DEVELOPMENT OF A STUDENT PERSONNEL PROGRAM FOR ETHIOPIA’S NATIONAL UNIVERSITY TO MEET THE NEEDS OF ETHIOPIA’S YOUTH Dissertation for the Degree of Ph. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY DANIEL LEMA 1976 IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIINTII a...“ 310676 3406 3,? 3'5 7:; 4 P g , . n . i 5 . flial‘f’fi. ”:fli 1. ”‘31:; . :3 (gr, "w, A ... é; v! «3% a ‘3 " II “'3 .1: _ ‘ V This is to certify that the thesis entitled DEVELOPMENT OF A STUDENT PERSONNEL PROGRAM FOR ETHIOPIA' 8 NATIONAL UNIVERSITY TO MEET THE NEEDS OF ETHIOPIA’S YOUTH presented by Daniel Lema has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D. degree in Educgtion Wm 72% Major prof; Date July 1, 1976 0-7639 . ABSTRACT DEVELOPMENT OF A STUDENT PERSONNEL PROGRAM FOR ETHIOPIA'S NATIONAL UNIVERSITY TO MEET THE NEEDS OF ETHIOPIA'S YOUTH By Daniel Lema This study is the result of the writer's many exper- iences -- childhood and school-day experiences in Ethiopia -- as well as experiences gained while pursuing graduate pro- grams here in the United States during the periods 1966 to 1968 and 1973 to 1976. The writer was very young when he was faced with some of life's issues. Both mother and father died before the writer was five years old. So. he grew up without parental devotion and love in boarding schools. This emotional deprivation left him scared, confused and lonely. Early in life, the writer began asking such questions as "Why is there so much pain in the world?" ”Why so much suffering?" "Why death?" These and other questions haunted and tormented him during much of his growing years. High- school and college also continued to be periods of intense seeking and searching for meanings and answers to the many issues the writer had been struggling with. Daniel Lema Coming to the United States for graduate work meant a turning point in the writer's life. For the first time, the writer was introduced to the field of student personnel and to the concepts involved in human development and growth. The training and experience gained here in the United States certainly helped the writer detach himself from the culture that produced him so that he was able to study it with objectivity. The overall experience gave him a much better understanding and perSpective of things in Ethiopia. In writing this thesis, the writer focused on what he believes to be the educator's greatest enterprise -- man and his development. Through this particular study, he made an attempt to understand Ethiopian behavior in the context of the culture and traditional roles. This resulted in the discovery of a very serious disorder in Ethiopian behavior. Ethiopia is still proud of her tradition and her past. She is glorious in her linguistic and religious culture. It is true that Ethiopia stands out among African countries in that her history of education has the distinction of dating back a thousand years. Her traditional schools (church schools) with their rigidly structured curriculum have existed for many centuries. But these church schools have not yet begun to adjust to the demands of the modern era. They remain rooted in the experience of an ancient, isolated and peasant civiliza- tion focused on the past rather than on present Ethiopian Daniel Lema realities. Graduates from these schools almost always ended up either in government or in church work to reinforce and perpetuate the sem-enna-work culture and the zero-sum approach to life. Ethiopia over the past thirty years, has experienced the effects of contacts with technically advanced nations of Europe and America on account of her modern education system. Recent encounters by a growing number of Ethiopians with modern education and exposure to the ways of the for- eigners, have produced new sets of input experiences, new opportunities and new challenges. The modern school system has provided the Ethiopian student with new values and a number of new intellectual tools. It has not, however, provided him with the psychological tools required to break— out of the self-limiting traps created by the psychological dynamics of the social system in which he lives. The writer maintains the position that EthiOpia's education system has not focused on the most serious bus- iness -- educating man. Man in Ethiopia has remained trapped in the beliefs and values of his culture. This education system has failed in freeing man from the dehumanizing and limiting effects and aspects of Ethiopia's culture. Ethiopia is a land that is fraught with so many dilemmas. There is an urgent need for change and for development. The writer believes that in this whole process of change and development, the individual person is the Daniel Lema biggest factor. If Ethiopia is to develop and grow, man in Ethiopia must be helped to think and act in modern ways. There must be an educational alternative to Ethiopia's present dilemma. The writer has argued in this study that the establishment of a student personnel program at Ethiopia's National University is one such alternative to meet the needs of Ethiopia's youth. What direction will student personnel work take in Ethiopia? In this study, the writer has identified some important and basic concepts such as the self-concept, the concept of personal relationships, skill development, decision-making process, and educational and vocational choices. These concepts are vitally important for the development of healthy, effective and growth-oriented be- haviors. Student personnel in Ethiopia has to be geared to meet such a great need. The writer has outlined a strategy for student personnel impact in Ethiopia. Since the field of student personnel is new in traditional Ethiopia, the writer recommends a one— step-at—a-time approach. The patterns of behavior developed over a lifetime and supported by centuries of tradition cannot be changed in a short period of time. Regardless of the procedures used, resistance may be expected as a matter of routine. Furthermore, as in all efforts at behavior change, some individuals will respond readily and others not at all. The writer believes that in this unique effort to Daniel Lema establish student personnel work, skill, strategy. perfect timing and patience are required over extended periods of time. DEVELOPMENT OF A STUDENT PERSONNEL PROGRAM FOR ETHIOPIA'S NATIONAL UNIVERSITY TO MEET THE NEEDS OF ETHIOPIA'S YOUTH By Daniel Lema A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Administration and Higher Education 1976 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Many people have played some role in this study. The writer is especially indebted to those of his teachers who have made unique contributions to the direction of his thinking. The writer is especially grateful to Dr. Walter F. Johnson, Chairman of the Guidance Committee, for his patience, counsel and constant encouragement throughout the writing of this study. Appreciation is also extended to Dr. Louis C. Stamatakos for his many helpful and constructive criticisms. The writer's gratitude also goes to many at various universities visited who gave freely of their time and provided useful recommendations and professional counsel. Finally, my very Special gratitude goes to my wife, Arriam, and our children Ruth, Nathaniel and Debbie, who have been a constant source of support and inspiration during the long and difficult months as this study was being conducted. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter I II III INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . A Far’Off Place. 0 o o o o o o 0 Ethiopia the Pious . . . . . . . A Magnificent Kingdom. . . . A Bastion of African Independence The Geographical Setting . . . . Background of the Problem. . Statement of the Problem . . Procedure for the Study. . . Sources of Data. . . . . . . InterVieWS o o o o o o o o 0 Significance of the Study. . Identity Formation. . . Problem Solving . . . . . Decision-Making and Assumi g Responsibility. 0 o o o O O I O O O O O n 0 Educational and Vocational Choices. ETHIOPIAN TRADITIONAL BELIEFS AND VALUES Concept of Man in Ethiopian Culture. Ethiopian Political Culture. . . . Pessimistic View of Human Nature . Conformity to Social Norms . . . . R601prOCityo o o o o o o o o o o o Fatalistic View of Life. . . . . . Variable Sum Versus Zero. . . . Shared Sum Versus Nonshared Sum Contingent Versus Noncontingent Generous Versus Limited Payoff. EDUCATION IN ETHIOPIA. . o . . . . . Traditional Schools of the Ethiopian ChurCh o o o o o o o o o o o o The School of Reading . . . . . The SCh001 Of Zemao o o o o o o The Kine School . . . . . . . . iii a m c o o o o o o o e o C o. O O O O O O O O t Orthodox 38 NO #2 44 Chapter Page The School of Books . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 The Study of History. . . . . . . . . . . . 49 End of the Journey. . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 Modern Education in Ethiopia . . . . . . . . . . 50 Brief History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 Structure and Curriculum . . . . . . . . . 53 General Education. . . . . . . . . . . 57 Special Education. . . . . . . . . . . 57 Related Academic Training. . . . . . . 59 Practical Skills and Supervised Study and Guidance . . . . . . . . . 59 Higher Education in Ethiopia . . . . . . . . . . 59 Staff . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 Enrollment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 Graduates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 Financing of Higher Education . . . . . . . 68 Phase I - 1950- 1960. . . . . . . . . . 68 Phase II - 1952-1961 . . . . . . . . . 68 Phase III - 1961—1970. . . . . . . . . 68 The Search for Security . . . . . . . . . . 75 Climate of Interpersonal Threat . . . . . . 75 Defensive Behavior. . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 The Self-Concept. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 Effectiveness of Student Orientations . . . 78 IV A STUDENT PERSONNEL PROGRAM FOR ETHIOPIA: AN EDUCATIONAL ALTERNATIVE TO MEET THE NEEDS OF ETHIOPIA. S YOUTH . C O O O O O O O O O O O O O 82 Student Personnel Work in American Higher Education. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 Brief History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 Student Personnel Point of View . . . . . . 87 Organizational Structure Personnel Services . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 Purposes and Objectives of Student Personnel Work. . . . . . . . . . . . . 94 Planning for Change Through Establishment of a Student Personnel Program at Ethiopia' 8 National University. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 Acquisition of Wealth . . . . . . . . . . . 102 Barriers to Technology, Capital Investment and Skill Development . . . . . . . . . . 102 Barriers to Increased Energy Mobilization . 104 Acquisition of Power. . . . . . . . . . . . 104 Personal Security . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 A Possible Model of Student Personnel Program for Ethiopia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108 Motivation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 Deficiency Motivation. . . . . . . . . 109 Growth Motivation. . . . . . . . . . . llO iv Chapter Page Integration 0 o o o o o a 0 o o 110 Deficiency Centered Integration. . . . 110 Growth Centered Integration. . . . . . 111 The Self-Concept. o o o o o o o o o o o o o 115 Concept of Personal Relationships . . . . . 120 Skill Development 0 o o o o o o o o o 122 A. Skill in Problem Solving . . . . . 123 B. Skill in Communication 0 o o o o o 125 Development of Values and Decision-Making . 129 Educational and Vocational Choices . . . . . . . 134 BUilding EXPGCtationS o o o o o o o o o o o 137 Self-Assessment o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 137 Hypothesis Formation. O O O O O O O O O O O 137 Reality Testing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139 Selling Self. o o o o o I o o o o o 139 Strategy for Student Personnel Impact. . . . 139 Step I - University Staff Involvement . . . 139 Step II - Involvement of Expatriate Staff . 140 Step III - Establish Student Personnel Program 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o lno v SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS. . . . . . . . . . . . . 144 Self-Concept o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 147 Concept of Personal Relationships. . . . . . . . 147 Skill Dev310pmento o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 1&8 Values and Decision-Making . . . . . . . . . . . 148 Educational and Vocational Choices . . . . . . . 149 BIBLI OGRAPHY. O I O I O O O O O O O I O O O O O I O 0 O 152 LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1 Program of studies in the junior secondary school (periods per week, by year) . . . . . . . 58 2 Program of studies in the senior secondary school six-year course (periods per week, by year) 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O I O O 0 6O 3 University faculty showing rank and degrees, 1969‘19700000000000000000000 66 4 Enrollment at HSIU 1950 - 1969 . . . . . . . . . 67 5 Graduates of University College and HSIU. 1952-19690000000000000000... 69 vi LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1 Graph of the A.B.C. rational approach to an individual'Sfate................124 2 A plan for career development . . . . . . . . . . 138 vii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Encompassed on all sides by the enemies of their religion, the Ethiopians slept nearly a thousand years, forgetful of the world by whom they were forgotten. -— Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Chapter XLVII Ethiopia is an ancient country with a long history of independent rule. It is a nation of many age-old customs, traditions, and beliefs, and its history stretches over nearly 3,000 years. In 1935-36, Ethiopia became big news around the world. This was because of the Italian invasion of Ethiopia. Ethiopia came to be viewed in many parts of the world, as a hapless victim of fascist aggression and a symbol of the need for collective security and international order. This was not the first time, however, that an image of Ethiopia had stirred strong sentiments in distant countries. Long before that. it had aroused foreign interest for other rea- sons. Donald N. Levine (3631-25) has surveyed the prevail- ing images of Ethiopia, both those surveyed by popular writers through the years and those adapted by contemporary 2 scholars. According to this survey, five types of responses have been particularly prominent over the centuries. They are: (l) a terribly remote land; (2) a home of pristine piety; (3) a magnificent kingdom; (4) an outpost of savagery; (5) a bastion of African independence. A Far-off Place The name Ethiopia has evoked the alluring image of a faraway land. This image has a notable ancestry. It is generally believed that the name "Aethiopian" was given to the people by the Greeks (which means burnt face). Ethiopians occupied a special place in the cosmology of the ancient Greeks. In the opening lines of the Odyssey, Homer speaks of the distant Ethiopians, the furthest outposts of mankind, half of whom live where the sun goeth down and half where he rises. Early Christian writers drew on Biblical references as well as Hellenic conventions in constructing their image of faraway Ethiopia. Saint Augustine, like many other Christian authors, considered the Queen of Sheba referred to in 1 Kings and 2 Chronicles to have been Ethiopian and associated that with New Testament statements that she came from the utter- most parts of the earth to hear the wisdom of Solomon. The image of remote Ethiopia persisted long after the world had been mapped and the source of the Nile discovered. From the nineteenth century on, Ethiopia was considered remote in two new ways. As Western institutions changed at an accelerating rate and distances were compressed, 3 Ethiopia came to seem removed in time as she became closer in space. Many visitors described themselves as being transported into a Biblical era. Others called Ethiopia a gate into the medieval world. Still another convention developed, that of viewing Ethiopia as remote from understanding. She was frequently portrayed as basically unknown, if not in some fundamental sense unknowable. More than one book about Ethiopia featured the word “unknown” in its title. There was no accumulation of reliable and comprehensive knowledge about the country which could satisfy and sober the curiosity of the West. It has been the experience of many that Ethiopia has been a country of which it is impossible to speak the truth (55). Ethiogia the Pious Passages in the Homeric epics depict the Olympian gods as going off to feast with the Ethiopians. In Book 1 of the Iliad, Zeus, followed by all the gods, departs for twelve days to visit the blameless Ethiopians. The Homeric pattern of portraying Ethiopians as close to the gods or of an especially pious nature is found in many later pagan, Jewish, Christian and Moslem writings. It is likely that monks from Aksumite Ethiopia had traveled to Jerusalem from the fifth century onward. From the thirteenth century, the continuing presence of communi- ties of EthiOpian monks in Palestine is securely established. A number of medieval European travelers to the Holy Land reported that the Ethiopians possessed important Christian a sanctuaries. Because of the vigor of their ascetic practices and the enthusiasm with which they performed the rites, Ethiopians were viewed by a number of such visitors as the most pious of all the monks in Jerusalem. A Maggificent Kiggdom Some classical writers suggest that Ethiopia had been a major power in archaic times. Axumite Ethiopia had a reputation for being a particularly impressive state. In Byzantium, the Axumite ruler was referred to with the rarely used honorific title basileus. To many Byzantine emperors, EthiOpia appeared a most desirable ally. The rise of Islam was to add luster to the image of Ethiopia's magnificence. Although the Arab expansion cutoff communication between Ethiopia and Europe, crusaders and other European travelers to Palestine collected and circulated stones about the Abyssinian Kingdom. The imagined potency of this realm and her desirability as an ally grew phenomenally in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. ' The legend of the Queen of Sheba provided still another motif to embellish the Western image of Ethiopia as a fabu- lous kingdom. From Shakespeare to Kipling and Keats, from Handel to Gounod, from the paintings of Piero della Francesca and Tintovetto to the doors of Ghiberti and the windows of King's College Chapel at Cambridge, the story of the sojourn of the wealthy Ethiopian queen at the court of King Solomon has stirred the imagination of numerous European artists and audiences. 5 A Bastion of African Independence The image of EthiOpia as a bastion of African independ- ence became particularly widespread in the late nineteenth century. While peoples all over Africa were being subjugated by foreign powers, Ethiopians were winning victories over a series of invaders. From their victories over invading Egyptians in the 1870's, over Sudan in the 1880's, and over Italians in the 1890's, EthiOpians gained a reputation as spirited fighters determined to maintain their sovereignty. It was the last of these victories in particular, that at Adowa in 1896, which called Ethiopia to world attention and prompted European states to set up diplomatic missions in Addis Ababa. The defeat of the Italians at Adowa initiated a decade of negotiations with European powers in which nine border treaties were signed. From that time forward, the image of Ethiopia the Independent was cherished increasingly by Africans and Afro- Americans. In 1892, the efforts of some Bantu Christian leaders to emancipate themselves from the authority of European missions led to the formation of an independent Black South African denomination named the Ethiopian Church. The victory at Adowa stimulated the energies of South African blacks in the early years of the Ethiopian movement. One of its principal leaders, James Dwane, wrote Emperor Menelik asking him to look into the condition of Christian Africans in Egypt and the Sudans and attempted to collect funds to support this cause. The image of independent 6 Ethiopia spread so widely among the Zulus and other tribes that by 1935, nightly prayer meetings on behalf of Ethiopia in Natal and Zululand attracted thousands of new followers. 1935 was the eve of Italian aggression against defenseless Ethiopia. The Geogggphical Setting Ethiopia is situated in what is known as the horn of East Africa, 12 degrees above the Equator--a distance of about 250 miles. It has an area of roughly “70,000 square miles. It is bounded on the east by French Somaliland, the Peeple's Republic of Somalia and the Indian Ocean: on the south by Kenya and Uganda; on the west by Sudan; and on the north by the Red Sea. Ethiopia may be described as consisting in the main of a huge tableland or plateau, thousands of feet in height and divided into two sections by the great Rift Valley. running northeast from central Kenya to the Red Sea. The plateau rises abruptly from the surrounding semidesert areas on almost all sides, in a series of steep slopes or escarp- ments that in places have a sheer drop of several thousand feet. The western half of this tableland inclines slightly toward the Sudan and most of the rivers run in that direction: the eastern part is tilted toward the Indian Ocean. The plateau country is rent in many places by deep valleys and enormous fissures formed in the course of milleniums both by tectonic movements and by erosion, the result of the heavy Monsoon rains running off from the high plateau to 7 the adjacent lowlands in torrential streams. The same pro- cess of erosion, unchecked for the most part even today, has created or left standing, where the surrounding soil has been washed away, hills resembling truncated caves of weird slope and design. These gmbgg, as they are called, have sometimes played an important role in Ethiopian history serving as prisons or sheltering monasteries or providing a well-nigh impregnable refuge for kings and their following in time of invasion. Their large, level tops permitted the growing of crops or the herding of cattle, thus affording a complete self-sufficiency to the inhabitants. In addition to gmbgg, true mountain ranges also exist. Some of the peaks reach heights of 15,000 feet. Ras Dashan, one of the highest mountains in the world, is stated to be approximately 15,160 feet high. The climate of Ethiopia varies greatly. The lowlands have a hot-dry climate producing semidesert conditions. But over the greater part of the plateau regions, the climate is very healthy and invigorating. The country lies wholly within the tropics, but its nearness to the Equator is counter- balanced by the elevation of the land. On the uplands, the air is cool and bracing, even in summer. The average annual temperature is between 65 and 75°. On the higher mountains, the climate is Alpine in character. Ethiopia is a beautiful country with a near perfect climate for the most part. However, the country lags so far behind compared with industrial countries. It is a land in which the past lies heavy. 8 Two factors appear to dominate the country. One fact which is overwhelming as one travels on foot, by truck and by air over the face of the country, is that of geoggaphy. Ethiopia has been isolated from Western civilization until very recent times. A key factor in isolation has been her immensely difficult terrain. The land is rugged and diffi- cult. High mountains divide plateau areas which are criss- crossed by Grand Canyon-like gorges. The difficulty of access, the slowness in getting places and during the rainy season the complete inaccessibility of many regions, tempers every activity that takes place. The brutal land forms can mean death for those who need immediate medical attention and starvation for those who need grain brought to them. The tyranny of terrain is inescapable in Ethiopia. The second key aspect of the country is the presence of numerous stretches of marginal land. Because there are so many mountains and plateaus, farmers are plagued with rocks almost everywhere and in many cases, find themselves tilling a field which rises at a 45° angle. Much of the earth is not poor in itself, but is completely dependent upon the two seasonal rains for its productivity. When the rains fail, there are no crops and people starve. Backggound of the Problem Ethiopia boasts of almost uninterrupted existence as an independent state for thousands of years. It is a land rich in history, but is also a land that continues to experience destitution. It is a land of 322g. 9 For the most part, ”modern" Ethiopia is still a trad- itional and rural country. Socially, Ethiopia's approxi- mately 26 million people are nearly as diverse and fragmented culturally, physically and linguistically as is the topography of the country that they inhabit. The natural diversity of the many peeple who inhabit the Ethiopian plateau and sur- rounding lowlands has been perpetuated and even intensified over the centuries by their isolation from one another. Ethiopia is one of the many countries of Africa that is being affected by the winds of change. Unlike the most advanced nations which are undergoing transition from indust- rial to post-industrial society, Ethiopia is struggling to embark on the transition from an agricultural and traditional to an industrial life. Approximately 35 years ago, Ethiopia initiated an educational effort toward national unification. These were the beginnings of an ambitious attempt to bridge a thousand- year gap. Concurrently, the nation established development programs in the areas of agriculture and road and air trans- portation. All four areas as well as finance and banking have esperienced amazing growth. The results of the economic development, modernisation and progress taking place in Ethiopia today are already bearing fruit. Living conditions have improved. However, millions of Ethiopians (about 90% of the entire population) who live in rural areas live in a totally different world. Life for most of these people is still 10 difficult. In rural Ethiopia, one still sees many of the ethnic groups in all their primitive, self-sufficient simplicity, living in grass thatched mud huts, keeping a few cows, goats or camels and tilling the soil in the same manner of their ancestors for hundreds of years. The political, social and economic advances made in Ethiopia seem to have made no more than a ripple in the placid daily life of the vast majority of the people. Out of Ethiopia's capital city and a few other towns, life goes on much as it always has for centuries, slowly, ponderously, with the mass of the people hardly even aware of their own existence as a constituent element in a larger and more unified whole. The vast majority of Ethiopians are blithly unconcerned about progress and are little moved by monetary incentives. They seem to be perfectly content and see little reason to change their ways. Change, however, is in the nature of things and will be forced on them, willing or not, as their country deve10ps. They need help. Their need is a very urgent one and demands serious and sustained inquiry and action by the government and the educated few. Now, what accounts for this ironic situation in a country with a long and proud history, whose history of education has the distinction of dating back many centuries? Here is a country, one of the very few in the world which rightly boasts of an ancient civilization, a written language, an indigenous Christian Church with its own ll liturgical language, all these and yet with a literacy rate of one of the lowest in the world. The most liberal estimate will put it somewhere between eight to ten per cent. The Ethiopian fought many wars and died for the freedom and independence of his country. Ethiopia's history is full of many battles and mighty heroes. Today Ethiopia confronts an invasion of another kind--a continuing incursion of drought, famine and disease which have laid waste much of the country in a way foreign troops could not. Ethiopia's problems of famine and disease are not new problems. They did not come like a bolt out of the night. The ground was prepared for years through resistance to change, through lack of education in modern ways of doing things and through wrong approaches to solving life's problems as a result of which the Ethiopian became vulner- able to the ravages of drought, famine and disease. There does not seem to be a more urgent period in the history of Ethiopia than the present to press for changes. Changes, of course, do not happen overnight. Leadership, planning, acceptance of responsibility and purposeful participation on the part of all concerned are some of the necessary ingredients for bringing about needed changes. Statement of the Problem Ethiopia has one university (Haile Selassie I Univer- sity) in a nation of 26 million people, and it will have to play a major role in promoting changes. The most 12 important factors in bringing about all needed changes are people and Ethiopia's National University has to focus on this most serious business--educating youth. Ethiopia's university is situated in the midst of a traditional and rural society and has existed for two decades. It has affected perhaps .1 per cent of the entire population. It continues to operate on a borrowed classical curriculum from the west and its instructional program does not necessarily focus on the realities and needs of Ethiopian society and Ethiopian life in general. In Ethiopia, education is based on acceptance rather than on investigation, questioning and understanding. In most cases, instruction in schools is a mere narration and unappealing recital of facts which have no relevance to human needs. The educational system does not help Ethiopians to ask the long overdue questions such as "why poverty, why all these diseases, and why all this ignorance"? It does not challenge youth to investigate and explore for answers to such and many more vital issues. Ethiopia's national University definitely carries a heavy responsibility. No other institution has greater opportunities and possibilities to contribute significantly to the upward movement which man must achieve. Higher education at its best is the only institution that is free to seek answers to all the problems that confront man through the use of every method the mind can achieve. By its very nature, the primary allegiance of higher education is to 13 truth--its discovery, its wide dissemination and its effective application to the questions of life. Its task is the full exploration of all phases of reality-~a free, never ending search. Ethiopia's University needs a new emphasis that will help it spell out the true meaning of education. A sub- stantial portion of this needed emphasis could come through the establishment of a Student Personnel Program. Most of Ethiopia's University students come out of a a“ rural and traditional setting and enter a new world of thought and learning and become confronted with new and complex problems. College Student Personnel Programs have accepted a unique educational responsibility and establish- ment of a similar program in Ethiopia's higher education could help youth make new adjustments, accept new challenges, define and understand new roles and new responsibilities, retain or redefine many aspects of Ethiopia's tradition and culture, develop new values, new approaches to doing things, seek new and effective solutions to life's many issues and problems--persona1, social and economic and focus on new perspectives and purposes. Procedure for the Study This study is concerned with the establishment of a Student Personnel Program in Ethiopia in order to meet the needs of Ethiopia's youth. As a background for this study, a description of the world in which an Ethiopian lives--his complex culture, 14 traditional beliefs and values--seems to be very essential. This will help understand patterns of Ethiopian behavior, his problems and his needs. Also, a description of Ethiopia's education system will be presented in order to identify some critical points where change interventions can be most effective in terms of the establishment of a Student Personnel Program. Literature review and personal interviews were conducted to verify accuracy of such a task. A select group of American and EthiOpian educators were interviewed for the purpose of obtaining professional opinion on the establishment of Student Personnel Programs in Ethiopian Higher Education. Then, underlying principles and practices that are central in American Student Personnel were identified and examined for the purpose of preparing guidelines that will be essential in establishing and developing a Student Personnel that will be most appropriate for Ethiopia. Library sources such as books, journals and monographs were employed for this purpose. In addition to the present program of doctoral study, the writer had the opportunity of studying at Kansas State Teacher's College (now Emporia State Univer- sity) where he obtained the M.Sc. and Ed.S. in Guidance and Personnel Services. While at Michigan State University, the writer had many opportunities of visiting many universities with main emphasis on student personnel programs. These visits were made possible with the great help of the writer's academic advisor, Dr. Walter F. Johnson. Universities visited 15 outside of the State of Michigan are: 1. Oregon State University 2. University of Southern California 3. California State University, Bakersfield 4. University of California, Irvine 5. California State University, San Diego 6. University of Chicago 7. North-Western University Thus, information and education gained through courses, seminars both at Emporia State and here at MSU and informa- tion and professional counsel gained at universities visited provided the background and competence for pursuing this study. The focus of this study is an attempt to develop a primary model which may ascertain some alternatives for cer- tain aspects of the program, dependent upon conditions which might prevail. In other words, an attempt will be made to develop a model with sufficient flexibility to adapt it to the conditions which will prevail in the next several years. Thus, with the present university system, the program of Personnel Services would be somewhat different from a program in which the university would have undergone significant changes in philOSOphy and purpose of Student Personnel. Developing such a model will not be a simple task, but it would seem to be the best alternative in view of conditions which prevail at present. It is also recognized that this task is not an easy one within the limits of resources available, particularly the availability of Ethiopian educators both in the U.S. and at 16 home. However, the model could be reviewed and criticized as fully as possible by Ethiopian academic scholars who are available, as well as by American scholars who understand Ethiopia's education needs. Included in the model would be an attempt to indicate the possible areas of conflict, some issues which would be involved and possible strategies for introducing and implementing such a program under the condi- tions which would be existing. While the subjective nature of much of the investigation and analysis necessary to develOp this model is recognized, it is a necessary starting point to introduce a program such as this one in a university to which it is almost completely foreign and at a time in the history of a country that is fraught with so many dilemmas. It is the writer's firm belief this is a significant undertaking at this time and that it would be a very positive factor in providing better Opportunities for students aspiring to a higher education and at the same time achieve a greater realism in their educational experience. Segrces of Data The sources of information for this study can be grouped under the following categories: 1. Books and journals on Ethiopia that deal with areas which will have relevance to this study: 2. Literature, professional journals, monographs and articles on the field of Student Personnel with particular emphasis on areas Counseling and Student Development: 17 3. Interviews. Interviews Interviews with a group of American and EthiOpian educators, did provide professional opinion on the estab- lishment of Student Personnel Programs in Ethiopia. Included among those interviewed were Dr. Donald N. Levine, Dr. Abraham Demos, Dr. Akalou W. Michael, Dr. Teshame Wagaw and Miss Salome G. Egziabiher. Dr. Donald N. Levine Spent three years in Ethiopia where he carried out field research. While there, he also served as lecturer at EthiOpia's National University. Since his return to the U.S., he has written books and articles on Ethiopia. His best known books are: 1. flex and Gold. Tradition and Innovation in Ethiopian Culture; 2. Greater Ethiopia. The Evolution of a Multi-ethnic Society. Currently Dr. Levine is professor of Sociology at the Univer- sity of Chicago and Chairman of the African Studies Committee there. Dr. Abraham Demos is an associate professor at Ethiopia's National University where he has been serving as lecturer and chairman of the Department of Ethiopian Languages. He is now on leave and is at Northwestern University where he serves as Director of the African Studies Center. Dr. Akalou W. Michael is also an associate professor at Ethiopia's National University. He was associate vice- l8 president in charge of staff affairs at this university. Now on leave, he is teaching at the University of Illinois, Chicago Circle. Dr. Teshame Wagaw, also on leave from Ethiopia's National University, was chairman of the Department of Educational Psychology at this university. He spent his sabbatical year at Michigan State and is presently teaching at the University of Michigan. Salome G. Egziabiher, also of Ethiopia, served as lecturer in the Department of Sociology at Ethiopia's National University. Currently Salome is pursuing her doctoral studies here at Michigan State University. The above scholars were interviewed in their respective offices: 1. Dr. Levine at the university, Chicago, Illinois; 2. Dr. Abraham Demoz at Northwestern University, Chicago, Illinois; 3. Dr. Akalou W. Michael at the University of Illinois, Chicago Circle; 4. Dr. Wagaw at Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan; and 5. Salome G. Egziabiher also at Michigan State University. The interview was a question and discussion session (Appendix) with main emphasis on Ethiopia's youth, their needs and on the subject of human development. The topics intro- duced and discussed were: 1. Education work in Ethiopia; 19 2. Ethiopia's youths their problems and needs; and 3. Student personnel for student development. This interview session helped obtain professional opinion on bringing about changes in Ethiopia's education system through the establishment of student personnel pro- muse Siggificance of the Study It is expected that among other benefits, the estab- lishment of student personnel programs in Ethiopia, higher‘ education could have an impact on the following specific areas central to the affective and cognitive development of Ethiopian college youth. Identit Formation How can an Ethiopian be helped To deveIop a sense of identity, of belonging to, of living with and caring about other ethnic groups? Problem Solvin Ethiopia is a land burdened with many unscientIfic beliefs that affect the attitudes and behaviors of youth. The modern school system has provided youth with new values and a number of new intellectual tools. It has not, however, pro- vided him with the psychological tools required to break out of the self-limiting traps created by the psychological dynamics of the social system in which he lives. The student still looks to external sources for both his failures and the solutions to his problems. What kinds of learning approaches and experiences could be provided to remedy this situation and pro- mote the scientific approach to solve problems independently and in organized ways? Decision-maki and Assumin Res onsibilit Making personaI aecIsIons is no? In The context of Ethiopian culture. Young people in Ethiopia are seldom pro- vided with the opportunity for such independent behavior. Little Opportunity is provided for the Ethiopian student to mature out of an essentially 20 passive, receptive, dependent posture. The writer believes that a student personnel program could help develOp, in Ethiopia, the concepts of decision making and responsibility. Educational and Vocational Choices Probably no other step a young person takes is as crucial for the total significance of his life as the choice of work, in- cluding the educational preparation for it. And so Ethiopian education, if based on student personnel principles, could play a tremendous role in preparing youth for a meaningful future involvement. Ethiopia is a country blessed with a near perfect climate and a rich soil, and yet her greatest asset is her people's minds. EthiOpia's strength and security lies in the development of her people who will bring about needed economic growth. The great rivers, lakes, wild-life and natural resources all await to be harnessed, protected and exploited by educated and skilled manpower for individual and national use and development. The writer believes that through an effort of estab- lishing such a new program of student personnel, Ethiopia can extend her ability to plan effectively for the education of individuals not only in the technical skills required by a develOping country, but also in the psychological orienta- tions necessary to effective social functioning and to the full development of the human potential of individuals. As was indicated earlier, EthiOpia has experienced some change in certain areas. The rate of change will, of course, increase in due time. The question is what direction will it take. 21 Nevitt Sanford (63) argues that "a group's culture can be evaluated on the basis of its contribution to the develop- ment, toward full maturity, of the group's members." Ethiopia boasts of 3,000 years of independent rule. In spite of this unique and proud record, Ethiopia still remains far behind as shown in some comparative study of human resources develop- ment which placed Ethiopia 74th among 75 countries studied in terms of the level of development of its human resources. The most urgent and pressing problems of illiteracy, drought, famine and disease which face Ethiopia, arise out of human weakness. Ethiopia has multi-needs and she still lacks the ability to fulfill even some of the most basic needs of her people such as needs of food, water, shelter and basic sanitation. Since Ethiopia is suffering from the worst type of poverty--poverty of mind-~she will have to give a high prior- ity to educating her people. The tremendous responsibility of learning institutions towards the peOple of a nation is spelled out by J. R. Platt (57) who states that: "...the society we can and will become is shaped by what we teach, by the kind of human nature we are producing day by day in our children ... all of us /‘ will be deciding what kind of human nature and what u” kind of personal and social relationships we want to teach our children to have so that they will be able to make a better society in time for themselves..." EthiOpian schools have not paid attention to this very vital area of individual growth—-matters of personal adjust- ment and growth to vocational and educational choices. The establishment of an effective Student Personnel Program 22 could help Ethiopia's higher education to gear her total teaching--learning activities toward assisting the student in discovering himself and in developing a purposeful direction in life. The need for psychological orientation and growth is great and such change could result in signi- ficant contributions to individual development and ultimately to the nation's economic and social well-being. This is the hepe and perspective from which this study is being conducted. CHAPTER II ETHIOPIAN TRADITIONAL BELIEFS AND VALUES This is an age of tremendous scientific and technolog- ical advances. Man continues to advance in knowledge in the fields of education, science, agriculture and medicine. He continues to venture and probe into the distant realms of the universe. The system is open and go. It says that everything is possible and man can have courage and faith in his ability, through a variety of actions and trans- actions, to move mankind infinitely. There do not appear to be any more secret domains and barriers to men's persis- tent investigation and scientific examination. There are still a number of countries in this space-age that still lag far behind in terms of technological develop- ments, economic growth and political stability. One such country is EthiOpia. Life has not changed for most Ethiopians even after 3,000 years of independent existence. Life patterns and related activities remain basically unchanged. Agricultural tools are basically the same as those used thousands of years ago--home-made yokes for the oxen, iron plow-points and axe- 23 24 heads fashioned by the nearby caste of Smiths. Threshing is done by oxen which are conducted over the cereal stalks until the grain is loosened sufficiently for winnowing with wooden pitchforks. The housewife crushes barley, maize or sorghum grains in a pestle carved out of tree trunks, in preparation for a meal or brewing the result into beer. Thatched huts with mud walls still provide the main shelters and are easily repaired after rainy seasons. New ones are constructed in c00peration with kinfolk or neighbors. Corrugated metal roofs over eucalyptus pOle and mud structures are found in the towns. Clothing is still homespun by the housewife who picks and cleans the cotton and then turns it over to a weaver. The main utensils of the housewife are made of clay pot- tery and are used for carrying water and cooking. These utensils are obtained from the women of the pottery caste. Pottery is fashioned by the coil method, without a wheel. Baskets are woven locally by either men or women and are not considered specialized enough to require a caste. Furniture consists of stools carved out of solid wood and mats of reeds or skins. Sun-dried sheepskins serve as blankets in the cold of the night. Carpentry is so simple that a beam is split by the slow wedge method. Cups are made from cowhorn. Why did Ethiopia remain so isolated and so silent throughout her long history? Why did she remain so confined, enslaved and so limited? Why wasn't Ethiopia challenged to 25 go out, explore and discover new and better ways of doing things? Why didn't she have that inner drive that motivated Western man to acts of exploration and great discoveries, a drive that finally put man on the moon? McClelland and Winter (46:2) have stated that "Man must somehow be persuaded to think and act in modern ways before he will build modern economic and social institutions." This Chapter on Ethiopian Beliefs and Values will attempt to study and understand Ethiopian behavior as this is vitally important for developing and establishing a meaningful and appropriate educational program to meet the needs of Ethiopia's youth. Quite obviously, Ethiopia is suffering from patterns of human behavior that are inapprOpriate to modern needs. This Chapter- will study such disfunctional behavior by examining social systems, social and cultural experiences, beliefs and values. The writer believes that this is necessary in order to high- light in a subsequent chapter, the perceptual and behavioral changes that are required to support the functioning of modern social and economic systems which will provide a greater range of Opportunities for human growth and develop- ment. Concept of Man in EthiOpian Culture The majority of EthiOpia's population still lives according to values and life patterns that have changed relatively little in hundreds or even thousands of years. These values and life patterns are reflected in a wide range of traditional Ethiopian roles and institutions. 26 They tell a great deal about Ethiopian concept of man, about the rules of the life-game as taught in Ethiopian society and the scope of the behavioral repertoires familiar to members of that society. A closer examination of these institutions and role settings will help understand what the concept of man is in EthiOpian culture. Ethiopian Political Culture The complex of beliefs, symbols and values regarding authority, constitutes a key component of Ethiopia's political culture. At the apex of Ethiopian political structure, was always the king. The king in Ethiopia has always been the center and moving force of the Ethiopian government for as far back as records will take us. The constitution of Ethiopia confirmed, for example, the emperor's line as the only legitimate line, descended without interruption from the dynasty of Menelik I, son of King Solomon of Jerusalem and the queen of Ethiopia known as the Queen of Sheba and goes on to affirm that the emperor's person is sacred, his dignity inviolable and his power indis— putable. He is the supreme person. All top government officials were hand-picked and appointed to various government posts by the emperor himself on the basis of what Weber (72) calls "patrimonial recruit- ment--traditional ties and absolute loyalty to the king". Government officials' freedom of action was always limited by the supreme position of the king. They did not have any power whatsoever to carry through sweeping changes in 27 government policy or organization. 'They had to confine their initiatives to making their suggestion to the emperor rather than taking independent action. Obedience and loyalty characterized the officials' relationship to the king. Dis- obedience and disloyalty meant dismissal, demotion and some- times death. Throughout Ethiopian culture appears the motif that authority as such is good, indispensable for the well-being of society and worthy of unremitting deference, obeisance and praise (37:250). Every aspect of Ethiopian social life is anchored in some sort of relationship to authority figures. The psychological roots of these attitudes towards authority lie in the Ethiopian family. The character of the family is unmistakably patriarchal. He is "king” of the family endowed with considerable powers and is entitled to the utmost reSpect and obedience. His jurisdiction includes the area of physical punishment which he may apply to wife and servants as well as children and which, whenever inflicted upon, is usually considered to be deserved and productive of salutary effects. Obedience is the prime objective in the socialization of EthiOpian children. They are taught to be respectful and to respond readily to any parental commands. Adolescence, although a period for learning the skills and norms related to adult self-sufficiency, is also a time when parental authority is heightened and demands for obedience are greatly multiplied. 28 This experience in the family is continuous and con- sistent with the rest of Ethiopian culture. Children and adults thus learn and acquire the apprOpriate behavior and disposition to respect and obey authority which is general- ized to all other spheres of their life. Subservience to and respect for persons of higher authority is a fundamental lesson taught to the Ethiopian child. Authority figures are subject to highly elaborate praise and it is expected that, at least in appearance, there will be compliance to the wishes of any authority figure (38:274). Pessimistic View of Human Nature Generally, Ethiopians hold a pessimistic view of the human nature. The belief that the most basic inherent qualities of man are his aggressiveness and untrustworthiness is central in the workings of the Ethiopian social system (34:59). Ethiopians generally believe that aggressiveness is not a response to frustration, but is rather a response to abundant gratification. Thus, deprivation and maximum control over the individual are viewed as the basic require- ments for a peaceful society or for a stable organization rather than maximum individual satisfaction and freedom. Certain mechanisms are employed within the Ethiopian social system to control man's aggressiveness and to maintain social stability. These mechanisms are: (l) rigid standards of social etiquette, hospitality and respect for privacy; (2) strong pressure to conform to social norms and to suppress individuality; (3) the observance of strict reciprocity in 29 social relationships; and (4) a predisposition toward hierarchal social structuring and unquestioning acceptance of authority (34:51-56). Surface social relationships among the Ethiopians are governed by strict formalized patterns of etiquette which give an air of restraint, dignity and reapect to casual social interactions. When men of relatively equal status meet, they bow slightly and make lengthy inquiries concern- ing health, family, crops and the like, through a series of formally established questions and replies. To say "no" is considered extremely rude, whether in response to a request, an invitation or in negotiations for marriage. An Ethiopian child who says “no” to a request may expect to be severely beaten. A subordinate must always bow and promise to carry out the request of his superior, even though it may be impossible for him to do so. The asking of questions other than those that form a ritualized part of the greeting and which, in turn, have appropriate ritualized answers, is considered very impolite. Certain questions about one's family can easily be taken as an insult. For example, asking about the identity of one's father is taken to imply questioning about the legitimacy of one's birth (40:6). The normal curiosity and questioning of children is met with sharp rebuke and children soon learn to avoid such behavior. 30 Conformity to Social Nong The pressures to conformity are important mechanisms for social control. Likewise, the expression of individ- uality is discouraged and given few approved outlets. Expressions of individuality in children are inhibited. Learning involves simple repetition and memorization. Even Ethiopian singing, dancing and art are repetitions and dis- courage the development of individual styles. Only in the advanced forms of poetry is individuality stressed (38.267). Reciprocity The observance and expectation of reciprocity plays an important role in social interchange among Ethiopians. Most social relationships are approached with a calculating view of ”what is in this for me?" in terms of wealth, power, recognition of status and protection. This pragmatic orientation seems to permeate most social relationships among EthiOpians. For example, the basic character of hierarchical relationships is one in which the superior exchanges favors and protection for food, services and deference from the inferior (34:55). A strong element of this same pattern of reciprocity is found in parent-child relationships with the parents feeding, protecting and disciplining the child in exchange for the latter providing services and deference. In later years, when the parents grow old, the young man is expected to support them out of gratitude for the parents' bearing and raising him and in expectation of receiving the 31 inheritance. This obligation of the child toward his parents is strongly supported by social convention and threat of ostracism. Within such an environment of personal distrust in Ethiopian society, constant concern for self-protection be- comes a requisite for survival. Two mechanisms are predomin- antly employed for this purpose. One is the use of ambiguity in communication to keep personal commitment flexible and the other involves incapacitating rivals by verbal or physical means (34:64). Through the ambiguities of double entendre in his favo- rite poetic formula known as sem-enna-wcrk, the Ethiopian can commit his verbal aggressions in a disguised form, subtly ' direct criticism at otherwise sacrosanct authority figures and protect his privacy against neighbor and tax collector alike who would use such personal information to his own advantage (38:9). Thus, he protects himself through hiding his motives as well as information about himself that another might use against him. In addition to verbal ambiguity, another favorite means of self-defense in the Ethiopian culture involves the effort to incapacitate one's real and potential rivals. It is characteristic of this orientation that the primary response to competition is an effort to destroy the competitor rather than an effort to excel his performance. The history of Ethiopia brings forth numerous examples of dealing with real or imagined threat from others through 32 seeking their incapacitation. The verbal means for pressing one's self-interest at the expense of a rival included the use of malicious gossip, the pressing of false charges against him in courts or discrediting him in the eyes of a superior. Such methods remain a normal way of life in Ethiopia and the climate of suspicion is such that they were and are often remarkably effective in achieving the desired end. Fatalistic View of Life On the whole, an Ethiopian maintains a fatalistic view of life. He feels little sense of control over his own destiny. Using a model called the ”Image of Limited Good" by G. M. Foster (22:300), this EthiOpian fatalistic view of life can be better understood. Foster's image of limited good means that broad areas of peasant behavior are patterned in such fashion as to sug- gest that peasants view their social, economic and natural universes--their total environment--as one in which all of the desired things in life such as land, wealth, health, friendship, status, power, influence and security exist in ,limited quantity and are always in short supply as far as the peasant is concerned. Not only do these and all other "good things“ exist in limited quantities, but in addition, there is no way directly within peasant power to increase the available quantities. This image of limited good behavior is characteristic of over 90% of Ethiopians who live in small villages and 33 towns and sustain themselves with subsistence agriculture. With such central concerns of life beyond the control of the individual, the development of a fatalistic view is a natural consequence. In Ethiopia, a man's fate is seen as being in the hands of sometimes God, sometimes other gods, expressed as what EthiOpians call egggg which means "fate" or ”luck”. Ethiopia has experienced more than once great natural disasters such as devastating droughts, crcp failures and pests. Efforts and provisions are hardly ever made to avoid future loss of life and property. These and other calamities are looked upon as judgments from God (gods) or simply as "our Eggil" and the typical peasant's experience gives him no reason to diapute this belief. These calamities are forces that are beyond his con- trol. ggglg appears to signify the working of God's will insofar as it affects human purposes and is to be regarded as more important than human effort in attaining one's goals. The Ethiopian peasant seems to be discouraged from determined efforts to make changes in his environment because of the feeling that no matter what he does, God's disposition is what really counts. In addition to feeling that innovation is ineffectual, the peasant tends to feel that it is immoral. Reverence for fathers and forefathers seems to be a key ele- ment of the Ethiopian ethos. This patriarchal sentiment informs the Ethiopian's defense not only of his land and his religion, but of the procedures of daily living as well. It 34 is not good to deviate from the familiar ways of doing things because they, too, have been handed down by "our fathers". There is, therefore, little orientation towards change in the daily life of the traditional Ethiopian. Life for him and his ancestors has changed little over a period of many centuries and this experience has led to an acceptance of things as they are. Survival and advancement is not only dependent upon peel; (luck), but upon the concept of the life-game. Much of the individual behavior needed for the treatment of the culturally conditioned forms of behavior such as that of the Ethiopian treated in this study can be developed around the concept of a life-game similar to a model prOposed by Foster (22:293-315). This model assumes that in the individual's attempt to survive or advance himself within a given social and natural environment, he learns a set of rules that at least appear to him to govern his relations with his environment. He views his survival or advancement within this environment as dependent on playing by these rules to overcome obstacles to the goals he seeks. These rules apply to classes of behavior and relate them to expected outcomes that reflect either an implicit or explicit scoring system. Thus, the basic life activities of survival and advancement take on the qualities of a game that the individual continually plays with his environment-~hence the term "life-game". The rules are learned through personal experience and through the more 35 indirect mechanisms through which each culture transmits knowledge, beliefs and values. The way these rules will be perceived within a given society will reflect a combina- tion of cultural traditions, characteristics of the society's natural environment and the nature of the technology utilized by the society. There are a number of ways in which the rules, obstacles and scoring systems associated with the life-game differ from one culture to another. It may be that the shared perceptions and acceptance among a group of people of the rules, scoring systems and obstacles to be overcome are, in large measure, responsible for culturally distinctive patterns of behavior. The following are some important examples of how perceptions of life-game scoring systems may vary between cultures (34:10-11). Variable Sum Versus Zero Some cultures will see the game as variable sum where the total points are vari- able and, hence, where it is possible for all players to improve their scores as in the game of golf. Other cultures will see life as a zero-sum game, in which the total points are fixed and one player can accumu- late points only at the expense of another as in a game of chess or poker. Shared Sum Versus Nonshared Sum The shared sum game involves alliances or circumstances wherein two or more players share the same score or fate. The col- lective defense of the village against outside attack is shared sum while two men courting the same girl are usually playing a nonshared sum game. Contingent Versus Noncontingent Outcomes A contingent outcome is dependent on the skill and behavior of the player as in archery. A noncontingent outcome is dependent on events external to the skill or behavior of the player as in a game of dice, and limits the player's opportunities for efficacy. 36 Generous versus Limited Payoff One man tills a fertile field where a little effort will produce a bountiful crop. Another tills a stony, barren field from which heartbreaking toil may produce only a subsistence. A growing body of research suggests that the zero sum, nonshared sum, noncontingent and with a limited payoff, are essentially the parameters of the life-game perceived by the members of most peasant societies (58). The result as has been noted by Foster (22), is extreme individualism and a set of social dynamics that can have significant implica- tions for the development process. This chapter has attempted to reveal the zero sum, non- shared and noncontingent orientations that dominate the life-game strategies in traditional Ethiopia. A strong sense of isolation, need for self-protection and lack of sense of community is evident throughout this chapter. To know and understand the Ethiopian society is to know and understand important aspects of man's basic character. While Ethiopians are rightfully proud of their long inde- pendence, their great physical courage and the uniqueness of their linguistic, religious and artistic culture, the elements of the society on which the attention of this chapter has been focused, would seem to offer little in contributing to the human enrichment of the individual or to the broader social and economic development of the society. The behavioral repertoire of the individual in traditional Ethiopian society has been revealed as being quite limited. First, there is the social structure that limits all of the 37 individual's life activities to the context of membership in a single social group. This group defines his status and role in all family, work and community activities. This minimizes Opportunities for the more diverse role ex- periences that are possible when the individual belongs to a number of independent reference groups. It is important, therefore, that as a society, like that of Ethiopia, begins the transition from traditional to modern forms of economic and social organization, old expec- tations, old strategies and old patterns of behavior which are no longer apprOpriate, be discarded and replaced by ones more functional within the new system. Ethiopia, over the last 30 years, has experienced the effects Of contacts with technically advanced nations of Europe and America in recent years. These contacts have significantly reduced its centuries-Old isolation and intro- duced inevitable changes in its previously closed social system. The following chapter will focus on education in EthiOpia and will attempt to look at the interaction of the traditional culture with this modern education system. CHAPTER III EDUCATION IN ETHIOPIA Traditional Schools of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church The education system in Ethiopia has been profoundly moulded by the past. It owes much of its distinctive char- acter to the fact that Ethiopia is the only African country to have both remained predominantly Christian for over a millennium and a half and to have preserved its ancient independence throughout the European scramble for Africa. Ethiopia's oldest educational institutions are the primary schools of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church which has the distinction of dating back to thousands of years. Monophysite, otherwise known as Orthodox Christianity, is not only the official religion of the Ethiopian Empire, it has also been the most profound expression of the national existence of the Ethiopians. In its peculiar indigenized form impregnated with strong Hebraic and archaic semitic elements as well as pagan residue, Ethiopian Christianity had long become the storehouse of the cultural, political and social life of the people. 38 39 In the course of their long history of Christianity, the Ethiopians evolved their own peculiar system of educa- tion. The origin of the Ethiopian church schools coincides with the establishment of the church itself about A.D. 327 (51:233). The schools were created originally to serve the community of believers, to instruct their children in Christian principles and literature, and to impart to them such familiarity with the church ritual and its prayers and hymns as was fitting to every devout member of the congrega- tion. Thus, the church for centuries constituted the main guardian of traditional culture and provided the only schools in the land. These traditional schools which constitute one of the oldest continuous systems of learning in the world, were until the beginning of the present century, the sole instrument of education in Christian Ethiopia. The EthiOpian church schools which have in all probab- ility existed for more than a thousand years, are attached to individual churches and monasteries which today number over 15,000 (68) though all have not yet been counted. These church schools are attended by well over 100,000 pupils in various parts of Ethiopia (33). The education traditionally imparted by the Ethiopian Orthodox Church falls under the following categories of learning (33): 1. Reading, writing and learning by heart; 2. Zema or religious music; 40 3. Kine (Illamical poetry) and the language of grammar of Geez--the "Latin" of the Ethiopian church; 4. The School of Books. The School of Reading The school of reading begins with the Ethiopian alphabet attended by pupils six years of age. The first stage consists in the mastery of the syllabary which takes the place of the consonants and vowels of the alphabet in the English language. This syllabary comprises 26 basic characters each of which has seven forms, the vowels being combined with the consonants and indicated by signs attached to them. The second stage in this traditional church school is called Fidel Hawaria meaning the apostles' alphabet. This curriculum deals with the Epistle of John. In the third stage called Gibre Hawaria meaning the Acts of the Apostles, are studied being read aloud by the pupils and explained by the teacher. At this stage, the pupils are ready to serve as choristers, their voices contrasting with the adult voices of the Debteras, meaning priests. The daily routine of classes is the same five days a week. Students come to school at about eight in the morning and they salute their teacher by kissing his feet. The teacher sits on a chair or stool covered with white sheep- skin or goatskin mats. A stender rod for administering punishment will lie ready nearby. As soon as all the stu- dents are assembled, the daily lessons begin with a prayer 41 at the end of which they sit in their respective circles. The students sit on the floor in all classes except memor- izing classes where they are required to stand. The fgggth stage is called 23313 meaning David which begins with the reading of the Psalms of David by the pupils and their explanation by the teacher. This stage is con- sidered a great advance in the child's education. The fifth stage is called Kal Timihirt meaning oral lessons. Memorization is a higher stage of the school of reading. For it is only those pupils who have passed from the most elementary counting through sing-song to straight, fluent reading in Gee; text who are qualified to join the memorizing classes. These classes are held in the evening and never in daytime. Oral lessons begin at about seven in the evening and step at nine. They are presided over by the master who remains seated while the students have to be on their feet to the end Of the lessons. The most advanced students are obliged to teach two or three beginners. At about nine O'clock in the evening, the gong is rung and the lessons are concluded with the Lord's Prayer. The prayer is communal, recited in unison. Following this, the students kiss the earth and proceed toward their lodgings, some to their homes in the village, some to their quarters on the school premises. At about three O'clock in the morning, the gong is rung again to summon the students to night classes. This 42 session continues until six in the morning after which the students disperse for morning prayers at church. The School of Zema Zema falls into the following subheadings: l. The study of the Tsome-Degua, the Meiraf and the DegEEf-fundamental books of religious music composed by Yared, the legendary founder of Ethiopian church music. This usually takes four years. 2. The study of Kedase (mass music) and the Saatat (special religious music to be recited onlyamznighttime) for six months. 3. The study of more refined and complex kinds of religious music called Zemare and Mewaseit for one year. 4. Aquaquam, the department of religious music which deals with the religious dance in which drums and sistra are used. Having attended the school of reading from the age of five until seven (the slower learner may take longer), the young student joins the school of 23mg. The student who is lucky enough to have a school of ngg in or near his village or home town can follow his studies in comparative comfort living with his own family, surrounded by friends and rela— tives. But others are not so lucky and they have to leave home and travel to distant centers of learning (distant because they travel by foot). 43 Such traveling students must, however, make necessary inquiries in advance about the district they plan to go, about the pros and cons of one village as against another village, of one church as against another. For some local- ities may be associated with endemic disease and sickness, some with scarcity of food. The student also makes careful inquiries about the personal character and ability of the ggmg master whose school he plans to join. Life is not easy from beginning to the end. The journey being made on foot might take the students anywhere from one week to a fortnight, depending on current circumstances. The student's tribulations begin on the road--provisions deplete and the traveler will have to beg for his daily bread in the face of real menace of ferocious dogs. He must also beg for a night's shelter under similar conditions. While in training, the student does not get any main- tenance allowance or food supply from home, but he follows existing tradition of begging for food. Students and young scholars are assigned to particular villages in the surround- ing countryside to which they go for begging. Villages are allotted to students by casting lots. Every student must accordingly keep strictly within the boundaries of his allot- ted village and refrain from straying into the domain of others. This does not mean that every student is always on a begging expedition. Students lead a communal life in groups lodging in little huts. It is a group life of cooperation. 44 One of the group would put his sheepskin mantle on, sling his leather pouch on his shoulder, hold his long walking staff firmly in his hand and go on a begging expedition. A second one would go to fetch water from the stream; a third would go to the mountains to collect firewood; a fourth would stay behind to sweep the little hut and prepare red chili for dinner. The Kine School The freshman spends a couple of days listening, observ- ing and generally familiarizing himself with the Kips school setup. He then presents himself before the master to formally ask permission to join one of the Kigg classes. Permission granted, he will be assigned to an assistant teacher from among the most advanced students to take him through the first elementary steps. He Spends the next week or ten days acquir- ing a minimum of Q23; vocabulary, memorizing classical poems and analyzing them with the help of the assistant teacher. After this preliminary period, the student sets off for the neighboring hills, open fields or similar places of quiet seclusion where he tries to compose his first poem. He leaves at 7:30 in the morning and returns to school at about 11 a.m. to recite his composition to the teacher at one of the sessions in the afternoon. The 5132 session is quiet where critical justice is at work, commending good work and ruthlessly discarding weak or faulty composition. 45 Evening service begins with the memorization of the daily installments of 923g vocabulary which are loudly repeated four or five times by the students who are divided into groups. Each group is headed by an advanced student appointed by the master to guide it. Immediately following the vocabulary lesson, the teacher's own.Kigg composition for the day is learned by heart and analyzed in great detail. This stage of the lesson begins with a poem consisting of two lines of verse called the gpbae-Kana. The procedure is as follows. One of the most advanced and talented students wearing his shamma (the toga-like Ethiopian dress worn by both men and women), in a special respectful manner, approaches the teacher and attentively listens to the master delivering his fresh composition line-by-line in a low voice. The student first repeats the short poem, also in a low voice, to the teacher to show that he has mastered it by heart. He then recites the poem aloud to the assembly of students who immediately take it up repeating after him, line—by- line. The students repeat the poem over and over again, translating it, analyzing it on the Spot. This process may continue for about 15 minutes. The teacher then claps his hands to restore quiet. At this point, the student who first ”received" the couplet from the master's mouth, reads the same poem, aloud, thrice. Then the assembled students recite it in a chorus. A relatively quiet period follows as each student independ- 46 ently goes over the words, the meaning, the imagery of the poem in a low voice. The second form of Kine is called Zeamlakiye and con- sists of three rhyming lines of verse. This is also dictated by the master, recited and analyzed in the manner already described. The third form of 5133 is known as Mibezhu and consists of three lines of verse, but has longer phrases. Its recita- tion and analysis follow after the teacher claps to restore silence at the end of the study of the second poem. The fourth form called Wazema consists of five verses. This is followed in turn, by the sixth form known as Selassie which is formed of six lines of verse. Each poem is treated in the same rigorous and exhaustive manner already described. Beginners are expected to study only the first three forms, while the more advanced students go on to seventh, eighth and ninth forms. In this manner, the poems improvised by the master are thoroughly studied and analyzed, the students asking numerous questions, the master amplifying and explaining in great de- tail. The Ripe student, by the nature of his training, does not require text books. Rather, he spends his waking hours in contemplation trying to compose original poems of his own or to unravel the meaning of the most obscure and difficult specimens from the work of past masters of the art. 47 The School of Books The final and major stage in traditional education is called the Study of the Books. This area deals with the detailed and profound study, analysis and interpretation of both the Old and New Testaments and the voluminous writings of the church fathers of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. Seminars begin with a short prayer. The procedure here differs from what we have seen in the schools of King and 23mg. The student, sitting in front of the master, reads the text of his chosen subject aloud, slowly, phrase-by- phrase, sentence-by-sentence or paragraph depending on the difficulty or ease of the given passage. The master then translates, interprets and amplifies the existing commen- taries on the passage. And so it goes until the end of a chapter or subdivision of a chapter. The seminar is con- cluded with a prayer and the student goes off to meditate on his own that same portion of the lesson. The student of the Holy Scriptures has an easier time, on the whole, as far as material needs are concerned. Food is easier to get, partly because the supply and demand situation is more favorable on account of the small student population in the School of Books. However, the young scholar is already qualified in many disciplines and can, therefore, go into church service as a side line and thus earn enough cash or grain to take care of his food and clothing. 48 The master may be any of the following: (1) a monk; (2) a hermit; or (3) a married clergyman. The master or hermit is usually helped by and provided for by his dis- ciples. He may also have a housekeeper--a nun or an elderly woman. The married master, on the other hand, has his wife for a housekeeper and gets food, grains and cash from regular public contribution. Alternatively, he may own land and live as a farmer with his students helping him with farm work like weeding, harvesting and sowing. For the study of the Old Testament, the young scholar goes to Gojam Province which is the universally acknowledged center of such study. And he may master his study in a matter of two years. Following the study of the Old Testament, the young man sets off for another center of learning to study the New Testament. The traditional center of learning for the New Testament is Godar, capital of the Province of Begemder. One thing stands out in the life of the School of Books--the mutual sympathy and assistance obtaining between master and disciple. The student shares his teacher's sorrow as well as happiness, nurses him in sickness, serves him loyally and devotedly and generally looks after his interests. The relationship is one of father and son on the spiritual plane. 49 The Study of History There are no special schools or disciplines in the traditional system set up for the study of history. The interested scholar learns about history from conversations and dialogues with elders and great scholars by visiting various historical places, churches and monasteries and reading history books and historical documents available there. He studies, in other words, oral traditions and written documents. Next, the young scholar learns the art of calligraphy and manuscript-making. At the same time, he learns the associated arts of preparing ink from various plants and trees making the reed pen, book-binding, making leather sheaths for books, tailoring his own clothing, et cetera. A year is usually devoted by the scholar to be proficient in this field. The scholar then learns the art of wood carving, carving the Holy Tablets and all manner of wooden crosses. He also takes three years learning how to paint murals and miniatures and illuminate manuscripts. The total training period, to be devoted to the arts and crafts, is four years. End Of the Journey The homecoming of the wandering scholar is inevitably an occasion for great happiness and rejoicing by relatives and friends. His relatives prepare a big feast of welcome. 50 He will be showered with gifts and presents in cash and in kind--a cow or an ox, clothing, et cetera. He who left home and weeping friends and relatives two decades ago is now welcomed with joy. But this homecoming may be an occasion of sorrow and sadness. The scholar, in his long absence, may have lost his father, his mother or both, or someone else near and dear. The sad news, if any, will be concealed by using various excuses and then revealed to him after the festivi- ties. Back in his native village or home town, the accomp- liShed scholar is now ready to serve the local churches as a clergyman, as a preacher or as a teacher. Modern Education in Ethiopia Brief History The first public school was opened in EthiOpia's capital city, Addis Ababa, in 1908, by Emperor Menelik II (75:24). This was an elementary school staffed with Egyptian Coptic masters and enrollment was about 150 boys. These boys were taught English and sports and gymnastics were encouraged. Emperor Haile Selassie, when still a regent, founded the second government school called Tafari Mekonnen School in 1925 (25:19) also in the capital city. First enrollment registered 250 boys and was under a French headmaster with a staff of mixed nationalities. Later he founded a Lycee 51 Haile Selassie under a Syrian headmaster. This was a primary and technical school. Between 1930 and 1935, some 20 additional schools were established (25:19). These in- cluded provisions for primary, secondary, technical and some vocational education. Encouragement was given to the education of girls and in 1931, the Empress Menen established a school for girls named after herself in which 80 girls were trained upon French lines, mainly in domestic science. Altogether it is estimated that between 600 and 700 boys and girls received at least the beginnings of a modern education in the government schools of the capital before the Italian invasion in 1935. It was also the policy of the government to send some young men, mainly children of the nobility, abroad for education. They went mainly to France, Belgium and England. Some were sent to America and some went to Egypt and Syria. At the time of the Italian invasion in 1937, about 200 Ethiopians had or were receiving training abroad (69:7). The intention was that they should receive a Specialist training in agriculture, medicine and engineering. Some gained greatly from their training and experience. But only a few had sufficient general education to enter upon advanced courses and some of them appear to have suffered from lack of money and of supervision. Upon their return home, these young men were planning to form a Young Ethiopian Movement and they drew up a pro- 52 gram of reform in an effort to bring about changes in the country. But a large number of them, about 75%, were murdered by the Italians in the massacres in 1937 (55:249). This was, of course, a cruel loss to Ethiopia. During the five years of Italian occupation, all govern- ment schools were virtually closed. However, following Italy's defeat and the Emperor's return in 1941, Ethiopia had to start anew to build an educational system. There were hardly any educated individuals to use as teachers. There were run materials and there was very little money. The first necessity was to open the schools which the Italians had closed in the capital. The Tafari Mekonnen School was reopened as an elementary school first under an American missionary, then under a British master and then again under Canadian Jesuits. The old Menelik School was put in charge of a Swede. The Empress Menen School, which the Italians had used as a hospital and had usefully en- larged to the extent of seven big wards, was reopened in 1942. It was first put under an American, later under a British and still later under a Swedish headmistress. In 1943, the Haile Selassie Secondary School for Boys was opened in fine buildings which the Italians had con- structed a few miles from the capital as an agricultural research station. It had two British headmasters in suc- cession who were lent by the British Council and then they were followed by a Swede. 53 By the end of 1943, in all the government schools, there were 410 Ethiopian teachers, 12 Italian, 11 Egyptian, eight British and five American (55:255). In 1944, the total enrollment in government schools was less than 25,000 (69:12). During the 40's, there was still no institution of higher learning in Ethiopia and nearly all the students who had some elementary and secondary education had to be sent abroad for higher education. The demand was for qualified personnel to work as administrators in various government offices. Structure and Curriculum The first curriculum was of a 6—6 structure; six years of elementary education followed by six years of secondary education. It was envisaged that the elementary program would eventually expand to include the work of grade 7 and 8, while the secondary program would then be reduced to grades 9 through 12. Amharic, Ethiopia's national (official) language, was to be the language of instruction for all subjects during the first two years; there was to be a gradual transition to the use of English in grade 3 and 4 in the teaching of art, science, physical training, handicraft, music, geography, history and arithmetic. And it was hoped that all pupils "should be able to receive their complete instruction in English for the 5th and 6th grades with the exception, of 54 course, in the Amharic language" (17). English was to be the medium of instruction at the secondary level. The second curriculum was an 8-4 structure. In line with the suggestion made in the first curriculum, grades 7 and 8 were soon made part of the elementary school. This was done largely because of the difficulties in learning English. It was believed that a more thorough training in the language was desirable before students attempted work on a secondary level. Advocates of the change also recog- nized that many Ethiopian youths dropped out of school after completing the elementary cycle. They claimed that if these pupils were to remain in school for an additional two years, not only would they gain further education and training, but they would also achieve greater maturity and suitability for employment (25:22). The course outlines as specified in the curricula for grades 7 and 8 were given in somewhat more detail than those which had been listed in the earlier volume covering the lower grades. To the extent that they provided for greater standardization of instruction, they were an improvement. However, based on foreign texts, they were no more closely geared to the needs of the unsophisticated Ethiopian student than was the earlier volume (25:22). The 8-4 curriculum was criticized on a number of grounds (25:23). One of the main criticisms dealt with the fact that it provided for only one type of education. With- out diversified streaming of students into different types 55 of classes, all students could not reach their full poten- tial, some would receive the type of education for which they were not best suited and the many areas of need to be served by an educated populace would not be adequately served. Another often heard criticism dealt with the lang— uage problem. With pupils trying to learn both foreign language and content during their elementary years, they had difficulty grasping either. The third curriculum was an experimental curriculum. Because it was recognized that further improvement would someday be made, five schools were provided with an experi- mental curriculum (16). It was presumed that after study and revision, this curriculum would then serve as the basis for any future change. Advocates of this curriculum con- sidered it radically different in many respects, but it still reflected a non-Ethiopian bias. Amharic was used as the language of instruction throughout grades 1 to 6, but foreign textbooks written in English continued to be used. This meant that although the curriculum showed greater relationship to the needs of the Ethiopian pupil, there could be no implementation in the texts provided the teachers. In addition, even this curriculum remained very theoretical in content and made rather unrealistic demands upon immature pupils. The 6-2-4 curriculum consisted of six years elementary, two years junior secondary and four years senior secondary school. This curriculum has been in use to date. 56 Curriculum planning has recognized that the elementary school is terminal for many pupils and that it must, there- fore, provide them with sufficient fundamental knowledge, ccncepts and ideals to help them become contented, productive members of society. Amharic became the language Of instruction throughout the elementary level. The pupil's progress in the elementary school was further aided by the production and distribution of new textbooks in Amharic. The secondary school curriculum--the 2-4 plan. This curriculum is a six-year course divided into two cycles of two and four years, respectively. For the first two years, in grades 7 and 8, all secondary students will follow a common program of studies. From grade 9 to grade 12, second- ary students will follow courses fitted to their Specific abilities. The function of the junior secondary school, grades 7 and 8, (64) is to provide all Ethiopian adolescents with a "common core" of knowledge, skills, understanding, attitudes and habits essential for effective citizenship in his or her develOping country. The program is, thus, general in char- acter and Specifically designed to: (1) develop through a general education block of studies the ability to communicate thought, to think effectively, to discriminate among values and to use sound judgment in problematic situations: (2) offer opportunity for English language concentration which is es- sential for success beyond the elementary grades: and 57 (3) discover and develop the abilities and interests of the students and guide them in the selection of a course in line with the needs of Ethiopia and their interests and aptitudes. The curriculum of the junior secondary school is broadly divided into four general areas of concentration, each de- signed to achieve a particular aSpect of the overall purpose or function. Area 1: General Education -- A continuation of the program started in the elementary grades 1-6. Area 2: English Language Concentration Area 3: Fine and Practical Arts Area 4: Supervised Study and Guidance -- Learning how to study: providing an environment favorable for individual study. Each subject in the approved curriculum for the junior secondary school, falls under one of the four general areas. Program of studies in the junior secondary school is shown in Table 1. The curriculum of the senior secondary school is broadly divided into four general areas of concentration, each de- signed to achieve a particular aspect of the overall purpose of function (64:5-6). General Education Including those subjects which pro- vide a common body of knowledge, skills, habits and attitudes essential for effective citizenship in Ethiopia. These subjects are required of all students regardless of vocational or avocational interests. S ecial Education Including those subjects which pro- vIde {Re knowIedge, skills, habits and attitudes 58 Table 1* Program of studies in the junior secondary school (periods per week, by year) Grade Grade Area Subject 7 8 I General Education (History 3 3 (Geography 3 3 (Mathematics 5 5 (Science and Health 5 5 Amharic 3 3 Tota1_periods per week: ,j9 19 II Language Concentration - English Language Skills 9 9 Total_periodsper week: 9 9, III Fine and Practical Arts Physical Training 1 1 (Music 3 3 All students will (Domestic Science 3 3 Spend three periods (Arts and Crafts 3 3 per week in each of (General Shop 3 3 any three of these (Agriculture 3 3 fields (Commercial Training 3 3 Total periods per week: 10 10 IV Supervised Study, Supervised Study, Guidance, Student Guidance, Student Activities Activities and Morals 2 2 Total periodsgper week: 2 2 GRAND TOTAL: 40 4O *Secondary School Curriculum, Imperial Ethiopian Government, Ministry of Education and Fine Arts. 59 designed to meet the Special interests and abilities of individuals. This phase of the curriculum is individually centered, vocationally grounded and geared to the economic structure and growth of the nation: whereas, the general education is group centered and geared to the social structure of the nation, however, always conscious of the inter- relationship existing between the two. Related Academic Training Including those subjects which are the advanced courses of the general educa- tion area and those specifically chosen to provide the more detailed knowledge, skills, habits and attitudes essential for success in the students' selected vocation. Practical Skills and Supervised Study and Guidance Supervised study and guidance periods are cons dered an essential part of the secondary school program. Table 2 shows the program Of studies in the senior secondary school. Higher Educationyjn Ethiopia The establishment of a university marks the most recent step in the development of modern higher education in Ethiopia. For generations, theological and philosophical studies have dominated the curriculum from the simple ”ethics" of the lower schools through the more advanced ”discourses" Of the famous monasteries where religious leaders have long been trained. Not until the reign Of Emperor Menelik at the turn of the century, was an attempt made to establish inde- pendent secular education. This effort was intensified by Emperor Haile Selassie I, who founded numerous elementary and secondary schools. On March 20, 1950, Haile Selassie laid the foundation stone of the university college (52:195) and he issued at the time, the decree for its establishment. 60 Table 2* Program of studies in the senior secondary school six-year course (periods per week, by year) Area Subject 9 10 11 12 grades I Math 6 6 Science 6 6 History 4 4 Geography 4 4 Amharic 5 5 4 4 English 6 6 8 8 Physical Education 1 1 1 1 Total periods per week: 32 32 13 13 II Domestic Science or Industrial Arts or Agriculture or Commercial 4 4 12-14 12-14 OR Domestic Science or Industrial Arts or Agriculture or Commercial 4 4 6 6 AND Any subject filed From Area III OR Fine Arts or 4 4 12-14 12-14 Music French 4 4 4 4 AND Any subject field From Area III Total periods per week: 4 4 4-14 4-14 III Math 6 6 Science 6 6 History h h Geography 4 4 Total periods per week: ‘8-20 8-20 IV Educational, Vocational, & Moral Guidance with Super- vised Study 4 4 3-5 3-5 Totalgperiods_per week: 4 4 345 3-5 GRAND TOTAL: 40 40 4O 6*40 *Secondary School Curriculum, Imperial Ethiopian Government, Ministry of Education and Fine Arts. 61 Ethiopia's first university college started its first class at Addis Ababa in December of 1950, in a large building built during the Italian occupation in 1935-1940. There were only three secondary schools in the country at that time that were fairly equipped to prepare students for college entrance and less than 80 students were ready for enrollment. Origin- ally planned as a two-year junior college, it was staffed in the first year by less than a dozen lecturers, all non- Ethiopian. Within four years, the university college was chartered as a four-year, degree-granting institution, and by 1960, had increased its staff to over 60, 20 of whom were Ethiopians. To understand and appreciate the history of rapid development, it is necessary to follow the brief histories of each of the universities' instructional units in the order of their establishment (27:20-30). 1. Faculty of Arts This is one of the several facul- ties which developed out of the university college which was founded in 1950, in Addis Ababa. The original facilities of the university college consisted of a large administrative building built by the Italians during the occupation years. Subsequently, new classroom buildings were constructed to which it moved in 1965. 2. Faculty of Science Developing like the faculty of Arts from the original university college, this faculty consists of departments of biology, chemistry, mathematics and physics. In addition to its undergraduate science pro- 62 gram, the faculty supports the research institutes of geo- physics and pathobiology. 3. The Faculty of Technology Founded in 1953 as the Imperial College of Engineering in an old building, this faculty first offered a two-year course preparing for eng- ineering study abroad. In the spring of 1969, engineering was moved and has been housed in an excellent new facility built by German government funds. It offers degrees in civil, electrical and mechanical engineering. 4. College of Agriculture This college was established in 1957 at Alemaya about 300 miles to the east of Addis Ababa. It was developed with American funds under the Point Four (later ICA and AID) program through a contract with Oklahoma State University. This contract was terminated in 1968. The college, entirely residential, is built to house an enrollment of 1,000 students. 5. The Building College The Ethic-Swedish Institute of Building Technology was founded in October, 1954, by agreement between the Ethiopian and Swedish governments to promote the improvement and development of the building trades in Ethiopia. Administratively, this college is part of the Faculty of Technology. Enrollment includes students in architecture and city planning. 6. College of Public Health Instruction in public health began in 1954, on the site of an Italian-built hospi- tal in Gondar, about 500 miles to the north of Addis Ababa. Originally supported by the World Health Organization (WHO), UNICEF and the American International Cooperation Adminis- 63 tration, it is now supported principally by the Ethiopian government. The program in public health is developed around a four— year training program for public health officers who, together with community nurses and sanitarians trained at the college, go out as public health teams to control endemic and epidemic disease. 7. The Faculty of Education Like the Faculties of Arts and Science, the Faculty of Education developed out of the original university college. In 1959, it became a department of the Faculty of Arts and in 1962, a separate faculty. Its heaviest emphasis has been on programs for senior secondary school teachers. There have also been programs for instructors in elementary teacher training institutions and elementary school directors and super- visors. 8. The School of Social Work Beginning in 1959 as a training program under the auspices of the United Nations and the Ministry of Public Health, it became a department of the Faculty of Arts in 1961, and a degree-granting school of the University in 1966. It prepares primarily for service in the Ministries of Public Health and Community Development. 9. The Faculty of Theology A theological school was first established in 1942, and became a chartered college in the fall of 1960. Its primary purpose is the training of workers in the service of the Ethiopian Orthode Church. 64 10. College of Business Administration This college was established with an initial enrollment of 154 students in the fall of 1963. 11. The Faculty of Law This faculty was established in September, 1963, to provide comprehensive training in Ethiopia law and legal practice. In addition to day and evening instruction, the faculty has engaged in extensive research and publication on the origins, procedures, inter- pretation and practice of Ethiopian law. 12. The Faculty of Medicigg Formally approved for development in the fall of 1964, the Faculty of Medicine began instruction in the fall of 1966. Its teaching activ— ities are distributed over several sites. 13. University Extension The Extension Division was founded in 1962 to extend university services to students other than full-time day students. At present, extension services operate in a number of centers throughout the empire and the department has nearly 3,000 students. 14. The Freshman Program Inaugurated in 1969, this is essentially a separate college which offers a program to prepare students for ultimate entrance to one of the university's professional or non-professional faculties. Particular emphasis is placed on instruction in English. Students are placed in ”streams" at the time of entrance, e.g., "life science stream" or "physical science stream", but placement can be changed during the freshman year when the need arises. 65 stem: From Table 3 it will be noted that there is an approxi- mate numerical balance between expatriate and Ethiopian staff. There has been, however, a preponderant number of expatriates at professional levels and a corresponding grouping of Ethiopians at the lecturer and assistant lect- urer levels. Most of the EthiOpians are under forty years of age . At the professional level, no EthiOpian staff member has yet had time to reach the grade of full professor. The reservoir from which professional staff will be drawn over the next ten years is found in the 109 EthiOpian lecturers and graduate assistants holding bachelor and master degrees. All of these must complete from three to five more years of graduate study before they can meet the minimum qualifications for professional appointment and at least half of these will be selected out in the process. Enrollment The steady increase in demand for higher education in Ethiopia is quantified in Table 4, which shows year-by-year enrollments in the university and its predecessor colleges. It will be noted that enrollment of full-time students has at least doubled every five years since the university college took its first students in 1950. If extension enrollment is counted on a full-time equivalent basis, the rate of increase has been even more rapid in recent years. 66 Table 3* University faculty showing rank and degrees, 1969 - 1970 Doct. M.A. Prof. B.A. Professor: Ethiopian - - - - Expatriate 31 4 5 1 Associate Ethiopian 11 - - - Professor: Expatriate 20 9 4 1 Assistant Ethiopian 24 19 - 2 Professor: Expatriate 30 22 9 1 Lecturer & Asst. Ethiopian 10 31 12 41 Lecturer: Expatriate 9 35 11 18 Graduate Ethiopian - - - 25 Assistants: Academic Ethiopian 4 10 - 20 Administrators: Expatriate 8 - Sub-Totals : fig 138 73% 1 9 Part-time: EthiOpian 5 1 4 2 Expatriate 6 - 7 3 Secondary EthiOpian - 23 - - Teachers: Expatriate 13 4 17 - Ethiopian: 242 GRAND TOTAL: 522 Expatriate: 278 *Haile Selassie I University: A Blue-Print for Development. A Report of John Summerskill, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 1970. Table 4* Enrollment at HSIU 1950 - 1969 Academic University Year College Agriculture University Extension 1950 71 1951 75 1952 99 1953 130 14 1954 131 33 1955 193 45 1956 230 87 1957 270 9’+ 1958 346 154 1959 426 172 1960 397 195 1961 948 204 1962 1041 1457 1963 1494 1458 1964 1774 1523 1965 2256 1835 1966 2828 1750 1967 3368 1800 1968 3870 2562 1969 4636 2261 *Haile Selassie I University: A Blue-Print for Development. A Report of John Summerskill, Addis Ababa, EthiOpia, 1970. 68 The extension enrollment increase is the more remarkable since this division charges tuition fees, whereas the regular programs are tuition-free. Graduates The tabulation of graduates (Table 5) shows a steady increase in the number of degrees granted, reflecting the year-by-year increase in enrollments. Financing of Higher Education Capital--The financing of higher education, beginning with the founding of the University College, is best under- stood as a development program in three overlapping phases. Phase I - 1950-1960 The building of University College, including the Geophysical Observatory and the College of Engineering. During this phase, the structures which now constitute what is known as the Arat Kilo South Campus, were constructed (or remodeled) and equippped with Ethiopian government funds. Phase II - 1952-1961 Commencing in 1952 with the es- tablishment of the College of Agriculture, the Ethio- Swedish Institute of Building Technology and the Public Health College, this phase was marked by the investment of sizable capital funds from foreign sources. From its inception, the College of Agriculture was financed and for a number of years, largely operated with American funds. The Building College was built and largely sustained by the Swedish International Development Agency up until recent years. The Public Health College was founded by a consentium of international and bilateral agencies. Phase III - l96l-1970 The consolidation of the univ- ersity toOk place—in 1961. This was necessary in that the separate colleges had to be brought under unified direction. The consolidation seemed to be timely in that it was necessary to receive the growing crop of 69 Table 5* Graduates of University College and HSIU, 1952 - 1969 Graduates 1952 - 61 University Public Business Total College Engr. Agr. Health College Total Cert/ Deg. Cert. Deg. Cert. Deg. Dipl. Deg. Cert. Deg. Dipl. 1952 ll 11 1953 9 9 1954 13 5 13 5 1955 9 55 9 55 1956 18 8 18 8 1957 29 16 11 40 16 1958 24 24 7 6 l7 19 48 49 1959 46 19 13 13 24 30 ll 94 62 1960 49 7 18 23 20 7 97 27 1961 48 16 19 43 17 14 l 124 17 TOTALS 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 443 259 Graduates 1962 - 69 Univ. Faculties Univ. Extension Total Total Degrees Certs. Degrees Certs. Deg. Cert. 1962 126 15 6 15 132 30 1963 172 26 12 10 184 36 1964 187 72 22 26 209 98 1965 58 196 6 36 64 232 1966 201 430 13 35 214 465 1967 237 367 8 105 245 472 1968 263 459 21 120 284 579 1969 260 600 17 141 277 741 TOTALS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,609 2,653 *Haile Selassie I University: A Blue-Print for'Develop- ment. A Report of John Summerskill, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 1970. 70 graduates from the expanding secondary schools. This enrollment increase was dramatic and it forced a realization that henceforward, the univ- ersity would be required to develop by plan. Achievements in education during the past 30 years have been remarkable and gratifying when seen against the situation three decades ago. In the primary schools, enrollment has grown from virtually zero to a participation rate of about 17%. During the past 15 years, this has meant a sustained rate of growth of 11% annually. Enrollments in secondary schools and higher education over the same period have expanded even more rapidly at 19 and 20% per year, res- pectively (15:I-l). The following table which is based on population esti- mates, indicates the approximate percentage of each age group enrolled in school, both government and non—government (15:II-7). Relevant Age Group Participation Enrollment Age Group Population in Percent First* 655,500 7-12 4,027,000 16.3 Second* 134,900 13-18 3,323,000 4.1 Third* 5,100 19-24 2,752,000 .2 * = levels However, literacy rates are still estimated at only about five to eight per cent. Relative to other major nations of the world, Ethiopia still remains far behind as 71 shown in the comparative study of human resources develop- ment completed by Frederick Harbison and Charles A. Myers in 1964, which placed Ethiopia 74th among 75 countries studied in terms of the level of development of its human resources (28:45-48). Even in terms of exposure to the basic rudiments of modern education, much of Ethiopia's population remains poorly prepared to contribute to the needs of a modern society (34:29). Now, what accounts for this ironic situation in a country with a long and proud history, whose history of education has the distinction of dating back many centur- ies? Here is a country, one of the very few in the world, which rightly boasts of an ancient civilization, a written language, an indigenous Christian church with its own liturgical language (Geez), all these and yet with an il- literacy rate of one of the highest in the world. The traditional school of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church that we described in this chapter, could not arouse nor meet the needs of youth in these modern times. This church with its traditional schools, has not yet begun to adjust to the demands of the modern era. It remains rooted in the experience of an ancient, isolated and peasant civil- ization, fixed on the past rather than turned toward the present and future. Thus, it has neglected the substantial religious needs of the modern adolescents who seem to be eager for a fresh treatment of the great matters which the Christian religion has traditionally interpreted. But when 72 young people in EthiOpia look for spiritual guidance, they find archaic liturgy and when they look for spiritual inspiration and social teachings, they are told only to fast and observe the other hallowed customs. Ernest W. Luther (42:33) makes the observation that the younger generation of the towns, eSpecially those who have had a degree of schooling, ”sometimes profess a spirit of agnosticism, perhaps more from a desire to be modern than from inner conviction. Whatever its basis,” Luther says that "this agnostic spirit seems to be growing and is serving to reinforce the long-standing antagonism of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church to social progress.” As long as communication and interchange with the outside world was limited, Ethiopia remained insulated from the developments of modernization and changes that were transforming other parts of the world. However, once Menelik II and, subsequently, Haile Selassie, decided to open the boarders to foreign influence such as the modern school system, and to proceed with modernization, an ir- revocable process was set in motion. Though Ethiopia is still far from an open society and primitive communication links leave the majority of the population isolated from the modern world, recent encounters by a growing number of EthiOpians with modern education and exposure to the ways of the foreigners who visit or live in Ethiopia as well as foreign travels, have produced new sets of input experiences, new opportunities, new wants, new 73 frustrations and new threats and challenges. The impact has been greatest at the points of greatest contact with the new and has resulted in the emergence of a number of transitional cultures set against the background of the traditional culture. How has the modern education system of Ethiopia been interacting with the traditional culture in terms of help- ing develop functional and effective behavior and in terms of meeting development needs of youth and country? How closely is the present curriculum related to the real needs of Ethiopian youth? Dr. Edth Lord (41:205-226) conducted a study, while in Ethiopia, to explore some of the foregoing questions, to discover something about the beliefs and attitudes of the literate segments of the pOpulation and to learn the extent to which the present program of education is having an impact on nonscientific beliefs which motivate attitudes and daily behavior in Ethiopia. The subjects of this study were asked to mark as true or false, a list of 132 unscientific beliefs commonly held by Ethiopians. These beliefs dealt with nature and devils, health and disease, danger and death. In spite of a measur- able trend toward increased disbelief in the unscientific statements as the level of schooling increased, it was found that a significant number of these statements were accepted by a majority both of the post-elementary students and of the Ethiopian teachers. Thus, 56 items were believed by 74 half or more of the 451 secondary students in the sample: 34 items by half or more of the 96 teachers: nine items by half or more of the 61 student nurses and first-aid workers: and six of the items by half or more of the 29 college freshmen. This study has demonstrated that education can have and, in some measure, is having an impact on the nonscien- tific beliefs which motivate attitudes and daily behavior of Ethiopians. The study has further demonstrated that more than half of superstitions (beliefs) herein considered, have proved impervious to the modern educational procedures in Ethiopia. Dr. David C. Korten (34:162-236) also conducted a study dealing with values and beliefs of the Ethiopian university students. He used a variety of questionnaires to gain in- sight into student values and attitudes. It has already been noted that for most of the students, the educational system has provided their most significant modernizing eXperience. However, as the data of Korten's study shows, the Ethiopian student remains very much a pro- duct of his traditional past. Korten's study revealed the thought and behavior of the Ethiopian student which is a reflection of an effort to ful- fill two basic human needs within the realities of their social context. The first is a need for security in a hostile and uncertain world in which the individual is taught that his fellowman is unreliable and untrustworthy. The 75 second is the need for a positive self-concept, encompas— sing a sense of mastery, competence and self-worth within a context of self-doubts concerning himself and his society. The Search for Security Much of the data on the Ethiopian student appear to reflect his search for some sense of security and his effort to protect himself from the perceived dangers of a relatively hostile world over which he has limited control. The needs for security are especially evident in interpersonal relationships where the student is torn between his need to establish close relations with others, his need to avoid the threats posed by perceived dangerous others and his need to find a benevolent protector. One of the several human needs is the need for affection, close relationships and a sense of belonging. Satisfaction of this need is continually hindered by the feelings of dis- trust and suspicion that the students feel. The Ethiopian students consistently perceived a greater degree of hostility and self-seeking in others than did the U.S. students and, consequently, were more suspicious of them. Climate of Interpersonal Threat A climate of perceived interpersonal threat is main- tained by the belief, which the students appear to carry over from the traditional society, regarding the importance of revenge and the defense of one's personal rights. 76 Courage and personal strength remain important to survival in the students' eyes. Defensive Behavior The mechanisms through which the Ethiopian student appears to deal with these conditions of interpersonal threat, seem almost identical to those employed in the traditional society. He remains alert, limits close per- sonal contacts with others and avoids situations where others might take advantage of him. He attempts to con- form to the norms of his group and to avoid behavior that would make him conspicuous and arouse the suspicions of others. He remains conscious of the need to extract revenge as apprOpriate. And he seeks to identify with strong others who can provide guidance and protection. Depth and openness in interaction is limited, even between friends, out of fear that one's friends will turn against him if they move further ahead in life and thus have no further interest in the relationship. In all relationships, one must seek the appearance of polite agreement with others as a matter of basic exped- iency and etiquette. Personal information must be with- held because others can use it to gain control. The concern for conformity and the avoidance of con- Spicuous behavior that might arouse the suspicion of others is probably the most pervasive of the concerns reflected in the data. Furthermore, the Ethiopian students committed 77 themselves strongly to the important traditional norms of respect for elders and family. The Self-concept A sense of self-worth seems to underly much of the psychological functioning of man. His emotional stability seems dependent on the possession of a sense of his own competence or mastery over his environment and a sense of the worth of his own being. These needs can be met in various ways. In societies without technical mastery, the senSe of mastery may be sought through magic or religion. In developing a sense of self—worth, those who live to exploit others may place a high value on their own clever- ness or power. Many of the personality dynamics reflected in the data on the Ethiopian students may be interpreted as relating to efforts to deal with a limited sense of personal efficacy. Their responses to items in the Beliefs and Values question- naires indicate a tendency toward fatalism and a sense of impotence in dealing with the forces that shape their lives. This is reflected in the fact that the Ethiopian students generally accepted the statement that man is basically help- less and miserable and were less likely than the U.S. stu- dents to disagree with the belief that what happens is the will of God and beyond the ability of the individual to change or influence. 78 A cultural background in which there is little concept of a straight line, no exposure to technology more complex than a wooden plow and punishment for children who ask questions, leaves them ill-prepared for rapid acquisition of the knowledge of modernity. Furthermore, all of this knowledge, until the recent introduction of Amharic as the ~language of instruction in the elementary schools, had to be acquired through the English language. Finally, Ethiopian students have a few role models from their own society whom they can point to as examples of individuals from similar backgrounds who have successfully made their mark in the modern world. Effectiveness of Student Orientations The behavioral dynamics reflected in the data on the EthiOpian students have extensive implications for Ethiopia's social and institutional development. Ethiopian students are on the forefront of the process of cultural transition in EthiOpia and their dilemmas in reconciling traditional and modern values will sooner or later be the dilemmas of the broader society. Their behavior so far reflects a set of social dynamics that would appear to create significant bar- riers to attainment of the broader goals of the development' of a progressive, modern society as well as to the attainment of their more immediate personal goals for personal security, affiliation and self-realization. ‘ The values of modernity such as interpersonal openness, equalitarianism, individual rights, creativity and social 79 consciousness to which the students have been exposed through their experience in modern schools, seem to have a great inherent and possibly universal appeal. To Ethiopia's youth who are seeking their own self-realization in the context of a society that is closed, authoritarian, uncreative and self-centered, the appeal is understandable. The societies that claim to adhere to these values are clearly more powerful than theirs. Furthermore, they may assume that these would also be societies in which life is much less threatening, where interpersonal strains are relatively minimal and where the higher qualities of the self are more readily expressed. Unfortunately, the traditional behaviors and percep- tions to which the Ethiopian student has been accustomed are deeply ingrained and continually reinforced in his day-to-day interactions. This continues to make the change and development of effective and functional behavior diffi- cult. The Ethiopian student continues to find it difficult to establish close relationships. He has yet to overcome the characteristics in his own behavior that lead to a general situation of interpersonal threat throughout the society. He has not shown indication of developing the personal strength that would allow him to act independently and nondefensively in the face of threat from others. Quite obviously the church schools originally commis- sioned with the gospel of love and freedom for all, failed 80 in its mission. They did not help free man from the painful shackles of traditional beliefs that have persisted in en- slaving the human spirit. The Ethiopian student is in a difficult dilemma. The modern school system has provided him with new values and a number of new, though relatively conventional, intellectual tools. It has not, however, provided him with the psycho- logical tools required to break out of the self-limiting traps created by the psychological dynamics of the social system in which he lives. Many of his immediate personal problems are the same as those of his uneducated father in that he has not overcome the burdens of suSpicion and con- formity that both stabilized the traditional social system and limited the Opportunities for personal fulfillment of the individual within that system. One outstanding characteristic of Ethiopia's education is that it is narrative. ”Five-times-five is 25. The capital of Ethiopia is Addis Ababa.” The student records, memorizes and repeats these phrases without perceiving what five-times- five really means or realizing the true significance of "capital”. Narration leads the students to memorize mechanically the narrated content. Paulo Freire (24:57-62), in his book Pedagogy of the Oppressed, calls this approach ”...the bank- ing concept of education in which the scope of action allowed to the students extends only as far as receiving, filing and storing the deposits." 81 But apart from inquiry and discovery, participation and investigation men cannot be truly human. As it has been demonstrated in the developed and technologically advanced countries, knowledge emerges only through inven- tion and reinvention, through the restless, impatient, continuing, hopeful inquiry men pursue in the world, with the world and with each other. The writer maintains the position that Ethiopia's education system has not focused on the most serious bus- iness--educating man. Man in Ethiopia has remained trapped in the beliefs and values of his culture. Ethiopia's education system has failed in freeing man from the dehumanizing and limiting effects and aspects of Ethiopia's culture. Man is unique among organisms in that he has the capa- city to think, to conceptualize, to communicate and thereby build cultures and civilizations. Human existence cannot be silent. Man has power to make and remake, create and recreate. Can change be initiated in Ethiopia's education system so that the true meaning of education may be spelled out? The next chapter will explore one possible alternative that could bring purpose, life, activity and action in Ethiopia's education. CHAPTER IV A STUDENT PERSONNEL PROGRAM FOR ETHIOPIA: AN EDUCATIONAL ALTERNATIVE TO MEET THE NEEDS OF ETHIOPIA'S YOUTH The preceding chapters have attempted to understand a very traditional and complex country--Ethiopia. Chapter 2 tried to understand Ethiopian ways of thinking and doing things. In Chapter 3, Ethiopia's education system, both traditional and modern, was examined to determine its effectiveness in making significant contributions to human advancement. The writer has argued in this chapter and concluded that Ethiopia's education has not focused on the most serious enterprise--man and his needs. This section of the chapter will deal with the subject of student personnel work first as it was developed and put into Operation here in America. Section 2 will deal with develOping a model of a student personnel program most appropriate for Ethiopia. 82 83 Student Personnel Work in American Higher Education The history of higher education in America is the story of many dedicated men whose vision and persistent endeavors and energies were directed towards meeting the needs of people and country. At the beginning of its history, American higher educa- tion followed the patterns and traditions of learning which were brought over from England. In subsequent years, educators began to refashion the academic structure in a really funda- mental way. They broadened and democratized the established forms of higher education from Europe so that more and more persons may have the opportunity to secure some form of post- secondary training. They had, at the same time, increasingly sought to make higher learning more functional and more closely related to the daily concerns of the average American, thus producing many new and unique developments. One of these new and unique develOpments is Student Personnel Work. Brief History Student Personnel Work is a distinctly American pheno- menon that developed in the American learning institutions to meet new challenges and needs of students. It is a unique feature of American higher education. Student personnel work certainly marks off American higher education and student life from continental Europe, from that of parent universities in England or from any other universities in the world. 84 It is true that higher education is a product of the Middle Ages. It is the creation of professor and student, a society of masters and scholars. In the early stages of the universities' development, the professors were everything to the university and the student--administrators in charge of curriculum, teachers, et cetera. The Middle Ages were the great age of profes- sional control (29:68). As there were no endowments of importance, there were no boards of trustees, nor was there any such system of state control. In his own time and in his own way, the Medieval professor often dealt with permanent human interests as he sharpened men's wits and kept alive the continuous tradition of learning. And there was much enthusiasm on the part of the student for knowledge and much discussion of intellectual subjects. The books of the age were, in large measure, written by its professors and the students had the advantage of seeing them in the making and, thus, drinking at its fountain-head. In America, when higher education was started along the lines of Oxford and Cambridge, no attempt was made to deviate from the hollowed trivium and quadrivium of classical anti- quity. The curriculum of the American colonial colleges was proper amalgam of the Medieval arts and sciences and of the Renaissance interest in the study of literature. The funda- mental discipline was Latin--the language of the law, of the church and of medicine. It was the language through which 85 translations of Aristotle, from the Greek, had dominated the Medieval course of study: the language in which Aristotle's three philosophies--natural, moral and mental--entered the Medieval universities. Taking its place beside Latin was Greek, the language of the new humanism of Renaissance learning: it brought Homer, Hesiod, Greek, lyrics. This colonial curriculum was rigidly prescribed for all. There was no concept that the varying interests, needs or professional plans of the individual student should be taken into account in constructing a curriculum. It was felt that there was a fixed and known body of knowledge-~the ”liberal arts" as they had come down from antiquity via the Middle Ages, Renaissance and Reformation. This constituted absolute. and immutable truth and it was important that it be absorbed, not criticized or questioned by every student (6:14). In the earliest American colleges up to the time of the war between the states, higher education was, for the most part, private. Whether public or private, however, education was largely in the hands of the clergy. Most college presi- dents and professors were clergymen and they tended to be paternalistic in their attitudes and their teaching. They were concerned more for the spiritual welfare and moral training of the student and to this end, their personnel work consisted of a persistent emphasis on extracurricular religion and also a considerable snooping into the personal lives of the students (11:20). Students were housed in closely super- vised college dormitories and those in charge, stressed 86 compulsory attendance at religious exercises and the enforcement of discipline in loco-prentis, During the 19th century, a number of events signaled the further development of extra classroom services for students. Oberlin College Opened her doors to women in 1833, and this move led to the appointment of lady principals to give Special attention to problems of women students. Out of this experience later emerged the position of dean of women (30). In 1870, Harvard appointed the first college dean (72:4). He was a personnel administrator who gave his attention to discipline and the routine mechanics of enrollment in addition to teaching. President Gilman of John HOpkins appointed in 1889, the first 'chief of the faculty advisors', observing that "in every institution, there should be one or more per- sons specifically appointed to be counselors or advisors of students (11:20).” These innovations in academic functions were made possible in some reSpects, by the changes taking place during the mid- 19th century period within the office of the college president. In the colonial type of college of an earlier period, the pre- sident had served as chief student personnel worker dealing with discipline, morals, morale, manners and spiritual develop- ment. The overworked teaching president of the college needed help in performing his varied duties and special assistants were appointed to share in this responsibility and to carry out other tasks that grew out of crisis situations. Thus, 87 originally the role of the student personnel worker was defined largely “in terms of control, structured containment, and supervision" (32:6). The develOpment of student personnel work and the present level of attention given to the total campus life and exper- ience of the student have been largely an outgrowth of changes in American higher education (32:6). During the middle decades of the 19th century, a number of changing conditions in American democratic society forced reorganization of structure, content and instructional methods of collegiate education. These forces produced new institutions, land grant colleges with missions radically different from those of the colonial colleges. Lay professors soon outnumbered the clerics. Many‘ changes in student personnel services resulted from these institutional changes. Then in the latter half of the 19th century, accelerated changes in the character of higher institutions and their students produced conditions which made the greater development of these services both possible and urgent. And, following the first world war, student personnel services assumed the forms that we see today (73:7). Stgdent Personnel Point of View First in 1938 (66) and again in 1949 (67), the Committee on College Personnel of the American Council on Education, published pamphlets describing student personnel work at the college level. These statements emphasized the underlying 88 spirit of the work, the ”personnel point of view", based on the following assumptions: 1. Individual differences are anticipated and every student is recognized as unique: 2. Each individual is to be treated as a functioning whole: and 3. The individual's current drives, interests and needs are to be accepted as the most significant factor in developing a personnel program appropriate for any particular campus. This was the first attempt to state the philosophy of student personnel work. Ultimately, such a point of view was translated into a program of action to help students achieve self-development. The following is a typical matched listing. of student needs and services adapted from the Student Person- nel Point of View report as early as 1937 (73:20). 89 .wzmomoawnm msOflmHHmH ocm mucmsufiafioo pcm coaumucmwwo msam> mcflcuwocoo mocmummmulmamm cam mcwosmum lumps: mcflsonm “moauomum HOGOfluspfiumcfl owummoom no mo mucooswm Hmsofl>flocfl Spas mmmum cam mumsommu an pmcwmucflofi mmwsmcoflumamu accomnmm ocm maocmfium .umououcw cam ocsuflpmo mo mummy mswosaocw sumo Ommo pcm>mamu mo cowumumumHOOCH canons» mamom HOGOmem ocm Hmcowu :ooo> .Hmcowumosom usonm mafiammcsoo .ucmfimoam>mp HmcoquEm can commmm .mufinmn mosum .mcwommn mcflcnmocoo mOOfi>HOm cofluofloOEOH Hmwommm “mmmum loam was cam mmfluwaflnmmmo was ocmum :Hmocs ucwosum may pcm mmoaaoo on» mcwmaon cw Hammms sumo owumocmOHo cam noncomu mo mocmcmucflmfi “on“ :Homcsoo Hocowuoosom can Hmcoflumoo> .mfimumoum Hmnuo one mmEmo cmenmmum .xoms cmfinmoum mcwnsp coaumucmfiuo momma :Hoo ou scammflapm mo mafia may as cam on uoaum mcwammcsoo can coflumEH0mcH .huflcsafioo owumuooaop mEmm on» cw mcflumm :wofluumm mamsow>fiocH mavens Hmnuo swfls mGOquAOOmmm was on coflumamu cw Hmsofl> :Hocfl Osman: m we mammfiwn mo coaumsam> cam mcflocmumuooss as muHHSDOE mmoumoum .Hmom pony new mcficflmup mufimwdqwn on» as mmmumoum mcwxmfi can mumoumucw cam moosuflumm was cuflz ucmu Imwmsoo Hmom Hmcoflummsooo cm mnemoono .OmHO>Hcs was one mammefln yacht mocmuocmfl mo umosvcoo m.cme mo muasmmn may no OHOE gamma 0» coflum>wuos ammo mo mocmwummxo “Menace poemQSm 3o: Gamma ou qummm O>Huommmm cam mmfiosum mo mumummfi Hmsuomaaoucfi cw oo>ao>cfl mEmHQOHm .Omoaaoo may no mmousomon can mess :ooooum .mmmmmoonm mo mucoosum mcflEHOM use one mucmosum mcfluomamm “mm>fluown Ibo m.wmmaaoo may mcflumumumucfl nmsoucu .ucmscoww>sm mmmaaoo ecu on coaumucmwno mOOH>Hom HOGCOmuom unwosum mEmHnoum muflmuo>flcb Hams» ocm mucmocum 9O .mooCOHuoaxo awesos :aoao>mo msacnoocoo muoaomcsoo one mumcommp spas madamCOAvaen Hmcomuom .muOPuHSU mean no monmo :cwpm muopommmflpmm one measampcams one weapoommsa .mumpnmsc mcfi>aa Haasowcoo one Hsmnvamon mcapmooa ca mocwwmamm< .moapa>avom :« soapmafioapuma use Awnmuobsms o>upoommo .mmoCOHpmaxo one moapfiaaomm HmapcOoamou Cw mpCmEo>onEH .mm«p«>fivom oouacmmuo ca cam mcoammsomdo ocm mouspooa Hmaomam ca soapuaaoavuma .mmocOanoaxo m.cms no ousvmpmpaa on» c« wcfioseu moosepxm .mmaou macmuonsms one adcmsoomma asopm madam :mavmm one o>apoommo mo Paosnoam>oo .auopoo pm .HuCOAmmmmona .HmOapaHoa .Hmcoameuoou .Hmaoomnamoapa>fipom macaw asmmcacmms use o>dvosnpmcoo mo pcosaoae>oomu one pcmsaoam>oo on» c« mucoosvm op ooddpmamm< .muspm: ascOHposo :30 m.psmo:pm ops“ PsmamCa seameo c« was pcmsaoam>oo assowposo ca mmepwohm .mpcouma one 650: Scum haze ham>fipommmm mcfi>wa one mumpnmsc manmpasm mswocwm .mumcpo new; zanmowsm one hao>apoommo mewxaoz one mewmmaa .mca>aa no menu on» wsacmeH c“ psesowmssooco one mocmpmfimm< .pCOO :spm one you msficmms o>mn op OzcdpcOo moans mono vac mCHcOaOOo cam mpmopmpcw PCdoagacmfim can so: mcamoao>mo mo acme: .coapmaaoapuma Hmspooa :Hovcfl .Hmcoapmmuomu .Hmaoom ooocmamn .muammmm psoospm one anneapsvamca mo pcmsommcms Ca soapmaaowphma psmosvm .mpcOospm causasuoxaa one Hmwcocho no masonw Hausa ca magmaonsme m>apom swsounv oo>eanom magmas asoum .soap :sPmecH mvmawmaaoo 0:» OP mcfimcoaon mo emcem 8 mo oocchPCHms one pcmsaoam>oo moos>uom Hoccomuom psoospm msoanoum avampo>wsp pause one mesoospm 91 .mmmwuumfi cw mucmfi lumsnom HmowmoHonommm cam Hobammsm anon mcflouommn mcwaomasoo Hmflommm one ocsom .auzoum Hmcoflmmomoum pcm Hmcomumm m.ucmosbm on“ cu ppm was guess xnos O>Huouo :csfimu scum ocwwfimonm cam masocwm ca mocmumwmmo «ommaaoo on» no mmfiuw>fiuom Hmsuomaaoucfl can Hmfloom .Hmusuaso can own on can mOOHSOmOH mama» so O>flH on 30: Gamma mascoSDm nowc3 nmsounu mcflammcsoo Howocmcfim mo Eonmoum d .chamwomfip pomomsw cam coauowuummu on pmmommo mm ocHHOmcsoo mumcwamwomfio “oaons o no mmmaaoo map cw can mmsoum pmNflcomuo Ham segues coaumecmmHo cam muaafinH860dmou HmHOAosn unwosum .mCHammcsoo HmHOE pcm mDonHHOH “monousno an macho Iona HOGOwumcHEocmp mcouum mo acme nommusoocm one mowufi>fluom mSOAmHHOu spammnwucfi owumcflpnooo mo Emumonm m .muflcsfifioo on» cw mcofiuwocoo HOGOmHOQ pGSOm cflmucflme mam: gowns m00fl>uom nudges Houcma can Housmhnm .ucOEUmsmom Hmsxmm magnumooom NHHMAOOm can unflwmmwumm How cowumnmmwum .zusonm Hmcoflu IOEO one HOHOOm .Hmsuowaaoucfl ou moon £0fi£3 sesame M GA uuommsmumaom HOflOGOCflm .uosocoo mo moans uncoupm ocm HmGOHusqumcfi mo ucoenmwa :Qmumm cam coaumcHEOxOIOH msoscfiucou .nusonm mo mommzm Honuo nuw3 woman mcflocmumnwpcs Hence one Hmownuw mo useEmoHo>Oo msoscflucou .cwamms Houses can Hmowmmsm m00fl>uom Hoscomuom unwosum mEOHnonm muflmum>wco “away one mucmosum 92 .msommevce>oe en Haas escapenanme use wadsfieup m.pceospe one gowns cw useszoaase soapesoeuw :peoa Heavacfl wcaesam a“ oocepmfiem< .hpacsssoo one ca one xuos we .eson :« pcespmsnoe eweaaoo:peon auovoemeavee you :oapeueaeum mooa>uom Heccomuem Paeosvm mseabonm hpaeue>HCb have» one mpceUSPm 93 In 1958, a list of functions of the student personnel was published by the American Council's Committee on the Administration of Student Personnel Work (19:16): Selection for Admission Registration and Records Counseling Health Services Housing and Food Services Student Activities Financial Aid Placement Discipline Special Clinics - remedial reading study habits speech and hearing Special Services - student orientation veteran's advisory service foreign student program marriage counseling religious activities and counseling. Organizational Structure Personnel Services The preceding section outlined the traditional and customary student personnel services found on the campuses of American universities. Even though there is substantial agreement on such listing of services, the manner of grouping them varies from institution to institution. There is reason for this variation. It is characteristically American that institutions of higher learning should be as diversified as they are. They differ in respect to all the features and dimensions that describe a particular college (62:33): in size, in the quality of students and of faculty, in standards, curriculum, departmental structure, methods of teaching, social organiza- tion and climate of culture and in various other ways. Therefore, diversity rather than uniformity is characteristic 94 of student personnel services as of every other phase of an institution of higher education in America. Williamson states (73:22) that this diversity "grew out of two sources: the personalities and idiosyncrasies of the originators; and the unique developmental history of each institution". For a full comprehension of its services, an understanding of the uniqueness of each institution's program is necessary. Purposes and Objectives of Student Personnel Work Although student personnel work in higher education has develOped rapidly in the past few decades, individuals and national student personnel associations have not stopped their exploration of two closely related problems: 1. Defining the purposes or objectives of student per- sonnel work; and 2. Developing a relevant professional education program. Feder, in the 1958 Yearbook of the National Society for the Study of Education, isolated what he believed to be the sole purpose of personnel work: "To nurture the maturing student personality in its search for integrity, understand- ing, satisfactions and creative operation in the cosmos" (20:280). 95 A few years later, individuals began writing and addressing themselves to this issue. Mueller suggested four objectives of student personnel work (48:64-66): 1. Preserving, transmitting and enriching the culture. Inculcate cultural heritage by promoting the intellectual approach to all aspects of campus life. Increase the student's motivation, sensitivity and appreciation for the life of the mind. Teach the student in all his extracurri- cular activities to use the intellectual approach, to seek new facts and experiences, to analyze, discriminate, question, judge, weigh, rather than to obey impulse, accept tradition, follow the easiest path. 2. Develop all aspects of the personality. The human personality is a complex of various parts which function as a whole. Therefore, student personnel has the big task of develOping and coordinating all the other aspects of person- ality as they are needed to promote the intellectual. 3. Training for citizenship. The personnel division will provide practice in these techniques and attitudes of good citizenship apprOpriate to the post-adolescent years and to the higher intellectual and socio-economic levels. 4. Training for leadership. The personnel division must help identify the leaders of tomorrow, motivate them toward assuming their responsibilities and develop in them the personality traits which will make them ardent and effective workers. 96 -Shaffer and Martinson have recommended the following objectives of the student personnel for American college campuses (65): 1. To assist in providing a campus climate in student residences and campus affairs which is conducive to academic achievement while providing maximum intellectual stimulation. This includes the provision of wholesome social and recrea- tional activities which are compatible with the educational environment. 2. To provide those services which will assist in the self-development of each student and promote the understanding of his own purposes for being in college. 3. To provide, through student government and other activities, an Opportunity to practice democratic living with both its rights and reaponsibilities and to learn to work effectively with others. 4. To provide the Opportunity for faculty-student con- tacts outside the classroom as a means of encouraging respect for learning and an understanding of the approach to life's problems. 5. To provide an opportunity for every worthy student to complete his education--providing financial assistance when necessary, in the form of scholarships, loans and employment. , 6. To help each student develop a sense of individual responsibility and self-discipline. 97 7. To interpret university objectives, policies, rules and administration to students, faculty, alumni and citizens in general, and to communicate student attitudes, opinions and activities to the faculty and general public. 8. To help create an atmOSphere of high morale and loyalty towards the institution. Ralph F. Berdie defines student personnel work as "the application in higher education of knowledge and principles derived from the social and behavioral sciences, particularly from psychology, educational psychology and sociology", and on this definition advances the following as the purposes of student personnel (3): 1. To humanize higher education, to help students respond to others and themselves as human beings and to help them formulate principles for themselves as to how people should relate to one another and to aid them to behave accordingly. 2. To individualize higher education. The student personnel worker is concerned not only with helping each student discover what his needs are and make appropriate choices, but also with helping the college develop the alternatives and resources from which students can make wise choices. 3. To bring into balance the world of the student, that of the university and the enveloping ”real" world that encompasses all. The purpose of the student personnel worker is to facilitate movement into and out of the institution 98 and to keep the student an effective member of the college and at the same time, a real member of the community. 4. To implant, nurture and extend students' drives, interests and motives so that college and community resources will be used maximally by students to achieve their educa- tional purposes, both in and after college. 5. To increase the immediate satisfaction and enjoy- ments experienced by students so that higher education is perceived as a plesantly productive experience. The Committee on Professional Development of the American College Personnel Association pointed to three major purposes of student personnel workers: 1. Help the student understand himself and his relationship with others: 2. Supplement and increase his knowledge and skills: and 3. Assist in creating a total campus environment where meaningful learning can take place (53). More recently, Terry O'Banion (49, 50, 10) carried a study to determine the purposes of student personnel work in higher education in order to develop a relevant program of professional education. This study resulted in the following 12 essential purposes of student personnel work in higher education: 1. To promote the development of a climate conducive to the intellectual, personal, psychological, social and physical growth of the student. 99 2. To assist the student in his search for identity and in his develOpment of self-discipline, self-evaluation and competence in decision-making. 3. To administer the offices reaponsible for providing student services. 4. To insure optimum Opportunities for the student to examine, fulfill or change his educational and career objectives. 5. To provide Opportunities for the student's develOp- ment of a system of values. 6. To develop opportunities for students to learn and apply leadership and organizational skills throughout the areas of student life. 7. To serve as resource persons in interpreting student life to faculty and administrators and conversely in inter- preting faculty and administrators to students. 8. To assure that the student's need for individual attention is met. 9. To provide students with opportunities for broad educational experiences through co-curricular activities. 10. To deve10p social and human relations skills. 11. To utilize available resources such as students, administrators, faculty, alumni, parents and representatives of the community, government and other educational institu- tions to fulfill the objectives of higher education and of the particular institution. 100 12. To acquaint the student with and encourage him to use student personnel services and other resources available to him. The field of student personnel work grew out of the needs of an increasingly heterogeneous student body in a vastly complex system of higher education in America. The writer had traveled to many parts of the United States and had the opportunity of visiting various universities with strong student personnel programs. A number of these pro- grams visited are keeping abreast of current changes and are responding to the overall situation with creativity and ingenuity. And the years ahead will demand their evolving new approaches to problems and devising new methods to answer them. Planning for Change Through the Establishment of a Student Personnel Program at Ethiopia's NationalfUniversiEy Ernest Dichter (13:5) has stated that "no progress is truly possible unless we introduce some 'upside-down' thinking--unless we break through barriers and destroy rigid and often false concepts which surround us, whether they are thousands of years old or not." He continues by affirming that "we have to reappraise aspects of social structure and standards of behavior, otherwise we cannot truly make pro- gress." The position stated above definitely points to the Ethiopian situation. There was a time when it was thought 101 and believed in Ethiopia that the transmission of new technical skills to Ethiopia in order to speed up develop- ment was a simple process and all that was necessary was to make available to Ethiopia the scientific and practical answers that had worked well in industrialized countries. Now, Ethiopia has begun to learn that the process is much more complex than it had thought and that there are cultural, value and ethical dimensions to the process. Development is much more than the overt acceptance of material and technical improvements. It is cultural, social and psychological as well. Associated with every technical and material change, there is a corresponding change in the attitudes, the thoughts, the values, the beliefs and the behavior of the people who are affected by the material change (23:4). .These nonmaterial changes are more subtle. In Chapter 2 of this study, the writer made an effort to understand EthiOpian society with its beliefs and value system. Analysis of EthiOpia's traditional social system suggests that the primary concerns in the traditional culture are with the extrinsic rewards associated with the acquisition of wealth, power and security. These concerns and goals are central to the traditional norms and institutions. And Korten (34:313-320) suggests that an evaluation of the trad- itional social system may be approached in terms of how well it satisfies these three basic needs. 102 Acquisition of Wealth For a society as a whole, increasing the acquisition of wealth is dependent on increasing the total output of goods and services. In turn, an increase in the output of the system is largely dependent on the following: (1) increasing the development and utilization of technology, capital invest- ment and skills: and (2) increasing the percentage of the system's total energy that is mobilized and directed toward system goals. Barriers to Technology, Capital Investment and Skill Development New technology, capital investment and skill develOpment all require change in traditional methods of doing things. I The discussion on values and beliefs of Ethiopia did draw attention to the barriers to change posed by the traditional society. The EthiOpian has traditionally relied entirely on his leaders to define new situations and to introduce tech- nological changes. His basic insecurities have made changes threatening and his fixed sum view of life has resulted in his expectation that there is limited opportunity for innova- tion that will result in any net gain in social utility. The emphasis on conformity in Ethiopian society further works against the innovation necessary for developing and introducing new technology. The general insecurity and distrust present in the culture were found to place a negative value on those who became obvious or visible in their depar- 103 ture from customary patterns. Sensitivity to what others think further works against any individual daring to stand out as an innovator. Capital investment is limited by the resistance to change and other social forces that make change difficult. These range from limited propensity to delay gratification to the dissipation of an individual's savings through the demands of reciprocal social obligations or through the taking away by individuals with more power. Furthermore, the very concept of capital investment is foreign to the traditional culture. One extends his own production or relieves himself from expenditure of effort by commanding the labor of others--not through capital equipment. DevelOpment of improved skills, the human investment factor is hindered by many traditional orientations. These orientations include the social stigma attached to physical work and to the possession of any skills other than those associated with the working of one's own land. The impli- cations of inferiority associated with learning from another, and, in particular, the practice of learning through imitation, place substantial limitations on the potentials of the learning process and prevent the development of a body of theory that might lead to improvement of skills. 104 Barriers to Increased Energy Mobilization Social norms and religious structures limit the number of working days to about 150 per year. Thus, the total system energy available for productive ends is institu- tionally limited in the traditional society to somewhat less than 50 per cent of total potential. A further limitation on the mobilization of available energy results from the emphasis on the use of personal power as a means of acquisition. Thus, those who had power took from those who had no recourse. Historically, the peasant lived with the constant expectation that he could retain little, if any, production above that necessary for bare subsistence. The landlord and the ruler extracted their' demands for taxes and rent from the first production of the peasant. Thus, the peasant was forced to produce enough to cover his taxes and rent, plus enough for subsistence for himself and his family. While those in a position to extract their due from others could become rich, the majority were kept at subsistence level. Acquisition of Power The Ethiopian power game is clearly zero sum in that avoidance of a position where one can be subjected to power or influence is at least as important in this game as is establishing power over others. Indeed, the goal is tech- nically not influence, but rather dominance. Thus, by its nature, the net outcome of this power game for the social 105 system as a whole, cannot be positive. Like the zero sum acquisition game, the act of playing it reduces personal security and may result in destruction of property. At the same time, this game can consume a considerable portion of the total energy available to the system. Personal Security The attainment of personal security is an important (but seldom attained) goal in the traditional society, due at least in part, to the zero sum approaches to acquisition of wealth and power. Since each individual is attempting to extract from others, to establish his power and to vent his aggressions, he is dangerous to others. This naturally leads to perceptions of threat and suspicion and the generations of the very hostility that produces further perceptions of threat in others. The operation of these dynamics minimizes the attainment of personal security between strangers, neighbors and even within families and contributes to the instability of friendship relations. The two primary mechanisms used by the traditional Ethiopian to reduce threat in this situation were found to be the following: (1) to remain inconspicuous and unthreat- ening to others: and (2) to maximize personal power over others. The first alternative is inconsistent with the desire to establish power, to maximize personal wealth and to express aggressive feelings. Thus, the individual is required to pursue his acquisitive and power goals in a 106 covert manner. The overall result on a system-wide basis is to severely restrict both the total accumulation of material output and the sense of personal security of members of the system. General system theory states that properly functioning Open systems have a number of characteristics that might be called growth characteristics (4:1-10). Three such char- acteristics seem especially relevant to the concern with evaluating social system functioning. 1. They accumulate negative entropy (i.e., reduce randomness and create order in system organization) through maximizing the ratio of energy imported to energy expended, thus accumulating a surplus of stored energy for survival during crisis. 2. They move toward differentiation and elaboration in system organization. 3. In the process of accumulating negative entropy and of differentiating and elaborating, they confirm to a pattern or final goal state that is not necessarily dependent either on the initial conditions of the system or on the Specific characteristics of its environment. This characteristic is known as equifinality. These growth processes are characteristic of healty systems (8:208-214). The interruption of these processes before the full growth potential of the system is reached is ordinarily an indication of system pathology or sickness. 107 Healthy system growth is normally an orderly process leading to increase in system size and system differentiations and elaborations. These general qualities of healthy systems give a second basis for attempting to evaluate the traditional Ethiopian social system. The accumulation of negative entropy, which is a basic requirement of system growth, may be thought of in the social system in terms of saving production of food surplus beyond immediate individual needs and the accumulation of excess output for capital investment. The limited capacity for saving and capital investment in the traditional Ethiopian social system has already been discussed. Even in accumulation of excess energy in the form of stored food for periods between harvests, the traditional system has frequently proven inade- quate. The second growth characteristic, that of differentiation and elaboration with a concomitant increase in requirements for system integration, has long been absent from the tradi- tional system. Traditional orientations rather pushed the system toward maximizing independence and individual self- sufficiency except in temporary situations where extensive social pressures were activated. This greatly limited opportunities for specialization. Instances of specializa- tion in function were somewhat limited to a few artisans, to the hierarchical specialization of the nobility and to the elaborately specialized task functions assigned to servants of the nobility. 108 The inability of the system to develop elaborated, specialized structures was very much a function of the near impossibility of attaining more than minimal temporary integration with the context of distrusting psychological orientations. Increased integration, beyond that possible through the use Of power, is in large measure dependent on cooperative behavior choices by the individuals in the system. The dynamics of the traditional Ethiopian social system are quite effective in extinguishing such responses should they be attempted. A Possible Model of Student Personnel Program for Ethiopia External inputs in the form of education--modern education--have so far been important to the modernization process in Ethiopia. Inevitably, these inputs have their impact on psychological orientations and, subsequently, on the functioning of the system. However, when only pieces of one life are given up for pieces of another, the result is likely to be a dysfunctional disruption of system equili~ brium and the disruption of essential integrative mechan- isms (34:321). This is one of the strong arguments for planning the changes in psychological orientation that take place during transition in the hope of stimulating a more complete and balanced transition to a wholly new life style. In attempting to deal with the dynamics of the transi- tional experience, two questions seem to be of Special 109 importance: 1. What is the basic motive force that moves the individual members of the system to action? 2. What are the basic forces that hold the system together, i.e., what are the dynamics that maintain system integration? The ideas of Abraham H. Maslow (43, 44, 45) regarding the distinction between deficiency motivation and growth motivation provide very useful concepts for dealing with these questions in a way that is meaningful to analysis of the transitional experience. Motivation Deficiency Motivation The individual who believes he has inadequate food, Shelter and physical security generally focuses his attention almost exclusively on overcoming these basic deficiencies. His behavior is oriented toward the need for survival or at least, what he perceives as the need for survival. This leads quite naturally to self-protective and self-centered acquisitive behaviors. External cues, such as the behavior of other people, are reSponded to in terms of their potential contribution or threat to personal survival, security and acquisition. All evaluation of cues, behavior alternatives, judgments of others, and so forth, tend to be made against these self-oriented criteria. Risks such as those inherent in assuming responsibility and accepting initiative, are naturally avoided except when some more im- mediate extrinsic personal reward is to some extent assured. 110 Growth Motivation The development of growth-oriented motivation is normally dependent on prior satisfaction of deficiency needs. Once these needs are satisfied, attention can be focused more fully on the actualization of potential- ities and the exercise of one's capacities rather than on survival. The potential intrinsic satisfactions available in successfully meeting challenges, in being and becoming, take on greater importance. Growth motivation seeks more internal rewards. Externally determined rewards have relatively less potency. The desire to explore, to experi- ment, to test and to develop one's capabilities make opportunities for initiative and responsibility rewards to be sought rather than threats to be avoided. Integration Deficiency Centered Integration Deficiency orientations result in perceived conflict between self and others since perceptions of scarcity lead naturally to viewing the world in terms of competition between self and others. A signifi- cant approach-avoidance conflict is created by the desire to avoid potentially dangerous contacts with others and by the knowledge that some associations with others are essential for survival. The major control over one's behavior is fear and the desire to avoid activating aggressive or retaliatory actions on the part of others. The individual exercises restraint over his own selfish needs only when the perceived probability of unfavorable consequences for self-assertion lll become personally unacceptable. He enters into joint activities with others only when the relationships are clearly prescribed by tradition, thus involving minimum threat and where there is clear expectation of reciprocal gain. Growth Centered Integration This is based on what Maslow defines as "synergic identification with the need of others" (45:88—91). Synergic identification is present when the interests of self are seen as indistinguishable from the interests of others. The same joy can be found in helping others as in helping self. With this orientation, internal controls become a viable means of social integration. A strong internal integrity is possible that Operates in the absence of immediate personal external rewards or punish- ments. At the same time, respect for the rights and Opinions of others is maintained. Task interaction and nondefensive social interaction are commonplace in the meeting of common growth needs. Conflict resolution within this context is problem centered rather than personality or win/lose centered, thus keeping dysfunctional frictions to a minimum. Competi— tion, where it is present, takes the form of attempting to prove personal excellence rather than attempting to reduce the performance of the competitor. The traditional Ethiopian society would appear to rank fairly high on a scale of deficiency orientations and fairly low on a scale of growth orientations. This is clear in the 112 emphasis on activities that carry extrinsic rewards in the Ethiopian system and the relative absence of behaviors oriented towards intrinsic satisfactions such as achieve- ment or enjoyment. It is also clear in the types of social controls identified and the strong sanctions required to elicit cooperative behaviors (31:323). Even more important, however, is the relative absence of opportunities within the traditional society to exper- ience or become aware of alternatives to the deficiency orientations. Examples of alternatives are not commonly found either in daily life or in the Ethiopian folk litera- ture. When a society like that of Ethiopia's is wrenched from centuries of relatively stable traditional existence and becomes subjected to the compelling and generally irresistible forces of modernization, changes in psychological orientations and social systems dynamics are not only neces- sary, but inevitable (34:5). And Maslow argues that change by knowledge, by conscious control, by conscious design and planning, by science is necessary (45:248). Planned change in psychological orientations is of critical importance to the process of relatively orderly modernization in Ethiopia. Even so drastic a measure as violent political revolution is not likely to provide an alternative to this conclusion. After the collapse of the social order, there would still remain the task of finding 113 mechanisms to achieve modern social integration and of establishing a psychological commitment to them. The planned inputs for making system—wide changes in psychological orientations can be readily introduced to the social system through Ethiopia's learning institutions, mainly the university. EthiOpia has one national university in a country of 26 million pe0ple. This university is situated in the middle of a vast and varied countryside. It occupies a unique position in Ethiopia in that it has a difficult task of serving the many different peoples who inhabit that countryside. It brings under its direct influence many individuals in the Ethiopian society and both the contact of its educational program and the process through which that contact is communicated can have significant impact on psychological orientations. This study has revealed an area of great concern, that of behavior. It has revealed that EthiOpian behavior is, for the most part, disorderly, fatalistic and dysfunctional. Consequently, man in Ethiopia has suffered from poverty of mind, from diseases that could be eradicated and controlled by application of existing scientific knowledge and skill, and from hunger in a land of tremendous potential for economic development. The university, if it is to fulfill its role of national leadership, has to be intensely interested and committed to the full development of Ethiopia's youth. 114 In Ethiopia, institutions of learning have not paid attention to this very vital area of individual growth and develOpment, to matters of personal adjustment, to voca- tional and educational choices. The subject of human development is a matter of supreme importance and of high priority. As Rogers (60:387) has observed, there are many possibilities in the application of knowledge from the behavioral sciences: We can choose to use our growing knowledge to enslave people in ways never dreamed of before, depersonalizing them, controlling them by means so carefully selected that they will perhaps never be aware of their loss of personhead . . . or at the other end of the spectrum of choice, we can choose to use the behavioral sciences in ways which will free, not control: which will bring about con- structive variability, not conformity: which will develop creativity, not contentment: which will facilitate each person in his self-directed process of becoming: which will aid individuals, groups and even the concept of science to become self-transcend- ing in freshly adaptive ways of meeting life in its problems. A This section of the chapter is directed towards the problem of planning new inputs in terms of building an appropriate model of student personnel program for Ethiopia at the National University. This new program is to be a remedial, as well as, preventive and develOpmental model. Ethiopian youth-~their needs and their development-- will be the concern and focus of student personnel work in Ethiopia. This student personnel program will be based on the philOSOphy that the potential for development is already possessed by every person. A human being is not an empty vessel into which behavior or knowledge is poured through ill 1!} ||l| ll as \r , I1: ‘1: ‘ mill" 1' 1‘ 115 education, but is rather a person who is already potentially self-directing (9). Student personnel as a new emphasis in Ethiopia's education system, is to assist in developing that potential. The writer believes that there are some concepts that are vitally important for Ethiopia's youth if they are to free themselves from a disorderly and dysfunctional behavior. Ethiopian youth have to know how to learn right, think right, reason and argue right, plan and decide right if they are to succeed in life and if Ethiopia is to grow and advance socially, culturally and economically. The following are some specific concepts that are to be taught to EthiOpia's youth through the establishment of a student personnel program. The Self-Concept According to psychologists, the g2}: is a useful concept for explaining behavior. People have certain beliefs about themselves and try to act in ways that are consistent with them. This organization of ideas about who and what a person believes and feels himself to be as an individual is called the self-concept (21:7). It answers the question ”Who am 1?". A sense of self-worth seems to underly much of the psychological functioning of man. His emotional stability seems dependent on the possession of a sense of his own competence or mastery over his environment and a sense of the worth of his own being (34:262). {I'll} I‘I \ l‘ 116 Though it might be claimed that much of the thrust of modern education focuses on teaching tools for mastery over one's environment, the first lesson that the Ethiopian students learn is that their country is technologically inferior, that their government is based on obsolete theories of authority and the rights of man and that they, as individ- uals, have a very limited command of the concepts and skills essential to the performance of productive roles in a modern society. A cultural background in which there is little concept of a straight line, no exposure to technology more complex than a wooden plow and punishment for children who ask questions leave them ill-prepared for rapid acquisition of the knowledge of modernity. Furthermore, all this know- ledge, until the recent introduction of Amharic as the lan- guage of instruction in the elementary schools, had to be acquired through the English language--a language as foreign to them as Arabic would be to a U.S. child. Finally, they have a few role models from their own society whom they can point to as examples of individuals from similar backgrounds who have successfully made their mark in the modern world. The self-images of Ethiopians are idealized. The idealized self is the image of oneself in the irrational imagination (31:158). A person may get this irrational image because he believes he should be something that others in his life expect him to become. Within the EthiOpian traditional society, there were several forces that would tend to support the development of 117 an idealized self-concept. Opportunities for developing a reality based sense of individual competence were, in the past, generally limited to the warrior. The discussion of Chapter 2 of this study would suggest that the traditional Ethiopian's physical and psychological identity was constantly subjected to threats from the physical and verbal aggressions of hostile others. Under such circumstances, one of the key defense mechanisms avail- able to the student is to develop an idealized self-image which provides a sense of identity and minimal psychological protection of the ego. This image for the traditional Ethiopian, consistent with the values of the traditional society, would probably be one of altruism, competence, calm, reserve and physical strength. Where reality provides constant disconfirmations of such a self-image, a barrier must be erected between the image and external reality if the image is to be maintained. Many of the interaction patterns in the Ethiopian traditional society confirm the above argument. The concern with and sensitivity to insult most likely grew out of the fragile basis of the self-concept. An insult is a discon- firmation of one's idealized self-concept or identity and, thus, assumes a great psychological importance when self- doubts exist as to the validity of this identity. Among the possible defenses are a rejection of the source through counter-insult or a destruction of the source through physical aggression. 118 In the presence of such an idealized self-concept, Ethiopian students fail to recognize and correct their failings and weaknesses. The errors, failings and selfish motives of others are very evident to another. But, an Ethiopian will feel insult from the awareness of his own shortcomings. In order to maintain an idealized concept of his competence in the face of disconfirming evidence, the individual will seek explanations for his failures in ex- ternal causes that are beyond his personal control. His problems and failures will be attributed to the innocent or intentionally malevolent actions of others, thus, the per- ceived weaknesses of others can, in themselves, become a confirmation of the relative value of the self. According to Horney, the real self is the "original" force toward individual growth and fulfillment with which we may achieve full identification (31:159). This original force is the spontaneous energy which flows from the true abilities and interests which every person has. The real self represents a person's actual or potential abilities and resources for growth and self-fulfillment. An Ethiopian does not usually ask questions such as "Who am I?" or "What am I doing here?, Where am I going?”. He does not ask why he behaves the way he behaves. Blocher states that without some answers to questions like the above, many people seem unable to provide organization to their lives or to attach personal meaning to the events and experiences that confront them (5:8). 119 With the establishment of a student personnel program, the Ethiopian student could be helped to discover and under- stand himself progressively. Through a rich program of experiences and skillful counseling, Ethiopia's youth may acquire an understanding of themselves, their abilities, interests, motivations and limitations. With such under- standing, the student becomes ready to make long-range life plans: he acquires the understandings and skills necessary to cope with life problems: he learns to face and solve his own personal problems: he grows personally and, in the pro- cess, makes constructive social contributions. In order to bring about the development of this vital concept, Ethiopian student personnel will have to do the following: 1. Provide appropriate services for testing and appraisal: and 2. Provide skilled counselors trained in the art and science of stimulating and promoting self-understanding. It has already been stated in this study, that Ethiopians do suffer from a disorderly and dysfunctional behavior. In this process of self-discovery and self-understanding, an EthiOpian youth needs to say, “I need to change if I am to get done what I want to get done". This seems to be an essential step for any significant change. Through effective counseling, Ethiopian youth could be helped to define difficulties, search for causes, learn personal evaluation process and search for more effective and functional behavior. 120 Concept of Personal Relationships Robert W. White (71:382) states that ”reSponding to people in their own right as new individuals is not easy even for the most socially seasoned adult”. This is a difficult human achievement. White refers to the freeing of personal relationships as one of the growth trends and describes it in the follow- ing manner: Under reasonably favorable circumstances during young adulthood, the natural growth of personality moves in the direction of human relationships that are increasingly responsive to the other person's real nature. Such a trend undoubtedly can extend through the whole course of life and relatively mature relation- ships are not impossible to adolescence. In general, however, social interaction in adole- scence is apt to be marked by impulsive incon- siderateness and egocentricity, even when it is not burdened by anxiety or neurotic inhibitions. The youngster tends to be so immersed in his own behavior, so intent on the impression he is making or the point he is trying to put across, that he fails to perceive clearly the people around him. During young adulthood, there usually proves to be still a good deal to learn before one truly interacts with others in their own rights as individuals. As a person moves in this direction, he develOps a greater range and flexibility of responses. He notices more things in the people with whom he interacts and becomes more ready to make allowance for their characteristics in his own behavior. Human relations become less anxious, less defensive, less burdened by inap- prOpriate past reactions. They become more friendly, warm and reSpectful . . . In short, the person moves in the direction of increased capacity to live in real relationship with the people immediately around him. (pages 385-386) Chickering (7:94) states that such growth as the above. involves two discriminable aSpects: (a) increased tolerance and reSpect for those of different backgrounds, habits, 121 values and appearance: and (b) a shift in the quality of relationships with intimates and close friends. The Ethiopian student needs to develop a sense of identity of belonging to, of living with and of caring about others. There are many ethnic groups in Ethiopia and an EthiOpian of one ethnic group needs help to accept other ethnic groups as fellowman and fellow Ethiopians. Bennett says that ”learning to understand self and others are recip- rocal processes". An acceptance attitude toward others engendered by the attempt to understand them fosters good human relationships which are a means of self-development and maturing for everyone. Ethiopian students Of different ethnic backgrounds could be brought together through group counseling sessions so that they could be given the Opportunity to air and ventilate their feelings freely. Driver (14:22-23) believes that such a human relations approach in group counseling to personal growth could accomplish the following objectives: 1. Participants will feel comfortable about themselves. a. They are not bowled over by their own emotions, by their fears, angers, loves, jealousies, guilts or worries. b. They can take life's disappointments in their stride. c. They have a tolerant, easy-going attitude toward themselves as well as others: they can laugh at themselves. 122 d. They neither underestimate or overestimate their abilities. e. They can accept their own shortcomings. f. They have self-reSpect. g. They feel able to deal with most situations that come their way. 2. They feel right about other people. a. They are able to give love and to consider the interests of others. b. They have personal relationships that are satisfying and lasting. c. They expect to like and trust others and take it for granted that others will take and trust them. d. They do not push people around nor do they allow themselves to be pushed around. e. They respect the many differences they find in peOple. f. They feel a sense of responsibility to their neighbors and fellowmen. Skill Development The psychological importance of developing useful Skills is significant. The Ethiopian's idealized self-image which constitutes a major barrier to realistic self-assessment and self-improvement is basically a mechanism for protecting the self from feelings of inade~ quacy, impotence and limited worth in a threatening and unresponsive world. As one's actual competence is developed and recognized, there is less need to rely on imagination to overcome these feelings. The development of such com- petence should be one of the primary objectives of the educational process in a modernizing society. 123 A. Skill in Problem Solving EthiOpia is a land burdened with many superstitions and unscientific beliefs. There are hundreds of such commonly held beliefs by EthiOpians that do affect their attitudes and behaviors throughout their lives. Unscientific, irrational and illogical thinking will, of course, interfere with the learning processes and impede growth. Albert Ellis (18) who maintains the position that irrational thinking originates in the early illogical learn- ing that the individual is biologically disposed toward and that he acquires more specifically from his parents and his culture, also argues that ”irrational beliefs create dys- functional consequences". Ellis believes that since man is a rational being, he could be helped to learn to avoid emotional disturbance by thinking rationally. His A.B.C. approach to human personality and disturbance promises a strong alternative of rational and scientific approach to solving problems in the Ethiopian situation. The following figure summarizes the working of this approach. .eonenunumwo one muwaenomuem seen: 0» noeoumme 01min nn .H ensmwm .Amv muoemwe anuaeen mHHeOHoOHonommm one gowns muow>enen eueflnmonmme one mmefiaen eanflmnem nmwaneume on menu we on .Hnmmmeoonm neon men xoeuue menu mono .AQV Eon» mnauSMmHo an mmewaon Henofluenufi man xoeuue on oeH en oHnoo nowhem < nuaeem wooHonowmm , epnmmfln eonefluemxm o mnHue>wuo< 124 U m fl .xov eonennsumfio one as ufiemeu on nee eonewuemxe =OflueEneHu= emneo pen» Amv mmeflaen HenOHueuufl n30 m.eno ma pH .mueoanonm n30 ma: non: maeuenom euem m.nomuem e How muwawnwmnommeu on» meoeam noeoumme HenOfiueu .U.m.« Amwmounezv AmnOfluHumueonmv meonenoemnoo mmefiaem eonefluemxm HenoHuoem HenowueuHH mnwue>wuo¢ 125 B. Skill in Communication Although this is an era of change, prevailing social structures in EthiOpia can serve to hamper the diffusion of innovations. Activities in education, agriculture and medicine could be without the benefit of the most current research knowledge. The gap between what is known and what is effectively put to use needs to be closed (61:1). To bridge this gap, a country like EthiOpia must understand how new ideas Spread from their source to potential receivers and understand the factors affecting the adoption of such innovations. Communication is the process by which messages are transferred from a source to a receiver. The communication process could be looked at in terms of the oversimplified, but useful S-M-C-R model. A source(S) sends a message(M) via certain channels(C) to the receivingindividuals(R). One can easily see how communication factors are vitally involved in many aSpects of the decision processes which together make up social change: a farmer's decision to move to the city or to participate in a government program or the decision of a husband and wife to engage in family planning. In each of these instances, a message(M) is conveyed to individuals(R) via commgnication channels(C) from a source individual(S) which causes the receivers to change an existing behavior pattern (61:11). Speaking for an open communication system, Crookston (12) says that "free flow of data leads to realistic goal 126 setting and sound decision making based on adequate inform- ation". He continues that in contrast is the restricted communication resulting from fear and distrust often typified in bureaucratic organizations where the "news is managed", games are played and strategies employed. The zero sum quality of the Ethiopian life game has already been noted and discussed. A strong sense of dis- trust, fear and mutual suSpicion is widely Spread in Ethiopian society. On the whole, Ethiopians are very secretive. They are usually indirect and ambiguous in their dealings with one another. They are given more to violent arguments than peaceful and constructive discussions. In an environment of constant fear and distrust, con- stant concern for self-protection becomes a requisite for survival. One means of self-defense used in the Ethiopian culture is verbal ambiguity in communication. This is referred to as sem-enna-wopq (wax and gold). Sem-enna worq is the creation of the Amhara who have been the most dominant ethnic groups in Ethiopia. It is a poetic formula used by the Amhara to symbolize their favorite form of verse. It is a form built of two semantic layers. The apparent figurative meaning of the words is called ggg (wax): their more or less hidden actual significance is the worg (gold). 127 In essence, Egg and gglg is simply a more refined and stylized manifestation of the Amhara's basic manner of communicating. This manner is indirect and secretive. Wax and gold approach embodies this fundamental indirection in Speech by means of the studied use of ambi- guity. The Amhara is usually tight-lipped and evasive when confronted by questions he does not feel like answering. He also finds pleasure in stubbornly withholding his meaning from his audience through employing figures and allusions which no one can understand. Two-way communication among the Amhara is frequently colored by a biting and intrusive manner (38:230). Amharic conversation usually gravitates toward a highly argumentative style. Casual disagreement or even neutral deliberation over a common problem often engenders a kind of protracted bicker- ing to which the Amhara have given an onomatOpoetic name, “chiquechiq". In its more institutionalized form, this argumentativeness becomes litigation. Litigation is one of the most prominent forms of inter- action among Ethiopians. One can scarcely Spend a day in the Ethiopian countryside without encountering litigants, whether under a tree, at a marketplace or in some courtyard. In so far as Ethiopia is committed to the pursuit of modernity, she cannot fail to be embarrassed to some extent by the wax and gold complex. For nothing could be more at odds with the ethos of modernization, if not with its actuality, than a cult of ambiguity (38:10). This ambiguity 128 and acquivocation symbolized by the Amharic formula wax and gold, stands in Opposition to the semantic dimen- sion of modernization which, because of the ascendance of technology, contractual relations and bureaucratic organ- ization, places great stress on the unambiguous use of language (38:16). Addressing himself to this question of ambiguity, Levine further states: If the aim of modern culture is a fuller life for man, it neglects its ends if strictly cognitive and instrumental considerations become so dominant that its very matrix becomes flat and dry. For modernity to be complete, the tremendous evocative powers imminent in language must also be unleashed... The distrust of ambiguity arises in a modernizing society because those processes most obviously associated with the culture of modernity--chiefly those having to do with rational mastery over the environment and the rational coordination of human activities-~take place in contexts where unambiguous communication is imperative (38:17). Ambiguity, violent arguments and litigations are, obviously, obstacles to communication and understanding. Barnlund and Haiman (1:266) advance two simple but very important skills in communication: listening and speaking. To discuss effectively requires ability to function with skill in both roles. For Ethiopians to learn to listen and communicate effectively is going to be a Slow process. Through student personnel programs of group discussions and group counseling, Ethiopian youth could be taught this vital skill and help them develOp the spirit of teamwork, cooperation and sharing. 129 Thus, they will have the unique opportunity to explore and discover together. Speaking of the importance of communication, Paulo Freire (24:112-113) states: Men, as beings, cannot be truly human apart from communication for they-are essentially com- municative creatures. To impede communication is to reduce men to the status of "things". Development of Values and Decision-Making If the main goal of student personnel in Ethiopia is development of youth, then the question of values will be an area of chief concern. If EthiOpia's university is deeply interested in the growth of youth, the betterment of society and improve- ment of national and international relationships, then it should place Special emphasis on values. The university needs to study these values that give meaning and purpose to living and it should attempt to incorporate them into its total educational program. Emphasizing the reSponsibility of a university with regards to values, Bryan Wilson (74:30) states: We cannot, in fact, avoid having some concep- tion of what is good for students if we have to run institutions of higher education: if we seek to escape it, we are abdicating our reSponsibility. Every activity within the university setting does re- flect some kind of value judgments. Thus, education is a moral activity in that choices between better and worse must constantly be made. Instruction is inherently moral because it is aimed at the improvement of the student and improvement is a moral concept concerned with value judgment. 130 Perhaps no other fact of life has provided man with greater challenge than the questions: (a) "What is right and what is wrong?" and (b) "What is good and what is bad?". Wrong decisions about such issues lead to wrong living and this, in turn, may bring about failure in life. What will be the role of student personnel at Ethiopia's National University in the development of values and value "judgments"? The climate of the university is one of the greatest factors in inducing change in the student. If Ethiopia's university is truly concerned with the responsibility to guide its youth in achieving sound values, it must set the stage of this moral awakening by having a clearly well- defined model with well-defined values cherished by it. Student personnel could play a major role in such a meaning- ful enterprise. When this institution makes such a stand, those students who will come to it by their own volitions will reinforce its model by demanding experiences commensu- rate with it and exhibiting behavior that demonstrates their willingness to identify with it. Another major factor is a person-centered environment rather than a mass-centered one. Here, student personnel people have to function along with the faculty and the cur- riculum in order to provide the person-centered environ— ment (3). Both student personnel people and faculty can explore with their students questions such as: 1. What is the nature of EthiOpia's traditional 131 culture and what are its more enduring beliefs and values? 2. What aSpects of modern culture are of interest to the society and what are the processes by which they are introduced and institutionalized? One place where this person-centered approach could be utilized is the classroom. There are three basic factors that play an important role in the development of values in the context of the classroom (59): 1. Factual information: 2. Personal sensitivity to the use Of knowledge: and 3. A capacity for critical analysis of conflicting issues requiring the use of knowledge. There is little question that the average student readily achieves the first factors. Achievement of the second and third require considerable intent, thought and planning. A student may or may not arrive in a course with pre-established sensitivity to its focus. Certainly, however, the instructor has an opportunity and obligation not only to arouse the student's interest, but also to create in him an awareness of the implications of all that he learns. Avoiding sole use of the lecture method is the first step in setting the stage for improving personal sensitivity to facts. Posing questions which require consideration of appropriate factual information in a social context of com- munity, nation and world becomes an important second step. A comfortable classroom climate exists when the professor 132 manifests genuine interest in the student and conveys a willingness to give advice, exhibits patience in posing and answering questions and expresses desire to stimulate interest and intellectual curiosity. Learning rests on this human factor in student-teacher relationships. Education certainly is not a process analogous to that of pouring a sub- stance from one vessel into another (47). Students should be encouraged to raise questions in the process of searching for the application of Specific knowledge to societal use. Through this process they may achieve a perSpectiveness of their world which aids in developing personal sensitivity. Efforts to increase the student's personal sensitivity re- sult, in part, in improving his ability to think. Seeking answers to his questions about the practical use of informa- tion requires a student to exercise his ability to examine issues carefully. Because values are more likely to develop from matters which are of central concern, the instructor is obliged to guide the selection of issues to those which are perceived by the student as important. When presenting an issue, the instructor must be pre- pared to assist students in: 1. Identifying the focus of the question: 2. Providing general factual information related to it: 3. Identifying preliminary solutions: 4. Pinpointing conflicts inherent in each solution: 5. Ascertaining further knowledge Specifically related to existing conflicts: and 133 6. Applying principles of several value commitments in reaching a tentative final solution (59:96). An approach like the above naturally guides the Ethiopian student toward increased concern for human issues, but also helps him to understand his personal responsibility for the use of knowledge. He is then able to derive princi- ples that guide him in reaching a solution consonant with the ideals of the society in which he lives. A young man needs to seek and find his direction in life. He needs professional assistance in the development of self-direction. He also needs to realize the hazards of certain directions in life and must have the assistance of educators in making the right decisions. Student personnel people and other educators at Ethiopia's National University are, by the very definition Of their social task, moral agents engaged in the work of helping to develop better people. They have a unique opportunity and responsibility for guiding students toward moral maturity by teaching them, through all the different subjects of instruction, the habits of making wise decisions. Phenix (56) states that the most important product of education is a constructive, consistent and compelling system of values around which personal and social life may be organized. Unless teaching and learning provide such a focus, all the particular knowledge and skills acquired may become worse than useless. Phenix continues by saying that IIII<| ‘ 134 an educated man whose information ability is directed to no personally appropriated worthy end, is a menace to himself and society. Educational and Vocational Choices In Ethiopia, learning institutions have introduced young peOple to new subject matters that were not known to the pre- vious generations. Fields Such as engineering, medicine, education, law, agriculture, et cetera, are fairly new and not fully understood even by Ethiopian students. Furthermore, the very notion of vocation itself--of a life work as some- thing one chooses, trains for in a Specific manner and derives satisfaction from pursuing--is also new. . The writer has already examined the working of Ethiopia's social system. The cultural orientation has instilled in youth, the need for subordination to legal authority. For the most part, decisions with regards to such matters as vocation, wife, religion and education are still the reSpon- sibility of parents and political and religious leaders. The schools have not provided the educational opportuni- ties and experiences to Ethiopia's youth to mature out Of this essentially passive, receptive and dependent posture. Neither have they aimed at improving the negative social attitude toward work. When the problems of the development of an emerging nation like Ethiopia are discussed, some of the first to come are mechanical. A typical observation is that most 135 of Ethiopia's populations have not been exposed to mech- anical tinkering in childhood. As a consequence, they have been deprived of a familiarity with man-machine relations that even the unskilled enjoy in industrial society. Then there is the problem of attitude toward labor in Ethiopia. Only the occupations of warfare, the clergy and farming the lands one's family have generally been consid- ered honorable. Most other forms of work have been regarded as degrading on various levels. This attitude has repre- sented a major problem in developing man-machine relations because the traditional reaction to the manufacture of even simple tools such as plow-points, axes, pots, tanned goods, et cetera, has been the more skilled the work, the more degrading. Skills involving ironsmiths, pottery makers and tanners have generally been looked down upon. There has always been the belief that these craftsmen must be in league with the power of the "evil eye” and can, therefore, bewitch and sicken anyone on whom their eye falls. Consequently, there has been social distance which prevents intertwining nearby residences and, of course, intermarriage outside the caste. How the nation of EthiOpia develops and utilizes its human resources must be determined not just by political powers, but by millions of individual decisions. Each individual must count. These decisions, each made indivi- dually and each made in terms of the individual's own interest, Opportunities, aspirations and capabilities, col- 136 lectively determine the nation's development and utilization of human resources. Providing one with freedom and Opportunity to make vocational choices is recognizing the human worth and poten- tial of an individual. This, in turn, could result in an enormous dividend to the nation of Ethiopia. The net result of all of the millions of individual decisions could give the nation a very large number of educated and competent teachers, doctors, lawyers, engineers, scientists, scholars, diplomats, legislators and leaders in other human endeavors. Probably no other step a young person takes is as crucial for the total significance of his life as the choice of work, including the educational preparation for it. Therefore, a student personnel program could have a Special Significance and meaning for the EthiOpian university student with regards to career development. Most of Ethiopia's university students come to the nation's only university without Specific plans and under- standing of themselves in relation to the world of work. A student personnel program could have a tremendous opportunity and responsibility to see to it that university students have access to useful and accurate information about opportunities, requirements and training for various occupations appropriate to their possible levels of vocational preparation. An approach to career development could be designed to meet the career needs of Ethiopian students. This career 13? preparation has to be viewed not just as a short-term proposition, but as a four-year process. A program such as the one Shown in Figure 2 is one alternative that could be geared to meet the needs of EthiOpian youth (53). Buildinngxpectations The admissions stage to the university seems to be very crucial for the Ethiopian students. For most of the students, the university's living and learning environment is a new experience. Ethiopia's university, through a student personnel program, must help its students pre-assess what ex- periences they can expect to have during the college days. Self-Assessment Concepts Such as evaluation and assessment are new for the Ethiopian student. The first task for the student at the college must be to assess himself. To be able to select appropriate career goals, a student must first know himself, his particular interests, abilities, values and background. Through the curriculum, personal and ground counseling, vocational tests, interaction with faculty and staff, the student can clarify values and explore tentative major areas. Hypothesis Formation On the basis of his self-assessment, the Ethiopian student will gather information about the real world, form- ing career hypotheses which are tentative ideas of where he 138 m3ea>ueunH msmEeUIno m3efl> :HeunH x002 .meSfimem .mnenflsem .mnfixeem non Hoonom evesoeuu no oawoz xMOB nw nofluoewoum meOHSOmem huwnnsfioo amass moses“ noose oases eoaonu mo aoaaeem been unefimoHebea Heeueu How neam n muneonum .mmeum mnoum Ho . humane“ sewgeunH Hesofibwonfllmnaaemnnou mnmaeo mo munoa uoflnem Hownnn Heuueflmsez huasoem one muoem mnwaemnnou menenn Heeueo nods noauoeueunH nofimmflsoeleum SuwaneoH unefimmemmn nowuewnefluo one nfieamxm OHHueEonOSmm nesnmeum maeow Heeueo e>aueunea mo unefimmemmnlmaem mnofiueuoemxm unesnmflaneumm owumfiaeem oafinm eHoEonmom neenmeuh wuunmlewm .N ensmwm mseumoum noflueuneseamfiH mxmea Heuneamoaeben emeaaoo nw new» 139 can fit into the real world. Academic advising is very crucial here as the student solidifies major plans. Reality Testing If self-assessments are valid, the student must con- front the world as a participant. Such encounters can be accomplished through field experiences--Ethiopian University Service (EUS). SellinggSelf When the student has made a career decision, the next step is to "sell himself" to an employer. Specifically, he needs to know about appropriate job-seeking techniques and behaviors Such as writing resumes, correSpondence and inter- ‘ views. Seminars, workshops, role-playing and on-campus mock and real interviews with recruiters provide him with these learning eXperiences. This culminates in placement into graduate school, work or other alternatives. Strategy for Student Personnel Impgct Since the field of student personnel is new in Ethiopia, the writer has chosen to move toward establishing this new program with the strategy and policy of one-step-at-a-time. Step I - University Staff Involvement The first step will be to form a Special committee made of EthiOpia's university faculty. This committee will be asked to begin studying and exploring the area of student “1v 140 development. Working with such a committee, the writer will have the Opportunity to inform them what student personnel is all about. This is very crucial. The purpose of such a committee is to help create com— munication and understanding within the academic circle and the university community in general. There has to be com- plete understanding that the establishment of a new program like student personnel will not take away anything from any- one. Such a program is a new effort focused on develOpment of Ethiopia's youth and that all involved and mobilized can play an effective role in its establishment. Step II - Involvement of Expatriate Staff The second step in this effort to establish a student personnel program is to recruit expatriate personnel in the field of student personnel from American universities. As has already been noted, the concept of the univer- sity is still fairly new in Ethiopia. Establishment of a student personnel program will be an added responsibility. Establishment of student personnel in EthiOpia will require experience and expertise. Therefore, recruitment of expat- riate staff from the United States is justifiable. Step III - Egtablish Student Personnel Program The matter of consideration here is not establishing a full-fledged student personnel program with all its elements as it is known today in a major U.S. university. Again, the strategy here is to start out first with one aspect of 141 student personnel followed by others over a period-of time as budget and trained personnel become available. Since the main focus of this study has been on behavior change and human development, the writer believes that establishment of a student counseling center should receive the highest priority. At this stage, the expatriate Staff will play a major role in terms of assisting to organize this first counseling program at Ethiopia's National University. Philosophy, goals and objectives of this program will be established. The university community will be informed about this counseling program through the university paper and through a well prepared brochure. Such a brochure will attempt to communicate to the students that counseling is devoted to a particular set of needs: 1. The need to clarify or understand alternatives, dilemmas, perplexities, uncertainties, questions, crises; and 2. The need to plan, the need to be listened to or to sort out what's troubling the student when he feels uneasy and doesn't know why. There needs to be understanding on the part of the stu- dents that the counseling program is concerned with questions of work, study, vocation and through all these, one's rela- tions to others, oneself and life. Every attempt will be made through a brochure and other available means to inform the university community that the purpose of the counseling center is to help the student make 142 the most of his college experience. This counseling center can assist him to: 1. Think through and identify possible solutions to personal and social difficulties interfering with his edu- cational experience: 2. Plan his long-term educational and career goals: 3. Gain a better understanding of his interests, abili- ties, strengths and weaknesses: 4. Understand the reasons for his problems of learning and help him improve his study skills and attitudes: and 5. Cope with issues and tackle problems independently and in organized ways. The focus throughout this study has been on behavior change and human develOpment. An attempt has been made to identify Ethiopia's behavior problems and the critical contri- butions that student personnel can make. While at the outset, one might conclude that the proce- dures outlined in this study are simple, the problems of implementation should not be underestimated. The patterns of behavior developed over a lifetime and supported by centuries of tradition cannot be changed in a few days or even a few years. The individual who is under- going the transition from traditional to modern life is faced with changes far more disorienting and unsettling than most any of those described by Alvin Toffler (70) in his work on FUTURE SHOCK. To suddenly wrench a man, for whom change has been defined by the cycle of the seasons, from a way of life 143 similar to that of Biblical times and cast him with little warning and often little or no preparation into the 20th century is to risk subjecting him to a state of future shock of an intensity that few modern men can ever know. The problems of this transition may be eased significantly if the rules of the new game are defined for him as clearly and simply as possible. Regardless of the procedures used, resistance may be expected as a matter of routine. Furthermore, as in all efforts at behavior change, some individuals will respond readily and others not at all. The writer believes that skill, strategy, perfect timing and patience are required over extended periods of time. CHAPTER V SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS This has been an exploratory study on the need and possibility of establishing a student personnel program in Ethiopia. A country such as Ethiopia which is seeking sustained growth and develOpment, faces great difficulties and challenges which run to the most basic behavioral orientations of its citizens. The changes which are re- quired are as deep as the problems. While some progress is possible with minimal change at the deeper levels, the real goal is the develOpment of a dynamic, self-sustaining, growth oriented social system which is not dependent on external manipulation for its continued develOpment. This goal is dependent on the complete re-orientation of the individuals within the system. This requires a sustained commitment to education and to personal development and growth processes geared to overcoming existing barriers and moving toward clearly defined goals. 144 145 Chapter 2 of this study examined existing barriers to change as they are found in Ethiopia's social system. Examination of this traditional system has indicated the presence of a "pathology" in the system--a disordered and dysfunctional behavior resulting in dysfunctional conse- quences. In a social system, each individual introduced into the system represents an energy potential. If fully activated or motivated, the maximum energy potential may be released. If unactivated or unmotivated, this potential for a given time period is lost just as is the energy potential of water which has already passed over the dam. The released human energy may be consumed in the effort to accomplish social goals, consumed in the attainment of extraneous goals or otherwise dissipated as through friction between individuals within the system. This study has revealed the workings of Ethiopia's social system and its inability to activate the tremendous energy potential as represented in each individual. Further- more, this study has shown that the Ethiopian traditional system is oriented toward survival rather than growth. This study has examined Ethiopia's education system-- both traditional church schools and the modern school system. This was done to determine if there has been an interaction between the education system and the social beliefs and values. 146 Ethiopia's church schools have the distinction of dating back many centuries possessing their own highly developed written language and a body of literature com- prising religious and historical works. Until this century, such schools were the only available institutions of learn- ing. Literacy was confined to the ecclesiastical products of these schools although the children of the nobility were often educated in monasteries for a time as part of their general training as members of the elite. In general, those who went to the schools went to enter a church or monastery. The skills of literacy were employed either there or in the services of the governing class as in the drawing up of land charters, official documents and Similar activities. The facilities did not Spread very far for the church schools were by definition, for the recruitment of the church. It was not until about 1908 that Ethiopia introduced a modern education system under the leadership of Menelik II. AS long as communication and interchange with the outside world was limited, Ethiopia remained insulated from the developments of modernization and change that were trans- forming other parts of the world. However, once Emperor Menelik II and subsequently, Haile Selassie, decided to open Ethiopia's borders to foreign influence and to proceed with modernization, an irrevocable process was set in motion. The encounter by a growing number of Ethiopians with modern education has produced new sets of input experiences, new opportunities, new wants, new frustrations and new chal- 147 lenges. The modern schools, the Ethiopian National Univer- sity in particular, the sole institution of higher learning in Ethiopia, has exposed its students to extensive foreign influence. A new spirit of intellectual inquiry and a new sense of political awareness has been stimulated by the contribution of foreign teachers and foreign-trained Ethiopians who comprise its faculty. Some of the most basic concepts so vitally important for the development of healthy, effective and growth-oriented behaviors, have been identified in this study as being lacking in Ethiopian culture. Self-Concept Self-images of EthiOpians are idealized. This has created barriers such as basic lack of self-confidence. And this lack of self-confidence which lies beneath the calm exterior pride of the idealized self-image, creates hesita- tion to undertake any task which might lead to disconfirming failure. Concept of Personal Relationships An Ethiopian lives in a world of constant fear and dis- trust of others. This fear of others extends from fear of criticism, which is also tied to the self-concept problem, to fear of punishment and fear of aggressive acts of others which might result from stimulating feelings of jealousy or threat. 148 Skill Development Areas in which Ethiopian culture shows great deficiency are skill in problem solving and skill in communication. There are thousands of unscientific beliefs commonly held by Ethiopians that do affect their attitudes and behav- iors throughout their lives. And these irrational and unscientific beliefs create dysfunctional consequences. EthiOpians have not yet acquired the scientific approach to solving problems. Another area of skill deficiency is that of communica- tion. As has already been noted, a strong sense of distrust, fear and mutual suSpicion is wideSpread in Ethiopian society. In such an environment of constant fear and distrust, constant. concern for self-protection becomes a requisite for survival. One means of self-defense in Ethiopian culture is ambiguity in communication. This manner of communicating is indirect and secretive. Such ambiguity has resulted in lack of mean- ingful communication and understanding among Ethiopians. Values and Decision-Making The Ethiopian way of doing things is governed more by beliefs and habits than by principles and sound value judg— ments. Independent search and investigation for meaning and understanding are not present in Ethiopian culture. In Ethiopian schools, the tendency is toward memorization as 149 contrasted to understanding. The words are learned, but they have no meaning to the learner. Educational and Vocational Choices Probably no other step a young man takes is as crucial for the total Significance of his life as the choice of work, including the educational preparation for it. In Ethiopia, fields such as medicine, engineering, education, law, agriculture, et cetera, are new. Also, the very notion of vocation itself--of a life work as something one chooses, trains for in a specific manner and derives satisfaction from pursuing-~is also new. The Ethiopian cultural orientations have resulted in dysfunctional behavior patterns which have set so many limitations on its individuals. Ethiopia's learning insti- tutions have not been focusing on the greatest enterprise-- TEE and his development. Education has been used mainly for political ends as a primary factor in centralization, but has not, however, increased commensurately with the needs of the population (26). The emphasis and concentra- tion of education has been on academic themes. The curriculum is laid down by specialists who have little or no knowledge of the rural scene and often little or no knowledge of the classroom, either. In a social system of the size and complexity of a nation, system change is particularly dependent on changes 150 in the individual elements or persons of which it is com- prised. Basic structural changes in the system can only be imposed by a superior outside force or through the process of revolution during which the society destroys its own previous internal structure. Both of these latter altern- atives carry extremely high economic and social costs and neither promises that a more effective or efficient structure will result. The View taken here is that the primary means available for productively re-orienting the basic psychological orien- tations within a society such as Ethiopia are the use of carefully planned educational alternatives and measures. Establishing student personnel in Ethiopia is one such educational measure for promoting new psychological orienta- tions and new behavior alternatives. It has been the writer's argument in this study that if Ethiopia is to develop and grow, its individuals have to develop first. The individual counts. The individual is important. How Ethiopia develops and utilizes its human resources must be determined not just by political powers, but by millions of individual decisions. Each Ethiopian does count. These decisions, each made individually and each made in terms of the individual's own interests, opportunities, aspirations and capabilities, collectively determine Ethio- pia's development and proper utilization of human resources. 151 In the final analysis, the essence of Ethiopia's strength and security must be in the full development of its individuals. BI BLI OGRAPHY l. 2. 3. 10. ll. 12. BIBLIOGRAPHY Barlund, D.C. and F. S. Haiman. The Dynamics of Discussion. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1960. Bennett, M. E. Guidance and Counseling in Groups. New York: McGraw-Hill Books, 1963. Berdie, R. F. 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What kinds of short-comings do you see in our edu- cation system? 5. a) Are we teaching our children to meet problems and challenges with courage and competence? b) Does the present system play an important role in preparing our youth for some meaningful future involvement? 6. The past still weighs heavily on Ethiopia and Ethiopian behavior is highly conditioned by cultural exper- iences and values. What kind of interaction is there between Ethiopia's traditional culture and the modern school system? 158 159 B. Ethiopia's Youth (Students) Problems 1. What are the problems and unique needs of Ethiopia's youth? 2. a) What kinds of concepts and attitudes do Ethiopian students maintain towards ypgg, OOOperation and reSponsibility and self-discovery? b) Self-discovery: Has the Ethiopian student begun to uncover his strengths, his limitations and what he is all about? c) Cooperation (sharing of purposes): Does the Ethiopian student have the ability to perceive the inter- dependence of his aspirations with those of others? d) ReSponsibility: Is the Ethiopian student willing and able to undertake responsibility for the well-being of his own immediate community, of his nation? Does he willingly assume tasks which do not return him an immediate personal reward? C. Student Personnel for Student Development 1. How do you feel about the establishment of Student Personnel Programs such as counseling and guidance, placement, et cetera, in Ethiopia, primarily at Ethiopia's National University? 2. a): To what kinds of behavior and developmental needs Should our counseling program be geared? b) What are your opinions about assisting Ethiopian students in the investigation of career opportunities? 160 3. What kinds of educational and psychological orien- tations and experiences could we provide to help develop functional and effective behaviors in Ethiopia's youth? “Mime“