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dissertation entitled

BAMBARA MEN AND WOMEN AND THE REPRODUCTION OF

LIFE IN SANA PROVINCE, MALI
presentedby

Maria Luise Grosz-Ngaté

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

W— degree in W99,

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BAMBARA MEN AND WOMEN AND THE REPRODUCTION OF SOCIAL LIFE
‘IN SANA PROVINCE, MALI

By

Maria Luise Grosz-Ngaté

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Miehi State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Depa'tment of Anthropology

l 986

Cog right b
MARIA LUI 198208 -NGATE

ABSTRACT

BAMBARA MEN AND WOMEN AND THE REPRODUCTION OF SOCIAL LIFE
IN SANA PROVINCE, MALI
By
Maria Luise Grosz-Ngaté

This study focuses on the province of Sana, also known as the
arrondissement gg_Sansanding, in the Segu region of Mali. It is based
on intensive research in one Bambara community of the province, com-
plemented by visits to neighboring communities, and on archival research
in the national archives of Mali and Senegal. The entire study spanned
a period of 18 months from January 1981 to July 1982.

 

 

The dissertation provides an interpretation of contemporary Sana
Bambara society, its underlying dynamics, and its historical development.
'Practice' or 'human agency', as elaborated by Anthony Giddens and
Pierre Bourdieu, is central to the analysis and links structure and
process. In line with this approach, close attention is paid to the use
of time and space as integral components of communication and social
action.

The dissertation begins with a discussion of the ethnographic con-
struction of the Bambara which then provides a context for the specific
experience of Bambara men and women in Sana province. Beginning with
settlement in the 16th century, the development of Sana Bambara society
is traced through the colonial conquest in 1890-92. Sana's links with
the world economic system and, consequently, conditions of reproduction
were altered during the colonial period without reSulting in a capitalist
transformation. The analysis of productive activity at the level of the
household, the individual, and the community as observed in 1981/82 re-
mains crucial to the reproduction of social relations as well as to the
construction of ethnic and gender identity. While productive activity

Maria Luise Grosz-Ngaté

has not crystallized into a bounded economic sphere, the reproduction of
the productive cycle has come to depend on commodity production. Not
having become involved in the production of cash crops and with opportu-
nities for obtaining cash locally limited, Bambara men migrate to the
urban centers of Mali and Ivory Coast during the dry season. This form
of involvement in commodity production alters the nature of relationships
between elders and juniors, between men and women, and between house-
holds. The contradictions which emerge are both reflected and mediated
in the marriage process. Hence, the final chapter deals with marriage
and its relationship to commodification and social reproduction.

PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This dissertation is the outcome of an endeavor that has both an intellectual
and a personal history. My interest in Mali grew out of my studies of West
Africa history and anthropology. It was directed to the Bambara cultivators of
that nation by John Van Dusen Lewis' dissertation on the role of descent groups
in Bambara peasant production and particularly by a short chapter on the
conceptualization of worlc I had the good fortune of being able to study the
Bambara language at Michigan State University with the aid of a Department of
Education fellowship administered by the African Studies Center. Dissertation
guts from Fulbright-Hays and the National Science Foundation provided the
necessary funds to pursue my proposed study of the ideational system of work
and its relationship to productive roles. viewed in historical perspective.

I mind in Mali in January of 1981 for a l7-months stay. My administrative
sponsor was the Institut des Sciences Humaines. Mr. Klena Sanogo. its director.
approved of my project and applied for research clearance from the Ministry of
Education on my behalf. In Mr. Seydou Camera, researcher at the Institute. he
appointed a counterpart who maintained an interest in my research throughout the
duration of my stay and who offered advice and help long after his official duty
of assisting me in. the selection of a village had ended

Although I knew from the sttt that I wanted to work in the Segu region, the
actual research site remained to be selected The Legion d: Sam the fourth of
Mali's seven administrative regions, covers an area of approximately 63 000
square km which extend from the Mauritanean border in the north to die Burkina
Faso border in the east Its ecology is marked by the Sudanese and the Sahelian
climatic zones, with rainfall ranging from about 1000 mm in the south to about

iii

300 mm in the north. It is traversed by the Niger and Bani rivers. The economy
of the region is based on agriculture, herding, and fishing Of the various
pepulations in the region Bozo and Somono dominate fishing, Fulani and Moor
herding. and Bambara. Babe, and Minyanka agriculture. Segu is the largest urban
center with an estimated population of more than 60 000 in 1981 out of a total

of close to one million for the region.

Before setting out from Bamako Seydou Camera urged me to define one area
which we mig-It visit in order to select a community that could serve as a basis
for match After considering several possibilities I chose the mm d:
Mug. located north of the Niger River. Richard Roberts had already
completed a study of Sansanding Marks trader-cultivators and their place in the
precolonial economy of the Middle Niger. I hoped to use this knowledge as a
point of reference for examining the way Bambara communities of the area were
linked into the trade networks of the Middle Niger Valley and for exploring how
production lid social organization changed in relation to the rise and fall of

Sansmding as a commercial entrepot

Once in Sansanding. locally known as Sinsanni, inquiries revealed Kuabugu as
one of the eldest Bambara villages of Sana. the term used by residents to identify
the area. Located some 12 km from Sinsanni and 62 km from Segu, Kuabugu is
not connected to Sinsanni by public transportation Neither are the other villages
in the area. Villagers make the journey to Sinsanni on foot. by donkey cart.
bicycle. or possibly by motor bike. To go to Segu. one must either find a vehicle
at Sinsanni, most readily available on market day. or wait by the road for a vehicle
coming from Ke-Macina or Tenenku to the east.

On the initial trip to Kuabugu I presented my project to the elders and to
representatives of the women: my wish to come to live in the village was granted.
The chef Went had told me that Kuabugu had a population of about
400 but my own census later showed a population of only about 230. Several
neighboring Bambara villages were of similar size while others had from 400 to

iv

500 or even 800 inhabitants and some hamlets had a population of less than 100.

When I arrived in Kuabugu with my belongings I was given the house of a
young man who was away on migration. Villagers decided to take turns in
providing my food Initially it was brought to my house but after a couple of
weeks I asked to join the household responsible for my meal. From that point on
I was called at meal time as any other member of the household Beginning with
the village headman and following a rotation based on the seniority of the
household head. I ate in every household for two days This arrangement not only
spread the burden among the households, it also maintained the dignity of all by
not marking myone as undale to provide. As a result I "belonged" to all
households rather that to a single host household During the agricultural season I
went to the fields with the women of the household that was providing my food
on a given day. Because the village headman took responsibility for my well-being
I received his we of Kulubali, a fortuitous coincidence because Kulubali was

the most prevalent clan name in the village.

Intensive research in Kuabugu was complemented by visits to the other
villages of the area. Despite my prior knowledge of the Bambara language I soon
realized that it was inadequate for a thoroughgoing study of the ideatlonal system
of work. I therefore gave greater attention to the organization of work and to
the history of the area. My discussions with household heads in Kuabugu and
neighboring villages were facilitated by Mamadi Kouyate. a relatively recent resident
of neighboring Sibila. Hawa Guindo came from Segu to assist' me in the village
during the second part of the research period She shared my house and was
treated as both my "daughter" and my compmion. Our endeavor would have been
fruitless without the cooperation of the villagers. They supported my effort to
gain an understanding of and document their experience without feeling compelled
to respond to all of my questions My thanks to them became tangible when l
was able to obtain funds through the American Embassy Self-Help Program to dig

two wells and fence an area for a communal garden just prior to my departure.

For our farewell celebration they more than matched the goats I had purchased by

slaughtering an ox.

In addition to the primary data collection I visited Sma men on labor migration
in Segu and Bamako. I also perused relevant archival documents in the Archives
Nationales du Mali at Kuluba (Bamako) and. during June-July 1982. in the Archives
Nationales du Senegal in Daka'.

The dissertation is divided into seven chapters followed by a conclusion.
Chmter one introduces the ethnographic literature on the Bambara as the
construction of an Other. lt traces the developing discourse about the Bambara
against the background of politico-historical developments. This reveals three
phases which correspond to different periods in the encounter between Bambara
and Europeans. Chapter two reviews anthropological approaches to the analysis of
nm-cqaitdist societies and outlines a conceptual framework for apprehending Sana
Ba'nbta experience. Chapter three examines the historical conditions under which
Sm Banbara society was constituted and reproduced Beginning with settlement
in flout the 16th century it traces the development of Sana up to the colonial
conquest in 1890-92. Chapter four focuses on the colonial period and the
gradual integration of Sana into the commodity nexus. It examines French
intervention in local agriculture, the commodification of labor, and the circulation of
commodities. Chapter five analyses social relations at the level of the community
as experienced during the time of fieldwork in 1981-82. It shows that productive
activity is central to the process of social reproduction but that it has not
emerged as a septate 'economic' sphere. Chapter six discusses the involvement
of men and women in commodity production and consumption Since the
‘ possibilities for generating cash locally as limited. labor migration to urban centers
in Mali and in the Ivory Coast has become the primary means of earning cash
income Labor migration. confined primarily to young men. has altered the nature
of relationships between elders and juniors andbetween men and women. Chapter

seven focuses on marriage and its place in social reproduction. The examination

vi

of matrimonial strategies, bridewealtl'i prestations, marriage goods, and the wedding
ceremony itself, brings out changes in the way marriages are constituted and in
the composition of bridewealth. These changes are interpreted in light of the
province's particular insertion into the commodity nexus. Finally, the conclusion
discusses the place of Sana Bambara peasants in the world capitalist economy and
the analytical issues this continues to pose.

My debts do not end with the people and funding agencies already mentioned
In Mali I also enjoyed the hospitality and sisterly support of Cuol Carp, then
American Friends Service representative in Bamako, and of Elaine Ga'dner. a British
volunteer, working with a women's cooperative in Segu Charles Cecil. Cultural
Attache at the American Embassy in Bamako. provided help with technical matters
aid waciously invited me to his home on more than one occasion to meet Malian

guests of honor.

My farnily and friends in Europe as well as my friends and colleagues in the
US. have shown unfailing support throughout a seemingly endless undertaking To
them all I say ”thank you”.

I owe a special debt to Professors William Dermm. Harry Raulet. and David
Robinson for the help and guidance they provided as members of my doctoral
committee. They encouraged me with their interest and their faith in my ability to
see the project through Professor Raulet’s generously shared insights into recent
social science theory contributed immensely to the development of my analytical
39me

The Office of Women in Development. Michigm State University, supported
me with a grant when I first returned from the field

Last. but not least. my thanks also to Jonathan Ngate, who knows why.

vii

Nata:

The Malian franc fell steadily in relation to the US Dollar during my stay in
Mali. In January 1981 the exchange rate was 430MF per US dollar and reached
620MF by May-June 1982. The sums quoted in the text can be converted at the
average of 550M= to the dollar to give a general idea of equivalency.

The spelling of Bambara terms reflects the alphabet established by D.N.AF.LA.
the Malian authority on the orthography of national languages. I have used this
alphabet for personal and place names as well even though their accepted spelling
is still based on the French alphabet for the most part. When providing Bambara
expressions I have given the version current in Sana rather than in Bamako: for
exunplmjnharaflauflnmjmflakamrafliermmakaflnmratherthan
ialflg’, etc“

I have retained the Europem appellation 'Bambara' when referring to the
people who are the focus of this study instead of replacing it with W
the term Bambara speakers use for themselves. 'Bambara' does not have a

jorative connotation. I take the use of 'Bambara' to be analogous to the use of

ench' or 'German' (rather than tcancaistfmcaise or WW5) when
speaking English. 'Bambara' is also commonly used by Malians when they are
speaking French

Any translations from the French within the text of the dissertation are my
own

viii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER I THE ETHNOGRAPHIC CONSTRUCTION OF THE BAMBARA ............ 1
CHAPTER II THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK .................................. 27
CHAPTER III SANA BAMBARA SOCIETY: FORMATION AND REPRODUCTION ....... AZ
CHAPTER IV COLONISATION AND THE INSERTION OF SANA INTO THE

COMMODITY NEXUS ...................................... 72
CHAPTER V PROVISIONING: HOUSEHOLD AND COMMUNITY IN

PRODUCTIVE ACTIVITY ................................. 112
CHAPTER VI PRODUCTIVE ACTIVITY AND THE WORLD OF COMMODITIES ...... 161

CHAPTER VII COMMODIFICATION, MARRIAGE, AND SOCIAL REPRODUCTION....I99
CHAPTER VIII CONCLUSION ............................................ 235

BIBLIOGRAPHY ....... ' ................................................. 240

ix

TABLE I

TABLE 2

TABLE 3

LIST OF TABLES

HOUSEHOLD COMPOSITION AT THE BEGINNING OF THE
1981 RAINY SEASON ...................................... 158

DEMOGRAPHIC CHANGES IN EACH HOUSEHOLD BETWEEN
JANUARY 1980 AND MAY 1982 .............................. 160

CHANGES IN HOUSEHOLD COMPOSITION DURING THE
1982 DRY SEASON ........................................ 198

CHAPTER I
THE ETHNOGRAPHIC CONSTRUCTION OF THE BAMBARA

This chapter reviews the ethnographic literature on the Bambara from the
perspective of the sociology of knowledge. Rather than considering the literature
as a body of knowledge which mirrors Bambara reality, it will be approached as a
construction which was made possible by specific historical circumstances. The
task will be to trace the deveIOping discourse about the Bambara and to outline
the socio-historical conditions of its production and reproduction. This should
reveal the relationships which obtained between Bambara and Europeans as well as

the changing context of these relationships.

The ethnogrphic literature under consideration will be shown to have passed
throug-i three phases which correspond to different periods in the encounter
between Bambara and Europeans. The first phase covers the precolonial period
when Europeans' knowledge depended on hearsay and on encounters with Bambara
slaves and refugees: this was gradually amplified by explorers' travel accounts.
Precolonial voyagers recorded general impressions of people and their
environment Their observations were governed by an evolutionary paradigm in
which Europe occupied the highest stage. The second phase covers the early
colonial period up to the 1930s Evolutionism still predominated but more detailed
studies were produced by administrators and missionaries; these studies usually
included a sketch of the physical, mental and moral characteristics of the
population in question. Professional ethnographers came on the scene only during
the third phase which continues to the present. The first and most illustrious of
these was Marcel Griaule who. along with his collaborators, established a distinct
tradition in French ethnography based on fieldwork among Dogon and Bambara.
Those who followed Griaule and his collaborators do not constitute a single

tradition and have used various explanatory frameworks in their attempts at

1

elucidating Bambara society and culture. With one exception they have all been
Euro-Americans. i.e. outsiders to Bambara society. This aspect. in fact. provides
continuity between the three phases: knowledge of the Bambara was generated

and disseminated by and for a Euro-American audience in European languages.

WMW

Just how the mpellation "Bambara" originated is unknown but it appears to
have been widely used throughout Senega'nbia by Europeans and Africans long
before the colonial period (Faid'lerbe. 1859; Delafosse. 1912). ”Bambara" refer to
themselves as W lsingaamamnl, a term whose etymology breaks down to
W that is, 'refusing' (hm with the suffix ml 'a master’ (meal; Delafosse
(1912) lid Monteil (1924) linked this refusal of a master to a legend which
suggests that the Bambara left their country of origin to escape their Mande
conquerors. Refusal of a master has also been tied to non-acceptance of Islam
aid adierence to indigenous religion in the face of Muslim proselytization leg
Lewis, 1978). These etymologies suggest that am, much as 'Bambara'. was a
global term for people who might have defined their identity in va'ious other ways
le.g. membership in a kin group or other social unit). Delafosse (1912)
acknowledged this when he said

22 2.52222 .2222. marinara: 22.22.222.22222

specific people nor a specific tribe, but all Sudanese who live in the

gigging; realfigigsida weslims and who remained loyal to their
Another global interpretion of m mentioned by the above authors and others
leg Bazin, 1906) derives the appellation from hm 'crocodile'. therefore simply
meaning 'people of the crocodile', that is, people whose totem was the crocodile
Regadless of derivation, with the emergence of the Segu and Kaarta states
3mm became linked with the ruling dynasties and the dominant population of

these MOS.

IbsEitstEhase

The first travel accounts on Senegambia were published in France in 1728 and
in Britain beginning in 1736 (Curtin, 1964). They related the experiences of
merchmts and voyagers and their encounters with coastal and riverine Africans.
Information on the Senegambian interior was based only on hearsay since European
trading posts were confined to the Coast and to the navigable portions of the
Senegal lid Gambia rivers The Interior had nevertheless captured the European
imagination ever since the appearance of Leo Africanus' "Description of Africa" in
Venice in 1550 and its rapid translation into French and Latin This work referred
to kingdoms and centers of trade with wealthy inhabitants in the interior of West
Africa lJ.-L L'Africain, 1956). The development of a body of travel literature on
Senegambia during the 18th century and the increasing competition between
European traders provided an impetus for the gathering of first-hand knowledge
of the Interior.

In support of an argument for a fortified trading station on the Island of
Caignou on the upper Senegal. Labat (1728) noted that Mande merchants used this
area as a resting place for their slaves on their way to the Gambia from Timbuktu,
“Bambaracana”, and other 'countries' to the East and Southeast He went on to
point out that trade with the Mande would provide the Company (Compagnie Roiale
du Sénégal & C6tes d'Afriquesl

only with Bambara negroes; but one could say that these captives

are the best men for work from all of Africa. They are robust. of

a sweet nature. they don't lack spirit; and since it seems that nature

has made servitude their lot the work linked with it does not cause

them any pain whatever. They love their masters. obey. and never

flee. revolt or despair like those who come from the mine area and

some other places (p. 85).
A similar sentiment was echoed by Durand (1807). following his Senegambian
travels of 1785-86 when he stated that 'Bambara, who constituted the majority of
slaves purchased at Galam,' were "strong, robust. docile and good workers lp.

3591."

4

In short. Europeans first registered "Bambara" as slaves whose notable qualities
were docility and the ability to labor. According to Curtin (1975) "Bambara"
entered the slave trade for the first time in the 16803, a time which coincided
with the rise of the Segu Bambara state. The term "Bambara" came to be applied
to a variety of maple: members of the dominant population of the emerging Segu
and Kaarta kingdoms. slaves captured by warriors from these kingdoms. slave
soldiers serving in Senegal; it could also be used as a general designation for
Mande speaking peoples and even for any person from east of the rivers (Curtin.
1975).

Europem explorations of the interior were initiated by Michel Adanson in
1749 who learned Wolof and spent five years collecting botanical and
ethnogmhic information in Senegambia. His objective was "to see and to learn"
ratha that to seek material gain through trade (Adanson. 1759). He belonged to a
new category of ”enliditened" travellers who set out specifically to pursue
scholtly interests in a systematic way (Curtin. 1964). An outgrowth of such
interests was the "Association for Promoting the Discovery of the Interior Parts
of Africa” founded in 1788 by the Englishman Sir Joseph Banks (Curtin, 1964). It
was this association which sponsored Mungo Park. the first European to traverse

the Western Sudan as far as Segu and Sinsanni.

The emerging scholarly interest in West Africa coincided with a developing
governmental involvement in the area and attempts to expand the European trade
diaspora inlaid Already in 1758 a shift from company control to royal
government control 'had taken place in the French trading enclaves and the same
happened with respect to the British factories in 1764. Rivalry between the two
powers entered into the decision to send Mungo Park on m expedition to the
Niger (cm, 1975l.‘

Mungo Park was a Scotsman who had studied medicine in London Hired as a
surgeon by the East India Company. he went on a trip to Sumatra during which he
had occasion to pursue his interests in botany and natural history. At the time of

his return the African Association was preparing to send another exploratory

5

mission to the Niger since the first had failed when its leader. Major Houghton.
died in Eastern Senegambia Park learned about the mission through his
acquaintance with Sir Joseph Banks. offered his services and was engaged
(Thomson. 1890). Park sailed for the Gambia in May 1795 and travelled up the
Gambia river to the British factory at Pisania He spent several months there
learning the Mande language and gathering information about the areas he intended
to traverse. Park left Pisania in December 1795 and returned to the banks of the
Glnbia in June 1797 with a slave caravan from Bamako (Anonymous. 1883).
After Park‘s return to England an abstract of his travels. complete with
geog'qphical illustrations. was immediately prepared for subscribers of the African
Association; Park himself prepared an account of his travels which was published
in the spring of 1799 (Thomson. 1890). In it (Anonymous. 1883) he described the
awiculttral villages ad commercial centers through which he passed and related
the may misfortunes which befell him. His general reflections toward the end of
his accomt provide a my of economic activities 81d of the customs he
observed In his overview. much as throumout the description. Park did not
attenpt to typecast people. He did. however. view the mdeveloped state of
ag'iculttie and the technologically simple material culture as expressions of the
savage state of the population. a condition which. he thought. could only be
remedied through European instruction Even more lamentable. from his
perspective. was the 'pagm‘ blindness which prevailed and to which the only
alternative was Islam. ”a system of bigotry and fanaticism which. without
enlidttening the mind. often debases the heart lp. 1641.” This statement evinced an
attitude which was to be echoed in later years. Prk’s book was rapidly translated
and disseminated in Europe. It raised new speculations bout the wealth of the

Africa interior.

In 1803 Park was commissioned by the Colonial Office to lead a second
expedition to the Niger. This is significant in as much as it marked the beginning
of government fmding for exploratory voyages Park himself outlined the goals of
the journey for the Colonial Office emphasizing not only the increase in
geogaphical knowledge to be gained but also its benefit for British commerch

6

expansion The developing sciences of the second half of the 18th century and
the early 19th century made no pretenses to 'science for the sake of science' but
always emphasized the practical applicability of their findings. Park set out from
England in January 1805 but. in contrast with his earlier voyage. travelled with
several companions, four carpenters. and a party of 34 soldiers. Only a handful
of people were left by the time he reached the Niger at Bamako, the others had
succumbed to disease one by one. Park paid tribute to Monson Jara. then in
power at Segu. and continued down the Niger. His journal and his last letters
were transmitted from Sinsanni to the Gunbia by his guide but nothing further
was herd from him. His guide later verified that Park had travelled through the
Niger bend but was killed near Bussa in contemporary Nigeria.

After the Napoleonic Wars the European merchants in Senegambia were joined
by government officials: in the French colonies a formal relationship existed
between the merchants and government representatives in the form of m
g: game. Britain had "illegalized" its slave trade in 1808 and tried to stop
other slave-trading nations as well so that there was a growing pressure to
engage in ”legitimate commerce" (Curtin. 1975). In the publication of his 1mm: in
Africa Silvester Golberry (1808) not only related his travels in Senegambia
between 1785 and 1787 but called for an aggressive expansion of commerce and
active government involvement as well as the creation of a society similar to the
British African Association to facilitate discoveries of the African interior. In
December 1821 the Geographical Society was founded in Paris to promote
voyages of discovery. publish mas and travellogses. and systematically encourage
an interest in geogaphy (McKay. 1943).

It was a prize offerred by the Paris Geographical Society which spurred on a
poor adventurer to pursue his ambition of reaching Timbuktu. Rene Caillié had read
Mngo Park's account and had travelled in Senegambia before obtaining some
funds from the Governor of Saint-Louis to live with the Brakna Moors in order to
learn the rudiments of the Islamic faith and a smattering of Arabic. in preparation

for an expedition to the interior. Upon his return to Saint-Louis his request for

government funding was rejected and he made his way to Sierra Leone. There he
heard about the prize offered to the first European traveller to reach Timbuktu. In
1826 he set out for the Rio Nunez where he joined a merchant caravan for the
interior. disguised as an Arab. He reached Timbuctoo. traversed the Sahara. and
arrived at Tangiers in 1828. The account of his voyage was quickly published and
translated into English Caillie’ made observations on geography. agriculture.
commerce. and customs of the people he encountered. He considered the
Bambara to be a 'nation' but suggested that

The Bunbtas of this part of Africa- are poor and wretched They

do not trade beyond their own country. Not having joined the

statdrd of the Prophet. theyh cannot travel but at the risk of being

captured and made slaves ey are generally indolent Their soil.

is ill cultivated. and their villages are dIsgustingly dirty. Their food is

bad; .. I observed weavin in some of their villages; but they

MO little cloth. scarcely enoug to clothe themselves. for they go

almost naked... These people are governed by a multitude of petty

independent chiefs. who often go to war with each other. In short.

they are in a savage state. compared with the nations which follow

the reliI on of the Prophet. They have no idea of the dignity of

..?p.p. 322/31.

Caillie's perception of the Bambara has to be seen in light of his association and.
for the purpose of his voyage. identification with Muslims. In short. his
assessment probdaly mirrors the attitude of his Muslim hosts Caillie’ explicitly
ranked the Barbara at the bottom of an evolutionary scale and contrasted them
with peoples who had become Muslims. The latter were generally thought to have
reached a himer stage of development but were also often accused of being

more corrupt and treacherous.

Whereas the potential for chmge is only implicit in Caillié's account. it
becomes the very basis for the mission of the next traveller into Bambara
country. Anne Raffenel. Raffenel successfully applied to the Ministere de la Marine
to be waited funds for m exploratory trip beginning in Senegal and ending in
Egypt. He proposed to bring back data on physical and hunan geography and on
the agicultural 81d comercial potential but move all saw himself as a "pioneer in
the regeneration of Africa" (Raffenel. 18561. In the preface to the publication of
his two-volume work the editor quotes Raffenel concerning the mission he has

charted for France. France's mission in Africa is one of civilisation. to lift Africans

8

out of their barba'ic state. their state of moral depravity. into which they have
lapsed as a result of slavery. Given the identification of Bambara with slaves. this
would make them prime candidates for civilization. Raffenel's appeal is to national
pride. Christian charity, and to sentiments of economic gain, The means of
civilisation would be religous proselytization and commercial and industrial
penetration. He uses a biological metaphor to illustrate his vision: Africa is a body
whose heart is suffering and must be regenerated through the life blood of

Frmce entering the continent by way of its rivers.

Raffenel rejected Caillie's disguise for his 1847 trip 81d insisted on travelling
with full material support to show the benefits of French civilization and to prove
that a large expedition was feasible Although he was prevented from travelling
beyond Karts. he expressed surprise over the 'friendliness and hospitality' he
encomtered but drew a distinction between ordinary Banbara and Bunbua chiefs.
Rather that the ferocity he expected he found that these people ’are really very
cowa'dly and placid'. concluding that their reputation Imst be a result of their
practice to go on razzias in groups. Raffenel here alludes to the reputation
Bambta had gained in eastern Senegambia when the Massassi dynasty of Kaarta
controlled the area. extracted tribute from Bundu and Bambuk. and frequently
raided md pillaged villages (Robinson. 19851. Raffenel also questioned the
depiction of the Barbara as able workers. suggesting that 'their industrial abilities
have been exaggerated.

ln 1854 Louis Fsidherbe beca'ne Governor of Senegal. He was a man who
had prticipated in the conquest of Algeria and who viewed militty domination as
a basis for commercial activity. He therefore acted to consolidate control over
areas already occupied by France and tried to extend domination through the
construction of new forts leya-Forstner. 19691. In an article in the Em
Mainline st Cnlmial: he suggested that
To secure the considerable trade of the Soudan and especially the
cotton (long silky Georgia) which. according to travellers. is ound
there in abundance and dirt cheap. it is necessary to take
possession of the Upper Niger by establishing a line of posts which

way? link1 it to Senegal between Medine and Bamakou (in Mage
. p. l.

