economically feasible, had it not been
supported by underlying economic factors. It is pointed
out in an earlier section that being a Communist country
alone was far from the decisive factor for high geographic
concentration in exports.1
To interpret the general rule of positive correla-
tion between geographic and commodity concentrations of ex-
ports, Michaely also suggests that ' . . . for a country
which for one reason or other»maintains trade connections
with only one or a very few countries abroad, exports are
limited to those which are in demand in the partner country.'2
This does not preclude the possibility of a negative corre-
lation. It depends on the variety of commodities that are
in demand in the partner country. A negative correlation
can still exist if a country exports to its predominant
trading partner a great variety of commodities. It is
indicated in an earlier section that in exports Communist
China was equally diversified in the variety of commodities
in her trade with the Free World, and in her trade with the
Free World and Russia combined.3 In other words, her exports
1399 P- 122 above.
zfiichaely, 22s Cite. pe 23a
388° 9. 125 above.
131
to Russia—was:as-diversified as that to the entire Free
World. As we find in the Free World countries of various
types at various stages of economic development, their
demands for Communist Chinese exports must have been
varied. Then the Russia demand for Communist Chinese
exports must have also been varied to the same extent.1
Probably this was also fostered by the political alliance
itself. It is doubtful, however, that the political alli-
ance was the dominant factor, because Russia could have
financed her desirable imports by her favorable balance
with Communist China.
It is, therefore, this economic factor together with
her geographic proximity and political alliance with Russia
that contributed to the negative correlation between her
geographic and commodity concentrations of her exports.
Yet, Communist China was not a unique case. There
was another country whose pattern of concentration of ex-
ports bore a remarkable resemblance with here. This country
was Canada which ranked high in geographic concentration
and low in commodity concentration of exports.2 Different
as these two countries might be when measured by per-capita
income, there were factors in common that caused their
1A perusal on the Sino-Soviet section of Communist
Chinese commodity trade statistics will help to bring this
out more clearly. (Appendix E.) '
2Among the forty-four countries Canada ranked
eleventh in commodity diversification and eighth in geo-
graphic concentration of exports. Hichaely, 22, 233., p.
12, Table 1.
132 _
defection from.the general rule. 0n the one hand, the sises
of their economies and their’industrialisation contributed
to the commodity diversification of their exports. 0n the
other hand, they both found their largest customers in their
immediate neighborhood absorbing about one-half of their
total exports, which in turn constituted about one-fifth of
the total imports of their largest customers. In other
words, Communist China stood in relation to Russia very
much the same as Canada stood in relation to the United
States in exports. .
Prospectively, the high commodity concentration of
the imports of Communist China is very likely to last for
quite a long time. Her sustained efforts towards economic
development will necessitate her purchase list to remain
highly selective for that purpose, regardless of interna-
tional political situations. But her high geographic con-
centration of imports will depend very much on such situa-
tions, as it is already pointed out that the gradual re-
laxation of the Embargo already had its effects.
0n the export side, as Communist China was already
diversified in commodity varieties, she was potentially in
a position to diversify geographically. This is especially
so because her exports constituted a very small proportion
of total international trade. As her exports assumed the
role of a necessary payoff, the future pattern will depend
on that of imports. In the foreseeable future, it would seem
unlikely that Communist China will be among those countries
133
whose foreign trade are highly diversified geographically.
Despite the recent rift between her and Russia, the exist-
ing Embargo will oblige her to depend heavily on Russia,
unless she is willing to go without those urgently needed
commodities. Yet, given no worsening in the international
relations between Communist China and countries of the Free
World, there is still a long way she can go in this direc-
tion.
CHAPTER VII
SUHHARY AND CONCLUSIONS
The present study investigates the foreign trade
of Comunist China within both the context of not- domestic
v economy and the international economy. In reflection, the
pattern of her foreign trade gives us a static view of her
economy and a dynamic view of’her economic development.
By first summarising the previous findings, this chapter
will focus on these economic problems of hers, and draw
further conclusions with respect to the prospects of her
foreign trade in the future.
0n Communist China's Forei Trade Statistics Exchan e
REESE-353'?EE'TEFEE'ET'TFaEL' '
Usually the first question posed on Communist
China's economic statistics is their reliability. This
naturally includes her foreign trade statistics as well.
A careful comparison of foreign trade statistics released
by Communist Chinese sources and those by her trading
partners shows that by and large there is no evidence of
deliberate falsification.. These two sets of statistics can
be reconciled with due understanding of two factors, namely,
the Communist Chinese manipulation of her foreign exchange
135
135
rates and her special way in reporting foreign trade
figures. For detailed analysis, however, the Communist
Chinese statistics are too crude and fragmentary to be use-
ful. Furthermore, because of her foreign exchange manipula-
tion and her special way in making foreign trade reports,
her foreign trade figures are not found to be very meaningful
from the point of view of international finance as well as
commodity movements. As the yuan-ruble rate was set at
ll.025, the yuan-dollar rate should have been 55.10.1
instead, it was set at s2.35. This depreciation of the
set,
dollar (and also of the other‘Western currencies) would
necessarily exaggerate the proportion of the trade between
Communist China and the Communist bloc in her total trade
in statistics given by Communist China. Even when her foreign
trade was constant in real terms, a shift in its direction
_ would still affect Communist China's statistics.2 Given
the pattern of her foreign exchange rates, it would seem
that the planning and controlling purposes would be better
served if the books of the Foreign Trade Ministry were kept
in terms of rubles, dollars etc. Figures given in yuans
can only distort the real picture.
1This refers to the 5 to 1 rate of the old ruble to
th. dollar. 1
- 2See also: Rang Chao, "Yuan-dollar Price Ratios
* in Communist China and the united States,“ Occasional Pa ers
No. 2, ed. J. I. Crump, Jr. (Ann Arbor: Center for Cfiifiese “
Stunt... 1963), p. 21.
136
Then come the questions concerning the exchange
rates themselves. Admittedly the yuan was overvalued against
the Western currencies; yet, evidence shows that it was
undervalued against the ruble.1 Then the normal result for
Communist China should have been an import surplus with the
Free World and an export surplus with the Communist bloc.
However, the actual result was the very opposite. One
reason for this is, of course, that part of her imports
were financed by Russian credits. But her export surplus
with the Free World was largely the effect of the Embargo.
If both markets were freely accessible to her, she should
have imported far'more from countries of the Free World,
assuming that the terms of trade were the same in all
markets. This may very well explain why the relaxations of
the Embargo in 1051 and in 1058 resulted in rapid increases
of her imports from the Free World.2 In fact, it is very
probable that the overvaluation of the yuan itself (against
the Western currencies) was a counter-measure against the
Embargo.
It should be noted here that as the Embargo forced
the Ministry of Foreign Trade to pay higher prices for im-
ports, these prices were paid in the local currency to the
People's Bank for acquiring foreign exchanges. The Ministry
__*
1mung Chao, 23. 233.. p. 19.
2
Since 1058, Communist China had a deficit with
countries in the Free World. Previously, it was a constant
surplus. See Table II-10 above.
131
also received higher prices in selling her foreign exchange .
proceeds from exports.1 For the Communist Chinese economy
as a whole, whethar'she was trading in the best markets
depended on the pricing of commodities in terms of foreign
exchanges. This leads us to the question of her terms of
trade. More specifically, one would ask whether Communist
China had suffered from a worse terms of trade in trading
heavily with the Co-aunist bloc.
. The Minister of Foreign Trade of Communist China
stated once that pricing in Sino-Soviet trade was reason-
able and fair, because in negotiation prices in the capital-
ist world-market were used as references.2 If so, Com-
munist China.was not taken advantage of by the monopolistic
position of Russia as a result of the Embargo. A few in-
.quiries have been made by economists to test this state-
ment. Due to limited information these inquiries are all
based on the comparison of the prices of only a few sample
oommodities.3 .Mo attempt is made here to duplicate such
1For the practice of these internal transactions,
3.. pp. 32¢33e
2See discussion on p.50.
3See: R. F. Dernberger, "International Trade of
Communist China," Three Essa s on the International Economics
of Communist Mummy
of HIhfiIgan'Press, 1058) pp. 153-150; Feng-hua Ma, ”Price
Problems in Communist Ch na's Foreign Trade" Journal of
Asian Studies, Vol. xxx, Mo. 5 (August, 1062 ,Wz,
(Kbstracfaqof Papers Presented at the Fourteenth Annual
Meeting); Y. L. Wu, F. P. Moeber and M. M. Rockwell, o .
cit., pp. 321-328; and A. Yoshio, "Terms of Trade o ins
and Underdeveloped Countries in Relation to Their’Trade with
the Soviet Union,” JPRS:0505, 28 June, 1061.
138
efforts. Bowever, two points deserve our~attention. First,
as these inquiries are based on a lflmited sample of
commodities, it is doubtful whether they are representative
of the whole picture. Second, price negotiation in Sino-
Soviet trade was not made on the basis of individual commo-
dities. Using the world prices as a reference, prices
were first fixed in the Sino-Soviet Trade Agreement in 1050.
Adjustments were made in later years so that concessions of
one party on some commodities were met by concessions of
the other party on some other commodities.1 Therefore,
it was essentially a deal of packages of commodities. Short
of detailed statistics and complete information on commodity
specifications, results of these inquiries may not bring out
the real picture. In fact, it is not surprising that these
attempted inquiries do yield quite different results.2
As the Embargo created a potential position for
Russia to exercise monopolistic power, it was up to Russia
to decide whether to exploit it or not, especially when
Communist China was most anxious to trade. Even if Communist
China was paying and getting reasonable and fair prices,
__:-___
1Yeh Chi-chuang, "Tan tui-wai mac-i” (On Foreign
Trade) MMPYK Mo. 16, 1051, pp. 00-03.
2Both Ma and Yoshio show that Communist China was
paid lower rices in about one half of the sample commodi-
ties and pa d higher prices in most sample commodities in
her trade with Russia, compared with the trade between
Russia and other countries. Yet, on the other hand, the
other two studies show that Communist China aid and was
paid about world prices in trading with Russ a.
130
her terms of trade could still be bettered as alternatives
were open. Perhaps the test of the pie is still in its
eating. The rapid resumption of trade between Communist
China and countries of the Free World may be taken at least
partly as some indication that previously she was not trad-
ing in the best of all markets.
The Forei Trade of Communist China in 'Domestic
EE3E3if"I2""""""E"""""'"-"'JunL"'“""'
. As the regional direction of the foreign trade of
a certain country may be affected by non-economic factors,
its capacity is largely a reflection of its economic poten-
tials. Communist China had pushed her foreign trade vigor- ‘
ously. In ten years the turnover increased by 1505. For
the period 1058-1060 she was about as great a trading country
as Australia, Switzerland and East Germany, and was super-
ceded by only the established trading countries.1 She was
second only to Russia in the Communist bloc.
Yet, compared to national product, her foreign
trade turnover was a meagre 125, which was a relatively low
percentage.2
Two reasons may be advanced for such a phenome-
non. The first reason 1ies in the size'of her economy. For
Communist China'size” clearly refers to both population and
geographic area. In general, the variety of natural resources
1They are: United States, Canada, Belgium-Luxem- .
burg, France, West Germany, Italy, Netherlands, United King-
dom, Sweden, Japan and Russia.
2
See comparison with Simon Kuznets' findings for
other countries on p. 25 above. (Simon Kuznets, Six Lectures
on Economic Growth, 22. cit.)
150
and economic activities are positively correlated with the
size of the economy. The larger the size of the economy,
. given the stage of economic development, the greater variety
of commodities can be domestically produced, and the less is
the necessity to participate in international trade; and
vice versa. This is well substantiated by the study of
Simon Kuznets, who shows that for the world at large the
foreign trade ratio (imports t exports/national product)
and the size of the economy (population in his case) are
1 The same rule also holds in countries
negatively correlated.
of low per-capita income.2 For Communist China the effects
of her size on the nature of her economy was well reflected
in her varied exports.
The second reason for her low foreign trade ratio
is closely related with the first one. It is the low level
of her economic development. In fact, the level of economic
development itself has no general relation with the foreign
trade ratio. A low level of economic development can also
be compatible with a high foreign trade ratio. But, as
the Communist Chinese economy was varied to start with, it
had also a varied domestic demand to cater for. Then,
the level of exports depended on the surplus of domestic
production over consumption of the same commodities. In
1Simon Kuznets, op. cit., pp. 05-06, esp. Table 10.
2Simon Kuznets, “Economic Growth of Small Wations,‘
Economic Conse uences of the Size of Nations, ed. E. A. G.
REEinson {New Tori: St. Martin's Press Inc., 1060), p. 20,
Table 1 (B).
151
other words; given minimum requirements for domestic con-
sumption, the level of domestic production determined the
level of her exports and consequently the level of her foreign
trade. Therefore, the low level of her foreign trade was
a combined result of the size of her economy and her low
level of.economic development.
0! the three basic paths towards economic growth,
namely, through expanding primary production for exports,
expanding light industrial goods for exports, and producing
industrial goods for domestic markets, the choice of Com-
munist China was essentially the last one. In spite of the
fact that she exported light industrial goods to other
underdeveloped countries in exchange for raw materials, her
overall exports were diversified. Circumscribed by the
underlying nature of her economy and further dictated by
her policy of ”balanced growth,” only 5-15 of her'national
product was exported. This pattern of economic growth by
definition involves necessary improvements in the agricul-
tural sector, which not only provides foodstuffs and raw’
materials for the entire economy, but also absorbs the
products of the growing industries. The economic develop-
ment of Communist China did begin with some improvements
on the agricultural front, and also with import-substitution
of the domestic light industrial products.1 This does not
1In the pro-Communist era, China was a net importer
of both grains and manufactured goods including textiles.
152
mean the end of foreign trade, because as Ragnar'Wurkse
pointed out:1 I
in; .uii‘.‘ 23$13.“:§‘§3§i33;.§32.3‘23.33‘firing...
goods, but also (b) the substitution of capital
goods imports for consumer goods imports.
For Communist China it meant both. Through strict
regimentation of domestic consumption, she was soon able to
capitalize on the development of her import-substituting
industries by exporting their products. In other-words,
such industries were not only able to substitute imports,
but also able to accompany her traditional exports in financ-
ing her'capital goods imports. In fact, if these industries
continued to develop at a high speed, and external markets
were easily accessible, she could shift into a position
of exporting light industrial goods in exchange for food-
stuffs and raw materials. This was what Japan did in the
turn of the century. As Communist China was reluctant to
adopt this pattern, a judicious balance must be struck
‘between various sectors internally in order to warrant
stable growth.
This can be seen more clearly when presented for-
mally. Take the case of an economy with three sectors: A
being the agricultural sector, L being the light industrial
sector, and B being the heavy industrial sector. A supplies
foodstuffs to both L and R, also raw materials to L. L
1Ragnar Wurkse, Pattern of Trade and Develo ment
(Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1531), p. 55.
p 153
supplies consumer goods to both A and M. Assume further
that this is an underdeveloped economy, so that A depends
very little on the products of M. Probably L depends on
the products of M to a greater extent; but most products
of M will be further invested.
Then, in a closed economy, a drag in the W sector
will mainly affect itself. Its repercussions on the other
sectors will not be far-reaching and immediate. The effects
of a drag of L on the economy will be more severe, as con-
sumers in all sectors will be hit. Yet, the most far-
reaching and imediate will be the adverse effects of a drag
in A. Besides consumers, the smooth-running of L will be
affected by shortages in the supply of raw materials. Part
or some branches of it will have to come to a standstill,
which in return will have adverse effects on the entire
economy.
An open economy provides escapages through imports
in case of need. Given a marketable surplus, a drag in any
sector can be salvaged by imports without creating balance
of payments problems. Yet, for an underdeveloped country,
this surplus primarily comes from the A sector. Even when
the L sector has developed to a stage of providing a surplus
for export, it still depends on A heavily for material in-
puts. Of course in. the long run a country can develop its
L sector on imported materials, if it is willing to do so
and if it can get free access to foreign markets. But it is
the short-run adjustment that is most painful. A drag in
155
the A sector not- only creates shortages of foodstuffs and
' materials, but also cuts its means of financing. Reper-
cussions willicause a situation more than a problem of
balance of payments. As resources cannot be shifted from
sector to sector over-night, a considerable proportion of
the economy will come to a standstill. And before adjust-
ments are made, the economy will have suffered tremendously.
Therefore, when a country takes the path of balanced
growth, the key to smooth development is still the agricul-
tural sector. In fact, more leeway should be given, for,
by its very nature, it does not only drag, but sometimes it
also strikes. Its adverse effects will be immediate and
. repercussions far-reaching. Even foreign trade will have
to go through quantitative as well as qualitative readjust-
ments. '
In such a type of economic growth, foreign trade is
not an engine of growth itself. Despite its importance in
financing capital goods imports, it is a servant or a victim.
The abrupt decrease of the foreign trade and imports of
grains of Communist China during her recent economic crisis
furnishes a very good example. A
The Forei Trade of Comnunist China and the International
Economy 'l "' ' " "
The analysis of the commodity structure and the net
comodity position of the foreign trade of Communist China
leads to' the following conclusions. '
Firstly, Communist China was a net exporter of
155
foodstuffs to all groups of countries. Despite its waning
importance relative to light industrial goods, such net
export remained quite stable in absolute values, and con-
tinued to be a basic source for external financing.
Secondly, she was becoming an increasingly great
net importer of machinery and equipment and also manufac-
tured minerals, while an increasingly great net exporter of
other manufactured goods. War net exports of raw materials
decreased on the other hand.
Thirdly, in her commodity trade relation with the
developed countries, including those of the Free World and
Russia, Communist China still stood as an underdeveloped
but rapidly developing country. Foodstuffs, raw materials
and light industrial goods were exported in exchange for
chemicals, manufactured minerals, and machinery and equip-
ment. The tendency was that more and more light industrial
goods were exported. .
Fourthly, to adjust herself to the Embargo, Com-
munist China-depended on Russia for the supply of the em-
bargoed goods. Other than machinery and equipment, crude
petroleum and petroleum products, she was a net exporter
in all other commodities to Russia. From the developed
countries of the Free World, she had increasing net imports.
of manufactured minerals, chemicals, and some machinery and
equipment.
'Lastly, if we exclude foodstuffs exports, Communist
China stood in relation to the underdeveloped countries as
1na
an industrial country. She exported light industrial goods
in exchange for’animal and.vegetable raw materials. These
experts alone were about enough to finance all her’net
imports from these countries. Therefore, her foodstuffs
exports to these countries, which constituted about one half_
of their total imports from her, were essentially a surplus
for financing through other channels.
In spite of the fact that this study is limited to
I a very short period of time, the above conclusions indicate
that Communist China was developing at a fast rate. The
impression is especially clear in the changing pattern of
her exports. Eventually she had emerged into a position ex-
porting almost one.half of her total exports in manufactured
_goods. One might ask, what the stage of her industrialisa-
tion is. '
’ In the study of the development of exports of menu-
factured goods, from 1999 to 1953, A. K. Csirncross pointed
out that for ten industrial countries:1
1min.”.33“.§3§2.§“32§2n2§:.2;‘2.3.32i5? $3.3?“
chemicals have shown a slight upward trend since 1899,
although the change between 1937 and 1950 was the other
way. The miscellaneous group of manufactures has shown
a pronounced downward trend, especially since 1929.
That is to say, the path of further economic development is
l
A. K. Cairncross, ”World Trade in Hanufactures since
1900,“ factors In Economic Develo ment (London: George
Allen rum ,""'p._2'9'§2_‘lfiese ten countries are:
United Kingdom, United States, France, Germany, Belgium,
Italy, Sweden, Switzerland, Canada and Japan.
IQ?
to go from exporting consumers' goods to exporting pro-
ducers' goods. Indeed, as late as 1899, all industrial
countries still exported mainly textiles and/or other con-
sumers manufactures, except the United States.1 As new-
comers started to export manufactures, usually textiles,
old-timers shifted to export mainly capital goods. The
following table shows that Communist China is just another
DUUOGOIOPs
TABLE VII-l.--Hanufactures exports of Communist China (in
percentages)
Year Engineering Textiles Chemicals Hiscel-
Products 8 Hetals laneous
1951 ‘ 2.1 50.5 25.3 21.5
1958 1.9 31.0 25.5 21.5
1959 2.5 h9.3 16.2 31.9
1980 0.6 50.5 17.8 31.5
Source: Calculated from statistics given in
Appendix E according to Cairncross' classification.
1Cairncross' calculation is reproduced as follows.
‘22, Cit., 9. 2‘6. TCbIQ XI).
- Pro rtion of Main Cate ories to
Tote! Egports of Manufactures 195! I 1953
Engineering Textiles Hctals 8 All Other
Products Chemicals Items
UK 17.5 99.9 87.0 15.5 17.9 17.8 18.1 21.8
USA 21.9 59.2 7.9 6.6 39.3 20.2 29.8 19.0
France 5.1 25.7 35.8 18.6 13.6 32.5 99.8 23.2
Germany 8.9 U5.7 20.6 5.9 20.7 25.5 99.8 22.9
Belg Italy
Sued: Swit::} a. 9 25.3 92.6 15.3 19.3 29.1 29.3 29.1
Canada 30. 2 18.5 7.5 Deg gs, 36.0 52.6 “3.6
Japan 0.2 13.1 580‘ 36.1 21.5 21.0 19.8 2‘98
1&8
In these years, textiles and miscellaneous manufac-
tures were predominant in Communist China's exports.
It is interesting to note that in 1951, the concluding year
of her Pirst Five-Year Plan, the commodity structure of her
exports of manufactures was very similar to that of Japan
in 1399.1
This of course does not mean that Communist China
would follow the footsteps of Japan in her pattern of develop-
ment. Nor does it mean that it would take her another
sixty years to develop to a stage comparable to the present
day Japan. In economic development every case is unique,
because of unique underlying economic factors and historical
incidences. However, it gives us some indication of the
approximate stage of her economic develOpment as reflected
in the commodity structure of her exports of manufactures
at the end of her First Five-Year Plan.
The Prospects of the Foreign Trade of Communist China
Although in economics everything depends on every-
thing else, something is bound to depend on something else
more. In Communist China the foreign trade sector was small
compared to her entire economy. Important as it was in
transplanting the modern tricks of technology directly
from the advanced countries, its stable development depended
mainly on the stable develOpment of the domestic economy
V—v—
1According to W. W. Rostow, this was the time (1878-
1900) of‘the Japanese takeoff. See his The Sta es of Econo-
mic Growth (Cambridge: Harvard University v53... 1551’.
1ll9
itself, which in turn depended largely on the performance
of the agricultural sector. This was especially so when
she was determined to adopt a ”balanced growth” policy.
As a result foreign trade only played a passive role in the
entire economy.
no doubt, the long-term goal of Communist China is
to become economically independent. Yet, we do not know how
independent is truly independent. On the one hand, it can .
mean complete isolation so that foreign trade will one day
die an unknown soldier; or self-sufficiency in basic require-
ments so that foreign trade will become only a balancing
item. On the otherrhand, it may be contended that a low
foreign trade ratio among countries, together with an inde-
pendent industrial sector, would be independent enough so
as not to forego certain advantages derived from foreign
trade. It is very probable and only reasonable that it is
this that the Communist Chinese leaders hays in mind. Even
so, it is far too early for Communist China to be able to
attain this stage. Her immediate task still is to build up
her own industrial sector, and in doing so foreign trade
has been a powerful leverage. Therefore under normal condi-
tions we should expect her foreign trade to grow continuously.
It is also likely that even her foreign trade ratio will in-
crease for some years to come.
As for the commodity structure of her foreign
trade, trends discussed previously will continue as she
further develops. That is to say, she will continue to
150 '
increase her exports of light industrial goods in exchange
for heavy industrial goods from the developed countries,
and for raw materials from the underdeveloped countries.
These expected projections, however, were brought to
a pause by her recent economic crisis, in which foreign
trade was an immediate victim. Total turnover in 1962 was
about one half of its peak level in 1959, and substantial
amounts of grains were for the first time imported. This
was further aggravated by her "rift" with Russia, which re-
sulted in a more than 50% decrease in Sine-Soviet trade.
Her imports from Russia decreased by about 759, with complete
industrial undertakings coming close to the vanishing point.
Of course, this does not mean that the previous develop-
ments of her foreign trade will be washed away for good.
Rather they are waiting in retrenchment tor her to resume
normal economic conditions, for which she is probably new
setting aside a few years before she would launch another
Five-Year Plan. We should therefore expect her foreign
trade to follow the projected pattern, upon the normaliza-
tion of her economy based on improvements in her agricultural
sector.
Further developments in the geographic distribution
of her foreign trade is hard to predict for political rea-
sons. As successive relaxations of the Embargo has brought
her nearer to the Free World, there is no way to determine
how far she can and is willing to go in that direction.
The main prospect still lies in the possibility for her to
151
acquire heavy machinery and equipment from the Free World,
and her political relation with Russia. It is here where
the “economic man' goes out and the ”political animal”
steps in.
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1957 Draft National Economic Plan), HHPYK, No. 1!,
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Cooperation, Selfless Assistance), JMJP, Nov. 3,
1957.
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16, 1957, pp. 90-93. ""“
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Foreign Trade of Our Country in the Past Decade),
JMJP, Sept. 22, 1959.
APPENDICES
159
APPENDIX A
The Regional Distribution of the Foreign Trade
of Communist China
The following tables are compiled mainly from.
statistics given in various issues of the United Nations'
Yearbook of International Statistics, Direction of Inter-
national Trade, and World Economic Report. Up to 1953, some
countries reported only their ”trade with China." There is
no way to disentangle ”trade with Communist China"'figures
from these overall figures. However, in these years "trade
with Nationalist China' of these countries was relatively
insignificant. From 1959 to 1956 Pakistan reported also
only her "trade with China.” Here figures are adjusted by
deducting the Pakistan-Nationalist-China trade figures re-
ported by Nationalist China from those Ttrade with China'
figures. I
Since most figures in the following tables are de-
‘ rived from the above-mentioned sources, they are referred
to in the text as United Nations' statistics. In cases
where statistics are not available from them, the following
sources are used. A Survey of the Strategic Trade Control
Control Program 1957-60 and The Battle Act in New Times
(v.3. Department of State: 1960 and 1962); Der Ostblock:
Aussenhandel des oestlichen Wirtschaftsblockes einschliess-
ligh Ching_by Bruno Kiesewetter (Berlin, 1960): gppgp.
160
161
Statistical Yearbook 1959: Die Wirtschaftliche Verflech-
tung der Volksrepublik China mit der Sowjetunion (Hamburg:
Institut fuer Asienkunde, 1959): Vneshn a a Tor ovl a,
No. 10, 1959; and Far Eastern Economic Review, Sept. 15,
1960 (for Macau only).
182
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Nyasaland
Senegal
AFRICA (continued)
Countries
(export to,
uport from)
Algeria
Br
Fr. W. Afr.
Ghana
Ivory Coast
Morocco
Nigeria
Rhodesia and
S. Africa
Sudan
Tunesia
Uganda
Total Africa
167
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O
IAPPBNDIX B
_The Re ional Distribution of the Forei ' Trade
' ' ' f C ' Y CFIna -- Somme
ammunis
n m
on . . o firs
177
CEEEEFITF""‘
(exp. to,
1960
1959
1956
ing. from) Exporf”fmngEN'Tb{aI Exgéfif'ffigorf' ToEaI xgor mgor o a
2215.2
1510.6
700.6
1506.9
720.6
109.1
656.3
26.0
32.9
3762.1
Conn. B1cc.1106.9 1106.9 2293.7 1006.9 1276.2 2725.1 1171.5 1003.7
U.S.S.R. 907.3 616.3 1663.6 1099.2 953.6 2052.9 690.6 630.0
Reet Bloc 299.6 330.5 630.1 307.7 320.6 672.3 290.9 009.7
Reet world 767.2 701.5 1069.7 735.9 676.2 1012.1 776.9 769.0
Asia 001.5 150.9 592.0 030.7 160.7 595.0 516.1 200.5
IAfrica 03.2 90.9 120.1 55.0 69.0 113.0 59.1 50.0
Europe 260.0 376.0 600.0 229.7 011.7 601.0 166.0 067.9
America 6.9 09.9 55.7 7.3 6.0 15.7 7.1 20.9
Oceania 11.2 00.9 56.1 9.2 37.0 06.6 9.2 20.7
2225;! 1910.1 1606.3 3762.0 2162.6 1950.0 0137.2 1950.0 1611.7
Continued
un rIee
(exp. to, 1957 1956 1955
AI
ing. from) Exg'o"r"f'!m2"'or"¥-"To' Ea! Exgcrf-meg' o'r'T' To'fa! Expor? Tm'gofi't‘l'o'fai
990.6 1999.2 960.9 979.2 1959.1
733.3 1097.5 603.5 706.0 1391.9
Comm. Bloc
U.S.S.R.
Reet 61oc
Rest World 609.3
Aeia 036.6
.Africa 50.7
Europe 109.9
America 9.3
Oceania 0.9.
22321_ 1621.3
520.2 1166.5
212.3
52.0
235.3
5.3
-110“
niaao.§.
.suo.9
103.1
aau.2
13.1
. 19.2
*figurea do not add because
973.0 610.3 1602.3 966.6
736.1 500.1 1262.2 760.2
230.9. 266.2. 560.1* 220.09
606.0
033.9
33.6
166.0
7.6
5.1
207.0. 501.7.
027.0
192.0
29.0
190.1
5.0
6.1
1073.0
626.3
62.6
360.1
13.0
11.2
217.0. 230.6* 067.2‘
091.5
329.6
20.2
132.5
0.5
0.7
306.6
156.0
25.3
110.9
5.9
6.1
-1635.0~1007.613072.6.1352.0I1265.6
of having only total figures.
796.1
' 066.0
05.5
203.5
10.0
10.6
2657.2
_j
176
Continued
(2:3.r13: ' 1950 ' ' 1655 ‘ - 'iséz .
ing. from) WW gooa mm woe: WW goroa
Conn. Bloc. 763.9 995.7 1759.6 609.9 995.5 1535.3 .075.7 599.0 1075.1
U.S.S.R. [579.3 ‘759.3 1337.6 070.7 697.6 1172.3 013.7 550.2 967.9
Rest Bloc 195.6 236.0 022.0 175.1 167.6 363.0 62.0 05.2 107.2
Rest World 393.5 265.7 679.2 022.2 293.6 716.0 301.6 237.0 579.0
Asia 270.6 .177.2 051.9 269.6 191.1 050.7 202.1 150.9 393.0
Africa 12.0 11.6 23.6 7.9 10.0 19.3 6.2 9.9 15.1
EurOpe 100.6 69.0 169.6 129.7 100.7 230.0 57.0 76.5 132.6
Anerica 1.1 2.9 0.0 11.2 .1 11.3 29.0 1.2 30.6
Oceania 5.0 5.0 10.0 3.9 1.5 5.3 6.9 .6 7.5
223:1’ 1157.0 1261.0 2036.6 1072.0 1179.3 2251.3 917.3 636.6 1650.1
Continued
Countries
(exp. to, 1951 1950 1909
imp. from) ”W goroa Eli-WW Eoroa W20!!! gooa
Comm. Bloc. 376.9 525.6 900.5 193.6 390.5 566.1 196.9 103.2 302.1
U.S.S.R.. 331.3 076.0 909.7 191.3 366.2 579.5 196.9 103.2 302.1
Rest Bloc 07.6 07.2 90.9 2.3 6.3 9.6 - - -
Rest World 093.6 031.3 920.9 510.1 010.0 920.5 230.2 226.9 057.0
Asia 265.2 375.0 600.2 209.7 351.6 601.3 106.0 195.0 001.0
Africa 12.7 - 12.7 10.7 - 10.7 - - -
Europe 161.3 53.9 215.1 91.0 56.9 109.2 12.3 13.6 25.9
America 06.0 .6 09.0 150.6 0.6 159.0 3.3 13.6 16.9
Oceania 6.0 1.9 7.9 3.7 1.2 0.9 9.2 0.6 12.9
2232;_ 972.5 956.9 1929.0 703.7 909.9 1512.6 029.1 370.0 799.1
179
APPENDIX C
n m on . . o are
SITC Code Commodity Specification Import Export
001 livestock for food ‘ 29.3
011 meet fresh 0.1 20.0
012 meat dried . 2.3
013 meat canned 21.1
021 milk cream fresh
022 milk dried 0.1
023 butter
020 cheese and curd
025 eggs 30.2
026 natural honey 9.?
029 dairy products, n.a.s.** 9.0
031 fresh fish 15.5
032 fish preserved 0.1
001 wheat unmilled 1.0
002 rice 7.1 50.9
003 barley unmilled 0.3
000 maize unmilled 0.6
005 ocereals unmilled n.e.s.** 0.3
006 wheat flour, etc.
007 flour, etc., n.e.s.u 2.9
009 cereal preparations 6.1
051 " fruit nuts fresh 0.3 32.0
052 dricd fruit 0.0 7.0
190
APPENDIX C (continued)
053 fruit prep. 11.5
050 vegetable fresh dried 23.9
055 vegetable prep. 0.3 9.0
061 sugar 9.3 10.6
062 sugar prep. confectionery 0.9 0.1
071 coffee
072 cocoa
073 chocolate 6 pre.
070 tea 6 mate 21.9
075 spices 1.1 6.6
091 fodder n.a.s.u 1.5
091 margarine 0.2
099 food prep. n.e.s.u 0.1 1.9
111 beverages non-ale. . 9.0
112 beverages alc. 1.6
121 tobacco un.mfg. 03.9
122 tobacco mfg. 0.2
211 hide etc. crude 10.1
212 fur skin crude 0.5
221 oil seeds etc. 1.0 126.1
231 crude rubber 79.0 37.2
201 fuelwood charcoal _ 0.2 1.1
202 wood round etc. 0.2 2.2
203 wood shaped 1.0
200 cork raw waste 0.2
251 pulp waste paper 1.2
161
APPENDIX C (continued)
I
261 silk _ 30.1
262 wool 6 hair 36.9 51.0
263 cotton 51.2 3.0'
260 jute inc. waste 0.36 1.6
265 veg. fibres n.e.s.“ 0.7 6.0
266 synthetic fibres 0.2
267 textile waste
271 fertilizers crude
212 crude minerals n.O.B.“ 0.9 21.0
291 iron ore etc. 0.1
292 scrape iron steel
293 base metal ores n.a.s.** 0.2 90.0
290 scrape metal n.a.s.u
295 silver ore'
291 animal mattr. n.a.s.** 0.9 23.1
292 veg. mattr. n.a.s.u 1.9 19.2
311 coal coke etc. 12.1
312 petroleum crude 10.2
313 petroleum products 76.5
310 natural gas. mfg.
315 electric energy
011 animal oils fats 0.3
012 vegetable oils fats 1.7 05.2
013 oils fats n.a.s.** 1.1
511 inorganic chem. 7.9_ 10.9
512 organic chem. 9.7 2.5
521 tar or. coal chem. 0.1 0.1-
531
532
533
501
551
552
561
591
599
611
. 612
613
621
629
631
632
633
601
602
651
652
653
650
655
656
657
661
162
_ mm .C- 000.00».
coalter dyes etc.
dye tanning extr.
' paints etc.
drugs
essential oils
soap 6 cosmetics etc.
fertilisers mfg.
explosives
chem. mat. prod. n.a.s.‘*
leather
mfg. leather
furs dressed etc.
rubber semi-finished
rubber mfg. n.e.s.**
boards plywoods
wood mfg. n.e.s.u
cork mfg.
.paper paperboard
paper etc. mfg.
yarn thread
cotton fabrics
misc. fabrics
ribbon etc.
special fabrics
madeup textiles
rugs
.lime cement
7.5
0.5
1.1
13.3
0.0
0.2
0.5
11.3
0.1
0.1
1.0
0.1
3.6
10.6
.1.7.
0.7
V 1.0
0.0
0.3.
2.0
0.1
0.1
5.0
2.2
0.6
6.6
0.1
1.1
0.1
0.6
1.0.
0.2
5.0
5.5
6.2
36.3
92.1
5.6
20.0
02.2
7.3
16.0
103
I Appsustx c (continued).
662 bricks tiles etc. . 1.3
663 minerals mfg. n.e.s.u 0.6 3.7
660 glass 0.3 2.1
665 glass were 0.1 1.3
666 pottery ' 1.9
671 silver etc. metals 0.9 0.9
672 game, etc. . 0.2
673 worked gld. slv. gems . . 0.5
691 iron I steel 62.0 11.0
692 copper 3.1 ,
693 nickel 1.6
690 aluminum 1.9 0.2
685 lead 0.1 ' 0.2
696 zinc 0.0 A
697 tin 09.7
699 base metals n.a.s.** 5.6 7.9
691 ordnance ‘ 126.0.
699 metals mfg. n.a.s.u ‘ 7.6 2.0
711 power mach. n.e.s.** 5.6
712 ag. mach. 0.9
713 tractor non-steam 3.5
710 office mach. 0.2 0.0
715 metal-working mach. : i 7.0
716 mach. n.e.s.‘6 272.1 1.5
721 else. mach. n.e.s.u 10.5 0.5
731 railway vehicles 0.6
732 road motor vehicles 9.0
160
APPENDIX C_(conttnuedl
733
730
735
611
612
621
631
601
602
651
661
662
663
660
691
692
. 699
911
921
931
road vehicles n.a.s.**
aircraft
ships and boats
prefab. bldg. etc.
bldg. fixtures
furniture
handbags
clothes not fur
fur clothes n.a.s.u
footwear
instruments
photo goods
expd. movie films
watches clocks
music instruments etc.
printed matter
mfg. goods. n.a.s.**
postal pckgs n.a.s.**
live animals n.e.s.u
special shipments
2.6
0.1
1.6
0.1
0.2
0.1
16.0
2.0
1.2
2.0
0.1
3.0
0.6
0.1
2.6
6.0
0.0
0.1
1.7
1.2
19.6
7.6
0.1
0.0
.0.1
1.1
19.3
0.1
0.2
0.1
*6 not elsewhere specified.
Estimated; see explanation below.
165
The united Nations' Commodity Trade Statistics (1957)
' gives complete commodity trade statistics according to the
150-group Standard International Trade Classification for
the following countriesI.Austria, Belgium-Luxemburg, Den-
mark, Finland, France, Germany (P.R.), Greece, Ireland,
Italy, Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Sweden, the United
Kingdom, Yugoslavia, Canada, El Salvador, Neth. Antilles,
New Zealand, Australia, Ghana, Trinidad and Tobago, Turkey,
Japan, Malaya and Singapore. Part of some countries' imp
portant commodity trade statistics are also given, such as
the exports of Indonesian rubber and Egyptian cotton. How-
ever, it is included here only those cases in which complete
statistics are available. Therefore, to complete the
statistics of those countries whose statistics are only
partly given, the P.A.O. Trade Yearbook for 1957 is also
referred to in a few cases. In other words, the statistics
used here represent quite a complete picture of the commod-
ity trade between Communist China and her trading partners
mentioned. ‘
Complete Sine-Soviet trade commodity stitistics in
1957 are given in the Russian book of trade statistics:
Vneschnzaza Toggovlza Soyosa SSR sa 1955-1959 Gods (Foreign
Trade of U.S.S.R. 1955-1959). These statistics are given
according to Russian trade codes. Since the Russian classi-
fication is more detailed than the SITC three-digit code,
the former can readily be converted into the latter. In
the Russian trade statistics values of detailed items do not
196
add to the given total. The difference between the given
and the aggregated total in Russian imports from Communist
China is less than 16 of the total. This can be considered
as statistical discrepancies. But in Russian exports to
Communist China, the given total exceeds the aggregated '
total by more than 209. (As a matter of fact, this phenome-
non is consistent throughout the years in which statistics
are given, not only in-l957.) This suggests that there
were some Russian exports to Communist China kept unreported .
in detail for one reason or another. A careful comparison
between the Russian and the United Nations' classifications
shows that the only item.missing in the Russian report is
Ordnance (SITC 691), and leads to the judgment that the un-
designated proportion of Russian exports were commodities of
this nature.
The commodity trade statistics between Communist
China and some of her important trading partners in Asia,
such as Hong Kong, Burma, Ceylon, Indonesia and Macau are
given in various issues of the Far Eastern Economic Review.
These reports give complete statistics, but commodities are
classified according to simpler codes. Hong Kong reports
her trade according to the Standard International Trade
Classification two-digit code (52 items). In integrating
these statistics into the more detailed three-digit code
classification, an average is ascribed to each of the sub-
items. The effects of such an arbitration are discussed in
Appendix 6 below. As for other countries, names of commodities
m
are used for the purpose of classification, such as rice,
crude rubber, cotton textiles etc., and make it easy to
integrate into the SITC three-digit code. As these coun-
tries are traders of high commodity concentration, the bias
would not be significant.
The coverage of commodity trade statistics in this
study is by no means complete. The most obvious absence of
statistics is those of the other Communist countries.
Judging from the trade agreements between Communist China.
and these countries, the pattern of commodity trade would
be very similar to that between Communist China and Russia,
especially when these countries are taken together. Even
with their absence, we have here still about 906 of both
Communist Chinese commodity exports and imports. Geo-
graphically, this study covers all important trading coun-
tries in non-Communist Europe except Switzerland; in Asia,
all important Communist Chinese trading partners are covered;
in the New Continent, we cover Canada, El Salvador, Neth.
Antilles; in Africa, we have Egypt, Uganda and Ghana; in
Oceania, both Australia and New Zealand; and for the Com-
munist bloc, Russia. Since this coverage is well repre-
sented by important trading partners of Communist China in
different continents, and of different types of economies,
we can confidently state that it is fairly representative
of the foreign trade of Communist China with respect to its
commodity structure.
166
APPENDIX D
The Commodity Structure 9 Origin of Imports ’
o ommunist 1na -
(In miIIion U.S. Hollarsi
Specification ‘1955 1956 1957 1956! 1959 1950
Foodstuffs 20.5 15.3 19.5 29.1 6.0 00.9
Neat 0.2 0.3 0.1 0.3 0.0 0.3
Russia 0 0.1 0 0 0 0
Dev. Countries Del 0 001 0.1 Gel 0
Underdev. countries 0.1 0.2 .0 0.2 0.3 0.3
Grains 19.9 10.2 7.1 6.9 0 0.9
Russia 0 0 0 0 0 0
Dev. countries 0 0 0 7.9 0 0
UDGCPdCVe countries 16.6 10e2 7e1 1.0 0 0.9
0th.”. 1.5 “.8 12e3 lass 5.6 39s,
Russia 1.0 0.6 1.0 1.1 0.5 0
DeVs countriea 0e2 2e6 3.9 2.2 0.5 201
Underdev. countries 0.3 1.6 7.0 16.6 0.6 37.6
Animal 6 ve etable
raw maferiafis 90.5 107.7 175.9 192.5 190.9 235.2
Crude rubber 20.7 09.6 79.0 91.5 109.1 121.0
Russia 0.1 0.2 0.1 0.0 0.2 1.1
DCVe countrias 0 0 0.3 103 3.0 1602
Undorch. countriCQ 20.6 “9e‘ 18. 69.6 105s 103s?
Oil seeds 6 fats 0.0 0.2 3.1 2.1 1.9 3.9
DCVs COUDtriea .0 0 Del 001 . 0e, 2e5
Underdev. countries 0.0 0.2 3.0 2.0 1.1 1.3
Fibres 50.3 52.0 99.3 . 91.3 76.9 100.9
DQVe countries 21e3 31.2 36e8 ~6e2 “2.0 00.9
Underdev. countries 29.0 21.2 52.5 05.1 30.9 55.9
Others 5.1 5.5 0.0 7.6 7.0 9.6
Russia 0.5 0.0 0.3 1.2 2.1 0.9
Dev. countries 0.6 1.6 1.5 3.3 1.9 6.1
Underdev. countries 0.0 3.5 2.6 3.1 3.1 2.6
169
APPENDIX D (continued)
Specification. 1955 1956 1957 ' 1956 1959' I960
Crude minerals 16.0 17.6 15.3 17.0 15.9 10.1
metal ores 0.2 0.2 0.2 1.6 1.9 1.0
Ru.318 0e2 0.2 0e2 1.2 1.3 la:
DCVe countries 0 0 0 0.3 0.3 0
Underdev. countries 0 0 0 0.1 0.2 0.2
{UCII Incl 10.6 10.2 15.0 13s? 12.1
Russia 10.1 10.9 10.2 15.0 13.7 12.1
OthCrB 1e? 2.6 as, a.“ 003 0.6
Ruaaia 1e? 2e? 0.8 0.3 0.3 0.5
Dev. countries 0 0.1 0 0 0 0.1
Underdev. countries 0 0 0.1 0.1 0 0
Chemicals 95.7 97.6 106.0 129.7 110.1 90.1
arse ‘ inorganic 22e2 10.6 17.5 29.6 sec. 21a6
Russia 1.7 3.0 1.6 5.7 6.1 7.3
DCVe countries 12.2 10.3 11s 22.0 32e1 2001
Underdev. countries 9.3 1.5 0.0 1.9 0.6 0.2
fertilisers mfg. 39.5 56.1 53.6 65.6 00.3 29.9
Russia 0.6 0.1 0.5 '1.2 0.9 0.9
Dev. countries 21.2 35.6 37.9 02.5 39.5 27.5
Underdev. countries 17.7 20.0 15.3 21.9 1.0 0.5
others 30.0 26.7 30.9 30.5 35.0 23.6
Rua.ia 3.3 1.6 2.2 2.0 1a? 1.5,
Dev. countries 16.1 17.3 22.9 26.3 31.0 19.1
Underdev. countries 10.6 7.9 9.9 6.2 2.3 3.0
Ninerals mfg. 157.1 173.5 159.9 010.5 306.7 379.6
iron 6 steel 77.2 70.9 62.0 255.9 150.7 191.0
Russia 75.5 60.3 32.0 60.7 37.7 57.1
Dev. countries 1.3 11.3 17.5 176.9 102.9 120.3
Underdev. countries 0.0 3.2 12. 19.0 10.1 - 0
petroleum products 65.0 71.3 76.5 77.7 100.6 103.2
,Russia 60.9 71.1 76.2 77.0 100.0 101.0
190
APPENDIX D (continued)
SLOCI! 166‘ 1011
Minerals mfg. (continued)
other base metals
Russia
Dev. countries
Underdev. countries
Other metals
Russia
Dev. countries
Underdev. countries
Other mfg. goods.
textiles
Russia
Dev. countries
Underdev. countries
instruments
Russia
Dev. countries
Underdev. countries
others
Russia
Dev. countries
Underdev. countries
Machinery 9 Eguipment
complete industrial
undertakings (Russia)
transportation equip.
Russia
Dev. countries
Underdev. countries
Power, elect. 5 metal—
working mach.
Russia
Dev. countries
Underdev. countries
23.6
21.1
1.6
0.7
216.9
30.7
20.7
6.1
3.9
25.0
16.6
2.2
H
N
0
“N” :9 «3890
O (I) (”60° 8 ‘09” (D
(a)
07
61.0
10.3
00.5
2.6
15.5
N
F‘ In
‘1 PM"! N ”0'8 '0
0.. O 0..
n Q0“ 0 :cm s
166.2
71.6
59.7
5.1
6.6
00.2
23.6
10.0
2.2
60.7
5.2
70.7
0.6
10.7
1.3
9.2
0.2
06.7
19.9
15.0
0.9
16.7
12.6
3.6
0.5
10.1
0.5
0.2
1.0
636.2
399.6
117.7
110.0
3.0
0.3
51.6
35.6
10.3
1.7
53.5
29.7
20.0
0.0
191
APPENDIX D (continued)
§pecIfication
1955
Machinery 6 Eguipment (continued)
as. mach. 6 tractors
Russia
Dev. countries
Underdev. countries
others
Russia
Dev. countries
Underdev. countries
10.0
10.3
0
0.1
30.6
25.7
3.6
1.3
1955 195’ 195! I!!! 195“
10.0 0.3 20.0 9.9 9.6
6.9 1.9 19.6 6.0 6.7
0.6 1.6 3.0 1.1 0.6
0.7 0.6 1.0 0.0 0.1
39.7 63.3 60.6 57.2 37.1
30.5 25.6 20.0 26.3 26.6
0.9 32.5 31.0 30.0 6.3
0.3 5.2 9.0 0.5 2.2
For sources and explanations, see Appendix E below.
192
APPENDIX E
The Commodi Structure 6 Destination of E orts
o ommunist CEina l955-l960
(in million 0.3. aollars)
Specllication 1955 l955 l957 1956 l959 1960
Foodstuffs 355.6 010.7 371.7 537.0 070.7 370.3
Meat 119.5 115.5 91.7 150.0 100.7 79.3
Russia 70.7 65.5 3766 75e5 “Se, 23.1
Dev. countries 0.0 7.1 6.9 11.0 9.9 2.9
Underdev. countries 00.0 01.9, 07.2 67.9 09.1 53.3
grains 92.6 132.5 66.1 135.0 173.0' 130.5
Russia 07.7 72.0 27.2 61.1 96.3 59.9
Dev. countries 1.2 0.9 0.2 3.3 12.0 10.0
Underdev. countries 03.7 59.7 38.7 70.6 70.7 57.6
others 103.5 166.7 213.9 207.6 193.0 160.5
Russia 57.0 75.2 99.0 107.9 93.9 06.7
Dev. countries 23.9 29.5 30.3 00.0 29.2 20.2
Underdev. countries 62.3 62.0 90.6 99.3 70.9 97.6
Animal S-ve etable
raw maferials 373.3 390.0 366.9 320.6 339.6 335.0
Crude rubber 0.7 12.9 37.2 22.0 16.0 7.1
RUQSia as, 12.9 37.2 22.0 16.0 7e1
oil fats 50.9 59.3 06.3 52.0 00.1 30.9
RUBBiB 35.3 30.2 22.0 29s? 30.0 13.9
Dev. countries 7.5 13.6 9.0 11.7 9.0 15.7
Underdev. countries 9.0 11.5 10.9 '11.0 5. 5.3
fibres 100.3 101.0 92.1 72.9 139.7 107.3
Russia 70.0 61s? 56.1 06.7 1°5e6 7°03
Dev. countries 16.7 27.0 25.5 16.6 27.6 26.2
Underdev. countries 9.2 12.3 6.5 5.6 6.3 0.8
oil seeds * 160.5 153.2 126.1 110.2 136.7 113.1
Russia 98.5 99.7 79.6 61.9 79.0 03.1
Dev. countries 23.9 29.5 16.3 29.2 52.6 60.9
Underdev. countries 39.2 29.0 30.0 19.1 5.1 5.7
193
APPENDIX E (continued)
pec {cation I955 1955 1957 1956 l959 1960
Animal 6 Ve etable
raw malerials (continued)
others _ 61.0 63.0 65.2 63.1 61.1 12.0
Ruggia 13e1 10.0 12e3 10.9 11s: 5.6
Dev. countries 22.0 19.0 20.0 29.9 31.9 02.9
Underdev. countries 35.9 30.6 32.9 23.3 19.0 23.7
Crude Minerals 95.9 111.9 129.6 103.1 99.1 97.6
metal o... A ‘ 63.2 75.3 30.1 15.0, 90.6 63.9
Russia 62.2 75.5 99.9 70.0 73.3 61.2
Dev. countries 0.1 0.1 0 0.6 2.0 2.6
Underdev. countries 0.9 0.2 0.2 0.0 5.3 0.1
fuels as? 10.5 12e1 A as“ 5.0 1”e1
Russia 5.0 2.1 1.9 2.9 2.6 2.6
Dev. countries 0 0 0 0 0.1 0.2
Underdev. countries 1.7 9.0 10.2 5.6 2.3 11.3
Othera 15e9 25.5 27e‘ 19a? 12.5 9.6
Russia . 5.9 10.2 11.1 11.9 10.1 5.3
Dev. countries 0.2 0.3 0.3 0.9 0.9 0.9
Underdev. countries 9.8 15.0 16.0 7.0 1.6 3.0
Chemicals 20.7 02.7 37.0 09.7 29.6 28.3
org. 6 inorganic 9.9 19.2 13.0 20.2 12.9 10.9
. Russia 6.5 16.6 9.6 12.2 7a“ 10.0
Dev. countries. 1.9 1.5 1.9 3.7 3.2 1.1
Underdev. countries 0.0 1.1 2.0 0.3 2.3 3.0
others 15.9 23.5 20.0 29.5 16.7 13.0
363.1. 3.0 6.0 7.6 10.1 6.0' 5.3
Dev. countries 7.6 9.9 9.0 9.9 5.7 0.6
Underdev. countries 0.9 7.2 7.0 9.5 0.6 2.9
Manufactured minerals 66.6 95.5 72.6 93.7 96.2 96.6
iron 6 steel 27.3 29.2 11.0 23.7 11.0 16.0
Rusaia 26.8 27.6 7e? 22e3 10e3 1309
Dev. countries 0 0 0.6 0 0 0.3
Underdev. countries 0.5 1.0 3.1 1.0 1.1 2.2
190
APPENDIX E (continued)
Spgclllcafion “55"" 1956 ' 1957 "l!!!“ l9~59"""'l'96'09
Manufactured minerals (cont.)
petroleum products I 0 0 0.7 0.0 0.5 0.1
,Russia 0 0 0 0.2 Del 0
Dev. countries 0 0 0 0 0.0 0.1
Underdev. countries 0 0 0.7 0.2 0 0
other base metals 58.7 53.2 56.6 62.1 60.5 62.7
RU'sia $6e2 50.0 51.6 “Beg 50.9 06.9
Dev. countries 0.9 1.1 3.3 5.0 7.6 11.1
Underdev. countries 1.6 1.7 1.5. 9.2 2.0 2.7
other metals 2.9 3.1 3.9 7.5 9.6 19.6
RUSSia 0.1 0.6 2.0 3e2 5e“ 1.6
Dev. countries 0 0 0.2 0.1 0.3 10.0
undCrdCVe ccuntrie. 2a? 2.5 Is? 0.2 “cl 3.0
Other "fge gOOdS 126s? 203e2 307e8 007.6 576.6 596.1
textiles 91.0 139.0 215.9 230.2 351.0 369.3
Russia 60.0 92.0 139.7 ”157.1 269.2 203.6
Dev. countries 0.7 7.5 10.3 19.9 22.0 23.7
Underdev. countries 26.3 39. 61.9 53.2 61.2 101.0
instruments 0.1 0.2 0.2 0.5 0.5 0.2
Underdev. countries 0.1 0.2 0.2 0.5 0.5 0.2
others 35.1 60.0 91.7 176.9 226.9 229.6
RUSBiC 11.6 27e3 00.5 12202 159a3 156.9
Dev. countries 1.6 3.3 0.0 , 6.1 9.0 9.6
Underdev. countries 21.7 33. 02.7 09. 59.6 63.1
Machines: 6 Eguipment 11.5 10.9 9.9 10.0 19.2 5.0
transportation equip. 10.0 9.0 6.5 0.9 12.9 0.7
Russia 10.3 9.2 6.0 0.3 12.1 0
Underdev. countries 0.1 0.2 0.1 0.6 0.9 0.7
power, electrical 6 ~
metal working mach. 0.1 0.0 0.5 2.9 2.6 0.7.
Russia 0 0 0 1.6 2.0 0
underdCVe Countries 0.1 0e“ 0.5 1.3 0.5 0.7
135
APPENDIX E (continued)
Epcolflcaflon I955 l956 'l957 l956 l959 1960
Machine 6 E ui ment
(contlfiueal
0th.”. 1.0 1e1 leg 2.6 2a? 0.0
338'13 0 0 0.5 1e“ 1e? 2e.
Underdev. countries 1.0 1.1 1.0 1.2 1.0 1.6
_The geographic coverage of statistics here is the
same as Appendix C. Sources of statistics are also the same,
except other issues of the cited Yearbooks are also used. The
.trading partners of Communist China are divided into three
groups: Russia representing the Communist bloc; all non-Com-
munist European countries, Canada, Australia and New Zealand
'as the developed countries; and all the others as the-underde-
veloped countries. Commodities are regrouped into twenty-six
broader groups, the composition of which are shown below.
(SITC 691 and 911-931 are excluded.)
ommo s c ca on cm as on n ree- co es
Meat 001-013, 031-032.
Grains . 001-009.
Other foodstuffs - 021-029, 051-122.
Crude rubber 231.
Oil fats 011-013.
Fibres _ 261-267.
Oil seeds 221.
Other an. 6 veg. raw
materials 211-212, 201-251, 291-292.
196
APPENDIX E (continued)
omm s ec ca on
Metal ores
Fuels (crude minerals)
°Other crude minerals
Organic 6 inorganic
chemicals
Fertilisers mfg.
Other chemicals
Iron 6 steel
Petroleum products
Other (non-ferrous) base
metals
Other metals
Textiles
Instruments
Other "other mfg. goods“
Complete industrial under-
takings
Transportation equipment
Power, electric 6 metal-
working mach.
Agricultural mach. 6
tractors
Other machinery 6
equipment
cm 031 on n ree- c es
291-295.
311-312.
271-272.
511-512.
561.
521-552, 591-599.
691.
313.
662-669.
671-673, 699.
651-657.
961-962, 960-991.
611-602, 661-666, 911-951, 963, 332, 393.
no equivalent, but evidently no such
trade was transacted by those countries
which reported in SITC codes.
731-735.
111, 116, 721.
712-113.
71“ ’ 716 0
197
APPENDIX F
THE INPORT 0? COHPLETE INDUSTRIAL UNDERTAKINGS
OP COMMUNIST CHINA
The content of this Appendix is compiled from
scattered information in the following references:
I Yin-tang, 'Chung-shu mac-i ti fa-chan,” (The Development
of Sine-Soviet Trade), JMJP, April 27, 1957.
Kuo Chun-wen, "Liang-tiao-tui chou-lu, kao-shu-tu chien-she
chin-kung-yeh " (Walking on Two Legs, Developing
Light Industr as at High Speed), CKCKY, No. 18, 1959.
Li Che-ion, ”Shu-luan ho ko jen-min-min-tsu kuo-chia ti
yuan-tso shi shi-hsien wu-nien-chi-hua ti jou-li
tiao-chien," (The Assistance of the Soviet Union
and the People's Democratic Countries Is An Ad-
vantageous Condition for Realizing the Five-Year
Plan)’ HHYP’ NO. 9‘ 1955’ p0 1310
Li Fu-chun, ”Kuan-yfi 1959 nien kuo-chia ching-chi chi-hue
tsao-an ti pao-kao,” (Report on the 1959 Draft
National Economic Plan), MNPYX, No. 9, 1959, pp.
5-20.
Li Hsien-nien, "Kuan-yfi 1955 nien kuo-chia chueh-shuan ho
1956 nien kuo-chia yU-shuan ti pao-kao,“ (Report on
the 1955 National Final Accounts and the 1956 Na-
tional Budget), anyx, No. 10, 1956, pp. 1-9.
Liu Chi-hang, "Chi-pen chien-she shih-hsien-la keng-hao ti
chuan-mien ti ta-jao-chin,” (Basic Construction Nae
Realized A Better and All-around Great Leap Forward),
cuyrc, No. 1, 1960, p. 29.
Lu Shih-kuang and Huang Juen-ting, "No-kuo chin-kou mac-i
tsai ti-i-ko wu-nien-chi-hua chi-chien ti tso-yung,“
(The Function of Our Import Trade During the First
Five-Year Plan Period), TEE, Dec. 15, 1957.
Po I-po, 'Kuan-yfi 1959 nien kuo-min ching-chi chi-hue tsao-
an ti pao-kao ” (Report on the 1959 Draft National
Economic 91.65, MNPYX, No. 5, 1953, pp. 12-23.
Yeh Chi-chuang, ”Wei-ta ti ho-tso, wu-shi ti yuan-tee,"
(Great Cooperation, Selfless Assistance), JMJP,.
November 3, 1957. ’
' 196
APPENDIX F (continued)
'Wo-kuo tui-wai mac-i tsai ti-i-ko wu-nien-chi-
hua chi-chien ti fa-chan," (The Development of Our
Foreign Trade During the First Five-Year Plan
Period), 22, No. 23, 1957.
Xuo-chia tung-chi-chfi, (State Statistical Bureau)
"Kuan-yfi 1952 nien kuo-min ching-chi ho wen-hue
tsiao-yfi hui-fu yfi fa-chan ching-kuang ti kung-pao,‘
(Communique on the Restoration and DeveIOpment of
the National Economy, Culture and Education in 1952),
HHYP, No. 10, 1950, pp. 229-230.
"Kuan-yfi 1953 nien-tu kuo-min ching-chi fa-chan ho
kuo-chia chi-hue chi-hsing chieh-kuo ti kung-pao,' .
(Communique on the Development of the National Econ-
omy and the Results of the Execution of the National
Plan in 1953), HHYP, No. 10, 1950, pp. 231-232.
"Xuan-yfi 1950 nien-tu kuo-min ching-chi fa-chan ho
kuo-chia chi-hue chi-hsing chieh-kuo ti kung-pao,”
(Communique on the Development of the National
Economy and the Results of the Execution of the
National Plan in 1950), HHYP, No. 10, 1955, pp.
66-167. ""'
”Kuan-yu 1955 nien-tu kuo-min ching-chi chi-hue chi-
hsing chieh-kuo ti kung-pao,” (Communique on the
Results of the Execution of the 1955 National
Economic Plan), HHPYK, No. 13, 1956, pp. 39-02.
”Kuan-yfi 1956 nien-tu kuo-min ching-chi chi-hue
chi-hsing chieh-kuo ti kung-pao." (Communique on
the Results of the Execution of the 1956 National
Economic Plan), NHPYK, No. 17,1957, pp. 201-205.
”Kuan-yfi fa-chan kuo-min ching-chi ti ti-i-ko wu-
nien-chi-hua (1953-1957) chi-hsing chieh-kuo ti
kung-pao." (Communique on the Results of the Execu-
tion of the First Five-Year Plan 1953-1957 for the
Development of the National Economy), HNPYK, No. 9,
1959, pp. 09-51.
'Kuan-yfi 1959 nien kuo-min ching-chi fa-chan ching-
kuang ti pao-kao,” (Communique on the Development
of the National Economy in 1959), HHPYK, No. 9, 1959,
pp, 51-5“.
199
From year to year Communist China announced the
completion or partial completion of her above-norm projects
that were put into production. In the following list, group
A are those explicitly announced as Russian projects, and
group B are those just mentioned as ”above-norm“ projects.
1952: 3 projects
A -- Fuh-sin Power Station: Harbin Flax Mill.
B -- Northwestern Cotton Mill No. 1.
1953: 9 proiggtg
A -- Fuh-sin Mai-chow Open-cut Coal Mine: Fang-man Power
Station; Si-an Power Station No. 2; An-shan Steel Roll-
ing Mill: An-shan Seamless Steel-tube Plant: An-shan
Blast Furnaces No. 7 and No. 9.
B -- Fu-shun Power Station; Wu-lu-mu-chi Power Station.
1950: 6 projects
A -- Harbin Measuring and Cutting Instruments Plant: Shang-
yang Pneumatic Tools Plant: Chang-chow Power Station:
An-shan Steel Sheets Plant; An-shan Blast Furnace No.
6; Chung-King Power Station.
1955: 9 projects
A -- Sheng-yang Machine Tools Plant No. 1: Liao-yuan Chung-
yang Vertical Shaft Coal Mine: Bo-kang Tung-shan
Vertical Shaft Coal Mine.
B -- Dairen Power Station: Nu-la-po Power Station: Peking
State Cotton Mill No. 2; Shih—chia-chuang State Cotton
Mill No. 2: Chang-chow State Cotton Mill No. 3: wu-lu-
mu-chi July First Cotton Mill.
200
1956: 15 projects
A--
Chang-chun Motor Vehicles Plant; Harbin Electrical
Instruments And ApparItus Plant; Ho-kang Hsing—an-tai
Vertical Shaft Coal Mine; Fu-shun Aluminum Plant;
Harbin Aluminum Alloys Plant; Peking Electronic Tubes
Plant; An-shan Steel Rolling Mill No. 2.
Huai-nan Shieh-chia-shih Vertical Shaft Coal Mines
No. 2 and No. 3; Shih-chia-chuang Power Station; Xuang-
ting Power Station; Sheng-yang Electrical Cable Plant;
Northwestern State Cotton Mill No. 0; Shih-ning and
Pang-foh Food Processing Plants.
1957: 7projects
A -- Pen-ki Steel Plant; Hei-lung-kiang Steel Plant; Kirin
Fertilizer Plant; Kirin Carbide Plant; Harbin Boilers
Plant; Si-an Electrical Capacitors Plant; Tai-yuan
Power Plant No. 2.
1956: 22 projects
A -- Chia-mu-sze Paper Mill; Shih-chia-chuang Starch Plant;
Shih-chia-chuang Glass Plant; Wu-han Blast Furnace
No. 1; An-shan Open-hearth Furnaces No. 0 and No. 5;
Nu-han Heavy Machine Tools Plant; Lo-yang Mining Equip-
ment plant; Harbin Steam Turbine Plant; Shuang-ya-shan
Coal Nashery; Huai-nin Shieh-chia-shih Coal Washery;
Fuh-sin Hsin-chiu Vertical Shaft Coal Mine; Lo-yang
Power Station; Pen-ki Power Station; Len-chow Si-koo
Power Station; Lon-chow Petroleum Refinery; Hua-chiao
Sugar Refinery; Kuei-ping Sugar Refinery; Nan-ping
201
Paper Mill; Han-tan'Cotton Mills No. 2 and No. 0;
Cheng-chow State Cotton Mill No. 6.
1959: 7 projggtg
A -- Pao-tao Blast Furnace; Nu-han Open-hearth Furnace;
Lo-yang Tractors Plant.
9 -- Ping-ting-shan Vertical Shaft Coal Mine; Ma-tou and
Tai-yuan Coal Washeries; Peking Power Station.
The total list here consists of 79 projects. This
is far from complete, because by the end of 1959 it was
claimed that 113 Russian projects were completed.
It was announced that by 1950 a total of 19, by
1955 a total of 29, and by 1955 a total of 03 Russian pro-
jects were completed. If we take both the A and B projects
together, they come very close to the alleged numbers of
those completed projects. This suggests that all projects
under group B are also Russian projects.
The Eastern EurOpean Communist countries also agreed
to supply Communist China with 69 projects. Little has been
known about these projects, except by 1957 the supply of 33
projects was completed. A few of these can be identified.
From Poland -- Chiang-men Sugar Cane Chemical Plant;
Friendship Sugar Refinery; New China Sugar Refinery.
From East Germany -- Paootou Sugar Refinery; Peking
Glass Plant; Northern China Tole-communication Apparatus
Plant.
From Czechoslovakia - Pao-tou Leather Plant.
202
APPENDIX 6
CONCENTRATION INDICES OF FOREIGN TRADE
The index of geographic concentration of exports of
country j is defined as:
ij s 1096<§£l)
s X.j
where ij is the export of country j to country s, and X.j
is her total exports. And, the index of geographic concen-
tration of imports of country j is defined as:
Gjm =1oyg<§211
where Msj is the import of country j from country s, and M.j
is her total imports.
The upper limit of these indices is 100, which will
be the case if country j exports to, or imports from only
one country. The lower limit is also definite, as there is
a definite number of countries in the world.
The index of commodity concentration of exports of
country j is defined as:
ij = 100’2IXi52
1 X.j
where Xij is country j's exports of commodity i, and X .j is
her total exports. The index of commodity concentration of
imports of country j is defined as:
ij . 1oo/1IM‘32
1 9.5
203
where Mij is country j's imports of commodity i, and M.j
is her total imports.
The upper limit of these indices is also 100, which
will be the case when country j experts or imports only one
defined commodity. But the lower limit is 9891851.: 901,904-
ing on the number of commodities defined. Here a broader or
a more detailed classification of commodities will affect
this lower limit. For instance, under the 150-group classi-
fication the lower limit is 9.2, which will be the case when
country j experts (or imports) an equal amount of all 150
commodities. However, the lower limits will only be 13.9
and 37.7, if commodities are classified into 52 or 7 groups
respectively. In other words, the more detailed the classi-
fication, the wider will be the range of the commodity
concentration indices, with the common maximum of 100.
Then without mathematical proof, it can be visualized
that when the same commodity trade statistics are used, the
concentration index will always be higher when broader
classification is used. And such an index will set an upper
limit to that which is based on more detailed classification.
This limit will only be approached when both indices approach
100.
As mentioned in Appendix C, Hong Kong reported her
trade according to the 52-group Standard International Trade
Classification. In integrating these trade figures into the
more detailed lSO-group classification, arbitrary estimates
are made by attributing an average value to each of the
200
appropriate sub-groups. Needless to say indices based on
this arbitration will be different from that which are cal-
culated had the exact values been known. Its effect on the
commodity concentration index of imports can only be slight,
because only 1.50 of Communist Chinese imports was from
Hong Kong in 1957. 'However, it could cause a substantial
error in her commodity concentration index of experts, as
Hong Kong absorbed 12% of her exports in that year.
It is pointed out by Hirschman (22, 213.. pp. 160-
162) that based on the assumption of equal distribution
within the frequency classes, the index will naturally al-
ways be lower than it would have been had the exact values
of the single items been known. In other words, the index
based on that assumption sets a lower limit for the real in-
dex. Therefore, the commodity concentration index of ex-
ports of Communist China (which is 19.9) should be more
appropriately considered as a minimum.
The maximum value can also be arrested. It is
indicated earlier in this Appendix, that the concentration
index based on broader classification will set an upper
limit to that which is based on more detailed classifica-
tion. Another experiment is made by calculating for Com-
munist China the commodity concentration index of experts
based on the 52-group classification. The result is 25.0,
which is the upper limit.
Here finally we know that the commodity concentration
index of exports of Communist China falls within the range
p 205
from 18.8 to 25.” for the year 1957. This range is by no
means narrow. But, when compared to those indices calcu-
lated by Michaely, we know one fact for sure--Communist
China was among the most diversified countries in exports.