THE FOREIGN TRABE OF COMMUNIST CHINA 1949:1960 A REGIONAL AND COMMODHY ANALYSIS Thesis gel! the Degree 0? DI'I. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY Victor Mok 1964 This is to certify that the thesis entitled The Foreign Trade of Communist China 19A9-1960 A Regional And Commodity Analysis presented by Victor Mok has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph. D. degree in Economics Jig/M 6” Majojfprofeshor [gt-4w! ?, /?[’—/ Date / 0-169 LIBRARY Michigan State University ABSTRACT THE FOREIGN TRADE OP COMMUNIST CHINA 19‘9-1960 A REGIONAL AND COMMODITY ANALYSIS by Victor Hok The purpose of this study is to analyze the regional distribution and commodity structure of the foreign trade of Communist China with respect to-her economy and economic development. In order to make estimates of the regional distribution and balance of her foreign trade, a comparison is made between her statistics and those reported by her , trading partners. This comparison shows that the foreign trade statistics of Communist China are on the whole reliaé ble, with due understanding of two factors. First, the official yuan-ruble and yuan-dollar rates were divorced from the international dollar-ruble exchange rate. Second, Communist China reported her foreign trade figures in ex- ternal prices; that is, her foreign trade figures are cal- culated by converting the foreign exchanges used into yuan figures each at their official rates. The estimates them- selves indicate that the foreign trade of Communist China was heavily oriented to the Communist bloc; and, while accumulating a huge deficit with the Communist bloc, she had a considerable surplus from countries of the Free World. In the analysis of the commodity structure of her Victor'Hok foreign trade, commodities are classified into four major categories, namely, machinery and equipment, manufactured goods, raw materials, and foodstuffs. Her trading partners are separated into three groups: Russia, the developed countries, and the underdeveloped countries of the Free World. Simple regression coefficients are calculated to determine the trends of various commodity groups that Communist China traded with various groups of countries. This analysis indicates that while Communist China stood in relation to Russia and the developed countries as an under- developed country, she was rapidly emerging into the 9081m- . tion of an industrial country in relation to the under- developed countries. Also to adjust herself to the Embargo, Communist China concentrated her purchase from Russia only' on those commodities that she could not get from the Free World. Because of the size of the Communist Chinese economy and her policy of "balanced growth,” the foreign trade sector was not an engine of growth in her economic development. Quantitatively, it occupied a very small per- centage .in the national income of Communist China; its level depended heavily on her ability to export, which in turn depended on the performance of her economy. Therefore, despite its importance in transplanting the modern tricks of' technology into Communist China, foreign trade would fall an immediate victim in case of a failure in her economy. THE FOREIGN TRADE OP CONNUNIST CHINA ISQS-ISSO A REGIONAL AND COMMODITY ANALYSIS 39 Victor Hols A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR Of P811080?!" Department of Economics 1966 ACKNONLEDGNENTS The author wishes to express his profound gratitude to Professor Anthony Koo, who first suggested the topic and later directed the study. His unfailing guidance and sugges- tions throughout the preparation of this dissertation have been most constructive and are deeply appreciated. In an early stage of this study, the author was also benefited by discussions with Professors Herbert Kisch, Hordechai E. Kreinin and Abba P. Lerner, to when his grati- tude is expressed. Special appreciation goes to Professor Alexander Eckstein, of the University of Michigan, who, in addition to giving a general discussion on the subject, actually read the first draft of the second chapter and gave some helpful opinions. Further, thanks also go to Professor D. J. Mont- gomery for>his permission in using calculating and drafting facilities. finally, the assistance of Mr. Prank Taylor and Hr. Ruck-Pei Yeung in reading the manuscript is also gratefully acknowledged. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACGOWSO O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O “8! or TABLES O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O us, or InwsrnrxouSO O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O LIST OF APPENDICES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . CHAPTER I. THE PLACE OF FOREIGN TRADE IN THE ECONOMY OF COWIST CH!“ O O O O O O O O O O O O O II. ESTIMATION OF THE TURNOVER, REGIONAL DISTRI- BUTION AND BALANCE OF THE FOREIGN TRADE OF COMMUNIST CHINA . . . . . . . . . . . . III. THE IMPORTS OF COMMUNIST CHINA . . . . . . . IV. THE EXPORTS OF COMMUNIST CHINA . . . . . . . V. THE NET POSITION OF COMMODITY TRADE OF COMMUNIST CHINA. . . . . . . . . . . . . . VI. THE CONCENTRATION OF FOREIGN TRADE OF COMMUNIST CHINA. . . . . . . . . . . . . . VII. SUMMART AND CONCLUSIONS. . . . . . . . . . . Blnuwmm O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O APMICBSOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO iii Page ii iv vii viii 26 SN 19 100 116 ISI 152 ISO LIST or TABLES Table Page 1-1. Relation of Capital Goods Import to COPIEOI IMVOOCIOHTO e e e e e e e e e 10 1-2. Rates of Increase of In ort, Export, Industrial and Agricu tural Production Of COIEMHIOT CHIHO. e e e e e e e e e 20 1-3. The Relation Between foreign Trade and National Product of Communist China . 23 11-1. foreign Trade Turnover of Communist China s e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 2. 11-2. Regional Distribution of foreign Trade Turnover of Communist China . . . . . 20 11-3. Foreign Trade Turnover of Communist China s e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 30 11-h. Regional Distribution of foreign Trade Of COUIMDAOE China e e e e e e e e e 31 11-5. Turnover and Regional Distribution of Foreign Trade of Communist China. . . an 11-6. Official Foreign Exchange Quotations of - COflflMMIOE Chifll e e e e e e e e e e e “o 11-7e Sinc-Communist-bloc T’Qd‘ e e e e e e e “1 11-8. Turnover and Regional Distribution of Foreign Trade of Communist China . . us II-O. Balance of foreign Trade of Communist China s e e e e e e e e e e e e e e a NO 11-10. Balance of foreign Trade of Communist Chin. e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 52 11-11. Turnover and Regional Distribution of foreign Trade of Communist China. . . 53 iv Table III-1e III-2. III-3 . III-“ . III-5e III-6 a III-7. 111-8 . III-9. III-10. III-Ila III-12. 111-13. III-lb. IVOIe IV-2. IV—3. IV-“ . I'US . General Commodity Imports of Communist Chi“. e e e e e e e e e e e e s s e e Machinery and Equipment Imports of Communist China s e e e e e e e e e e Machinery and Equipment Imports of comm“ni.t China e e e e e e e e e e e Manufactured Goods Imports of Communist China e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e Chemicals Imports of Communist China. . Manufactured Minerals Imports of COMMHBIHE China s e e e e e e e e e e Other Manufactured Coods Imports of Communist China s e e e e e e e e e e Raw Materials Imports of Comunist China a e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e Animal and Vegetable Raw Materials Imports of Communist China . . . . . Crude Minerals Inports of Communist China s e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e Foodstuffs Imports of Communist China . Exports of Russia to Communist China. . Exports of Developed Countries to Communist China s e e e e e e e e e 0 Exports of Underdeveloped Countries to CONMHRIOE China s e e e e e e e e e e General Commodity Exports of Communist China a e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e foodstuffs Exports of Communist China . foodstuffs Exports of Communist China . Raw Materials Exports of Communist China a e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e Animal and Vegetable Raw Materials Exports of Communist China. . . . . . Page It 58 59 6: SI 65 67 SS 69 7O 72 73 7|! 75 so 80 82 Table Iv-s. Iv07. IVC8 Q IV'g . IV-lO. IV'lle IV-12. IV-13. IV-1k. v-1. v-2. V-3. V'“. VI-10 VII-1. vi Crude Minerals Exports of Communist Ctheeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee Manufactured Goods Exports of Communist China................. Chemicals Exports of Communist China. . . Manufactured Minerals Exports of ComunistChina............ Other Manufactured Goods Exports of CommunistChina............ Machinery and Equipment Exports of CommunistChina............ Exports of Communist China to Russia. . . Exports of Communist China to Developed comtrieseeeeeeeeeeeeeee Exports of Communist China to Underdeveloped Countries............... Net Commodity Trade Position of Communist China................. Gino-Soviet Net Commodity Trade Position. Sino-Developed-Countries Met Commodity Trade Pos ti on............. Sino-Uhderdeveloped-Countries Met Commodity Trade Position. . . . . . . . Geographic Concentration Indices of the foreign Trade of Communist China. . . . Manufactures Exports of Communist China . Page 87 88 91 93 95 97 101 10k 107 110 119 1M7 Figure I‘le II-I. II-2. II-S. III-1. IV‘le IVC2 e IVC3. IV-N. v-1. V-2 a V-3. V.“ 0 LIST Of ILLUSTRATIONS Page Import and Export as Percentage of National Product of Communist China . . . 25 Comparison of foreign Trade figures . . . . SS Reconciliation of foreign Trade figures . . as foreign Trade Balance of Communist China. . “8 Exports of Underdeveloped Countries to Communist China e e e e e e e e e e e e e 77 General Commodity Exports of Communist Chin. e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 81 Exports of Communist China to Russia. . . . 9b Exports of Communist China to Developed COUDETIO. e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 96 Exports of Communist China to underdeveloped Countries e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 98 Overall Net Commodity Trade Position of COINHRIGE China e e e e e e e e e e e e e 102 Sine-Soviet Met Commodity Trade Position. . lOS Gino-Developed-Ccuntries Net Commodity Trade 9°.it10ne e e e e e e e e e e e e e 109 Sino-Underdeveloped-Countries Met Commodity . Trade POOIEIOfle e e e e e e e e e e e e e 112 vii LIST OF APPENDICES APPENDIX A. C. D. F. The Regional Distribution of the foreign Trade of Communist China. . . . . . . . . . The Regional Distribution of the foreign Trade of Communist China -- Summary . . . . The Commodity Structure of the foreign Trade of Communist China in 1951. . . . . . The Commodity Structure and Origin of Imports of Communist China, lSSS-lSSO . . . . . . . The Commodity Structure and Destination of Exports of Communist China, lOSS-lSSO . . . The Import of Complete Industrial under- takings of Communist China. . . . . . . . . Concentration Indices of foreign Trade. . . . viii Page 160 177 179 108 192 197 202 INTRODUCTION The study of the foreign trade of Communist China remains largely on a general-survey level. Either in 1 or in in- general works on the economy of Communist China, dividual articles on this subject,2 investigations usually include an estimation of the turnover of Communist Chinese foreign trade, its regional distribution, its balance, and some discussions on its commodity structure and the terms of trade problem. There are also two independent studies on this subject. One is made by Main Ying in 1951:,3 most 1Some of the prominent works are: Cho-ming Li, Economic Develo ment of Communist China (Berkeley and Los KfigeIes: Universify of CaI1forn1a Press, 1959), Chapter XI; A. Doak Barnett, Communist Economic Strategy: The Rise of Mainland China (Wasi1ngton, . .: .at1ona anning Associa- tion, ISSSI, Chapters 8-10; C. F. Remer ed., Three Essays on the International Economics of Communist China (Ann Arbor: Un1vers1ty of—7ICh1gan_Press, 1959); PYT'L. Wu, An Economic Survey of Communist China (New York: Bookman Associates, 19SST, ChapterEIS, Y. L. Wu, F. P. Hoeber s M. H. Rockwell, The Economic Potential of Communist China (Menlo Park: Sta-Ford RescarEfiInstitute, ISBSS, CHapTer 13; and Bernhard Grossmann, Die Wirtschaftliche Entwicklun der Volksregublih China (Stuttgart: Gustav Fiscfier VerIag, , 3p er e 2for example: E. P. Szczepanik, "foreign Trade of Communist China," Contem ora China, No. 3, (1958-1959), pp. Su-ISO, and also "BaIance of Payments of Mainland China,” Economic and Social Problems of the far East, E. P. Szcze- paniE ed., {Hong Kong: Hong Kong Univer51fy Press, 1962), pp. 113-129; and T. C. Li, "A Valuation of China's foreign Trade,” Far Eastern Economic Review, Vol. XXVII, No. 1% (Oct. 1’ 1959,, ppe 550-558. aHsin Ying, The foreign Trade of Communist China (Mong Kong: The Union*ResearCh ns 1 u e, . 1 2 of which is devoted to explaining the_trade practices in the earlier years of the Communist regime. The other by Chang Cho-yuan in 1956,1 which goes further to present some main features of the commodity structure of Communist Chinese foreign trade, but it is short of systematic analysis. There are still other studies that limit themselves mainly or entirely to Sino-Soviet economic relations and thus give an incomplete picture.2 Evidently, many authors of these studies are not aware of Communist China's manipulation of her foreign ex- change rates and her special way in making foreign trade reports, and therefore are confused when they find that Communist China's foreign trade statistics are incompatible with those reported by her trading partners. Besides, none of these studies has a detailed and systematic analysis on the changing pattern of the commodity structure of the foreign trade of Communist China in relation to her economic development. Moreover, none of them has assessed Communist China's position in the international flow of commodities, to say nothing of international comparisons. This study consists of seven chapters. The first 1Cheng Che-yuan, The China Mainland Market under Communist Control (Mong Kong: Tfie Union Researcfi Insfifute, 2For example: Alexander Eckstein, "Moscow-Peking Axis: The Economic Pattern,” Moscow-Pekin Axis, H. L. Boorman, et. al. (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 1957), pp. su-111; Die Wirtschaftliche Verflechtun der Volksre ublik China mi? Her Sowietunion (HamEurg: Insfitut Fuer KsIenRunae, I959) 3 chapter is essentially an introductory chapter, which re- lates the foreign trade of Communist China with her economy and economic development. Chapter Two deals with the compatibility of the Communist Chinese foreign trade statis- tics with those reported by her trading partners, with an estimation of the actual regional distribution and balance of her foreign trade. Chapters Three through five are de- voted to a detailed analysis of the commodity structure and its changes in the foreign trade of communist China, and her net position in various commodity groups in relation to various countries. An international comparison with respect to the concentration of foreign trade is made in Chapter Six, with discussions on various factors that make the case of Communist China somewhat special. Chapter Seven, the concluding chapter, summarizes findings in previous chapters and once more assesses the place of foreign trade in the Communist Chinese economy and economic development and its prospects in the future. The time period under study is 19u9-1960. for Communist China, this was a period of continuous, though fluctuating, growth. In spite of the fact that her recent economic crisis began in the latter half of 1960, foreign wtrade still maintained its normal level in that year. Be- cause of lack of statistics, detailed analysis is limited to the period 1955-1960. Short as this period might seem, it does not fail to provide certain evident trends indicat- ing rapid changes in the commodity structure of the foreign trade of Communist China. Total value is used as the quantitative measure. The problem of ”unit value" (price) is deliberately avoided for two reasons. first, various countries made their trade reports in various physical units even for the same commodi- ties. There is no way to compare the ”unit value" of commodities when some physical units are given in "pieces" and "meters” while others are given in ”metric tons,” and so on, not to speak of the more tricky problem of quality comparison. Second, the problem of "unit value" is connected with the terms of trade question, on which a few preliminary studies have been made by some other economist by use of sample commodities.1 No attempt is made here to repeat their work, but their results will be discussed when they are related to the context of the present study. The following are abbreviations of titles of some Communist Chinest publications and translation series that are cited in this study. Communist Chinese Newspapers: JMJP Jen-min jih-pao (People's Daily) TKP Ta-kung-pao (Impartial Daily) Communist Chinese Periodicals: ‘MMYP Msin-hua yuch-pao (New China Monthly) 1for example: feng-hua Ma, "Price Problems in Communist China's foreign Trade," Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. XXI, No. u (August, 1962), pp. BSI- 33!. (ABsIracts of Papers Presented at the fourteenth Annual Meeting): and A. Yoshio, ”Terms of Trade of China and Underdeveloped coun- tries in Relation to Their Trade with the Soviet Union," JPRS:9u9u (28 June, 1961). It. . 0"" HHPYK CHCC CHYTC CKCKY PC PR 5 Hsin-hua pan-yueh-kan (New China Semi- monthly) Chi-hua ching-chi (Planned Economy) Chi-hue yfi tung-chi (Planning and Statistics) Chung-kuo ching-kung-yeh (Chinese Light Industry) People's China Peking Review Translation series: JPRS SCMP U.S. Joint Publications Research Service (Washington, D. C.) Survey of China Mainland Press (Mong Kong, American Consulate General) CHAPTER I THE PLACE OF FOREIGN TRADE IN THE ECONOMY OF COMMUNIST CHINA The ambitious scheme of comprehensive economic planning for development of Communist China shows an in- patient giant's attempt to leap into prospective affluence, with one foot still bound in deep-rooted economic backward- ness of the past. China's economic backwardness was further accentuated by eight years of Sino—Japanese war and four years of civil hostility. when the Communist regime finally took over in 19u9, it spent three years in restoring the national economy, in spite of the Korean War which was be- ing fought during part of this period. By the end of 1952 most outputs in major industrial and agricultural products were reported to have surpassed the peaks in the "pre- liberation” era.1 The ambitious first five-Year Plan was then launched (1953-1957), followed by two years of the "Great Leap forward,” in which major targets of the Second five-Year Plan were claimed to have been fulfilled three years 1first five-Year Plan for Develo ment of the . National Econom of {Fe Peo Ie's Re uSIic of China In 1953- I§57 (Pe EIng: ForeIgn CEfiguages Press, I953), p. I3. (TEIs worE will be cited in brief hereafter as the first five— YCQE' Plan) a 7 ahead of schedule.1 Then came three years of devastating catastrophe. Throughout these years, in days of achieve- ments and in days of adversity, industrial development was the focal point of all efforts. In the first five-Year Plan, 56.21 of total state investments in capital construction was allotted to industry alone.2 It was contended that in- dustrialization, and only rapid industrialization, was the magic needed to rid the country of its economic backward- ness. Such a contention, however, does not lead necessarily to policies which the regime had consciously designed and vigorously pursued, had it not been guided by other con- siderations. In the first five-YearfiPlan the Constitution of the People's Republic was quoted:3 from the founding of the PeOple's Republic to the attainment of a socialist society is a period of transition. During the transition the fundamental task of the state 13, step by step, to bring about the socialist industrialization of the country and step by step, to accomplish the socialist transforma- tion of agriculture, handicrafts and capitalist in- dustry and commerce. Here it is unmistakably clear from the very outset that the orientation was_ideological. It was not merely industrialization, but socialist industrialization which was 1Li fu-chun, "Report on the Draft 1960 National Economic Plan," Second Session of the Second National Peo le's Con ass of {He Peo Ie's Re uBIic of Cfiina (Docu- meng) (PeEing: Foreign Canguages Press, I935), p. I. 2first five-Year Plan, 22. cit., p. 29. 31bid., p. 21. mi ate; ever ccns OCCR 1: I 1132 ‘1 A. I sat for m zati and See: tee of t the 3!}; S desired. The first five-Year Plan did not map out the exact steps by which the whole process would be achieved. How- ever, it was made clear that a small-peasant economy, which constituted the overwhelming proportion of the Chinese economy, was incompatible with socialist industrialization.1 The transformation of the traditional economy was therefore a matter of necessity. In this respect, industrialization itself was not merely an end which symbolized higher economic well-being, but by its very process, it was also a means to shatter the traditional economy and help achieve the ideo- logical goal of socialization. The first five-Year Plan also quoted Mao Tse-tung for saying:2 Without industry, there can be no solid national de- ense, no people s welfare and no national prosperity and power. This reflects very well the vivid impressions of the days of treaty-ports and extra-territoriality in the minds of the Communist Chinese leaders. To consolidate national defense as well as to increase national prestige and power, industrialization was deemed to be indispensable. Needless to say the aim was political in nature. Mere once again industrialization was a means as well as an end of the whole venture. With a low industrial basis to start, the main goal to strive for was, of course, the development of her own industrial sector. 11bid., p. 16f. 2first five-Year-Plan, 22. cit., p. 16. 9 It is upon these ideological and political grounds that we should tackle the problem of Communist Chinese in- dustrialization. And it is in the lights of these con- siderations that we should look into the pattern of her foreign trade as an integral part of her economy and economic development. Reguirement for Capital Goods Import In view of urgent need for rapid economic develop- ment, Communist China required a tremendous amount of capital goods. She not only needed capital goods for the production of consumers' goods, but also those for producing producers' goods. The first five-Year Plan was enunciated to establish a multiplicity of industries, the core of which was to be imported. This consisted of 156 fabove norm" industrial and mining projects which were designed and fur- ther supplied with complete sets of the latest equipment from Russia, and another 68 projects from the Eastern Euro- pean Communist countries.1 In addition to these, Communist China also imported large amounts of other capital goods and raw material imputs from the Communist bloc as well as from the free World. Of all imports, pointed out the Minis- terof foreign Trade, more than ninety percent were capital goods.2 1These projects will be discussed in greater detail in Chapter 3, pp. 61-62, and Appendix f below. 2Yeh Chi-chuang, "Shih-nien 1ai wo-kuo ti tui-wai mac-i,” (foreign Trade of Our Country in the Past Decade), JMJP, Sept. 22, 1959. of th IA Ye of capital goods with total capital investments will show the importance of these imports in her capital construction. TABLE I-1:--Relation of Capital Goods Import to Capital In- vestments (value in million yuans) A comparison of Communist China's import 10 Year Total Capital Goods Capital Total Capital Goods Import Imp. as t of Goods Capital Imp. as t of Total Import Import Investments Total Invest. (l) (2) (3) (u) (5) (6) 1952 3,7“6.8 90.6 3,399.6 “,360.0 77.8 1953 u,611.3 93.0 u,2ss.s 8,000.0 53.6 195s u,u0u.u 92.8 9,087.3 9,070.0 us.1 1955 6,039.0 99.5 5,706.9 9,300.0 61.3 1956 5,297.0 92.9 u,ssu.u lk,800.0 33.1 1957 5,002.0 92.7 8,636.9 13,830.0 33.5 1958 8,137.9 93.7 5,750.3 26,700.0 21.5 l953-57 25,353.7 23,619.0 55,000.0 “2.9 Sources: Column (2): Table 11-1 below: Columns (3) 5 (5): Ten Great Years, (Peking: foreign Languages Press, 1960 , p. lated from Columns (u) 8 (5). an pp. 57-58 respectively: Column (a): calculated from Columns (2) S (3): Column (6): calcu- .d W ”I U 1‘“ 11' It should be noted here that the Total Import figures were based on external prices,1 while the Capital Invest- ments figures were based on internal prices. Disequilibrium exchange rates would distort their actual relation. There- fore this comparison should be considered as a comparison of expenditures on capital goods import and capital invest- ments from the standpoint of the Communist Chinese budget. The comparison shows that for the first five-Year Piflfl period more than forty percent of the State's expenditure on capital investments was made in purchasing capital goods abroad. The abrupt decrease of the percentage of capital goods import to capital investments was due to an abrupt increase of the latter, which probably included a substan- tial amount of local investments in indigenous industries made during the ”Great Leap forward." foreign Credits and the Need for Export In part Communist China was able to finance her im- ports with the help of foreign credits. from Russia alone, she obtained a total of 1720 million (old) rubles under agreements made in 1950 and 1959.2 She must also have ob- tained further trade credits, for in his budgetary report 1Communist China's manipulation of foreign exchange rates and her way of reporting foreign trade figures will be discussed in Chapter 2 below. 