9

Eugene Mage. a naval officer. took up this suggestion and proposed an
exploratory trip to the Niger during which he also hoped to assess the mystery
of the Soudan. The proposal was accepted and Faidherbe appointed Mage to lead
a mission to Segu. which had been conquered by Futanke forces under the
leadership of the Muslim cleric Al Haj Umar Tal. Mage was to negotiate with Al
Haj Umar over trading concessions between Medine and Bamako. Accompanied by
a French medical doctor and ten Senegambians. Mage left Saint Louis in October
of 1863. Upon his arrival in Segu at the end of February 1864 he was held in
semi-cmtivity by Amadu. son of Al Haj Umar. for more than two years. His
account relates not only his journey but also provides a great deal of information
on the Umarian court at Segu and on political conditions in the area. Some of this
information was gained through direct observation. some through interviews with
Win disciples. lf Mage had any biases against Islam prior to his journey. these
biases were reinforced by his experience in captivity and led him to call for the
destruction of Islam Mage’s attitude towe'd the local population is not expressly
rticulated md comes through only in incidental cements His most succinct
comment on the Bambara one in connection with the house some people
constructed for him:

These Banbara worked with a disorder that struck me: they yelled.

they argued Noone guided the work; they built. then undid what

they had built, and despite their ardor the house took a lon time to

construct. This was indeed a picture of their life and c that of

moss in general: disorder in all its manifestations (p. 511.
What characterized the state of savagery for Mage was not merely technological
backwarthess but also a lack of discipline and authority. In this. the Bambara were
only a specific example of African society in general. His remedy. with the goal
of trmsforming the population and spreading civilization. was commercial
penetration and the establishment of colonial centers

When Mage finally returned to Saint-Louis Faidherbe had left the colony and
his trip did not generate any immediate expatsion. However. by the end of the
Franco-Prussian War (1870-71) sentiment for overseas expansion began to grow

in France. promoted in particular by the Geographical Societies as a way of

10

regaining national glory lKanya-Forstner, 1969). While the Paris Society had grown
only slowly until 1860. its membership doubled between 1870-73 and new
societies were established in various provincial cities. By 1873 the Society
increasingly emphasized "national honor. scientific interests. and commercial
prosperity to justify its programme” and developed closer links with industry
and commerce which led to the establishment of a Society of Commercial
Geog‘qphy in 1876 (McKay. 1943). Moreover. many Society members were men
of industry. commerce. and government (McKay. 19431.

It was an amateur geographer and traveller who set out for Segu in 1878.
supported by private md public funds Paul Soleillet’s leitmotif was another
version of Raffenel's missing QM. Rather than emphasizing the ”regeneration
of Africa,” he proposed that "the future of France is in Africa". a future of
commercial prosperity through peaceful penetration and monopolisation of trade.
His observations more than confirmed the potential of the Soudan Having watched
festivities connected with agriculture in a Bambara village. he concluded

This custom shows that agriculture is honored here. In fact. I am in

the midst of these Bunba'a populations whom General Faidherbe has

so fortuitously compared with our Auvergnats. They do not at all

consider labor of the soil as dishonoring; the men do it. something

that does not happen among Tukulor nor among most other Blacks.

Also. agriculture is flourishing here lp. 167).
The only fault Soleillet found with the Bambara was that they were not very
commercially oriented, so that "if it were not for the Moors. the Soninkes and the
Malinkes - who 89, in a way. the Jews of this part of Africa - they would be
without my relationship to the rest of the world lp. 1681." Commerce. however,
could be developed since agricultural products were varied and the inhabitants
were "a strong and energetic race which honors work (p. 1681.” Though using the
term 'race'. Soleillet was quick to point out that Blacks were not inferior to
Europeans from the point of view of heredity but were merely behind in
education and had to be compared to the 13th century Gauls. This statement
expresses most forcefully the temporal distance which evolutionary frameworks

introduced into the relationship between people who lived at the same time

(Fabian. 1983). The spatial distance between Europe and Africa was thus

11
compounded by a temporal distance and provided a rationale for domination.

Europeans had formed an image of "the Bambara" long before they penetrated
into the areas inhabited by them. This image was defined by the slave trade and
the role Bambara played in it they were both slaves and enslavers. As slaves they
were considered docile laborers. a view which predominated at least until the rise
of the Kaarta state during the second half of the 18th century when they also
gained a reputation as fierce warriors. By the time Park completed his first trip to
the Niger the age of “enlightened travel" had virtually come to an end Instead of
pursuing broad interests in the natural sciences (as Adanson. for example). the
voyages of those who followed had more narrowly defined goals. The explorers
of the 19th century. especially beginning with Raffenel. saw themselves as
representatives of civilisation with specific rights and duties (Leclerc. 1972). They
all relied on Senegambian interpreters to mediate communication with people of
the interior. During the 19th century the number of institutions which supported
“scientific" explorations and disseminated their results gadually increased Although
explorers generally did not find the wealth associated with the Western Sudan in
the Ettopem mind. they cast their descriptions in terms of the potential the area
held for France. lts population too had potential for progress. and non-Islamised.
agicultural peoples like the Bambara more so than Muslims (who frequently were
also traders). since they were consistently ranked lower on the evolutionary scale.
After 1850 the image of the docile Bambara slave gave way to that of the

peasant
Immense:

Cohen (1974) has argued that the expansionist sentiment of the late 1870s
was merely the culmination of imperialist interests which had been articulated over
a long period of time in travel accounts and commercial documents. The traveller
to follow Soleillet. Joseph Gallieni. commmded a government mission to Segu in
1879 with the express purpose of concluding a treaty with Amadu and
establishing a French presence at Bamako. With his expedition the relations of

autonomy-dependence between European traveller and local population shifted in

12

favor of Europeans. a shift that was facilitated by the accumulated 'knowledge'
about the Sudanese Other. Since the Bambara populations were known to have
resisted conversion to Islam as well as Futanke rule. the French considered them
'natural allies' who only needed to be convinced that the French were on their
side. Suspicious of French intentions. Beledugu Bambara ambushed Gallieni and his
pzty at Jo on the way to Bamako. Gallieni and those who continued were then
held as virtual prisoners of Amadu at Nango. near Segu Upon returning to
Senegal. Gallieni advocated the destruction of Amadu's empire:

The mimist rebels were to be given material support and incited to

attack the fortress at Kunjan. while the Sultan's brothers in Kaarta

were to be encouraged to defy his authority. The French themselves

should dismember Futa. occupy Beledugu. build forts at Niagassola

ad Bamako. place a boat on the Ni er and send it to Segu with
a Resident (Kanya- orstner 1969. p. 1).

Gallieni's account not only upholds the dichotomy - Europe : Civilisation ::
Soudm : Savagery - of earlier travellers. it also shows undisguised racist
sentiments. He can thus note that "the people of Kits are not beautiful; they have
somewhat Simim traits (p. 157)." Some of his assessments contradict each other
as. for example. when he states categorically that local 'negroes' (menus). as those
of other parts of Africa. are lazy but men goes on to say:

The Bambara are the cultivators par excellence in these regions.

During the rainy season and the harvests they are rarely idle. and

everything indicates that the arrival of our traders and merchants on

the Niger could. by assuring a good price for their products. slowly

gasform this population which is currently savage and in rags (p.
For Gallieni subsistence production is synonymous with laziness and change has to
be induced by. a "superior race". The W represents a vast potential for
French commerce. Given the material deprivation - people have virtually no
clothes. guns are inferior and old. etc. - the introduction of European goods
would incite people to want them and they would be compelled to go to work.
Gallieni's view of commerce as the key to progress had already been expressed
at the turn of the century by Joseph Marie De Gerando. a member of the Sociéte’
des Observateurs de l'Homme. The rationale for promoting trade was scientific:

since savages were still at an earlier stage of European society. trade would

13

stimulate new 'needs' and 'desires' in them. and these would gradually bring about

evolutionary progress (Stocking. 1968).

In 1883 a French military force under Borgnis-Desbordes established a fort at
Bamako and in April 1890 colonel Archinard took control of Segu Following
conquest. observations on the indigenous populations became an integral part of
the system of control. The new ethnographers were local administrators.
missionaries. and administrator-ethnographers Administrators at the level of the
and; included evaluations of the populations under their jurisdiction in their
political reports and frequently pieced together historical developments for the
period preceding conquest The initiatives taken by certain administrators to
increase their knowledge of the people they governed paved the way for
mthropological field research in France (Leclerc. 1972). Francois Clozel. who was
lieutenant-governor of Haut-Sénégal-Niger from 1908 to 1915 and governor
general of French West Africa from 1915 to 1917. asked for detailed studies of
_Sudmese juridical systems and observations on their application Based on a
questionnaire he himself had designed. these studies were to form a basis for a
We: gininl ("indigenous law”). systematized md without ambiguity. to be
used by 'indigenous tribunals’ in civil cases. However. "indigenous law" would only
be applied when it did not contravene French "humanitarian principles”. Out of this
project grew the five-volume work W published in 1912.
Maurice Delafosse was responsible for three of the volumes: one on 'the country,
the peoples. the languages'. another on the 'history' and the third one on the
'civilisations' of the area: the remaining two volumes on 'economic geograth were
authored by James Meniaud In the preface to the first volume Delafosse pointed
out that he had used cercle monographs and the coutumiers established in 1909
but. given their unevenness. he had complemented them with secondary sources
and investigations of his own wherever possible. He followed up these volumes
with other books and taught at the Ecole Nationale des Langues orientales; he
becane co-founder of the Institut dEthnologie in Paris in 1924 and director of
the Ben: Wimp (Leclerc. 1972). Although he adhered to the model of

evolutiona'y stages. he was willing to give 'civilisation' a wider meaning that would

14

not reserve it for European society alone.

Charles Monteil. a 'commandant de cercle' at Jame for a time. authored a
Wmmnnain 1903mLas8ambaLasduS§eQuatduISamain
1924. The latter was published under the auspices of the "Comité d‘Etudes
Historiques et Scientifiques“ founded by Clozel. Already in his preface to
Haut-Sénigal-Niger. Clozel had provided a rationale for furthering historical studies
in the Soudan "In contest with most of the African colonies whose past. as virgin
as their forests. is limited to the history of the efforts of European explorers. the
Soudm has a history (p.31" [of its own]. He cited medieval commerce. Moroccan
conquest. etc. as evidence. Monteil‘s Les m records the origin and history
of Segu and Kaarta as told by two bards whom he had brought to Jenna for the
purpose: this is followed by chapters on social stucture and customs. Monteil's
goal was to add to the existing knowledge of these state structures and to
elucidate the common basis in custom all Banbara shared despite their lack of
homogeneity as a group. He goes on to point out very perceptively that the
mplication of Europem terms and characteristics to indigenous institutions which
mpear similar often distorts their features. but he concluded that they nevertheless
need not be rejected out of hand Finally, if any further justification for his study
were needed. it would lie in the fact that "the Black” is still dominated by his past
even though "the indigenous soul" has been loosened from its moorings "under our

blows" and is moving in new directions.

The third administrator whose name is linked with Bambara ethnography is
Louis Tauxier. After writing three works on the Mossi/Gurunsi populations. he
published La Belieien Bauhaus (1927) and mimics mm (1942). synthetic
works which draw on earlier publications complemented with data he collected
As an administrator in Niafunke in the North during 1913 he systematically
questioned his m m of Segovim origin. Less well known administators
leg. Le Barbier. 1906) also wrote monographs and articles which appeared in
lamesuchasthafimmlmialeormeasmdlfithmmhia

15

A standard part of all these materials is a profile of the Bambara including
physical type, mental and moral characteristics. This feature recalls 18th century
observations of 'Bambara' slaves. The image that emerges is that of an individual
with a rather robust build. matched by stubbornness. slow thought processes.
difficulty in expressing himself and in assimilating new information. Though very
patient and fatalistic. lg Bambara (it is always the generic individual) is vengeful if
his patience is stessed to the limit When speaking he does not look at his
interlocutor. digresses infinitely. and swallows half of his words so that he can
btely be understood. In general. the Bambara represent the primitive Sudanese
type, along with the Bobo. the Senufo. and the Samo. By the same token. these
populations re also the best and most energetic cultivators of the region. making
them “the people most eminently qualified to supply a labor force without initiative
but easily guideable. something very necessary for the development of a new
county (Delafosse, p. 348)." Tauxier (1927) adds to this that the Bambara make
solid md disciplined soldiers. as long as they are well-trained and given orders.
Such conclusions leave no doubt concerning the functional nature of population
typing As will be shown in chapter 1? French colonial administrators determined
etly on that they would have to rely primarily on peasant production in exploiting
the 5mm and also recruited an African fighting force.

Aside from colonial administrators. missionaries also compiled information on
the Bambara during these early years. As Mudimbe (1984) has noted. missionaries
have historically either preceded or followed a European flag and their intervention
has been closely tied to cultural propaganda. nationalism. and commercial
penetation. The first missionaries in the 5m established a station at Kits in
1888 aid at Segu and TImbuktu in 1895 (l-larding. 1972). The first comprehensive
Bamba'a-French dictiona’y was compiled by Mgr. Bazin (1906). complete with a
general intoduction about the Bambara and a section on Bambara grammar.
Several years later appeared the monograph of Joseph Henry (1910) who had
been a White Father at Segu. It was (mended to facilitate the work of other
missionaries as well as that of merchants. colonial officials. and others Father

Henry was more explicitly eurocentric in his commentary than any of the other

16

authors and was criticized by Delafosse (1911) because of it: he. like Gallieni,
equated subsistence production with laziness. Henry disagreed with those who had
lauded the Bambara as industrious cultivators:

To crouch under a leafy tree and pass the day there in long chats

or a half-sleep is his dream and constitutes his happiness. Lazy.

even slothful, he believes to have accomplished all there is if he has

something in his granary to feed himself and his family. The head

tax and especially the 'fetish cult‘ force him to shake off his torpor:

but he has it all calculated. he works to obtain what he needs and

then stops (p. 10).
Furthermore. the intusiveness inherent in the encounter between those in quest of
knowledge md their interlocutors is evident in some of his other comments which
suggest that information concerning religious practices is often best obtained by
surprising prticipants in a ceremony. thus confronting them with one's presence
and forcing them to divulge knowledge which would otherwise not be revealed to

outsiders

The discourse of the early decades of colonial rule established "the Bambara"
as a subject with a specific and primordial nature. Though some of the authors
were well aware of the~geographical dispersion and varied historical experience of
the people who referred to themselves as W they nevertheless felt
confident in defining them. Once defined. they could be fitted into taxonomies and
compared with others. Delafosse (1912) pointed to the problematic nature of the
criteria used as a basis for classification but nevertheless set up a system with
'race' at the top and 'peuple', or ethnic group. at the bottom. 'Race'. applied to
Whites and Blacks respectively (though it is not evident if he believed in the
equality of races or. like Gallieni. in the superiority of Whites) and 'peuple‘
referred to a group characterized by common language. history. and origin. Within
this framework the Bambara were a 'peuple' alongside the Kagoro. Khassonke.
Malinke. and Fulmke who together constituted the 'Mande du Centre' (the 'cental
Mmde’l: these. in turn, could be grouped with the southern and northern Mande
.into the Manda 'family'. Such classification reified groups and appropriated them
for Europea'I science.

17

The proliferation of knowledge about the Bambara. despite a certain sensitivity
displayed by some authors. was made possible by the colonial situation and was
intended to facilitate government and development (mjsg an film) of the colony.
In contrast with precolonial tavellers who were dependent on their indigenous
hosts and companions. colonial authors were backed by the power of the state
81d could extact information if necessary. Whereas precolonial tavellogues were
accounts of individual experiences. with the personal nature of commentary a
given. the information generated during the second phase was cast in a more
objective lmguage which effaced the individual observer. The cmxilative
knowledge of both periods was committed to writing in the language of the
colonizer ad could therefore be stored and retieved in ways not possible with
oral tsditions Since the colonized had no access to or contol over this body of
material it reinforced the shift in the balance of forces between Bambara and

Europeans
Ihe Ihicd Elma

ln compa'ison with its counterpats in Great Britain and the United States.
French ethIiology developed relatively late as an autonomous discipline. It was not
until the 1930s that trained researchers began to engage in field research in any
systematic mmer (Balandier. 1959). By then, the territory had literally been made
safe for them. so that they could pursue their science without having to maintain
security and order (Copans. 1974).

Marcel Griaule. a student of Mauss. was one of the early professional
etl'hog'mhers He became the first to hold a chair in ethnology at the Sorbonne
and dominated the African ethnology of the time. He led an expedition that
traversed Africa from Oak: to Djibouti between 1931-33 collecting artifacts but
also conducting interviews and participating in ceremonies (Leiris. 1934). Griaule
became fascinated with the Dogon of the Soudan during this tip and returned
nunerous times over a 15-year period He developed an approach which aimed
at elucidating indigenous thought processes and constructed the philosophical

systems underlying social reality through the interpretation of myth and symbolism:

18

social reality emerged as the concrete manifestation of metaphysical principles
(Coprls. 1974). Within this framework social relations and contadictions. including

the colonial situation. could be ignored or exploited.

In a penetating essay Clifford (1983) has probed the dynamics underlying
Griaule's ethnography. He has shown that despite the use of various techniques.
Griaule's work is characterized by rt ”aggressive posture not unlike the judicial
process of 'interrogation' (p. 137)." Griaule did not ty to hide this fact and was
acutely aware of the power differential in the encounter but also of the struggle
for control For him.

every informants self-presentation (along with that of the
ethnographer) was a dramatization. a putting forward of certain
truths and a holding back of others In penetrating these conscious
md unconscious disguises. the fieldworker had to exploit whatever
advritages. whatever sources of power. whatever knowledEe not
based on interlocution he or she could acquire (Clifford. p. 13 ).
If Griaule succeeded in elaborating a complex system of Dogon knowledge and in
presenting African taditions as worthy of respect. he also set himself up as a
spokesperson for Africrts. In the early 1950s he suggested that
Ethnogrmhic mderstriding is critical in a changing colonial context
it permits one to 'select those moral values thch are of merit and
should be preserved.’ to 'decide what institutions and what systems
of thought should be preserved and propagated in Black
Africa'....Tradition must be well understood so that change can be
properly guided. 'It is a question of taking what's theirs that is rich.

and tansposin it into our own situation. or into the situation we
wish to mate or them..Clifford. p. 151).

The preceding glimpse of Griaule and his work has a two-fold purpose: Ilto
throw lid-It on Brnbra ethnogrqahy by Griaule collaborators and students: and
mm bring into focus the problematics of ethnography in a colonial and
neo-colonial context Few ethnographers today would take as openly aggressive a
stance (or admit to one) as Griaule but the assymetical power relationship remains
Ed the knowledge generated in the ethnographic encounter continues to be largely
under the control of the outsider. Clifford has summarized the predicament of the
post-colonial researcher very welt

Some authorizing fiction of 'authentic encounter.’ in Geertz's phrase.

seems a prerequisite for intensive research. But initiatory claims to
spedt as a knowledgeable insider revealing essential cultural truths

19

are no longer credible. Fieldwork cannot appear primarily as a
cumulative process of gathering 'experience.’ or of cultural 'Iearning‘
by an autonomous subject It must rather be seen as a historically
contingent, unruly. dialogical encounter involving. to some degree.
both conflict and collaboration in the production of texts.
Ethnographers seem to be condemned to strive for true encounter.
while simultaneously recognizing the political. ethical. and personal
cross-purposes that undermine any transmission of intercultural
knowledge. Poised between Griaule's enactment and Leiris‘ refusal of
this ironic predicament. and working at the now-blurred boundaries
of ethnographic liberalism. fieldworkers struggle to improvise new
modes 0 authority (pp. 152/3).

As alluded to in the quote by Clifford. Leiris. a member of the Dakar-Djibouti
expedition. rejected the rnbivalent position of ethnographer in a colonial situation
rid did not return to Africa to do reserch But other collaborator-students of
Griaule crried out research among the Barnbra in the Griaule tradition. The
investigative style of these researchers is not apparent in their writings but the
focus. like that of Griaule. continued to be cosmogony and cosmology. Germaine
Dieterlen. who also prticipated in fieldwork on the Dogon. published her Essaj sun
In mfigjgg 38:11:13 in 1951. In it she presented the metaphysical system
underlying Bambra social life. and declared that any apparent contadictions or
inconsistencies were due to lacunae in the investigation rather than to any
problems in the system itself. In addition to this monograph. she wrote various
articles dealing with different aspects of Bambara myth and symbolism. Solange de
Ganay. another member of the Griaule team. is known only through her articles on
religious symbolism Both women worked with a wide range of informants from a
number of towns in Bamako and Segu m. This dispersed effort of data _
collection. as opposed to reserch in a single locale a la Griaule. and perhaps a
more low-key approach of the researchers may account for the fact that the
Bambra never attained Dogon fame with a European audience. Moreover. Bambara
villages do not stir the Western imagination with its admiration for technological
accomplishments the way Dogon cliff dwellings do. It is ironic. as Clifford (1983)
has well pointed out. that Sanga - the focal point of Griaule's excursions - has
become one of the foremost tourist attractions in Mali. Bambara culture. on the
other hmd. has not become a commodity. A beautifully photographed volume on
Mali sold to tourists on Bamako steets in 1981/82 did not feature any aspect of

20

Bambra social and material life.

The third person to engage in extensive studies of Bambara culture was
Griaule's student Dominique Zahan In charge of the immigration section of the
Office du Niger from 1948 to 1958 he was concerned with difficulties posed by
the colonisation of irrigated lands and collected ethnographic information during his
spre time. His major effort has been concentrated on explicating the religious
ideas which constitute the foundation of tie different secret societies. Zahan
(1960) has identified six societies - nfidgmg. km ma. (song. mi (sic). and
m - which re nominally independent of each other. but which. in his view,
. represent a hierarchically linked system of knowledge. Initiation into each society
progessively renders a man's knowledge of creation. of man. and of the universe
more complete. It is literally a "man's" knowledge because women are excluded
from these societies In his 1960 volume on the 11de and the km - the first
81d the final 'stage' in the attainment of knowledge respectively - Zahan promised
similr in-depth monographs on the other societies. but only one has appeared
since then on the em (Autumn: m sole“. 1980). It is uncler if technical
problems prevented the publication of the . other monographs or if Zahan has
decided to withhold this esoteric knowledge for ethical reasons. In a turn away
from the esoteric. he focused on the spoken word in everyday life in La
dialectinus du nth: she; ls: hmbaca (1963). Although this work is not a
definitive study. it is nevertheless of import because it shows the significance of
'the word' (Ia ample) and its converse. silence. as elements of Bambara
personhood and social life. Without ever referring to ethnographies of the early
colonial period. Zahr'l's monogrrah negates their characterisations which stress the
Bambra lack of communicative skills.

The development of Bambara ethnography as a colonial phenomenon meant
that reserchers were French and that they wrote in French. Viviana Paques. a
resercher at the Centre Nationale de la Recherche Scientifique. prepared a
synthesis of extant knowledge on the Bambara for the monograph series of the

International African Institute of London (1954) but this was also published in

21

French. In its coverage of all aspects of life. the monograph reflects the traditions
of its sponsor rather than those of French ethnography. The work of the Griaule
school has never been tanslated into English though Zahan did author a brief
monograph on Bambara religion in English in 1974.

Research carried out since Malian independence shows a diversification of
focus and theoretical orientation The investigations of Rene Luneau. the only
rithropologist to conduct reserch during the 1960s in Beleko (departement Jo‘Ila)
culminated in a doctorat d'etat (1974) on Bambara marriage. Luneau examines
mrriage as a social institution aid. in contest with his predecessors. places his
study in geographical and historical perspective. Michele Felloux. a social
psychologist. presented a doctorat de llle cycle Ind) on "The social development
of the Brnbra child in the traditional milieu." based on fieldwork carried out in
1972. She never defines ’taditional milieu’. but one may assume that she means a
setting where at least the majority of people have not converted to lslarn. Since
her reserch village was located within 40 km of Bamako and produced
vegetables for ' the Brnako mrket. 'traditional' could hrdly be taken to refer to
noninvolvernent in the commodity nexus Jean Bazin. a historian. has tied to
elucidate the structure and dynamic of the Segu Bambara state. He examined the
relationship between ”commerce and predation" (1972) which involved Marka and
Barrbara respectively. This led him to explore the formation of ethnic identity
rather than taking ethnicity as a given In another study (1974) Bazin focused on
the vrious meetings of ’slave’ in the Segu State and showed how slaves were
produced. distibuted. and exchmged

Beginning in the 1970s French domination of research was supplanted by an
increasing American involvement This was due to a combination of factors which
are related in varying ways to the emergence of American hegemony after World
Wr )1. Along with the shift in the national origin of researchers went a chmge in
investigative technique. Instead of repeated short periods of research American
ethnographers conducted their studies during extended stays of a year or more.
This difference in duration of stay reflects the emphasis in Anglo-Saxon

22

anthropology on experiencing an entire annual cycle and on becoming immersed in
indigenous culture. It is not within the scope of this essay to discuss the
advantages and disadvantages of these different approaches to research though
they do deserve careful examination for the way in which they affect the

encounter between a researcher and his/her interlocutors.

The first American anthropology dissertation on the Bambara is based on
research carried out under the auspices of USA“). As a result of the drought
conditions which culminated in the 1972 crisis the West. and the United States in
prticular, have become more heavily involved in attempts to transform
socio-economic conditions in the region. One aspect of this transformation is the
attempt to improve, both qualitatively and quantitatively, Mali's livestock in order to
generate foreign exchange through the sale of meat to West African coastal
counties and. possibly, to Europe. Hence the parameters of John Van Dusen
Lewis' research were defined by the need to develop range management schemes;
his task was to collect baseline data to aid in the establishment of such schemes.
Lewis was located in at area north of the Bani river. at the edge of the Dukoloma
forest reserve. where herd-owning Bambara peasants were to be integrated to a
range management and related credit system Supported by extensive quantitative
data Lewis (1978) examined the functioning of the local economy through a study
of the role of kinship in providing and contolling much-needed labor. He
attibutes the peasants’ ability to prevent the dispersal of laborers to an ideology
which emphasizes the collectivity over the individual. lnstumental in this is the gi
kg ton (the cultivation association of the village youth) which cross-cuts kin ties.

Ethnographies of the third phase are complemented by the work of art
historians who, up to the present. have all been American. The first of these was
i Patick McNaughton (1977; 1979) who built on the studies of Zahan as well as on
those of some of the colonial administators by concentating on Bamba'a
blacksmiths and their role as sculptors of the [some secret society. While his
emphasis. much like that of those who followed him, is necessarily on the artistic

dimension of the phenomenon under consideration, it is not disembedded from its

23

socio-cultural context James Brink (1980) and Mary Jo Arnoldi (1984) both focus
on Bambara drama. The former analysed 1591531913 comedy in the Beledugu while
the latter examined 59993120 puppet theate in Kirango-Markala Although these
forms of drama have a long history. both scholars indicate that they. like the
society that created them. have not been static. Sarah Brett-Smith studied the
symbolism of mud cloth and used it to tace Bambara migration At the time of
this writing her dissertation is not yet available.

Drme Bagayoko. a Malian who has studied in Paris, has made the 2] 133 “in
the focus of his dissertation l3e cycle). Bagayoko works in the tadition of his
mentor. Georges Balmdier, who advocates a dynamic anthropology that takes
.accomt of historical realities and contadictions in social relations This
perspective guides Bagayoko in his examination of the stucture 81d activities of
the than in a cluster of villages in two different regions of Mali. He is able to
show how the 15mm are influenced by the specific historical and politico-economic
experience of the respective areas and thus challenges the notion that the gj k5
fin constitutes an egalita'ian force within the village and can provide a basis for
socialist development

Research carried out during the third phase shows that the Bambara continue
to be a subject-object In this respect. the professional ethnographer is but one
in a series of ’explorers'. The ethnographies of this period have nevertheless
revealed the richness and complexity of Bambara society and culture. The work of
Bagayoko. Lewis, 81d Luneau, and that of British researchers with whom I have
communicated brings .out vriations in space and time which are not captured by
an essentialist view of ”the Barbara". Essentialism. whether of the Griaule variety
or its cruder colonial versions. has the effect of reifying the Bambara as an Other.
Taking a stance against reification of "the Bambara" is not to deny the existence
I of a Ba'nbara identity but rather to stess the fact that those who sha’e this
identity are not a cohesive unit marked by well-defined boundaries Differences
occur at both the regional and the village level, and contemporary social processes

continue to shape Bunbara socio-cultural configurations in multiple ways which do

not follow any singular direction.

24

25
Conclusion

The preceding outline of the ethnographic constuction of the Bambara in its
different phases has shown very clearly to what extent the production of
knowledge is tied to historical-political context The relationship between the
quest for knowledge and the politics and economics of a given period was most
evident for the first two phases considered here. It is less tansparent for the
third phase during which ethnology as a branch of knowledge came into its own.
With the elevation of ethnography to an academic discipline its politico-economic
underpinnings have become less easily discernable and the interplay between
science ad political economy has become more subtle. The process by which
priorities for funding research are established, for example, is much more obscure
today that it was in the 19th century. The choice among possible explanatory

frameworks. too, obfuscates some of the underlying epistemological continuities.

In tacing the history of Bambara-European relations and how these have
shaped the ethnographic image of the Bambara. this chapter has brought into
focus the predicament of the contemporary ethnographer. A necessa'y response
to it is the stuggle for ”new modes of authority.” as Clifford (1983) has said
One aspect of this stuggle involves the presentation of the ethnographic text
itself. As a modest beginning, the use of "informants" in the chapters to follow
has been eschewed in favor of "elder," "woman." etc. to restore the personal
identity of my interlocutors. Beyond this, I have tied to find an analytical
framework which avoids some of the reification inherent in more normative
approaches md which grants the subject a certain autonomy without losing sight
of the importance of social processes This will be discussed in the next chapter.

26

Notes

1 The early literature I perused did not indicate that the existence of Bambara
state formations provided as much of an impetus for exploration as the myth of a
fabulously wealthy interior which was linked to the mystique surrounding Timbuktu

CHAPTER n
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

How do we account for the contemporary form of Sana Bambara society
md what are its underlying dynamics? These are the two fundamental questions
which guide dais malysis. They take on importmce in view of the fact that
present-day Sana is part of the capitalist world system. yet it is not dominated
by capitalist relations of production. This conjuncture is not unique to Sula.
Althoum the problem has not always been defined in these terms. it has already
received considerable attention in the anthropological and development literature.
The debate in mthropology has focused on the nature of these societies and on
the conceptualization of their link with the capitalist sector. The different
woaches to these issues have resulted in three major bodies of literature
which will be reviewed below. Following this. ' will outline the malytical
frunework to be used in tying to answer the questions posed at the beginning

of this paragrmh
S | | I' . I! E l'

Karl Polmyi. together with Conrad M. Arensberg and Harry W. Pearson.
edited a volume entitled m and Market in me am Emits: (1957) in which
they challenged the universal applicability of economic theory. Contibutors to the
volume did not criticize economic theory as: as but simply held that it ought to
be limited to "economies where price-making markets hold sway (Polanyi. p.
XVIII)“. This fuelled a debate in anthropology which continued throughout the
1960s Supporters and students of Polanyi. the most vocal of whom was
George Dalton, came to be known as ”substantivists" while those who lined up

on the other side of the issue were labelled "formalists". '

27

28

The label "formalist" and "substantivist" derived from Polanyi's distinction
between the "formal" and ”substantive" meanings of 'economic’. He related the
substantive meaning to the empirical fact that humans obtain their livelihood from
nature in relationships of various types with fellow humans The formal meaning,
on the other hand. he saw as deriving from logic and referring

to a definite situation of choice, namely, that between the different
uses of means induced by an insufficiency of those means...The
formal meaning implies a set of rules referring to choice between
the alternative uses of insufficient means [In contast] the
substantive meaning implies neither choice nor insufficiency of
means; man‘s livelihood may or may not involve the necessity of
choice and. if choice there be. it need not be induced by the
limiting effect of a 'scarcity’ of the means;...lpp. 243/244).
For Polmyi. only the substative meaning of 'economic' could serve as a basis
for developing concepts which could be used in studying economies

cross-culturally and historically.

Polmyi viewed the economy as m ”instituted process”; "instituted” because
embedded in economic and non-economic institutions which provide unity and
stbility did a "process" because 81 economy involves the movement of goods in
production. distibution. aid consumption He further suggested that economies
can be differentiated based on their pattern of integration which may be

reciprocity, redistibution, exchange. or a combination of these.

Polanyi argued that in 'marketless' or 'premodern' societies the economy is
embedded in social relations whereas in 'market societies’ the economy takes on
a seprate existence.

In a market economy the production and distibution of material
goods in principle is carried on through a self-regulating system of
price-making markets It is governed by laws of its own. the
so-called laws of supply and demand. and motivated by fear of
hunger and hope of gain. Not blood-tie. legal compulsion, religious
obligation, fealty or magic creates the sociological situations which
make individuals pa'take in economic life but specifically economic
institutions such as private enterprise aid the wage system lp. 68).

Polanyi cautioned that similarities between economic activities in market and
marketless societies should not be taken to imply similarities in function. He also

made the important point that economic historians should not limit their focus to

29

Meta or market antecedents so as to give the appearance of a unilineal
evolution toward contemporary Western economy when ”in fact other economies
need not be miniatures or early specimens of our own, but may be sharply at

variance with it. both as to individual motives and organisation (p. XVllli."

Bohannan and Dalton (1962) developed a typology of African societies which
was founded on a distinction between 'market place'. a locale, and 'market
principle', ”the determination of prices by the forces of supply and demand
regardless of the site of tansactions (p. 1)". They identified three basic types:
lisocieties without market places; 2)societies with market places but with the
mtket principle operating only peripherally; and 3)societies in which the market
principle prevails Type 1 societies were characterized as having a “multi-centic
economy". a term developed by Bohannan based on his work among the Tiv of
Nigeria md signifying different tansactional spheres leg subsistence and prestige)
which could be ranked hierarchically. Type 2 societies were thought to resemble
type 1 societies in that they also had multi-centic economies but market
involvement did not affect production decisions or resource allocation Finally.
type 3 societies were said to differ substantially from the other two because the
market principle determines a wide range of activities. The spread of the market
principle, they suggested, may be tied to the spread of ”all purpose money"
(Europem currency as opposed. to "special purpose" or ”primitive" money). For
Bohmnm and Dalton. the Western impact on African economies meant the
expmsion of the Met principle without this. however, necessarily leading to
the dtplication of Western institutions and the domination of the market sector.
They conceptualized change in terms of alchmge in institutions and blchmge in
the organizing principles of economic life as a result of the spreading market
principle. This perspective led them to accept Boeke (1953) ad Furnivall's (1939)
concept of the 'dual economy' but with the qualification that the 'taditional
sector’ need not be homogeneous and may consist of different tansactional
Spheres.

30

Some anthropologists disagreed with the substantivists. Melville Herskovits, in
his preface to Bohannan and Oalton’s Markets in Africa saw the main difference
between ’primitive’ and industial economies as one of scale rather than of
qualitative difference. This allowed him to state that

the economic characteristics of these modes of exchange may be

W (my e hasis) by ritual demands or kinship regulations.

Yet when the asis of our considerations shifts from the

classification of form to analysis of function. both the rudimentary

and the complex forms, no matter how dissimilar their dimensions.

turn out to be no more than extemes of a continuum (pp.

Vll/Vlll).
The fmction of my economy was. for formalists. "the allocation of scarce means
to multiple objectives (Burling, 1962)". with the ’means’ not confined to material
objects The focal point of the economy was the choice-making individual who
tied to maximize whatever 'goods’ (be they cattle. money. prestige, or power)
were culturally significant In an attempt to remove all objections against the
universal applictility of the neo-classical framework of analysis Cancian (1966)
postulated that the absence of maximisation as a norm in any given society did

not inply its absence as a stategy.

By expanding their concepts to fit all situations, formalists undermined the
utility of their approach More importantly they, along with the substantivists.
asstmed the validity of formal analysis for 'advanced market systems’ without
mastioning its epistemology; this despite the fact that economists themselves
engaged in m ongoing debate over its validity (Kaplm. 196B). Polanyi and his
followers rightly pointed to the difference in nature. rather than in scale, of
non-cmitalist economies but becane preoccupied with the establishment of
typologies. In their emphasis on tansaction they failed to move beyond the
dialysis of surface phenomena. as was aptly pointed out by Berthoud (1974) in
his critique of the notions of 'prestige goods’ and ’multicentic economy’. The
stbstantivist-formalist impasse clearly showed the difficulty of developing
concepts for the study of societies whose organizational principles were radically

different from those of Western capitalist societies.

31
8mm

Conceptual difficulties also emerge in approaches to the analysis of ’peasant'
societies. Nash (1966) termed them ”partly monetized economies" in contast
with ’primitive’. ”non-monetary economies” but often discussed them as one
category. Dalton (1967) defined peasant economy as follows:

What I shall mean by 'peasant’ economy differs primarily in one

respect most people have come to depend on production for sale

as their primary source of livelihood Market exchange has become

the dominant mode of tansaction: commercial production has

become more important than subsistence production. In peasant

economies appreciable quantities of labour and land as well as

produce are bought and sold; money prices and money incomes

are familiar. However. witln regard to technology. social

organization and cultural practice. peasant economies more nearly

resemble tine primitive tlnan the modern. Machine technology is

seldom found and, on tlne whole. taditional social organization and

culture are retained (p. 156).
If it does entail cultural change. tlnen "elements of Western culture are grafted go
(my emphasis) to indigenous practice (p. 156)." Dalton’s definition suggests a
degree of involvement in the commodity nexus tlnat is reminiscent of fms
ratlner than of peasants Moreover. it implies that commodification can take place
independmt of significant social and cultural changes; it posits a disjuncture
between the economy on one hand and social organization - culture on the
other. Such a stance subverts the postulate of the embeddedness of ’primitive’
economy by disregarding its implications. but is understandable in light of the
substantivist emphasis on 'spheres of exchange’. This is made explicit when
Dalton states:

Of the three sets of changes which comprise development -

economic. technological. and cultural - only the economic has

displaced indigenous practice to a significant extent in rural Africa:

communities relying upon subsistence production have enlarged

tlneir commercial activities, but have not seriously begun to change

otherwise... Primitive economies are changing into peasant

economies. but frequently peasant communities fail to change into
modern communities (p. 16 I.

Dalton's view paralleled that of other anthropologists who concentated
specifiwa on ’peasant studies’. a focus of inquiry which emerged independently

of the subfield of 'economic anthropology’. In tacing the development of "The
Peasant Concept in Anthropology”. ‘Silverman (1979) has shown that peasant

32

studies grew out of an interest in the comparative study of human communities
during the second quarter of this century. Initially, fine focus was on the nature
of villages rather than on fine small-scale agriculturalists who lived in villages and
the term 'peasant’ was used casually rather than analytically. The emphasis was
on these communities as a type wifinout giving attention to the diversity among
finenn Not until fine 1950s did “peasant become an analytic category through the
studies of Robert Redfield and Eric Wolf.

As Silverman makes clear. Redfields early interest in fine 'folk’. expressed in
a focus on "fine quality of life and the quality of human relations. as these are
shaped in communities of different kinds and in different phases of the human
creer (p.54l.” remained characteristic of his work on peasants. The key terms of
his analyses. such as ’community’. ’tadition', and 'way of life’ were adopted even
by his critics. This can be attibuted to fine compatibility of Redfield's work with
a fundamental position in anthropology which views culture as holistic but does
not assign priority to any of its componernt elements Botln ’tadition' and ’way of
life’ were taken to be synonymous witln ’culture’ wifinout questioning any of fine
underlying assumptions. Among these were fine notion finat ”patterns will be
perpetuated unless some force acts to disrupt them. and therefore tlnat it is the
interruption rafiner finan fine 'taditional' which needs to be explained (p. 57)” and
also fine emphasis on may of life’. finat is, on a particular quality of life
(Silverman, 1979). Oalton’s emphasis on fine persistence of taditional social
organisation recalls fine Redfieldian stess on a distinct way of life.

An analysis of the comnnunities in which peasants lived was crucial to Wolf's
early work but Wolf, unlike Redfield. viewed comnunities as products of specific
socio-historical processes. Over time. his interest in communities gave way to a
focus on "relations between peasants and tlneir larger matix. between local
settings and national-level (or wider) phenomena (Silverman. p.63).” in short. to an
emphasis on fine state arnd on power relations. This perspective challenges fine
notion of culture as a homogeneous whole. a tadition reproduced over time. arnd

instead views it as patterns of behavior shaped historically and gives priority to

33

politico-economic aspects. Moreover.
rafiner finan presupposing commonalities of worldview, settlement
form, and quality of social relations among peasants--and taking
fiiese as a 52:1ng criteria for determining which cases are to be
considered 'peasant--it makes the identification of such patterns
the object of research. Its aim is fiius to inquire into fine diversity
of peasant life under different conditions and different historical

contingencies--a diversity finat goes beyond 'taditional culture’ and
fine 'small community way of life’lSiIverman. p.65).

Following fine English publication of AV. Chayanov's Ihfl Ihggcy of Reagan:
Economy (1966) and particularly Marshall Salnlins’ (1972) use of that work in his
eltoration of fine “domestic mode of production” file family household received
increasing attention in peasant studies Chayanov and those who followed his
approach (e.g. Kerblay. 1971; Durrenberger. 1984) consider peasant household
production a specific type of economy with its own dynamics and laws of
reproduction Critics leg Harrison. 1977: Ennew. Hirst. and Tribe. 1977) contend
finat peasants are involved in various types of social relations (is. fiiey are not a
homogeneous group) and can. finerefore, not be said to constitute a specific
mode of production For finem and ofiner maxists ’mode of production’ refers to
a paticula set of relations of production rather than to a losely defined form of
prodiction as. for example. Sahlins’ "domestic mode". Ennew. Hirst. and Tribe
(1977) extend their critique students of peasanties as diverse as Chayanov.
Redfield. Firtln, Dalton, and Wolf, and conclude that 'peasant’ is generally a
descriptive category rafiner than a fineoretical entity. What. for finem. gives unity
to peasants at different points in time and space is "fineir W to
m-‘in fine foMs and effects of fine process of capitalist penetation
(p.3191." l-lence'peasants are created finrougln the destuction of ’natural economy'
(Bernstein. 1979) but fine specifics of finis process and the resulting social

configurations are not self-evident and must be determined tlnrougln analysis.

mmmmmm

The marnrner in which destuction of natural economy --or capitalist
penetation-- should be conceptualized itself has been subject to debate. AG
Frank (1967) was fine first to propose finat capitalist expansion beyond its

34

Euro-American heartland drains local resources witlnout developing fine forces of
production and establishes a dependent relationship between fine ’periphery' and
fine ’core’. Contemporary 'underdevelopment' of Third World nations is therefore
not an original state but simply fine ofiner side of fine ’development’ of fine core.
Variants of Frank’s finesis all share an emphasis on fine determinacy of capitalism
so finat 'dependency fineory’ is generally ill-equipped to explain local stuctures.

Emmanuel Wallerstein's model of fine world system, which he defines as "a
unit wifin a single division of labor and multiple cultural system's (p.390, 1974)."
also places primay emphasis on capitalism. Wifin fine emergence of capitalism in
16fin century Europe finis world system has developed into a capitalist world
economy wifin multiple polities --or nation states-- linked by market exchange.
The ’core’ areas of fine system appropriate surplus-value from fine 'peripheral’
aeas and ”seek to reinforce fine advantages of fineir producers and to legitimize
fineir role in fine interstate system by imposing fineir cultural dominance in fine
world (p.17, 1984)". An intermediate category of states contain a mixture of
production processes which have characteristics of bofin and are finerefore
termed ’semiperiphery’. Although fine spatial hierarchy of production processes is
an essential feature of fine capitalist world economy. fine position of a given state
within fine hierachy is not and may change over time. Process is finus located in
fine movement of units wifiiin fine system rather finan in fine dynamics of local

forms of production.

In contast wifin dependency or world systems theory. mode of production
analysis seeks to identify different modes of production and considers
non-cmitalist modes to have a shaping influence in fineir articulation with
capitalism. While Marx' emphasis was on fine capitalist mode of production.
French anfinropologists began to apply his framework in fine analysis of ’primitive’
. or 'precaaitalist’, societies during fine 1960s. They agreed wifin fine substantivists
on fine difference in nature of ’primitive’ societies but focused on relations of
production rafiner finan on tansactional modes. Claude Meillassoux’ pioneering

study (1964) of the Gouro of the Ivory Coast initiated a materialist reexamination

35

of what conventional antlnropology termed ’tibal’ societies. Rafiner finan speaking
of 'societies’. finese anfinropologists used fine term 'social formation’ to denote a
historically specific social totality which constituted the concrete expression of
several modes of production wifin one of finese being dominant The issues
which emerged and were debated in finis body of work centered on fine nature
of fine assymetical relations between elders. juniors. and women respectively, fine
pertinence of Marxist concepts such as ’class’ and 'exploitation’, and fine
concepmalization of fine infrastucture/superstucture dichotomy. Related studies
attempted to fineorize fine place of slavery in African societies leg Meillassoux.
1975) and fine links between modes of production, above all between fine
precapitalist and capitalist modes leg Ray, 1971 and 1973).

The work of fine French Marxists has been discussed and evaluated in a
nunber of critiques (Clanmer, 1975; Foster-Carter, 1978; Kahn and Llobera.
1981; Thompson. 1978). finus eliminating fine need to cover fine same ground.
The following remarks are finerefore confined to a few issues which are directly
relevant to this study. The question of how to conceptualise fine
infrastucture/stperstucture resulted in an interminable debate which ultimately
proved fruitless The definition of levels and fineir relationship to each other
leads to a mechanistic conception of fine social totality whereby fine stuctures
become fine bearers of action ’Social formation’ raises a similar question of
levels and fineir manner of articulation as well as of tansition from one to
anofiner. It has often been applied to a political entity. such as fine nation-state
during fine contemporary period; this is problematic because an articulated unity
of modes of production does not necessarily fall neatly wifinin fine boundaries of
a nation-state. In applying fine concepts derived from Marx' analysis of capitalism
to fine study of precapitalist societies. Marxist scholars have encountered fine
same problem as fine formalists. finey have had to redefine concepts in ways
which makes fineir utility questionable, frequenfiy leading to semantic battles over
fineir original or intended meaning. Moreover. as Copans (1982) has pointed out,
fine application of finese concepts ”westernizes fineoretical reflection” and

disregards fine political context in which Canal was produced. This also applies

36

to 'precapitalist modes of production’ for which knowledge has. for fine most
part. not become available until their articulation wifin capitalism so finat we can
only reconstitute finem by way of extapolation. ’Articulation’. as developed by
RP. Rey. requires identification of fine modes wifin which capitalism articulates
and a periodization of fine different stages in fine tansition to capitalism; it is
often difficult to determine when a given phase has been reached and to explain
why precapitalist modes have been so resistant Ray's model is useful in
stessing finat fine manifestation of capitalism. in Third World counties is not due

to its altered laws of motion but rafiner to its combination wifin local modes.

All of fine fineoretical approaches discussed so far have been criticized for
fineir androcentism French neo-marxism has been taken on directly by Maxist
feminists (Edholm, Harris. and Young, 1977 and 1981: Molineux. 1977): economic
anfinropology and peasant studies. finough not singled out. fall wifinin the general
critique of a male bias in anfinropology. In defense of French neo-marxism it
must be said finat. given its emphasis on assymetical relations and conflict.
women were not ignored even if fine interpretation of women’s subordination may
be contested In non-marxist anfinropology. on fine ofiner hand, fineoretical

frameworks were constucted from and for a male point of view.
Outline 915 a Enmsmds to: Anabel:

The analytical framework to be outlined here falls wifinin fine category of
Marxist approaches. discussed above. Its specific features are an attempt to
overcome some of fine problems raised in fine discussion The questions posed
at fine beginning of fine chapter --How do we account for fine contemporary
form of Sana Bambara society and what are its underlying dynamics?-- are
' questions about stucture and process In tying to answer finem I have found
fine work of Anfinony Giddens (1979: 1981: 1982; 1984) and Pierre Bourdieu
(1976; 1977) particularly helpful. Bofin consider practice. or ’human agency’. to
be cental to fine production and reproduction of social life. Their approach
eliminates fine dualism ’individual-society' which underlies much social science

fininking. I will outline some of its basic assumptions since finey are integral to

37
fine analysis of Sana Bambara society.

. Giddens (1981) departs from fine premise finat "social life consists in

regularised social practices" and points out that

life is not experienced as ’stuctures’. but as dunes of day-to-day

existence. in fine context of conventions ordered above all on fine

level of practical consciousness (p.150).
ln contast wifin finose who adopt a mefinodological individualist perspective on
action. Giddens (1979) does not take fine intentional character of human action to
refer to

an articulation of discrete and separate ’intentions'. but [to] a

continuous flow of intentionality in time; [nor should it] be teated

as a set of conscious states finat in some way 'accompany' action

Only in fine reflexive act of attention are intentions consciously

articulated: normally wifinin discourse (p. 40).
Bourdieu would seem to concur wifin this in principle for he says finat alfinough
action may be organised as stategies. finese stategies do not necessarily
presuppose stategic intent He locates action in fine 'habitus’ which he defines as
a "system of dispositions" produced by fine stuctures of a paticular social and
material environment Bourdieu and Giddens assume finat social actors are
knowledgeable about fineir social world and fine way in which it is reproduced
even if finey are unable to articulate finis body of knowledge. Giddens. finerefore.
distinguishes between ’discursive consciousness’. knowledge which actors are able

to express in discourse, and ’practical consciousness' which involves tacit

knowledge.

Bourdieu' and Giddens’ insistence on fine knowledgeability of social actors
does not imply finat finey see people as making fine world just as finey please.
Actions may have unintended consequences and. in addition. people are not aware
of all fine forces finat bea on fineir actions. This qualification of practice
informed by knowledgeability is crucial to fine conceptualisation of fine relationship
between social reproduction and tansformation because it implies finat fine
potential for change is inherent in all action. It differs from finose approaches
which identify change only wifii actual breaks in practices and institutions.

38

Social reproduction and tansformation also relate to fine differential
application of rules and resources. In day-to-day interaction, people activate
prerogatives or obligations connected wifin fine social positions finey occupy. They
draw on rules and resources. but this does not mean finat rules can be analysed
in terms of fineir own content Bourdieu emphasizes finat fine regularity of
practices is not to be seen as fine result of fixed rules. Rules exist only in
connection wifii --and are reproduced finrough-- action For Giddens. fine social
world is predictable, finat is, it takes on its routine character. because of actors'
knowledgeable application of rules and resources At fine sane time.
knowledgeable application of rules and resources is not synonymous wifin

accepting finem. or any of fineir aspects. as legitimate.

The utilisation of resources in interaction relates directly to stuctures of
domination. Giddens distinguishes between two types of resources: aufinoritative
and allocative. The former refer to capabilities involved in fine command over
persons. or what Bourdieu calls ’symbolic power’, and fine latter refer to
convnand over aspects of fine material environment leg natural resources. tools.
or finished products). Resources are drawn upon in fine exercise of power at
least at fine level of practical consciousness but also. to a greater or lesser
extent. at fine level of discursive consciousness. People in different social
positions and at different levels of society are connected by relations of

autonomy-dependence as a result of fineir differential contol of resources.

Different types of social systems are characterised by different stuctures of
domination. finat is. by different combinations of aufinoritative and allocative
resources These must be determined empirically. finough Giddens suggests finat
until fine emergence of capitalism. contol of aufinoritative resources has generally
predominated At first glance. finis position would seem to lead us back to fine
rrnuch criticized typology of bands - tibes chiefdoms - states, but finis need not
be so. Collier and Rosaldo’s (1981) recent exploration. while posited as an ideal
type. indicates a direction to pursue. By emphasizing finat production relations are

cental in all social forms. Marxists have projected fine characteristics of

39

capitalism onto all societies (Baudrillad. 1973). For Giddens. fine contol of
allocative resources is of cental importance only in capitalism. This is an issue
which will be raised in fine conclusion following fine analysis of stucture and

process in Sana Bambara society.

There is anofiner dimension of . capitalism which distinguishes it from ofiner
forms of society, nanely in fine way space and time enter into practice; bofin
become commodities The commodification of time is particularly significant
W it is fine basis bofin for file expansion in fine production of commodities
and for fine commodification of labor.

Time as lived time. as fine substance of fine lived experience of
we of Being, becomes accompanied by fine separated dimension
of time as pure or 'formless duration'. Wifin fine expansion of
capitalism, finis is what time seems to come to b3. just as money
seems to be fine universal standard of value of all finings. Time as
pure duration, as disconnected frbm fine materiality of experience.
comes to be perceived. in direct opposition to fine actual state of
finings. as real, 'objective' time. because like money it is expressed
in a universal and public mode. This universal and public mode.
again like money. is nofining ofiner finan its own quantification as a
standard measure standing at fine axis of a host of tansformation
lmediation relations. The connmodification ' of time. and its
differentiation from furfiner processes of fine commodification of
space, hold fine key to fine deepest tansformations of day-to-day
social life finat are brought about by fine emergence of capitalism
(Giddens 1981. p. 131).

it will be shown finat space and time are not yet commodified in Sana; a fact
finat has implications for stuctures of domination. for fine rhyfinms of productive
activity. for fine organisation of time-space pafins in day-to-day life. and
ultimately for file formation of social identity. Life is not yet penetated by
relations of absence to fine sane extent as in mature capitalist stuctures where
advanced forms of telecommunication and writing make possible fine bridging of
time and space. In non-capitalist societies. including finose where power is/was
cantalised. contol does/did not penetate people’s day-to-day lives in the way
it does under capitalism Giddens ascribes finis to fine limited nature of
time-space mediations which expand only wifin fine emergence of money-capital
and fine corrnmodification of labor. As long as time. space, and labor are not
commodified awareness of time is bound up wifin 'tadition’, "understood simply

as how finings were. are (and should be) done. ...I...As time becomes

4O

acknowledged as a distinguishable phenomenon in its own right, and as inherenfiy
quantifiable. it also of course becomes regarded as a source and an exploitable

resource (Giddens 1981. p. 200)."

In Sana. interaction is still dominated by face-to-face encounters. This is
important because of fine way space becomes part of interaction finrough fine use
of body language and locale. Various aspects of context. including what has
gone before and anticipated future events. enter into fine communication of
meaning in an encounter. ln societies such as fine one to be examined
prticipants in a social encounter are also aware of --or establish-- each ofiner's
histories as members of a kin group. which itself is tied to a circumscribed
space. According to Giddens. ”...fine reflexive monitoring of action includes fine
monitoring of fine setting 91 mm and not just fine behavior of fine
prticulx actors taken separately (1979. p.57).'

Giddens' notion of 'time-space edges' is useful in conceptualizing fine
formation of Sana Bambara society. its continuing relationships wifin ofiner
societies. and fine contemporary links of fine province wifin ofiner sectors of fine
Malian nation-state and beyond Contact between social systems whose
organisation rests on different structural principles. along 'time-space edges’.
becomes integral to finose societies. Such a conceptualization eliminates fine
debate over fine external or internal origin of change as well as fine dualism of a
'folk-urban' continuum or a 'traditional/modern' dichotomy. 'It also discourages
comparisons between contemporary Third World nations. or sectors finereof. and
European society during earlier centuries which were made by evolutionist
fininkers (as exemplified by fine early explorers discussed in fine previous chapterl
and which are still often made by development personnel today. Alfinough
phenomena or processes may appear similar. finey have very different implications
today and must be interpreted wifinin fine context of contemporary relationships.

This raises fine final point. namely fine need to situate events and processes
in Sana in a broader context. Despite fine objections already raised. I would like

to retain fine notion of a world system akin to Wallerstein's concept of a world

41

economy wifinout subscribing to the linkages he posits or to fine nature of
historical process implied All contemporary states. including those governed by a
socialist ideology. are affected by capitalist processes of accumulation though fine
nature of linkages and fine trends of finese processes depend not only on
capitalist laws of motion but also on state policies and on class struggles wifinin
states. including cultural resistance to penetration by fine relations of absence

inherent in commodification.

The fineoretical concepts outlined above underlie fine account which follows.
For fine contemporary period. transformations in fine conceptualization and use of
time-space and fine commodification of labor will serve as foci of analysis.

CHAPTER III
SANA BAMBARA SOCIETY: FORMATION AND REPRODUCTION

Sana is a socio-historical space which its inhabitants demarcate somewhat
loosely in opposition to Kala in fine north. ha k5 ("behind fine river”) in_ the south.
Masil'le1infineeastandSeguinfinewest. Bambaraoffinisareareferto
finemselves as San dam (“children of Sana”). an appellation which implies shared
common traditions. Ann 15 Exam up (”among us Banbara here") is a phrase
often used to preface an explanatory statement about customs: it emphasizes fine
specificity of local traditions while at fine sane time distinguishing Bambara from
ofiner "social species" (592 who inlnabit Sana. Bambara constitute fine majority
population and define finemselves in opposition to Bozo. Fulani. Make. nmakala
(elndogamous occupational grows). and 19mm Mm (descendants of fine Segu
kings' herders).

This chapter examines fine historical conditions under which Sana Bambara
society was constituted and reproduced. It covers a time span of several
Wed years beginning some time in fine 16fin. and possibly fine 15fin century.
until fine colonial conquest in 1890-1892. The conquest by French military
forces represents a significant break not because it spelled a radical
transformation for Sana but refiner because of fine nature of fine conquering
power and fine long-term implications of conquest. The precolonial era is divided
into finree major periods: Songhai/Arms. Segu Banbaa. and Futanke. Each of
finese refers to a major power into whose orbit Sana fell wifinout. however.
being in fine central zone of any of finese. The periods of Songhai/Arms and
Segu Balbaa hegemony correspond wifin fine setfiement of Sana. is fine social
and physical appropriation of a circumscribed space. and fine emergence of
traditions finat define Sana Bambaa society. Though finis would constitute
'formation' of society in fine restricted sense. it is not taken to mean finat

42

43

formation and reproduction can be separated in time. Formation inevitably
involves fine reproduction of practices. Similarly. reproduction involves bofin

re-creation and creation

The extent to which social identity is bound up with space and time
becomes evident when attempting to reconstruct the history of Sana villages.
The village chief ldumfiigj). as fine descendant and head of fine founding lineage.
has fine prerogative to recount village history. He may. in fact. not be fine most
knowledgeable person and may refer fine questioner to ofiner elders but respect
demands finat he be asked first. Because village history brings internal divisions
out into fine open. it is often difficult to discuss fine past in villages where fine
headmanship has been usurped or where interlineage conflict is pronounced
Moreover. fine dignity and social standing of villagers is closely linked wifin fineir
past - Bambara. unlike Marka or Fulani. do not acknowledge slave descent
publicly - so finat finere is often a reluctance to relate fine history of anofiner
villaga One elder wifin considerable knowledge about Sana history declined to
divulgewhatheknewboutfinehistoryofvillagesofinerfinanhisown. stating
finat village history 'belongs' to eacln village; outsiders only discuss it in fine event
of conflict. is. if fine need for mediation aises

The emergence of Sam Bambara society must be pieced togefiner from oral
data obtained in discussions wifin Bambara elders and used in connection wlfin
secondary sources which are also based on oral history. Archival records dating
back to fine early colonial period do not include any surveys of Sana and
attempts at historical reconstruction leg Ballet. 1893) concentrate on Sinsanni
and fine activities of neiglnboring chiefs. Moreover. historical information contained

in colonial documents is derived from interviews and oral traditions.
W

The Songhai ennpire emerged in fine Niger bend during fine second half of fine
15fin century. It conquered Jenne under fine leadership of Sonni Ali and used fine
city as a base to attack fine Mali empire (Hunwick. 1976). Askia Muhammad.

44

Sonni Ali's successor. expanded the frontiers but wifinout being able to gain
control over fine Mali heartland While Mali declined. Songhai itself fell prey to
fine invading Moroccan army in 1591 (Levtzion. 1973). Members of fine army
intermarried wifin local women and their descendants came to be known as Arma.
By 1632 already fine Arma were no longer under Moroccan control though finey
were also unable to develop an effective system of administration in fine area

once subject to Songhai authority (Willis. 1976).

Jean Bazin (personal communication) suggests finat fine founding of Kuabugu
may date back to fine 16fin. if not fine 15fin century. Beginning at finis time Sam.
and fine area norfin of fine Niger in general. was probably settled by successive
waves of warriors and mercenary recruits from aeas soufin of fine Niger and
Bani rivers who had been engaged to escort Marka trading caravans. Hence. fine
’Banbaa’ of Sana. Kala. and Monimpe (to fine east) may be people of varying

origin who distinguished finemselves from Muslims in fineir adherence to animism.

The ea'ly history of fine area shades into a myfinical past about which Iitfie is
remembered. The prevailing image is fint of an unpopulated fertile land wifin
many shea trees and game aplenty. A member of fine Kuabugu founding lineage
suggested finat Kwoke. fine founder. along wifin his family and captives. came
from Kaerta Hence. fine name of fine village is a deformation of Kwokebugu.
refiner finan of Kwabugu (1mm being a dialectal version of ma, salt) as is
sometimes put forfin by outsiders The original village was destroyed as a result
of warfae and finen rebuilt by fine great-great grandfafiner of fine current village
chief. The Kaarta origin. however. seems to be at odds wifin fine fact finat a
second branch of fine founding lineage established a nearby settlement. which was
known as Mpekolobugu. Mpekolobugu is still listed in colonial census records as
a subunit of Kuabugu but is now fine administrative entity of Jongo. Mpe is a
Minyanka name. pointing to an origin soufin of fine Bani river. A member of fine
Jongo chiefly fanily asserted finat fine ancestors had come from south of fine
River and installed finemselves at Kuabugu. The contingent was large and included

many hunters. Some members of fine group moved on into Kala to establish

45

finemselves there while some founded Mpekolobugu nearby. The only ofiner
villages which existed during finis early period were Sanamadugu-Markala.
Mandine. and Dli; Mandine is located approximately two km downstream from
Sinsanni and Dli. located furfiner inland. was destroyed prior to fine colonial
conquest and never rebuilt These settlements are widely cited as being fine first
in fine aea. ln speaking of relations between finese villages. people say finat finey
"responded to/answered each ofiner" (u u might) mp1) and finat they obtained
fire from each ofiner when fine fire went out in one of fine villages

The traditions of fine founding lineage of Sibila. a 'Marka' village only 2 km
from Kuabugu. maintain finat at fine time of their setfiement fine area was
unpopulated The founders relocated to fine heart of Sana from Sanamadugu. a
village to fine norfinwest at .fine border wifin Kala. from where finey trace fineir line
to Mande Balanzan. Oral history links fine name Sanamadugu to fine first mafia
(master/king) Mama. i.e. Sana - Manna Dugu. fine "town of Mama of Sana”.
According to Monteil (1924. p.13) muggy means "place. residence of fine king"
and Sana refers to fine territorial circumscription of fine administrative seat. Since
fine chiefly lineage traces its origin to fine Mande heatland. Sanamadugu may well
have been established as an outpost of fine Mali empire. Wifin fine claim finat Sana
'belonged' to fine mm of Sanamadugu fine founders of Sibila. as his
descendants. consider finemselves fine first occupants and. finerefore. fine stewards
of fine land

This version of first setfiement is contested by Banbara oral history. Elders
from various Banbaa villages confirm fine assertion of Kuabugans finat fine
establishment of Kuabugu is anterior to finat of Sibila and finat. in fact. Sibila was
founded on fine field of a Kuabugan (some suggest finat it was fine field of a

3 This would make fine founding lineage of Kuabugu

slave) whose nane was Sibila
the rightful stewads of fine land According to one elder. Kuabugans used to
manifest fineir precedence by symbolically cultivating fine public place (team) of
Sibila each year whereupon fine people of Sibila would ask to retain fine land for

anofiner year. Sibila was finen required to pay fine kgnmdn nu} ("key millet") in

46

recognition of fine fact finat the land belonged to Kuabugu and to provide
sacrificial animals for fine annual fertility rites. This acknowledgement of
anteriority may have changed over time since a younger household head merely
relates finat Kuabugans used to go to Sibila on fine lofin day of each jgmjnfi 15319
(i.e. fine Banbara New Year) to manifest fineir claim by burning fine refuse: each
yea fine peOple of Sibila asked permission to stay.

The claims of bofin sides may not be wifinout basis. No one disputes fine
antiquity of Sananadugu and fine relationship between Sibila and Sanamadugu.
hence fine anteriority of Sanamadugu: Kuabuga may have been settled before
Sibila. finus being in a position to claim g3 fang anteriority as opposed to fine d:
m anteriority of Sibila finrough its link wifin Sananadugu This unresolved claim
to first occupancy is also evidenced in archival sources. corroborated by oral
data. which indicate finat bofin Kuabugu and Sibila asserted fine right to arbitrate a

land case during fine late colonial period on fine basis of perceived anteriority.

Other Sana villages are not ranked wifin respect to time of emplacement.
Sinsanni4 fiaditions trace its foundation back to a Muslim cleric who obtained the
right to settle from fine Sibila mass: some time after fine dispersion from
Wagadu (ancient Ghana) and a pilgrimage to Mecca Sinsanni. Sibila. and
Sananadugu-Markala are all mentioned in fine Tarikh Es-Sudan. written by Ben
'Amir Es-Sadi around 1650. In his capacity of government secretary for his
native Timbuktu he travelled as far south as Sana and even maintained a
household in Sibila. The finree 'Marka' villages had a mosque at fine time of his
visit. hence at least a small Muslim congregation Es-Sadi. for whom fine
'Banbaa' were 'pagan hordes'. provides no details concerning fine population of
fine province or fine local way of life. However. he reports finat during his return
from Sibila to Jenne in February 1645. he learned finat fine Banbara of fine area5

rebelled against fine chief6 of Sana and destroyed Sibila.

The finree Bambara villages of Kajona. Sungo. and Soalebugu also appear to
have been founded before Sana was incorporated into fine Segu Bambara state.

Kajona traces its origin to Mpejona in Minyankala. finough fine circumstances of

47

migration have not been retained Its founders asked Kuabugu for land and were
shown fine area of fineir current location because it had many m trees
Dims mm; m are said to have medicinal qualities beneficial for
babies and fine Kajona settlers included nursing women. Sungo was established
near Sinsanni and eventually led to fine creation of a new setfiement when two
blacksmifin brofiners relocated to fineir cultivation canp. This came to be known
as Sooribugu from kg 3991:). to insert Later Sooribugu was transformed to
Soalebugu. as it is currenfiy known Soalebugu is still largely a blacksmifin village.
finoudn fine blacksmifins were eventually joined by some Bambara lineages. one of
whom gained fine chieftaincy.

ln fine process of fine establishment of villages in Sana a previously
undifferentiated space became regionalized and identified wifin fine groups who
claimed it. The meshing of time and space was most acute wifin respect to fine
first occupant. bofin of fine province and of each village. and entered into fine
conduct of social relations between and wifinin villages. Popula memory has not
preserved how life in finese early village communities was organised or how finey
related to each ofiner. lt is also unclear in what ways fine 'Marka‘ of finis period
differed from fine 'Banba'a' and why finese two groups maintained or cans to
develop sepaate traditions. Sanamadugu and Sibila were villages founded by
chiefly lineages mass: m but do not claim a Marka ii (i.e. Soninke) origin as
does Sinsanni. Much like Sinsanni. finey ae neverfineless generally regarded as
Maka villages and consider finemselves as such Islan could not have been a
decisive factor in a developing Make identity since fine Sananadugu-Sibila
founding lineage had not converted during finis period and did not do so until
considerably later. Bazin (1972) considers suggestions finat fine Marka
identification is linked to recent conversion to be 9931 map rationalization and
notes finat fine development of a Marka identity in finese and similar communities
can no longer be traced

Members of fine 'Bambaa' as well as fine 'Marka' comrinunities practiced
horticulture. gafinered. hunted. and occasionally fished in rivulets or standing

48

bodies of water. Bozo fishermen settled in villages along fine river Niger, traded
fineir fish against agricultural products, and ferried peOple across the River. Fulani
herdsmen probably transhumed in fine area Given fine long history of occupational
specialization in Senegambia and its hinterland. it is likely that Wale became
attached to fine village communities early on. This meant finat blacksmifins (um)
manufactured and repaired agricultural and wa' implements while fineir women
made pottery. Men of fine woodworker caste (kale) men out down large trees
and used fine wood to build boats for fine fisherpeople; Lute women mended
calabashes. Leafinerworkers (alumina) tanned hides from which they made
harnesses for horses and sandals.

Despite fine paucity of oral data on finis period. it is evident finat Banbara
traditions did not emerge in isolation. The relations which developed wifin
members of ofiner groups became integral to fine structuration of Bambara
society itself. During fine 17fin century Sana was not subject to domination by
any outside power. alfinough local cultivators may have entered into
confrontations wifin bands of invaders or may finemselves have taken up arms
against ofiners. Neifiner fine terikhs nor oral history give any indication why fine
’Banba'a' rebelled against fine Sana mass: in 1645 and how finis altered fineir
relationship wifin hirn

SenaandmeSsmBamhaLasme

The development of a state dominated by Banbara dynasties contributed to
fine shaping of Sana Banbae society. In whatever way 'Banbara' defined
finemselves prior to fine 18th century. fine appellation took on a new meaning in
fine process of state formation Alfinougn Sana was outside fine central zone of
fine kingdom. 'Bambara' cultivators became subject to state aufinority and were
drawn into predatory activities organised by fine state. Three villages - currently
fine largest Banbara communities of Sana - were created under fine auspices of
fine king (fame). Moreover. ofiner social groups came to play distinct roles in
relation to fine state. Socio-spatial boundaries finus were redefined and social

practice becanne recontextualized

49

The origins of fine Segu State are linked to Biton (Mamari) Kulubali and his
age set Already in fine mid-17fin century a Kulubali lineage from Markaduguba
near Segu tried to expand its authority by force but was unable to sustain
whatever conquests it may have made (Delafosse. 1912: Monteil. 1924). Biton. a
descendant of finis sane lineage. became fine ’founder‘ of fine Segu Banbara State
when he and his age mates established finemselves as an independent unit. The
social context of fine events leading up to finis separation requires furfiner
reseach. Extant traditions leg Monteil. 1924: Roberts, 1978) agree finat Biton.
as leader (fin tigj) of his youfin association mm fin). came into conflict wifin
Make fin members and wifin village elders. He was banned from his village as a
result but was joined in exile by his agemates. They organized raids on
surromding communities and soon found fineir ranks increased by men who
asked to join of fineir own accord or whose freedom finey purchased (men who
had committed crimes. fallen into debt bondage. etc); finese became ”captives of
fine association" (tho Kama). One Kulubali branch resisted Biton's aufinority. who
arogated to himself fine powers of an absolute ruler (1m). and migrated
westwad into l<aarta where finey established a ruling dynasty which came to be
known as fine Massassi Kulubali. Biton Kulubali and his tan film extended finein
raids over an ever larger territory and were able to gain control from Nyamina
to Jenne. Curtin (1975) has argued finet fine Segu Bambara State emerged
because of fine demand for slaves on fine Atlantic Coast

Delafosse (1912) and Monteil (1924) date fine rise of Biton Kulubali to fine
years 1660-1670 and his deafin to 1710. They differ wifin respect to the
sequence' and chronology of his succession Delafosse (1912) suggests finat fine
Kulubali dynasty collapsed in 1740 and was followed by 10 years of power
struggles between the the 15m; Monteil (1924) has the Kulubali replaced by 12
years of fin jam rule beginning in 1736 and followed by only two years of
anarchy from 1748-1750. More recent researchers leg Tauxier. 1942; Paques.
1954: Willis. 1976; Roberts. 1978) put fine emergence of fine Segu State under
Biton at about 1712. Biton's deafin and fine collapse of fine dynasty in 1754/5.
and fine period of interregnum from about 1755 or 1757 to 1766. The latter

50

dates will be retained for fine purpose of finis study.

The potential for instability was inherent in fine structure of the state.
Alfinough Delafosse (1912) asserts finat Biton Kulubali divided fine area under his
control into 60 'states'. each administered by tag 15mg, fine economic foundation
of fine new state did not rest on tribute. Instead. prosperity was predicated on
success in warfare: fine taking of booty and of captives Bazin (1974) has
identified filree types of predatory activities: 1))3315. an organised military
canpaign coordinated by fine 1m and fine fin Em chief appointed to head fine
operation; 2)sg bgli. a raid by a paty of professional warriors into a zone not
subjected to Segu but undertaken wifin fine king’s agreement; and 31m one or
more (but usually less finan 10) individuals who raided clandestinely anywhere
where booty could be obtained quickly. Since man took place behind fine king's
back. so to speak. and could be directed against nearby villages. captives were
generally sold as rapidly as possible. The booty taken in mm or (Celina had
to be tuned over to fine tam After a successful expedition fine king retained
anywhere from 1/2 to 2/3 of fine slaves taken and handed fine remainder over to
fineleederoffinefinjfimwho.intnrnshareddown Thetfinjfimatendedto
mary some of fine women taken but ofinerwise sold most of fineir captives for
goods of consumption such as salt. kola. tobacco. or clofin The king disposed
of his captives according to need at any given point in time: children were often
inserted into his elite guard (spiny) while adult slaves replenished fine ranks of
fine fin Kama; some captives were made to cultivate alongside fine wives of 1513
15mm. ofiners becane tombs Man who tended his herds. and yet ofiners were
given to fine Somono who controlled river transport: fine remainder were sold
and fine proceeds used to purchase luxury goods. weapons. and ofiner necessities
for fine conduct of wa (Bazin 1972. 1974). Given his dependence on fine fin
jfimu fine king was vulnerable to intrigue; fine very legitimation of his power was
based on military success and fine redistribution of wealfin generated finrougln
predation A diminution in fine spoils of war was bound to lead to discontent.
Roberts (1978) has suggested finat fine downfall of fine Kulubali dynasty may have
been facilitated by a dry cycle which prevailed in fine Western Sudan from about

51

1740-1750 and which made military campaigns less lucrative ventures.

The man who emerged victorious from fine years of anarchy in 1766 was
Ngolo Jere. a slave who had been pawned to Biton Kulubali as a child (Monteil,
1924). He established a strong central eufinority, reconquered territories lost
during fine interregnum. and even expanded state boundaries. Rafiner finan leaving
administration lp to fine fin jinn. he put each of his five sons in charge of one
of fine cantons of fine central zone: Niankoro at Segu Koro. Manuru at Segu
Sikoro. Nji at Bannbugu. Jokile at Kirango. and Monzon at Mpeba (Delafosse.
1912). Under Ngolo Jere. fiade in fine Middle Niger region expanded considerably.
Sinsanni and Nyamina. togefiner wifin secondary Marka towns. were fine foci of
exchange for fine Segu kingdom They also received special protection from fine
m Their traders supplied fine warrior sector wifin goods and provided an
outlet for fine human 'commodities’ produced by it. This division of labor
between Marka and Banbaa generated an ideology finat justified fine position of
each wifinin fine stats Make were peaceful traders motivated by a desire for
wealfin and comfort while Bambaa were warriors for whom honor mattered
more finen anyfining and who kept fineir possessions to a minimum so as not to
fear deatln in battle (Bazin, 1972). Alfinough not all Marka were Muslims. finey
were identified .wifin lslam whereas Banbara were identified wifin animism. Most
Banbara 1m had resident marabouts who were to ensure fineir power
finrougln megico-religious practices: at fine sane time. finey jeopardized fineir
position if finey appeared too sympafinetic to Islan (Bazin. 1972).

Aside from the Make. anofiner group benefitted from fine consolidation of
power under Ngolo and his successors These were fine Somono. people who
originated from vaious efinnic groups and who gained progressive control of fine
River. In contrast wifin fine Bozo. who spedt a distinct language. fine Somono
speat Banbara. They paid a tax in cowries and fish to fine jam and provided
fine state wifin transportation for people and goods The king supplied finem wifin
slaves in return and gave finem immunity from raiding (Roberts. 1981).

52

Similarly. a new category of herders, fine tomb: Maw. emerged The
designation Lula does not refer to a Fulani efinnic origin but rafiner to fineir
occupation: finey were slaves employed in herding fine king‘s cattle. They came to

speak Bambara but adopted some Fulani characteristics.

Sana Bambara make no clear distinction between fine Kulubali and fine Jara
periods of fine Segu State and generally refer only to 'fine time of fine Segu
m2 Delafosse (1912) contends finat Biton Kulubali annexed Sana after having
conquered fine right bank all fine way to Jenne but oral evidence indicates finat
Sana was never an integral part of fine Kulubali state. Only fine founding lineage
of Gumakoro traces its settlement in Sana to fine Kulubali reign According to
fineir fiadition Wara CBkoro. an army chief (km W of Biton at Tio. was
given 500 arrows and 500 guns (i.e. 1000 people) by fine jam to cross fine
Niger and establish himself on fine left bank. The newcomers displaced fine
cultivators already installed finere arnd fine latter moved to fineir cultivation camp
which finey called Gumabugu. The chiefly lineage of Gumabugu concurs finat fineir
. move took place during fine time of fine Kulubali: in recounting fineir history finey
merely note finat finey relocated to Gumabugu from Gumakoro under pressu'e
from fine newcomers. but finey do not cite any origin beyond Gumakoro. Roberts
(1978) reports finat Tio annd Tayo. joined by Sinsanni. rebelled against Biton
Kulubali around 1753. This would suggest finat Wara Cékoro remained loyal to
Segu and did not make common cause wifin fine rebels.

The succession of Gumakoro village chiefs makes such an early installation
doubtful unless finey all enjoyed exceptionally long periods of headship. An elder
from anofiner village suggested finat Wara CBkoro was an ally of Monzon. son of
Ngolo Jara. and aided him in an expedition to fine West: returning victorious. he
received a slave contingent from fine king wifin which he was asked to install
himself on fine ofiner side of fine River. This expedition to fine West may have
been Monzon's campaign against his brofiner Niankoro and fine latter‘s Kaarta allies.
Ngolo Jara had died in 1790 and. having been preceded in deafin by his eldest

son Nji. Monzon was rightful heir to fine kingship. His brofiners. however.

53

contested fine succession and a struggle for power ensued Niankoro called on
Dese Kulubali of Kaarta for help; Dese arrived at Nyamina in 1792 and destroyed
the town Monzon defeated his enemies. retook Nyamina. and continued on a
successful campaign into Kaarta (Roberts. 1978). It is finerefore possible finat fine
resettlement of Gumakoro and fine founding of Gumabugu occurred after fine
1792 cannpaign rafiner finan about 40 years earlier.

An installation of W88 Cikoro at Gumakoro following Monzon's defeat of
his brothers would also accord wifin fine claim of fine Gurna founding lineage that
fineir ancestors had fine obligation to protect Sinsanni and Sibila The founding
lineage of Sibila occupied fine position of deli mam finat is. finey had
magico-ritual powers: finey sent blessings to Segu for fine Bambara New Year
(jgmhi) and acted as mediators in conflicts. Sinsanni had developed into a
flourishing center of trade which was vital to fine economy of fine Segu State. In
fine 1780s Sidi Babs of Sokolo led an expedition of Fulani and Bambara from fine
Norfin against Sinsanni; Roberts (1978) contends finat fine Segu garrison at
W under Nji repelled Sidi Baba. and Nji was killed in finis effort. but oral
tradition credits a Sinsarnni woman. Minata Cisse. wifin saving fine town. Bazin
(1972) furfiner suggests finat Sidi Baba ravaged Sana; Bambara oral history. on fine
ofiner hand. links his name only wifin fine destruction of Sanamadugu-Markala and
fine submission of Sungo.

In fine process of consolidating state control. Monzon installed 12 fig fin
villages. Three of finese - Monimpebugu under Siriman. Sarala under Bela. and
Khan (later Pogo) under Nsarn Kura - received fine sdnre (mum). aufinorising finem
to form an army and declare war independenfiy of fine king but wifin fine
understanding finat finey were to deliver a share of fine booty. This accords wifin
Kesteloot’s (1978) suggestion finat in order to administer his vast possessions.
Monzon had to fall back on a kind of governor system. Two of fine ofiner nine
villages setfied under fine orders of fine m were in Sana: Sanamadugu-Bamana.
less finan one km from Sanamadugu-Marnie at fine border between Sana and‘
Kala. arnd Turn. to fine soufineast of Kuabugu toward fine River. Bofin of these

54

villages trace fine origin of their founders to fine Bendugu. Settled in Sana finey
were to protect fine Segu State against invading Fulani from fine Norfin and East
Their inhabitants cultivated a collective field (tombs) whose harvest was stored to
be used as rations for fine warriors in fine event finat finey were called upon to
participate in a military expedition. They sent periodic reports to Segu and
Sanamadugu also kept a nearby cattle park of fine fame under surveillance.

The remaining Bambara villages 035L513 mm) of fine province paid an annnual
tax (di 30% "the price of honey") in cowries and supplied warriors for militry
expeditions upon request They received a share of fine booty if finey were
called up for dry season expeditions but finey were not aufinorized to engage in
any raids of fineir own. This prohibition on raiding is confirmed by elders from
Tin arnd Sanamadugu who also contend finat members of 1:51:50 dummy who
disrega'ded fine prohibition were required to share fine spoils wifin finem Only
Sanamadugu and Tin. because finey had been installed by fine fauna. had fine right
to engage in so ml]. lt is unclear to what extent finese norms were adnered to
becanseSanaBambaraassertfinatngorsgbglj(finetwotermsareused
synonymously) were a common occurrence. They note finat a kind of rivalry
existed between Sana and neighboring Kala over fine prowess of fineir warriors.
Kala Bambara were generally considered to be more courageous and enduring.
parfiy ascribed to fine husher conditions - low population density, few wells -
under which finey grew up.

Arms used in predatory activities consisted of lances. sabres. bows and
arrows. and guns. Arrow poison was prepared by fine user himself. but fine
ofiner weapons were manufactured by local blacksmifins Blacksmifins engaged in
slave raiding and owned slaves. finough not all of finem tauglnt fineir captives how
to work iron European firms did probably not become readily available in fine
area until after fine emergence of fine Segu Bambara state arnd fine development
of Sinsarnni as a commercial entrepot Even during fine 19fin century. however.

Sana Bambara men may have relied more on locally manufactured weapons.

55

Captives taken in raids or obtained finrough military campaigns were sold or
incorporated into fine household Slaves who were used in production but proved
recalcitrant or rebellious were sold. Such individuals were often simply asked to
serve as porters to the market and only learned of fineir fate in fine course of
fine negotiations accompanying fineir sale. Alfinough slaves could be bought and
sold at Sinsanni and Sibila. Niaro. located to fine east of Sana proper, is
remennbered as fine slave market par excellence. The founders of Niaro are a
branch of fine Sibila founding lineage who. unlike fineir kinsmen. did not adhere to
fine taboo on fignting in battle or engaging in slave raiding Through fine "spilling
of blood” finey were transformed from deli mam into 13515 may. i.e.
warriors. and finus lost fineir special status. Their weekly market developed into a
vital slave market. frequented in particular by Moors from fine Norfin. Among
Sana Banbara. fine synonym for Niaro was jfin 13 man (a (“fine slave is not hot
here") because slaves could be sold quickly; slaves taken finere rarely remained
unsold .k‘m ti gun 13 also became a euphemism since it was finought to be a
bad omen to pronounce Niaro. especially in fine morning. This was most certainly
due to fine fact finat Sana Banbara finemselves could be taken captive and sold at
Niao by raiders who invaded from fine East and from Kurumari country to fine
Norfin lf members of a household. particularly children. were ambushed.
houselnold heads often sent a representative to Niaro in fine hope of finding and
redeeming fine lost person before (slhe could be moved out of fine area

Some Banbara households owned no slaves at all while ofiners owned a few
and some 10 or more. Slave ownership most likely fluctuated over time but.
overall. tho 169 villages had more slaves finan fine ofiners. This suggests finat finey
engaged in raiding to a greater extent finan the lingo gum. Slaves were
incorporated into fine household to work alongside fineir masters. Adult slaves
. were able to retain fineir own names. only children received new names. Slave
status did not efface gender identity so finat male slaves carried out tasks
considered appropriate for men and female slaves finose appropriate for women.
Only rarely did a lineage excuse its women from agricultural labor because it had

so many slaves finat women's labor was expendable: and only among wealfiny

56

Bambara or in fine :50 jfin villages did weaving become denigrated to fine point
finat it was left entirely up to fineir slaves: finese Bambara asserted that 'a
Banbara foot is made for fine stirrup of a horse and not for the stirrup used in
weaving’. Well-to-do Bambara gave fineir daughters a slave at fine time of
mariage. Women taken as captives in raids were often married by fineir captors
or a member of fine captor's lineage. Oral data. in fact. indicates finat Sana
Banbara were more likely to retain or purchase female slaves to be incorporated
as wives finan to accumulate male slaves as units of labor. This would
corroborate fine findings of Klein (1983) for ofiner areas of fine Western Sudan
Female captives could also be given in marriage to a slave of fine household
since it was incumbent on fine household head to find wives for his male slaves.
The bride price for a slave woman. paid to her owner. was higher finan for a
free woman and signalled her lack of kin ties. The offspring of free Bambara
men and fineir slave wives became free members of fine household Though finey
were formally integrated as descendants. it is likely finat descent from a slave
mofiner could become an issue in succession disputes. as is reported to have
been fine case in fine succession struggle between Monzon and his brofiners
(Roberts. 1978).

Slaves could be purchased wifin cowries or in exchange for horses. The
value of horses appeas to have varied considerably over time as elders cite
anywhere from finree to ten slaves as exchange value for a horse. These figures.
of course. were also influenced by fine type and age of a horse as well as by
fine gender and age of a slave. Horses were raised in Sana and. given fine raiding
activities. horse ownership was a must Not owning a horse was not only a sign
of poverty but also a signn of poor social relations: horse owners could place a
horse in fine care of a friend or relative who finen obtained some of fine foals
born to fine horse. Horses occupied such a central place finat praise songs were
connposed for finenn I

In contrast wifin fine Banbara. Marka used slaves much more extensively in
production. It has already been mentioned finat Sinsanni developed into an

57

important connnnercial entrepot under Ngolo Jaa. During his 1796 visit. Park
(1883) was told finat fine town had 8000-10000 inhabitants which had increased
to 11000 by fine time of his second trip in 1805. He commented on fine large
Tuesday market which brought people in from fine surrounding areas and noted
finat even on a daily basis a variety of items. from silver and amber to indigo.
salt. and beer. were offered for sale (Anon. 1815). Sinsanni was a nodal point
for trade wifin fine desert-side as well as fine soufin and east Significanfiy.
Sinsanni Maka did not concentrate on trade alone. In his detailed study of
Sinsanni and its relationship to fine Middle Niger political economy. Roberts (1978)
has shown finat Marka took advantage of fine ready availability of slaves by
expanding production They employed slaves to establish plantations on which
finey cultivated millet. cotton. and indigo. Female slaves also spun cotton while
male slaves wove clofin As a result of fine reliance on servile labor Marka
developed a disdain for weaving and agricultural labor.

Sibila never rivalled Sinsanni in economic importance nor did its inhabitants
become heavily involved in trade. They did. however. increase production through
fine use of slaves to a greater extent finan surrounding Banbara communities In
snails as in ofiner Marka communities slaves were not assimilated in fine sane
manner as in fine Bambara villages. The £219.39 section of Sibila still bears
witness to fine weater social distance between Make and fineir slaves

Ifin lion and free Bambara cultivated millet. cotton. peanuts. and subsidiary
crops which were interspersed wifin fine ofiners Though oral history is silent on
fine way production was organised it is likely finat a variety of mutual aid
arrangements prevailed Men who were not away on military campaigns or raids
during fine agricultural off-season made mats. repaired houses and village wall. or
wove: women spun cotton and pursued fineir domestic tasks. Bazin (1972.
infra27) notes finat certain Banbara groups in fine Sinsanni area commercialised
fineir agicultural surplus on a regular basis by selling to Moors from fine Norfin
or to traders from Jenne Households probably did trade surplus crops and

women very likely sold clofin or brewed beer for sale wifinout, however.

58

becoming fullfledged commodity producers. There is no memory of a glorious
past or a. period of prosperity coincident wifin the vitality of Sinsanni as a 'port
of trade' during fine late 18fin and fine first half of fine 19fin century. In fact.
many elders held finat Sinsanni market was small, or did not even exist. prior to
fine arrival of Mademba Sy in 1890 and finat it only became important during fine
colonial period This would seem to confirm finat. despite the use of slave labor,
Sana Bambara as a collectivity never produced for exchange on a scale

significant enougln to be remembered

Aside from fine establishment of Gunnekoro. Turn. and Sanamadugu during fine
period of fine Segu State. fine 115L013 villages probably underwent changes as kin
groups relocated wifinin fine region or new setfiers petitioned village chiefs to
join their villages. Alfinough fine significant group of reference was fine resident
lineage. fine patronym was shared by members of fine same clan. Each clan
recognized specific animal and plant totems. Clans are dispersed over a wide
geographical area far beyond Sana and never unite in common action or for any
ritual purpose The most prevalent clan names in central Sana were Kulubali and
Jara; finese are considered "typical" Bambara surnames due to fineir association
wifin fine two dynasties of fine Segu Bambara State. Certain clan names (eg
Traore. Dembelel cut across efinnic boundaries. Each clan has a joking partner
Wyn) whose members may heap ritual insults on one anofiner. (Kulubali and
Tangaa. for example. are 530303110.) Clan membership. as signified in the
patronym. finus serves primarily to facilitate communication between strangers.
bofin between individuals who are Mun and between individuals who belong
to fine sane clan

It is possible to conclude finat fine crystallization of a Sana Bambara identity
is closely tied to socio-political developments during fine years of fine Segu State
and especially fine Ngolossi period Yet despite a pan-Bambara identification
through participation in predatory activities Sana Banbara society evolved
dynannics particular to local conditions. State aufinority was relatively removed and

olid not intervene in day-to-day life. The 1:51:50 villages were linked finrough

59

marriage alliances and some of finem also finrough covenants (1mg). Tin and
Sanamadugu enjoyed a special relationship as fig 15:) villages and initially
exchanged women primarily amongst finemselves. Bazin (1974) asserts finat Mn
were required to give women to tin my; if correct. finis would explain why
m villages entered into marriage exchanges wifin fin jig villages since fine
latter ranked lower finan fine former. It is nevertheless of interest finat, up to fine
present. Kuabugu has no marriage alliances wifin Gumakoro even finough finey claim
noble origin despite fineir installation by fine m7 Asking an old woman about
fine reason for finis. she responded simply finat 'in fine past not all villages were
«par and finat fine 'intermingling' of villages is a contemporary phenomenon.
. Hence. Banbara differentiated finemselves not only from ofiner social groups but
also from ofiner Banbara Wifinin a village. furfiner hierarchies were based on
such categories as old established lineages / newcomers. free / unfree. men I
women. and older / younger generation Taboos (may) circumscribed many
activities. Some of finese uplied to everyone while ofiners were peculiar to
individual lineages. A maried woman had to respect fine taboos of her own
lineage as well as finose of her husband's lineage. Magico-religious practices
permeated every sphere of life. Each household had an ancestor shrine (:9 king
hglj) which provided a tangible link wifin fine ancestors. Beyond finis. each village
had a fluid. a grove where fine protective spirit of fine village resided; the village
made sacrifices as a collectivity but villagers could also propitiate it on a
personal basis. in addition. secret societies were introduced into fine villages by
individual lineages including nggmg. lump. mg. mg. and on. Each village had
a unsung society for fine uncircumcised boys The distribution of fine ofiners
varied. finougln men ‘from one village could be initiated in anofiner village if fine
society finey favored did not exist at home. Kuabugu. for example. had only
.ngng and an; elders assert finat fineir ancestors had made an fine hgjj of their
choice and did not permit any ofiner mm in fine village. Despite such
differences between villages. a body of tradition emerged which was shaed by
Sana Bambara and which provided continuity over time.

60

Monzon was succeeded by his son Us in 1808. The rule of Monzon and his
son constituted fine high point of fine Segu State during which state control was
most developed Beginning wifin fine deafin of Us in 1827 and particularly after
fine deafin of his brofiner Cafolo in 1839 fine state becane weaker as a result of
strife and intrigue wifinin fine ruling dynasty. En fin factions gained strengfin at
fine expense of fine central aufinority. Six Jaa brofiners took power in short
succession during fine following 22 years. Internal conflict was compounded by
assaults on fine margins of fine state. Wifin fine establislnment of an lslannic
fineocracy in Masina during fine second decade of fine 19fin century. fine eastern
boundaries becane more vulnerable (Brown. 1969). Especially in fine 1850s
Ahmadu lll attacked fine Segu State almost every year (Robinson, 1985). These
conditions paved fine way for fine defeat of Ali Jaa's army by Al Hajj Uma and

his followers in 1860-1.
Ihe Bum actions

Sinsanni's position as a trading center was enhanced by fine decline of Jane
in fine late 1820s and its economy continued to finrive despite fine splintering of
state power (Roberts. 1978). This implies finat fine plantation sector did not come
under serious attack by fin jig factions and finat fine major trade routes
remained open By extension. one may surmise finat warfare did not increase in
fine Sinsanrni hinterland. finough fine decline in state power was probably reflected
in internal' cleavages based on alliances wifin different factions at fine state level.
Banbaa oral history provides no information on finese years. It is clea.
however. finat no local warlord emerged Sana becane a veritable battlefield for
two neighboring walords only after fine collapse of fine Segu State and its
conquest by Al Hajj Uma. The most aufinoritative study of Al Hajj Uma and his
jihad to date is finat of Robinson (1985). The following synopsis of fine
backgound to fine defeat of Segu by Al Hajj Uma is drawn from finis work.

Umar was born about 1797 in Futa Toro. He began his Koranic studies
Lander his fafiner and brofiner-in-law. finen travelled and studied in fine eastern Futa
and in Futa Jalon and. in fine late 1820s. performed fine pilgrimage in Mecca

61

finree times. Upon his return from Mecca he spent six years at Sokoto where he
gained experience in politics. built up a group of followers. and married a
daughter of the Caliph Muhammad Bello. He left Sokoto in 1838 and returned to
Futa Jalon via Masina. After a trip finrough Senegambia to Futa Toro in 1846/47.
he returned to Futa Jalon wifin many disciples and proceeded to move his
community to fine "pagan" kingdom of Tamba where he established a fortified
setfiement at Dingiray. Mounting tension led to an open confrontation wifin fine
king of Tamba: Umar emerged victorious and gained many new recruits as a
result. He now prepared a campaigrn against Kaarta. at finis time a ”pagan”
Banbaa state. for which he received more recruits from Futa Toro and for
which he enlisted others and established supply lines on his move finrough
Bambuk. Bundu. and Khasso. Despite a confrontation wifin fine French at Medine
which disrupted his supply lines. he unseated fine Massassi Kulubali of Kaarta
during his 1855-56 campaign Robinson suggests finat. given French intervention
in fine area. an Umaian state consisting of Kaarta and Tamba was not viable. finus
forcing plans for expansion to fine east In 1859 Uma left Nioro wifin 25000
soldiers. many of them inexperienced. and approximately 10000 women and
children. Attacked by Beledugu Banbara at Markoya and short of food he
ordered women and children to turn back, a command which amounted to a
deafin sentence for many and which created discontent anong his troops. Umar
neverfineless pushed on. confronted and defeated fine Segu army. led by fine
eldest son of Bina Ali. at Woitala The surviving fin jfinu joined Uma and fine
Somono pledged allegiance. Rafiner finan crossing over to fine ofiner side to take
Segu. he mached along fine left bank and entered Sinsanni in October 1860.
There. he took advantage of fine city's resources to rest and replenish his troops.

In fine face of fine loss at Woitala and wifin Uma occupying Sinsanni. Bina Ali
buried his enmity wifin Amadu of Masina and entered into an alliance wifin him In
ratu'n for protection and support against fine Futanke. Ali agreed to pay tribute
to Hamdullahi and to furfiner fine cause of Islan. He had mosques constructed in
his garison towns and hosted some Masina scholars who were to provide

Islamic instruction and preside over fine destruction of indigenous religious

62

objects. fine prohibition of alcohol and fine obligatory shaving of heads. Amadu. in
turn. wrote a letter to Umar at Sinsanni urging him to leave the Middle Niger
since ”pagan" Segu had joined fine Islamic fold. Umar responded by sending a
delegation to Hamdullahi which made it clea finat Umar did not believe fine tale of
Segu's conversion and which tried to convince fine governing council of the
validity of fine jihad Amadu and his council considered the shaikh's
communication and decided in favor of open resistance. They sent fineir army to
join fine remaining soldiers of Segu and confront Umar on fine right bank
. opposite Sinsanni. For two monfins fine two armies faced each ofiner wifinout
entering into combat but by fine end of February 1861 some of Umar’s troops
' crossed fine River to respond to a presumed provocation. The following day
Umar gave orders to cross fine Niger and move on Segu The opposing forces
were cauglnt by surprise so finat fine Futanke army took Segu wifinout much
fiqnting Bina Ali fled east to Masina.

Unna' estaalished his people at Segu but was unable to build a solid
economic foundation for Futanke rule. He reconfirmed his son Amadu as his
successor while he himself continued to be preoccupied wifin finding a way to
deal wifin Masina. In April of 1862 he led a campaign against Masina. routed fine
caliph and his people. and took control of Handullahi. Amadu lacked his fafiner's
aufinority and did not enjoy fine same trust and loyalty of fine latter's followers.
His extraction of taxes fuelled local resenfinent and rebellion against fine Futanke
while We wa in Masina disrupted production and trade wifin fine norfin.
Sinsanni revolted in 1863. aided by Banbara from Sana and Kala; finey repulsed
the Futanke army but did not defeat it (Roberts. 1978). In Hamdullahi. Uma and
his people were put under siege by Masinanke opponents: after being nealy
starved to deafin he managed to escape wifin about 100 of his followers and fled
into fine cliffs of Banjagaa. Most of his saline surrendered to fineir pursuers but
Uma and fine 15 men wifin him perished in one of fine caves where finey had
sought refuge. Considerable mystery surrounds Umar's deafin but Robinson
concludes finat his party was killed when fineir pursuers set fire at fine moufin of

fine caves which finen ignited fineir remaining powder reserves and exploded

63

In 1864 Amadu's people attacked Sinsanni and subsequenfiy put fine city
under siege. After a 72-day blockade. wifin surrender a near certainty, Amadu
suddenly changed his priorities and returned to Segu (Mage. 1872). He made no
furfiner attempt to gain control of Sinsanni. Resistance from fine Bambara finrone
in exile soufin of fine Bani river and from areas norfin of fine Niger finat lay in fine
pafin of his supply line continued and he was never able to establish security. His
mum in garison outposts were discontent wifin fineir lot and many of finose in
fine canital wanted to return to Nioro and Senegambia Ialjhg went on raids and
took what finey could get to make up for fine deteriorating economic conditions
and Amadu's reduced ability to redistribute wealfin (Roberts. 1981). Finally.
rivalries wifinin fine Tal fanily added to Amadu's problems so finat he felt
conpelled to go to Nioro himself in 1885 and put his house in order. He would
never return to Segu

Sana Banbara have not preserved any accounts of fineir involvement in
Sinsanni's rebellion. and memories of fine Futanke period in general are
frag'nentay. Several elders knew finat AI Hajj Uma made a pilgrimage to Mecca.
finat he passed finrougln Masina on his return. finat he eventually made war against
Segu and finat Ali went to Handullalni. A few elders suggested finat taljbg made
razzias into fine area. The memory linked wifin fine Emakm ("people of fine Futa")
above all is religious repression: Al Hajj and his people forbade sacrifices to
mun. banned fine brewing and drinking of gfilfi, and did not allow Banbara to
wea fineir traditional pointed cap W and wariors their characteristic tuft of
hair because finese represented gamma ('Bambarahood"). Villagers who were
caugnt by wandering glib: infringing against finese rules were liable to be killed
or an entire village could be destroyed: wariors had fineir tuft of hair shaven off
wifin a rock if finey were found wifin it. These dangers led people to hide fineir
balm, often in trees in fine bush. and to devise code language for finding out
where millet beer was being brewed and ready to be drunk. Some elders
concluded finat bamanya itself was being combatted so finat 'fine Banbara were
vanqnished even before fine arival of fine White Man'. It is unclear if finese

memories as based on word-of-moufin transmission of mine actions in fine

64

Segu aea or if Futanke actually made periodic forays into fine area. even after
Sinsanni's last confrontation wifin Amadu in 1865. to destroy vestiges of
indigenous religion. Robinson (1985) emphasizes finat Umar's capacity and desire
to implant Islan was limited and he was more concerned wifin simply dismanfiing
"pagan" institutions. While finere may not have been an outright attempt to
establish Islam. fine assault on indigenous institutions neverfineless posed a finreat
to Bambara identity. The significance of finese memories finerefore lies not in fine
accuracy wifin which finey reflect local events but in fine consistency wifin which
finey emphasize religious repression. They show finat a Banbara identity had
emerged in Sana and tlnat fine Futanke mm finreatened to undermine it.

The most vivid recollections of fine time coinciding wifin Futanke rule as of
fine insecurity and divisiveness in fine area. This insecurity is linked less wifin
Futanke rule finan wifin two warlords - N’To of Markaduguba to fine Norfinwest
and Bojugu9 of Pogo to fine Norfin - who carried fineir rivalry into fine area.
According to Ballet (1893). fine Bakka'i Kunta had a resident governor in Sinsanni.
It was against finis 'Moor domination' finat N'To and Bojugu made common cause
after 1865. rallying Sana Bambaa villages behind finern Hostilities began when
Kuabugu stopped one of fine men of Bobo Cissé. finen village chief of Sinsanni.
and killed him. putting his head on fine road to signal confrontation. The Maka of
fine aea (including Sinsanni. Sanamadugu-Markala. Sibila. and Niaro) united and sent
fineir columns against Bojugu and N'To; finey were aided by Mabere Kano and his
warriors as well as horsemen sent by Sheikh Batka'i. After attacking N'To and
Bojugu finey made a punitive incursion against Kuabugu and killed 35 men finere.
Attacks and counter-attacks continued in finis fashion. ravaging fine area and
leading to fannine. Only after Abdul Salem. fine Kunta governor. fled Sinsanni did
fignting cease. Roberts (1978) argues finat oral evidence does not support Bellat's
assertion of fine Kunta govemorship in Sinsanni but finat overall his reconstruction
of fine period appears to be correct: he neverfineless does not suggest an

alternate source of conflict for fine time in question.

65

The cessation of hostilities was not to last for long. Bojugu and N'To
entered into conflict wifin each ofiner over a question of succession to fine Jara
finrone in exile. Again Bellat (1893) and Roberts (1978) differ somewhat
concerning the details of fine dispute. but bofin agree finat fine two became
enemies. Bellat (1893) suggests finat Sana Bambara villages were initially wifin
Bojugu. who gave allegiance to Karemoko Jae when he succeeded his brofiner in
1878: however. after a meeting all except fine villages established under fine
tutelage of fine Segu king (Tin. Sanamadugu. Gumakoro) changed sides. Popular
memory retains not one but numerous shifts in allegiance. sometimes opposing
neidnboring villages or even factions wifinin one village. N'To as well as Bojugu
are credited wifin powerful magic which allowed finem to pass unnoticed when
finey wished; magic was also used against finem as a measure of last resort")
The figlnting disrupted production and devastated Sana Villagers often did not set
out for work in fine fields wifinout first consulting a diviner to find out if it was
safe to do so. Going to market became a risky undertaking so finat only "armed
men and courageous women" daed do so. Old-established trade routes were
abandoned as a result of fine insecurity in fine Middle Niger. finus undermining
Sinsanni’s position as a center of trade. Many Make left Sinsanni so finat fine
town was only a shadow of what it had been at fine beginning of fine century.

lawman

Ultimately it was not fine magic powers associated wifin Bo jugu and NT o
which brought about fine cessation of intra-regional hostilities but fine military
superiority of fine French The various factions in fine Middle Niger were unable
to put up a united resistance and Archinard entered Segu on April 6. 1890. The
Tal family fled to Banjagara.‘ joined finere by Amadu who had left Nioro before it
could be taken by fine colonel. Archinard installed Mari Jara. fine heir to fine
Bambara finrone. as fine new ruler under fine guidance of a French resident. But
wifinin monfins Mari Jara was accused of plotting to kill fine French resident and
was summarily executed (Crowder, 1968). He was replaced by Bojan. a member

of fine Kaarta ruling dynasty who. however. was met wifin hostility by fine local

66

population and commanded no allegiance. Bo jan was therefore dismissed and a
French commander put in his place. This ended the attempt at indirect rule for,
as Monteil (1924) puts it. ”direct administration appeared to be the indispensable
safeguard of our interests (p.101)."

Archinard detached fine left bank of fine Niger east of Segu and combined it
wifin Monimpe and Saro to form fine 3913mm fig manning. governed from
Sinsanrni. N'To had submitted to fine French and was left in charge of his home
territory aound Markaduguba. as were fine chiefs of Sarro and Monimpe. All
were subject to Mademba Sy whom Archinad had appointed to occupy fine
position of tam“ Mademba was a Senegalese who had served fine French in
vaious capacities and who had been to telegraph school in France (Roberts.
1978). Mademba’s militay support in Sinsanni consisted of a contingent of 2000
Futanke followers who had been taken prisoner by fine French during fine
conquest of Keats. Mademba had considerable difficulty in estwlishing his
eufinority over finis force since many were resentful over fineir assignment to
Sinsanni. Moreover. Sinsanni was devastated. lacking in provisions and
accommodations. so finat finese Futanke had to spend fineir first rainy season in
straw lnuts ll055).

Wifin Amadu Tal and his people in the East. Mademba was in a strategic
position to provide intelligence information on their movements and to prevent
fineir return The French feared finat fine Futanke would cross over to fine left
bank and attempt to stir tp trouble from fine Norfin. Alfinough many of fine village
chiefs had come to pay fineir respects to Mademba. fine aea was fermenting
under fine surface. Mademba considered putting togefiner a column of fighters to
make a show of force but a nunnber of villages in Kale rebelled before he could
realize his plan. The French attributed fine problems to a conspiracy on fine pat
of Abderrahmane of Sokolo and of Minfe. successor of Bo jugu at Pogo. whom
finey finought displeased over fine limitations of fineir aufinority. El Hajj Buguni. a
Fulani from fine Norfin. was credited wifin fine actual leadership of fine rebel

forces. Unable to conduct an excursion into Kala to counter fine rebels. Mademba

67

began to construct fortifications for Sinsanni. Rebellion did not remain confined
to Kala Mademba’s letters to Segu (lE220) during tlne entire monfin of December

1891 showed his preoccupation with insubmission. revolt. or possible revolt

The ma linked with fine revolt in Sana oral history is not El Hajj Buguni but
"Mori Uli", fine Ouma'el Samba Donde of French archival documents and Fulbe
tradition. Judging by written records. fine French saw in him only a minor figure
of fine revolt while oral evidence suggests finat he played a major role in rallying
Sana rebels behind him.

Tradition has it finat Umarel. a Futanke. and Madani. son of Amadu Tal.
engaged in a horse race after fine latter had fled to Banjagara from Segu. Madani
won fine race and publicly mocked his opponent. Oumarel responded by telling
Mada'ni that his victory one as no g'eat surprise since his horse had. after all.
run from Segu to Banjagara in a single day. This was an allusion to Madani's
flignt from fine French and a wave insult to fine young Tal. Amadu was prepared
to execute Umarel but his advisors councilled him against such dramatic action.
suggesting that he be sent on a difficult mission instead Umarel was given a
small trotp of men and sent to fignt fine Frencl'L12 He vowed finat finey miglnt
receive news of, his deafin but never finat he took flight. Following finis promise
he joined fine left bank rebels

Mori Uli's bases on fine left bank were fin and Dossigela, fine latter located
at fine frontier between Sana and Kala. Sanannadugu. Jado. and Kuabugu were
allied wifin fine rebels while ofiner Sana villages nape: to have avoided direct
involvement. Sibila arnd Gunakoro sided wifin Mademba and provided him with
information about rebel movements Mademba‘s monfinly reports during fine first
put of 1892 «5220) re filled wifin information about rebel activities Sinsanni.
Gumakoro. and Sibila were all attacked by fine rebel forces. After repeated
attacks on Sibila Mademba sent reinforcements recruited from fine Bambra
villages of Gumd<oro. Gunndnugu. Soalebugu. and Kajona supplied wifin ammunition
The situation became more tense during fine monfin of May. Mademba attacked
Tin in an attempt to rout Mori Uli arnd his supporters. When he ordered an

68

incursion against Kuabugu his men were unable to follow finrough because
Gumabugu refused to provide guides. On fine other hand. his men received
reinforcements from all Bambara villages not openly allied wifin Mori Uli in an
attack on Sanamadugu Dossigela. Jado. and Kuabugu rallied to fine aid of
Sanamadugu Mademba’s need to recruit fighters in fine Bambara villages shows
how litfie he could rely on his Futanke sofa, many of whom in fact escaped
while Sinsanni was under siege. Gumabugu’s refusal to guide a punitive expedition
to Kudnugu is evidence of alliances between fine two villages. The willingness of
Gumdnugu and fine ofiner Bambara villages to join in an expedition against
Sanamadugu confirms finat, as a fin jfin village. Sanamadugu was ranked lower.
Jado arnd Kuabugu were linked by a pact (jg) and finerefore made common cause.

The revolt was stamped out by commander Bonnier, one of the French
military men actively involved in "pacification". When it became clear finat
Mademba and fine force at his disposal could not deal wifin fine rebels. Bonnier
was sent to attack Dossigela where Mori Uli happened to be on June 26. 1892.
W by its allies from My Sanamadugu arnd villages to fine north.
Dossigela offered resistance but was eventually overwhelmed by fine canon and
superior guns of fine French Mori Uli and more finan 300 men were killed. The
village chief of Dossigela and some 40 elders exploded a quantity of gun
powder in fine vestibule where finey awaited fine outcome of fine fighting in order
to avoid falling into fine hands of fineir enemies. This is also confirmed by Gatelet
(1901). Alfinough these figures may be exaggerated. finere is no doubt of fine
cxnage. The events re ft from forgotten in fine area. Dossigela elders were
able to point to fine location where Bonnier had camped and where Mori Uli was
felled by French bullets. Much like Bojugu and N'To. Mori Uli is credited wifin
magic powers. he only needed to unroll his turban to be immune to bullets; on
fine day he was killed he failed to unroll his turban in time.

The show of brute force at Dossigela established fine French as fine power
in fine tea. Archival documents (Dakar 16209) comment on fine terror spread by

fine raid advance of Bonnier's force and by fine losses it inflicted wifinin such a

69

short period of time. Prior to leaving Sinsanni Bonnier required finat all village
chiefs come to Sinsanni to offer fineir submission and to pay a fine in horses.
He also left a contingent of mums in Sinsanni. Dossigela was but a ruin; finose
who had survived fine attack fled and many did not return until after fine deafin of
Mademba in 1918. It is unclear if any punishment was inflicted on Tin and
Kudnugu Oral evidence suggests finat fine Kuabugu village chief fled east for a

tin'ne but regained fine chieftaincy upon his return

70

Maine

The introduction to this chapter presented Sana as a socio-historical space
and suggested finat space and time 8e integral to the constitution of society.
The reconstruction of fine different historical periods aimed to show finat society
is created and re-created in social practice refiner than finrough fine mechanical
repromction of social institutions During fine early setfiement period newcomers
to Sana forged ties anongst each ofiner which gradually replaced fine links finat
tied finem to social groups beyond Sana. They were autonomous until fine rise of
fine Sega Bambara State and probably entertained shifting relationships with ofiner
social woups. Integration into fine state system strengthened fine social identity
which had emerged locally and expanded social boundaries. Wifin fine decline of
fine state and its conquest by fine Futanke fine region reverted to anarchy, social
boundaries contracted. and fine focus turned inward When fine French arrived.
Sana Burbaarespondedinfinemamerinwhichfineyhadrespondedtoofiner
opponents. but finey learned finat fineir own resources were no match against
finoeo controlled by fineir opponent. ln sun 'Bambu'a society' must be seen as a
fluid entity whose boundaries shifted in space-time. Moreover. 'inside' and
'outsido' always interpenetrated to different degrees and entered fine construction
Of local institutions. Sana Bambara identity did not emerge in isolation but in

interaction wifin bofin 'insiders' and 'outsiders'.

71

Notes

1 Sana Bambara speak of Magma in referring to the area ofinerwise known
as Masina.

2 ;j is generally translated in French as "race". However. sj is used not only
to designate different efinnic groups but also social categories. such as
blacksmifins or leafinerworkers. so finat 'social species' may be a more accurate
rendering of sj.

3 A Sinsarnni elder confirmed fine anteriorimoof Kuabugu. Jean Bazin (personal
communication) received fine sane information a.

4 Sinsanni is fine Banbara name for Sansanding and fine name in use locally.
Its etymology breaks down to sinsm ("enclosure") + nj ("small"): traditions suggest
finat when fine town was founded a Bozo fisherman had a fenced camp finere.
The origin of 'Sansanding’ is under but is fine name under which Sansanding
appears in fine earliest colonial records. and which has been retained as fine
official actninistrative designation of Sinsarnrni after Independence. The Tarikh
Es-Sudan refers to Sinsanni as Chenchendi.

5 Es-Sadi probably designated any non-Muslim as 'Bambara' so finat it should
not be taken in a narrow efinnic sense.

6 The term used in the Tarikh is mi annotated to be a Songhai word for
any political aufinority from simple village chief to king.

7 The exception to finis is a houselnold which relocated to Kuwugu from Turn
and which has alliances wifin Gumakoro finrough its Tin origin

B l have entitled finis section "Futanke Period" because Al Hajj Umr's
c at of Segu altered power relationships in fine Middle Niger, not because he
and is followers were she to establish control of Sana

9 ”Bojugu" is fine nanne used by all of fine elders l interviewed Archival
sources refer to him as "Boliedugu". oberts (197B) follows fine archival sources

10 Legend has it that after desfi'oying Niaro. Bojugu continued on to
Tongolo. One of fine hunters finere put magic powder into seven guns. each of
which could take on seven men at a time; when finey were used against Bojugu
he chose to leave so as to save his my.

11 He was actually accorded fine tifie 1m. and was addressed as such
12 A differentversion of fine sane account su sts finat Mademba was

holding some children of Amadu's fanily hostage and el was sent to rescue
finem wifin fine full knowledge that he would be killed in fine process.

CHAPTER IV
COLONISATION AND THE INSERTAEQU? SANA INTO THE COMMODITY

Prior to fine French conquest Sana Banbara had been tied into fine circuits of
European capital primarily finrougln fine production of slaves. The African
merchants who mediated finis relationship never intervened directly in production
The Segu State levied taxes but also did not attempt to alter local structures of
production and distribution. French milita'y conquest constituted a significant
turning point because it was aimed at facilitating capital accumulation finrougln fine
extraction of local products and fine consumption of European goods. But. as
Lonsdale (1981a) has pointed out. conquest was not an event but a process. and
fine colonial state was not just a tool in fine hands of metropolitan capital. It had
fine

contradictory purpose of accumulation. bofin local and metropolitan.
but wifinin a framework of local control. It demanded fine creation
of a local political system This evolved in a kaleidoscopic rather
finan single-minded hierarchy of bureaucratic relations wifin local
social forces. governed not simply by the 'needs of capitalism' but.

rafiner. by crisis-driven efforts to contain fine social conflicts which
were generated by finem (Lonsdale 1981b. p. 109).

The dialectic involved in fine penetration of capitalism urnder fine auspices of
fine colonial state. as stressed here by Lonsdale. is well illustrated in fine history
of fine Western Sudan. Rational accumulation was impeded by fiscal constraints.
exigencies imposed by fine two world wars and ecological conditions as well as
by local dynamics. This chapter will show how finese elements shaped French
attempts to draw Sana into commodity relations. It provides a general
assessment of fine impact of colonization refiner finan an analysis of developments
at fine level of fine household

The presentation begins wifin a brief discussion of fine structure of aufinority
in fine French West African empire and fine place of Mademba wifinin finis system.
72

73

The main part of fine chapter is arranged topically to consider 1)intervention in
agriculture. thaxation. 3)fine commodification of labor. 4lmilitary conscription. and
Slcirculation of commodities; wifinin each I proceed in chronological fashion. The

conclusion. links developments and draws out fineir implications

Tinree periods emerge from fine data; 1892 to fine end of World War 1, fine
interwar years through World War II, and fine post-War period to Independence.
The first period involved fine most active intervention backed by fine physical
presence of aufinority. This set in motion processes which were reinforced
during fine interwar years and finrougln World War II. The post-War years were
cha‘acterized by a modest economic expansion and decolonisation. The first
period up to about 1910 is documented by abundant archival materials owing to
fine presence of Mademba at Sinsanni and to his active involvement in politics.
The documentation diminishes for fine last eight years of his life which may be
due. at least in part. to his failing healfin. Archival records for fine second and
finird period are generated entirely at fine level of fine cercle so finat data on Sana
is confined to periodic reports based on inspection rounds. The paucity of data
results bofin from administrative distance and from fine increasing marginality of
San to colonial interests. It is finerefore often necessary to extrapolate from
developments in Segu cercle in general. Even at fine level of fine cercle finere are
gaps. sometimes for a series of years. due to missing documents This problem
may also account in part for fine limited data during fine late Mademba years. Oral
information and data from seconday sources will be used to support fine archival

record

MadembanandCanthchELenchmaAttim

Precolonial travellers viewed fine establishment of 'colonial centers’ as a short
step to fine economic and social transformation of fine Sudmese interior. Yet
control and 'development’ (miss an 1313;) of fine vast West African empire
France was acquiring proved to be more formidable undertakings finan finey had
imagined The Governor General was located in Dakar at fine western-most edge

of fine territory and each colony was administered by its own

74

lieutenant-governor. Sana became part of Haut-Sé'négal-Niger, initially known as
Soudan. administered first from Kayes and after May 1908 from Bamako.
Alfinough fine boundaries of fine colony were redrawn several times during the
colonial period. it spanned more finan 2800 km from west to east and about
1300 km in a norfin-soufinerly direction after fine end of formal conquest The
administration of finis wide area was fine responsibility of only about 500 French
officers and civil servants (Clozel, 1912). This made reliance on African

personnel a necessity.

Segu cercle covered a large territory. Its infrastructure was poor and French
personnel were limited The administrator was finerefore not in a position to
keep a close watch on Mademba's actions. even finough Bonnier had realized
during his two week stay in Sinsanni finat Mademba ruled wifin a heavy hand He
left a French representative in Sinsanni but cautioned him not to interfere wifin
Mademba's aufinority (Dakar 156172). When Archinad returned from his
campaign to Banjagara in 1893 he reduced fine territory under Mademba's
jurisdictionby detachingfinerightbankandaportionoffineleftbanksofinatfine
Etna d9 Sansanding effectively consisted of Sinsanni proper. of Sana. and of
Kala. Since Sana had not been subject to a local chief during precolonial days
fine villages depended directly on Mademba in contrast wifin ofiner areas where
fine chief was left in place; N'To. for example. remained in charge of his villages
and served as fine intermediay between fine villages and Mademba. The absence
of a local chief in Sana was not considered a problem by fine Administration
because fine close proximity of fine villages to Sinsanni "made surveillance easy”
(1E71). Mademba initially attempted to bypass Segu by corresponding directly
wifin fine lieutenant-governor in Kayes. but he was admonished to report to Segu
and receive his instructions from finere (1E71). This did not. however, diminish

his aufinority over his domain

Mademba made full use of fine powers granted him He conducted himself
like an arbitrary ruler and created a lifestyle which bofin suited royalty and
reflected his loyalty to France. Passing Frenchmen were treated to a gastronomic

75

experience which involved French tablesettings and imported wines and
champagnes (Roberts, 1978). Complaints about him increased steadily, ranging
from arbitrary exactions to excessive punishment (including execution), fine
sacrificial killing of children, and fine kidnapping of local women as concubines.
The administration preferred to treat finese accusations as unverifiable rumors.
finus relieving it of fine need to take action. Such a stance must be seen in light
of fine difficulties involved in administering a large territory as well as fine
continuing struggle to defeat Samori and gain control over fine soufineastern part
of fine colony. This put a premium on loyal African personnel. Moreover.
arbitrariness was built into fine jngjgfimt. fine prevailing system of administrative
justice. which permitted a colonial agent to arrest. imprison, or fine an African
wifinout trial. The main concern which fine allegations concerning Mademba's
conduct eventually raised wifin fine Governor of fine Soudan is expressed in a
Januay 1898 letter (1E220) to fine commander of Segu cercle in which he
stated finat fine animosity Mademba generated on fine pat of his subjects could
only be detrimental to tax collection efforts. He finerefore proposed finat fine
Segu commander collect taxes in Mademba's stead. a measure which he felt had
fine potential of increasing not only Mademba's income but also fine revenues of
fine Administration In support of his suggestion he cited fine case of Maki at
Dinguiraye (now Guinée) where finis mefinod had been tried wifin success.

Before finis proposal could be realised fine Administration called Mademba to
Kayes for an investigation of fine allegations against him. particularly his
involvement in fine disappearance of some children Sikasso had fallen by finen
and Sanori had been captured Still. after eiglnt monfins at Kayes Mademba was
cleared of all charges and allowed to return to Sinsanni in October 1900 (1E71).
A French resident was posted to Sinsanni to oversee fine political and financial
administration of fine Ema. However. in his letter of appointment. fine new
Resident was cautioned by Perignon. finen commander of Segu cercle:

your mission is not to restrain fine powers of Fame Mademba
...Mister Mademba has been naned Ema wifin all fine powers of a
black king, but he has to govern fine natives of his states wifin a

spirit of justice and humanity. ...You are required to support fine
Em and finus show to fine natives that. instead of limiting his

76

powers. you are at Sansanding to facilitate his task. to prevent
renewal of low intrigues on fine part of jealous people. and to
assure our vassal of our cooperation and our protection. if
necessary....(1 E220).
Perignon's letter reflected fine sentiment which prevailed at fine highest level and
which had been conveyed to him almost verbatim by fine Governor General
himself. It shows fine extent to which fine French colonial services depended on
African personnel and indicates finat fine high command was prepared to close its
eyes on abuses of power as long as French interests were served It also
suggests finat fine Ems do Sansanding may have been considered of marginal
significance to French interests in fine Western Sudan The new Resident at
Sinsanni died before fine yea was out and was not replaced Instead. a
'commissioner for native affairs’ fulfilled fine Resident’s tasks as he had before
1900. Segu administrators only paid courtesy visits to Sinsanni so finat fine
commander felt compelled to state in his 1917 annual report ”...If we have fine
rignt to a 'glance' at fine Fana's politics. we are in fact very poorly informed
m finat which goes on in fine Sansanding region. The most diverse rumors go
aound from time to time which. however. we cannot verify (IE72)."

Mademba died in 1918. Alfinough he had been in poor healfin for some time.
leaving two of his sons to fulfill fine functions of office. no steps had been
taken to replace him or to reorganize his domain. Attaching Sinsanni to Sokolo
was considered as a possibility due to fine historical trade relations wifin fine
norfin but. ultimately. Sana was attached to Segu cercle. Sibila becane canton
seat and hence fine intermediary between Segu and fine villages. Its village chief,
supported by sands: canals. carried out orders from Segu and cercle personnel
made sporadic visits Sana Bambara do not accuse fine chef d: canton of
excesses of aufinority in general, but finey assert finat he used his position to

encroach on Kuabugu land

After fine defeat at Dossigela Sana Bambara submitted to French authority
and did not offer military resistance again. However, finis did not mean finat finey
relinquished all control to fineir colonial masters. People dealt wifin fine constant

77

demands by being slow in following orders or heading summons. This form of
resistance frustrated administrators and engendered dissatisfaction wifin indigenous
chiefs. Complaints. which began to be expressed in cercle political reports from
fine late 1920s onward. focus on fine inertia and ineffectiveness of village and
canton chiefs and fineir failure to impose finemselves. problems which were
frequenfiy attributed to fineir advanced age. Given its dependence on local
personnel. fine Administration could do little to change finis situation. In areas finat
were vital to French interests new 'chiefs’ were named to replace finose wifin
whom adninistrators were dissatisfied but in Sana fine Sibila village chief remained
mg g. man finroughout fine colonial period

Himmler) in Andaman.
1892-1918

Despite early surveys (e.g. AOF serie II and Soudan serie XIII) of local crops
which tried to pinpoint finose wifin a potential for French industry. no concrete
plan was developed for tapping fine agricultural possibilities of fine Soudan
European colonisation of fine land and fine creation of a local processing industry
were considered but dismissed as unfeasible. The lieutenant-governor of
Haut-S‘n‘gal-Niger concluded in 1900:

Limiting fine development of our provinces to farming alone is
finerefore fine only system of colonisation available to us. It has fine
advantage of demanding only a limited s ervisory personnel and of
not leaving fine soil unproductive (Daka 48).
Given fine fiscal constraints on fine Governor and fine virtual absence of global
policy formation finis effectively meant fine encouragement of peasant production
as best understood by each commandant de cercle.

A) Attempts to impose a cash crop.

Mademba was well awae of French interests and knew how to play up to
them in his reports A statement such as finat of August 1. I896 (1E220l.
emphasizing political stability and agricultural production. is a typical excerpt from
his letters during fine rainy seasons following conquest

78

The most perfect tranquility reigns in all fine villages. The

inhabitants devote finemselves completely to agriculture. having

become convinced finat it is more profitable finan the razzias which

used to be their occupation.
The importance Mademba accorded to agriculture in his correspondence was not
mere rhetoric. He actively promoted agricultural expansion by not only exhorting
cultivators to increase fineir fields but by planting large surfaces of his own. He
experimented wifin a variety of crops including cotton. tobacco. indigo. wheat.
oats. and rice. even attempting dry season cultivation To his regret. he was
“Is to convince fine local population to follow his example and experiment
wifin dry season crops as well. Mademba's greatest efforts were devoted to fine
development of cotton as a cash crop. In pursuit of finis aim he distributed new
varieties of seed and pushed peasants each year to expand fineir cotton fields.
Despite his efforts. fine Ems furnished only 30 tons of cotton for export in
1899. During fine same yea' a number of villages complained at Segu finat
Mademba had requisitioned fine entire cotton harvest under fine pretext finat finis
was an additional tax imposed by the French Villages. finat could not deliver at
least 2000kg of cotton received fines ranging from 40000-200000 cowries
plus agricultural products The heavy fines led one village chief to pawn himself
along wifin his wife. fafiner. and child in order to meet Mademba's demands (Dakar
15G) 76). Despite finese abuses attempts to expand cotton cultivation continued
Three tons of cotton seed were sent to Sinsani in 1905 accompanied by a
directive from fine governor to distribute fine seed and pull out all indigenous
cotton adjacent to fine new fields so as to avoid hybridisation Yet only 11 tons
of cotton were delivered after fine 1905 harvest. Mademba's correspondence
does not indicate to what degree finis poor result was due to resistance on fine
part _ of local cultivators or to fine unsuitability of fine new cotton varieties for
local conditions; bofin are likely to have played a role. A 1918 document gives a
clue to fine way people responded to intervention in production: people

resign finemselves to fine inevitable and hope to see fine White Man.

of whom one always has to expect a singular fantasy or anofiner

tax. as little as possible...lf one orders fine cultivation of a new

crop while pointing out fine profit which can be gained from it.

finey appear enchanted by fine good fortune. take fine seed wifin
gratitude. and quickly clear fine smallest possible corner of land to

79

have as little ‘trouble as possible: finis is fine 'field of fine
commandant, this is anofiner tax. a fantasy which they beg fineir
fetishes to preserve finem from (1E72).
Given Mademba's practice of requisitioning fine harvest. cotton cultivation
constituted indeed a supplementary tax. In addition. fine production of cotton
beyond household needs diverted labor from millet cultivation which had to

satisfy local needs and tax obligations
B) Ecological Conditions.

Climatic conditions during finese early years were precarious and caused a
great deal of uncertainty over fine outcome of each harvest. 1891 and '92 were
difficult years in Sana. aggravated by fine fighting. so finat it became impossible to
obtain any millet in Sinsanni for monfins prior to fine harvest of 1893. In 1895
fine rains were sparse even in July and August. Precipitation improved during fine
following years but 1901 and '02 were years of drought again. Such variability
continued finroughout fine following decade and culminated in fine big drought of
1912113. Elders relate finat people resorted to eating leaves. This is
corroborated by archival documents which also note finat some villages were
parfiy abandoned as a result of fine famine (1E72). The effect of fine climate was
exacerbated by recurrent locust invasions. Locust swarms passed nearly every
year and alfinough actual damage was usually localised fineir potential impact kept
people in far until fine next harvest was assured Colonial reports during finese
years show a curious refusal to acknowledge fine consequences of prevailing
ecological conditions: finey voice concerns over locust invasions and insufficient
rains only to state at havest time finat yields were good or relatively good An _
excellent exanple of finis dates from 1895 when Mademba. after reporting eifiner
a complete lack or an insufficiency of rains monfin after monfin. states on
December 1st: "The harvest is almost completed. Wifin fine millet reserves from
last year. one could count finis as one of fine agricultural years of abundance
(1E220l." Such absurd reasoning glosses over fine fact finat tax collection might
turn out to be difficult. Up until 1900 taxes were paid in kind and supplied fine

colonial services wifin fine necessary provisions for personnel and horses.

80

C) The abolition of slavery.

The economic aspirations underlying colonisation made slavery a delicate
issue. Slavery as an institution was dismantled only gradually to avoid fine
disruption of production and commerce and to prevent large-scale population
movements. During conquest African troops were allowed to take captives and
French troops finemselves took slaves and gave finem to fineir African concubines.
To begin to assess fine nature and extent of slavery. fine Administration sent out
questionnaires in 1894 which all cercle commanders were obliged to complete
for fine territory under fineir jurisdiction In 1895 a decree prohibiting fine trade
in slaves was promulgated The slave trade was seen as a finreat to fine stability
necessay for effective taxation and slave exports were feared to result in fine
yadual depopulation of fine Soudan. Moor caravans in particular were suspected
of taking slaves norfin and came under close surveillance up until fine early years
of fine 20fin century. Rewards were used to encourage village chiefs to report
caavans passing finroudn fineir territory and. conversely. village chiefs who were
found to have closed fineir eyes to a passing slave caavan were punished

The order did not extend to fine use of slaves for fine transport of goods.
Merchant caravans continued to be permitted to use slaves as porters. as long as
finey applied for a pass for finem in fine area of origin or at fine point of entry
to fine Soudan If a caravan was found to be trading in slaves. fine slaves were
confiscated and ‘sent into so-called "villages de liberté" which were specially
created for fine ptrpose. These villages constituted a ready pool of labor on
which fine Administration could draw at a time when fine local population was
slow in coming forfin to sell its labor. To avoid fine inconveniences connected
wifin fine establislnment of a "village de liberté". Mademba simply gave confiscated
captives to "serious. honorable heads of household of peaceful character"(1 E71)
who. fineoretically. were required to release finem at fine and of one cultivating
season: young boys were obliged to stay until fine age of 20. young girls until
finey were ready to ”choose" a husband There are no records of households

who received such slaves finough. in keeping wifin administration practice. it was

81

probably household heads loyal to Mademba who were rewarded in We fashion.

Slaves who had been acquired prior to fine decree were sent back to fineir
masters if finey tried to flee unless finey could prove finat finey had been
mistreated This also applied to fine Futanke prisoners Mademba had received at
his installation in Sinsanni because Segu feared finat releasing them would set a
bad precedent Many neverfineless managed to bypass fine Administration and
escape. Those who remained had fineir servitude gradually reduced as a result of
fineir continual struggle against Mademba's aufinority over finern Beginning in 1902
finey owed Mademba only finree mornings of labor per week. and by 1904 finey
were entitled to 1/3 of fine harvest from his fields as a remuneration for fineir
labor. It was hoped finat finis gradual liberation would transform finem into
sedentary cultivators. Ofiner captives could purchase fineir freedom by paying
fineir master fine sum of 30°F. a sum which must have been higher finan what

most agricultural slaves could hope to accumulate.

It was not until December 1905 - and after a second questionnaire on
slavery in 1904 - finat fine French president issued a decree which ended slavery
in French West Africa and fine French Congo (1E182). The new law initiated a
slave exodus in Bananba (Bamako cercle) but not immediately in Segu or fine
Ems The exodus from Segu began in 1907 but was not resisted by slave
owners as in Bananba In June 1907 Segu reported finat 5331 persons had
come to fine post during fine preceding monfins in order to obtain a pass: 3209
of finese left fine cercle. Most of fine movement was oriented toward fine soufin
where many slaves had originated during fine time of Sanori's wars The exodus
slowed down during fine rainy season but increased again in October and
followed fine same pattern in 1908 and into 1909 (1E72). Segu was still
concerned wifin fine loss in population and suggested finat fine cercles to fine
soufin increase fineir head taxes to halt fine movement. a suggestion which does
not seem to have been heeded The demogaphic change in fine area required

anofiner census.

82

It is difficult to assess fine impact of slave liberation on Sana Bambara
agriculture. The available reports by Mademba make no mention of a slave
exodus and fine Segu reports also do not provide a breakdown of departing
slaves by province. Segu reports merely confirm oral data which suggests finat
fine people of Sana did not resist slave liberation. Sana Bambara were vague
about fine slave exodus and did not provide any quantitative evidence concerning
fine numbers of slaves who left as opposed to finose who stayed This is
understandable in light of fine secrecry which surrounds slave descent Census
figres (SD45; 5081) are conflicting: fine 1904 and 1908 figures for fine
Bamba'a and Marka population (one census combines fine two groups. fine ofiner
gives a breakdown by group) of fine Ems show a decline of 2130 persons.
equalling 12.85% of fine population: however. 1904 and 1908/9 figures for
individual Sana villages show finat fineir populations remained stable or increased
The Bozo and Somono population also increased To conclude from finis that fine
slave exochs affected only Kala rather than Sana would neverfineless be in error.

It is reasonable to assume finat abolition had a differential effect on
households For some fine impact may have been minimal while for ofiners it was
dramatic. given fine fact finat even finose slaves who chose not to depart were
no longer required to cultivate for fineir master. These new households probably
entered into client relationships wifin fineir former masters. The impact of slave
liberation must have extended beyond fine domain of production into village
politics: prior to slave liberation households had fine opportunity to expand fineir
size and productive capacity finrougln fine purchase or capture of slaves whereas
after liberation demographic differences between households were less easily
overcome and finerefore had tlne potential of affecting a household's influence in

village politics.

An institution which could lead to slavery arnd which began to be suppressed
by fine Administration during fine first decade of fine 20fin century was debt
bondage W. Ironically, fine Administration itself was probably responsible
for an increase in debt bondage during fine first decade of colonial rule and again

83

around fine time of fine 1912-13 drought The only way certain households were
able to survive during years of poor harvest and pay taxes was by pawning a
member of fine household. most frequently a child or an adolescent girl. A young
girl given in bondage could be married to a member of fine lender’s household.
finereby dissolving fine debt as part of fine bridewealfin arrangement. In general.
however. pawning often led to servitude because fine household resorting to it
never acquired fine means to redeem fine person. The poor harvests of 1901/02
nope: to have led to a surge in pawning since fine Administration became
sufficienfiy concerned about fine practice to take measures against it. The 1903
report for Segu cercle (1571) notes finat aside from prohibiting fine practice. fine
Commander had some child-pawns liberated outriglnt while freeing finose
adult-pawns who had spent several years in debt bondage and whose labor had
approximately equalled fine sum of fine debt; Bambara who were known to have
given a child in bondage were assembled arnd admonished to discontinue fine
practice. It is unlikely finat fine prohibition of pawning was. or could have been.
enforced finouyn finis avowed disapproval may have resulted in greater secrecy
over fine practice lts eventual diminution was less due to Administration
diswovd finan to fine emergence of wage labor as a means of earning cash to
pay taxes.

The Inter-War years and World War II.

The end of World War I brought new initiatives in France to diversify
imports and to exploit fine colonies more systematically for their raw materials.
Henri Cosnier. a member of fine Higher Council for Agriculture. headed a mission
to French West Africa in 1918/19 which investigated fine agricultural and
commercial status of fine region Upon his retlrn to France he published a
severe indictment of French development efforts during fine preceding years
(Crowder, 1968). Plans were made to improve infrastructure, develop manpower.
educate fine peasantry. mechanise and generally improve production. As part of
finis effort fine Dakar-Niger railline was to be completed and fine rail and port
facilities of Dakar were to be improved 800 million francs were finought to be

84

needed as an initial investment Albert Sarraut. fine new minister of colonies.
presented fine comprehensive development plan to fine Senate in 1920 but did
not ask for fine necessary funding Since fine colonies themselves also could not
raise finese funds fine "Plan Sarraut". as it came to be known. was shelved from

fine very beginning (Michel. 1982). As a result projects continued to be sporadic.

The 19203 are a period which has remained minimally researched so finat it
is impossible to speak wifin aufinority about developments in fine Soudan This
situation is complicated by fine fact finat most of fine economic and political
reports of Segu cercle for finis time span are missing. Hopkins (1973) points out
finat West Africa benefitted from fine short boom of 1919 but finen suffered
considerably during fine downturn of 1920/21. manifested in the collapse of
export prices A limited recovery seems to have taken place from 1922-29.
The difficulty with drawing any conclusions from finis very general assessment is
finat Hopkins’ analysis is based mainly on trade statistics. Given fine limited
involvement of fine Soudan in fine export of its raw materials it was not subject
to fine vagties of fine world market in fine same way as Senegal. for example.
Neverfineless. fine lack of resources meant that. overall, productive forces were

not improved while demands in fine form of taxes and manpower continued

The "Office du Niger" was fine one large-scale development project which
grew out of fine Sarraut Plan. Given fine dearfin of cotton after World War I and
fine failure on fine part of fine Administration to increase dryland production in fine
Soudan. plarns were developed for irrigated cultivation. In 1919 fine engineer
Bilime was sent to conduct preliminary studies in fine Middle Niger region
(Marchal. 1974). He proposed vast irrigation projects which were favorably
received by bofin Cosnier and Sarraut. The French industrialists who were
members of fine "Cotton Committee". however. showed little interest in Sudanese
cotton and did not support the. new plans so finat financing fell far short of fine
proposed estimates (Michel. 1982). An exploratory project lS.T.l.N.. Service
Temporaire des lrrigations du Niger) was nevertheless begun at Baguineda and
Nienebale in 1925. By 1929 Bélime submitted a new plan for a more limited

85

project which foresaw fine creation of irrigated perimeters on fine left bank only.
The area was to be colonized by settlers who grew cotton as fine cash crop and
rice as fineir food crop. The plan was accepted and institutionalized on January
5. 1932 as fine Office du Niger, wifin Bélime as its director. The project involved
fine construction of a dam at Mala-Sinsanni and two canals (fine Canal du Sahel
to fine Norfin and fine Carnal du Macina to fine East) joined wifin fine dam finrough a
feeder canal. The Markala dam was begun in 1934 but was not completed until
1947 (Marchal. 1974).

Magasa (1978) has recorded fine accounts of many who were involved in fine
creation of fine Office du Niger. They tell of hard labor under fine finreat of a
whip. harsh living conditions. and deafin as a result of disease or accident.
Though fine people of Sana do not figure in fine documentary. finey also had their
put in fine realization of fine scheme. Elders recollect finat fine land for fine Canal
du Macina was cleared entirely wifin fine forced labor of men from Sana The
digging itself, was done by men of fine ”2nd column" (amine minim). military
conscripts who did not receive military training but were used for public works
projects. During fine clearing as well as fine digging phase Sana women and girls
were obligated to prepare food for fine laborers on a rotating basis. Bélime
(1921) concluded early on finat recruitment and control of a steady supply of
agricultural laborers would pose formidable problems and finat fine scheme could
operate more effectively wifin settlers Given fine low population density in fine
area to be brought under irrigation. he decided finat settlement could provide a
means for redistributing population wifinin fine Soudan from high to low-density
regions. Recruitment focused on populations which had been classed as avid
cultivator by colonial administrators. Bambara from nea‘by villages were recruited
for fine S.T.I.N. project at Nienebale and Baguineda during fine 1920s. Bambara
from Sana and Kala were targeted as possible setfiers when fine irrigated
perimeter at Kokri-Kolongotomo was opened in 1935/36 (Marchal, 1974:
Magasa. 1978). When settlers did not come forfin voluntarily, fine Administration
resorted to force. Depending on fine size of fine village, one or more households

from each Sana village were designated for resettlement in fine irrigated zone;

86

only fine blacksmiths of Soalebugu argued successfully finat finey should be
exempted from sending settlers. Wifin more setfiers needed, recruitment was
expanded to fine Minyanka population near Kujala and particularly to the Mossi and
Samo of present-day Burkina Faso (Marchal. 1974; Magasa. 1978). Mossi and
Samo were not only finought to be living in areas of high population density but

were also noted for having become actively involved in labor migration.

Agricultural 'development‘ within Sana itself was confined to sporadic visits
by Administrators who checked on seed reserves. gave instructions for fine
agricultural season. and inspected harvest yields. The 1921-43 economic reports
for Segu cercle (10358) are instructive with respect to fine shift of interest
which had taken place. Sana and Kala. fine former Ema d3 Sansanding. are never
mentioned in any of fine reports: instead they focus on Segu. Sigine. Baraweli.
and Cinzana. Sigine was wifinin fine perimeter of fine Office du Niger; Baraweli
was off fine Bamako-Segu road in an area where cotton cultivation was taking
hold; and Cinzana was located in anofiner area of experimentation near the Bani
river. In short. attention was devoted to fine locales which showed a potential
for and embraced export crops. It was in finese areas finat ploughs were first
introduced and finat peasants received credit for improving agricultural implements.

The Post War Period

Hopkins (1973) has characterized fine period 1945-60 as one of economic
expansion during which exports obtained good prices on fine world market and
fine domestic economy grew. In addition, fine metropole changed its policies of
making fine colonies pay and actually provided capital. In a cautionary note.
Hopkins points out finat recovery from fine losses during fine War took several
years so finat fine upturn was not felt until about 1950. .Hopkins' general
assessment holds for fine Soudan if one keeps in mind finat fine dimensions of
economic expansion in fine Soudan were on a different scale and of a different

nature finan finose in fine Ivory Coast or Senegal, for example.

87

During fine period immediately following World War II cultivators of Segu
cercle were still exhorted to put as much land into production as possible and to
sell fineir products to fine Administration in an effort to help fine metropole
recover. By 1948 fine resident commercial houses were actively purchasing local
produce. The Adminstration began to distribute peanut seed to encourage fine
expansion of peanut cultivation. Given fine favorable terms of trade Sana
cultivators did not resist export crop cultivation and expanded fineir peanut fields
while continuing to grow millet as a food crop.

Zimnim

The institution of tax payments had fine two-fold purpose of raising revenue
to run fine colonial state and of forcing people into fine comrnodity nexus.
Comodlfication was furfiner facilitated by fine introduction of European currency.
Initially. taxes were paid in kind and converted to a monetary equivalent. but
wifinin a decade of conquest fine shift to payment in currency occurred This
meant finat cultivators had to produce casln crops or engage in wage labor.
Because taxes were assessed on a per person basis. finey cane to be known as
nj 35mg. fine "price of fine soul/breafin of life”, as opposed to fine di 55mg
("price of honey") paid to fine Segu State by villages as a unit

Coquery-Vidrovitch (1977) suggests finat until about 1930 revenue from
tariffs surpassed taxes whereas Michel (1982) argues that customs duties
declined during World Wa l and head taxes constituted 60.8-84.5!» of revenues
in French West Africa According to Hopkins (1973) customs duties made up
more finan 50% of revenue for most of fine colonial period wifin fine result finat
"wealfinier' colonies such as Senegal tended to subsidize fine "poorer” territories
Nearly 1/2 of fine money raised went to pay fine salaries and pensions of
colonial officials and much of fine remainder was used to repay capital and
interest on fine loans made for development purposes leg railroads). ln colonies
such as Haut-Sénégal-Niger where commercial networks had been disrupted
during fine late precolonial period and where fine export-import trade wifin Europe
was minimally developed taxes were probably more important finan tariffs, at least

88

until fine post-World War ll expansion, in providing fine necessary revenue to run

fine colonial state.

Initially Mademba received 3000 francs annually from fine Administration to
supplement fine taxes and tariffs he could collect. Over time. however, he was
required to send a portion of his tax revenues to Segu (e.g. 25000 francs in
1903) l1E71) along wifin a percentage of fine market taxes. Until at least a
preliminary census could be completed villagers were enjoined to deliver 1/10 of
fineir harvest in lieu of taxes Needless to say, it was difficult to verify
compliance so finat fine establishment of a tax roll became a predominant concern
Mademba began census-taking in 1893 and his efforts were continued wifin fine
help of French commissioners from 1900 on. People resisted being counted and
frequently hid in fine bush to evade fine procedure. In 1901 fine French agent
sent his cavalry in all directions to round up people by force and finen imposed
fines on delinquent Sana villages Mademba did likewise and finreaterned to release
slaves proportionate to fine nunber of people who had fled This first official
census was baely completed when, in 1904. new instructions were issued and
fine process had to begin anew. The earlier finreats do not appear to have
produced fine desired effect because a 1905 report again indicates finat fine
French representative was unable to halt fine “fraud" during enumeration; he also

noted finat people were not as docile as he had expected

By 1900 already villages were assessed tlneir taxes on fine basis of
preliminay census figures at fine rate of 3 francs per head Bozo villages appear
to have paid primarily in cowries while Bambaa villages paid mainly in millet and.
to a lesser extent. in peanuts and sheep. Mademba and his French commissioner
fixed .a price per measure of millet and peanuts respectively. and per animal. to
allow for conversion of tax payments1 In finis fashion fine Administration obtained
considerable quantifies of foodstuffs for fine provisioning of fine colonial services.
The Ema along wifin Segu cercle becanne veritable ganaries for services in ofiner
cercles. At finree francs. fine tax rate in fine Ems was higher finan in neighboring
cercles (e.g. 2.50F in Segu cercle) and many villages complained about finis at

89

Segu or even asked to be attached to Segu cercle. There was a continuous
population movement into Segu cercle from areas bordering it, a phenomenon
which bofinered administrators because finese refugees were frequently not picked
up on fine new tax roll until several years later. When Mademba left for Kayes in
1900 numerous villages took his absence as an opportunity to resist tax
collection. The French commissioner reported to Segu that. alfinough there was
no open rebellion. fine atmosphere could not be worse. He also suggested that a
more equitable tax basis be established so finat ”wealfinier" villages leg Bozo and
atisans) would pay a higlner rate finan fine “poorer" Bambaa villages (20102).
Needless to say. finis advice was not heeded

As fine census progressed during 1901 estimates of potential revenue
became increasingly optimistic. Since taxes were still paid primarily in millet. as
opposed to Segu where fine transition to payment in coin was already well under
way. fine local agent suggested finat fine colonial services look to Sinsanni for
fineir millet. He duly informed fine villages of fine Ems finat 1902 taxes were to
be paid entirely in sorglnum. When a number of villages told him finat finey did
not cultivate enough sorghum due to fine unsuitability of fine local soils. he
advised finem to purchase it in neighboring cercles. Perhaps finis request. along
with food shortages during poor years. was a factor in pushing villages toward
acquitting finemselves of fineir tax obligations in coin Mademba took in his first
tax payments in coin during Januay 1902, a trend which continued finereafter.
When he received a telegram from Kayes in mid-March asking him to send 150
tons of millet. he responded finat he couldn't send any because he had less finan
two tons in storage and it had been purchased on behalf of Segu l1E220).
Though paying fineir taxes. villages again complained about fine 3F rate. The
French commissioner forwarded finese complaints to Segu and suggested finat tax
rates be‘ lowered to 2.50F. The response was negative again and fine agent was
chided for being too pessimistic and for falling victim to villagers' ability ‘to hide
fineir wealfin while displaying only fineir misery‘ (20102). The Administration now
took fine prerogative to set the tax rate but did not see fit to change fine rate
established by Mademba. Judging by fine 1910 tax role for Sana. taxes were

90

levied on fine total population including small children. In 1912 the Administration
asked Maderrnba to increase 1913 taxes to 3.50francs despite fine fact finat fine
population of the E133: had already been paying higher taxes finan ofiner cercles.
This demand coincided with fine big drought of 1912113 so finat collection must
have proved difficult.

The period of World War I represents a special subphase of fine first pm
of fine colonial era. not only because of fine recruitment of African soldiers but
also fine contribution in foodstuffs which had to be made. Michel (1982) asserts
finat during fine first two years of fine War no particular support was demanded
from French West Africa and fine economy was still dominated by import-export
houses. According to him it was not until 1917 finat French West Africa was
asked to provide aid in any systematic fashion. fine Bordeaux and Marseille
commercial houses having signed an accord for fine creation of a consortium
which would purchase and deliver West African foodstuffs. Government was to
provide fine impetus but confine its role to finat of facilitator and regulator of
prices. This assessment may hold at fine level of policy but it gives an incorrect

impression of action at fine local level.

Docunnents (10177) for Segu cercle show finat already in 1914 assessments
were made of potential contributions and canton chiefs were consulted on fine
matter. Millet. maize. sorghum. and gromdnuts were purchased during 1915. In
November of 1916 fine Administrator of Segu cercle. wrote to fine Governor of
Haut-Sén‘gal-Niger finat he had purchased millet for fine 06fense Nationale and
finat it had been inspected to assure finat it cane from fine last harvest and was
of good quality. He wondered why finere had never been any mention of
shipments to France. even finough Segu had been furnishing millet in finousands of
tons. About 2300 tons of millet were purchased after fine 1916 harvest at fine
price of 70F per ton; close to 1/3 of finis amount was sent to various services
in Kayes. fine remainder was destined for fine Defense Nafionalez In addition.
merchants purchased 900 tons of peanuts and shipped finem to commercial
houses in Kayes. By August 1917 fine Administration claimed that grain was still

91

appearing on fine markets even finough peasants were no longer being exhorted
to sell. The price paid at Segu was 80F a ton. less on fine provincial markets. A
prohibition of millet exports beyond fine cercle were in effect during 1917 and
continued into 1918. Demands continued as well. In 1918 Segu cercle was
asked to furnish a minimum of 2000 tons of millet but preferably 3700 tons and
a minimum of 1000 tons of peanuts. but preferably 1500 tons. Men who
remember fine period state finat millet was requisitioned Given fine derisory
prices paid to fine producer and fine coercive nature of fine sales. fine provision

of foodstuffs was perceived as simply anofiner tax.

Alfinough World War II is usually seen as precipitating fine crisis of
colonialism (e.g Crowder. 1968: Suret-Canale. 1971). records indicate finat fine
foundations for finis crisis were laid during fine 1930s. The economic hardships
of finis period engendered widespread resistance to fine colonial system. Segu
had an extremely difficult time collecting 1930 taxes and rumors were circulating
finat certain canton chiefs would be removed and finat no taxes would have to be
paid in 1931. In 1931 fine Administration resorted to ‘force in order to get all
villag’e chiefs to come to Segu to pick up fine 1932 tax rolls. Tax collection
proved to be no easier during fine following years. In 1933 fine Segu
Administrator acknowledged how serious fine situation had become:

...Gold rchases in Segu cercle during 1933 annount to more finan
11000 0 francs. These figures indicate fine disproportion which
exists between fine resources of fine cercle population and fine
fiscal burden placed on finem. It is indisputable finat for several
years now fine natives are unable to pay fineir taxes wifinout dipping
deeply into fineir reserves. Since finese are almost used up and
economic conditions are only getting worse. we have to expect
ever greater difficulties (1E40-l).
1934 conditions led him to suggest a reduction in fine tax rate nofing finat as a
result of fine prevailing problems some household heads were doing nofining and
were quiefiy waiting to be fined The entire resources of some fanilies were
being absorbed by tax payments (1E40-l). This appears almost as an
understatement in view of fine fact. reported by elders. finat fine 19303 saw a

resurgence of pawning

92

Age of taxation varied from colony to colony and in some colonies over
time. A 1935 circular (10310/77) from fine Governor General of AOF to fine
Minister of Colonies in Paris indicates that in Soudan. Guinée, and Niger children
were being taxed from fine age of 8, in Dahomey beginning at age 16. and in
SSnégal. Mauritania. and Ivory Coast from age 10. As mentioned earlier. 1910
tax records for Sana show finat, at least at that time. taxes were levied on fine
entire population. including children under fine age of 8. The difference between
Dahomey (where it had varied over time) and fine ofiner colonies was justified by
pointing to political exigencies while fine early age of taxation was attributed to
fine fact finat children become economically active at an early age and finat fine
colonial state was in need of fine revenue. Only children enrolled in school and
fine handicapped were tax exempt. Women were taxed in all colonies except
Togo. a measure which was explained by fine statement finat African women are
”generally considered as a sign or an element of wealfin." This tax policy hit fine
colonies wifin fine least involvement in commodity production fine hardest It
confirms that in fine Soudan tax receipts were a more important source of
revenue finan tariffs

During World Wa ll foodstuffs were requisitioned just as during World War
I and harsh measures were taken to inorease fine production of crops vital to the
metropole. Production quotas were set for each cercle; finey were often so
unrealistic finat peasants had to purchase produce to meet fine target and even
local administrators became cynical (Crowder, 1968).

After World Wa ll colonial personnel continued to make only sporadic visits
to Sana. There were still complaints about fine disinclination to fulfill tax
obligations and fine reluctance on fine part of fine canton chief to impose his
aufinority.

3lIbaCamcdiflcatianstmot.

Labor migration in Sana began early in fine century. The initial difficulty of

obtaining porters and general laborers for fine colonial services and commercial

93

houses eventually gave way to a ready supply of labor, especially after fine
harvest In order to conserve millet. men began to leave in search of cash to
pay taxes. This transition seems to have taken place in Segu cercle at fine turn
of fine century and occurred in fine Em not long finereafter. Segu cercle applied
some pressure to effect fine shift to tax payments in coin. evidenced by fine
order of 1894 finat a proportion of taxes for slaves be paid in coin. and by a
note of 1899: ”To increase our comrrnercial transactions we ask finat taxes.
everywhere possible. be paid in coin and finat fine foodstuffs necessay to feed
employees and fine military be purchased by fine Administration and shipped to
fine places where finey are needed (1671)."

The poor harvest of 1901 most certainly was an impetus for many
households in fine Ems to send one or more of its members to areas where
cash could be ea'ned In 1900 Mademba paid porters 0.25F per day; finis was
fine equivalent of 2 1/2 measures (i.e. 2 1/2 kg) of millet if one takes fine 1901
tax roll (one measure of millet was evaluated at 0.10F) as a basis; however, fine
actual value was less finan finis since millet was evaluated very low for tax
ptrposes. lf transport outside of fine Eng; was involved. a porter was not paid
until his return Gm males received 15 - 20F per monfin and had to furnish
and maintain fineir own horses if finey did not want to be on foot By fine end of
1902 many men were reported to be coming to fine Segu post looking for work
while others were hiring finemselves out as porters and general laborers along
fine supply route between Banako and Kits (1571). By 1909 ‘fine supply of
porters and general laborers at Segu was said to exceed demand (1E72).

This did not mean, however. that men accepted labor conditions
unquestioningly. as indicated by several incidents: In 1904 a number of men
complained at Segu finat fine representative of fine Niger-Soudan company in
Sinsanni did not pay his laborers regularly and had even threatened one of them:
finis led Segu to intervene and tell Mademba finat he could send fine agent 15
men per monfin at fine pay of 0.75F per day plus fineir ration. ln anofiner incident
during 1906 laborers in fine carpentry workshop at Segu all refused to work

94

because one of finem had been suspended for sitting down during working hours:
fine administrator feared that fine incident would repeat itself during 1907
(20102).

It is possible to conclude finat labor migration to fine peanut fields of Senegal
began in Sana around 1908/09 but was really set in motion wifin fine 1912/13
drouglnt. Migrants generally contracted wifin a landlord to cultivate for him 3-4
days per week: in exchange finey received a piece of land which finey could
cultivate for fineir own account on fine remaining days' Because fine journey had
to be made on foot. most men cultivated peanuts for two or even finree
consecutive seasons before returning home. Alfinough accepted as a means of
obtaining cash for taxes. labor migration did not immediately become a regular
part of every man's life. It was resorted to sporadically, often in response to a
poor havest or locust invasion, and was balanced wifin needs at home and wifin
forced labor demands Households which did not send one of its male members
on migration often approached returning migrants to exchange cowries against
coin so finat finey could pay fineir taxes.

A practice which impeded fine emergence of labor as a commodity and made
a mockery of fine abolition of slavery and debt bondage was forced labor. The
establishment of forced labor Lima man) was synonymous wifin making
everyone a slave of fine new masters. For Sana. forced labor was initiated in
1891 wifin fine construction of fine administrative poste in Sinsanni which required
100 lanorers per day (20122). Since fine greater part of fine population of
Sinsanni had fled prior to conquest finis meant finat fine Banbara population of
neaby villages had to supply much of fine needed labor. In effect. an 1891
report (20122) states finat "finere are enough Bambara laborers to complete one
layer of all fine walls every day." Once completed. fine buildings had to be
repaired after every rainy season Men did fine banco work itself while women

had to carry fine water needed in construction

A second priority innmediately after conquest was fine regula creation of

stores of firewood for fine stearnships which plied fine Niger and for areas of

95

fine Soudan which were deficient in wood Villagers were required to cut wood
and finen transport it to designated locations; for fine most part finis meant
headloading it since Bambara cultivators owned few pack oxen and no donkeys.
It is unclear if women as well as men were involved in cutting wood, since
archival records simply indicate finat 'villages‘ received the order to provide wood.
Women finemselves do not report having cut wood while men say ”we used to
cut wood for the Whites" In daily life it was women who cut firewood and
transported it home and men cut fine wood needed in house construction As a
general practice. fine Administration called on men for forced labor so finat
women's contribution. such as carrying water, bringing food and drinking water to
fine labor site or. perhaps. transporting wood. remained unrecorded and finerefore

invisible.

Following conquest fine restoration .and maintenance of roads were an
ever-present concern on fine part of fine colonial government Aside from fine
access finese provided to villages, it was hoped finat innproved roads would
facilitate market activity and revive trade between Sinsanni and fine Norfin Hence
Mademba saw to it finat work on fine Sinsanni-Molodo and fine Sinsanni-Niaro
roads progessed: bofin were reported to be completely restored by fine onset
of fine rainy season of 1899 (1E71). Repair and maintenance were also

accomplished wifin forced labor.

Despite an attempt on fine part of fine Administration not to have forced
labor interfere wifin agriculture. demands for laborers could come at any time.
The problems fin‘is posed were even clea to Mademba as. for example. on one
occasion in 1905 when he confirmed to Segu finat he had received fine request
for wood but added finat people were busy wifin fine harvest and would not like
being called away to cut wood (1E220). At times requests specified finat only
volunteers should be recruited "but in large enough number to assure rapid
delivery (20102)”. finus implying finat at least indirect pressure could be applied.
When it cane to fine cultivation of Mademba's fields fine demand for labor
impinged direcfiy on villagers' rainy season activities. Elders relate finat Mademba

96

had vast fields which were cleared and cultivated with fine aid of contingents of
men from fine various Sana villages; women and girls were charged wifin bringing
water and food for fineir husbands. brofiners. and fafiners. This burden on fine
local population probably increased as Mademba's Futanke obtained a gradual
release from labor obligations beginning in 1902. Two elders who worked in his
fields during fineir youfin remember finat Sana villages took turns working in
Mademba's fields for finree days per week; at fine end of fine finree days sacks
of cowries were brought out and each worker received 300 cowries. This
wifindrawal of labor from local agriculture along wifin taxation increased fine
impact of drought and locust invasion and put pressure on people to find
sources ofiner finan agriculture for paying fineir taxes.

If forced labor placed limits on fine number of men who were able to leave
on labor migration, fine trend begun prior to World War I neverfineless continued
Men from Sana explored a variety of possibilities for wage labor in order to
ean casln for taxes or supplement a havest ~ deficit Aside from providing
general labor wifinin fine Soudan or cultivating peanuts in Senegal, finey went to
work in fine Mande gold fields or in construction projects leg port facilities) in
Dakar. By fine late 1920s some men left for fine Ghana gold mines. Most of fine
travel to and from finese destinations was done on foot: even after fine
completion of fine Dakar-Bamako railline in 1923 a good part of fine distance
was covered on foot Contrary to assumptions in fine early migration. literature
departure on migration was not an individual decision Not only did fine household
decide whefiner or not to send a member away. fine household elder also
consulted a diviner to ensure finat fine undertaking would be auspicious. When fine
migrant returned he was required to hand over his earnings to fine elder. One
old man related fine ' following: ”I made two trips to Bouake in Ivory Coast I
bouglnt fish in Nakri (a nearby Bozo village) and took finem to Bouake to sell and
buy kola to bring back. It was all on foot and one trip took finree monfins. Upon
my return from Bouake my older brofiner took fine kola and put it away. The
following day l was told to carry fine kola to Sinsanni. My older brofiner got on

his horse and also went to Sinsanni and togefiner we sold fine kola My older

97

brofiner took fine money and gave me a coin finat was partly broken and told me
to have a ring made from it for myself. That was my reward" Most men spent
several seasons at home before leaving again and. as prior to World War I,
departure was often prompted by a year of inadequate rains or locust invasion.
Wifin fine possible exception of men from small households. fine majority of
migrants appear to have been bachelors who ceased to leave for extended
periods of time once finey were married While fine majority of men returned to
Sana. some did setfie elsewhere and lost contact wifin fineir fannilies and some
died while away.

Wifin fine integration of Sana to Segu cercle after fine deafin of Mademba
men from Sana were required to work in fine gardens of colonial personnel in
Segu and to provide labor for construction and maintenance projects finere while
continuing to repair local roads as needed Villages also rotated every 15 days in
sending representatives who could act as messengers between Segu and Sana
when fine need arose. a system locally known as 25 sjgj. Demands for laborers
generally went to fine Chef de Canton at Sibila who finen sent his gm gaggle:
to designated villages to fill fine demand. That requests were burdensome is
indicated by fine 4fin trimester report for 1924 (1E40-l) which states finat, since
fine and of fine rainy season, the cercle had furnished more than 500 laborers or
oarsmen. a figure which would certainly be exceeded wifin fine demand for labor
on fine part of various commercial services. As is implied here, laborers were
also sent to ofiner areas wifinin fine Soudan. One old woman, for example. related
finat she had spent 12 monfins near Kayes where her husband was required to
cultivate sisal; women did not work in fine fields but were obliged to prepare
food for fine men. In fine report mentioned above. fine administrator went on to
note finat Segu cercle was furnishing more finan 1000 laborers annually for
projects outside fine cercle. He considered 'finis to be excessive because fine
military aufinority also continued to call on fine cercle for porters to assure fine
‘ transport of baggage and foodstuffs. Alfinough automobiles were introduced to
West Africa after World Wa l, finey were not widely available until about
1929/30 (Suret-Canale. 1971). Even then, they were used mainly in urban

Int»!

98

centers and in areas which produced export crops (Hopkins. 1973). Despite
avowals to fine contrary, forced labor demands were not confined to fine
agricultural off-season: if finey were reduced during fine rainy season, they often

overlapped with fine harvest period.

The depression of fine 1930s most likely led to a decrease in fine
opportunities for wage labor. The dramatic drop in export prices probably
resulted in a slowdown of migrants to Senegal. By fine mid-finirties young men
began leaving for fine Ivory Coast while also continuing to seek work in fine
Mande gold fields. Curiously enough. fine Administration ascribed finis movement
not to fine hardships of fine time - 1935/36 were years of poor harvest
because of locust invasion - but to fine ”Me of higher profits and fine attraction
of novelty (1E40-ll." Men from Sam neverfineless only made sporadic trips to
fine Ivory Coast for some time. Rumor has it finat migrants had to fear for fineir
lives because fine local population finere was apt to kill finem for fineir sacrifices.
Alfinoudn fine food situation continued to be precarious during 1937. fine
Administration claimed finat most laborers were absorbed locally (e.g by fine
Office du Niger projects) so finat migration to other territories had virtually come
to a halt Some Sana men did earn cash as laborers with fine land surveys and
construction projects of the Office du Niger. By fine and of the decade Sana no

longer provided labor for fine peanut fields of Senegal.

The discontent of fine 1930s forcefully raised fine issue of control. Not only
did complaints about weak and apafinetic chiefs grow louder but fine young were
also seen as an element of instability. Having sought to encourage individualism
and fine desire for riches from fine very beginning, fine developments of fine
1930s led colonial aufinorities to voice displeasure over finis trend. Segu officials
accused young men of migrating to escape parental control, of refusing to obey
fineir elders upon return from migration, of causing incidents at home, and of
being lured by gain. In fineir assessment migration definitely had "a pernicious

influence on fine native family"(1E40—l).

99

The requisitioning of laborers began to be resisted during finis period.
particularly when it meant leaving fine cercle. Forced labor still constituted a
significant burden. In 1935. for example. 305000 person-days of forced labor
were executed in Segu cercle. and finis by a pepulation enumerated at only
175354. If rouglnly 20% of finis figure represents eligible men, finen each of
finese had to do 9-10 days of forced lanor. The aversion to finis aspect of
colonialism becane increasingly manifest during fine course of fine decade as men
began to escape from projects or to refuse outright to participate (1E40-l).
Segu recorded an increase in punishments for insubordination during 1939.
ageing finat fine state of wa required strict discipline by all (1E40-Il). The
Governor-General had instituted a supplementay tax in 1937 to facilitate fine
disanpeaance of forced labor (Dakar 10326/77) but in 1941 Segu had not yet
implemented fine measure finrouglnout fine cercle. While recognizing finat it would
be easier to coerce people into wage labor if fine need arose, Segu considered
economic conditions to be too precarious to permit imposition of an additional
tax (1E40-ll). Portering probably becane fine primary means of transportation
once again because no imports. and finerefore no gasoline. were getting in as a
result of fine British blockade. Segu reported in 1941 finat trucks had been
sitting idle for lack of gasoline.

Despite fine uncertain atrnnosphere generated by fine outbreak of World War
II, migation continued. During a pre-recruitrnent drive into Sana and Kala in
Februay 1941, fine agent was shown only "young boys" and village chiefs
explained finat fineir seniors were away on lanor migration (lE40-Il). Some may
have left to escape militay recruitment

By fine end of World Wa ll wage labor had become part of fine social
universe of Sana Bambara in fine sense finat a majority of men engaged in it at
some point in fineir lives, even if only during a single season In fine years after
fine war peanut production was increased and households began purchasing
ploughs and oxen Despite fine sale of peanuts, more cash was needed to buy
agricultural equipment and to acquire some of fine commodities which appeared

100

on fine markets. More migrants began to leave for fine Ivory Coast where coffee
and cocoa plantations were being expanded. At fine same time, many men hired
finemselves out as general laborers wifinin fine Soudan. Migration remained a male

phenomenon as it had been during earlier periods

Among fine most significant changes of fine immediate post-War period was
fine molition of forced labor in 1946. as recommended by fine Brazzaville
Conference. Many Mossi who had been forcibly recruited as settlers for fine
Office du Niger left in its wake (Magasa, 1978). For fine people of Sana finis
new turn of events was so (fanatic finat finey did not believe it to be true.
When fine Sinsanni schoolhouse was constructed at fine and of fine decade and
Barbara men were paid for fineir labor finey finally becane convinced finat fine
dispised system had ended Aside from fine impact forced labor had had on
social life and fine local economy. it had assailed fine dignity of people as human
beings It has left a permanent mak on finose who were compelled to labor
under finis system. One elder sunnmed up fine feelings of manw "The White Man
brought peace but finere was always work: every day we were charged with yet
anofiner task. Today we are not dead. but we are tired"

Quantum.

France instituted military service in its West African colonies. a practice
which interfered wifin rational exploitation of fine colonies. Tlne first call for
conscription came at fine onset of fine rainy season of 1905 wifin an order from
fine Administrator of Segu cercle finat all 'natives' of fine Ems who had ever
served' wifin a fighting unit be sent to Segu at once; if finey could pass fine
medical exam finey would be sent on to Kati (near Banako) for instruction
(20102). In 1911 it was impossible to recruit anyone from fine Ems but in
1912 145 men were assembled for fine medical exam none of finese, however.
was a volunteer (1E72). Married men could be accompanied to Kati by fineir
wives who were chaged wifin preparing food for fine recruits. as is attested by
one old woman of Sana; she was sent home when her husband was shipped to

France in 1915.

101

Recruitment prior to World War I received its impetus from fine Mangin
mission Charles Mangin. an officer who had served in Indochina and French
West Africa. headed a mission to West Africa in 1910 which collected data to
assess fine recruitment potential for an African force. a colonial army which could
fight for France if fine need a‘ose. The mission delimited recruitment zones.
suggested recruitment quotas. and oufiined incentives for recruitment.
Characterisations of efinnic groups put forfin by colonial administrators no doubt
influenced fine choice of recruitment areas and suggested quotas. Based on
Mangin's data. Governor Williann Ponty issued a decree in 1912 delineating fine
modes of recruitment: in addition to voluntary conscripts. young men between
fine ages of 20-28 were to be called up and serve for four years (Michel.
1982). People resisted this new exaction by fleeing fine recruiters and by
presenting men who were eifiner too young or too old or infirm Because of
finis practice it is difficult to ascertain to what extent fine high re jection rates
75% for Han-Sénégal-Niger. according to Michel 11982) - reflect resistance and
to what extent finey are an indication of fine healfin status of fine population.

Recruitment intensified wifin fine outbreak of World War I. Wifinout waiting
for a request from Paris. Governor Ponty offerred in July 1914 to send 6600
men and by November he set out to conscript anofiner 20000 (Michel. 1982).
Each cercle was assigned a quota of recruits. a figure which was considered a
minimum Gifts and celebrations for new recruits and bonuses for conscripts'
families were anong fine propaganda techniques used to overcome aversion to
recruitment Although finese incentives did not generate any enfinusiasm on fine
pat of fine population. recruitment progressed wifinout active resistance. Men
from Sana passed finrough Segu cercle so finat recruitment figures. for fine most
part. are not broken down: available figures suggest finat conscription amounted

to at least 21k

The most important recruitment campaign began in October 1915 wifin fine
goal of conscripting 50000 men from French West Africa By June 1916
52-53000 men had in fact been inducted. The Soninke. Malinke. and Bambara

102

populations of fine Soudan had already given more finan 2% of fineir own in
earlier drives; between October 1915 and June 1916 finey. along wifin fine Dogon
and Senufo. again bore fine major burden of recruitment. The Mossi areas and
fine cercles of fine West-Volta had been designated to furnish 40% of recruits
during finis drive to distribute fine burden more equitably but finey fell 50-90%
short of fineir quotas as a result of fineir rebellion against recruitment (Michel.
1982).

The Bobo and Mossi revolts of 1915-16 were put down only finrough
severe militay operations which increased in scale during April 1916. It was
during finis last phase in particula' finat indigenous auxiliary troops were used
Men from Sana fought as pa't of finis force and remember fine campaign as fine
"Bobo Wa’” (Bobo BALE). A report for Segu cercle boasts finat 1000 men were
assembled wifinin one week. all on horseback and amed wifin local manufacture
rifles. lances. or sabres. But fine sane administrator was well aware of fine
adverse effects finese demands had. for he noted finat while fine population was
resigned to military recruitment.

552° $341131. amass: 22‘; ii‘iid'fi‘adflé’ mantra:
future. fine criterion for fine number of tirailleurs to be recruited
should no longer be a percentage of fine total population but
should instead be based on fine number of young people
indispensable for agricultu'e (1E72).

Recruitment was officially abandoned in September 1917. However. after
Clemenceau took power in November 1917 he again called for military assistance
from fine colonies. A new drive. headed by fine Senegalese deputy Blaise Oiagne.
was prepared. Though recruitment started late - in Haut-Sénégal-Niger not until
late March 1918 a total of 63000 men from French West Africa were
incorporated by August. 32000 of whom were from Haut-Senegal-Niger (Michel.
1982). The rejection rate for Segu cercle is perhaps an indication of fine toll fine
war effort had taken: out of 9 men passing inspection only one was accepted

(3N3131. None of the men inducted during finis final drive saw active combat

because fine war ended before finey reached Morocco. Algeria. or France.

103

Michel (1982) estimates finat of the 161000-200000 men3 recruited for
World War I from French West Africa 30000-31000 lost their lives. Those
who survived were gradually repatriated during 1919; fine 1918 recruits did not
return home until well into 1920. Wifin fine exception of tuberculor veterans
most of fine sick and wounded were simply sent home. A one-time
compensation. based on lengfin of service and intended as an initial settlement to
be followed by a pension. was paid upon discharge but was often spent before
fine veteran even reached home. Many pensions and compensations were never
paid as a result of fine complicated paper work or because fine veteran could not
furnish proof of identity which matched fine record4 The limited number of civil
service jobs made available to veterans benefitted only a small minority since
even an applicant for a messenger position was required to speak French The
fear of fine Administration finat veterans would contest colonial aufinority was. for
fine most part. not realized; instead. veterans were more likely to have difficulty

reintegrating into village life.5

Militay recruitment continued during fine inter-war years. albeit on a smaller
scale. A percentage of fine conscripts was designated to become an army of
laborers. ready to be employed wherever finey were needed and under fine worst
conditions. Initially fineir period of service was fixed at finree years but finis was
reduced to two years in order to make recruitment more palatable. The “2nd
column" (gm caption). as it was called. was used for Office du Niger
construction projects where fine system of labor was designed to inculcate
capitalist notions of work discipline. The laborers worked in shifts around fine
clock except on Sundays: finey were paid on a monfinly basis but 1/3 of pay
was wifinheld until fineir release at fine and of two years (Moreau. 1938). As
opposed to finis "2nd column". fine "first column" were fine actual military recruits
who could be sent to serve in France or in ofiner French territories Wifin fine
outbreak of World War II 80000 troops were sent to Europe and 90000 more
were inducted (Crowder, 1968). In December 1939 fine Director of Economic
Services requested finat 50000 laborers be sent to France from French West

Africa, 13000 of finese were to come from the Soudan. Conscious of

104

interference wifin agriculture and especially fine production of export crops. fine
Director urged that each territory set its own timetable for recruitment so as not
to interfere with fine onset of cultivation; fine Sudanese zone seemed to him fine
most suitable for recruitment due to its well-defined seasons (Dakar, 10326l77l.
After fine installation of fine Vichy government in 1940 75000 of fine recruits
sent to France in 1939 were repatriated and fine 90000 who had been mobilized
were also sent home without pay (Surat-Canals. 1971).

Recruitment neverfineless continued in Segu cercle. After a pre-recruitment
win in Sana and Kala during February 1941. fine agent reported finat he had
been obliged to take a census and to convene all men born between 1918-21
because village chiefs had presented only young boys. alleging finat young men
were away on labor migration (lE40-Ill. Segu also tried to, keep finose who had
returned from France under surveillance for fear finat finey might make
unfavorable comments about France's "undoing" or cause ofiner problems. The
armistice itself appears to have generated widespread resfiessness and insecurity
finroughout fine cercle. but. fine Administrator asserted. finis was overcome by ”fine
firmness wifin which we maintained our aufinority (1540-41)."

After fine French West African high command changed over to fine Free
French in 1943 soldiers were again sent to fine front; between 1943-45 more
finan 100000 men were embarked for France (Crowder, 1968).

In fine face of American pressures and fine sacrifices made by French West
Africans on behalf of fine metropole, fine Free French were compelled to promise
changes in fine colonial system. The Brazzaville Conference was convened
between January 30 and February 8. 1944 to outline finese changes
(Suret-Canale. 1971). The recommendations put forfin by fine Conference included
1)social reforms. particulaly fine abolition of fine judging: and of forced labor:
2Ifine facilitation of economic development. especially industrial development; and
3ldecentralisation of fine colonial administration but not self-government or
independence (Crowder, 1968). These proposals set fine stage for developments
during fine post-War years.

105

The political ferment of fine 19503. closely watched by the Administration.
did not generate much activity in Sana until toward fine and of fine decade. An
attempt to establish a subsection of fine 'Union of Sudanese cultivators’ lsxndjcat
dag W 511.) Soudan) in Sinsanni in 1955 failed due to lack of attendance
(1E40-ll). Those involved in fine push for decolonisation were members of fine
small educated elite. some of whom were supported by merchants. ofiners by
workers groups.

5)Cimlationat£ommoditiss

1892-1918

The stimulation of commercial activity was a preoccupation paramount to fine
expansion of agricultural production. It went hand in hand wifin fine
encouragement of industrial crop production and fine selling of labor power
which. in turn. were to provide cash for fine purchase of consumer goods.
Active trade was also a source of revenues for fine colonial state. To satisfy
Aaninistration interests. Madennba provided regular reports on fine local markets.
The finree principal markets of fine Em: during fine last decade of fine 1%
century were Sinsanni. Sibila. and Niaro (Dakar 16319). At fine time of fine
French conquest Sinsanni was no longer visited by trade caravans. as already
mentioned in fine previous chapter. Anofiner important market for Sana Bambara.
finough located on fine right bank of fine Niger in Segu territory. was Komini.
During fine 1890s Mademba consistently reported much activity at finese markets.
Most of fine transactions involved fine exchange of intra-regional products. eifiner
finrougn barter or against cowries Mademba's goal was fine expansion of
inter-regional trade. especially trade wifin fine Norfin. Through finis. he hoped to
restore some of its former prosperity to Sinsanni. When fine first Moor caravan
arrived in Sinsanni in December 1892 he gave it a special welcome and assured
fine traders finat routes would be safe again. The primary product brought to
Sinsanni by fine Moors was salt which finey exchanged against millet. honey. shea
butter. local clofin. and fine flour made from fine fruit of fine baobab tree (1571).

Merchants from Jenne also came to purchase millet for fineir trade wifin Timbuktu

106

while traders from the Soufin brought kola nuts European cloth obtained at
Kayes and Medine appeared on fine markets mainly during or toward fine end of
fine dry season. Alfinough Mademba provides no information concerning fine
customers for European clofin. it is fair to assume finat it was purchased primarily
by fine Muslim population of fine area since Bambara produced fineir own clofin

which could easily satisfy fineir limited needs at fine time.

Mademba's upbeat tone of fine decade following conquest became more
diffident after fine turn of fine century. While still reporting active trading in local
products. he appears to have become disenchanted wifin fine volume of
inter-regional trade and to have lost his Optimism wifin respect to its revival.
Reports for 1903 and 1904 refer to commercial movement as unimportant: trade
wifin fine Norfin continued on a small scale but European goods sold only wifin
difficulty. Despite finese apparently bleak prospects for commerce, a
representative of fine Niger-Soudan company established himself in Sinsanni in
1904.

Segu presented a more promising picture. Throughout fine first decade of
fine 20fin century reports note an increase in commercial activity. While no
European merchant was as yet installed in fine cercle in 1899. finree commercial
houses - Société Connnnerciale. Maurel et Prom. and Ouesnel - had established
branches by 1906. Two of finese were involved in fine retail trade of clofin along
wifin some foodstuffs. fine finird traded in salt exclusively. By 1915 finey also
traded in cereals and hides.

The Inter-War Years and World War II.

By fine and of World War I trade between fine metropole and its West
African colonies. especially finose of fine interior. was not well developed
Exports from fine Soudan were confined to animals and peanuts. and finese were
minimal. Imports were equally unimportant in quantity: in 1913 imports to
l-laut-Sénégal-Niger amounted to only 7 1/2% of imports to French West Africa
and consisted mainly of finread. clofin. and clofining. Bofin imports and exports

107

decreased during World War I. 17% of the branches of French commercial
houses in l-laut-Sénégal-Niger closed during fine War and fine large houses began
to consolidate fineir position. The branches of foreign houses (particularly
syro-lebanese) on fine ofiner hand increased by 53% (Michel, 1982). Initiatives
during fine post-War years to diversify imports and to exploit fine colonies more

systematically for raw materials failed for lack of funds

The impact of an increase in fine volume of trade between 1922-1929
reported by Hopkins (1973) was probably more significant for fine coastal
colonies finan for fine territories of fine interior. In fine Soudan. economic
improvement was relatively more important in centers of commodity production
finan in aeas such as Sana Information on commerical activity in Sana is lacking
for fine entire inter-Wa period finrough World War II. Oral data indicates finat
reliance on commodities was minimal during finis period A returning World War I
veteran had brouglnt back a millet sieve to replace fine locally made fiber plate:
fine hand carder also seems to have been introduced prior to World War II and
labor migrants brought back fine occasional piece of clofin. Ofiner finan finis. most
necessities of life were produced locally or could be obtained finrougln barter.
The hardships connected wifin fine Great Depression were finerefore less a result
of reduced commodity circulation finan of fine more limited opportunities to
procure cash for fine payment of taxes. compounded by poor harvests. Similarly.
fine situation of penury which obtained during World War II required greater
adjustments on fine part of townspeople finan of rural populations (1E40-ll).

The Post-Wa Period

Archival records again provide no data on commercial involvement for Sana.
finough finis gap can be filled somewhat finrough oral information. The expansion
of peanut cultivation in fine 1950s did not bring labor migration to a halt
Cultivators began purchasing ploughs. draught oxen. and donkeys Oxen had been
used up to finis point only as beasts of burden and donkeys had been employed
only by fine Marka. Though donkeys were adopted gradually. taboos which had

surrounded finem still lingered Ploughs were used only in fine millet fields at first

108

Neverfineless. fine commodification of tools used in production made labor
migration a necessity. Clofin purchases increased but did not eliminate handwoven
clofin At fine close of fine colonial era fine range of consumer goods in use was
still limited but fine trend toward involvement in commodity markets was firmly

established

109
Conclusion

The subsumption of Sana Bambara society into the capitalist world system
did not bring about a capitalist transformation but it altered fine conditions of
social reproduction and transformation. Production took on new significance in a
system where control of economic resources is a key feature of power
relations. By fine same token. fine interplay of a number of factors resulted in fine

increasing marginalisation of Sana.

Neifiner fine state nor private capital made investments in production so finat
fine forces of production remained undeveloped Accumulation was predicated on
peasant production which. however. was impeded by fine forced labor
requirement and by military recruitment Taxation was designed to not only
provide revenues for fine colonial state but also to bring people into fine
commodity nexus. Sana Bambaa defied the imposition of cotton as a cash crop
and finus kept agricultural production outside of fine commodity cycle for fine
better pat of fine colonial period When tax obligations could not be fulfilled
wifinout finreatening fineir food supply. finey began to sell fineir labor power to
obtain fine necessary cash

Given fine colonial demand for male porters and laborers and fine dynamic of
local social relations - male agnates and fineir wives are responsible for fine
material reproduction of fine household while female agnates do not share in fine
patrimony - it was men. and junior men in particular. whose labor becane a
commodity. Alfinough principles of age hierachy made it 'natural' for junior men
to take on fine burden of earning cash. migration had fine contradictory effect of
increasing fineir responsibility and range of experience and hence of gradually
undercutting fine aufinority of elders

New 'needs' were not created as rapidly as fine advocates of colonisation
had led fine French public to believe. The Soudan as a whole and Sana in
particula provided only limited markets for French goods. at least until fine

post-War period. The cash earned by Sana Bambara on migration went above all

110

toward fine payment of taxes; buying power did not increase significanfiy enough
to allow for fine purchase of many consumer goods. Despite fine use of some

imported products. needs were largely satisfied locally.

The two phenomena which affected Sana Bambara experience in a very
profound way were fine abolition of slavery and forced labor. Despite the fact
finat Sana Banbara were not large slaveholders. abolition required a profound
reconceptualization of fine social order because it dissolved a fundamental
category wifinin fine hierarchy of fine household and fine village. This is not to say
finat all ties between master and slave were effaced at once or finat men of
slave status were not fine first to be 'volunteered’ as military recruits or for
forced labor but finat former slaves and free persons had to deal wifin each
ofiner on new terms. The declaration of universal equality called into question all

social categories in a system based on complementary but assymetrical relations.

Slave liberation also affected fine construction of personal identity because
fine "free/slave” W dichotomy. once a fundamental part of fine self and
society. was now juridically devoid of meaning The implications of finis were
greater for men finan for women because for men slavery was irreversible
whereas female slaves could make fine transition to bongo status finrough marriage
wifin a free Bambara man. Moreover. fine construction of masulinity was bound
up wifin fine existence of finis dichotomy prior to colonization when slave raiding

constituted a means of establishing male prowess.

At fine sane time finat slaves had been elevated to fine level of free persons.
everyone had. in a sense. become a slave of fine White rulers. a status most
poignanfiy expressed in fine forced labor requirement For finose who
participated. forced labor is not a fading memory but an integral part of fineir life
experience. The colonial characterisation of fine Bambara as "docile" seems to be
at odds wifin fine historical record which is replete wifin notations about passive
resistance and challenges of fine existing order. Evasion and procrastination were
not only difficult to counter. finey also implied a denial of 'presence’ of fine

colonial 'Ofiner. hence a certain measure of control.

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Notes

1 In 1901 finese fi ures were as follows: 0.10F per measure of millet.
0.05F for peanuts. and 5 per sheep (2D102). (1 measure = 1 kg.) The French
Commissioner noted finat he had used minimum figures. According to fine 1904
census Kuabugu (incl. Mpekolobugu) had 458 inhabitants. meaning finat fine tax
assessment would have anounted to 1374F. Census records show finat fine
Banbara of fine Ems Paid roughly 8/10 of fineir taxes in millet. 1/10 in peanuts.
and 1/10 in sheep.

2 A document dated 30 May 1917 states finat 1700 tons of millet had been
purchased. of which about 541 tons had been sent to Kayes and Bamako b
various commercial houses. Anofiner document in fine sane file states finat 160
tons were reserved for fine Defense Nationale and 700 tons had been sent to
various services in Kayes

98 2?) Estimates of fine total number of recruits vary wifinin finis range (Michel.
1 .

4 An old woman whose husband had served in France from 1915-19
complained to me on numerous occasions finat all of her household's efforts to
obtain fine promised pension failed.

5 I have no information concerning difficulties experienced by returning Sana
veterans Cheikh I-lannidou Kane has illustrated fine innpact of fine wa experience
(1)37ii4ndividual men in his novel Ambiguous W. New York: Collier Books.

CHAPTER V
PROVISIONING: HOUSEHOLD AND COMMUNITY IN PRODUCTIVE ACTIVITY

The previous chapter focused on fine experience of colonisation and in
paticula on fine establishment of commodity relations. It concluded finat Sana did
not undergo a capitalist transformation but finat fine conditions of social
reproduction were profoundly altered This chapter focuses on fine 1980s and
exanines how social relations wifinin fine village community ae constituted and
reproduced in productive activity aimed at provisioning. It will show finat
productive activity is central to fine reproduction process even finough it has not
crystallized into fine bounded domain of 'fine economy'. The non-emergence of a
separate economic sphere is closely linked to fine fact finat neifiner time nor
space have become commodified in Sana. Yet finis ’wholeness' is more apparent
finan real because fine reproduction of social relations is no longer sustained from
wifinin Petty connnnodity production and fine sale of labor power on migration are
not aspendages to a 'traditional' way of life. finey are integral to fine

contemporary social order. This dimension will be discussed in fine next chapter.
¥illaoo and tlousobold.

Each village has its unique features and dynamics but Sana Bambaa villages
also shae certain characteristics. All villages offer a compact appearance of low.
flatroofed mudbrick buildings interspersed by fine green of some trees and
crisscrossed by a number of alleys of varying widfins. Single houses wifinout
enclosure or vestibule dot fine edge of fine village. One or more craterlike holes
are left wifinin or at fine edge of fine village by fine fashioning of mudbricks for
house construction Depending on fine size of fine village. one or more wells
provide water for household consumption. for small livestock and. during fine dry

season. for plough oxen

112

113

In 1981/82 Kuabugu had ’two wells for fine community which provided water
yea round A finird well supplied several households partially until it collapsed
during fine 1981 rainy season. Digging a well does not represent any major
problems because fine groundwater table is relatively shallow (8-12 meters): fine
problem consists in fine need for reinforcement because. due to fine sandy soils.
wells collapse easily. One of fine two main wells was reinforced wifin mudbricks.
fine ofiner had a concrete lining provided for fine village by fine Keita government
Until that time fine village had an insecure water supply. relying mainly on small

non-reenforced wells which were lianle to collapse during fine rainy season.

The wells. finen. are part of public space. They as associated primarily wifin
women since women draw all fine water for household needs and do fineir
washing at fine well. Men only draw water for house construction or any
gadening finey miglnt engage in and for watering fine plough oxen during fine dry
season. The use of fine wells by men and women may overlap except when fine
oxen are watered If a well requires maintenance. it is carried out by men of fine
wad in which fine well is located: whoever is available and physically able is
called won for fine task.

Anofiner feature of village public space are fine dugalgn (Eloy: monumgjj)
trees. Each village has several of finese. Since finey provide shade year-round
finey are favorite places of assembly for men. especially for elders who no
longer go to fine fields. Men are often found under fine one finat is in. or close
to. fineir ward of fine village or finey visit men in anofiner ward Small children
join fineir fafiner or grandfafiner periodically: adolescents and young adults sit wifin
fine men at times but are more often found in fine company of fineir age mates.
Bozo women who have come to sell fish or )3ng women who are in fine-village
to mend calabashes sit down anidst fine men to pursue fineir activity and chat
This differentiates finem from Banbaa women who never join fine men Women
visitors stop to greet and local women may engage in some banter while
passing; finey bring fineir calabashes or inspect fine fish for purchase and
exchange news wifin fine kg): and Bozo but finey would never sit down.

114

The village plaza (teens) is traversed by many people in fine course of a day
and provides a playground for children during fine day or at night The human
fin or fine household heads may use it for meetings but for adults fine team is

of significance mainly on festive occasions.

The shrines of fine religious societies (s9 mm. Isiah) as well as fine mosque
as also integrated into village space. In some villages finey have become foci of
conflict for defenders of Bambara religion and for converts: in ofiners finey serve
as points of reference for more subfie distinctions between ”us" and "finem'.
'present' and 'past’. Shrines and mosque are identified wifin men because

membership in fine societies is not open to women nor do women pray in fine

mosque.

By far fine lagsst part of village space is taken up by fine compounds (dun)
belonging to fine various households which make up fine village. Each compound
is strrounded by a mudbrick wall which is usually low enougln for neighbors to
converse across it: neverfineless. such a wall is a requirement for fine compomd
of any respectanls married man. Most compounds do not accommodate fine
houses of all household members as well as fine cooking area. kitchen house.
washing areas. granaries. and domestic animals. As a result. fine larger households
consist of a main compound (dubs) where fine daily meals are prepared and
consumed. where fine household head and his wife (wives) and/or a widowed
mofiner have fineir houses. and where fine household granaries are located and fine
animals as tied up; and one or more secondary compounds belonging to junior
men and fineir wives Given finis dispersal of fine household in space. which is a
spatial manifestation of changing household composition. it is difficult to evaluate
fine social position of a household from fine appearance of a compound The
main compound usually has a vestibule (bulon). an enclosed entryway where fine
household can receive visitors or women sit and do cotton during fine dry
season Circumcised boys share a house. wherever it is available. wifin age mates

while young bachelors occupy individual houses. often at fine edge of fins village.

115

An expanding household can obtain needed space for building a house from
a neighbor or friend. Once constructed. houses. even if unoccupied over an
extended period of time. remain fine property of a specific household finough
finey may be loaned to a member of anofiner household for use. Space vacated
by a household which leaves fine village goes sifiner to anofiner branch of fine
same lineage or reverts to fine village to be reallocated by fine village chief.

The house. so. refers not only to a physical structure but also to a group
of agnates: by extension. is so ("fafiner's house") is fine home village. The village
headman W ideally holds his position by virtue of being a descendant of
fine founding lineage. Alfinough fine French ‘did not create village chiefs in Sana.
fine position of fins founding lineage is not immutable but is subject to
demog'anhic and economic forces: if its fortunes decline or its head is ill or
judged to be of weak character it might find its position usurped by a stronger
lineage. While fine founding lineage may take fine headship W back when
it regains strengfin and influence. some founding lineages choose to leave and
rssetfie elsewhere rafinsr finan occupy a subordinate position In villages where
fins founding lineage is strong nunerically. fine office of mgmigj may nevertheless
be contested by different factions who vary in strengfin1

Competing factions of a lineage are generally synonymous wifin different
households. As a lineage grows in size and latent tension deveIOps into open
conflict. its members may decide to split into separate households. Once fission
occurs fine eldest male member still officiatss at some ceremonial functions but
each household is an autonomous unit of production and consumption and is no
longer linked to fine ofinerlsl finrough any corporate interests. Occasionally. lineage
seqnents which have become impoverished recombine to pool resources and
labor. If households wifinin fine village have to be ranked for any reason. it is
done according to fine age principle: fine W first (whefiner or not he is fine
eldest household head). finen fine ofiner households in sequence according to fine

2

age of fineir respective heads. Since individual households may leave fine village

to settle at finsir cultivation canp. or in anofiner area altogefiner. members of the

116

same lineage may be found in different villages or hamlets. Some lineage
segments who reestablish finemselves elsewhere in Sana often continue to pay
taxes wifin fineir village of origin to publicly manifest fineir ancestral ties.
Questioning one second-generation emigrant about his reasons for continuing to
pay taxes wifin Kuabugu. he responded in two words: tasg mega. "desire for fine
home village/house of fine fafiner”. Neverfineless. genealogical memory is shallow
and fine majority of household heads could not trace fineir ancestry back beyond
fins second ascending generation In day-to-day life residence takes precedence

over lineage membership and defines insiders and outsiders.

Decisions affecting fine entire village are arrived at by a consensus of
household heads or fineir representatives. Some household heads are chosen to
be members of fine village council which assists fine village headman in
acininistering fine day-to-day affairs of fine village. Households do not all carry
fine sane weiglnt in village politics for reasons of social origin. demography.
economics and. to a lesser extent. fine personality of fineir most senior member.
Village progress and harmonious relations wifinin fine village are equated wifin
prosperous households and wise inhabitants. Jealousy is considered to be more
of a problem in a context of general poverty finan in a village where at least
some households are doing well. Sana Banbara have an acute sense of fine
changing fortunes which may befall households: lack of male offspring. deafin.
internal conflict. and economic misfortune all may combine to transform a
prosperous unit into an impoverished one. Beyond material well-being,
harmonious relations depend on fine presence of deliberate individuals who as
able to mediate conflicts finough village harmony is ultimately ascribed to a
capable village headman Villages. much as households or ofiner associations. are
identified wifin fineir leader.

The ideal household unites classificatory brofiners and fineir married sons and
children. but fine majority of households now consists of married brofiners who
are sons of fine same mother and fineir offspring. In addition. a household may

include fine son or fine unmarried daughter born to a female agnate prior to

117

mariage WI. adOptive or foster children. and visitors who stay for
vaying lsngfins of time. (Table 1 provides a breakdown of Kuabugu households
to illustrate household composition. Table 2 shows the demographic variation in
fine different households between 1980-1982. Bofin tables are to be found at
fine end of finis chapter.) Alfinough labor migration enhances fine possibilities for
individual accumulation and may finus contribute to divisiveness. finere is no
evidence to support a direct relationship between commodification and a steady
prowession toward nuclea units. Households did fission in fine past: in fact. fine
preceding reconstruction of Sana history would seem to indicate finat fine unified
corporate king-cup. as represented in anfinropological models. has been fine ideal

more often finan fine rule.

Each household (gum, ”hearfin"l comprises people who cultivate togefiner and
who eat togefiner. As will be shown. it is not an undifferentiated unit All
members as subject to fine aufinority of fine eldest living male in fine senior
generation. fine mangj. Succession passes along fine line of classificatory
brofinsrs according to seniority before skipping to fine next generation Even if a
woman is fine do imp household head. she is not considered to be fine gs jugs
unantici- Agricultu'al labor is directed by fine W3. fine eldest active cultivator:
finis may be fine matigj himself or. if he is of advanced age and has ceased
cultivating. one of his younger brofinsrs or his eldest son. As is fine case wifin
fine Mam. fine position of W follows the relative age hierarchy so that
each man has fine prospect of becoming jaafigj. barring physical or mental
incanacity. A household head could not pass fine my: on to his eldest son as
long as he has living brofiners who as active in agriculture: doing so would
jeopadize household unity.

The jaatjgj makes all decisions concerning agriculture. such as fine timing of
planting. fine types and relative quantifies of crops to be planted. etc.. The
household head retains fine riglnt to intervene if he deems finis to be necessary. a
right ascribed to his greater experience. The jaatjgj informs his juniors of fine
tasks to be executed on a given day and can expect finat finese are carried out

118

wifinout delay. Aspects of cultivation or fine following day's labors are frequently
discussed during or after fine evening meal. Particularly in cases where fine
household head is also fine jaatjgj and fine age gap between him and his juniors is
a narow one. fine work plan for fine following day is more fine result of a

consensus finan an arbitrary command on fine part of fine elder.

The bsolute aufinority of fine household head is questioned at present
Juniors assert finat age is not synonymous wifin superior knowledge or infallible
judgement and finat it is beneficial for fine household if juniors are able to offer
alternate suggestions. Many elders regret fine disintegration of fineir authority but
are well aware finat insistence on fine old order finreatens household unity. The
diminution of elders' aufinority. however. is not tantamount to a lack of respect
for age. An elder still commands respect and juniors are firm in saying finat
unless a household head commands fine respect of all members of fine household.
fins household as a unit is not respected by ofiner households. Tensions which
exist as submerged; if they cannot be contained fine only possible course of
action is eifiner to segment or. for a young man. to become a permanent migrant
The underlying principle is similar to finat governing fine husband-wife relationship:
an elder who is openly defied by his juniors or fine women of fine household is
no longer fineir superior, hence he loses fine basis of his aufinority. Consequently.
fins household cannot be taken seriously by outsiders since a household and its

head as synonymous.

While fine elder-junior dichotomy is no longer as pronounced as it once
was. fine women of a household have no input into agricultural decisionmaking to .
date. They observe a hierarchy parallel to finat of fine men. but based on fineir
time of marriage into fine household rafiner finan on relative age. Thus. fine woman
who has been in fine household fine longest and is still active in cultivation is fine
women's jaatigi. She is informed of fine agricultural tasks fine women are to
execute fine following day. It becomes her responsibility to pass finis information
on to fine ofiner women and to see finat finey comply. Criticisms are passed along

in a similar manner.

119

Men. women. and adolescents who have entered the labor force go to the
fields without dispute in line with the decisions made by the W. I never
encountered any disregard for this rule and elders confirmed that "this has not
yet become a source of conflict here" If any active household member is ill. or
if a woman's child is sick and needs her care. (slhe is excused from aqicultural
labor but is expected to inform the m. A woman informs the women's
m. Apa't from illness the only valid excuses are social obligations such as
attendance of a wedding. the bringing of condolences or. for a woman. the call
of a seriously ill mother or father. The My himself supervises the labor
process in working alongside his juniors. unless his social obligations prevent him

from doing so.

Entry into the household labor force is determined by several factors
including relative age. physical constitution. and household size. Households with a
limited number of active adults as more likely to call on boys than larger
households so that a nine or ten-year old may find himself urging on the oxen.
if only intermittently. during ploughing. Regular pa‘ficipation in agriculture.
however. does not come until tlne age of bout 12 or 13 which rougnly
overlqns with circuncision. