This is to certify that the dissertation entitled Psychological Features of Rape Victims: Trauma, Counseling, and Recovery presented by Judith A. Smith has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D. degree in Psychology @27/fz MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 042771 MSU RETURNING MATERIALS: Place in book drop to remove this checkout from 1 ARIE £5; your record. F____INES will be charged if book is returned after the date stamped below. "flax 7. ,. W iéo a is”; 21083015” l og/ ~€J ‘ .1' 'r' w ' ‘ 4- mg» g i (when ‘3 Eon A153 We- " ' Nils) a 2., .‘ 5 .'x 6665' . MmAJQ~¢fl ‘X D 15} PSYCHOLOGICAL FEATURES OF RAPE VICTIMS: TRAUMA, COUNSELING, AND RECOVERY By Judith Anne Smith A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Clinical Psychology 1982 ABSTRACT PSYCHOLOGICAL FEATURES OF RAPE VICTIMS: TRAUMA, COUNSELING, AND RECOVERY By Judith Anne Smith Three groups of rape victims were studied to identify variables associated with the frequency and/or intensity of adolescents' and adults' postassault symptoms. These included 20 Incoming Victims at Erie, Pennsylvania's Rape Crisis Center assaulted during the period of this research, 38 Previously Counseled victims raped from about three months to three years earlier, and l3 Uncounseled rape victims recruited through media advertisements and local womens' "grapevines". During the 90-days following rape, Incoming Victims were interviewed at nine standard intervals. Thirteen completed a series of sixteen psychological questionnaires,including the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale, the Profile of Mbod States, Bem's Sex- Role Inventory, and Levenson's Locus of Control Scales. Their responses were compared with a demographically matched control group. Measures of anger, guilt, Rosenberg's Self-Esteem Scale, Assault-Related Symptom Interviews, and a Degree of Violence questionnaire were completed by all three victim groups. Among 33 variables investigated, the severity of postassault symptoms linked most strongly to the rapist's vio- lence (Victim-Reported) and to being physically struck during rape. Arrested rapists' victims consistently reported lesser postassault symptoms than other victims. Other statistically significant findings included lower self-esteem, greater guilt, and more symptoms among those victims who subsequently sought professional counseling and lower self-esteem among victimis of interracial rape. The Previously Counseled re- ported lesser present-day symptoms, while Incoming and Un- counseled victims reported such symptoms equally often. Prior sexual assaults were reported by 20 to 25 percent of rape victims and by other women surveyed as potential demographic controls. These findings seem especially important for counselors and therapists of rape victims, but also deserving of atten- tion from social service administrators and policy makers. These exploratory findings merit early verification. Copyright by JUDITH ANNE SMITH 1982 TO MY PARENTS for their LOVE, GUIDANCE, and SUPPORT ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to extend a sincere word of thanks to the following individuals and agencies: The 71 rape victims discussed in this study--without their courage and openness this project could not have been done. Their desire to help others at a tbme when they had just been harmed was truly admirable. Mrs. Joan Martin, Director of Erie County Rape Crisis Center, and all her staff--their friendship, humor, belief in the project, and support of my efforts was invaluable. Their instruction consistently resulted in new professional growth for me. O Dr. John Hurley, chairperson of my doctoral committee, whose patience, encouragement, and advice was instrumental in the completion of this project. His feedback consistently provided a sense of clarity and direction in the often bewildering process of analyzing and writing the project's results. Dr. Al Aniskiewicz, Dr. Elaine Donelson, and Dr. Dozier Thornton, doctoral committee members who were readily avail- able to provide support and direction throughout the project. Dr. John Gamble and the psychology faculty of Behrend Campus of Pennsylvania State University for allowing the use iii of their computer facilities. Particular thanks goes to Dr. John Alessio and Dr. Stephen Knouse for their statistical and computer advice. The staff and students of Opportunities Industrializa- tion Center in Erie for their cooperation with the collection of control group data, and to the media representatives in Erie County who publicized the project. Ms. Sharon Phelps, dissertation typist, whose confidence, patience, and reliability were greatly appreciated. Sharon's skill in rendering a presentable typed draft from the maze of my writing was truly remarkable. Ms. Paula Freeman, Mr. Jeffrey Smith, Ms. Linda Williams, Mia. Susan Reeder, and Mr. Russell Smith for their assistance in the coding and scoring of data. Their humor, energy, and accuracy turned often tedious work into fun. Additional thanks goes to Jeffrey for his professional drafting as- sistance. My family and friends whose affection, support, and camaraderie could always be relied upon. Jessica Marie Smith, who accepted the dissertation's demands on her mother's time as patiently as any thirteen- year-old could, and whose love and excitement made this project just a little easier to complete. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES ............................................. ix INTRODUCTION ................................ . ............... l The Historical Development of Interest in the Postassault Reactions of Rape Victims ..................... 2 Rape: An Overview of the Crime ........................... 7 Incidence ............................................... 8 Setting .......................................... . ...... 9 Profile of the victfln ................................... 9 Profile of the assailant ............................... 11 Victimeoffender interaction ............................ 13 Legal proceedings ...................................... 15 A Review of the Literature Regarding Rape Victims Reactions ................................................ 16 Demographic profiles: Amir and MacDonald .............. 17 Questionnaire surveys .................................. l8 Clinical/empirical studies ............................. 21 Dynamics suggested by the literature ................... 33 Methodological problems of the studies of rape ......... 41 METHOD ..................................................... 44 Purpose and Procedures ............................ I ....... 44 Statement of purpose ................................... 44 Location ................................................ 47 The victims ............................................ 48 Research procedures with the incoming group ............ ‘49' Research procedures with control group ................. 53 Research procedures with previously counseled ECRCC victims .................. .... .................. 54 Research procedures with previous victims without counseling... ..... ....................... ....... . ...... 56 Measures ............... . ..... ........ ........ . ........... 57 Assault-Related Symptom.Interview (ARSI).... ........... 57 Bem Sex Role Inventory ................................. 60 Body Cathexis Scale .................................... 63 V Degree of Violence ..... ........................... ..... 64 Demographic Data................. ....... ..... . ..... 66 Fear Survey Schedule III (FSS III). ....................67 Guilt Index. .......... ..... ....................69 Inventory of Psychosocial Development. ....... ..........7l Levenson' 3 Internal- External Locus of Control Scale....73 Life Experiences Survey (LES). .......... . ............ 75 Profile of Moods State (POMS) ........... A..... .......... 77 Religiousity Scales ............................. . ...... 80 Rosenberg' 3 Self- Esteem.Scale ................... . ...... 81 Support System.Rating.. ............................... 82 Tennessee Self— -Concept Scale (TSCS) .................... 83 Thematic Apperception Test (TAT) ....................... 85 RESULTS .................................................... 88 Final subject pool ..................................... 88 Control group .......................................... 91 Group differences on demographic variables ............. 92 Missing data ........................................... 93 Demographic Features ..................................... 95 Sex .................................................... 96 Age ...................................... . ............. 96 Marital status ......................................... 96 Socioeconomic status ................................... 96 Educational level ...................................... 96 Occupation ............................................. 96 Religious Identification ............................... 97 Importance of religion ................................. 97 Prior mental health counseling ......................... 97 Prior sexual assaults .................................. 98 Sexual experience ........................... . .......... 98 Race of assailant ...................................... 98 Degree of relationship with assailant .................. 99 Location of the rape ................................... 99 Presence of threats .................................... 99 Presence of weapons .................................... 99 Use of restraints ..................................... 100 Striking the victim ................................... 100 Injuries ......................... . .................... 100 Feelings towards the assailant ........................ 100 Criminal justice system involvement ................... 101 Support systems. .................................... 102 Counseling systems. . ........... . .................. 103 Reasons for research participation ....... . ....... .105 Factors germane to recovery. ............. .......... 105 Analyses of Measures Common to All Victim Groups ........ 106 Questionnaire results ..................... I ............ 107 Intercorrelation matrix of questionnaires ............. 109 vi ARSI-W results for the four time periods sampled ...... 109 Intercorrelation matrix of ARSI-W totals .............. 112 Areas of assault-related disturbance .................. 113 A comparison of ECRCC-affiliated and nonaffiliated uncounseled group members ............... . ............. 117 Effects of Demographic Variables on Measures Common to all Groups ........................................... 119 Sex ................................................... 120 Age ................................................... 120 Education ............................................. 120 Socioeconomic level ................................... 121 Religious identification .............................. 122 Marital status ........................................ 122 Race of the victim .................................... 122 Occupation ............................................ 122 Prior mental health counseling ........................ 123 Virgin at time of rape ................................ 124 Quality of previous sexual experiences ................ 124 Length of time since the assault ...................... 124 Location of the rape .................................. 125 Previous history of sexual assaults ................... 125 Race of assailant ..................................... 125 ‘Number of assailants .................................. 126 People told during the first 7-10 days ................ 127 If the victims knew the assailant ..................... 127 Presence of threats ................................... 128 Presence of weapons ................................... 128 Use of restraints ..................................... 128 Sexual events during the rape ......................... 128 Victims struck ........................................ 129 Injury ................................................ 129 The arrest of the assailant ........................... 131 If the case went to court ............................. 131 Court verdict ......................................... 132 Contacted professional counselors for rape- related reasons ....................................... 132 Analyses of Data From the Incoming Group ................ 132 Comparison of control and incoming groups ............. 133 ARSI-O results: Means and correlations ............... 135 Questionnaire results: Multiple administrations ...... 138 Questionnaire results: Single administrations ........ 138 Correlation matrices for all questionnaires ........... 138 Summary of the Results Regarding Each Hypothesis ........ 147 DISCUSSION ................................................ 156 Reaction patterns ..................................... 156 Primary finding: The impact of violence .............. 164 vii Present day symptoms in the uncounseled group.. ....... 167 Previous sexual assaults ...... ,........ ............... 167 The assailant' 3 race ..... . ......................... 169 Findings not consistent with previous literature ...... 171 Limitations of the Present Study and the Issue of Generalization .......................................... 173 Implications for future research ........................ 176 Summary ............................................... 178 APPENDIX A: Questionnaires Used In The Study ............. 180 APPENDIX B: The DOV-O Scoring System ..................... 218 APPENDIX C: ARSI-O Scoring Guidelines .................... 220 APPENDIX D: Correlation Matrices of Single and Multiple Administration Questionnaires Used with the Incoming Group ............................... 227 APPENDIX E: Summary on Questionnaire and ARSI-W Scores Affected by Demographic Variables ............ 230 APPENDIX F: Independent Effects of Demographic Variables on Questionnaire and ARSI-O Scores ........... 235 BIBLIOGRAPHY .............................................. 243 viii Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table 10: ll: 12: 13: 14: 15: 16: LIST OF TABLES Page Incoming Group Symptom Interview Schedule ........ 51 Incoming Group Questionnaire Administration Schedule ......................................... 52 Number of Incoming Victims Who Completed Forms...94 Time and Percentages of ARSI-O Completions ....... 95 Questionnaires Common to All Victim Groups; Means with (N's) ................................ 107 Analysis of Variance Results from Comparisons of Questionnaire Scores by Victim Groups ........ 108 Questionnaire Measures Common to All Victim Groups .......................................... 109 Total Victims' ARSI-W Means, Variances, and Ranges .......................................... 110 Group's ARSI-W Means at Each Time Period ........ 111 Intercorrelations of ARSI-W Totals for Each Time Period .................................... 113 Correlations of ARSI-W and Questionnaire Scores ......................................... 114 ARSI-W Group Means, Ranges, and Variances for Symptom Areas .............................. 115 Group Differences on ARSI-W Symptom Areas (ANOVA) ......... . .............................. 115 Intercorrelation Matrix of ARSI-W Symptom Area Scores....................... ............. ll6 Correlations of ARSI-W Symptom Areas with Questionnaires ................................. 117 Uncounseled Victim Subgroup Comparisons (ARSI-W) ....................................... 119 ix Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table 17: 18: 20: 21: 22: 23: 24: 25: 26: 27: 28: 29: 30: 31: 32: 33: 34: 35: Mean Scores of Victims Assaulted at Home vs. Elsewhere ..................... ... .......... 126 Comparison of Victims of Single Versus Multiple Assailants ............................ 127 Comparisons of Struck vs. Unstruck Victims ..... 130 Comparisons of Injured vs. Noninjured Victims..130 Mean Scores on Variables Pertinent to Professional Counseling ........................ 133 Means of the Control vs. Incoming Groups ....... 134 ARSI-O and Subscale Means, Variances, and Ranges ..................................... 136 Intercorrelations of ARSI-O Symptom Areas ...... 137 ARSI-O Severity Indices Intercorrelated ........ 137 Mean Anger, Guilt, and TSCS Scores of Incoming Members ............................... 139 Incoming Victim Scores on Single- Administration Questionnaires .................. 140 Correlations of Self-Esteem Measures with ARSI-O Symptom Profiles ................... 142 Correlation of Measures of Mood with ARSI-O Symptom Profiles ........................ 143 Questionnaires Correlations with ARSI-O Symptom Profiles ............................... 