2Equivalent to 1763 million yuans. The exchange rate between the yuan and the ruble will be discussed in Chapter 2 below. 12 to the People's Congress, the Hinister of Finance indicated that up to l957 Communist China had received a total of 529% million yuans of credits from Russia.1 In his later budgetary reports, no provisions were made for further credits. Therefore the total credit received during the period 1950-1960 was 529k million yuans. For the same period, Communist China imported a total of more than 5» billion yuans of goods.2 Therefore, Russian credits helped to finance an amount slightly less than 10% of Communist Chinese imports during this period. Because these Russian credits were tied to imports from Russia, a comparison of these credits with Communist Chinese imports from Russia would be more revealing. From 1950 to 1960 Communist China imported from Russia a total of about 29 billion (old) rubles of goods,3 in which complete industrial undertakings amounted to about 6.8 billion rubles.“ These were equivalent to about 30 and 6.9 billion 1bi Hsien-nien, "Kuan-yfi 1956 nien kuo-chia chueh- suan ho 1957 nien kuo-chia yfi-suan tsao-an ti pao-kao," (Report on the 1956 National Final Accounts and l957 Na- tional Draft Budget), HHPYK, No. 1%, 1957, pp. 16-28. 2From Table 11-9 below. 3See Appendix 8 below. “See Table III-2 below; also H. Sladkovskie, ”Razvitiye Torgovli Sovyetskogo Sousa s Kitaeskoe Napodnoe _Respublikoe,” (Trade Development of the Soviet Union with the People's Republic of China), Vneshn a a Tor ovl a (Foreign Trade), No. 10, 1959, pp. E-IU. 13 yuans respectively.1 Then we see that Russian credits were enough to finance about 169 of Communist China's im- ports, or slightly less than 80% of her imports of complete industrial undertakings from Russia. The rest Communist China paid in current exports. Moreover, repayment for part of these credits were due as early as 1955 in form of exports.2 Dictated by her urgent need for imports, Communist China had to promote exports to the best of her ability. The importance of foreign trade, it was contended, was on the side of imports. And the other side was but a necessary evil. This was stressed by the Minister of Foreign Trade, who stated that:3 The purpose of export is to guarantee the import of those complete sets of equipment and various important materials necessary for our various constructions, es- pecially our heavy industrial constructions. In fact, every country has to export for the sake of import. However, when this truism became a slogan, its underlying implication was obvious. It constituted the grounds for an all-out export-drive policy. It was not at all surprising that the minister proceeded to lay down . 1The exchange rate between the yuan and the ruble will be discussed in Chapter 2 below. 2For information on the terms of these credits, see: Cho—ming Li, 22, cit., p. 170. 3Yeh Chi-chuang, "Kai-chin wo-kuo tsu-kou, Pao- cheng kuo-chia kung-yeh chien-she," (Improve Our Work in Exports, Guarantee Our National Industrial Construction), HHPYK, No. 21, 1956, p. 155. 1n principles stipulating that:quotas be imposed on exports of those commodities that were necessary for national construc- tion and people's livelihood, economy be practiced on domestic consumptions of those agricultural by-products and light industrial products so as to provide more for export, and priority be given to export in those commodities that could be dispensed with in the domestic market.1, In other words, all surplus over minimum domestic requirement should be ex- ported. Therefore, the foreign trade sector of Communist China was essentially a tool to transplant into Communist China modern technology from the advanced countries. Its function was to turn part of her domestic surplus into foreign exchanges, and then the foreign exchanges into foreign supply of capital goods. All her foreign trade operations were part and parcel of her efforts towards economic development. Organization, Nationalization and Planning Recognizing so important was the task for foreign trade, the Communist regime lost no time and further took no chances in leaving its operation in private hands. Under the provision of the Organic Law of the People's Republic, a Ministry of Trade was set up in 19u9 as the administrative organ for all trade operations. Trade departments were instituted in major administrative regions, provinces, and 1Ibid., p. 156, passim. Eff '1! If? 15 municipalities to take part directly in trading. In May, 1950 twelve national-wide state companies were organized, six of which were foreign trade companies dealing in bristles, oils and fats, tea, mining products, native manufactured goods and import-export.1 The Ministry was divided into a Ministry of Foreign Trade and a Ministry of Commerce when Communist China was about to embark on her First Five-Year Plan. Thus the Ministry of Foreign Trade became the supreme ad- ministrative organ in foreign trade since August, 1952. There were also increases and reorganizations in the state operated foreign trade companies. By 1955 there were some fifteen such companies covering all branches of foreign trade operations.2 Since 1950 there were also Foreign Trade Control Offices under the Ministry of Trade, as private foreign trade was then still permitted to operate. Their function was to register and grant business licenses to private foreign trade concerns, issue export and import licenses, and to check and fix price in each deal.3 In 1953 these offices were liquidated and their staffs were merged into local offices of the Customs Administration, which itself 1”China's Foreign Trade Arrangements and Activities,” JPRS:3725, Communist China Digest No. 22 (18 August, 1960), PP- ’3'!“- 2"Trading Organizations in China,” Far Eastern Economic Review, Vol. XX, No. 20 (May 17, 1953), pp. 527- W 3Hsin Ting, The Foreign Trade of Communist China, Ole $1.3" ppe 21" 2e m i 5639 1.1 s:' ;-:m soon 16 was integrated into the Ministry of Foreign Trade at the same time.~ . As the state trading companies grew in number and in size, as well as enjoyed monopoly in trading certain imp portant commodities, the scope of private business concerns soon began to contract. Those who survived still had to go through a process of socialist transformation. The govern- ment had them under control either by making investments in their businesses, merging them with state companies, sending workers to supervise them, or making them to operate as intermediaries or commissioners of the state companies.1 By 1955, virtually all foreign trade transactions were under state control.2 In a planned'economy, foreign trade planning can play either the role of balancing domestic surplus and deficit of different sectors, or of fitting the domestic economy into the international economy. In the first case domestic lines of production are determined by considerations other than existing comparative cost-price relationships, so that foreign trade only functions as a safety valve. In the second case considerations on comparative cost-price relationships determine domestic lines of production. This 1”China's Foreign Trade Arrangements and Activities," 22s Cite. pe 22s '2Chao Chi-chiang, ”Chi-nien lai wo-kuo tui-wai mao-i chung-ta pien-hua ho fa-chan," (Important Changes and Developments of Our Country's Foreign Trade in the Last Seven Years), Tui-wai mao-i lun-wen shuan (Selected Treatises on Foreign Trade), (Peking, 195’), pp. 15-17. .17 static dichotomy, however, precludes economic development. When economic development is considered to be of paramount importance, this dichotomy is then transformed into the choice between development through “balanced growth,“ or through ”comparative advantage.“ The choice of Communist China was obviously the first one. Foreign trade planning played the role of balancing domestic deficit and surplus, which in the light of deliberate development, were but capital goods and their necessary payments. In her actual execution of foreign trade planning, Communist China was not without difficulties. while im- port requirements were heavy and pressures were high, and were often pre-determined and thrust upon the Ministry, the main task in planning rested on the arrangement of more exports. Little information was available on the actual planning procedure. All that which was known was that a plan did exist. The agricultural sector remained the main source from which exportable commodities were drawn. With its unpredictability, there was no way to draw up a plan of any precision in order to guarantee the rigid de- mand for imports. Probably it was for this reason that, in the First Five-Year Plan, there was only a target for the total trade turnover in 1957 to increase 66.5% over 1952.1 No other information was given. This target, admitted the Minister of Foreign Trade before the People's Congress in 1955, ” . . . is for controlling purposes and is only a 1The First Five-Year Plan, 22, cit., p. 163. ta: be} fc] {5’3 ts! fit: 18 target to strive for."1 The difficulties in planning and balancing were spelled out more explicitly by him in the following year:2 In the past, because that the export plan very often could not be handed down together with the national economic plan, it could not be integrated into the national economic plan of various provinces and municipalities. This had caused a weak guaranty in the source of exportable commodities. Me also complained that:3 . . . in arranging or increasing import and export plans, related government departments paid too much attention on import requirements and neglected import supplies. and finally admitted that "not enough had been done on developing the production of exports in a planned .10 manner. It was not until 1957, when previous Russian credits came to an end and no further credits were foreseeable, that import and export planned targets were reduced. The planned import figure was cut to #755 million yuans for 1957 from an actual 5297 million yuans in 1956, while the planned export figure was cut to 5200 million yuans for 1957 from an 1"Yeh Chi-chuang pu-chang ti fa-yen," (The State- ment of Minister Yeh Ch -chuang), Jen-min shou-tse (People's Handbook) (Peking, 1956), p. 232. 2Yeh Chi-chuang, "Kai-chin wo-kuo tsu-kou kung- tso, Pao-cheng kuo-chia kung-yeh chien-she," (Improve Our work in Exports, Guarantee Our National Industrial Con- struction), HMPYK, Mo. 21, 1956, p. 155. 3161d.. 9. 155. “Ibid., p. 155. 19 actual $569 million yuans in 1956.1 Thus a substantial safety margin was provided. Also, it was not until the same year that the export plan and the supply plan for export commodities were ratified by the State Council to be inte- grated into the national economic plan.2 Since then it was advocated that export plan should not be based on import plan alone. It should rather be arranged in such a way as to balance basic construction, production, and domestic market demand, and observe the principle of ”fixing import by export."3 In fact this was quite a step towards more rational planning. However, because of pressures on the side of neededimports, long run planning and stabilization were not achieved. As we shall see later, this only shows that her foreign trade sector depended heavily on her domestic economy, so that it would fall an immediate victim in case of a mal-performance of the latter. Foreigg TradeI Industrial and Agricultural Production It was already mentioned that the export of Communist China depended heavily on her agricultural sector, and that 1Yeh Chi-chuang, "Tan tui-wai mao-i," (On Foreign Trade), MMPYK, No. 16, 1957, p. 91. 2Li Ming, "Mo-men shi chen-yang kuan-li tui-wai mac-i chi-hue ti” (How we Manage Foreign Trade Planning), CHCC NO. 5, 1957, p. 20. 3Li Po-fang, "Chi-chi chia-chiang tsu-chi tsu-kou huo-yuan,” (Strenuously Strengthening the Organization of Commodity Sources for Exports , CMCC, Mo. 2, 1958, p. 28. Ilfl m: and ‘A 1:5 .- .a C“’ m J" cu; e,r c.“ e'u' (V, in )e, a: '5 (x10 20 her economic development depended heavily on capital goods import. The following table is a comparison of the rates of growth of her imports, exports, industrial and agricultural pmdUCt 1 on 8 e TABLE I-2:--Rates of increase of import, export, industrial and agricultural productions of Communist China (percentage increases over preceding year) Import Export Gross Value Year Gross Value Nature of Indus. Prod. Ag. Prod. Ag. year (1) (2) (3) (k) (5) (6) 1952 6.7 11.2 30.3 15.3 good 1953 20.8 28.1 30.2 3.1 normal 195“ -M.5 16.8 16.3 3.3 poor 1955 37.1 21.5 5.6 7.7 good 1956 -12.3 12.6 28.2 “.9 poor 1957 -$.6 -3.8 11.6 3.5 poor 1958 22.7 23.1 66.2 25.0 good 1959 12.3 15.2 39.3 16.7 good Sources: Columns (2) 6 (3): calculated from figures in Table 11-9 below; Columns (u) 6 (5): Yang Chien-pai, "On the Internal Relationship between Industrial and Agri- cultural Production," for 1952-1956, Po I-po, 1957 Draft National Economic Plan) pp. 28-39; for 1958-1959, general JPRS:563u, 26 Oct., 1960; Column (6): uan-yU 1956 nien tu ching-chi chi-hua ti chi-hsing chieh-kuo ho 1957 nien tu kuo-min ching-chi chi-hue tsao-an ti pao-kao" (Report of the Re- sults of the Execution of the 1956 Economic Plan and the in?— ormation. napyx, Mo. 1u,1957, 21 In general, a rapid increase of export was corre- lated with good or normal agricultural year, and slow in- crease of expert with poor agricultural year. This shows clearly the dependence of her export on the performance of her agricultural sector. The same relationship holds be- tween her agricultural production and import. Poor agri- cultural yeare were correlated with actual decreases in her import. This suggests that every year import was pushed as far as the agricultural surplus would allow, so that in case of a subsequent decline in agricultural production, it de- creased in absolute value. Except in 1955 when there was an inward transfer from Russia,1 the rates of increase in export were higher than those in import. That is to say, starting from a lower absolute level, export had to forge ahead at a faster rate to sustain import and repay previous credits. The relationship between the rates of increase of industrial production and that of the others was less con- spicuous. In some cases there seemed to be a one-year lag in the pattern of growth in industrial production behind those of the others. The prime determinant was of course agricultural production, which not only helped finance imp port, but also furnished raw materials for industrial pro- duction. The remarkable rapid rates of increase in indus- -trial production in the latter years were mainly due to the development of the ”indigenous industries" during the ”Great 1See discussion on p.62 'below. _._' £1“ I! 5a th 22 Leap Forward," however, they were also partly fruits of prev- ious imports.1 Foreigg Trade and National Income Even though the role of foreign trade in the economic development of Communist China was important, one might ask 'a further question, how important was it in relation to her national income? For the purpose of comparison, the estimates of T. C. Liu and K. C. Yeh for the national income of Communist China are used. Their estimates are in 1952 constant prices. As the Communist Chinese foreign trade figures are in current prices, adjustments are made by using the United Nations' export and import price indices as deflators.2 One point should be noted in this comparison. As the National Product figures were calculated in internal prices, the Import and Export figures were calculated in external prices.3 Disequilibrium exchange rates would affect the 1By the end of 1959, it was reported that 113 Russian projects, and some projects supplied by the Eastern European Communist countries, were completed and put into operation. See Appendix F. 2In the view that Communist China's foreign trade was transacted in, or based on "capitalist world market prices" (see p. 50 below), the use of the United Nations' ‘1rice indices is justified. Here the world export price : dices are used to adjust the Communist Chinese imports, and the world import price indices are used to adjust the Communist Chinese exports. See Chapter II, pp. 36-h1 below. 23 TABLE I-3:--The relation between foreign trade and national product of Communist China (valge in billion constant 1952 yuans ~Year Nat'l Import Export Import, Export, Im. 0 Ex. P’Oduct (adj'td) (de'td) e e e e “e 1Pe (l) (2) (3) (u) (5) (6) 1952 71.81 3.75 2.71 5.3 3.8 9.1 1953 75.33 8.85 3.85 5.0 5.1 11.5 1958 79.28 “.57 8.07 5.8 5.5 11.8 1955 82.30 5.83 5.37 7.8 5.5 18.3 1955 92.08 5.52 5.92 5.0 5.8 12.8 1957 95.30 5.10 5.52 5.3 5.9 11.2 1958 108.00 5.85 7.29 5.0 5.8 12.8 I. “ Sources: Column (2): T. C. Liu and K. C. Yeh, The Econom of the Chinese Mainland: National Income and Ken's-{m 'c'15'e_ve'To""m'e'n"‘E 193331959 (2 voIs.: Santa Monica: The Rand Co oration,1953),VoI. I, p. 98: Columns (3) 6 (6): Table II-9 below, with adjustments as mentioned in the text; Columns (5) through (7): calculated. result of this comparison. It is known that the Communist Chinese yuan is overvalued against currencies in the Free world;1 however, evidence also shows that it was undervalued 2 against the Russian ruble. Then, the effects of these disequilibrium exchange rates would balance each other out 1Yeh Chi-chuang, "Tan tui-wai mac-i,” (On Foreign Trade), MMPYK, Mo. 16,1957, p. 93. 2Kang Chao, “Yuan-dollar price Ratio in Communist China and the United States,” Occasional Pa are No. 2 James I. Crump, Jr., ed. (Center or nese u es: 1- versity of Michigan, 1963), p. 19. ' 2'6 to some extent. Since there is no way to determine the net result, we can only keep this as a qualification. The comparison shows that both the import and export of Communist China were small compared to her national product. While the percentage of import to national pro- duct was quite constant (about 66), the percentage of ex- port to national product showed a slight trend of increase. For the whole period under study, the foreign trade turn- over of Communist China.was only about 126 of her national product. The percentage is about that of the United States, and considerably lower than most industrial countries.1 1The same percentage for United Kingdom was 326 (1965-1952); for France was 256 (1986-1951): for Canada was 306 (1950-1956): and for Japan was 206 (1950-195“). See Simon Kuznets, Six Lectures on Economic Growth (Illinois: The Free Prwss of GIencoe, 1959), pp. 101-103. 25 FIGURE I-l Import and Export as Percentage of a ona ro uc o ommun s . na PCEBIIE~ export 9 _ ----- import 1 1 1 u L 1952 165: 165» ilss 1655 1537 1953 Source: Table I-3. U". m CHAPTER II ESTIMATION OF THE TURNOVER, REGIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND BALANCE OF THE FOREIGN TRADE OE COMMUNIST CHINA There are two sources of information from.which we can get statistics to estimate the foreign trade of Commu- nist China: reports made by Communist China, and those made by her trading partners. Theoretically, statistics derived from these two sources should be identical. However, they are found to have substantial differences when compared on the same currency basis, and thus raise a host of possible explanations among economists. The core of the entire prob- lem, as I shall demonstrate, lies in Communist China's manipulation of foreign exchange rates, and special way of reporting foreign trade figures. On this basis, it will be shown that these two sets of figures are essentially the same, and we are enabled to arrive at the actual turnover, regional distribution and balance of the foreign trade of Communist China. . Estimates from Communist Chinese Sources Compared to other Communist Chinese economic statistics, foreign trade statistics have been relatively scarce, because they are classified as economic secrets 25 27 of the State.1 But it is still possible to compile the following tables from information given in various Communist Chinese publications, (Tables II-l, II-2). . In Table II-2, all countries outside the Communist bloc are grouped together under the heading of Rest of the ‘World, for which all absolute figures and percentages are residuals. Incomplete statistics hamper the operation of breaking down these figures into further sub-groups. What is more, it is exceedingly hard to assess the connotations of such terms as ”capitalist world,” “capitalist countries,” and the ”Asian-African countries,” which are often seen in Communist Chinese publications. Therefore, it is better to classify them under one group. As for breaking down the several trade figures into exports and imports, incomplete information again hampers us. Estimates from United Nations' Publications In spite of the fact that foreign trade statistics from Communist Chinese sources are scarce, such statistics are far more readily accessible from Communist China's trad- ing partners. Foreign trade reports of various countries .to the United Nations, and occasionally some other informa- tion, make it possible to have a more detailed picture. For the purpose of comparison two following tables are compiled,2 (Table 11-3, II-b). IChoh-ming 1.1. 22. 233., p. 116. 2For detailed statistics and explanations, see Appendices A and B. 28 TABLE II-l.--Foreign trade turnover of Communist China (in million yuans) Year Turnover Import Export (1) (2) (3) (8) 1950 8,150.0 2,116.5 2,033.5 1951 5,950.0 3,510.5 2,839.5 1952 6,860.0 3,786.8 2,713.2 1953 8,090.0 8,611.3 3,878.7 1958 8,870.0 8,808.8 8,065.6 1955 10,980.0 6,039.0 8,981.0 1956 10,870.0 5,297.0 5,568.0 1957 10,850.0 5,002.0 5,887.0 1958 l2,870.0 6,137.9 6,710.6 Foreign Languages Press, 1960 , p. 1957) (Cambri ge: BPVQI‘ Sources: Column (2): Ten Great Years (Peking: ; o umns (3) 6 (8): 1950-1955: calculated from (2) and indices given by Com- munist Chinese source. chang Yin, Economic Statistics on Mainland China (1989- niversi y ress, For indices, see Helen Yin and Yi- s P0 535 I955: Yeh Chi-chuang, "Tan tui-wai mac-i," (On Foreign Trade), MMPYK, Mo. 16, 1957, p. 91; No final official figures were given for 1957. Here estimates are made by assuming both the import and export targets were overful- filled by the same percentage. chuang, Ibid., p. 91: 1958: calculated. For targets, see Yeh Chi- Import was 2.9 times and export was 3.3 times that of 1950, Ten Great Years, 2p, cit., p. 168. 29 TABLE II-2.--Regiona1 distribution of foreign trade turnover of Communist China (in million yuans) Year Total Communist bloc Rest of Turnover o a oc . . . . es oc the World Value a us 5 VaIue a us a ue (l) (2) (3) (8) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) 1950 8150.0 33.5 1390.3 30.9 1282.8 2.6 107.9 66.5 2759.7 1951 5950.0 63.3 3766.8 88.7 2897.7 18.6 868.7 36.7 2183.6 1952 6860.0 78.1 5085.3 57.3 3701.6 20.8 1383.7 21.9 1818.7 1953 8090.0 75.5 6108.0 56.8 8562.8 19.1 1585.2 28.5 1982.0 1958 8870.0 80.0 6776.0 n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 20.0 1698.0 1955 10980.0 80.0 8788.0(62.0) 6797.0 (18.0) 1987.0 20.0 2196.0 1956 10870.0 75.0 8152.5 58.0 5869.1 21.0 2282.7 25.0 2717.5 1957 10850.0 75.0 7837.5 50.0 5225.0 25.0 2612.5 25.0 2612.5 1958 12870.0 (70.0)9037.0(88.0)6165.5(22.0)2871.5 30.0 3833.0 Sources: Column (2): Table II-l; Columns (3) to (10): a. b. Ce d.' f. All percentages in 1950-1953: Vneshn a a Tor ovl a (Foreign Trade), No. 5, 1956, p. 12. *Bsquée figures are calculated. Percentages for Total bloc in 1958-1955: Jen-min shou- tse (People's Handbook) 0 . cit., p. 522. Percentages IEF'Rest of world are res duEIE’and absolute figures are calculated. Absolute figure for USSR in 1955 was 5.3 times that of 1950; Li Hsien-nien, "Shu-luan shih wo-kuo chien-she she-hui-tsu-i ti pang-yang ho wei-ta ti yuan-tso-chieh," (The Soviet Union is a Model for Constructing Social- ism and Great Helper of Our Country), HMPYK, Mo. 5, 1956, p. 50. Rest of bloc figures is a residual. Percenta e for Total bloc: Yeh Chi-chuang, "Tan tui- wei mao- ,” (On Foreign Trade), HHPYK No. 16, 1957, p. 91: percentage for USSR: Peo Ie's China, No. 23, 1957, p. 81. Percentages for Res? of EIoc and Rest of World are residuals. Absolute figures are calculated. Percentage for Total bloc in 1957: Pekin Review, June 17, 1958, p. 13. Percentage for USSR in I957: "Chung- shu soong-ti pan hu-tso ho-tso ti hsin-cheng-chiu," (New Achievements of the Sine-Soviet Fraternal Mutual Assistance and Cooperation), JMJP (Editorial) Apr. 28, 1958. residuals, and absolute figures are calculated. Absolute figures for Total bloc: 6.5 times of 1950. Ten Great Years, 2p, cit., p.168, Absolute figures for over 57. SCEP’No. 1893, p. 81. for Rest of bloc and Rest of world are residuals. Percentages in parentheses are calculated from absolute figures. Absolute figures Percentages of Rest of BIoc and Rest of world are 30 TABLE II-3.--Foreign trade turnover of Communist China (in million 0.8. dollars) Year Import Export Turnover (1) (2) (3) (8)8(2)+(3) 1989 370.0 829.1 799.1 1950 808.9 703.7 1512.5 1951 955.9 872.5 1829.8 1952 836.8 817.3 1658.1 1953 1179.3 1072.0 2251.3 1958 1231.0 1157.8 2838.8 1955 1285.8 1352.8 2557.2 1955 1807.5 1535.0 3072.5 1951 f 1330.5 1621.3 3010.3 1958 1811.7 1950.8 3762.1 1959 1958.8 2182.8 8137.2 1950 1888.3 1918.1 3752.8 Source: Appendix B. 31 .m xwocomm< «oemsom ~.eme m.aoe n.amsa m.mm« m.omm a.omo n.asa m.cam o.mmoa m.o:HH e.osaa a.mm~« coma «.mma ~.oea a.~HsH a.esm m.:~m m.~em «.mmoa m.mmm m.~mo~ a.ossa «.meufl ”.muau omen m.oee o.moe m.o:ma a.om~ p.90: m.moe m.omm 0.3mm c.3HmH m.aeua e.msoa «.mauu mama .m.msm «.oam m.mmaa m.sm« «.oma H.omm H.mme H.33m ~.~m~m o.mam m.oam n.asma ems” :.m:m o.e~s s.meoa s.:- m.es~ n.aom «.305 m.mme m.emsa o.eam m.omm «.maaa mesa n.am: m.oom H.ame 3.5a“ o.om~ «.am: m.mso «.mse o.amma o.omo «.oem H.9moa mama m.mmm a.mo~ «.meo o.mmfl s.mm~ o.-s ”.mem n.ame n.amma m.mme “.mao n.amea same ~.-s m.na« o.maa H.maa m.ema o.mmm 5.35: c.5mm n.aeaa o.osm m.moe «.mnma mama o.~:n :.~m~ o.mem o.~o «.m: n.aoa e.mH: ~.:mm m.aom a.mes :.mmm H.maoa «mad o.mm: m.ams m.:~m m.as «.5: c.2m ”.mmm s.me: a.mom m.oam o.mum n.acm Home _.oam 3.3”: m.s~r n.~ m.o m.m n.ama «.mmn m.mem o.maH m.son H.oom ammo «.0mu m.m- o.pms .e.: .6.: .e.: a.mma ~.m:H H.~sm a.oma «.msa H.~:m mama one km“ am...“ he» 2%; “was: 2%.. 2%.“. sea We may mew“ “as. E vamoz no poem uon mo whom .n .m .m. nonnHmwo b one» oonm umwmnsFoo “mooaaoe .m.= no cownawa may enema wnamsaaoo no cushy cmwemom no cowwmnampman HocOMmom::.::HH mqmeoo «eeossom .nces> owe“ oeumoscco nomsumu comma .ecowuez pupae: monoceo .:.D eawns moomsoe omecwnu unwcsesoo scam momsuwu some» monocov .o.o o>omc ranch cH m.mm~m o.mmmm m.mapa n.ahou m.oa>m m.moao m.h~:m c.5mom H.5Hum o.oho«a mama o.umm~ m.uamu u.numa m.~Hmu :.H:Hm o.munm o.mam: n.5noh m.mhmp o.om:od puma m.m~m~ m.bnhu «.muua s.«o~n s.momm H.mmmm m.sma: n.aodo m.h~mh o.o>ooa mama ”.mmma o.moau n.asaa o.pama :.oa:m c.5mso m.:mm: c.3m5a H.0Hmo o.ommoa mama o.moma 0.3mma m.mnoa .c.c H.55Nm .m.c o.HHm: o.mseo a.mhmm c.0530. smma «.smsa o.uoaa :.omm «.msma H.nsmu m.~mm: n.amhm o.ooam h.mHmm o.omom «mad «.doua n.aaea H.mmu 5.»:ma :.mmau m.aohm n.5mmu «.maom o.owmm o.om:o «mad m.~mou m.moau :.Ha« n.aom o.mooa p.5oou c.5aou :.oohm o.mho: o.ommm Hmaa o.oha«. h.mmha h.u« m.poa o.mooa :.~m~a h.mmma m.omma m.ono: 0.0m”: omoa Andy «adv Amy Ame “so Amy any «so any nay Adv . . . . .26 .p.p .F.P .0.” .35 .bhb. .zS Bub. onmoz AmmHEWmeMi . ooHc Human Hewoa see» no poem ooam wmmcseeoo “enema 53.3... 53 65.8 «3558 no 893 c328 no 5338536 8532 . 8653--.»..3 was: 35 FIGURE II-1 Com arison of Forei Trade Fi ures i '; IE" Wo'us'ana BIIIon 'yuans' 5 ' ----- - total trade .’ C.C. 12* - — - Communist bloc trade ' rest of world trade ' I l J j 1 L J l I 1 l T l I r 1*— 1950 1951 1952 1953 1958 1955 1956 1957 1958 Source : Table II-5. ll 36 certain explanations advanced by other economists. In his study, R. F. Dernberger finds that the figures from Communist Chinese sources are in general higher than those reported by her trading partners, and thus ad- vances the argument that this is due to the over-valuation of the Communist Chinese yuan.1 But this argument simply does not apply in this case, even if the yuan is overvalued. In Communist China, the state operated foreign trade con- cerns serve as the bridge between the foreign and the in- ternal market. Then, the Ministry of Foreign Trade can report her total foreign trade figures in two ways. It can either report the sum of all foreign exchanges used, con- verted into the local currency each at its official rate; or the sum of the values of all traded commodities at their local prices. If the local currency is overvalued, the latter sum will be higher than the Former. Evidence shows that Communist China used the first method of reporting.2 Then, the sum should be exactly the same as that which is 1R. F. Dernberger, "International Trade of Communist China," Three Essa s on the International Economics of Com- munist Cfiina, e3. 5. F. Remer (inn Arbor: Universiiy of Michigan Press, 1959), p. 136. 2We shall see later that when the Sino-Communist- bloc trade figures as reported by the Communist countries are converted into yuan figures at the official ruble rate, they are almost the same as those reported by Communist China. This shows that Communist China reports her foreign trade by converting the total transacted value of foreign exchanges into the local currency, not by summing up the total value at local prices. 37 calculatedby converting the United Nations' figures into yuan figures at official exchange rates. In other words, Columns (10) 6 (11) in Table II-S should be identical. It is known that the Communist Chinese yuan is overvalued. But as long as she reports her foreign trade in the first method, internal prices are not involved and overvaluation does not come into the picture. The same argument applies to show that the differ- ence can not be due to "difference in pricing," as advanced 1 In the trade between Communist China by Choh-ming Li. and the Free World, prices are most likely quoted in foreign currencies, and most unlikely quoted in yuan. Then, the total trade value announced by Communist China is only a summation of these prices, each multiplied.by its quantity and converted into yuan. Again, this summation should not be different from that reported by her trading partners, when their reports are also converted into yuan figures. The argument that the differences are due to differ- ences "in c.i.f. and f.o.b. valuations" and "in timing of arrivals and departures" do have some weight.2 It is diffi- cult to assess the effects of timing, since it affects both sets of figures in both directions. Most countries in the Free World report their trade c.i.f. import and f.o.b. ex- port. While Communist China probably reports in the same 1Choh-ming Li, 93. cit., p. 188. 2Choh-ming Li, Ibid., p. 188. 38 way,1 the U.N. figures would overstate Communist Chinese exports and understate her imports. The net effects on the total value is hard to determine. Probably the result would be an overstatement because Communist China exported more than she imported from the Free World in the years under study. Some other explanations also help to make up for the differences. (There were trade activities kept unreported in the United Nations' publications, the most important of which was the smuggling trade of embargoed commodities through Mong Kong, Macau and Japan.2 Another explanation lies in the statistics themselves. Many countries made no report at all, especially in the earlier years under study. ,These two reasons are important enough to explain why in general the Communist Chinese figures are slightly higher than the United Nations' figures.3 ' With all these facts in mind, it can be stated that these two sets of statistics are on the whole compatible, and there is no evidence of deliberate falsification on the part of Communist China. 1See discussion on p. 87. 2See Hsin Ying, 2p, cit., pp. 115-116. 3Another unreported trade activity is probably narcotics traffic. See Feng-hwa Mah, ”The First Five- Year Plan and Its International Aspects,” Three Essazs on the International Economics of Communist C 1na . . REmer, e3. (Kin KrSor: Universiiy of”flicfiigan Press, 1959), 9. 96s 39 (3) Sino-Communist-bloc Trade The Communist Chinese and the United Nations' statistics markedly differ from each other in the Sino- Communist-bloc section. Such differences can, in no case, be explained by any or any combination of explanations given above. We have to look for other clues. In his speech delivered at the National People's Congress in July, 1957, Yeh Chi-chuang, the Minister of Foreign Trade, pointed out that:1 Our Country's internal conversion rate between the ruble and the PeOple's currency was also fixed at the People's Bank's quotation at that time. This is what we now call the "trade ruble.” ”That time" which was referred to was April 19, 1950, the date of the signing of the first Sino-Soviet Trade Agreement. Little is known about this internal con- version rate, so that many economists had tried to derive it by various methods.2 However, a thorough checking of the foreign exchange rate quotations of the Bank of China3 will make all these efforts unnecessary, and give us the clue to 1Yeh Chi-chuang, "Tan tui-wai mao-i, " (On Foreign Trade), HHPYK NOe 16,1957. pe 93s 2Die Wirtschaftliche Verflectun der Volksre ublik China mit am urg: nst utrt uer s1en- pp .Jorld Economic Re (UnitedA Nations, 1957), p. 222, Ta e , note 3 . rtC. Li, Valuation of China's Foreign Trade," Far Eastern Economic Review, Oct. 1, 1959, p. 552; Choh-ming Ci, 2p, cii., pp. 3. 3The Bank of China is a specialized bank under the People's Bank as the sole agent in all foreign exchange transactions. M0 solve the whole problem. The following table is a compilation of these offié cial quotations since May 1950. TABLE II-B.--Official foreign exchange quotations of Commun- ist China (yuans of Mar. 1, 1955 per unit of exchange) Date 5 1. Ruble May 11, 1959‘ 3.75 ~ 9.3 1.925 29, ' 3.75 9.99 June 9, 7 3.75 9.99 9.99b July 3, " 3.55 9.323 9, . 3.50 9.32 1.025 25, ” 3.50 9.199 unchanged Aug. 7, ' 3.22 n.a. unchanged Sept. 6, " 3.1 7.821 unchanged Jan. 5, 1951 2.99 5.937 29, - 2.299 9.235 June 7, " 2.227 6.235 Dec. 5, 1952° 2.227 9.959 - aPrior to May 1950, official quotations were not unifiede bFor inward remittances (esp. buying government bonds) only. ~ cOfficial quotations remained unchanged hereafter, except for 0.8. notes, the buying rate for which was later pegged at 82.3“. Sources: Compiled from information in the Financial Market section in respective issues of the Far Eastern ' Iconomic Review. ' “1 Here there are actually a few quotations for the ruble, which was later either quoted as unchanged or not . quoted at all. If we apply the rate Rbl.l.00 t 81.025 to convert the Sino-Conmunist-bloc trade figures in the united Nations' statistics into yuans, l and compare the results with the figures given by Communist China, we get the following table. TABLE 11-7.--Sino-Communist-bloc trade‘ (in million yuans) Year Total Bloc U.S.S.R. Rest Bloc O O O O O O O O O O O O (l) (2) (3) (u) (5) (6) (7) 1950 1390.3 2911.2 1282.9 2375.9 107.9 35.3 1951 3766.9 3708.5 2897.7 3319.8 868.7 388.7 1952 5085.3 9907.9 3701.6 3968.9 1393.7 939.5 1953 6108.0 6299.7 9562.8 9806.9 1595.2 1888.3 195“ 6776.0 721“.“ fleas 53816.2 neae 1730e2 1955 878u.0 7622.3 6797.0 5706.8 1987.0 1915.5 1956 8152.5 8196.1 5869.1 6139.7 2282.7 2056.8 1957 7837.5 7553.8 5225.0 5257.0 2612.5 2296.9 1958 9037.0 9082.3 6165.5 6209.8 2871.5 2872.5 *Since ruble is used in foreign trade pricing and settlement in the Communist bloc, the conversion rate men- tioned is used here not only for trade with Russia, but also with the entire bloc. Sources: Columns (2), (u) and (6) are from Table 11-5; Columns (5) 6 (7) are calculated by converting Columns (7)6 (9) into yuans at the rate 81. 00 a 39.10; Column (3) is sum of columns (5) 5 (7). » lThat is, 951.1. 00 . v1. 925, and as u. s. 51. oo . 351.9. 99, 0.3. 91. oo 2 99.10. #2 When comparison is made on such a basis, there is a remarkable degree of similarity between these two sets of figures, especially in the more recent years.1 In Sine-Soviet trade (Columns 9 6 5), the U.N. figures are in general slightly higher than the Communist Chinese figures. Relatively large differences are found in figures for 1950, 1951, and 1955. Differences in 1950- 1951,period of the Korean war, may be due to Russian mili- tary equipment supplies which were not recorded as foreign trade by Communist China, thus making.the Communist Chinese figures considerably below the 0.". figures. In 1955, when the Russian shares of the four Joint Stock Companies were transferred to Communist China and were to be repaid by Communist Chinese exports,2 it is probable that these transfers were recorded by Communist China as trade, but not by Russia, and so making the Communist ChineSe figures higher than the U.N. figures. It is also very probable that when Russian investments were made in these companies (mainly in form of equipment) prior to 1955, Russia recorded these as trade, but Communist China did not. Rhen in 1955 Communist China took over these shares, she recorded them as trade, but this time Russia did not. In comparing Columns (6) 6 (7), the Communist 1For comparison, also see Figure 11-2 below. 2These Joint Stock Companies are the Non-Ferrous and Rare Metals Company, The Petroleum Company, The Civil Aviation Company and The Dairen Dockyard. “3 Chinese figures are in general higher, especially in they earlier years. One explanation can be found in the statis- tics themselves. The coverage of the U.N. statistics are far from complete. Some of the trade figures of the Eastern European countries are not available for the earlier years, and little of the trade figures of the Asian Communist countries are accessible th.oughout these years.1 'It is also possible that in the earlier years part of the Sino- Eastern-European trade was transacted via Russia, with the result of aggravating the Russian trade figures and under- stating the Eastern European trade figures. Overall Comparison of Statistics We can now put the separate comparisons together for an overall comparison, which is shown in Table 11-8 and Figure 11-2. Here a marked similarity between these two sets of figures can be seen. It is therefore by under- standing the Communist Chinese manipulation of exchange rates and her special way of reporting foreign trade figures that her foreign trade statistics can be reconciled with those reported by her trading partners. Also by the same understanding, her foreign trade turnover in 1959 and 1960 can be estimated. 1See Appendix B. I!“ TABLE ll-8.--Turnover and regional distribution of foreign trade of Communist China (in million yuans) Year -Total Communist Bloc Rest world (1) . . . . . - . . . . . 1950 9150.0 5399.1 1390.3 2911.2 2759.7 2975.9 1951 5950.0 5771.0 3755.9 3709.5 2193.5 2052.5 1952 5950.0 5599.1 5095.3 9907.9 1919.7 1291.2 1953 9090.0 9099.9 5109.0 5299.7 1992.0 1759.2 1959'A 9970.0 5979.9 5775.0 7219.9 1599.0 1555.0 1955 10990.0 9577.5 9799.0 7522.3 2195.0 1955.3 1955 10970.0 10925.9 9152.5 9195.1 2717.5 2529.9 1957 10950.0 10915.2 7937.5 7553.9 2512.5 2952.9 1959 12970.0 12972.2 9037.0 9092.3 3933.0 3799.9 1959 (19532.5) (11172.9) (3959.5) 1950 (13002.5) (9909.2). (3599.3) Sources: Column (2): Table'II-2; Columns (9) 6 (5): Table 11-8; Columns (6) 6 (7): Table 11-5; Column (3): sum of Columns (5) 6 (7); Figures in parentheses are estimates_by_converting U.N. figures in Table 11-9 into yuans at exchange rates: for Communist bloc trade, $1.00 8 89.10, and for Rest of world trade, 61.00 a 82.95. 95 FIGURE II-2 Reconciliation of Forei Trade Fi ures '- (IE {Sousana zillion yuans} 7 """ " total trade '1' _ ——- Communist bloc trade ,' 12 rest of world trade I; 6.6. p ll~L 9..-.-- .0 0 .i‘.§..... ~ 2" 1"“ N. t '9 .4 0 I 0 e J 1 I I 1 J l l "O". I I l T l I l 1950 1951 1952 1953 1959 Source) Table II-8. 1 1955' 1955 1957 1959 98 It is also possible to make a comparison of statis- tics from the standpoint of trade balance. In so doing, we have to content ourselves with a simpler form of comparison. Because of lack of detailed statistics, only a comparison. of an overall balance can be made. i TABLE II-9.--Balance of’foreign trade of Communist China (in million yuans) Year Import Export . Balance 0 O O O O 0 ECU. U u (1) (2) (3) (9). (5) (5) ~ (7). 1950 2115.5 2951.9 2033.5 2935.3 - 9.3 - 515.5 1951 3510.5 3115.9 2939.5 2559.2 -1071.0 - 952.5 1952 3795.9 2995.9 2713.2 2712.1 -1033.5 - 279.9 1953 9511.3 9350.9 3979.7 3599.5 -1132.5 - 551.9 1959 9909.9 9792.3 9055.5 9095.1 - 339.9 - 595.2~ 1955 5039.0 9755.9 9991.0 9733.9 .1099.0 - 32.0 1955 5297.0 5055.5 5559.0 5535.9 + 271.0 + 570.3 1957 5002.0 9595.7 5997.0 5577.5 + 995.0 + 990.9 1959 5137.9 5150.9 5710.5 5711.5 + 572.7 + 550.7 __'_ Sources: Columns (2) 6 (9): Table II-l; Columns (3) 6 (5): calculated by converting trade figures in Table II-9 each at their respective exchange rates; Columns (8) 6 (7): differences between Columns (2) 6 (9), (3) 6 (5) respectively. Three observations can be made from the table above. First, concerning imports, the Communist Chinese figures are higher than the U.N. figures. Second, for ex- ports the 0.9. figures are higher than the Communist . 97 Chinese figures. -And third, differences in the import figures are greater than differences in the export figures. Since the effects of Communist Chinese manipulation of foreign exchange rates are already taken into account in the cal- culation of the table, explanations must be sought in other aspects. It is here that the c.i.f. and f.o.b. valuation practice of various countries comes into picture. In the import columns, Communist Chinese figures are in general higher than the U.N. figures. This suggests that, while all her trading partners report their exports f.o.b., Communist China reports her imports c.i.f. The result is that the Communist Chinese figures are substan- tially higher. In the export columns, the U.fl. figures are higher. This suggests that while Communist China reports her export f.o.b., part of her trading partners (i.e., countries in the Free World)1 report their imports c.i.f., with the re- sult that the U.N. figures are slightly higher. The combined effects are shown in the balance columns. In general, the 0.x. figures understate Communist Chinese deficits when she has an unfavorable balance, and overstate her surplus when she has a favorable balance. 1As a rule, Communist countries report both their imports and exports f.o.b. country of origin. “8 PIGURB 11-3 Forei Trade Balance of Communist China ' I (In 65535.3 million yuans, united Nations' figures 012 10.1 ._ ..__.. ...A Communist Chinese figures / / 51+ 5 5 i f #. 19’0 1951 1952 1953 195‘ 1 55 955 1957 1'50 7.. / 10 1* 10. ~12 Source: Table II-9. 99 The Actual Re ional Distribution and Balance of the Forei n Trade of Communisf China After all these comparisons ending in the final reconciliation of the Communist Chinese and the United Nations' statistics, we come to the question: Which one set of figures should be used in order to arrive at the actual regional distribution and balance of the foreign trade of Communist China? On the one hand, there are Communist Chinese figures which are sums of two separate parts, each converted into yuans at its own rate of exchange: on the other hand, there are United Nations' figures with incom- plete statistical coverage and the need for adjustments in their c.i.f. and f.o.b. valuations. Two aspects of the same problem should be considered. From the financial point of view, the manipulation of ex- change rates by Communist China, divorced from their inter- national parities, affects only internal conversion within the country. Or to be more specific, it affects payments made or received by the Ministry of Foreign Trade in its transactions with the Bank of China in buying or selling foreign exchanges. Whether or not it affects decision on 'trade directions, we do not know. It is probable that it does. Definitely her pattern of exchange rates would over- state the proportion of Sino-Communist bloc trade in the total if they are given in yuan figures. For instance, a trade value of one million rubles would be recorded as 1.025 million yuans. But a trade value of a quarter million 50 dollars, which is equivalent to one million rubles, would be recorded as only 250,000 x 2.95 = 512,500 yuans. When it comes to international clearance, it is the accounts of the Bank of China, in terms of rubles, dollars and pound sterlings etc., that matter. All settlements must observe international parity. Therefore, it is the United Nations' statistics that are meaningful. From the commodity point of view, it is known that the pricing of commodities in intra-Communist-bloc trade is based on world market prices.1 This is also true in Com- munist Chinese trade with all countries.2 Then, the United Nations' trade figures are also representative of commodity movements. For example, when prices are more or less the same, the amount of commodities valued at one million dollars would be equal to that valued at four million rubles. On the contrary, the amount of commodities valued at one million yuans would be different if purchased from, or sold to different sides of the Iron Curtain. Therefore, the United Nations' statistics are again more appropriate. It is difficult to assess the incompleteness of the United Nations' figures. However, compared to the statis- tics that are already available the errors are small. Ad- justments can be made for c.i.f. and f.o.b. valuations. Because countries in the Free World report their 1?. Bystrov’ 1°C. Cite, pe 57. 2Yeh Chi-chuang, ”Tan tui-wei mac-i," (On Foreign Trade), HHPYK, No. 18, 1957, pp. 92-93. 51 trade statistics f.o.b. exports and c.i.f. imports, and Communist China depends heavily on foreign transportation in her foreign trade, United Nations' figures necessarily overstate her exports and understate her imports. An arbitrary 56 adjustment is made here, i.e., Communist Chinese exports are scaled down by 53, and imports raised 59. Since trade figures reported by the Communist countries are f.o.b. both imports and exports, an upward adjustment of 53 in her imports alone is necessary. Furthermore, no adjustments are necessary for Sino-Soviet trade, because these two countries are neighboring and deliveries are made mainly by railway hauling. Table II-lO shows the results of these adjustments and the final balance. The actual turnover and regional distribution of the foreign trade of Communist China is shown in Table II-ll. on!” ”no.” “’3‘ ”£34 ’na‘u Ahmad. MUaanH‘ huh-9.1” :63”. Kahuna.“ omfiufiu 52 3.000 0.03+ 0.00+ 0.05+ 0.00+ 0.05+ 0.030+ 5.000+ 5.00+ 3.00! 0.006 0.56 NHMMR same 0 0.30 0.00 0.30+ 0.000 0.00I 0.30! 0.000 0.33! 0.000I 0.0+ 3.536 P000 5.00+ 0.000: 0.530: 0.0300 0.000) 0.000: 0.3000 0.00+ 0.300+ 0.030+ 0.030+ 0.00+ 000: 5.00+ 0.0006 0.030! 0.0006 0.030: 0.030) 0.000I 0.06 3.030+ 0.500+ 0.000+ 3.000 0000 0.00+ 0.0000 0.000! 0.00! 3.000! 5.000) 0.00+ 3.000+ 0.000+ 0.03+ 0.030+ 0.30: 0du08 eeoceaem 0.000 0.003 0.003 0.030 0.000 0.000 0.000 3.033 0.030 3.000 0.005 0.005 Swmmm 0 0.0 0.03 5.53 0.500 0.030 0.030 0.000 0.050 0.003 0.030 0.530 #000 0.030 0.000 3.053 0.300 0.500 0.005 3.035 0.005 0.330 0.300 0.000 0.000 0003 0.030 0.300 0.000 0.000 0.300 3.5000 5.000 0.000 0.000 0.3000 3.3000 0.0000 0000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.0000 3.5000 0.0000 0.0330 0.0000 0.0500 3.3000 0.0000 00908 scam whoa 5.000 0.053 0.003 0.300 0.003 0.050 0.003 0.300 0.000 0.035 0.000 0.005 fimmmw 7 0 0.0 0.53 0.00 0.050 0.000 3.500 3.300 0.300 0.000 5.530 0.000 “a.“ 0.000 0.000 0.000 5.003 5.353 0.050 0.030 0.305 0.005 0.000 0.0000 0.530 0003 0.000 0.000 0.050 5.053 0.030 0.005 0.000 0.000 0.050 0.0500 0.0330 0.0300 0000 0.503 0.000 0.530 0.000 0.0000 5.5000 0.5000 5.0000 0.0000 0.0000 0.0300 5.0500 00008 g 0300 0000 0000 0000 0000 3000 0000 0000 5000 0000 0000 0000 b Ama600ov .0.D 6000005 :00 madcu unaudesoo 00 even» meuhou no eocedemII.OHlHH u4mnet position in a certain commodity has no relation with the importance of that commodity in her total foreign trade, because of balancing effects. That is, large imports may be balanced by large exports. All we know is which deficit commodity groups were paid for by which other surplus groups.1 Met Commodity Trade Position of Communist China in General TABLE V-l.--Net commodity trade position of Communist China* (in million U.S. dollars) 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 Foodstuffs 0355.1 +399.9 +352.2 t507.9 +969.7 t329.9 An. Veg. Mater. t288.8 +286.7 0191.1 t128.l +209.8 .0100.2 Crude minerals + 69.8 + 99.0 tll9.3 9 86.1 + 82.3 0 73.5 Chemicals - 71.0 - 59.9 - 68.6 - 80.0 - 89.5 - 51.8 Mfg. minerals - 68.3 - 88.0 - 86.2 -329.2 -260.5 -279.8 Other‘mfg. goods 0 70.7 0126.8 0297.5 4356.9 0532.1 +599.5 Mach. 6 Equipment -211.3 ~315.8 -309.1 -356.8 -588.0 -528.9 *A plus sign denotes a net exporter and a minus sign denotes a net importer position. Source: Appendices D and E. 1Trade figures for'net positions need not balance because of imbalance of trade. '53) '0'? w- n. Isa Ur 1M .09 L—l 1“ '9' i A I 102 FIGURE V-l Overall Net Commodit Trade Position of Communist China 5 ' "'"'""'-'('I""n mIIIIon' U.S. ao'II'ar"T—"'—s ' " """'""" +600 500. other mf. . r goods 900p I 3°°J foods uffs 208-»- .n. 5 .8. '-ter als 100‘ crude miner ls 0 L I 1 I 1055 1050 1052 1050 1350 15.0 b—‘A .4 A ‘/ 100+ chemicals 20g- mineraLs 9010 500'” mach. 5 equipment -600 Source: Table V-l. 103 The overall picture shows that Communist China was a net exporter of foodstuffs, raw materials and other’manu- factured goods, while a net importer of chemicals, manu- factured minerals, machinery and equipment. This basic pattern remained throughout the period under study. How- ever, there had been certain trends in some commodity groups. Communist China was an increasing net importer of machinery and equipment. Such net imports were largest.1 Her'net imports of manufactured minerals also had an increas- ing trend. Her net exports of manufactured consumption goods showed a.most spectacular increase, and finally re- placed foodstuffs as the major net export commodity. In foodstuffs, her net exports fluctuated with no definite sign of change; but net exports of animal and vegetable raw materials decreased. In other words, in financing her net imports, her net exports of foodstuffs remained substantial, while that of animal and vegetable raw materials were rapidly substituted by manufactured consumption goods. with various country groups, the net position of Communist China in commodity trade was slightly at variance with this general pattern. Separate discussions with some 'more detailed information are given in the following sections. I 1It was pointed out in Chapter III that substantial amounts of military supplies were excluded from these statistics. Including these will add to the predominance of net imports ofmachinery and equipment. 109 Net Commodity Trade Position of Communist China with Russia TABLE V-2.-JSIno-Soviet net commodity trade position (in million U.S. dollars) T I :— 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 Foodstuffs 0179.8 6213.0 t162.8 +293.9 +226.9 0130.7 An. 5 Veg. matr. 0213.9 +22l.9 0209.0 +171.6 0291.6 0196.2 Crude minerals t 57.1 9 70.1 + 87.7 + 72.2 + 70.2 0 55.3 metal ores t 71.2 t 89.9 +101.9 0 87.2 t 83.9 t 67.9 crude petrol. - 19.1 - 19.8 - 19.2 - 15.0 - 13.7 - 12.1 Chemicals 0 9.3 + 18.3 t 12.9 0 13.9 + 5.2 t 6.6 Mfg. minerals - 70.1 - 70.5 - 55.9 - 79.2 - 77.5 -109.0 iron 6 steel etc-'99.7 - 35.6 - 25.7 - 36.9 - 23.2 - 93.1 petr. products - 69.9 - 71.1 - 76.2 - 77.9 ~109.0 ~101.0 non-ferrous base metals 0 99.5 + 36.2 + 95.5 + 39.6 0 99.7 4 90.1 Other mfg. goods + 97.2 + 96.0 +169.6 +259.0 +910.8 4389.5 Mach. 5 equip. -209.2 -286.9 -252.3 -286.2 -568.3 ~980.6 Source: Appendices D 5 E. Under a broad classification Communist China was a net importer of machinery and equipment, and manufactured minerals, and a net exporter of foodstuffs, raw materials, chemicals and other*manufactured goods. More detailed in- formation shows that of crude minerals, she was a net im- porter of crude petroleum, while of manufactured 105 mineralsl she was a net exporter of non-ferrous metals. It was pointed out in an earlier chapter that Com- munist China tended to depend on Russia only for the supply of commodities that she could not obtain from the Free world. Evidence here also supports this thesis. From Russia, Communist China was a net importer of mainly machinery and equipment, and petroleum products. In spite of the fact that she was also a net importer of Russian iron and steel, such net imports were by far exceeded by those from the developed countries of the Free world since the relaxation of the Embargo in 1957.2 Crude petroleum was also her net import from Russia. It can be seen in Figure V-2 below that not only was Communist China a heavy net importer of Russian machinery and equipment, she had continued such imports increasingly. In all commodity groups in which Communist China had a net exporter's position with Russia, the values of net exports had not changed except that of manufactured consumption goods. The increase in net exports of these manufactured consumption goods was phenomenal. In the period from 1958 to 1960, the net exports of these goods were enough to finance almost 809 of her’net imports of machinery and equipment.- In general, the net commodity trade relation between Russia and Communist China was essentially one between a 1Tin was the main export within this category. 2Compare Figure V-3 below. p. I. 1'. OI .. 106 FIGURE V-2 Sino-Soviet Net Commodity Trade Position :1 on e e O ”3 +600 6 Jr- 500 000 ‘* other mf-. 30° goods A an. 5 V3. 200 7' //,z -w m- erials 100 4. foodst ffs . ‘ ‘ meta ores -ferro 1955 1956 1957 8 1959 ‘960 l I I L I 4— W. p 1. J - 1 iron 6 stee etc. 100 petroleum products 200 " 300 ' 900 “ machinery 6 500‘__ equipment -600 Source: Based on Table V-2. 101 developed country and an underdeveloped but rapidly in- dustrialising country. Net Commodit Trade Position of Communist China.with DEGeIdpeH Countriesm' " ""”"' ‘ TABLE V-3.--Sino-developed-countries net commodity trade position (in million U.S. dollars) 1355 1956 , 1957 1958 1959 1960 Foodstuffs +29.1 039.8 +33.9 +99.5 +98.5 039.0 An. 6 Veg. mater. 098.1 +55.7 032.5 +37.5 +73.7 082.0 Crude minerals + 0.3 4 0.3 0 0.3 t 1.1 t 2.6 t 3.6 Chamcal. -90.0 “-81.8 -61.3 ~77.2 “92.7 -6l.0 Mfg. minerals - 1.6 -13.9 —l8.8 -229.5 -l79.8 -173.9 iron 0 steel .2..- 2.5 -10.2 -10.0 .105.5 -111.7 -120.5 non-ferrous base metals + 0.7 o 0.8 + 1.1 -99.0 -63.1 -52.9 Other mfg. goods - 2.3 -10.6 - 2.9 + 5.9 + 8.2 + 7.6 Mach. 6 Equip. - 5.9 -20.0 -99.9 -59.3 -99.2 -97.l L Source: Appendices D and E. To the developed countries, Communist China was mainly a net exporter of foodstuffs and raw materials, and a net importer of machinery and equipment, chemicals, iron and steel, and non-ferrous base metals. This basic pattern remained the same throughout the years. Also, she gradually emerged as a net exporter of manufactured consumption goods. But in absolute values, these net exports were very small 108 compared to those of foodstuffs and raw materials. In commodity groups in which Communist China was a net importer, the relaxation of the Embargo in 1957 and 1958 clearly showed its effects. Her net imports of machinery and equipment experienced a jump and had maintained the new level: meanwhile her net imports of iron and steel, and non-ferrous base metals also showed tremendous increases. Probably this reflects the inelastic supply on the part of Russia for these commodities, of which Communist China was in urgent need in the process of her industrialization.1 Therefore the relaxation of the Embargo immediately led to rapid increases of her purchases from the Free World. The net exports of her raw materials also increased. This shows that Communist China had redirected her tradi- tional exports to markets of these countries. Unlike her trade relation with all other countries, net exports of her manufactured consumption goods to these countries had in- creased only slightly. In general, the commodity trade position of Com- munist China to the developed countries is typical of an underdeveloped country to the developed countries. This can clearly be seen in Figure V-3 below. 1Since the relaxation of the Embargo, net imports of iron and steel from the developed countries exceeded by , far those from Russia, while Russia was continuously a net importer of Communist Chinese manufactured non-ferrous base metals. (cf. Table V-2 and Figure V—2.) 109 FIGURE V-3 Sino-Develo ed-Countries Wet Commodit Trade Position Value (I5 EIIIIon 0.5. a.!1.».1" ' , t150 +100 3 50 l 50 d 100" 150‘ 95 s . othggmfg. good an. 6 veg. raw materials 1956 1351 1350* .on-ferrous base metals :\‘\\\\\\\\¥ mach. 6 e.ui- chemicals iron 6 steel ~200 Source: Table V-3. 60 110 Net Commodit Trade Position of Communist China with Under- HEVEIbpéU Countries TABLE V49.--Sino-underdeveloped-countries net commodity trade position (in million 0.8. dollars) 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 Foodstuffs 0101.2 +151.5 +150.0 +220.0 +100.5 +150.1 An. 0 v.3. mater. 0 10.0 + 0.1 - 50.0 - 01.0 -110.5 -120.0 Crude minerals + 12.0 . 23.0 + 25.0 . 12.8 + 0.0 + 10.0 Chemicals - 35.3 - 21.9 - 20.2 - 16.2 t 3.0 t 2.7 Mfg. minerals t 3.9 - 9.1 - 11.0 - 8.1 - 8.2 - 2.9 Other mfg. goods. + 00.1 . 01.0 + 05.3 0 02.0 4113.5 +151.» 16.3 - 0.5 - 0.1 Mach. 5. Equip. ' 1.2 - 9.“ - 6.9 Source: Appendices D and E. The net commodity trade position of Communist China with the underdeveloped countries gives a marked contrast to those discussed in the previous sections. In a few years, it had changed considerably in some manner. Though still a heavy net exporter of foodstuffs, Communist China had shifted into the position of a heavy net importer of animal and vegetable raw materials. Mer net exports of manufactured consumption goods also increased tremendously, and finally became as important as her net exports of food- stuffs. Towards the end of the period under study, Communist China had also reversed her position in chemicals. But 111 with respect to machinery, equipment, and manufactured minerals, she was still a net importer. Quantitatively these were of little significance, however. She had also net exports of crude minerals.1 It is interesting to note that the net commodity trade position of communist China with the underdeveloped countries differed considerably from that with other countries. Firstly, her net exports of foodstuffs remained dominant. Secondly, she became a heavy net importer of raw materials. And, if we exclude foodstuffs, the basic relation became the exchange of her manufactured consump- tion goods for animal and vegetable raw materials. This pattern, curiously enough, is typical of the trade relation between an industrial country and the underdeveloped coun- tries. Furthermore, her net exports of these manufactured goods had increased to an extent that they alone could finance all net imports from these countries, so that her net exports of foodstuffs could be used for financing through other channels. These relations are shown in the figure below, (Fig. V-9). Conclusion By putting together previous findings, we can once more construct a complete picture of the commodity trade pattern of Communist China. From this we can gain further insight into problems related to her economic development. 1The bulk of such commodities was coal. ‘4 69- 1e" +250 112 FIGURE V-9 aino-Underdeveloped-Countries Met OMMO 1 ra e 05 1; 1011 (in miIII U S 'a II ion . . o are) 200- 150‘ 100- SQ. foodstuffs OthBI‘ mfg q goods >< \ cm“ “199“131 I I ' i,§:* 50" 100 l I T I r 1055 1050\ 1951 10 1050 1060 ‘ ‘ chemicals an. 6 veg. materials -150 Source: Table V-9. 113 In her trade with Russia and the developed countries, the relation was the exchange of net exports of foodstuffs, raw materials and light industrial goods for net imports of manufactured minerals, machinery and equipment: while with the underdeveloped countries the relation became the exchange of net exports of foodstuffs and light industrial goods for net imports of raw materials. One fact stands out clearly. To all countries she was a net exporter of foodstuffs and light industrial goods. These commodities were mainly consumption goods, and her capacity for their exports depended on how effectively she could hold down domestic consumption. Yet, as her net exports of light industrial goods increased tremendously, her net exports of foodstuffs remained more or less stagnant. Once more this reflects the low performance of her agricultural sector, in sharp contrast with progresses made in her pro- duction of light industrial goods.' Here we can visualize the dualistic nature of the economy of Communist China. On the one hand, there was her large but slowly improving agricultural sector, which, be- sides providing for domestic consumption of her teeming millions, constituted the final resort for external financ- ing. On the other hand, it was on this basis that she was able to build up her industrial sector, which soon gathered strength and helped further financing by exporting part of its products. Yet, in the vast hinterland, the agricultural sector remained almost as backward as it ever 119 was: and only enough improvements could be made to keep in pace with her population growth. As a result, her agricultural surplus that could be spared was more or less constant. In case of foodstuffs, this duality created no problem, as domestic consumption could be arrested at a low level to leave a surplus for export. Therefore, the net exports of Communist China's foodstuffs always constituted a cushion for her external financing. However, this is not so in the case of raw materials. Domestic consumption had to be increased if the production and growth of her in- dustries were to be sustained. In face of limited domestic supplies, certain agricultural raw materials had to be im- ported increasingly. Consequently, in spite of the fact that her exports of agricultural raw materials remained at the same absolute level, her net exports decreased because of increasing imports. It is in her trade relation with the underdeveloped countries that her economic duality was most pronounced. While having considerable net exports in foodstuffs, Communist China stood as an industrial country to the underdevelOped countries in her other sector. To Russia and the developed countries, Communist China was still an underdeveloped but developing country. However, the picture was distorted by the Embargo. In earlier years, she was limited to have considerable net imports of only chemicals (mostly fertilizers) from the developed countries of the Free World, while her not imports lls of-machinery and equipment,'manufactured minerals and crude petroleumrwere predominantly from Russia. Freer trade in more recent years tended to spread her net imports of some once-embargoed commodities more evenly among these countries. She was able to acquire huge quantities of manufactured metals from the developed countries of the Free world. Yet, Russia remained unchallenged in her position as a dominant net supplier of most machinery and equipment, crude petroleum and petroleum products, most of which were still on the Embargo list. In other'words, the Embargo had affected the direction of Communist Chinese commodity imports from various developed countries. Yet, Embargo or not, she remained an underdeveloped country in her commodity trade relation with these developed countries. CHAPTER VI THE CONCENTRATION OF FOREIGN TRADE OF COMMUNIST CHINA So far in this study, the investigation of the foreign trade of Communist China is largely confined within the context of her economy and economic development. In spite of the fact that we have assessed her overall import, export and net positions in commodity trade, as well as her positions towards various groups of countries, we are still left with the question about her actual standing among all countries. we know that her imports and exports were concentrated on certain groups of commodities, and her foreign trade in general was heavily oriented towards the Communist bloc; and yet we have no accurate measure of the degree of this commodity and geographic concentration that can be compared with those of other countries. An international comparison of this kind will not only add to our knowledge of her standing in international economic relations, but also give us further insights into her economic potentials and the path of her economic develOp- ment. To make such a comparison, the ”concentration in- dices” are used.1 A 1For discussions on the “concentration indices," see Appendix G. 116 ll? The work on-the concentration of foreign trade was pioneered by.Albert O. Hirschman, who first developed the "indices of concentration of trade" and calculated the geo- graphic concentration indices of imports and exports of forty-four countries in lOl3 and several interbwar years.1 This work was furthered by Hichael Hichasly, who, in addi- tion to the geographic concentration indices, calculated the commodity concentration indices of imports and exports 2 Later these indices were of forty-four countries in lQSB. calculated by Joseph D. Coppock for the exports of some eighty countries in 1957.3 The commodity concentration of exports of Communist China was included. However, his calculation was based on about act of Communist Chinese commodity trade statistics, thus raising the question as to whether its result can be appropriately compared with those based on complete statistics of other countries." By making use of more complete statistics, both the geographic and commodity concentration indices of imports 1Albert 0. Hirschman, National Power and the Struc- ture of Forei Trade (Berkeley and E5e AfigeIes: University of CaIIIornia gross, 195%). 2Michael Hichaely, Contribution to Economic Anal sis Vol. 26: Concentration in InternafidnHI Trade (IfisterEZE: NoFffi-RoIIana PuSIIsfiing Company, 1952}. 3Joseph D. Coppock, International Economic In- stabilit : The Experience after Worra War II iNew York: Hcfiraw RIII Rook Company, IQSI’. “Statistics given in the United Nations' Yearbook of International Trade Statistics, which Coppock use , echude infra-SIoc Trade stati§fics. 118 and exports of Communist China have been calculated. They will be presented in the following sections and compared with Michaely's findings for forty-four countries. Needless to say, for Communist China political con- siderations precede economic decisions. Therefore her special case may very well be at variance with the general pattern. Yet, her behavior is not unique. The Embargo itself is its counterpart. Furthermore, extra-economic considerations are not free from the confines of economic potentials. Therefore, economic factors remain to be the underlying basis for the comparison. Deviation from the general rule will give us a clue to what extent extra- economic factors can affect the economic ones. Geographic Concentration of Foreign Trade of Communist China The investigation of the geographic concentration of the foreign trade of Communist China here is based essentially on statistics given in the united Nations' Yearbook of International Trade Statistics, from.which indices are calculated and presented below. Before comparing these indices with those presented in Hichaely's study, it is of interest first to look into these indices themselves. One striking fact that stands out is the rapid decrease of the import concentration in- dices. That is to say, Communist China had been diversifying her imports more evenly among her trading partners. This "as probably the result of‘ two factors. First, it was the 110 TABLE VI-1.--Geographic concentration indices of the foreign trade of Communist China?‘ :- Year Exports Imports Exports/Imports 105! 50.0 60.0 0.05 1055 50.0 50.1 0.05 1050 50.0 52.0 0.02 1057 h7.0 02.0 1.13 1050 05.0 37.0 1.25 1050 51.0 50.0 1.00 1060 05.0 05.0 1.02 Average 1050-1050 00.1 00.7 0.00. 1057-1060 00.0 “3.0 1.10. *Because of rounding off, this differs slightly from the average of the Exports/Imports column. **Calculated from statistics given in Appendix A. A higher index means a higher degree of concentration. gradual resumption of ”normal" trade between Communist China and countries of the Free World. Vigorous trade-promoting efforts on the part of Communist China were responded to by the relaxation of the Embargo. In 1951, all countries of the Free‘World, except the United States, resolved to reduce the Embargo list for Communist China to that for all other Communist countries. A further reduction of the joint list was resolved in the following year. As a result, the increase of trade between Communist China and the Free world exceeded 120 by farxthat between Communist China and the Communist bloc. When 1055 is used as a basis, Sino-Communist-bloc trade registered a 305 increase in 1050, while in the same period Sino-Free-Horld trade was more than doubled. The increase was especially noticeable in her trade with the non- Communist European countries, which were the chief suppliers of the once-embargoed goods. Trade with these countries was more than tripled. The effects on Communist Chin- 089 inPorts were even more revealing. within the same period, Communist China's imports from the Communist bloc increased only by 155, while those from the Free world increased by 1555, and more specifically, those from the non-Communist European countries were quadrupled.1 The second reason is essentially economic in nature. As a country develops, it diversifies its economy. It begins to demand commodities that it did not demand previously, and that its old trading partners might not be able to supply. As a result it makes new trade connections with an increasing number of countries and increases its demand on commodities supplied by this group of new trading partners. In the case of Communist China this is manifested in her'increasing imports of raw materials from the underdeveloped countries, such as natural rubber, cotton and jute. In fact, these factors must also have effects on the geographic diversification of her export, as her 1All these percentages are calculated from figures in Appendix B. 121 geographic concentration indices of exports show a slight trend of decrease. This retarded decrease compared to that of imports was probably due to the fact that she was bound to repay her previous debts to countries of the Communist bloc.1 If we take the geographic concentration indices of Communist China in 1055 and compare themuwith those calculated by Hichaely for forty-fourmcountries in the same year, we find that Communist China ranked eleventh in export concen- tration and eighth in import concentration.2 That is to say, she was among the first quarter of countries whose foreign trade was geographically concentrated. No doubt, this concentration was partly due to the fact that being a Communist country, she tended to have more trade with countries within the bloc. But evidence suggests that this is far from the decisive factor. In Coppock's calculation of the geographic concentration indices of exports of eighty countries, six Communist countries were included. None of 1Since 1057 Communist China had a favorable balance of payments with the Communist bloc, from which she accumu- lated a huge deficit in transactions during previous years. The retarded diversification of her exports geographically might also due to the sluggish increase of the Free World's demand for her exports. However, Communist Chinese exports to the Free World amounted to only 0.5-0.65 of total world (excluding intra-bloc) exports. In view of her low commodity concentration in exports, which will be discussed later, the Free World could have absorbed more of her exports. 2Hichaely's indices range from 18.7 to 05.5 with a median of 35.0 for exports, and from 10.5 to 81.2 with a median of 31.2 for imports. op, cit.. PP. 19-20. Table 3. 122 them.was among the first quarter>of countries whose exports were concentrated, and two of them.came very close to being among the first quarter«of countries of diversified exports.1 Thus, the high concentration of exports of Communist China should be due to other reasons also. .0ns reason is the strict Embargo that was imposed upon her. The fact that she had to turn to Russia and the other Communist countries for>most commodities needed for basic constructions was responsible for the concentration of her exports to these countries. Even when the Embargo was gradually relaxed, repayments for'previous debts still had to be made. From the standpoint of Russia this pattern might not be economically desirable. It depends on whether Russia was really in need of these exports from Communist China. If it was not, Russia could finance her imports by means of her favorable balance of payments with Communist China;2 otherwise, she could find some other compensations. Or if it was, then Communist China would trade with Russia heavily regardless of the Embargo. Therefore, it is imp portant for us to look further if there were underlying economic reasons other than the political ones. The 1Among eighty countries, the ranks of these Comp munist countries were: Russia, 21‘ Hungary, 25; Czecho- slovakia, 33; Poland, 51g East Germany, 55; and Bulgaria, 58, in order of from low to high concentration. Coppock, op. cit., Appendix Table A92, Column X23. 2That is, by acquiring the Pound Sterlings which Communist China had accumulated from trading with the Sterling Area. 123 investigation of the commodity concentration of her foreign trade wili help to disentangle the effects of various factors s Commodity Concentration of Foreign Trade of Communist China Based on bread commodity classification, Coppock . calculated the commodity concentration index of exports of Communist China in 1051. Numerically the result was 55.5, which ranked fourteenth (from low to high concentration) among seventy-eight countries.1 This is to say, Communist China was among the first one-fifth of countries whose exports were diversified. As it was already pointed out, the statistics which Coppock used excluded intra-bloc trade statistics, which accounted for 605 of Communist China's exports in that particular year. To what extent his result was representative of Communist China's commodity trade con- centration, therefore, requires further investigation. On this account, one experiment is performed. It is to estimate the commodity concentration index of exports of Communist China by including Sino-Soviet trade statistics, thus making the coverage of statistics up to 805 of Com- .munist Chinese exports.2 Using also the broad Standard 1Coppock's indices range from 51.6 to 06.5 with a median of 67.5 Coppock, 22, cit., Appendix Table A-2, column X26. 2What is absent in the statistics is that of the other Communist countries, which accounted for another 155 of Communist China's exports. The commodity components of such exports were similar to those of her exports to Russia, especially when these countries were taken together. (see also explanation in Appendix C.) 125 International.Trade Classification, which Coppock used, the calculated-result is 55.5. It is striking to notice that numerically this index is almost identical with that which.was calculated by Coppock. This suggests that in exports Communist China was equally diversified in commodities in her trade with the Free World, and in her trade with the Free World and Russia combined. It also reaffirms Coppock's result that Communist China was a country of diversified exports in commodities. In order to compare the commodity concentration of the foreign trade of Communist China with those of other countries in Hichaely's study, it is necessary to recalculate her commodity concentration indices by using the 150-group Standard International Trade Classification which Michaely used. Here, 1051 is used as the basis for calculation.1 Such a choice is dictated by the fact that it was a year for’which commodity trade statistics of Communist China are most complete. In addition, it has the advantages that this was the year Coppock used and the year in which "freer" trade was resumed. For Communist China it was the concluding year of her First Five-Year Plan. Horeover, despite unfavorable agricultural conditions, her economy was stable for being free from the disruptive effects of her ”Great Leap Forward" and the introduction of the commune 1It should be remembered that Michaely's study was based on 1055 statistics. For’most countries, it seems reasonable to follow Michaely's belief that using statistics of immediately neighboring years would call forth only minor changes in the indices. 125 systemrin latter-years. The outcome of the calculation is most interesting. Communist China had a commodity concentration index of 18.8 for exports, and 35.1 for imports.1 .Compared to Hichaely's calculation for forty-four countries, she ranked the third in export diversification (tied with the United States), and the second in import concentration.2 For exports the result of this calculation reaffirms the conclusion of both Coppock's study and the aforementioned experiment. The high commodity concentration of Communist China's imports is easily understandable. The monopoly of foreign trade by the state made it easy to concentrate her imports on commodities suitable for her developmental purposes. In 1051 more than 005 of her imports were within the category of "producers' goods,” the bulk of which consisted of machinery and equipment, manufactured metals, petroleum 3 It is mainly due to this reason products and natural rubber. that Communist China departs from the general rule in which import indices in commodity concentration are substantially lower than export indices.” 1For statistics and explanations, see Appendix C. 2Hichaely's indices range from 16.0 to 00.6 with a median of 30.0 for exports, and from 15.5 to 83.0 with a median of 20.6 for imports. Michaely, 22, cit., pp. 11-12, Tab1e 1 e 3See Chapter III above. “Michaely, op, cit., pp. 12-13. 126 Hichaely suggested several possible causes for the variation in commodity concentration in exports. One of these is the stage of economic development, and the other is the level of industrialisation. In general, the more developed (as measured by higher per-capita income) and the more industrialized (as measured by lower share of primary production in national product) is a country, the more diversified would be its experts.1 To explain the highly diversified commodity exports of Communist China, the first reason is out of the question. Yet, by the end of her Firm Five-Year Plan she did have an industrial sector which could turn out substantial amounts of such goods as tex- tiles, manufactured metals, clothings, chemicals and some other manufactured goods for exports. This reason alone, however, seems still insufficient to rank her high in ex- port diversification, for in 1051, she still had 505 of her national product generated from her agricultural sector,2 compared to that of 13.05 for Netherlands (1051-1055), 11.15 for France (1051-1050), 1.25 for the United States (1051- 1055), and 5.65 for the United Kingdom (1058-1055), the four 1Hichaely, 22. cit., pp. 13-15. 2This percentage is calculated from estimates of Ta-chung Liu and Kung-chia Yeh, "Preliminary Estimates 'of the National Income of the Chinese Mainland 1052-1050,“ American Economic Review, Vol. LI, No. 2., (May 1061), p. W” 127‘ other*most diversified exporters.1 One simple-minded explanation would ascribe it to her export-drive policy. Yet, diversification itself could not have been achieved had it not been supported by economic potentials. Here the sise of her economy becomes important. Even when we compare two underdeveloped countries of differ- ent sises as Simon Kusnets pointed out, we would expect a wider range of economic activities to exist in the larger one, ' . . . particularly if our observation penetrates ' below the broad economic sectors and distinguish divisions within agricultural, mining and so on."2 Communist China is an excellent example to illustrate this point. The vast- ness of her territories enables her to command varied natural resources. within the broad categories of food- stuffs and crude materials, she was far from a country ex- porting only a few staple or extractive commodities, as many an underdeveloped country tended to be. Her exports ranged from grains, tea, sugar, dairy products to tobacco in foodstuffs, and from non-ferrous metal ores, oil seeds and fats, bristles,silk, fur skins to natural rubber in crude MtCE'iCl. e A“ 1These percentages are calculated from estimates of Simon Kusnets, ”Quantitative Aspects of the Economic Growth of Nations -- II: Industrial Distribution of National Product and Labor Force,” Economic Develo ment and Cultural Change, Vol. V, No. 5 (SuppIemenE, 3uIy 1557), pp. 52-::. 2Simon Kusnets, ”Economic Growth of Small Nations,” Economic Conse uences of the Size of Nations ed. E.A.G. RESIEEbfi'TREW'TSrE: SE. HSFTIfi's'Press;'I§FU), p. 16. 121(a) No doubt, the commodity diversification of the ex- ports of Communist China was fostered by her deliberate efforts, as it was her pronounced policy to export whatever it was available over and above her own requirements. Under such a policy direction, all sectors of her economy were exploited. It is exceedingly difficult to assess to what extent her pattern of exports reflected her comparative cost in produc- ing these commodities. Many of her exports were those China exported traditionally during the pro-Communist era, while some others were mainly the products of her recent industrial development. To say nothing of the inavailability of her de- tailed price statistics, her manipulation of the internal price structure also poses a problem. Several attempts had been made to close the price differentials between industrial and agricultural products; but there is no way to tell whether this reflected the ”real" or the ”desired" cost-price re- lationship. In any event, this probably did not affect her determined drive for exports. It was clearly admitted that in exporting to countries in the Free World, her foreign trade concerns were actually sustaining losses.1 In other words, to her the marginal utility per unit of foreign ex- change by far exceeded that of the equivalent value of local resources at internal prices. Even so, this does not mean that the low commodity concentration index of exports of Communist China was mainly the result of her export-drive policy. This follows by the 1Yeh Chi-chuang, ”Tan tui-wai mac-i,” (0n Foreign de°). HHPYK. NO. 16’ 1957’ p. 910 121(b) very nature of the index itself. A.low index depends not on the gambgg.of kinds of commodities that a country can export, which can be easily stipulated, but primarily on the 3322. distribution of the value of its exports, which must be supported by certain economic potentials. Because the index is calculated on the basis of the percentage shares of the exports of individual commodities in total exports, an ex- port-drive which results in increases in the exports of all or most of the individual commodities will also increase total exports. The percentage shares of these individual exports in the total, and consequently the index itself, would not be different significantly from that in the case had the export-drive not been undertaken. Therefore, the basic determinants are still the underlying economic conditions, which in the case of Communist China were her size and the development of her industries. 128 In his investigation in commodity concentration of ’ exports with respect to the stage of economic development and the size of the economy, Michaely inferred that among developed countries exports are more concentrated in the small countries, and that among underdeveloped countries the effect of size is relatively unimportant. Among large countries, the developed countries had an average index of 21.1, compared to an average of 51.0 of the underdeveloped countries.1 Curiously enough if we compare the numerical magnitudes of indices Communist China ranked with the large and developed countries. Then, contrary to the general pattern, the effect of size was overwhelming in her case. Underdeveloped as she was as measured by per-capita income, the diversification of her exports was fostered by her size and the very existence of her industrial sector which she could exploit for the purpose of exports. In fact, we can find another similar example in Hichaely's study. According 1Hichaely, 22. cit., p. 16. His calculation of the average commodity concefifFation indices of exports is repro- duced below. Developed Underdeveloped Total countries countries Large countries 7 21.1 51.0 50.6 Small countries 30.1 52.0 53.5 Total 31.1 55.8 51.0 Here, a large country is defined as one whose population numbered more than ten million, and a deve10ped country is one whose per-capita income exceeded $300, for the period 052-1055. 120 to the same-criteria, Japan was also a large and under- developed country. Yet, her industrial capacity ranked her the tenth in export diversification among forty-four countries. Another factor that contributed to the diversifica- tion of Communist China's exports is her location. For one reason or another she traded heavily with Russia; the geo- graphic vicinity of these two countries must have also in- creased the variety of commodities that they could exchange with each other. The Relationshi Between Geo ra hic and Commodit Concentra- fT—on of'Tfie"To're'i Li"'gg_i""'l"ra'3e' "'o' 1' Comm'un' Is' E'Cfiin'a ' " ' 2' ""' ""'" Both Hirschman and Michaely pointed out, as a rule, there is a positive correlation between geographic and commodity concentration of exports.1 Then Communist China was an exception--as we have already seen she ranked high in geographic concentration and low in commodity concentra- tion. To explain the general rule, Hirschman suggests that as a country becomes more industrialized, which in general means more capable of exporting a greater variety of goods, 2 It is true it makes trade connections with more countries. that the industrialization of Communist China, together with the size of economy, enabled her to rank among countries of high commodity diversification in exports. But effects of 1Hirschman, 22. 933., pp. 106-101; Hichaely, 22. Eli-Ea. pp. 22-23. zaimcm. Ole .cl-Le. pa 1°70 130 these factors‘on"her geographic diversification were out- weighted by her political alliance with Russia. However, it would seem appropriate to reason that her high geographic concentration in exports based on political alliance alone would not have been economically feasible, had it not been supported by underlying economic factors. It is pointed out in an earlier section that being a Communist country alone was far from the decisive factor for high geographic concentration in exports.1 To interpret the general rule of positive correla- tion between geographic and commodity concentrations of ex- ports, Michaely also suggests that ' . . . for a country which for one reason or other»maintains trade connections with only one or a very few countries abroad, exports are limited to those which are in demand in the partner country.'2 This does not preclude the possibility of a negative corre- lation. It depends on the variety of commodities that are in demand in the partner country. A negative correlation can still exist if a country exports to its predominant trading partner a great variety of commodities. It is indicated in an earlier section that in exports Communist China was equally diversified in the variety of commodities in her trade with the Free World, and in her trade with the Free World and Russia combined.3 In other words, her exports 1399 P- 122 above. zfiichaely, 22s Cite. pe 23a 388° 9. 125 above. 131 to Russia—was:as-diversified as that to the entire Free World. As we find in the Free World countries of various types at various stages of economic development, their demands for Communist Chinese exports must have been varied. Then the Russia demand for Communist Chinese exports must have also been varied to the same extent.1 Probably this was also fostered by the political alliance itself. It is doubtful, however, that the political alli- ance was the dominant factor, because Russia could have financed her desirable imports by her favorable balance with Communist China. It is, therefore, this economic factor together with her geographic proximity and political alliance with Russia that contributed to the negative correlation between her geographic and commodity concentrations of her exports. Yet, Communist China was not a unique case. There was another country whose pattern of concentration of ex- ports bore a remarkable resemblance with here. This country was Canada which ranked high in geographic concentration and low in commodity concentration of exports.2 Different as these two countries might be when measured by per-capita income, there were factors in common that caused their 1A perusal on the Sino-Soviet section of Communist Chinese commodity trade statistics will help to bring this out more clearly. (Appendix E.) ' 2Among the forty-four countries Canada ranked eleventh in commodity diversification and eighth in geo- graphic concentration of exports. Hichaely, 22, 233., p. 12, Table 1. 132 _ defection from.the general rule. 0n the one hand, the sises of their economies and their’industrialisation contributed to the commodity diversification of their exports. 0n the other hand, they both found their largest customers in their immediate neighborhood absorbing about one-half of their total exports, which in turn constituted about one-fifth of the total imports of their largest customers. In other words, Communist China stood in relation to Russia very much the same as Canada stood in relation to the United States in exports. . Prospectively, the high commodity concentration of the imports of Communist China is very likely to last for quite a long time. Her sustained efforts towards economic development will necessitate her purchase list to remain highly selective for that purpose, regardless of interna- tional political situations. But her high geographic con- centration of imports will depend very much on such situa- tions, as it is already pointed out that the gradual re- laxation of the Embargo already had its effects. 0n the export side, as Communist China was already diversified in commodity varieties, she was potentially in a position to diversify geographically. This is especially so because her exports constituted a very small proportion of total international trade. As her exports assumed the role of a necessary payoff, the future pattern will depend on that of imports. In the foreseeable future, it would seem unlikely that Communist China will be among those countries 133 whose foreign trade are highly diversified geographically. Despite the recent rift between her and Russia, the exist- ing Embargo will oblige her to depend heavily on Russia, unless she is willing to go without those urgently needed commodities. Yet, given no worsening in the international relations between Communist China and countries of the Free World, there is still a long way she can go in this direc- tion. CHAPTER VII SUHHARY AND CONCLUSIONS The present study investigates the foreign trade of Comunist China within both the context of not- domestic v economy and the international economy. In reflection, the pattern of her foreign trade gives us a static view of her economy and a dynamic view of’her economic development. By first summarising the previous findings, this chapter will focus on these economic problems of hers, and draw further conclusions with respect to the prospects of her foreign trade in the future. 0n Communist China's Forei Trade Statistics Exchan e REESE-353'?EE'TEFEE'ET'TFaEL' ' Usually the first question posed on Communist China's economic statistics is their reliability. This naturally includes her foreign trade statistics as well. A careful comparison of foreign trade statistics released by Communist Chinese sources and those by her trading partners shows that by and large there is no evidence of deliberate falsification.. These two sets of statistics can be reconciled with due understanding of two factors, namely, the Communist Chinese manipulation of her foreign exchange 135 135 rates and her special way in reporting foreign trade figures. For detailed analysis, however, the Communist Chinese statistics are too crude and fragmentary to be use- ful. Furthermore, because of her foreign exchange manipula- tion and her special way in making foreign trade reports, her foreign trade figures are not found to be very meaningful from the point of view of international finance as well as commodity movements. As the yuan-ruble rate was set at ll.025, the yuan-dollar rate should have been 55.10.1 instead, it was set at s2.35. This depreciation of the set, dollar (and also of the other‘Western currencies) would necessarily exaggerate the proportion of the trade between Communist China and the Communist bloc in her total trade in statistics given by Communist China. Even when her foreign trade was constant in real terms, a shift in its direction _ would still affect Communist China's statistics.2 Given the pattern of her foreign exchange rates, it would seem that the planning and controlling purposes would be better served if the books of the Foreign Trade Ministry were kept in terms of rubles, dollars etc. Figures given in yuans can only distort the real picture. 1This refers to the 5 to 1 rate of the old ruble to th. dollar. 1 - 2See also: Rang Chao, "Yuan-dollar Price Ratios * in Communist China and the united States,“ Occasional Pa ers No. 2, ed. J. I. Crump, Jr. (Ann Arbor: Center for Cfiifiese “ Stunt... 1963), p. 21. 136 Then come the questions concerning the exchange rates themselves. Admittedly the yuan was overvalued against the Western currencies; yet, evidence shows that it was undervalued against the ruble.1 Then the normal result for Communist China should have been an import surplus with the Free World and an export surplus with the Communist bloc. However, the actual result was the very opposite. One reason for this is, of course, that part of her imports were financed by Russian credits. But her export surplus with the Free World was largely the effect of the Embargo. If both markets were freely accessible to her, she should have imported far'more from countries of the Free World, assuming that the terms of trade were the same in all markets. This may very well explain why the relaxations of the Embargo in 1051 and in 1058 resulted in rapid increases of her imports from the Free World.2 In fact, it is very probable that the overvaluation of the yuan itself (against the Western currencies) was a counter-measure against the Embargo. It should be noted here that as the Embargo forced the Ministry of Foreign Trade to pay higher prices for im- ports, these prices were paid in the local currency to the People's Bank for acquiring foreign exchanges. The Ministry __* 1mung Chao, 23. 233.. p. 19. 2 Since 1058, Communist China had a deficit with countries in the Free World. Previously, it was a constant surplus. See Table II-10 above. 131 also received higher prices in selling her foreign exchange . proceeds from exports.1 For the Communist Chinese economy as a whole, whethar'she was trading in the best markets depended on the pricing of commodities in terms of foreign exchanges. This leads us to the question of her terms of trade. More specifically, one would ask whether Communist China had suffered from a worse terms of trade in trading heavily with the Co-aunist bloc. . The Minister of Foreign Trade of Communist China stated once that pricing in Sino-Soviet trade was reason- able and fair, because in negotiation prices in the capital- ist world-market were used as references.2 If so, Com- munist China.was not taken advantage of by the monopolistic position of Russia as a result of the Embargo. A few in- .quiries have been made by economists to test this state- ment. Due to limited information these inquiries are all based on the comparison of the prices of only a few sample oommodities.3 .Mo attempt is made here to duplicate such 1For the practice of these internal transactions, 3.. pp. 32¢33e 2See discussion on p.50. 3See: R. F. Dernberger, "International Trade of Communist China," Three Essa s on the International Economics of Communist Mummy of HIhfiIgan'Press, 1058) pp. 153-150; Feng-hua Ma, ”Price Problems in Communist Ch na's Foreign Trade" Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. xxx, Mo. 5 (August, 1062 ,Wz, (Kbstracfaqof Papers Presented at the Fourteenth Annual Meeting); Y. L. Wu, F. P. Moeber and M. M. Rockwell, o . cit., pp. 321-328; and A. Yoshio, "Terms of Trade o ins and Underdeveloped Countries in Relation to Their’Trade with the Soviet Union,” JPRS:0505, 28 June, 1061. 138 efforts. Bowever, two points deserve our~attention. First, as these inquiries are based on a lflmited sample of commodities, it is doubtful whether they are representative of the whole picture. Second, price negotiation in Sino- Soviet trade was not made on the basis of individual commo- dities. Using the world prices as a reference, prices were first fixed in the Sino-Soviet Trade Agreement in 1050. Adjustments were made in later years so that concessions of one party on some commodities were met by concessions of the other party on some other commodities.1 Therefore, it was essentially a deal of packages of commodities. Short of detailed statistics and complete information on commodity specifications, results of these inquiries may not bring out the real picture. In fact, it is not surprising that these attempted inquiries do yield quite different results.2 As the Embargo created a potential position for Russia to exercise monopolistic power, it was up to Russia to decide whether to exploit it or not, especially when Communist China was most anxious to trade. Even if Communist China was paying and getting reasonable and fair prices, __:-___ 1Yeh Chi-chuang, "Tan tui-wai mac-i” (On Foreign Trade) MMPYK Mo. 16, 1051, pp. 00-03. 2Both Ma and Yoshio show that Communist China was paid lower rices in about one half of the sample commodi- ties and pa d higher prices in most sample commodities in her trade with Russia, compared with the trade between Russia and other countries. Yet, on the other hand, the other two studies show that Communist China aid and was paid about world prices in trading with Russ a. 130 her terms of trade could still be bettered as alternatives were open. Perhaps the test of the pie is still in its eating. The rapid resumption of trade between Communist China and countries of the Free World may be taken at least partly as some indication that previously she was not trad- ing in the best of all markets. The Forei Trade of Communist China in 'Domestic EE3E3if"I2""""""E"""""'"-"'JunL"'“""' . As the regional direction of the foreign trade of a certain country may be affected by non-economic factors, its capacity is largely a reflection of its economic poten- tials. Communist China had pushed her foreign trade vigor- ‘ ously. In ten years the turnover increased by 1505. For the period 1058-1060 she was about as great a trading country as Australia, Switzerland and East Germany, and was super- ceded by only the established trading countries.1 She was second only to Russia in the Communist bloc. Yet, compared to national product, her foreign trade turnover was a meagre 125, which was a relatively low percentage.2 Two reasons may be advanced for such a phenome- non. The first reason 1ies in the size'of her economy. For Communist China'size” clearly refers to both population and geographic area. In general, the variety of natural resources 1They are: United States, Canada, Belgium-Luxem- . burg, France, West Germany, Italy, Netherlands, United King- dom, Sweden, Japan and Russia. 2 See comparison with Simon Kuznets' findings for other countries on p. 25 above. (Simon Kuznets, Six Lectures on Economic Growth, 22. cit.) 150 and economic activities are positively correlated with the size of the economy. The larger the size of the economy, . given the stage of economic development, the greater variety of commodities can be domestically produced, and the less is the necessity to participate in international trade; and vice versa. This is well substantiated by the study of Simon Kuznets, who shows that for the world at large the foreign trade ratio (imports t exports/national product) and the size of the economy (population in his case) are 1 The same rule also holds in countries negatively correlated. of low per-capita income.2 For Communist China the effects of her size on the nature of her economy was well reflected in her varied exports. The second reason for her low foreign trade ratio is closely related with the first one. It is the low level of her economic development. In fact, the level of economic development itself has no general relation with the foreign trade ratio. A low level of economic development can also be compatible with a high foreign trade ratio. But, as the Communist Chinese economy was varied to start with, it had also a varied domestic demand to cater for. Then, the level of exports depended on the surplus of domestic production over consumption of the same commodities. In 1Simon Kuznets, op. cit., pp. 05-06, esp. Table 10. 2Simon Kuznets, “Economic Growth of Small Wations,‘ Economic Conse uences of the Size of Nations, ed. E. A. G. REEinson {New Tori: St. Martin's Press Inc., 1060), p. 20, Table 1 (B). 151 other words; given minimum requirements for domestic con- sumption, the level of domestic production determined the level of her exports and consequently the level of her foreign trade. Therefore, the low level of her foreign trade was a combined result of the size of her economy and her low level of.economic development. 0! the three basic paths towards economic growth, namely, through expanding primary production for exports, expanding light industrial goods for exports, and producing industrial goods for domestic markets, the choice of Com- munist China was essentially the last one. In spite of the fact that she exported light industrial goods to other underdeveloped countries in exchange for raw materials, her overall exports were diversified. Circumscribed by the underlying nature of her economy and further dictated by her policy of ”balanced growth,” only 5-15 of her'national product was exported. This pattern of economic growth by definition involves necessary improvements in the agricul- tural sector, which not only provides foodstuffs and raw’ materials for the entire economy, but also absorbs the products of the growing industries. The economic develop- ment of Communist China did begin with some improvements on the agricultural front, and also with import-substitution of the domestic light industrial products.1 This does not 1In the pro-Communist era, China was a net importer of both grains and manufactured goods including textiles. 152 mean the end of foreign trade, because as Ragnar'Wurkse pointed out:1 I in; .uii‘.‘ 23$13.“:§‘§3§i33;.§32.3‘23.33‘firing... goods, but also (b) the substitution of capital goods imports for consumer goods imports. For Communist China it meant both. Through strict regimentation of domestic consumption, she was soon able to capitalize on the development of her import-substituting industries by exporting their products. In other-words, such industries were not only able to substitute imports, but also able to accompany her traditional exports in financ- ing her'capital goods imports. In fact, if these industries continued to develop at a high speed, and external markets were easily accessible, she could shift into a position of exporting light industrial goods in exchange for food- stuffs and raw materials. This was what Japan did in the turn of the century. As Communist China was reluctant to adopt this pattern, a judicious balance must be struck ‘between various sectors internally in order to warrant stable growth. This can be seen more clearly when presented for- mally. Take the case of an economy with three sectors: A being the agricultural sector, L being the light industrial sector, and B being the heavy industrial sector. A supplies foodstuffs to both L and R, also raw materials to L. L 1Ragnar Wurkse, Pattern of Trade and Develo ment (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1531), p. 55. p 153 supplies consumer goods to both A and M. Assume further that this is an underdeveloped economy, so that A depends very little on the products of M. Probably L depends on the products of M to a greater extent; but most products of M will be further invested. Then, in a closed economy, a drag in the W sector will mainly affect itself. Its repercussions on the other sectors will not be far-reaching and immediate. The effects of a drag of L on the economy will be more severe, as con- sumers in all sectors will be hit. Yet, the most far- reaching and imediate will be the adverse effects of a drag in A. Besides consumers, the smooth-running of L will be affected by shortages in the supply of raw materials. Part or some branches of it will have to come to a standstill, which in return will have adverse effects on the entire economy. An open economy provides escapages through imports in case of need. Given a marketable surplus, a drag in any sector can be salvaged by imports without creating balance of payments problems. Yet, for an underdeveloped country, this surplus primarily comes from the A sector. Even when the L sector has developed to a stage of providing a surplus for export, it still depends on A heavily for material in- puts. Of course in. the long run a country can develop its L sector on imported materials, if it is willing to do so and if it can get free access to foreign markets. But it is the short-run adjustment that is most painful. A drag in 155 the A sector not- only creates shortages of foodstuffs and ' materials, but also cuts its means of financing. Reper- cussions willicause a situation more than a problem of balance of payments. As resources cannot be shifted from sector to sector over-night, a considerable proportion of the economy will come to a standstill. And before adjust- ments are made, the economy will have suffered tremendously. Therefore, when a country takes the path of balanced growth, the key to smooth development is still the agricul- tural sector. In fact, more leeway should be given, for, by its very nature, it does not only drag, but sometimes it also strikes. Its adverse effects will be immediate and . repercussions far-reaching. Even foreign trade will have to go through quantitative as well as qualitative readjust- ments. ' In such a type of economic growth, foreign trade is not an engine of growth itself. Despite its importance in financing capital goods imports, it is a servant or a victim. The abrupt decrease of the foreign trade and imports of grains of Communist China during her recent economic crisis furnishes a very good example. A The Forei Trade of Comnunist China and the International Economy 'l "' ' " " The analysis of the commodity structure and the net comodity position of the foreign trade of Communist China leads to' the following conclusions. ' Firstly, Communist China was a net exporter of 155 foodstuffs to all groups of countries. Despite its waning importance relative to light industrial goods, such net export remained quite stable in absolute values, and con- tinued to be a basic source for external financing. Secondly, she was becoming an increasingly great net importer of machinery and equipment and also manufac- tured minerals, while an increasingly great net exporter of other manufactured goods. War net exports of raw materials decreased on the other hand. Thirdly, in her commodity trade relation with the developed countries, including those of the Free World and Russia, Communist China still stood as an underdeveloped but rapidly developing country. Foodstuffs, raw materials and light industrial goods were exported in exchange for chemicals, manufactured minerals, and machinery and equip- ment. The tendency was that more and more light industrial goods were exported. . Fourthly, to adjust herself to the Embargo, Com- munist China-depended on Russia for the supply of the em- bargoed goods. Other than machinery and equipment, crude petroleum and petroleum products, she was a net exporter in all other commodities to Russia. From the developed countries of the Free World, she had increasing net imports. of manufactured minerals, chemicals, and some machinery and equipment. 'Lastly, if we exclude foodstuffs exports, Communist China stood in relation to the underdeveloped countries as 1na an industrial country. She exported light industrial goods in exchange for’animal and.vegetable raw materials. These experts alone were about enough to finance all her’net imports from these countries. Therefore, her foodstuffs exports to these countries, which constituted about one half_ of their total imports from her, were essentially a surplus for financing through other channels. In spite of the fact that this study is limited to I a very short period of time, the above conclusions indicate that Communist China was developing at a fast rate. The impression is especially clear in the changing pattern of her exports. Eventually she had emerged into a position ex- porting almost one.half of her total exports in manufactured _goods. One might ask, what the stage of her industrialisa- tion is. ' ’ In the study of the development of exports of menu- factured goods, from 1999 to 1953, A. K. Csirncross pointed out that for ten industrial countries:1 1min.”.33“.§3§2.§“32§2n2§:.2;‘2.3.32i5? $3.3?“ chemicals have shown a slight upward trend since 1899, although the change between 1937 and 1950 was the other way. The miscellaneous group of manufactures has shown a pronounced downward trend, especially since 1929. That is to say, the path of further economic development is l A. K. Cairncross, ”World Trade in Hanufactures since 1900,“ factors In Economic Develo ment (London: George Allen rum ,""'p._2'9'§2_‘lfiese ten countries are: United Kingdom, United States, France, Germany, Belgium, Italy, Sweden, Switzerland, Canada and Japan. IQ? to go from exporting consumers' goods to exporting pro- ducers' goods. Indeed, as late as 1899, all industrial countries still exported mainly textiles and/or other con- sumers manufactures, except the United States.1 As new- comers started to export manufactures, usually textiles, old-timers shifted to export mainly capital goods. The following table shows that Communist China is just another DUUOGOIOPs TABLE VII-l.--Hanufactures exports of Communist China (in percentages) Year Engineering Textiles Chemicals Hiscel- Products 8 Hetals laneous 1951 ‘ 2.1 50.5 25.3 21.5 1958 1.9 31.0 25.5 21.5 1959 2.5 h9.3 16.2 31.9 1980 0.6 50.5 17.8 31.5 Source: Calculated from statistics given in Appendix E according to Cairncross' classification. 1Cairncross' calculation is reproduced as follows. ‘22, Cit., 9. 2‘6. TCbIQ XI). - Pro rtion of Main Cate ories to Tote! Egports of Manufactures 195! I 1953 Engineering Textiles Hctals 8 All Other Products Chemicals Items UK 17.5 99.9 87.0 15.5 17.9 17.8 18.1 21.8 USA 21.9 59.2 7.9 6.6 39.3 20.2 29.8 19.0 France 5.1 25.7 35.8 18.6 13.6 32.5 99.8 23.2 Germany 8.9 U5.7 20.6 5.9 20.7 25.5 99.8 22.9 Belg Italy Sued: Swit::} a. 9 25.3 92.6 15.3 19.3 29.1 29.3 29.1 Canada 30. 2 18.5 7.5 Deg gs, 36.0 52.6 “3.6 Japan 0.2 13.1 580‘ 36.1 21.5 21.0 19.8 2‘98 1&8 In these years, textiles and miscellaneous manufac- tures were predominant in Communist China's exports. It is interesting to note that in 1951, the concluding year of her Pirst Five-Year Plan, the commodity structure of her exports of manufactures was very similar to that of Japan in 1399.1 This of course does not mean that Communist China would follow the footsteps of Japan in her pattern of develop- ment. Nor does it mean that it would take her another sixty years to develop to a stage comparable to the present day Japan. In economic development every case is unique, because of unique underlying economic factors and historical incidences. However, it gives us some indication of the approximate stage of her economic develOpment as reflected in the commodity structure of her exports of manufactures at the end of her First Five-Year Plan. The Prospects of the Foreign Trade of Communist China Although in economics everything depends on every- thing else, something is bound to depend on something else more. In Communist China the foreign trade sector was small compared to her entire economy. Important as it was in transplanting the modern tricks of technology directly from the advanced countries, its stable development depended mainly on the stable develOpment of the domestic economy V—v— 1According to W. W. Rostow, this was the time (1878- 1900) of‘the Japanese takeoff. See his The Sta es of Econo- mic Growth (Cambridge: Harvard University v53... 1551’. 1ll9 itself, which in turn depended largely on the performance of the agricultural sector. This was especially so when she was determined to adopt a ”balanced growth” policy. As a result foreign trade only played a passive role in the entire economy. no doubt, the long-term goal of Communist China is to become economically independent. Yet, we do not know how independent is truly independent. On the one hand, it can . mean complete isolation so that foreign trade will one day die an unknown soldier; or self-sufficiency in basic require- ments so that foreign trade will become only a balancing item. On the otherrhand, it may be contended that a low foreign trade ratio among countries, together with an inde- pendent industrial sector, would be independent enough so as not to forego certain advantages derived from foreign trade. It is very probable and only reasonable that it is this that the Communist Chinese leaders hays in mind. Even so, it is far too early for Communist China to be able to attain this stage. Her immediate task still is to build up her own industrial sector, and in doing so foreign trade has been a powerful leverage. Therefore under normal condi- tions we should expect her foreign trade to grow continuously. It is also likely that even her foreign trade ratio will in- crease for some years to come. As for the commodity structure of her foreign trade, trends discussed previously will continue as she further develops. That is to say, she will continue to 150 ' increase her exports of light industrial goods in exchange for heavy industrial goods from the developed countries, and for raw materials from the underdeveloped countries. These expected projections, however, were brought to a pause by her recent economic crisis, in which foreign trade was an immediate victim. Total turnover in 1962 was about one half of its peak level in 1959, and substantial amounts of grains were for the first time imported. This was further aggravated by her "rift" with Russia, which re- sulted in a more than 50% decrease in Sine-Soviet trade. Her imports from Russia decreased by about 759, with complete industrial undertakings coming close to the vanishing point. Of course, this does not mean that the previous develop- ments of her foreign trade will be washed away for good. Rather they are waiting in retrenchment tor her to resume normal economic conditions, for which she is probably new setting aside a few years before she would launch another Five-Year Plan. We should therefore expect her foreign trade to follow the projected pattern, upon the normaliza- tion of her economy based on improvements in her agricultural sector. Further developments in the geographic distribution of her foreign trade is hard to predict for political rea- sons. As successive relaxations of the Embargo has brought her nearer to the Free World, there is no way to determine how far she can and is willing to go in that direction. The main prospect still lies in the possibility for her to 151 acquire heavy machinery and equipment from the Free World, and her political relation with Russia. It is here where the “economic man' goes out and the ”political animal” steps in. BIBLIOGRAPHY Books Adler, Solomon. The Chinese Economy. New York: Monthly Review Press, . ' Barnett, A. Dock. Communist Economic Strate : The Rise of Hainland China. Washingion, 5.5.: haiionai ann ng soc a ion, 1959. Boorman, B. L. et. al. Hoseow-Pekin Axis. New York: Council on Foreign e a one, . Cairncross, A. X. Factor in Economic Development. London: George Allen nw ., . Cheng Che-yuan. The China Hainland Market Under Communist Control. Hong‘xbng: The Union Research insiiiuie, Coppock, J. B. International Economic Instability: The Exgirience or or ar . ew or : c raw 00 ompmy , e Crump, James 1. (ed.) Occasional Pa are No. 2. Center {gr Chinese Studies: The Uhiversiiy of Hichigan, 63. Die Wirtschaftliche Verflechtun der Volksreaublik China gifiger gowjezunion. Hamhurg: insiiiui fuer hiien- ' me, 0 First Five-Year Plan for Develo ment of the National Econom of ihe Fee Té's Re uhiic of China in 1953- 1957. Pehing: Foreign hanguages Press, i§5§. Hirschman, Albert 0. National Power and The Structure of Forei Trade. Berheiey and Che hhgeies: UdiVBrsity oi Ehiiiornia Press, 1959. Hsin Ying. The Forei Trade of Communist China. Hong Kong: The Union Research insiiiuie, 1955. 152 153 Kuznets, Simon. Six Lectures on Economic Growth. The Free Press o encoe, . Li, Che-ling. Economic Develo ment of Communist China. Berke ley—an"Th3"s' figeiezs":"Un'i've' 'rs'iiy 'o"i"'EhIiiornia Press, 1959. Liu, T. C. and Yeh, K. C. The Econom of The Chinese Ma nland: National Income ana iconomic Bhveio ment TESS—1959. 2 vois. Sania Monica: The R553 Corporaiion, 1963. Nichaely, Michael. Contributions to Economic Anal sis, Vol. 26: Conceniraiion in Tniernaiionai Trade. s e am: 0 c an s ng ouse, 62. Nurkse, Ragnar. Patterns of Trade and Development. Oxford: Basil Bla e , . Remer, C. F. Cad.) Three Essa s on The International Economics of Cdmmhhiof'ihihh. hhh hrhhr: Univorsity o c gan ress, . Robinson, E. A. G. (ed.) Economic Conse uences of the Size of Nations. New or : . a in s ress, . Rostow, W. W. The Sta es of Economic Growth. Cambridge: Harvard Universiiy Frees, ighi. Second Session of The Second National Peo le's Con ress of " """' ""' The"Peo"—Ie"'s'he u' hii'c oi China"'w§'c"um'e'n"'is3. Pehihg: , Foreign CEhguages Press, 1965. Szczepanik, E. F. (cd.) EconOmic and Social Problems of The Far East. Nong Kong: Bong Kong Un:vers y PPCSB. Iggze Ten Glorious Years. Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1960. Ten Great Years. Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1960. Wu, Y. L. An Economic Survey of Communist China. New Yor : c an ssoc a es, . Wu, Y. L., Noeber, F. P.. and Rockwell, N. H. The Economic Potential of Communist China. 2 vols. henio Parh: an or escarc me u c, 1963. Yin, Helen and Yi-chang. Economic Statistics of Mainland China (1999-1951). Uhfihriage: harvaha Universiiy 0.8, s 15W Periodical Articles (in English) Ames, Edward. ”Exchange Rates in Soviet-type Economy,” Review of Economic and Statistics. Vol. XXXV, 0e OVe . pp. - e Bystrov, F. “The Organization of International Settlements among The Socialist Countries,” Problems of Econo- mics. Vol. III, No. 2 (June, 1950), pp. 55-59. Cairncross, A. R. "World Trade in Manufactures since l900,‘ in his Factors in Economic Develo ment. London: George hiien 5 Unwin £53., I932, pp. 230-253. Chao, Kang. "Yuan-dollar Price Ratios in Communist China And The United States," Occasional Pa ers No. 2 (ed.) James I. Crump Jr. Cenier for Chinese Studies, the University of Michigan, 1963, pp. 1-39. ”China's Foreign Trade Agreements and Activities.” JPRS: 3125, Communist China Digest No. 22. August Tl, m, pp. - o Dernberger R. F. ”International Trade of Communist China,” Three Essa s on The International Economics of Communisi'China. (.8.3 C. P. homer. hhn hrhor: Uhiversiiy of Michigan Press, 1959, pp. 119-221. Eckstein, Alexander. "Moscow-Peking Axis: The Economic Pattern," Moscow-Pekin Axis. M. L. Boorman, et. al. New Tori? Cduncii 6h'Poreign Relations, 1957, pp. 5W-111. Kuznets, Simon. "Economic Growth of Small Nations,” Economic Conse uences of the Size of Nations. (ed.) s e e neon. cw or 3 e a n 3 08., 1960, pp. 1U-32. ‘ Kuznets, Simon. "Quantitative Aspects of The Economic Growth of Nations -- II. Industrial Distribution of National Product and Labor Forces," Economic Develo ment and Cultural Chan e. VoI. V, No. B, Ouiy, i557, Suppiement.) ' "'H" Liu, T. C. and Yeh, K. C. ”Preliminary Estimates of the National Income of the Chinese Mainland 1952-1959,“ American Economic Review. Vol. LI, No. 2,(May, upp emen , pp. - 17. 155 Li, T. C. “A Valuation of China's Foreign Trade,“ Far Eastern Economic Review. Vol. XXVII, No. lu'1bct. : PP: - Ma, Pong-hue. ”Price Problems in Communist China's Foreign Trade,” Journal of Asian Studies. Vol. XXI, No. I, (August, Mtracts of Papers Presented at t e Fourteenth Annual Meeting.) Mah, Feng-hwa. ”The First Five-Year Plan and Its Internap tional Aspects,” Three Essa s on the International Economics of Communisi'China. lea.) C. F. Rehbr. hhn hfihor: Uhiversiiy oi Hichigan Press, 1959, pp. 33-117. "Minister Outlines Development of Sine-Soviet Trade in 1958,” some No. 1893, pp. ui-uz. Szczepanik, E. F. ”Balance of Payments of Mainland China,“ Economic and Social Problems of the Far East. zczepan: We“ University Press, 1962, pp. 113-129. Szczepanik, E. F. ”Foreign Trade of Mainland China," Contemporapz China, No. 3, 1958-1959, pp. 69-130. ”Trading Organizations on China,” Far Eastern Economic Review. Vol. XX, No. 20,( y , , pp. Yang, Chien-pai. "On the Internal Relationship Between Industrial and Agricultural Production," JPRS: 5639, October 26,1960. Yoshio, A. "Terms of Trade of China and Underdeveloped Countries in Relation to Their Trade with the Soviet Union," JPRS: suan, June 28,1961. Periodical Articles (in Chinese) Chao, Chi-chiang. “Chi-mien lai wo-kuc tui-wai mac-i ti chung-ta pien-hua ho fa-chan,” (Great Changes and Developments of Our Country's Foreign Trade in the Last Seven Years), Tui-wai mac-i luen-wen shuan. (Selected Treatises on Foreign Traae.) (Fehihg, 1951), pp. lO-17. 'Chung-shu soong-ti pan hu-tso ho-tso ti hsin cheng-chiu, ' (New Achievements of the Sine-Soviet Fraternal Mutual Assistance and Cooperation), JMJP, April 29, 1958, ( Edit 01.131 ) e 155 I, Yin-tang. 'Chung-shu mac-i ti fapchan,' (The Develop- ment of Sine-Soviet Trade), JMJP, April 21, 1957. Mac, Ching-sheng 'Chun oshu lian -kuo ti ching-chi ho- tso ' (Sino-Sov st Econom c Cooperation), TKP, April 19, 1351. " Nuc-chia tung-chi chfi (State Statistical Bureau): 'Kuan-yu 1952 nien kuo-min ching-chi ho wen-hue tsiao-yfi hui-fu yfi fa-chan ching-kuang ti kung-pao,' (Communique on the Restoration and development of the National Economy, Culture and Education in 1352), MMYP, No. 10, 193a, pp. 223-230. 'Kuan-yU 1953 nien-tu kuo-min ching-chi faechan ho kuo-chia chi-hue chi-hsing chieh-kuo ti kung- pac," (Communique on the Development of the National Economy and the Results of the Execution of the National Plan in 1953), MMYP, No. 10, 1953, pp. 3 ~232. 'Kuan-yfi 195Q nien-tu kuo-min ching-chi fa-chan ho kuo-chia chi-hua chi-hsing chieh-kuo ti kung- pac," (Communique on the Development of the National Economy and the Results of the Execution of the National Plan in 1959), MMYP, No. 10, 1955, pp. 166-167. ”Nuan-yfi 1955 nien-tu kuo-min ching-chi chi-hue chi-hsing chieh-kuo ti kung-pao,” (Communique on the Results of the Execution of the 1955 National Economic Plan), MMPYX, No. 13, 1956, pp. 39-92. 'Kuan-yfi 1956 nien-tu kuo-min ching-chi chi-hua chi-hsing chieh-kuo ti kung-pao.” (Communique on the Results of the Execution of the 1956 National Economic Plan), HMPYK, No. 17, 1957, pp. 201-205. "Nuan-yfi fa-chan kuo-min ching-chi ti ti-i-ko wu- nien-chi-hua (1953-1957) chi-hsing chieh-kuo ti kung-pao." (Communique on the Results of the Execu- tion of the First Five-Year Plan for the Development of the National Economy 1953-1957), MMPYX, No. 8, ‘ 1959, pp.'98-51. 'Nuan-yfi 1958 nien kuo-min ching-chi fa-chan ching- kuang ti kung-pao,' (Communique on the Development of the National Economy in 1958), MMPYK, No. 8, 1959, pp. s1-su. 157 Rue Chum-wen. 'Liang-tiao-tui chou-lu, kao-shu-tu chien- she chin-kung-yeh ' (Walking on Two Legs, Develop- igggLight Industr es at High Speed), CXCCY, No. 18, Li Che-jen. "Shu-luan ho ko jen-min-min-tsu kuo-chia ti yuan-tso shi shi-hsien wupnien-chi-hua ti joupli tiao-chien," (The Assistance of the Soviet Union and the People's Democratic Countries Is an ad- vantageous Condition for Realizing the First Five- Year Plan), HHYP, No. 9, 1955, p. 131. Li Fu-chun. 'Kuan-yfi 1959 nien kuo-min ching-chi chi-hue tsao-an ti pao-kao,” (Report on the 1959 Draft Ngtlgnal Economic Plan), HHPYK, No. 9, 1959, pp. Li Hsien-nien. 'Shu-luan shi wo—kuo chien-she she-hui- tau-i ti pang-yang ho wei-ta ti yuan-tso chieh,“ (The Soviet Union Is a Model for Constructing Socialism.and Great Helper of Our Country,) HHPYK, No. 5., 1955, pp. 50-52. """ 'Kuan-yfi 1955 nien kuo-chia chueh-suan ho 1956 nien kuo-chia yU-suan ti pao-kao,‘ (Report on the 1955 National Final Accounts and the 1956 National Budget), anyx, No. 1n, 1956, pp. 1-9. 'Kuan-yfi 1956 nien kuo-chia chueh-suan ho 1957 nien kuo-chia yU-suan tsao-an ti pao-kao,” (Report on the 1956 National Final Accounts and the 1957 Ngtégnal Draft Budget), HHPYKI No. 19, 1957, pp. "’ e Li Ming. "Wo4men shi chen-yang kuan-li tui-wai mac-i chi- hua ti," (How We Manage Foreign Trade Planning), CHCC, NO. 1957’ pp. 20-210 Li Po-fang. "Chi-chi chia-chiang tsu-chi tsu-kou hue- yuan,” (Strenuously Strengthenin the Organization of Commodity Sources for Exports , CHCC, No. 2, 1953, pp. 27-28. "“" Liu, Chi-hang. ”Chi-pen chien-she Shih-hsien-la keng-hao ti chuan-mien ti ta-jao-chin,’ (Basic Construction Has Realized A Better and All-around Great Leap Forward), CHYTC, No. 1, 1960, p. 29. Lu Shihpkuang and Huang Juan-ting. 'Wo.kuo Chin-kou mao- i tsai ti-i-ko wu-nien-chi-hua chi-chien ti tso- yung,” (The Function of Our Import Trade During _ {2;7First Five-Year Plan Period), 25:, Dec. 15, 153 Po I-po. 'Kuan-yfi 1956 nien-tu ching-chi chi-hue ti eni- hsing chieh-kuo ho 1957 nien-tu kuo-min ching-chi chi-hua tsao-an ti pao-kao,” (Report on the Results of the Execution of the 1956 Economic Plan And The 1957 Draft National Economic Plan), HHPYK, No. 1!, 1957. pp. 28-39e 'Kuan-yfi 1958 nien kuo-min ching-chi chi-hue tsao- an ti pac-kao,” (Report on the 1958 Draft National Economic Plan), HHPYK, No. 5, 1958, pp. 12-23. "Yoh Chi-chuang pupchang ti fa-yen,” (The Statement of Minister Yeh Ch -chuang--Report to The Second Session ' Of The First National People's Congress of The People's Republic of China, 1955), Jen-min shou-tse (People's Handbook), (Peking, 1956), pp. 232-233. Yoh Chi-chuang. ”Kai-chin wo-kuo tsu-kou kung-tso, pao- cheng kuo-chia kung-yeh chien-she," (Improve Our Work in Exports, Guarantee Our National Industrial Construction), HHPYK, No. 21, 1956, p. 155. “Wei-ta ti ho-tso, wu-shi ti yuan-tse,“ (Great Cooperation, Selfless Assistance), JMJP, Nov. 3, 1957. “Tan tui-wai mac-i," (On Foreign Trade), HHPYK, No. 16, 1957, pp. 90-93. ""“ 'Wo-kuo tui-wai mac-i tsai ti-i-ko‘wuonien chi- hua ti fa-chan,"(The Development of Our Foreign Trade During the First Five-Year Plan Period), pg, No. 23, 1957. 'Shih-nien lai wo-kuo ti tui-wai mac-i,” (The Foreign Trade of Our Country in the Past Decade), JMJP, Sept. 22, 1959. APPENDICES 159 APPENDIX A The Regional Distribution of the Foreign Trade of Communist China The following tables are compiled mainly from. statistics given in various issues of the United Nations' Yearbook of International Statistics, Direction of Inter- national Trade, and World Economic Report. Up to 1953, some countries reported only their ”trade with China." There is no way to disentangle ”trade with Communist China"'figures from these overall figures. However, in these years "trade with Nationalist China' of these countries was relatively insignificant. From 1959 to 1956 Pakistan reported also only her "trade with China.” Here figures are adjusted by deducting the Pakistan-Nationalist-China trade figures re- ported by Nationalist China from those Ttrade with China' figures. I Since most figures in the following tables are de- ‘ rived from the above-mentioned sources, they are referred to in the text as United Nations' statistics. In cases where statistics are not available from them, the following sources are used. A Survey of the Strategic Trade Control Control Program 1957-60 and The Battle Act in New Times (v.3. Department of State: 1960 and 1962); Der Ostblock: Aussenhandel des oestlichen Wirtschaftsblockes einschliess- ligh Ching_by Bruno Kiesewetter (Berlin, 1960): gppgp. 160 161 Statistical Yearbook 1959: Die Wirtschaftliche Verflech- tung der Volksrepublik China mit der Sowjetunion (Hamburg: Institut fuer Asienkunde, 1959): Vneshn a a Tor ovl a, No. 10, 1959; and Far Eastern Economic Review, Sept. 15, 1960 (for Macau only). 182 NNNQDOONHONEI‘NM 3003mONOQONNM eeeeeeeeeeee H N WNHHMSI' N ee ON Pie-9H es 5") .HH .H F. m.oo «.m« 9.5 o.H« «.2« «.mm o «.0 0800300, I090” N «.o m.on o.«« «.od n.6md «.«m 0.6H m.« m.«d 9.6H ¢.« o.o o.moH «.mo n.ad o.H«« o.HoH «.o: m.m 9.0H .emoooucum mcwomnocne m.:c« H.odm m.mom «.006 «.0 «.H c.d A. a A.H H.« c o m. «.H .9 o «. «.o «.« I «.hd a.nd I o o.d I I H. H. n. «. o.» a I I H. m.» 3.: H. o.« n.0H «.2 h. a. «.H o.d a. n. o.o «.OH «. 0.0» :.:m m.«« o.” 3.»: a.n: c.3Hn «.mm «.5 H.HH m.o« :.oH n.«« m.::« o.Ho« o.o« o.mn a.mo o.mdd «.mm n.ad n.am o.h: «.mH c n.m «.9 h.H o.» o.on «.od 3. 9.20: o.HaH m.«om n.d .d I e h 000 H 508’ 503003”. '00 8' e e s GDP.” NQID HON e 80 ON HN N00“) e In: 60 o.«m O s O In H GOIHOIIOII e .99 ee 8' H COSMOOOHI‘ e e e e e e e e NHIDHHHDN NMNH” huq «NH 3 I ewe< deuce mashm pdomsx common omen menu mmueacmuu< cco< managema xesesem ceuewxem common .2 ssoc: coach cunecoocu m can ucox com .U%QHU= coaaeo uncommon venom waow muons“ wmooxo chow macaw“ wmomxe Hewow whoomm wmooxe Howow whoomu wmooxo one" «mad mand coma aaouu phone“ .0» «nooxov newmvcmoo n 5. 5 5. 5. 5 5. 5.5 I 5.5 5.5 5.5 5.5 555:5 5.5 5 5.5 5.5 5 5.5 I I I I I I .sue .3 .55 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 55555 5.5 5.5 5 5.5 5.5 5. 5.5 5.5 5. 5.5 5.5 5. .suc .m .5555 5.5 5 5.5 5.5 5 5.5 5.5 I 5.5 5.5 5 5.5 55sou5< Hmwow wmoomu whooxe Hmwow wmoomw wmooxo Hmwow wmooa5 umooxo Home» uncomw whooxe “moan uncoaw 5555 5555 5555 5555 .05 «noose. .. 5553556 / (OHkkv. 166 -'1953 expo per 0 a 1 10.9 11.1 .2 C 7 1.9 10.9 10.3 1953 por c a .8 11.U 12.2 1 2 11.6 23.6 11.1 12.0 1955 OXFOI:E impori ‘65:! BXDOI‘ 29.5 25.5 5. .1 19.0 .9 .9 25.3 I5.5 08 .5 .1 .1 19.6 19.0 1.3 20.2 1956 per .5 29.2 35.3 1 5 7 29.0 62.0 expor 11.1 9 1 33.0 ts Be Afre Egypt Nyasaland Senegal AFRICA (continued) Countries (export to, uport from) Algeria Br Fr. W. Afr. Ghana Ivory Coast Morocco Nigeria Rhodesia and S. Africa Sudan Tunesia Uganda Total Africa 167 1 O O H O O H O N F) O N ,4 0 60 H O O O ID 0066006 0365000 6066006 3003365 IIIIIUI IIIOIO" IIIIIII" IIIIIII CIIIIIF IIIIIOH IIOIIIO IIIIIIN e O H e O H e N H e N H e If) e 00 00663036 30000630 60060606 65030060 00300006 IIIIOIFI IIIIIIFO 3060633) 03030356 3000336006 00006663 IIBIIIIDI cownm< 5ouoa coco»: cancers cocoa cownu< .m 5cmecem oco5cem>z one eueooonm swoon“: oooomo: ueooo 550:5 omega .5M< .3 .55 vohmu .su< .u .u hm c550 5< Howey whammy wnoaxe HewOw wmoaa5 waooxe Howow wmoomu wmooxs Hewow mucus“ waooxo 55055 phonon .5555 5555 5555 5555 .05 555555. mowmucooo Ilka-LE3 5 8.555558 «555.55 ecwco newcossoo no comma «ouch 166 L 5.555 5.555 5.555 5.555 5.55. 5.555 5.5.5.5.555 5.555 5.555 5.555 5.555 5. 5. 5. 5. 5. 5. 5. 5. 5. 5. 5. 5. 50505505 5.55 5.. 5.5 5.5 5.5 5.5 5.5 5.5 5.5 5.5 5.5 5. 0500500505 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.555 5.55 5.55 5.555 5.55 5.55 5.555 5.55 5.55 .x.5 5.55 5.5. 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.5. 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.5 5.5 55055055505 5.55 5.55 5.5 5.55 5.55 5.5 5.55 5.55 5.5 5.55 5.55 5.5 0.0.05 I I I 5. 5. I 5.5 5.5 5. 5. 5. 5. 05055 5.5 5.5 5.5 5.5 5.. 5.5 5.55 5.5 5.5 5.5 5.. 5.5 503502 5.55 5.5 5.5 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.5 5.55 5050550550: 5.55 5.55 5.5 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 55055 5. 5 a. 5. 5 5. 5.5 I. 5.5 5.5 I 5.5 0005055 5 5 5 5. 5. 5. 5. I 5. 5. I 5. 000055 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.555 5.555 5.55 5.555 5.555 5.55 5.555 5.55 ...55 5.5.5. 50055.5 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 a... 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 000055 5.55 5.5 5.5 5.55 5.5 5.5 5.55 5.55 5.5 5.55 5.5 5.. 0505555 5.5 5. 5. 5.5 5.5 5.5 5.55 5.5 5.55 5.55 5.5 5.55 5500505 5.55 5.55 5.5 5.55 5.55 5.5 5.5. 5.55 5.5 5.55 5..5 5.5 55050.5:5I505 5.55 5.5 5.5 5.55 5.55 5.5 5.55 5.55 5.5 5.55 5.55 5.5 0555050 ooxe HRH when.“ who?» H05ow w5oomh wmooxe Howe» whom W398 5.595% 5.5255 5555 5555 5555 5555 .05 55055.. - 53.55.5900 “woman 169 F000H o noun mom“ son a. 003 503 o Hons gown 20m 00nad N. «or: «on» .3 .0 C! 5... 0 0 00 Cflfil GDGDF' CN‘OI run IHP‘JWDIMD Iannewm m. «0oou I00 0 .dd 0 50 In N 00 00 CIUWH dflfiflnflhfifiICVfiHNfl’if‘cwi OI (”ONO .60 0 mun C3GN”“D°H4¢'°HDI‘C’.OHUL' 0 00 00 00 00 00 CDCD IDCNN ‘UI*F' 3’0HD oflfifi' 04 wood” oouu honu QWSFHD¢WN€D°W~UW3I‘D 0 0 0 that 1H GI rifi- CIFJD PI n.and NO 303» «Ind non Hoomm Hosmd a. :0” 00mm 20mm ”0 n0: woos 0 In G) .0. 0 cube. «0 «nu r4 £f8WflUiOH4¢iOHtCDM’IFUM Oi FHHGDFWMF- ccmod com don c 0 051m mmmn omod ‘H- 500x. Hawow wwonmw wmoaxo Hdwow muonmu w50nxo «Baku «50935 .05 5500505 505555500 IGOR 50509 auwsuhom 05:0550maw 0x03. 0005505553m 500035 05055 503502 ovcdnaonuoz 55055 0:05.55 000059 5.5.55 5000500 oonuah vanacum 3500509 «50060::5I50m 055505¢ 50050550005 550555 170 o.m« u.nn n.«n «.o:n 0.0m a.uo «.muu o.nm m.uun n.ann o.mh oohm .oo . I 0 095m «ouch I I I o.um 9.9” c.u« o.ou o.o c.9u e.u« o.nn o.o _ .x.= I I I u.nm c.9a moan n.an s.m« a.nn m.s« coca a.a vaunaonvwam I I I a.» a.» v.3 h.» o’u h.o :.u a. o. covuam - - - - - - - ' - - - - aflnam . I. I a." a. u.« a.” a. a." o.m o.u a.» guano: I I I n.an c. m.«u u.pa n. m.hd no: a 9.: nvnuauoguoz u.h a.“ o.: a.» n.n h.n a.» a. a.» a.» o.» u.« I aaoun. - - - - - - - - - - ' ' ”and 8H o.« .. o.o o.u« n.au s.au “.mm a.. ¢.o: m.ma 9.5“ o.su ..m.». acmauou I I. I m.c A.n :.m «.mu a.a n.5H h.o «.n m.m oocngu o. h. a. m. a. «. m.n o. b. a.m mom a. caducwm I I I a.« A. o.« 9.0 a. o.¢ u. a. o ghoecon o.on o.o a. o..« :.s m.s o.s~ c.o :.ou m.m o. ».a uaaaaoxaaaaom I I I m. a. A. o. m. a. n. n. o oaauua< Hmwow wmoqaa wmoaxo Howmw muons“ wmoaxo Humww wmoaam whoaxu chow phoned waoaxo «scam unoaaw . mama emu” swan «man. .0» «pagan. Ila. nomhvcaoo Avoscuvc00v ”moms” 171 «.an s.cn 0.. o.«» p..« «.o n.a. 3.5» «.a «.ma n.aa «.ua «menace ”upon I I I 9.: .a.« «.u «.o c.p «.d o.oH a.» «.n vcuaoon .2 «.QA c.2a o.c u.o« o.nu a.» c.»» :.o~ o.o H.oa u.on o.o~ mmnwnwma< «.mu m.» «.9 o.o« o.o« a.» >.mu a.a «.5 p.mm n.ae m.u IIIImmewMH.a .m a .2 ”once 9.” a." o. a. a. a. a.» o.« s. a.« m.~ a. coaxoz o." o.« o o.~ o.u o a.~ a.~ I 9.. m.. I anamuaa H. a H. u. a. I a. I u. I I I ouoanoco> m. o m. m. - m. o. a a. - - - scfiham «. o u. u. o a. o. o. a. I I I onmnunowz H. o n. a. o a. I I I .I I I uuanuua< .«o: n. a a. I I I I I I I I I nooo>aom an o a o o.» a.» a a. a. I a.«» u.«m I «ago a o o I I I a. I a. a. I a. canaaaoo o o a a.» m.p o a. I a. m. m. I ”wanna o. a. a. a. u. I g. n. I :.u n.« o «cauaomn< o.~ a.~ a.» p.ns o.a a.» 9.0 o.~ ~.m p.2H o.o a.» nuance A. o a. u. I N. a. I n. u. I w. , - .m.= Hmwow wmoaam whoaxo Huwbw wwoaau wmonxo Huwow muons“ wwomxu Humow phage“ wuonxo “noun whoaau “no“ «mag mama coon .ou uuoaxo. nownvcsoo E2 55.80 u «Sag ucwgo vumcafieoo no awake w0h0h 172 ”.0 m.H o.» c.0H a.» a.» n.0H. H.3 No: NIHH H.o H.m Uwcuuoo HMHOB o. o m. h. H. m. o. a o. I I I vcdHnON .2 9.. a.” «.m ».m 9.. ..: o.ou ~.m a.» «.HH a.. a.» munmmwma< n.aa a. «.HH o.: o.« A.“ :.ou a.“ m.a o.nn 3.. 9.9 =..umuomk .m a .z HUHOH :. H. n. a. o a. N. m. a. o.» 3.N o. .00 x0: I I I o o a o a o «. ~. 9 an: on: I I I I I I I I I I I I uaoauoco> N. o N. m. I n. m. .o m. m. o o. EdCHfiam I I I I I .I I I I , :. N. N. oawunoowz I I I I I I a. o u. a. o a. .o-«u:< .».2 I I I I I I H. o H. N. H. H. hovd>Hmm Hm - ' - - - - - - - - - - ”go I I I a. a a. I I I I I I .«nauaoo I I I m.N a.N o 0.: m.: o H. H. o HHNflhm H.H o H.H o o o No: O.H N.n N.o :.N o.» ”Guano 0.5 o m.a N. o N. N. o N. N. o N. .m.: some“ hoax»_HMWNWImmmmmMIwmmmmw Hmwow muons“ wacaxu Hnwow muoaaa whonxo Aachm «poaaw mama . an.” mm. mm.” .ou uuoaxo. nowaucaoo a@05¢«~¢00v (H24uoo a aucwham uswaauumz uoaawuc< .uoz aovo>Hom .Hu cane unnazuoo kumhm ncwucumh< avocuo .m.= Howow wuouam whoaxw Huwow whomfim wuoaxu Hmwow mucusa whoaxu Howow whomfim whonxu Hanan unoqaw MN." MO 0 05 O 8 o H IDFIF .0 3‘0 (0 O O h 0 o H 80.0 .0 IDID‘IIO 0. OF 3‘ CO C O 0 ID IOIII8 o N N .H IBINIIIIOIOII 0 £0 ,4 IIDIHIUIIOIIII C m H INIHIIIIII'II O M IDOIIIOIIIIIIIla o. OOIOIIIIIIIUN InGIOOIIIIIIIIN o. ORIIIIOIIIIIN RQIIIIIIIIIIN ”IDIIIIOIIIIOM ONIIIIIIIIOIO Ofllillllllllm 00 O‘DN .‘t H 033 3 H SNIIIII 00 {ON 3 0. 0H 3 .0 EN N FF. N mama mmmm Hmmm mmmm .ou uuomxuv nouuucsou nauvHHom .m.p coauwma ca~ Avuacwucoov namgu ummcaasou no mucus a mayo» nuuoz c nanomcoz and uoaox nuuoz «a m.mmmm m.mmm m.mmm m.mmmm m.mmm m.mmm m.mmmm m.mmm m.mmm m.mmmm m.mmm m.mmm comm moaoa m.mmmm m.mmm m.:s: m.mmmm m.mmm‘ m.m.m m.mmmm ..mmm m.m:m m.mm:H m.mmm m..mm .m.Mum.p m.mmm m.mma m.mhm m.m". :.mmm m.mmm m.mma m.mmm :.mmm m.mmm m.m:m 3.3mm “Inca co.N o.H o.H co.: m.H :.N o.mH I I .co.om I I uowhucaoo unanaasoo cowm< I I I I I I I I I I I I uwcuaom m.mm m.mm m.mm m.m. ..mm m.mm H.om m.:m ..mm m.mm m.mm m.:m vacuum m.mm m.mm m.mm m.mm «.mm m.mm m.mm m.mm m.mm m.mm m.mm m.mm maomnam a.mmn ..m. m.mm m.mmm m..m a... m..mm :.mm m.mm m.mmm m..m :.mm m.m.m. mc.apom :.mmm m.m. “.mm ..mmm 3.3m m.mm m.mmm m.mm 5.0m m.mmm m... :.mm .mxnmomaosoouu m.m m.m m.: m.s m.: m.m m.m m.: m.: :.om m.m m.m omnummam I I I I I I m.m m m.m m.: m. H.. nmcunm< Homo» wmoamm wmonxo Hmwow .wnonmw wmoaxo Huwow mmoamm Hmonxo Huwow macaw“ wuoaxo «man smaH mmOH omaH 39C gone.“ .09 «honxvv nouuvcsoo H.0600v ooam hmuzbzxoo 176 H.mNOH :.aom «.mha OOHm HouOH «Kmom 2.2.: m.Hmm mgmm «2.5m 53H: ..m.E n.am N.N: m.N: N.NOH «.ma o.Nm Huuoa mm m.m:a m.mma a.mmm m..mm .m m.m:a m.mma m.mmm m.mmm I. I m.m m.m "HP. 0 o N“ ”“0 o o 0 NH” HP. In 0 I: O a. ‘0 o m N I.” OI o a F M ovuuucaoo vuwcaafioo cuwu< macoaom ocmnom mammcsm n.a.m. mamauou uwxm>oauosoouu caumwaam nmauna< 0 Q o 0 ma. :3 M 0 IO N o 0 0" 3m 1‘ o M N o o (‘0) NM 0 N o H IIIIIOI IIIIIII IIIOIIO IIIIIIDI IIIII”. IIIIIMI IOOIC‘HI lI-DIINIDO O O O N .0000”. m. E E E EIILIII. o .395 898 39: toms mama mmma amma mmma .ou «hoax.m mowuucaoo A.vcoov ooqm Banzaxzou O IAPPBNDIX B _The Re ional Distribution of the Forei ' Trade ' ' ' f C ' Y CFIna -- Somme ammunis n m on . . o firs 177 CEEEEFITF""‘ (exp. to, 1960 1959 1956 ing. from) Exporf”fmngEN'Tb{aI Exgéfif'ffigorf' ToEaI xgor mgor o a 2215.2 1510.6 700.6 1506.9 720.6 109.1 656.3 26.0 32.9 3762.1 Conn. B1cc.1106.9 1106.9 2293.7 1006.9 1276.2 2725.1 1171.5 1003.7 U.S.S.R. 907.3 616.3 1663.6 1099.2 953.6 2052.9 690.6 630.0 Reet Bloc 299.6 330.5 630.1 307.7 320.6 672.3 290.9 009.7 Reet world 767.2 701.5 1069.7 735.9 676.2 1012.1 776.9 769.0 Asia 001.5 150.9 592.0 030.7 160.7 595.0 516.1 200.5 IAfrica 03.2 90.9 120.1 55.0 69.0 113.0 59.1 50.0 Europe 260.0 376.0 600.0 229.7 011.7 601.0 166.0 067.9 America 6.9 09.9 55.7 7.3 6.0 15.7 7.1 20.9 Oceania 11.2 00.9 56.1 9.2 37.0 06.6 9.2 20.7 2225;! 1910.1 1606.3 3762.0 2162.6 1950.0 0137.2 1950.0 1611.7 Continued un rIee (exp. to, 1957 1956 1955 AI ing. from) Exg'o"r"f'!m2"'or"¥-"To' Ea! Exgcrf-meg' o'r'T' To'fa! Expor? Tm'gofi't‘l'o'fai 990.6 1999.2 960.9 979.2 1959.1 733.3 1097.5 603.5 706.0 1391.9 Comm. Bloc U.S.S.R. Reet 61oc Rest World 609.3 Aeia 036.6 .Africa 50.7 Europe 109.9 America 9.3 Oceania 0.9. 22321_ 1621.3 520.2 1166.5 212.3 52.0 235.3 5.3 -110“ niaao.§. .suo.9 103.1 aau.2 13.1 . 19.2 *figurea do not add because 973.0 610.3 1602.3 966.6 736.1 500.1 1262.2 760.2 230.9. 266.2. 560.1* 220.09 606.0 033.9 33.6 166.0 7.6 5.1 207.0. 501.7. 027.0 192.0 29.0 190.1 5.0 6.1 1073.0 626.3 62.6 360.1 13.0 11.2 217.0. 230.6* 067.2‘ 091.5 329.6 20.2 132.5 0.5 0.7 306.6 156.0 25.3 110.9 5.9 6.1 -1635.0~1007.613072.6.1352.0I1265.6 of having only total figures. 796.1 ' 066.0 05.5 203.5 10.0 10.6 2657.2 _j 176 Continued (2:3.r13: ' 1950 ' ' 1655 ‘ - 'iséz . ing. from) WW gooa mm woe: WW goroa Conn. Bloc. 763.9 995.7 1759.6 609.9 995.5 1535.3 .075.7 599.0 1075.1 U.S.S.R. [579.3 ‘759.3 1337.6 070.7 697.6 1172.3 013.7 550.2 967.9 Rest Bloc 195.6 236.0 022.0 175.1 167.6 363.0 62.0 05.2 107.2 Rest World 393.5 265.7 679.2 022.2 293.6 716.0 301.6 237.0 579.0 Asia 270.6 .177.2 051.9 269.6 191.1 050.7 202.1 150.9 393.0 Africa 12.0 11.6 23.6 7.9 10.0 19.3 6.2 9.9 15.1 EurOpe 100.6 69.0 169.6 129.7 100.7 230.0 57.0 76.5 132.6 Anerica 1.1 2.9 0.0 11.2 .1 11.3 29.0 1.2 30.6 Oceania 5.0 5.0 10.0 3.9 1.5 5.3 6.9 .6 7.5 223:1’ 1157.0 1261.0 2036.6 1072.0 1179.3 2251.3 917.3 636.6 1650.1 Continued Countries (exp. to, 1951 1950 1909 imp. from) ”W goroa Eli-WW Eoroa W20!!! gooa Comm. Bloc. 376.9 525.6 900.5 193.6 390.5 566.1 196.9 103.2 302.1 U.S.S.R.. 331.3 076.0 909.7 191.3 366.2 579.5 196.9 103.2 302.1 Rest Bloc 07.6 07.2 90.9 2.3 6.3 9.6 - - - Rest World 093.6 031.3 920.9 510.1 010.0 920.5 230.2 226.9 057.0 Asia 265.2 375.0 600.2 209.7 351.6 601.3 106.0 195.0 001.0 Africa 12.7 - 12.7 10.7 - 10.7 - - - Europe 161.3 53.9 215.1 91.0 56.9 109.2 12.3 13.6 25.9 America 06.0 .6 09.0 150.6 0.6 159.0 3.3 13.6 16.9 Oceania 6.0 1.9 7.9 3.7 1.2 0.9 9.2 0.6 12.9 2232;_ 972.5 956.9 1929.0 703.7 909.9 1512.6 029.1 370.0 799.1 179 APPENDIX C n m on . . o are SITC Code Commodity Specification Import Export 001 livestock for food ‘ 29.3 011 meet fresh 0.1 20.0 012 meat dried . 2.3 013 meat canned 21.1 021 milk cream fresh 022 milk dried 0.1 023 butter 020 cheese and curd 025 eggs 30.2 026 natural honey 9.? 029 dairy products, n.a.s.** 9.0 031 fresh fish 15.5 032 fish preserved 0.1 001 wheat unmilled 1.0 002 rice 7.1 50.9 003 barley unmilled 0.3 000 maize unmilled 0.6 005 ocereals unmilled n.e.s.** 0.3 006 wheat flour, etc. 007 flour, etc., n.e.s.u 2.9 009 cereal preparations 6.1 051 " fruit nuts fresh 0.3 32.0 052 dricd fruit 0.0 7.0 190 APPENDIX C (continued) 053 fruit prep. 11.5 050 vegetable fresh dried 23.9 055 vegetable prep. 0.3 9.0 061 sugar 9.3 10.6 062 sugar prep. confectionery 0.9 0.1 071 coffee 072 cocoa 073 chocolate 6 pre. 070 tea 6 mate 21.9 075 spices 1.1 6.6 091 fodder n.a.s.u 1.5 091 margarine 0.2 099 food prep. n.e.s.u 0.1 1.9 111 beverages non-ale. . 9.0 112 beverages alc. 1.6 121 tobacco un.mfg. 03.9 122 tobacco mfg. 0.2 211 hide etc. crude 10.1 212 fur skin crude 0.5 221 oil seeds etc. 1.0 126.1 231 crude rubber 79.0 37.2 201 fuelwood charcoal _ 0.2 1.1 202 wood round etc. 0.2 2.2 203 wood shaped 1.0 200 cork raw waste 0.2 251 pulp waste paper 1.2 161 APPENDIX C (continued) I 261 silk _ 30.1 262 wool 6 hair 36.9 51.0 263 cotton 51.2 3.0' 260 jute inc. waste 0.36 1.6 265 veg. fibres n.e.s.“ 0.7 6.0 266 synthetic fibres 0.2 267 textile waste 271 fertilizers crude 212 crude minerals n.O.B.“ 0.9 21.0 291 iron ore etc. 0.1 292 scrape iron steel 293 base metal ores n.a.s.** 0.2 90.0 290 scrape metal n.a.s.u 295 silver ore' 291 animal mattr. n.a.s.** 0.9 23.1 292 veg. mattr. n.a.s.u 1.9 19.2 311 coal coke etc. 12.1 312 petroleum crude 10.2 313 petroleum products 76.5 310 natural gas. mfg. 315 electric energy 011 animal oils fats 0.3 012 vegetable oils fats 1.7 05.2 013 oils fats n.a.s.** 1.1 511 inorganic chem. 7.9_ 10.9 512 organic chem. 9.7 2.5 521 tar or. coal chem. 0.1 0.1- 531 532 533 501 551 552 561 591 599 611 . 612 613 621 629 631 632 633 601 602 651 652 653 650 655 656 657 661 162 _ mm .C- 000.00». coalter dyes etc. dye tanning extr. ' paints etc. drugs essential oils soap 6 cosmetics etc. fertilisers mfg. explosives chem. mat. prod. n.a.s.‘* leather mfg. leather furs dressed etc. rubber semi-finished rubber mfg. n.e.s.** boards plywoods wood mfg. n.e.s.u cork mfg. .paper paperboard paper etc. mfg. yarn thread cotton fabrics misc. fabrics ribbon etc. special fabrics madeup textiles rugs .lime cement 7.5 0.5 1.1 13.3 0.0 0.2 0.5 11.3 0.1 0.1 1.0 0.1 3.6 10.6 .1.7. 0.7 V 1.0 0.0 0.3. 2.0 0.1 0.1 5.0 2.2 0.6 6.6 0.1 1.1 0.1 0.6 1.0. 0.2 5.0 5.5 6.2 36.3 92.1 5.6 20.0 02.2 7.3 16.0 103 I Appsustx c (continued). 662 bricks tiles etc. . 1.3 663 minerals mfg. n.e.s.u 0.6 3.7 660 glass 0.3 2.1 665 glass were 0.1 1.3 666 pottery ' 1.9 671 silver etc. metals 0.9 0.9 672 game, etc. . 0.2 673 worked gld. slv. gems . . 0.5 691 iron I steel 62.0 11.0 692 copper 3.1 , 693 nickel 1.6 690 aluminum 1.9 0.2 685 lead 0.1 ' 0.2 696 zinc 0.0 A 697 tin 09.7 699 base metals n.a.s.** 5.6 7.9 691 ordnance ‘ 126.0. 699 metals mfg. n.a.s.u ‘ 7.6 2.0 711 power mach. n.e.s.** 5.6 712 ag. mach. 0.9 713 tractor non-steam 3.5 710 office mach. 0.2 0.0 715 metal-working mach. : i 7.0 716 mach. n.e.s.‘6 272.1 1.5 721 else. mach. n.e.s.u 10.5 0.5 731 railway vehicles 0.6 732 road motor vehicles 9.0 160 APPENDIX C_(conttnuedl 733 730 735 611 612 621 631 601 602 651 661 662 663 660 691 692 . 699 911 921 931 road vehicles n.a.s.** aircraft ships and boats prefab. bldg. etc. bldg. fixtures furniture handbags clothes not fur fur clothes n.a.s.u footwear instruments photo goods expd. movie films watches clocks music instruments etc. printed matter mfg. goods. n.a.s.** postal pckgs n.a.s.** live animals n.e.s.u special shipments 2.6 0.1 1.6 0.1 0.2 0.1 16.0 2.0 1.2 2.0 0.1 3.0 0.6 0.1 2.6 6.0 0.0 0.1 1.7 1.2 19.6 7.6 0.1 0.0 .0.1 1.1 19.3 0.1 0.2 0.1 *6 not elsewhere specified. Estimated; see explanation below. 165 The united Nations' Commodity Trade Statistics (1957) ' gives complete commodity trade statistics according to the 150-group Standard International Trade Classification for the following countriesI.Austria, Belgium-Luxemburg, Den- mark, Finland, France, Germany (P.R.), Greece, Ireland, Italy, Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Sweden, the United Kingdom, Yugoslavia, Canada, El Salvador, Neth. Antilles, New Zealand, Australia, Ghana, Trinidad and Tobago, Turkey, Japan, Malaya and Singapore. Part of some countries' imp portant commodity trade statistics are also given, such as the exports of Indonesian rubber and Egyptian cotton. How- ever, it is included here only those cases in which complete statistics are available. Therefore, to complete the statistics of those countries whose statistics are only partly given, the P.A.O. Trade Yearbook for 1957 is also referred to in a few cases. In other words, the statistics used here represent quite a complete picture of the commod- ity trade between Communist China and her trading partners mentioned. ‘ Complete Sine-Soviet trade commodity stitistics in 1957 are given in the Russian book of trade statistics: Vneschnzaza Toggovlza Soyosa SSR sa 1955-1959 Gods (Foreign Trade of U.S.S.R. 1955-1959). These statistics are given according to Russian trade codes. Since the Russian classi- fication is more detailed than the SITC three-digit code, the former can readily be converted into the latter. In the Russian trade statistics values of detailed items do not 196 add to the given total. The difference between the given and the aggregated total in Russian imports from Communist China is less than 16 of the total. This can be considered as statistical discrepancies. But in Russian exports to Communist China, the given total exceeds the aggregated ' total by more than 209. (As a matter of fact, this phenome- non is consistent throughout the years in which statistics are given, not only in-l957.) This suggests that there were some Russian exports to Communist China kept unreported . in detail for one reason or another. A careful comparison between the Russian and the United Nations' classifications shows that the only item.missing in the Russian report is Ordnance (SITC 691), and leads to the judgment that the un- designated proportion of Russian exports were commodities of this nature. The commodity trade statistics between Communist China and some of her important trading partners in Asia, such as Hong Kong, Burma, Ceylon, Indonesia and Macau are given in various issues of the Far Eastern Economic Review. These reports give complete statistics, but commodities are classified according to simpler codes. Hong Kong reports her trade according to the Standard International Trade Classification two-digit code (52 items). In integrating these statistics into the more detailed three-digit code classification, an average is ascribed to each of the sub- items. The effects of such an arbitration are discussed in Appendix 6 below. As for other countries, names of commodities m are used for the purpose of classification, such as rice, crude rubber, cotton textiles etc., and make it easy to integrate into the SITC three-digit code. As these coun- tries are traders of high commodity concentration, the bias would not be significant. The coverage of commodity trade statistics in this study is by no means complete. The most obvious absence of statistics is those of the other Communist countries. Judging from the trade agreements between Communist China. and these countries, the pattern of commodity trade would be very similar to that between Communist China and Russia, especially when these countries are taken together. Even with their absence, we have here still about 906 of both Communist Chinese commodity exports and imports. Geo- graphically, this study covers all important trading coun- tries in non-Communist Europe except Switzerland; in Asia, all important Communist Chinese trading partners are covered; in the New Continent, we cover Canada, El Salvador, Neth. Antilles; in Africa, we have Egypt, Uganda and Ghana; in Oceania, both Australia and New Zealand; and for the Com- munist bloc, Russia. Since this coverage is well repre- sented by important trading partners of Communist China in different continents, and of different types of economies, we can confidently state that it is fairly representative of the foreign trade of Communist China with respect to its commodity structure. 166 APPENDIX D The Commodity Structure 9 Origin of Imports ’ o ommunist 1na - (In miIIion U.S. Hollarsi Specification ‘1955 1956 1957 1956! 1959 1950 Foodstuffs 20.5 15.3 19.5 29.1 6.0 00.9 Neat 0.2 0.3 0.1 0.3 0.0 0.3 Russia 0 0.1 0 0 0 0 Dev. Countries Del 0 001 0.1 Gel 0 Underdev. countries 0.1 0.2 .0 0.2 0.3 0.3 Grains 19.9 10.2 7.1 6.9 0 0.9 Russia 0 0 0 0 0 0 Dev. countries 0 0 0 7.9 0 0 UDGCPdCVe countries 16.6 10e2 7e1 1.0 0 0.9 0th.”. 1.5 “.8 12e3 lass 5.6 39s, Russia 1.0 0.6 1.0 1.1 0.5 0 DeVs countriea 0e2 2e6 3.9 2.2 0.5 201 Underdev. countries 0.3 1.6 7.0 16.6 0.6 37.6 Animal 6 ve etable raw maferiafis 90.5 107.7 175.9 192.5 190.9 235.2 Crude rubber 20.7 09.6 79.0 91.5 109.1 121.0 Russia 0.1 0.2 0.1 0.0 0.2 1.1 DCVe countrias 0 0 0.3 103 3.0 1602 Undorch. countriCQ 20.6 “9e‘ 18. 69.6 105s 103s? Oil seeds 6 fats 0.0 0.2 3.1 2.1 1.9 3.9 DCVs COUDtriea .0 0 Del 001 . 0e, 2e5 Underdev. countries 0.0 0.2 3.0 2.0 1.1 1.3 Fibres 50.3 52.0 99.3 . 91.3 76.9 100.9 DQVe countries 21e3 31.2 36e8 ~6e2 “2.0 00.9 Underdev. countries 29.0 21.2 52.5 05.1 30.9 55.9 Others 5.1 5.5 0.0 7.6 7.0 9.6 Russia 0.5 0.0 0.3 1.2 2.1 0.9 Dev. countries 0.6 1.6 1.5 3.3 1.9 6.1 Underdev. countries 0.0 3.5 2.6 3.1 3.1 2.6 169 APPENDIX D (continued) Specification. 1955 1956 1957 ' 1956 1959' I960 Crude minerals 16.0 17.6 15.3 17.0 15.9 10.1 metal ores 0.2 0.2 0.2 1.6 1.9 1.0 Ru.318 0e2 0.2 0e2 1.2 1.3 la: DCVe countries 0 0 0 0.3 0.3 0 Underdev. countries 0 0 0 0.1 0.2 0.2 {UCII Incl 10.6 10.2 15.0 13s? 12.1 Russia 10.1 10.9 10.2 15.0 13.7 12.1 OthCrB 1e? 2.6 as, a.“ 003 0.6 Ruaaia 1e? 2e? 0.8 0.3 0.3 0.5 Dev. countries 0 0.1 0 0 0 0.1 Underdev. countries 0 0 0.1 0.1 0 0 Chemicals 95.7 97.6 106.0 129.7 110.1 90.1 arse ‘ inorganic 22e2 10.6 17.5 29.6 sec. 21a6 Russia 1.7 3.0 1.6 5.7 6.1 7.3 DCVe countries 12.2 10.3 11s 22.0 32e1 2001 Underdev. countries 9.3 1.5 0.0 1.9 0.6 0.2 fertilisers mfg. 39.5 56.1 53.6 65.6 00.3 29.9 Russia 0.6 0.1 0.5 '1.2 0.9 0.9 Dev. countries 21.2 35.6 37.9 02.5 39.5 27.5 Underdev. countries 17.7 20.0 15.3 21.9 1.0 0.5 others 30.0 26.7 30.9 30.5 35.0 23.6 Rua.ia 3.3 1.6 2.2 2.0 1a? 1.5, Dev. countries 16.1 17.3 22.9 26.3 31.0 19.1 Underdev. countries 10.6 7.9 9.9 6.2 2.3 3.0 Ninerals mfg. 157.1 173.5 159.9 010.5 306.7 379.6 iron 6 steel 77.2 70.9 62.0 255.9 150.7 191.0 Russia 75.5 60.3 32.0 60.7 37.7 57.1 Dev. countries 1.3 11.3 17.5 176.9 102.9 120.3 Underdev. countries 0.0 3.2 12. 19.0 10.1 - 0 petroleum products 65.0 71.3 76.5 77.7 100.6 103.2 ,Russia 60.9 71.1 76.2 77.0 100.0 101.0 190 APPENDIX D (continued) SLOCI! 166‘ 1011 Minerals mfg. (continued) other base metals Russia Dev. countries Underdev. countries Other metals Russia Dev. countries Underdev. countries Other mfg. goods. textiles Russia Dev. countries Underdev. countries instruments Russia Dev. countries Underdev. countries others Russia Dev. countries Underdev. countries Machinery 9 Eguipment complete industrial undertakings (Russia) transportation equip. Russia Dev. countries Underdev. countries Power, elect. 5 metal— working mach. Russia Dev. countries Underdev. countries 23.6 21.1 1.6 0.7 216.9 30.7 20.7 6.1 3.9 25.0 16.6 2.2 H N 0 “N” :9 «3890 O (I) (”60° 8 ‘09” (D (a) 07 61.0 10.3 00.5 2.6 15.5 N F‘ In ‘1 PM"! N ”0'8 '0 0.. O 0.. n Q0“ 0 :cm s 166.2 71.6 59.7 5.1 6.6 00.2 23.6 10.0 2.2 60.7 5.2 70.7 0.6 10.7 1.3 9.2 0.2 06.7 19.9 15.0 0.9 16.7 12.6 3.6 0.5 10.1 0.5 0.2 1.0 636.2 399.6 117.7 110.0 3.0 0.3 51.6 35.6 10.3 1.7 53.5 29.7 20.0 0.0 191 APPENDIX D (continued) §pecIfication 1955 Machinery 6 Eguipment (continued) as. mach. 6 tractors Russia Dev. countries Underdev. countries others Russia Dev. countries Underdev. countries 10.0 10.3 0 0.1 30.6 25.7 3.6 1.3 1955 195’ 195! I!!! 195“ 10.0 0.3 20.0 9.9 9.6 6.9 1.9 19.6 6.0 6.7 0.6 1.6 3.0 1.1 0.6 0.7 0.6 1.0 0.0 0.1 39.7 63.3 60.6 57.2 37.1 30.5 25.6 20.0 26.3 26.6 0.9 32.5 31.0 30.0 6.3 0.3 5.2 9.0 0.5 2.2 For sources and explanations, see Appendix E below. 192 APPENDIX E The Commodi Structure 6 Destination of E orts o ommunist CEina l955-l960 (in million 0.3. aollars) Specllication 1955 l955 l957 1956 l959 1960 Foodstuffs 355.6 010.7 371.7 537.0 070.7 370.3 Meat 119.5 115.5 91.7 150.0 100.7 79.3 Russia 70.7 65.5 3766 75e5 “Se, 23.1 Dev. countries 0.0 7.1 6.9 11.0 9.9 2.9 Underdev. countries 00.0 01.9, 07.2 67.9 09.1 53.3 grains 92.6 132.5 66.1 135.0 173.0' 130.5 Russia 07.7 72.0 27.2 61.1 96.3 59.9 Dev. countries 1.2 0.9 0.2 3.3 12.0 10.0 Underdev. countries 03.7 59.7 38.7 70.6 70.7 57.6 others 103.5 166.7 213.9 207.6 193.0 160.5 Russia 57.0 75.2 99.0 107.9 93.9 06.7 Dev. countries 23.9 29.5 30.3 00.0 29.2 20.2 Underdev. countries 62.3 62.0 90.6 99.3 70.9 97.6 Animal S-ve etable raw maferials 373.3 390.0 366.9 320.6 339.6 335.0 Crude rubber 0.7 12.9 37.2 22.0 16.0 7.1 RUQSia as, 12.9 37.2 22.0 16.0 7e1 oil fats 50.9 59.3 06.3 52.0 00.1 30.9 RUBBiB 35.3 30.2 22.0 29s? 30.0 13.9 Dev. countries 7.5 13.6 9.0 11.7 9.0 15.7 Underdev. countries 9.0 11.5 10.9 '11.0 5. 5.3 fibres 100.3 101.0 92.1 72.9 139.7 107.3 Russia 70.0 61s? 56.1 06.7 1°5e6 7°03 Dev. countries 16.7 27.0 25.5 16.6 27.6 26.2 Underdev. countries 9.2 12.3 6.5 5.6 6.3 0.8 oil seeds * 160.5 153.2 126.1 110.2 136.7 113.1 Russia 98.5 99.7 79.6 61.9 79.0 03.1 Dev. countries 23.9 29.5 16.3 29.2 52.6 60.9 Underdev. countries 39.2 29.0 30.0 19.1 5.1 5.7 193 APPENDIX E (continued) pec {cation I955 1955 1957 1956 l959 1960 Animal 6 Ve etable raw malerials (continued) others _ 61.0 63.0 65.2 63.1 61.1 12.0 Ruggia 13e1 10.0 12e3 10.9 11s: 5.6 Dev. countries 22.0 19.0 20.0 29.9 31.9 02.9 Underdev. countries 35.9 30.6 32.9 23.3 19.0 23.7 Crude Minerals 95.9 111.9 129.6 103.1 99.1 97.6 metal o... A ‘ 63.2 75.3 30.1 15.0, 90.6 63.9 Russia 62.2 75.5 99.9 70.0 73.3 61.2 Dev. countries 0.1 0.1 0 0.6 2.0 2.6 Underdev. countries 0.9 0.2 0.2 0.0 5.3 0.1 fuels as? 10.5 12e1 A as“ 5.0 1”e1 Russia 5.0 2.1 1.9 2.9 2.6 2.6 Dev. countries 0 0 0 0 0.1 0.2 Underdev. countries 1.7 9.0 10.2 5.6 2.3 11.3 Othera 15e9 25.5 27e‘ 19a? 12.5 9.6 Russia . 5.9 10.2 11.1 11.9 10.1 5.3 Dev. countries 0.2 0.3 0.3 0.9 0.9 0.9 Underdev. countries 9.8 15.0 16.0 7.0 1.6 3.0 Chemicals 20.7 02.7 37.0 09.7 29.6 28.3 org. 6 inorganic 9.9 19.2 13.0 20.2 12.9 10.9 . Russia 6.5 16.6 9.6 12.2 7a“ 10.0 Dev. countries. 1.9 1.5 1.9 3.7 3.2 1.1 Underdev. countries 0.0 1.1 2.0 0.3 2.3 3.0 others 15.9 23.5 20.0 29.5 16.7 13.0 363.1. 3.0 6.0 7.6 10.1 6.0' 5.3 Dev. countries 7.6 9.9 9.0 9.9 5.7 0.6 Underdev. countries 0.9 7.2 7.0 9.5 0.6 2.9 Manufactured minerals 66.6 95.5 72.6 93.7 96.2 96.6 iron 6 steel 27.3 29.2 11.0 23.7 11.0 16.0 Rusaia 26.8 27.6 7e? 22e3 10e3 1309 Dev. countries 0 0 0.6 0 0 0.3 Underdev. countries 0.5 1.0 3.1 1.0 1.1 2.2 190 APPENDIX E (continued) Spgclllcafion “55"" 1956 ' 1957 "l!!!“ l9~59"""'l'96'09 Manufactured minerals (cont.) petroleum products I 0 0 0.7 0.0 0.5 0.1 ,Russia 0 0 0 0.2 Del 0 Dev. countries 0 0 0 0 0.0 0.1 Underdev. countries 0 0 0.7 0.2 0 0 other base metals 58.7 53.2 56.6 62.1 60.5 62.7 RU'sia $6e2 50.0 51.6 “Beg 50.9 06.9 Dev. countries 0.9 1.1 3.3 5.0 7.6 11.1 Underdev. countries 1.6 1.7 1.5. 9.2 2.0 2.7 other metals 2.9 3.1 3.9 7.5 9.6 19.6 RUSSia 0.1 0.6 2.0 3e2 5e“ 1.6 Dev. countries 0 0 0.2 0.1 0.3 10.0 undCrdCVe ccuntrie. 2a? 2.5 Is? 0.2 “cl 3.0 Other "fge gOOdS 126s? 203e2 307e8 007.6 576.6 596.1 textiles 91.0 139.0 215.9 230.2 351.0 369.3 Russia 60.0 92.0 139.7 ”157.1 269.2 203.6 Dev. countries 0.7 7.5 10.3 19.9 22.0 23.7 Underdev. countries 26.3 39. 61.9 53.2 61.2 101.0 instruments 0.1 0.2 0.2 0.5 0.5 0.2 Underdev. countries 0.1 0.2 0.2 0.5 0.5 0.2 others 35.1 60.0 91.7 176.9 226.9 229.6 RUSBiC 11.6 27e3 00.5 12202 159a3 156.9 Dev. countries 1.6 3.3 0.0 , 6.1 9.0 9.6 Underdev. countries 21.7 33. 02.7 09. 59.6 63.1 Machines: 6 Eguipment 11.5 10.9 9.9 10.0 19.2 5.0 transportation equip. 10.0 9.0 6.5 0.9 12.9 0.7 Russia 10.3 9.2 6.0 0.3 12.1 0 Underdev. countries 0.1 0.2 0.1 0.6 0.9 0.7 power, electrical 6 ~ metal working mach. 0.1 0.0 0.5 2.9 2.6 0.7. Russia 0 0 0 1.6 2.0 0 underdCVe Countries 0.1 0e“ 0.5 1.3 0.5 0.7 135 APPENDIX E (continued) Epcolflcaflon I955 l956 'l957 l956 l959 1960 Machine 6 E ui ment (contlfiueal 0th.”. 1.0 1e1 leg 2.6 2a? 0.0 338'13 0 0 0.5 1e“ 1e? 2e. Underdev. countries 1.0 1.1 1.0 1.2 1.0 1.6 _The geographic coverage of statistics here is the same as Appendix C. Sources of statistics are also the same, except other issues of the cited Yearbooks are also used. The .trading partners of Communist China are divided into three groups: Russia representing the Communist bloc; all non-Com- munist European countries, Canada, Australia and New Zealand 'as the developed countries; and all the others as the-underde- veloped countries. Commodities are regrouped into twenty-six broader groups, the composition of which are shown below. (SITC 691 and 911-931 are excluded.) ommo s c ca on cm as on n ree- co es Meat 001-013, 031-032. Grains . 001-009. Other foodstuffs - 021-029, 051-122. Crude rubber 231. Oil fats 011-013. Fibres _ 261-267. Oil seeds 221. Other an. 6 veg. raw materials 211-212, 201-251, 291-292. 196 APPENDIX E (continued) omm s ec ca on Metal ores Fuels (crude minerals) °Other crude minerals Organic 6 inorganic chemicals Fertilisers mfg. Other chemicals Iron 6 steel Petroleum products Other (non-ferrous) base metals Other metals Textiles Instruments Other "other mfg. goods“ Complete industrial under- takings Transportation equipment Power, electric 6 metal- working mach. Agricultural mach. 6 tractors Other machinery 6 equipment cm 031 on n ree- c es 291-295. 311-312. 271-272. 511-512. 561. 521-552, 591-599. 691. 313. 662-669. 671-673, 699. 651-657. 961-962, 960-991. 611-602, 661-666, 911-951, 963, 332, 393. no equivalent, but evidently no such trade was transacted by those countries which reported in SITC codes. 731-735. 111, 116, 721. 712-113. 71“ ’ 716 0 197 APPENDIX F THE INPORT 0? COHPLETE INDUSTRIAL UNDERTAKINGS OP COMMUNIST CHINA The content of this Appendix is compiled from scattered information in the following references: I Yin-tang, 'Chung-shu mac-i ti fa-chan,” (The Development of Sine-Soviet Trade), JMJP, April 27, 1957. Kuo Chun-wen, "Liang-tiao-tui chou-lu, kao-shu-tu chien-she chin-kung-yeh " (Walking on Two Legs, Developing Light Industr as at High Speed), CKCKY, No. 18, 1959. Li Che-ion, ”Shu-luan ho ko jen-min-min-tsu kuo-chia ti yuan-tso shi shi-hsien wu-nien-chi-hua ti jou-li tiao-chien," (The Assistance of the Soviet Union and the People's Democratic Countries Is An Ad- vantageous Condition for Realizing the Five-Year Plan)’ HHYP’ NO. 9‘ 1955’ p0 1310 Li Fu-chun, ”Kuan-yfi 1959 nien kuo-chia ching-chi chi-hue tsao-an ti pao-kao,” (Report on the 1959 Draft National Economic Plan), MNPYX, No. 9, 1959, pp. 5-20. Li Hsien-nien, "Kuan-yfi 1955 nien kuo-chia chueh-shuan ho 1956 nien kuo-chia yU-shuan ti pao-kao,“ (Report on the 1955 National Final Accounts and the 1956 Na- tional Budget), anyx, No. 10, 1956, pp. 1-9. Liu Chi-hang, "Chi-pen chien-she shih-hsien-la keng-hao ti chuan-mien ti ta-jao-chin,” (Basic Construction Nae Realized A Better and All-around Great Leap Forward), cuyrc, No. 1, 1960, p. 29. Lu Shih-kuang and Huang Juen-ting, "No-kuo chin-kou mac-i tsai ti-i-ko wu-nien-chi-hua chi-chien ti tso-yung,“ (The Function of Our Import Trade During the First Five-Year Plan Period), TEE, Dec. 15, 1957. Po I-po, 'Kuan-yfi 1959 nien kuo-min ching-chi chi-hue tsao- an ti pao-kao ” (Report on the 1959 Draft National Economic 91.65, MNPYX, No. 5, 1953, pp. 12-23. Yeh Chi-chuang, ”Wei-ta ti ho-tso, wu-shi ti yuan-tee," (Great Cooperation, Selfless Assistance), JMJP,. November 3, 1957. ’ ' 196 APPENDIX F (continued) 'Wo-kuo tui-wai mac-i tsai ti-i-ko wu-nien-chi- hua chi-chien ti fa-chan," (The Development of Our Foreign Trade During the First Five-Year Plan Period), 22, No. 23, 1957. Xuo-chia tung-chi-chfi, (State Statistical Bureau) "Kuan-yfi 1952 nien kuo-min ching-chi ho wen-hue tsiao-yfi hui-fu yfi fa-chan ching-kuang ti kung-pao,‘ (Communique on the Restoration and DeveIOpment of the National Economy, Culture and Education in 1952), HHYP, No. 10, 1950, pp. 229-230. "Kuan-yfi 1953 nien-tu kuo-min ching-chi fa-chan ho kuo-chia chi-hue chi-hsing chieh-kuo ti kung-pao,' . (Communique on the Development of the National Econ- omy and the Results of the Execution of the National Plan in 1953), HHYP, No. 10, 1950, pp. 231-232. "Xuan-yfi 1950 nien-tu kuo-min ching-chi fa-chan ho kuo-chia chi-hue chi-hsing chieh-kuo ti kung-pao,” (Communique on the Development of the National Economy and the Results of the Execution of the National Plan in 1950), HHYP, No. 10, 1955, pp. 66-167. ""' ”Kuan-yu 1955 nien-tu kuo-min ching-chi chi-hue chi- hsing chieh-kuo ti kung-pao,” (Communique on the Results of the Execution of the 1955 National Economic Plan), HHPYK, No. 13, 1956, pp. 39-02. ”Kuan-yfi 1956 nien-tu kuo-min ching-chi chi-hue chi-hsing chieh-kuo ti kung-pao." (Communique on the Results of the Execution of the 1956 National Economic Plan), NHPYK, No. 17,1957, pp. 201-205. ”Kuan-yfi fa-chan kuo-min ching-chi ti ti-i-ko wu- nien-chi-hua (1953-1957) chi-hsing chieh-kuo ti kung-pao." (Communique on the Results of the Execu- tion of the First Five-Year Plan 1953-1957 for the Development of the National Economy), HNPYK, No. 9, 1959, pp. 09-51. 'Kuan-yfi 1959 nien kuo-min ching-chi fa-chan ching- kuang ti pao-kao,” (Communique on the Development of the National Economy in 1959), HHPYK, No. 9, 1959, pp, 51-5“. 199 From year to year Communist China announced the completion or partial completion of her above-norm projects that were put into production. In the following list, group A are those explicitly announced as Russian projects, and group B are those just mentioned as ”above-norm“ projects. 1952: 3 projects A -- Fuh-sin Power Station: Harbin Flax Mill. B -- Northwestern Cotton Mill No. 1. 1953: 9 proiggtg A -- Fuh-sin Mai-chow Open-cut Coal Mine: Fang-man Power Station; Si-an Power Station No. 2; An-shan Steel Roll- ing Mill: An-shan Seamless Steel-tube Plant: An-shan Blast Furnaces No. 7 and No. 9. B -- Fu-shun Power Station; Wu-lu-mu-chi Power Station. 1950: 6 projects A -- Harbin Measuring and Cutting Instruments Plant: Shang- yang Pneumatic Tools Plant: Chang-chow Power Station: An-shan Steel Sheets Plant; An-shan Blast Furnace No. 6; Chung-King Power Station. 1955: 9 projects A -- Sheng-yang Machine Tools Plant No. 1: Liao-yuan Chung- yang Vertical Shaft Coal Mine: Bo-kang Tung-shan Vertical Shaft Coal Mine. B -- Dairen Power Station: Nu-la-po Power Station: Peking State Cotton Mill No. 2; Shih—chia-chuang State Cotton Mill No. 2: Chang-chow State Cotton Mill No. 3: wu-lu- mu-chi July First Cotton Mill. 200 1956: 15 projects A-- Chang-chun Motor Vehicles Plant; Harbin Electrical Instruments And ApparItus Plant; Ho-kang Hsing—an-tai Vertical Shaft Coal Mine; Fu-shun Aluminum Plant; Harbin Aluminum Alloys Plant; Peking Electronic Tubes Plant; An-shan Steel Rolling Mill No. 2. Huai-nan Shieh-chia-shih Vertical Shaft Coal Mines No. 2 and No. 3; Shih-chia-chuang Power Station; Xuang- ting Power Station; Sheng-yang Electrical Cable Plant; Northwestern State Cotton Mill No. 0; Shih-ning and Pang-foh Food Processing Plants. 1957: 7projects A -- Pen-ki Steel Plant; Hei-lung-kiang Steel Plant; Kirin Fertilizer Plant; Kirin Carbide Plant; Harbin Boilers Plant; Si-an Electrical Capacitors Plant; Tai-yuan Power Plant No. 2. 1956: 22 projects A -- Chia-mu-sze Paper Mill; Shih-chia-chuang Starch Plant; Shih-chia-chuang Glass Plant; Wu-han Blast Furnace No. 1; An-shan Open-hearth Furnaces No. 0 and No. 5; Nu-han Heavy Machine Tools Plant; Lo-yang Mining Equip- ment plant; Harbin Steam Turbine Plant; Shuang-ya-shan Coal Nashery; Huai-nin Shieh-chia-shih Coal Washery; Fuh-sin Hsin-chiu Vertical Shaft Coal Mine; Lo-yang Power Station; Pen-ki Power Station; Len-chow Si-koo Power Station; Lon-chow Petroleum Refinery; Hua-chiao Sugar Refinery; Kuei-ping Sugar Refinery; Nan-ping 201 Paper Mill; Han-tan'Cotton Mills No. 2 and No. 0; Cheng-chow State Cotton Mill No. 6. 1959: 7 projggtg A -- Pao-tao Blast Furnace; Nu-han Open-hearth Furnace; Lo-yang Tractors Plant. 9 -- Ping-ting-shan Vertical Shaft Coal Mine; Ma-tou and Tai-yuan Coal Washeries; Peking Power Station. The total list here consists of 79 projects. This is far from complete, because by the end of 1959 it was claimed that 113 Russian projects were completed. It was announced that by 1950 a total of 19, by 1955 a total of 29, and by 1955 a total of 03 Russian pro- jects were completed. If we take both the A and B projects together, they come very close to the alleged numbers of those completed projects. This suggests that all projects under group B are also Russian projects. The Eastern EurOpean Communist countries also agreed to supply Communist China with 69 projects. Little has been known about these projects, except by 1957 the supply of 33 projects was completed. A few of these can be identified. From Poland -- Chiang-men Sugar Cane Chemical Plant; Friendship Sugar Refinery; New China Sugar Refinery. From East Germany -- Paootou Sugar Refinery; Peking Glass Plant; Northern China Tole-communication Apparatus Plant. From Czechoslovakia - Pao-tou Leather Plant. 202 APPENDIX 6 CONCENTRATION INDICES OF FOREIGN TRADE The index of geographic concentration of exports of country j is defined as: ij s 1096<§£l) s X.j where ij is the export of country j to country s, and X.j is her total exports. And, the index of geographic concen- tration of imports of country j is defined as: Gjm =1oyg<§211 where Msj is the import of country j from country s, and M.j is her total imports. The upper limit of these indices is 100, which will be the case if country j exports to, or imports from only one country. The lower limit is also definite, as there is a definite number of countries in the world. The index of commodity concentration of exports of country j is defined as: ij = 100’2IXi52 1 X.j where Xij is country j's exports of commodity i, and X .j is her total exports. The index of commodity concentration of imports of country j is defined as: ij . 1oo/1IM‘32 1 9.5 203 where Mij is country j's imports of commodity i, and M.j is her total imports. The upper limit of these indices is also 100, which will be the case when country j experts or imports only one defined commodity. But the lower limit is 9891851.: 901,904- ing on the number of commodities defined. Here a broader or a more detailed classification of commodities will affect this lower limit. For instance, under the 150-group classi- fication the lower limit is 9.2, which will be the case when country j experts (or imports) an equal amount of all 150 commodities. However, the lower limits will only be 13.9 and 37.7, if commodities are classified into 52 or 7 groups respectively. In other words, the more detailed the classi- fication, the wider will be the range of the commodity concentration indices, with the common maximum of 100. Then without mathematical proof, it can be visualized that when the same commodity trade statistics are used, the concentration index will always be higher when broader classification is used. And such an index will set an upper limit to that which is based on more detailed classification. This limit will only be approached when both indices approach 100. As mentioned in Appendix C, Hong Kong reported her trade according to the 52-group Standard International Trade Classification. In integrating these trade figures into the more detailed lSO-group classification, arbitrary estimates are made by attributing an average value to each of the 200 appropriate sub-groups. Needless to say indices based on this arbitration will be different from that which are cal- culated had the exact values been known. Its effect on the commodity concentration index of imports can only be slight, because only 1.50 of Communist Chinese imports was from Hong Kong in 1957. 'However, it could cause a substantial error in her commodity concentration index of experts, as Hong Kong absorbed 12% of her exports in that year. It is pointed out by Hirschman (22, 213.. pp. 160- 162) that based on the assumption of equal distribution within the frequency classes, the index will naturally al- ways be lower than it would have been had the exact values of the single items been known. In other words, the index based on that assumption sets a lower limit for the real in- dex. Therefore, the commodity concentration index of ex- ports of Communist China (which is 19.9) should be more appropriately considered as a minimum. The maximum value can also be arrested. It is indicated earlier in this Appendix, that the concentration index based on broader classification will set an upper limit to that which is based on more detailed classifica- tion. Another experiment is made by calculating for Com- munist China the commodity concentration index of experts based on the 52-group classification. The result is 25.0, which is the upper limit. Here finally we know that the commodity concentration index of exports of Communist China falls within the range p 205 from 18.8 to 25.” for the year 1957. This range is by no means narrow. But, when compared to those indices calcu- lated by Michaely, we know one fact for sure--Communist China was among the most diversified countries in exports.