145 Correlation of Self-Esteem with ARSI-O Symptom Areas .................................. 146 Correlations of Mood Measures with ARSI-O Symptom Areas .................................. 147 Correlations of Support System Measures with ARSI-O Symptom Areas ...................... 147 Correlations of Questionnaires with ARSI-O Symptom Areas ......................... . ........ 148 Correlations of TSCS with Guilt for Incoming Victims ............................... 152 Table 36: Table 37: Intercorrelation Matrix of Singme ong Administration Questionnaires Incoming Victims ....... .. ................ 228 Correlation of Single with Multiple Administration Questionnaires ............. .....229 xi Introduction Rape is a crime that affects tens of thousands of women each year. Forcible rape is distinguishable from other crim- inally violent acts such as assault, murder, and armed rob- bery in two primary ways: its victims are overwhelmingly female, and the violence is expressed sexually-~that is, there is forcible sexual penetration of the woman's body against her will. In our culture, sex is an issue invested with highly charged emotions and beliefs. It can be antici- pated that the rape victim will manifest a series of psycho- logical reactions, both to the act of violence, and to the sexual component as well. Investigation into the area of rape victim reactions began in the late 1960's. Although the field is still young, and characterized by a limited number of empirical studies with many methodological problems, significant knowledge about the behavioral and affective changes typically occur- ring in the rape victim has been gained. This information has been immediately applied towards the construction of more effective treatment programs for the victims of rape and other forms of sexual assault. It is the author's hope that the present study will add significantly to ongoing efforts to understand the impact of rape on a victim's life, and the factors germane to recovery. 1 Specifically, this study will examine how demographic vari- ables, affective states, and victim perceptions influence the pattern of recovery in adult and adolescent victims of forcible rape. The Historical Development of Interest in the Postassault Reactions 9: Rape Victims. During the 1960's behavioral science investigations of reactions to crises precipitated by death, war, natural disasters, and other such traumas began to flourish. Curi- ously lacking, however, was interest in empirically defining the psychological reactions of victims of another type of crisis, that of sexual assault. This omission was consis- tent with a broader inattention to the psychological after- effects of any violent crime. However, as crime rates began to soar in the late 60's, victims of violent crime increas- ingly became a focus of national attention. For the first time, behavioral scientists began to conceptualize victims of violent crimes as individuals worthy of study. The psychological consequences of rape on its victims has been a silent area throughout the centuries. Only in- frequently are references heard regarding the plight of the victim and those close to her. One such reference was found in Greek mythology. This was the Greek myth of Demeter, goddess of life, who upon discovering that Hades’(god of death) had raped and abducted her daughter, Persephone, or- dered that all earth become barren and cropless and carried out this threat until her daughter was indeed returned (Graves, 1957). In The Rape of Lucrece, Shakespeare documented the tale of Lucretia, a Roman matron, who was raped by one of her inlaws and who killed herself given the sense of shame that followed. With the exception of these occasional literary references, however, the idea that a woman who had been raped had just experienced a very per- sonal and damaging assault seemed to be outside people's awareness. A fact which explained how this could be so: emerged as the literature was reviewed. Rape was not de- fined as a crime against a person, so there was no "real victim" to consider. Rather, the early laws against rape defined this assault as a criminal act by one man against the property of another man, violating the property owner's rights and damaging his goods (Clark & Lewis, 1977). This definition was possible given that the status of women, particularly in the Judeo-Christian cultures, was that of a poSsession owned first by the father and later by the hus- band. WOmen's sexual and reproductive value was always of prime importance, this ability to reproduce and provide her mate with heirs and status made her a valuable property. Thus, once married, the marriage contract awarded her owner- husband total and exclusive rights of sexual access to the wife. Six hundred years ago, Anglo-Saxon law, the foundation of our contemporary legal codes, punished rapists by order- ing them to pay compensation and reparation fees to the father or husband of the woman raped (Clark & Lewis, 1977). This fee was paid directly to the male having ownership of the woman at that time as he was considered the person who had been wronged, i.e., his property had been stolen and damaged. The amount of the compensation was dependent upon the woman's economic position and how her market value had been changed by the rape. For example, the rape of a virgin daughter of a wealthy landowner would be a serious matter, as it would have seriously damaged the father's chances of extending his wealth by arranging an advantageous match for his chaste daughter. However, the rape of a daughter of an innkeeper perhaps rumored to already have lost her virginity would generally not be considered seriously as the woman had little property value to start with. The definition of rape as a property crime, rather than a personal crime, endured to varying degrees over the years. An article from.the 1952-1953 Yale Law Journal (cited in Griffin, 1971) described the rationale for present laws against rape, by noting: The consent standard in our society does more than protect a significant item of social currency for women (i.e., her power to withhold or grant sexual access): it fosters, and is in turn bolstered by, a masculine pride in the exclusive possession of a sexual object...A... reason for the man's condemnation of rape may be found in the threat to his status from a decrease in the "value" of his sexual possession which would result from forcible violation. The man responds to this undercutting of his status as possessor of the girl with hostility toward the rapist: no other restitution device is available. The law of rape provides an orderly outlet for his vengeance. The lay definition of rape often was that rape was a crime of passion (not aggression) that could not occur in a truly unwilling victim. The economic and sexual status of the victims continued to play an important role in whether the victim was viewed as credible, or not. Given the influence of early legal definitions of rape and the folklore accompanying lay understandings of the crime, it is less surprising that the personal reactions of rape victims has received so little concern. Early authors in psychology were not immune to lay views on sexual assault, and psychoanalytic writings ini- tially seemed to illustrate this. Thus, Deutsch (1944) wrote that women, as the naturally more passive and masoch- istic of the sexes, needed stronger, more violent fantasies to stimulate them. Consequently the postassault distress of the rape victim was often viewed (Hilberman, 1976)Vsimply as an expression of guilt arising from previous unconscious desires for such an assault to have occurred. Society had to redefine rape as a personal crime which directly harmed its victims before serious attention could be given to the rape victim. The Women's Movement that de- veloped in the United States in the late 1960's spearheaded the redefinition process. Gager and Schurr (1976) noted that within the feminist perspective, rape was not viewed as "an isolated phenomena of sick males," but rather as an inevitable part of a social matrix based upon sexual in- equality. The issue of forcible rape served to focus at- tention on many aspects of women's position in modern Amer—L ican society, as it symbolized the damaging effects of sex- : 'ual exploitation and male dominance (Geis, 1977). More radical feminists viewed society's traditional lack of be- lief in the victim, and low rate of convictions of rapists, as due to the need of a patriarchal society to keep such tools as rape operable to enforce female timidity and sub- missiveness. Griffin (1971) wrotezv/ Fear of rape keeps women off the streets at nights. Keeps women at home. Keeps women pas- sive and modest for fear that they be thought provocative...Finally, rape is a form of mass terrorism.for the victims of rape are chosen in- discriminately, but the propogandists for male supremacy broadcast that it is women who cause rape by being unchaste or in the wrong place at the wrong time -— in essence, by behaving as though they were free. Although one may agree or disagree with the theoretical perspective on rape taken by feminist authors, it was through the interest, controversy, and debate stirred by the WOmen's Movement that national attention became focused on reconsidering the definition of rape and the treatment of rape's victims. Demographic studies such as those conducted by criminologist Menachim.Amir (1971) and MacDonald (1971) began to appear, and presented major statistical profiles of rapists and their victims as reflected in police records. Questionnaire surveys, case studies, and, finally, empirical research focused on rape victim reactions began to appear. These studies found immediate applicability and use by those counselors working with forcible rape victims. Before con- sidering these findings, further attention will be given to the legal definition of rape and to statistics regarding the the crime, the victims, and the offenders. Rape: Ag_0verview g£_the Crime. There are two classifications of rape: forcible rape and statutory rape. Statutory rape defines the event where a victim.consents to sexual intercourse, but is legally con- sidered incapable of such consent by virtue of age or mental impairment (e.g. retardation). Forcible rape, the topic of this study, is defined somewhat differently from state to state. However, most legal codes for forcible rape are gen- erally consistent with Pennsylvania's codes which define rape as penetration of the vaginal area, however slight, without the victim's consent, and under force or threat of force. Erection and/or ejaculation need not occur for a charge of rape to be filed. One further stipulation is that a spouse cannot be charged with rape unless the couple is in fact separated, divorced, or living in separate resi- dences. This matter of definition frequently arises in compar- ing studies of rape victims, as different researchers have frequently relied on different definitions. Peters (1975), a Philadelphian psychiatrist, only investigated those vic- tims meeting the criteria of vaginal penetration. Other studies have included victims of attempted rapes as well as of actual rapes. More frequently, authors (Burgess & Holm- strom, 1974; Medea & Thompson, 1974) have concurred with Hursch and Selkin's (1974) definition of rape as involving "any one or more of the following - intercourse, fellatio, cunnilingus, anal sex, or penetration of the genital area by any part of the assailant or a foreign object as reported by the victim or determined by medical examination" when the woman does not consent, and force or threat of force is used. This definition has been particularly useful given that vaginal penetration is often not the rapist's sole in- tent. In fact, Selkin (1975) found that less than one-half of the rape victims at Denver Hospital Emergency Room had been simply assaulted vaginally. Similarly, Amir (1971) and Peters (1975) both reported that approximately twenty-one percent of their rape cases involved other forms of sexual practice than vaginal intercourse. Incidence. The F.B.I. Uniform Crime Reports provide information on the number of attempted and/or successful rapes reported to the police in the United States. (They define rape as vaginal penetration only). Between 1960 and 1970 the Report showed a one hundred-twenty-one percent in- crease in reports of forcible rape, so that by the early 1970's about fifty thousand cases were reported a year. This rate of increase was significantly higher than that seen for other violent crimes. It was difficult to know whether figures such as these reflected an actual increase in the crime, or merely an in- creased willingness to report it. It is likely that both factors were involved. These figures, of course, did not convey how many rapes occurred each year that were never brought to the police's attention. In an effort to approxi- mate that figure, the United States Presidential Commission 9 on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice (1967) sent a national survey to a randomly selected sample. Their re- sults suggested that the true incidence of rape was at least three-and-a-half times that reported to the police. This suggested a ratio of one hundred-sixty-five rape victims per every one hundred thousand women. Setting. Although rape may occur at any time or place, like other violent crimes it has been found to have its highest incidence on week-end nights in urban areas (Katz & Mazur, 1979). The summer months also seem to have a slight- ly higher incidence than the winter. MacDonald (1971) in Denver, and Amir (1971) in Phila- delphia found that about forty-eight percent of rape victims they studied were apprehended on the street, the majority of which were then taken to some indoor location where the actual rape occurred. Their statistics also showed that one-third of the victims were initially contacted and as- saulted within their own homes. The third most frequent initial meeting place was in a tavern, accounting for ap- proximately eight percent of the assaults. Profile 2f the victim. There are no sure rules about who will become a victim of rape, it is a crime that can oc- cur to anyone. However, there are certain groups and sub- groups of individuals who are found to be more at risk than others. For example, women remain the prime candidates for rape, although men are by no means totally excluded. Hursch and Selkin (1974) and Massey, Garcia, and Emich (1972) each 10 reported that ninety-six percent of their sample was female, while four percent was male. Rape victims were generally young, with seventy-five percent of forcible rape victims used in research studies up to 1978 falling in the thirteen to thirty age range (Katz & Mazur, 1979). This figure ap- peared fairly uniform across the country. However, no age group was really immune; in fact, the youngest victim re- ported in the literature was five months (Massey, et. al., 1972); while the oldest was ninety-one years old. Even when victims under sixteen years old were excluded from.consideration, it was the woman who was single that had the highest rate of rape. The percent of single victims in existing studies ranged from sixty-two percent (Burgess & Holmstrom, 1974) to seventy-five percent (MacDonald, 1971). Single individuals were more vulnerable to other violent crimes as well. It is of note that in all violent crimes, including rape, the percentage of minority victims was higher than would be expected given general population figures (Katz & Mazur, 1979). Also, the highest rates of reported rape and other crimes of violence came from lower socioeconomic .groups, perhaps largely because it was the lower socioeco- nomic neighborhoods that also spawned most of the assail- ants (National Crime Panel Survey Report, 1975). A frequently raised question is whether victims of rape have a greater incidence of pathological families and psy- chiatric disturbances than nonvictims do which may 11 predispose them to the assault. Research done in this area appeared very sparse and inconclusive overall (Katz & Mazur, 1979). Peters (1975) had found that ninety-two percent of the adult victims treated at the Philadelphia General Hospi- tal Rape Center, were reported by themselves and their fami— lies as functioning well previous to the assault. Further study revealed that approximately one-third of these adults had received individual psychological counseling for person- al concerns at some time in their life prior to the rape. However, as there was no control group, the question that remained unanswered was whether this was a higher figure than for the population as a whole, or for the victim's particular socioeconomic group. Schuker (1979), a psychiatrist at Columbia University, presented some preliminary statistics that suggested that victims of a previous sexual assault were slightly more at risk for a second assault, than were women without such life histories. Possible reasons suggested for such "recidivism" were that some of Schuker's sample lived in neighborhoods that were typically quite violent, and that some of the wom- en were rather "fearful, dependent individuals who appear more vulnerable to a successful attack." (Schuker, 1979) Profile 2: the assailant. A review of the literature regarding the offender revealed that the rapist, like the victim, was most often young (ages fifteen to twenty-four), single, and from a low socioeconomic group (Katz & Mazur, 1979). Statistics from the early 1970's stated that about 12 ninety percent of the reported rape cases occurred between members of the same race (Amir, 1971; Eisenhower, 1969). Certain urban areas have since reported an increased rate of reported interracial rapes (Hursch & Selkin, 1974; Peters, 1975), although it was not clear if the incidence of such assaults was increasing, or merely the tendency to report them. Approximately sixty-seven to eighty-two percent of rapes involved a lone assailant (National Crime Panel Sur- vey, 1975). Most rapes involved some degree of planning, and thirty-six to fifty-one percent of the rapists carried a ‘weapon (National Crime Panel Survey, 1975). More than one- third of the apprehended rapists were married, and the ma- jority of the offenders had regular sexual contacts avail- able to them that didn't require force to obtain (Groth & Burgess, 1977). Approximately one-third of the rapists studied were sexually dysfunctional during the rape, so it was not uncommon that ejaculation did not occur. For many rapists, there was a repetitive, compulsive quality to their committing of the crime. For example, "first offenders frequently reported many previous assaults for which they were never caught, and the recidivism rate for rapists following release from prison was high (Enterlin, 1978; Groth & Burgess, 1977). Those researchers studying the assailant maintained that both sexual and aggressive components were involved as motivations in every rape, although the relative l3 contribution of each varied from individual to individual (Cohen, Garofalo, Boucher, & Seghorn, 1971). Rape was the only illegal activity of some. For others, rape was simply one of their many antisocial behaviors. Some offenders ap— peared to rape primarily for the sexual stimulation, using just enough aggression to secure a victim's cooperation; while others were primarily focused on displaying aggressive and/or sadistic behavior towards the victim, with the sexual act being rather incidental. Thus, what actually occurred to the victim during the assault was somewhat dependent on the type of rapist. Victim-offender interaction. Familiar questions asked when a woman is raped are: did she know her assailant, did she somehow bring the rape on herself, had she fought back, and was she injured. In reviewing the literature it was noted that the National Crime Panel Survey (1975) had found that the percentage of rapes of women age twelve and over in which the assailant was a stranger ranged from.seventy-two to ninety-one percent. Thus, while children under twelve usually knew their assailants, such was not the case in the majority of adolescent and adult rape victims. One percentage that crime surveys also attempted to calculate was how frequently a victim of a violent crime seemed to engage in some behavior that may have precipitated the crime. Interestingly, despite the persistent folklore of "the woman who is raped, asks to be raped", the empirical findings from the National Commission on the Causes and 14 Prevention of Violence (Eisenhower, 1969), which conducted a seventeen-city survey, revealed only four percent of the rape victims "assisted" in the precipitation of the crime. The two criteria by which victim precipitation of rape was said to occur were: 1) the victim agreed to sexual rela- tions, but retracted her consent before the actual act oc- curred, and 2) the victim clearly invited sexual relations through language or gestures. The Federal Commission on Crimes of Violence (Russell, 1975) also independently ar- rived at a four percent victim-precipitation figure for rape. This was significantly lower than the victim-precipi- tation rate for any other violent crime, including homicide which had a twenty-two percent rate, or assault with a four- teen percent rate (Eisenhower, 1969). Surveys also examined what percentage of the victims took some measures to defend or protect themselves. In the National Crime Panel Survey (1975), self-protection was de- fined as engaging in any of the following behaviors: "hit- ting, kicking, or scratching the offender; screaming, or yelling for help; fleeing from the offender, and using or brandishing a weapon." The crimes of rape, assault, and burglary in five large American cities were surveyed. In all five, rape was more likely than robbery to provoke self- protective behavior, and in two cities, rape was also more likely than assault to provoke self-protection. In sum, the percentage of rape victims who make some attempt to protect themselves ranged from sixty-seven to ninety percent 15 (National Crime Panel Survey, 1975). In most cases, the rape victim did not receive obvious physical injury, as defined in terms of lacerations, frac- tures, or concussions. Only a very small percentage of victims required overnight hospital care following the as- sault (National Crime Panel Survey, 1975). Legal proceedings. No overview of the crime of rape would be complete without some discussion of the legal pro- cess presently available to rape victims. For those rape victims who choose to report their rape to the police, and who press charges if their assailant is apprehended, a set sequence of legal proceedings will follow. These proceed- ings vary somewhat from state to state. In Pennsylvania, the police will require that the victim receive a documented medical examination and give a statement to their detectives as soon after the crime as possible. Once the assailant is apprehended, the victim will attend a preliminary hearing before a district magistrate seven to ten days after the arrest. If the magistrate believes there is enough evidence to warrant taking the case before a criminal court judge, the case will be "bound over", which means that a criminal court trial, generally before a jury, will take place within .the next one-hundred-eighty-days. If the assailant is found guilty, a separate hearing may be held for sentencing. Un- like the rulings in many other states, in Pennsylvania the victim cannot be questioned in court regarding any past sexual behavior unless she has had prior consentual l6 intercourse with the defendant, in which case that infonma- tion can be brought forward. In examining the statistics regarding the legal conse- quences for rape, the arrest and conviction rates in rape cases has risen since the 1960's, although national figures indicate that the present rate continues to be lower than that of other violent crimes. One reason for this may be that in rape, more often than in other crimes, the assailant is a stranger and therefore more difficult to identify to the police. Another may be that victims of rape still re- main somewhat less likely to report the crime for fear of embarrassment or blame, than do victims of other crimes. A Review gf the Literature Regardinngape Victim Reactions. The literature from.the behavioral sciences regarding individuals who have been raped may be conveniently grouped into one of four categories. First, demographic profiles of the victims and offenders have been constructed and have yielded many of the statistics referred to in the preceding section. This demographic information was generally secured from surveying police and/or medical records, but it in- cluded little or no information regarding the victimis psy- chological reaction. Second, questionnaire surveys were conducted in various sections of the country that asked vic- tims not only for demographic data, but also inquired about their feelings and reactions following the assault. Third, clincial studies documented postassault reactions as ob- served or discussed during counseling sessions. More 17 recently, some authors have begun to study postassault re- actions in a more empirical fashion, using large representa- tive samples, careful documentation of incidence and dura- tion of postassault symptoms, and objective psychological 'measures to discern rape's impact. In this section of the paper, selected studies from each of the four areas will be reviewed. Those studies falling in the clinical and empiri- cal groups will be considered jointly for clarity and read- ability. Demographic profiles: Amir and MacDonald. In 1971, Menachim Amir, an Israeli sociologist who had studied under the leading criminologist Marvin Wolfgang, examined six hun- dred and forty-six Philadelphia police records on rapes re- ported between 1958-1960. From this, he published the first ‘major statistical profile of rapists and their victims in- cluding as variables sex, age, socioeconomic class, prior victim-assailant relationship, interracial factors, etc. While Patterns i3 Forcible Rape (Amir, 1971) was a landmark publication presenting a composite picture of the victim, assailant, and their interaction during the assault, reac- tions of the victims following the assault were largely unaddressed. MacDonald (1971) conducted a similar study examining two hundred rape cases on record with the Denver City Po- lice. His book, Rape Offenders and Their Victims considered the same variables addressed by Amir, and included only a two-page section on the victim's reaction to rape. He noted 18 here that the victim's reaction during and immediately fol- lowing the assault was related to such variables as threats of violence, age of victim, cultural background, personali- ty, and prior sexual experience. The specific postrape reactions noted in the Denver Police records ranged from true or apparent lack of concern, to major emotional upheav- al leading to suicidal attempts. 'MacDonald cited five il- lustrations of these reactions. Four exemplified lack-of- concern attitudes, and one was an instance of a fatalistic attitude of acceptance displayed by a middle-aged woman while no anecdote related strong emotional reactions to the rape. However, MacDonald followed this section with a five- page excerpt of a study just completed by Sutherland and Scherl (1970) that investigated the pattern of reactions to rape. The results of that study are detailed later in this section. The method of using police, court, or hospital records to increase the understanding of the victim, assailant, and crime itself has also been used by Svalastoga (1962) in Den- mark; Hursch and Selkin (1974) in Denver; and Chappell, Geis, Schafer, and Siegel (1977) in Boston and Los Angeles. While some variations exist from city to city, the demo- graphic information has merely extended, rather than changed, the early findings of Amir and MacDonald. Questionnaire surveys. Another means of studying the psychological and behavioral reactions of rape victims has been to encourage victims to respond to an anonymous l9 questionnaire. Bart (1975) published such a fonm in VIVA magazine and received 1070 completed responses. The occur- rence of the rapes ranged from one to three years before the questionnaire was completed. Symptoms that were reported included: nightmares, postrape sexual problems, and suici- dal ideation. Intrapersonally, a loss of self-respect, con- fidence, and sense of independence occurred. Interpersonal- ly hostility towards men, and decreased trust in male/female relationships was noted. Twenty-two percent of the victims reported seeking psychological counseling although only thirty-five percent of these reported it as helpful. Of the sixty-five percent of the victims who sought professional help and did not find it useful, thirty-nine percent subse- quently reported going to women's groups for help. It is interesting that only nine percent of the victims raped a year or less before the study reported seeking help, while the figure doubled for the two subsequent years. This sug- gested that some victims experienced long-term difficulties directly related to the rape. In 1975, the Queen's Bench Foundation in San Francisco solicited a total of eighty victims from.media advertise- ments and professional referrals to come in for one-to-two hours of structured interviewing. These interviews were similar to Bart's questionnaire, and their findings on symp- toms and reactions were essentially the same. Among their conclusions were: 1) Stranger rapes seemed to effect the sense of personal safety, while familiar rapes effected 20 self-concept and social relationships. 2) Ventilation of the victim's feelings was reported as important for recovery to prerape levels of functioning. 3) The rape was ex- perienced as a life-threatening event; during which the wom- an may have felt afraid, angry, or detached. Her concern at that time was usually less with the sexual aspect, and more with concern for physical well-being. 4) Shame, guilt, and concern over what occurred sexually followed the assault, probably reflecting the internalization of societal views. 5) The intensity of symptoms was greatly influenced by how others responded to the victims. The final questionnaire study considered was published by Medea and Thompson in 1974. Their questionnaire, pub- lished in underground newspapers and at rape conferences, elicited sixty replies from rape victims. The majority of these women were fifteen to twenty-one years old (the total age range was seven to thirty-nine years). Eighty-eight percent were single and fifty-seven percent were students suggesting this sample was representative of the national figures on victims in several aspects. Two problems with the sample were selection biases, given how the form was published, and the high (ninety-five percent) number of Caucasian victims. A summary of the psychological reactions their victims reported is as follows: 42% felt more afraid of men 28% said it affected their lives sexually 29% were more afraid of being on their own 23% reported damaged trust in male-female relation- ships 17% were more hostile to men 21 7% had suicidal impulses following and related to the rape 5% reported nightmares When asked who they sought for help in dealing with their psychological reactions, fifty percent of their respondents stated "no one". Twenty-five percent relied on friends, twelve percent on women's groups, and eight percent on pro- fessional counselors. Medea and Thompson did not examine the time lapse between the rape and these responses, so it was unclear which symptoms were short-term, and which were long-term difficulties. Clinical/empirical studies. The questionnaire studies identified data about the symptoms that follow the rape and estimated their frequency. To discover what phases of re- covery victims typically go through, what symptoms are pre- dominate during each phase, and how the postassault re- sponses resolve themselves over a period of time, required clinical studies. One of the earliest clinical studies of the reactions of rape victims was published in 1970 by Sutherland and Scherl. Their sample consisted of thirteen young (ages eighteen to twenty-four), middle-class, Caucasian women who moved into a lower class housing area to "do something real" in today's society, and were subsequently raped. Sutherland and Scherl interviewed them in the weeks following the as- sault and described their reaction pattern as having three phases. Phase 1 was the Acute Reaction, lasting from a few days to a few weeks. It was characterized by intense 22 affect, disturbed sleep, and maximum disruption of function- ing at work or in the home. Phase 2, the Outward Adjustment phase, was a period in which the woman's energies were di- rected at regaining control of her daily functioning. She was attempting to make her life like it was before the rape. To do this, she temporarily suppressed her feelings about the assault. Denial of the impact of the crime and ratio- nalizations regarding the rapist were common at this time. This appeared to be a normal phase, with the denial and suppression becoming impairments only if the woman remained in this phase. Phase 3 involved Integration and Resolution. The woman began to reexperience some depression and found herself beginning to think about the rape again. She often had a need to talk about the event. During this "working through" period the woman had to resolve her feelings to- wards the rapist, and her feelings about herself. She had to define how much guilt she should bear and integrate the fact that she could not always be guaranteed safety in her world. The main design problems of Sutherland and Scherl's study were the small sample size and the homogeneity of their sample. The average length of time spent in Phase 2 or 3 was unspecified, apparently due to sizeable individual differences. The most definitive and well-constructed clinical studies to date of rape victim reactions and long-term ef- fects were those of Ann Burgess and Lynda Holmstrom (1974) at Boston City Hospital. A psychiatric nurse and 23 sociologist, respectively, Burgess and Holmstrom worked for the Victim Counseling Program that provided twenty-four-hour crisis intervention to the victims of sexual assault who had been brought to the hospital's emergency room. During the pilot year, 1972-1973, ninety-two adult victims were seen. The sample was heterogenous for race, age, marital status, socieconomic status and occupation. Seventy-four of the ninety-two were under age thirty, and fifty-four were sin- gle. Either Burgess or Holmstrom interviewed the victim within thirty minutes of her arrival, and conducted followup interviews via telephone or home visits weekly for the first three months, and then at six-month, nine—month, and one- year intervals. Long-term followup was accomplished by re- interviewing eighty-one of the original sample four to six years after the rape. Burgess and Holmstrom (1974) learned enough about these victim's initial reaction patterns to delineate what they termed the "rape trauma syndrome.‘ The syndrome was defined as an acute stress reaction to a life-endangering situation. It consisted of two phases, the acute and the long-term re- organizational. The acute phase was marked by disorganiza- tion, and typically persisted for two to three weeks. The primary initial affect of the incoming victim was not guilt or shame, as the authors had presupposed, but fear of physi- cal injury, mutilation, or death. In the few hours immedi- ately following the crime the victim's reactions were almost evenly divided between the expressed style, characterized by 24 sobbing, restlessness, and intense affect; and the con- trolled style, manifested by subdued or hidden affect. Those utilizing the controlled style often experienced so- matic reactions such as vomiting, choking, or gagging. Be- yond recovering from whatever physical trauma was incurred during the rape, the woman commonly experienced sleep and appetite disturbances, stomach pains, fatigue, headaches, anxiety and tension. Sexual functioning was commonly dis- turbed. Affectively, this period was characterized by feel- ings of shame, embarrassment, anger, revenge, fear of retal- iation, and self-blame. The long-term reorganization process began two-to- three-weeks after the assault, and its expression was again dependent on such independent variables as ego-strength and the reactions of significant others. Approximately one- . third of the sample experienced nightmares at this time. Traumatophobic reactions, or phobic reactions to circum- stances surrounding the rape were common. WOmen attacked in their own beds might develop a phobia of the indoors, while women attacked outdoors tended to develop fears of being outside. The woman might still approach such situations, or could actually avoid such places all together. Almost all victims were increasingly fearful of being alone, and experienced varying degrees of tension, anxiety, or panic when alone. Other traumatophobic reactions were a fear of crowds, fear of people behind them, and sexual fears. The disruption of normal sexual style initiated in 25 the acute phase might continue during the second phase. One victim, assaulted five months before this interview, ex- pressed her difficulty as: "There are times I get hysteri- cal with my boyfriend. I don't want him near me; I get panicked. Sex is O.K., but I still feel like screaming." Another common symptom of the phase was increased mo- bility--forty-four of the ninety-two victims changed resi- dences shortly after the rape. Of the forty-five who had been employed, nineteen had changed or quit their job within six weeks. The portions of this mobility that were planned before the assault, and that occurred as a result of it, were unclear. Of the symptoms discussed, thirty-one of the ninety-two experienced mild versions, that is, they could discuss their symptoms and still feel they had some control over them. Twenty-one of the victims experienced moderate to severe versions, including clear lifestyle disturbances. Burgess and Holmstrom did not initially indicate the length of this second phase. They implied that its effects gradually faded as the woman began to integrate the rape ex- perience. In victims who had previous psychiatric disor- ders, or substance abuse problems, integrating the experi- ence was more difficult. These victims showed what was termed compounded reactions, symptomatized by depression, psychotic behavior, substance abuse, suicidal behavior, and other serious problems. Eighteen of the ninety-two women experienced this type of reaction. Other categories of victims listed in the literature as sustaining more 26 psychological damage and/or needing more intervention in- cluded victims of multiple-offender rapes (MacDonald, 1971; Amir, 1971); physically brutal rapes; rapes where the as- sailant was a formerly trusted acquaintance (Bart, 1970); and rape where the assault is the woman's first sexual ex- perience (Burgess & Holmstrom, 1974). The majority of victims successfully maintained some psychological equilibrium throughout their reactions. No ego disintegration or self-destructive behavior occurred in any of the ninety-two during the acute phase, and the eigh- teen "compounded reactions" occurred in the four-to-six-week period following the crime. Those who quit jobs during the first six-weeks quickly reentered the job markets. This early study had notable strengths including the heterogeneity of the population, thorough interviews, a sub- stantial sample, and attention to the victim's perception as well as the clinician's. These findings have been widely published, and their book, 3322‘ Victims pf Crisis, is a handbook used by many rape crisis centers nationwide. In 1979, Burgess and Holmstrom reinterviewed eighty-one of the original ninety-two victims. They asked each victim whether she felt back to normal yet, whether any afteref- fects of the rape remained, and if so, what they were. Seventy-four percent of the victims felt fully recovered and the remainder did not feel that way. Of the fully recover- ed, half stated they had recovered within months, and the other half stated that this had taken years. 27 The majority of those who reported full recovery also reported using a variety of conscious coping strategies with the rape aftereffects. The four most common defenses Burgess and Holmstrom found were explanation (e.g., "he must be sick"), minimization (e.g., ”It could have been worse - I'm still alive"), suppression (e.g., "I don't want to talk about it anymore"), or dramatization, so defined to closely resemble catharsis. Interestingly, only five of the twenty- one unrecovered victims made any use of these four strate- gies. Burgess and Holmstrom also noted that victims who pres- ently defined themselves positively were all recovered. Victims having stable partners at the time of rape seemed to recover faster. Those who remained unrecovered more often had poor social networks, and poor occupational histories. Victims who relied on drug or alcohol, suicidal behavior, or serious withdrawal in the early months of recovery were us- ually among those whom took longer to recover. The authors suggested that additional factors that affected a recovery from rape included the style of attack, relationship of vic- tim and offender, number of assailants, language of assail- ant, type of sexual acts, amount of violence, social net- work, and institutional (hospital, police) response. One difference between Burgess and Holmstrom's find- ings (1974) and those of Sutherland and Scherl (1970) is that the former did not address the issue of middle, pseudo- adjustment, or recoil phase occurring during recovery. Some 28 authors believed that not all victims went through it, and stated that it might be common only to those victims who typically rely on control and suppression of affect, or in those whose environmental situation would not support con- tinued overt processing of the rape (Schuker, 1979). Peters (1975) also conducted a large, thorough clinical study of rape victims. A psychiatrist at the Philadelphia General Hospital Rape Center, Peters and his colleagues clinically interviewed three hundred and sixty-nine victims of sexual assault, ninety-eight percent of whom were report- ing forcible rape. They received a standard psychiatric interview and evaluation from one to two weeks following the assault, often by home visits. Common psychiatric symptoms noted were again fears, phobias, anxiety, increased motor activity, obsessions, depressive symptoms, somatic symptoms, and suicidal ideation. Peters' evaluations at the one-to- two-week point revealed that seventy-three percent of the victims had one or more of these postrape symptoms. Sixty-five percent of Peters' sample experienced night- mares whose frequency seemed to increase for the first few weeks or months. Seventy percent of the adults were more afraid of strangers, and thirty-seven percent were aware of more negative feelings towards men. Thirty-one percent re- ported decreased libido, stating they were too tense or felt too "dirty" to engage in sex. This was often compounded by the mate's reaction to the victim. Many women refused to return to their homes for several days following the 29 assault, and seventy-six percent permanently changed their residences. Ten percent of the victims were judged clini- cally depressed at the one-to-two-week postrape interview. The literature on rape victims included such additional symptoms as compulsive washing or vomiting, inability to leave the home, panic at darkness, and pathological shyness (Greer, 1975). Price (1975) noted that some women neglected their appearance, dressed sloppily, or gained weight, as though to become less attractive to men. An additional trauma the victim often encountered, as suggested by the demographic and clinical studies, was financial loss (Na- tional Crime Panel Survey Report, 1975). Often the victim had to pay for her emergency room medical expenses. Bur- glary may have accompanied the rape. The assault may point out a need for additional costly security precautions (e.g., security locks, sturdier window screens). Some victims did not return to work for two weeks or more resulting in some loss of pay. If the victim also had to attend preliminary hearings or court trials, more income was lost (Katz & Mazur, 1979). Saturnansky (1976) used projective techniques (Thematic Apperception Test and Machover Figure Drawings) along with a standard clinical interview in a research project comparing nine women who had been raped from four months to seven years before her study with a control group of five women who had never been raped but had experienced some traumatic accident earlier in their lives. She found that those raped 30 told significantly more TAT themes of suicide, negative evaluations of men, and stories of romance and love. From these data, Saturnansky inferred greater depression and dif- ficulty in male-female interpersonal relationships among her rape victims, but given this small sample, it was unclear whether these qualities antedated or followed the rape. Kilpatrick, Veronen and Resick (1979) investigated the effects of rape on forty-six victims from a period soon after the rape to six months past it. They used standard- ized psychometric instruments, rather than clinical inter- views, to assess the effects. Specifically, they adminis- tered the Derogatis Symptom Check List, Modified Fear Sur- vey, Profile of Mood States Scale and State Trait Anxiety Interview at the following time points: (a) six to ten days, (b) one month, (c) three months, and (d) six months postassault. A control group of thirty-five nonvictims was also used. Of the twenty-eight variables generated by their measures, victims scored higher than nonvictims on twenty- five during both periods (a) and (b), indicating a very high level of internal and behavioral distress. This finding seems to coroborate Burgess and Holmstrom's (1974) acute phase. This level of distress had greatly decreased at three months postrape with the exception of a continued in- crease of anxiety and phobic anxiety items, with similar findings six-months postrape. The use of standardized questionnaires with a sizeable homogenous group of subjects, and a control group, seems unique to this study. Its 31 results correspond closely with the clinical findings of Burgess and Holmstrom.(l974), and Peters (1975). The au- thors' interpret their results as consistent with their learning theory model of the rape experience that predicted that fear and anxiety would be classically conditioned by the rape and generalized to similar stimuli in the victimis life. As the victim would often avoid these newly anxiety- timed objects, her general anxiety would not be readily ex- tinguished, and might persist over time longer than other symptoms. Kilpatrick et a1. (1979) also maintained that the greater the.intensity of fear induced by the assault, the greater would be the number of conditioned stimuli. Increased attention has recently been directed to clearly defining the impact of rape upon future sexual func— tioning. Burgess and Holmstrom (1979) investigated this topic among the eighty-one victims from their original study whom they were still following four-to-six-years postas- sault. Of the seventy-eight percent of their group who had been sexually active before the rape, sixty-six percent re- ported decreased frequency of sexual activity at six months postrape and only nineteen percent reported no change. Ap- proximately ten percent of the sample reported increased postrape sexual activity, a phenomena that Schuker (1979) 'viewed as one means that some victims might use to assure themselves that their bodies are normal, or that might re- flect unresolved feelings of degradation in other cases. Burgess and Holmstrom (1979) noted-that.some.victims seemed 32 to sexually "act out" postassault as an expression of anger and proof that they could maintain control over a man. Of those victims who reported increased sexual dys- function following the rape, the nature of the dysfunctions ranged from vaginismus and loss of orgastic ability, to aversion for sexual acts specifically associated with the assailant (thirty-three percent reported this) and varying degrees of "flashbacks" of the rape scene while making love with a current partner (fifty percent reported this). Feldman—Summers, Gordon, and Meagher (1979) had fifteen rape victims and controls retrospectively rate their satis- faction with twenty-three sex-related activities before and after the rape. They found that the victims reported their current satisfaction with sex was significantly less than that of the controls, and generally less than the victim's recall of their preassault experience. Overall, however, both the controls and the victims reported their present sexual contacts were more satisfactory than unsatisfactory. Two areas of sexual behavior that appeared unchanged after the rape were satisfaction with autoerotic practices and primarily affectional responses (i.e., being hugged, or held without erotic intent). The impact of rape on adult and adolescent male victims is another new topic of study. Groth and Burgess (1979) studied twenty-two male rapes in a New England community. They concluded that males were less likely to report the crime, although the biopsychological impact of the rape 33 seemed similar to women. Kaufman (1980) compared the reac- tions of fourteen male victims treated in a County Hospital emergency room to those seen in one-hundred female victims treated concurrently. The male victims evidenced more deni- al and less overt emotional reactions than the women vic- tims. Men were also reputed to be more likely to have had multiple assailants, been held captive longer, and have sus- tained more physical injury. The findings from these two studies are quite preliminary, and much further research is needed before these claims can be evaluated. In Kaufman's (1980) study a factor that was not well considered was that if male victims were less likely to report the assault than females, it may only have been those male victims of more extreme rapes (e.g., multiple assailants) that presented themselves for medical attention. In this case, the fea- tures of Kaufman's sample might not generalize to male vic- tims in general. Dynamics suggested py_the literature. The dynamics undergirding the rape victim responses are important to understand for providing effective research or treatment de- signs to this population. .TheSeudynamics_have been dis- cussed from two perspectives. First, the victim's responses have been examined in terms of a crisis-theory model. Sec- ond, the sociocultural context of rape and how this was in- ~.-r Vu—xV'I- ternalized by the Victim. has been examined. KM rue“ “W“ When considering the crisis model, an initial under- standing of what was implied by the word "crisis" was first 34 needed. Bard and Ellison (1974) defined a crisis as a sub- jective reaction to a stressful life experience that so af- fected the individual's stability that her ability to cope or function became seriously damaged. Stressful situations which resulted in crisis reactions have as criteria "sudden- ness so that there is no preparation time, arbitrariness in that the event is perceived as unfair and capricious, and unpredictability which stands in contrast to the normal developmental or anticipated life crisis" (Hilberman, 1976). The crisis typically disrupted the victimds level of func- tioning in the physical, emotional, social, and sexual areas. Its degree of impact depended on such variables as the victim's ego-strength and outside support system” Fair- ly predictable responses, however, included: 1) disruption of normal patterns of adapta- tions with disturbances in eating and sleeping, diminished functioning, and attention and concen- tration span 2) regression to a more helpless and dependent state in which support nurturance are sought outside of the self and 3) increased openness and accessibility to outside interven- tion, which presents a unique opportunity to affect the long-term.outcome of the crisis. (Hilberman, 1976) This crisis model clearly represented what was known regarding the rape victim's reaction to the assault. In terms of the criteria for a stressful life experience that could instigate a crisis, the rapist's assault was usually totally unsuspected and unprepared for. Selkin (1978) in- terviewed thirty-two rape victims who had been assaulted anywhere from a few days to several years before his inter- view. When questioned as to the emotional responses 35 experienced during the rape, the four adjectives selected most frequently by the victims were frightened (ninety-four percent), startled (eighty-four percent), shocked (seventy— eight percent), and terrified (seventy-six percent). While forty-four percent noted they were also angry, many other felt panicked (fifty percent) and frozen (forty percent). Clearly, the victims had not had time to assess or prepare for the assault before its occurrence. Schuker (1979) elaborated on the view of the rape vic- tim as a victim of crisis by comparing the process of recov- ery as somewhat akin to the grief work that occurred follow- ing a death. She noted that the rape victim had suffered a loss, or a "narcissistic injury to the self" that had to be resolved. In doing this, the victim in essence had to grieve for her lost sense of herself and worldview. Schuker noted that Lindemann's (1944) study of the grief process suggested that it was often two years before the whole pro- cess was complete, and observed that it may take a similar period of time for the rape victim to fully resolve her loss. Sharon McCombie, Director of the Rape Crisis Intervenl, tion Program at Boston's Beth Israel Hospital, and author 3 of The Rapngrisis Intervention Handbook (MtCombie, 1980) maintained that while the rape victim was typical of any /; victim of crisis in many ways, there were three universal factors specific to the rape that comprised the "rape work"/‘ the victim must consider to resolve the assault. These 36 factors were derived from her program's experiences working with six hundred victims of rape over a five-year period. The first factor was to resolve how vulnerable she was dur- ing the assault. The second was to deal with any child Oedipal concerns, anxieties regarding sexual acts of the rape, and the sense of being invaded and/or defiled that could be precipitated by the loss of body boundaries during rape. Finally, McCombie maintained that the victim.must deal with what the rape implied to her about the power rela- tions between men and women in society. Individually, this would mean coming to terms with relationships to men. Psychiatrists Notmann and Nadelson (1976) noted that it was often the capriciousness and unpredictability of the as- sault that was most difficult for the victim to resolve. They stated that for victims of all ages, the rape acted as a proof of a woman's vulnerability, challenging her belief in her ability to be independent and competent. This seemed particularly the case in women attacked in "safe" territory (their home) or by someone they once trusted (Bart, 1970; Brodsky, 1976). The woman attacked while in her own bed had no similar recourse, and typically showed more life-style disruptions. Not only was the victim's view of her world as predict- able and relatively safe often severely shaken, but her culturally-taught view of men as protectors was disrupted as well. Notman and Nadelson (1976) expressed this when they stated that: 37 "WOmen expect men to be their protectors and pro- viders, as well as relating to them sexually...The betrayal by the supposed protector who turns aggressor has a profound effect. Almost all rape victims say they trust men less after the rape. All men may be suspect, and all are potentially on trial. Uncertainty about one's ability to control the environment reverberates with con- cerns about the ability to control and care for oneself." The victim's affective response to the unpredictability of the assault might be anger, terror at it reoccurring, disillusionment, loss of self-worth or guilt. The guilt could in part be a defense during the assault. That is, by assuming the blame, a victim could deny the reality of how truly helpless and vulnerable she was at the time of the assault. I Guilt could also be seen as reflecting the victim's discomfort with how she behaved during the assault. Symonds (1975), a psychoanalyst who had done research on victim.re— actions in general, noted that often the victims of violent assault evidenced a frozen fright response. That is, some victims initially became so shocked and then terrified that they became temporarily immobilized. All their thoughts be- came directed towards self-preservation. Given this terror, their perceptions and judgements often were unclear. They might display submissive and even cooperative behavior towards the assailant. Symonds likened this to the submis- sive response of an animal that offers its most vulnerable spot to its attacker. This response in the animal kingdom has a biological component, and the dominant animal in 38 nature usually ceases its aggressive attack once the sub- missive gesture is offered. Suarez and Gallup (1979) echoed Symond's position stating that the rape-induced paralysis often described by victims was essentially identical to the tonic immobility, or animal hypnosis, seen in the animal kingdom. Another response to terror victimis evidenced was to regress. Some victims displayed clinging behavior to the assailant, similar to the identification with the aggressor 1_seen in concentration camps (Symonds, 1975). During the assault, many women automatically and often unconsciously displayed the behavior they felt was most likely to ensure that no permanent physical harm would occur to them. In the days following the assault, those women might review their behavior, and frequently would repeti- tively rethink the assault situation and alternative be- haviors they might have used. If a woman had "froze", or displayed submission and/or cooperation during the assault, she would often feel considerable guilt and shame, even in those situations where the assailant had had a knife or gun (Burgess & Holmstrom, 1974). In summary, the rape victim was often conceptualized as a person in crisis who would display the life-style disrup- tion and regression characteristic of other crisis victims. Long-term dysfunctions seemed best prevented by immediate interventions (Hilberman, 1976). It was noted that the de- sire to avoid settings associated with the rape trauma was 39 frequently present, and could become generalized to less clearly related phenomena such as fear of crowds. Just as victims of a tornado might later experience feelings ranging from mild anxiety to terror at the approach of a rain storm, so did the victim of rape often deve10p varying degrees of fear and distrust in regards to what she perceived as the source of her hurt. If the victim generalized the source of trauma to include all men, or if she attributed the trau- ma to her own lack of strength and ability, serious implica- tions for future interpersonal relationships and autonomous functioning were often raised. Criminology researchers, Weis and Borges (1973), dis- cussed how the sociocultural context of rape influenced victim reactions. They maintained that society had a "need" to have deserving victims, and that rape was the most ex- treme exemplification of this. That is, they viewed the traditional sex roles as creating and facilitating an en- vironment in which rape could occur. They discussed the traditional socialization of women, whereby girls have been taught to view themselves as weak, dependent, passive, and needy of male protection. Little self-defense instruction has been given. Furthermore, girls have been taught that being attractive was very important, so that much of her self-esteem would be related to her body and how favorably she could get men to view it. At the same time that she was being instructed to be desirable, she was also being taught to be unavailable. Traditional dating rules assigned the 40 woman the responsibility of setting the limit to how much sexual contact was permissible, and also assigned her the blame when she "failed" to set appropriate limits. When faced with a physical attack, women trained in this fashion were generally unprepared physically or psycho- logically to defend themselves, and often became paralyzed 'with fear. Following the report of the assault, however, society would ask for proof that they resisted. Trained not to resist, and to believe themselves incapable of successful self-defense, victims would often lack such proof. The folklore that no healthy, unwilling woman could be raped by one man persisted and often inhibited or prevented legal re- course. Even more damaging was the woman's internalization of this lore, an internalization that generally resulted in feelings of worthlessness, guilt, and occasionally suicidal ideation. Weis and Borges concluded their analysis by stating: ”We have demonstrated that socialization and es- pecially sex-role learning exploit both males and females and produce both victims and offenders... If these processes of victimization are successful with regard to rape, the raped woman is a 'legiti- mate' or 'safe' victim who will not be dangerous to the rapist, since she is unable to relate her ex- perience to others or to effectively direct blame and accusation against the person who raped her." Notman and Nadelson (1976) further noted that despite the wide variety in types, locations, and violence of sex- ual assaults, the woman's reaction of guilt and shame ap- peared universal. Like Weis and Borges they attributed this to the victimis internalization of societal norms which 41 misdefined the rape as a sexual event, and assigned the wom; an the blame for not somehow assuming her role of setting,§ sexual limits. These authors suggested that if previous ' erotic fantasies of rape were entertained before the as- sault, they might be remembered by the victim with shame, and with a sense that the fantasy somehow had caused the act to occur. The authors also noted that since the expression of anger was such a conflictual area for many women (given cul- tural restrictions against women feeling and expressing it), anger often was transformed into self-blame. Other defenses against expressing anger were seen as attempts to identify with the assailant through efforts to understand or pity him" Thus, while most authors in the field agreed that an individual who had been raped was a victim of crisis, the emotional meaning of the assault, and the affective re- sponse, appeared heavily influenced by sociocultural in- structions regarding sexuality and the woman's role. Methodological problems pf Ehg_studies pp ggpg. The study of rape victims from a demographic and/or psychologi- cal perspective is barely over ten years-old. Not surpris- ingly, methodological problems abound, particularly in the initial studies. Katz and Mazur (1979), authors of Understandipg the Rape Victim: A Synthesis pf Research Findingg, noted that it was still difficult to determine the "true" facts re- garding victims due to disparities in the data presently 42 available. They identified five major methodological prob- lems. First, studies have varied as to whether they focus entirely upon rape victims, or victims of other sexual as- saults. This has been particularly true of some of the de- mographic studies. Second, studies have differed notably in age groups included, especially the youthfulness of vic- tims. “Third, initial studies differed in their definition of rape. Fourth, the way the samples were collected were quite different. Hospital studies were used by Burgess and Holmstrom.(l974) and Peters (1975), while others recruited from the community or even through the women's Movement (Saturnansky, 1976; Medea & Thompson, 1974). These first four problems have made comparisons of their findings dif- ficult. A fifth problem is that practically all reviewed clinical studies were essentially studying the reactions of women who had reported rape, at least to the hospital or rape crisis center, so that it remained unknown hOW”Well their findings would generalize to nonreporting victims. At the 1979 time of Katz and Mazur's book, only sixteen empirical studies regarding rape victims were reviewed. Mbst had serious methodological problems, including lack of control groups, lack of a systematic followup procedure, and too little direct interview contact with the victim. Only four empirical studies specifically addressed to adolescent and adult rape victims were found. These were the studies by Burgess and Holmstrom (1974), Peters (1973, 1975), and Medea and Thompson (1974). The number of empirical studies 43' in this area has increased in number and quality since 1979, although more high quality research is clearly needed. An additional consideration is that all of the clinical/empiri- cal studies mentioned that have directly interviewed victims have obtained their data through some type of counseling and/ or support agency or institution. This may bias the results. Not only are the findings limited to self-reporters of rape, but also to those rape victims who have received some degree of crisis intervention and/or supportive counseling. The amount, quality, and timing of the counseling has, of course, varied from victim.to victim.and from agency to agency. It seems important to recall this final factor when discussing what professionals now know regarding rape victims reac- tions, for in essence, this data has primarily reflected data from counseled victims. Method Purpose and Procedures Statement pf_purpose. The main goal of this project was to examine relationships between the rape victim's af- fective states, perception of the crime, and demographic variables to determine if certain variables exerted an in- dependent effect on the recovery pattern. Especially sought were those variables that best differentiated between pro- tracted or difficult recoveries versus more rapid returns to preassault status. The primary sample was adolescent and adult victims of forcible rape who received crisis interven- tion counseling at Erie County Rape Crisis Center (ECRCC) in Pennsylvania immediately following their assault, subse- quently referred to as the "incoming" group. A matched con- trol group was also studied. A subphase involved Obtaining retrospective, self-report data on the long-term effects of rape using two sources: (1) the accounts of women pre- viously treated at ECRCC whose rapes had occurred three months to two years earlier and (2) information from other Erie County women raped at least six months before this study who had received no formal crisis intervention coun- seling. It was anticipated that obtaining representatives of these latter groups would be difficult, but even a small 44 45 amount of data seemed potentially useful given the sparse empirical data on the long-term affects of rape and on dif- ferences between the reaction patterns of women who did or did not receive counseling. Several methods were used to obtain information regard- ing the impact of rape on the victims Standard clinical in- terviews were administered at different time points to ex- amine changes in the incoming group's symptom profiles. Traditional demographic data were gathered on each victim or victim.group, including previous psychiatric history, the preassault life-stress level, and a detailed account of the assault's features. Paper-and-pencil measures of anger, guilt, self-esteem, mood state, locus of control, adherence to sex role characteristics, and level of interpersonal trust were obtained to provide data regarding each victimds affective state and personality. The victimis perception of the degree of violence involved in her assault, the extent and quality of her present support system, and her religious commitment and affiliation were also systematically record- ed. The study was primarily exploratory, but a review of the literature had suggested the following hypotheses as well: 1. The incoming group would describe more severe symptoms at the time of the research participa- tion than would members of the other victim groups. 2. Individuals raped in their own home would describe more severe symptoms overall, particularly in the area of rape-related fears, than would victims assaulted else- where. 10. 11. 12. 46 More severe symptoms would be described by persons having a previous history of psycho- logical problems. Victim's across all groups would evidence lower self-esteem if their assailant was a known other, rather than a stranger. The incoming group would report higher self- esteem at three months postassault than during the first few days following the assault. The incoming group would evidence lower self- esteem at three months postassault than would members of the control and other victim groups. Victims adhering to traditional sex-role stereotypes wou d report less anger and more guilt than those whose sex-role identification was more androgynous. Those individuals expressing high amounts of guilt would evidence lower self-esteem than those expressing relatively little guilt. Incoming victims would manifest greater heterosexual anxiety and more isolation than the controls. Individuals who perceived their rape as particularly violent would report greater fear of heterosexual situations, less interpersonal trust, and a higher incidence of sexual dif- ficulty than would individuals who perceived their assault as relatively less violent. Incoming group members whose assailants had not yet been apprehended would report less anger the first week postrape than victims whose assailants had been quickly apprehended. The amount of negative life changes in the year preceding the assault and the intensity of guilt would correlate positively with the amount of mood disturbance reported at seven to ten days postassault. The degree of religious commitment, the helpfulness of the individual's support system, and a positive self-concept would cor- relate negatively with mood disturbance. 47 Location. The study was conducted at ECRCC, a model rape crisis center that since 1973 has served Erie, Pennsyl- vania, its suburbs, and the rural surrounds that constitute Erie County. It has provided direct service to over 1200 victims of sexual assault and their families. Licensed by the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania as a Mental Health Emer- gency Service Provider, the Center also provides public edu- cation services, operates a hotline, and acts as a referral agent. During the time this project was conducted, the ECRCC counselors were largely community volunteers who had been screened before their acceptance by the agency's director and consulting clinical psychologist. These counselors ranged in age from twenty-one to forty, and their level of formal education ranged from high school diplomas to post graduate degrees. Volunteers had completed a one-hundred-' hour training program.during their initial months at the Center that involved learning crisis intervention techniques and the legal and medical procedures pertinent to sexual as- sault victims. They accompanied senior counselors on visits to victims, first as observers, and later as assistants. Typically, emergency room staff or area police would be the first to notify the Center that a rape had occurred af- ter receiving the victim's consent to contact Rape Crisis. ECRCC counselors then went out to the victim, accompanied her through the medical and legal systems, and provided crisis intervention services to her and her significant 48 others. If a victim called in on her own, the procedure was the same. Counselors did not attempt to convince victims to press criminal charges, rather they presented the legal op- tions and attempted to help the victim to reach her own de- cision. All victims were encouraged to seek medical atten- tion. ‘Male counselors did not make initial calls, but were readily available to work with male victims or male signifi- cant others as needed. The initial counseling contact was usually between four and six hours. The client and her family were regularly contacted by home visits and telephone interviews for follow- up care over the next six to nine months. Each counseling contact with the victim was documented, and ongoing cases were reviewed at least once a month by the agency's staff supervisors and/or consulting psychologist. Treatment plans ‘were written for each victim and were formally updated every three months by the psychologist. Counseling was generally terminated when the victim felt ready to close contact with the Center. The victims. Three groups were studied. The first was composed of women who requested ECRCC's services for a rape that occurred between January 15 and August 15, 1980. The second consisted of earlier ECRCC clients who had been raped three or more months before this study began. The third was composed of individuals in Erie County who had been raped at some time previous to the research period, but who had never received any crisis intervention counseling. 49 Only victims of forcible rape, as defined by Hursch and Selkin (1974), who were thirteen years-old and older were studied. Data on male and female victims was collected. If the assailant was a member of the immediate nuclear family (e.g., uncle, father), or a spouse not in fact separated from the victim, the case was excluded from this study as the assault was not legally termed a rape because dynamics appeared somewhat different than those of forcible rape vic- tims (Katz & Mazur, 1979). Also excluded were: (a) 'mental- 1y retarded individuals who appeared to be functioning at a mental age younger than thirteen, (b) court-adjudicated adolescents for whom obtaining permission to interview them was a complex and lengthy process, and (c) previous clients in such psychiatric disarray (usually from.causes not di- rectly attributable to the rape) that the ECRCC director and the author believed that participation in the research was contraindicated. Research procedures with the incoming group. When the proposal for this project was written, it had been planned to have the Center's counselors conduct the standard symptom interviews on each victim to minimize research intrusions into the counselor-client relationship. The author was to directly contact the victims only during the time periods that questionnaires were to be completed. However, given widely varying schedules and styles of interviewing, this plan's impracticality became apparent when it was discussed with the ECRCC staff. Instead, the author conducted all 50 research interviews. Therefore, within forty-eight hours of receiving a new forcible rape case, the ECRCC counselor asked the client's permission to be contacted by the author. In cases where the counselor firmly believed that requesting the client's participation in the research project during the first few days was contraindicated, the counselor waited until what seemed the first appropriate day to ask. It was explained that the author was conducting a research project regarding the impact of rape, and would like to determine if the victim was interested in participating. The client was assured that her confidentiality would be protected, and that she had a right to refuse the research project without affecting the counseling services she was receiving. If the victim agreed to meet the author, I accompanied the coun- selor to the next session. At that time the research proce- dures and guarantee of confidentiality was explained. If willing to participate in the projects, the victim signed a consent form, and was then administered the first symptom interview and packet of questionnaires. In the case of vic- tims under the age of eighteen, parental permission was also documented on the consent form. Following the initial con- tact, the author independently met with each victim at set time points. Interview sessions were typically conducted in the victimis home in a room.where other family members would not intrude. It was not always possible to keep this loca- tion standard, and victims were sometimes interviewed at the Center, in the hospital, or by telephone if the victim's 51 commitments precluded face-to-face contact during the period when the interview was scheduled. Standard symptom.interviews were conducted with each victim at nine time points during the first three months postassault. These were designed to measure the victimis behavioral symptoms and affective responses to the rape. The interview schedule, where Day 1 equaled the day of the as- sault, is shown in Table 1. Asterisks identify occasions when questionnaire packets were administered along with the interview. Table l Incoming Group Symptom Interview Schedule Time Period Days Following Assault First few days * 2 - 5 Week 1 * 7 - 10 Week 2 l4 - 17 Week 3 * 21 - 24 Week 4 28 - 31 Week 6 42 - 45 Week 8 56 - 59 Week 10 70 - 75 Week 12 * 83 - 88 If the victim.was absolutely unavailable during one or more of these time periods, during her next interview she was asked to try to remember that period as clearly as pos- sible, and to also recall assault-related thoughts, feelings, and behaviors from the missed time period in addition to the present one. When a questionnaire packet was given, it was administered prior to the symptom interview. The sequence of questionnaires and directions was the same for each vic- tim. Adolescents who had difficulty in either reading or 52 comprehending questionnaire elements were assisted. Follow- ing administration of the packet and symptom interview, time was taken to discuss all concerns that the research ques- tions raised for the victim, A copy of each questionnaire form is given in Appendix A (p. 180). The time sequence and order in which the forms were administered is listed in Ta- ble 2. Table 2 Incoming Group Questionnaire Administration Schedule Time Period Questionnaires 2 - 5 days Tennessee Self-Concept Scale Anger Subscale Guilt Index Degree of Violence 7 - 10 days Support System Rating Profile of Moods State (POMS) Life Experience Survey Religious Commitment Measure 3 weeks Thematic Apperception Test (selected cards) Tennessee Self-Concept Scale Anger Subscale Guilt Index Inventory of Personality Develop- ment Fear Survey Schedule III (modi- fied) Bem's Sex Role Inventory Levenson's Locus of Control Scale Body Cathexis Scale (modified) 12 weeks Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale Tennessee Self-Concept Scale Anger Subscale Guilt Index Assault-Related Symptom Interview The author terminated contact with each client following the final research session at the twelve-week period. Each in- dividual was informed that she could call the author in the 53 future if any questions or concerns regarding the research arose. Research procedures with control group. Women students from Opportunities Industrialization Center (OIC), a voca- tional training center in Erie, and teenage volunteers were the controls for members of the incoming group. OIC allowed the author to attend four core classes during August 1980. This vocational school serviced a broad range of people from many age groups and socioeducational backgrounds, and was seen as a likely source of matches for members of the exper- imental group. The course instructors arranged for male students to be in another classroom, while the author re- quested the participation of the remaining (female) students in completing a questionnaire packet. Participation was vol- untary and confidentiality was assured. Directions for the questionnaires were explained. Definitions of sexual as- sault were provided, and students were asked to note in their questionnaire packet if they had ever been a victim of sexual assault, and, if so, the type of assault and when it had occurred. Seating was sufficiently spaced to ensure privacy while forms were being completed. Each individual signed a consent form and completed the following forms in the listed order: a demographic data form, Rosenberg Self- Esteem Scale, Anger Subscale, Guilt Index, Constantinople's Inventory of Personality Development, WOlpe-Lang Fear Sur- vey Schedule III (modified), Bem's Sex-Role Inventory, Levenson's Locus of Control Scale, and the Body Cathexis 54 Scale. Control group members who had never been assaulted were then matched with incoming victims as closely as pos- sible on the following variables: age, race, socioeconomic background, educations, previous mental health history, and religious identification and commitment. In an attempt to obtain controls for rape victims younger than seventeen, I approached two schools, a Girl Scout Troop, and the YWCA for possible assistance. Given the topic of this paper the officials of these organizations did not feel comfortable approaching parents for permission. Colleagues of the author were then provided with control group packets and instructions in the hope that the parents of adolescents they knew might be willing to allow their daughters to complete a packet. Initial responses to this strategy were poor, but by December 1981 enough packets had been received to complete the control group. Research procedures with previously counseled ECRCC victims. All client case folders from 1978 to 1980 were re- viewed by the author to compile a list of forcible rape vic- tims whose assaults had occurred three months or more before the research period. I telephoned each individual to re- quest her or his participation in completing a research packet. The following standard phone conversation was used ‘with each individual: This is Judy Smith, a counselor from Erie Rape Crisis. Did I catch you at a good time to talk for a few minutes? A while back you were a client at the Center. I am doing a research project there to see how clients of ours, whose rapes occurred three months to a few years ago, are doing now. I wondered 55 if you would be willing to complete a questionnaire packet I'd send you through the mail. It asks queStions about how you are feeling now, how you feel you reacted to the assault at first, and how you felt later as you began recovering from it. Your responses are completely anonymous and con- fidential. I am using the results in a couple of ways. First, it will let us hear how you're doing, and how much our Center helped or didn't help you. This lets us know how we're doing. Second, I'll be using the re- sults as part of a research project I'm doing for my. doctoral degree in psychology. My project's purpose is to help educate counselors who may work with rape victims to the reactions women who've been raped have, and how counselors can be most helpful. What are your feelings about completing a packet for us? (If agrees). I'll mail the packet to you within the next few days. The first page on it will be a con- sent fomm which must be signed by you for us to use your paper. This packet will take about thirty minutes to complete. We ask that if at all possible you complete it during the first week you receive it. There will be a postage-paid envelope with the packet that you can use to return the packet to us. If you have any questions about anything on it, or if it stirs up any bad feelings, please give me a call. (Author gives Center's phone number to victim). Do you have any questions for me now? Thank you very much ..... goodbye. If the victim had no telephone, her ECRCC counselor would speak to her about the project. Victims were informed that their packets would not be viewed by any ECRCC staff unless express permission was given. This was done in an attempt to reduce possible distortions of self-reports in order to "please" the counselor. If the individual kept the packet for longer than ten to fourteen days without return- ing it, a reminder phone call was made. If the individual still did not return the packet following this call, no further contact was made. Thank-you letters were mailed out to victimis who returned completed packets. The 56 questionnaire packets sent these victims contained the fol- lowing forms: a consent form, demographic sheet, Rosenberg Self—Esteem Scale, Anger Subscale, Guilt Index, Degree of Violence, and Symptom.Review questionnaire. Research procedures With previous victims without coun- seling. To recruit participants, the author relied on tele- vision appearances, radio announcements, and local newspaper articles to publicize the project to the Erie County commu- nity. Between late Spring and August 1980, city, county, and area college papers ran ads at different times regarding the research; the author taped four radio interviews, and appeared on three area television shows asking forcible rape victims who had never received any crisis intervention coun— seling from the Rape Crisis Center or any other agency, to call the Center for a research packet. Individuals were given the choice of leaving their address so a packet could be mailed, or appearing anonymously at the Center to receive one. This publicity also elicited responses among a "grape- vine" of friends and colleagues who asked for packets to complete personally, or to give to rape victims known to them. In each case, the packets were number-coded, the name removed, and the address cards destroyed to fully protect the identity of these individuals. These packets were iden- tical to those mailed to previously counseled victims. 57 Mbasures Assault-Related symptom Interview (ARSI). A standard symptom interview was necessary to measure the wide variety of symptoms which often follow a rape. Based on a thorough survey of the literature in the field, the author constructed a forty-four item interview sampling assault-related behav- ioral changes in the following areas of functioning: sleep, appetite, heterosexual relationships, sexual expression, oc- cupation, somatic distress, assault-related fears, and changes in affect and mood. The respondent was instructed to describe only those symptoms that she believed to be directly assault-related. Two forms of the interview, a written (ARSI-W) and an oral (ARSI-O), were used. Occupation items in the oral version were devised so that students and home- makers could be rated on them as well as employees. For ex- ample, questions focused on the individual's ability to con- centrate while completing a work task, be it studying, clean- ing the home, or operating a machine. ARSI-W occupation questions were pertinent only for employees and students. Two sets of questions were also available in the areas of heterosexual relationships and sexual expressiveness to ac- commodate persons with and without partners. The ARSI-W's construction was such that participants having partners were asked five questions on the sexual expression subscale, while single persons were only asked three. As a correction, two items for single individuals were weighted to count twice to facilitate comparisons between single and partnered 58 victims. These two items were: "are you as comfortable with physical contact?" and ”are you as comfortable with sexual contact?" The ARSI-O contained an equal number of questions for partnered and single victims. The ARSI-W'was mailed to members of the previously counseled and uncounseled groups, and administered to members of the incoming group at the twelve-week point. Respondents were asked to place a checkmark next to a particular symptom if it occurred during any of the following time periods: one week, one month, three months, or presently. Each symptom was scored as "l" (occurring), or "0" (not occurring), and all "l"'s were tallied for each symptom area, and also for a total interview score. Total scores were obtained for each time period as well as for all time periods combined. The ARSI-O was administered to members of the incoming group on nine separate occasions over a twelve week period. The author inquired about each item within the context of a general interview. If a respondent noted she was having a particular symptom, details were sought (duration, severity, etc.). This procedure was seen as preferable to administer- ing the written form each time as it appeared to allow for more flexibility, the acquisition of clinically richer mate- rial, and provided for greater rapport and good-will between the researcher and victims. Although the interviewer oc- casionally took notes during the interview, the results were generally written out immediately following the session. To reduce ARSI-O data into manipulable numerical form and to 59 minimize the loss of detail, a three-point rating system was devised. Each symptom was rated "1", "2", or "3", indicating that the severity of the symptom was mild, moderate, or se- vere, respectively. Severity was defined according to the frequency and/or intensity of symptoms. For example, a re- spondent having one assault-related nightmare during a set time period received a "1", whereas a victim reporting four such dreams in one time period was assigned a "3". Similar- ly, a victim.who felt more frightened of being alone, but did not let this fear alter her behavior received a "1", while a victim responding to the same fear by literally avoiding being alone at all received a "3". The scoring cri- teria used for each item can be found in Appendix C (p. 220). Item scores were tallied to form a subscale score for each symptom area. These subscores were tallied to form a total score of assault-related symptom severity for a given time period, and for a global total over all time periods. To ascertain the reliability of this rating system for oral in- terviews, three independent judges, selected on the basis of their experience in working with victims of rape, were in- structed in the system.and asked to score ten randomly se- lected interviews from the total pool of 150. Each judge's total score per interviews was correlated with those of the author and yielded interrater reliability coefficients of .76, .76, and .82. An interrater reliability index was also calculated for each subscale area, yielding median correla- tion coefficients of .65 (Sleep), .61 (Appetite), .72 60 (Somatic), and .77 (Mood), .53 (Assault-related Fears), .56 (Heterosexual Functioning), .76 (Sexual Expression), and .63 (Occupation). Bem Sex Role Inventory (BSRI). The BSRI (Bem, 1974) was constructed using sixty adjectives arranged in a seven-step Likert format divided into three subscales of twenty items each: masculinity (M), femininity (F), and social desirabil- ity (SD). Bem treated masculinity and femininity as separate dimensions represented by positive behaviors, rather than as opposite points. To develop these scales, 100 student judges were asked to rate 400 personality characteristics as to their appropriateness for men or women. An item was judged masculine (M) or feminine (F) if both male and female judges independently voted that the characteristic was significantly more desirable for one sex than the other. Ten positive and ten negative sex-role personality characteristics were se- lected as neutral, that is, they were not judged to be more desirable for one sex than the other. These items comprised the measure of social desirability (SD). Four final scores resulted: M, F, SD, and androgyny (A). The first three were obtained by finding the mean rating of the items rep- resenting that characteristic. A difference score was found by subtracting the mean feminine score from the mean mascu- line score. Multiplying this figure by the standard score of 2.322 yielded a p-ratio. The androgynous score was de- termined by examining how nearly equal the M and F scores were, for Bem had maintained that persons attributing a 61 nearly equal amount of masculine and feminine qualities to themselves were androgynous. Bem used a normative sample of 2000 undergraduates and found test-retest reliability coef- ficients for a four—week interval of .89 to .93. Negri (1978) and Sommers (1980) also found comparable figures. Bem's p-ratio for the BSRI appeared internally consistent (average alpha coefficient was .86), and the M and F scales were found to be empirically independent (Bem, 1974; Bernard, 1980). Low positive correlations were found between the BSRI and the Masculine-Feminine scale on the Guilford-Zimmer- man Temperment Survey suggesting the BSRI tapped somewhat different aspects of sex-roles.' Criticism's of Bemis sub- tractive method of defining androgyny led Bem to adopt Spence's (1975) scoring method. Spence had maintained that the truly androgynous individual would score relatively high on both M and F scales or that they would describe themselves as possessing the most desirable qualities of both dimen- sions. She used a median-split method of categorizing sub- jects into high masculine, low masculine, high feminine, and low feminine categories. Androgynous individuals were those scoring above the median on M and F whereas those scoring DEIOW’it on both dimensions were considered undifferentiated in terms of sex role. Those scoring above the median on M, and below it on F, were considered masculine, and the re- verse pattern was considered feminine. Bernard (1980) eval- uated the impact of various BSRI scoring procedures, in- cluding the p-ratio and the median-split method, and 62 concluded that for research purposes the median-split proce- dure was best. It was used in the present project. Bem (1974) had maintained that androgynous individuals would have more positive characteristics than sex-typed in- dividuals. In subsequent research, androgynous persons were found to be more flexible (Bem & Lenny, 1976) and better ad- justed (Cristall & Dean, 1976; Nevill, 1977). More recent findings, however, suggest that masculine-typed men and woms en manifested better personal adjustment in some sectors than did androgynous persons (Erdwins, Small, & Gross, 1980; Jones, Chernovetz, & Hansson, 1978). Erdwins et al. adminis- tered the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale (TSCS), BSRI, and Man- ifest Anxiety Scale (MAS) to one-hundred-thirty-six subjects and found that is was the masculine, rather than the androg- ynous, persons who reported the lower levels of anxiety, although these groups did not differ significantly in self- concept. Results of a factor analytic study conducted by Gross, Batlis, Small, and Erdwins (1979) suggested that the Masculinity items had greater connotations of adaptive func- tioning, while the Femininity scale contained at least five items reflecting attributes that were clearly undesirable. Therefore, these authors predicted that individuals who attributed many feminine qualities to themselves were partic- ularly likely to be at a disadvantage on measures of adjust- ment, while individuals attributing more positively valued adjectives (i.e., high Masculinity scorers) to themselves would be at an advantage. In summary, the significant 63 amount of debate regarding the validity of Bem's definition of, and predictions for, androgyny appear inconclusive and Bernard's (1980) critical review of the BSRI literature stated that Bem's original idea regarding androgyny has yet to be conclusively contradicted. Body Cathexis Scale. The Body Cathexis Scale (Secord & Jourard, 1953) was designed to measure facets of self-esteem related to satisfaction with body features. Forty physical characteristics were listed and respondents were asked to rate their satisfaction with each on a five-point Likert Scale. These ratings were summed to create a total score. The higher the score, the greater the degree of negative feelings indicated; Eleven items were taken from the origi— nal scale for use in the present study. This abbreviated scale included items related to sexuality, strength, and pain tolerance, as well as some general body features. Se- cord and Jourard's (1953) normative sample contained only 45 male and 43 female college students. The corrected split- half reliability for their body esteem scores ranged from .78 to .83, depending on the sex of the respondent. No test- retest data were reported. A positive correlation of .66 was obtained between physical self-esteem and general es- teem. This last finding was replicated by Weinberg (1960). A moderate correlation of .62 was also found between self- esteem and satisfaction with physical characteristics when only those characteristics rated important by the respondent were used (Rosen & Rosen, 1968; Watkins & Park, 1972). 64 Finally, Johnson (1956) reported a correlation of .79 be- tween physical esteem and anxiety among female respondents. This significantly exceeded the comparable male correlations, perhaps reflecting the cultural training that emphasizes the importance of physical appearance for females. Degree gf_Violence. The Degree of Violence (DOV) scale was created by the author to provide both a measure of how violent a rape might "objectively" appear and to assess the degree of violence perceived by the victim. As it seemed doubtful that these two facets would be identical, the DOV was divided into three subscales, each of which could be scored separately or combined into a total scale score. Wébster (1977) defined violence as the "exertion of physical force so as to injure or abuse". In an attempt to provide some measure of hOW'ViOIQnt the assault might appear to in- H dividuals examining only the "objective facts of the crime, a six-item measure of the objective degree of violence (DOV-O) was constructed. These items asked the respondent for the following information: whether the assailant was a known and trusted other; whether threats, weapons, physical restraint (tying or gagging), or physical blows were used against her; and whether the assault left her with any phys- ical injuries. For each question answered affirmatively by the respondents, one point was assigned and further informa- tion requested. Additional half-credits (0.5) were added to the score dependent on what this new data revealed. For ex- ample, if the assailant made a threat (scored 1.0), the 65 victim was asked to describe it. If it was either to kill her, or to kill or maim a loved one, such as her husband or child, an additional half-credit was assigned, resulting in a total item score of 1.5. If the threat was relatively milder in nature (e.g., "Move and I'll kick you."), the total item score remained 1.0. Criteria for each item were defined to determine when to assign additional increments (see Appen- dix B, p. 213). Depending on the question, possible total scores of each item ranged from 1.0 to 2.0. These item scores were summed to provide a total index of the objective degree of violence. To determine how reliable this rating system was, three independent judges, again selected on the basis of their experience in working with rape victims, rated 13 of the 66 DOV-O forms collected in the present study. These 13 were selected on the basis of belonging to victims who had never been clients of the judges, thus con- trolling for any prior knowledge that judges might have about the assault. The judges' ratings were then compared with the author's. Interrater reliability indices ranged only from .96 (median £_= .93). p_= .92 to E The DOV's second subscale consisted of fourteen ques- tions arranged in a five-step Likert format designed to mea- sure the victim's perception of the violence of the assault. Summing these scores yielded a measure of the subjective de- gree of violence (DOV-S). Item three ("The rapist's voice was soft, 'polite'.") was the only item scored inversely. DOV-S items considered factors related to physical force 66 (e.g., "The rapist handled me roughly.") and also to the vic- tim's psychological state (e.g., "I felt invaded and taken over."). Section three consisted of one item which asked the re- spondents to rate how violent their attack seemed to them overall on a scale of 1 (minimally violent) to 10 (very vio- lent). It was anticipated that in assigning this rating the victim would probably consider both her subjective response to the attack as well as her view of its "objective" fea- tures. This rating could be considered independently, or added into a total degree of violence score (DOV-T) obtained by simply summing all subscale scores. Demographic Data. The demographic information general- ly included the following: present data (age, sex, level of education, occupation, marital status, and socioeconomic group), past data (history of previous sexual assaults, pre- existing mental health problems, quality of previous sexual experiences), and assault data (location, length of assault, sexual events, use of threats, assailant's voice tone, pres- sence of weapons, degree of relationship between the assail- ant and victim, and amount of physical force). For control group members, the demographic data form.also included a sec- tion to describe one's religious background, and asked a brief series of questions regarding major life changes occur- ring in the past year. 67 Fear Survey Schedule III (FSS-III). Wolpe and Lang (1964) designed the FSS-III to use in assessing the effect of desensitization on phobic and anxious clients. Derived from Lang and Lazovik's (1963) earlier Fear Schedule Survey, it contained 72 anxiety-engendering stimuli, each rated by the respondent for the degree of fear evoked. Five choices, ranging from no fear elicited to a high intensity of fear, were offered. The authors did not develop a formal scoring system for the inventory, but simply observed how the fre- quency and intensity of reported fears changed as a client participated in behavior therapy. In the present study, how- ever, the five choices were assigned numerical weights of one to five, with one signifying "no fear elicited." These rat- ings were summed to provide a total score. Several factor analytic studies of the FSS have used student (Geer, 1965; Lang and Lazovik, 1963) and clinical populations (Bates, 1971; Dixon, DeMonchaux and Sandler, 1957; Rothstein, Holmes and Boblitt, 1972). Both populations have yeilded four major factors: fears about interpersonal events (Social Anxiety), fears related to small animals (Small Animal Fears), and fears associated with death, pain, or surgery (Fears Related to Bodily Injury, Death, and Ill- ness). An additional component, termed the Agoraphobia fac- tor, has recently been identified (Arrindell, 1980; Hallam.& Hafner, 1978). These factors corresponded closely to WOlpe and Lang's (1964) original subclassification of items into -animal; tissue damage, illness, death or associated stimuli; 68 classical phobias; social stimuli; noise; and miscellaneous categories. Arrindell (1980) studied the FSS-III's reliability and validity using a sample of 703 noninstitutionalized members of a society for phobic patients. Subjects were administer- ed the FSS-III, the Symptom Checklist (Derogatis, 1977), and Zung's Self-Rating Scale for Depression (Zung, 1965). A principal components factor analysis with varimax rotation was performed. Six factors emerged, with the Social Anxiety Component accounting for most of the variance. This factor described a form of interpersonal anxiety that involved such elements as the fear of negative evaluation, concerns re- garding criticism, and lack of competence. While female sub- jects endorsed significantly more of these items as fear- arousing than male-subjects, this sex difference did not hold for all factors. Statistically significant correlations were found between Arrindell's factors although these were only low to moderate in size. Cronbach's alpha was calculated as a reliability index for each component and the resulting co- efficients ranged from .79 to .91, and .95 for the FSS-III total score. The Social Anxiety coefficient (.91) reflected high interitem.consistency. Internal validity studies in- dicated that each FSS-III item correlated positively and significantly with the total scale score. As anticipated, the FSS-III total score correlated rather highly with the global index of psychopathology of the Symptom Checklist. The Social Anxiety factor correlated substantially (p = .61) 69 with the same Symptom Checklist (SC) index as well as the SC's Inadequacy Scale (p_= .65). The present study employed only the 17 FSS-III items classified as interpersonal stimuli by Wolpe and Lang (1964). Eleven of these items were contained in Arrindell's Social Anxiety factor, as discussed above. As heterosexual anxiety was what was of particular interest, each interpersonal item was rewritten to identify the stimuli as involving males, rather than people in general. For example, "speaking before a group" was changed to "speaking before a group of men”. Similarly, the item."angry people" was rewritten as "angry men". The ratings of each item were summed to provide a measure of the subject's anxiety regarding interpersonal situations involving the opposite sex. Guilt Index (CI). The GI is an eight—item, five-step Likert format scale devised by the author to assess feelings of guilt. Items #3, #5, and #6 were taken from the Guilt subscale of the Buss-Durkee Hostility Inventory (BDHI) and five new items were constructed. The BDHI (Buss & Durkee, 1957) consisted of 75 true-false items, each representing one of eight subtypes of hostility; Factor analytic studies revealed two main factors: an attitudinal component (repre- sented by Resentment and Suspicion subscales), and a "motor" component indicating hOW'hOStility was directed (represented by Assault and remaining subscales). The seven subscales directly dealing with aggression yielded a Total Hostility Score (THS), while the eighth subscale (Guilt) was a 70 nine-item global index of guilt independent of the THS. A test-retest reliability coefficient of .72 for this scale was found using a college-aged sample (Biaggio, Supplee, & Curtis, 1981). The latter study found no significant dif— ferences between male and female respondents on the Guilt scale, although Sarason (1961) had earlier observed signifi- cantly higher scores among females. This Guilt subscale cor- related significantly with the Guilt subscale of the Anger Self-Report, a 64-item Likert-type questionnaire also pur- porting to measure various aspects of hostility and its ex- pression (Zelin, Alder, & Myerson, 1972). Both guilt mea- sures correlated negatively with measures of constructive action, contributing to an inference that persons high on the measure of guilt were less likely than others to involve themselves in constructive action when provoked (Biaggio et al., 1981). Researchers who have employed the Buss-Durkee Hostility Inventory have encountered problems related to the dubious reliability of some subscales and their fairly high correlations with social desirability (Biaggio, 1980; Buss & Durkee, 1957). The GI was administered to a normative sample of 20 male and 11 female undergraduate students enrolled in an Introduction to Psychology course at Behrend College of Pennsylvania State University. A corrected split-half re- liability coefficient of .77 was found indicating moderate internal consistency. A test-retest reliability coefficient of .92 (p <1.01) obtained over a two-week interval, yielded evidence of its stability. To provide some estimate of 71 concurrent validity the BDHI Guilt subscale was also admin- istered to these students. 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Four demographic variables linked significantly to Self-Esteem scores. Lower self- esteem was displayed by victims whose educational background was limited to high school (versus college), by victims of different race (rather than same-race) rapists, and by seek- ers of professional postassault counseling (versus those who did not). Contrary to expectations, those assaulted in their own home evidenced higher self-esteem than those assaulted elsewhere. Nngg_. Adolescents reported significantly more anger than did adults. When the adult sample was broken into two age categories, ages 18-29, and ages 30 and older, the ado~ lescents reported more anger. Victims with high school back- grounds also evidenced more anger than those with college backgrounds. More anger was also expressed by victims as- saulted in their home and individuals who had been previously assaulted sexually. Those who described their preassault sexual experience as mixed (positive and negative) also ob- tained higher Anger scores than did those whose previous ex- periences were primarily negative. Guilt. Individuals with a history of prerape counseling 231 and those who contacted professional counselors for rape- precipitated problems obtained higher Guilt scores than those without a history of counseling or who did not seek postas- sault professional counselors. Victims having only high school educations obtained higher Guilt scores than did those with some college. Posthoc analysis with the LSD, but not the Scheffe's, indicated that individuals employed as semi- skilled/unskilled laborers or homemakers also obtained higher Guilt scores than did professional technical employees. Those with mixed positive and negative previous sexual his- tory obtained higher Guilt scores than individuals reporting a history of negative sexual experiences. 292:9, Significantly higher DOV-O scores characterized victims who reported receiving verbal threats during the as- sault, being physically restrained, struck, or threatened with a weapon. NQN;§, Victims of multiple assailants, or those receiv~ ing verbal threats during the assault obtained higher scores. Those assaulted 13~24 months ago obtained higher scores than those assaulted 0-3, 4-12, or 25 months. Home-assaulted vic- tims and those employed (versus unemployed) obtained signifi- cantly lower DOV-S scores. pgy;§. Three groups of.victims scored significantly higher than the others: (a) those injured by rapists; (b) those receiving severe to moderate injuries as opposed to milder injury; and (c) those whose assaults involved deviant sexual acts alone or in combination with vaginal penetration. 232 292:3. Victims who reported having been threatened, struck, and moderately or severely injured obtained higher DOV-T scores than those less threatened or injured. If the assault involved multiple assailants, or if the victim was assaulted in any location but her home, DOV-T scores were significantly higher. Victims who were assaulted 13~24 months ago also scored significantly higher than those raped 0-3, 4-12, or 25-plus months ago. ARSI-w: one week pestassault: Only struck victims evi- denced more symptoms. ARSI-w: one month postassault: Struck victims continued to evidence more symptoms than nonstruck. Adults also evi~ denced more symptoms than adolescents. Victims of multiple assailants, and those who contacted professional counselors after the rape, also reported more symptoms. ARSI-W: three months postassault: Victims whose assail- ant had been arrested evidenced fewer symptoms than victims of nonapprehended assailants. If a victim had been struck, or had a history of receiving personal counseling before the assault, more symptoms were reported. Similarly, those con~ tacting a professional counselor for postassault difficulties evidenced more symptoms than those who didn't. Finally, posthoc analysis with the LSD procedure indicated that vic- tims receiving mild injuries reported more symptoms than did the noninjured. The Scheffe confirmed no differences between these two groups. ARSI-w: Sleep. Two victim categories evidenced more 233 assault—related sleep disturbances: those who had been struck, and those who had sought professional counseling for postassault difficulties. ARSI-W: Appetite. Adolescents evidenced significantly less disturbance than adults. Greater disturbances were re- ported by struck victims and by those who had been injured moderately to severely. ARSI-W: Somatic. Struck victims evidenced more distur- bance than others. ARSI-W: Mood. Victims assaulted in their own home, and those whose assailants had been arrested, evidenced less mood disturbance than those who were assaulted elsewhere or whose assailants were unapprehended. Victims with a prior history of counseling for personal problems, those from poverty-level backgrounds, and those contacting professional counselors for postassault difficulties evidenced more disturbance than others. ARSI-W: Assault-Related Fears. Victims who did not know their assailant, had multiple assailants, or had a previous history of receiving personal counseling, or had poverty~ level backgrounds reported more disturbance than their coun- terparts. ARSI-W: Heterosexual Relationships. Posthoc analysis with the LSD procedure indicated that poverty-level individu- als also evidenced more postassault disruption in heterosexual relationships than did lower middle-class victims, but the Scheffe procedure did not confirm this finding. Victims 234 assaulted at home evidenced less disturbance than those as- saulted elsewhere. Struck victims, those who had previous professional counseling, or who had contacted a professional counselor postassault evidenced greater disturbance. Posthoc analysis indicated that poverty-level individuals had more difficulty in this area than the loweramiddle class. However, the Scheffe did not confirm this finding. ARSI-W: Sexual Relationships. Those having college back- grounds reported more difficulty in this area than high school dropouts, and those who had contacted a professional counselor postassault evidenced more disturbance than those who had not. Finally, individuals whose assailants were ar- rested evidenced less disturbance than did victims of unap- prehended assailants. ARSI-W: Occupation. Adolescents reported less distur- bance than adults, while those assaulted in their own home evidenced more disturbance than those assaulted elsewhere. APPENDIX F 235 Appendix F Independent Effects of Demographic Variables on Questionnaire and ARSI-O Scores Several demographic variables were examined for any in- dependent effect they might exert on the dependent measures of incoming group members. These demographic variables in- cluded: age (adolescents vs. adults), educational level (high school vs. college), socioeconomic status (below middle class vs. middle class and above), religious identification (Catholic vs. Protestant), previous history of mental health counseling, marital status (single, married, and either sep- arated, widowed, or divorced), occupation (employed vs. un- employed), location of the rape (at home vs. elsewhere), vir- gins vs. nonvirgins, the quality of previous sexual experi- ences (generally positive vs. generally negative), those as- saulted before vs. those never assaulted before the present rape, sexual events during the assault (vaginal penetration alone vs. IDSI), race of the assailant, the number of assail~ ants (single vs. multiple), those whose assailants were ar- rested vs. those whose were not, those who knew their attacker vs. those who did not, the presence of threats or weapons during the assault or not, and victims who were struck and/or injured vs. those who were not. As could be seen from this listing, the variables (with the exception of marital status) 236 were classified into two groups alone. Finer discriminations could not be calculated given the small number of victims and the correspondingly empty cells that resulted when more than two classifications per variable were used. As was the case when similar comparisons were made using the total victim pool, p—test comparisons were used unless the dependent mea- sure was a multiple administration measure. In this event a oneway analysis of variance was employed. In each case, a probability level of p:<_.05'was required for a result to be considered significant. When a hypothesis was being tested a one-tailed p-test was used, otherwise nondirectional p-test were employed. ng. Seventeen individuals had completed the ARSI-O at six weeks postassault and the item about age. The six ado— lescent victims obtained significantly lower scores at this time period (M = 3.67) than adults (M = 20.91), N (1,15) = 6.33, p <2.05. Arrest pg assailant. Eleven victims completed the first administration of the Anger scale and the item regarding the assailant's arrest. The two victims of arrested assailants reported more anger (M'= 46.50) than the nine victims whose assailant was not apprehended (M8 25.89). This difference was significant (N (1,9) = 5.43, p <2.05) and supported Hy- pothesis eleven which predicted that victimds whose assailant was not arrested would report less anger at one week postas- sault than victim's whose assailant was "safely behind bars". 237 Educational Ngygi. Ten victims completed the third ad- ministration of the TSCS and the item regarding educational level. The eight individuals of high school backgrounds ob- tained a mean score of 335.38 while the two victims with a college background obtained a lower mean score of 297.50. This difference was significant with N (1,8) = 6.61, p_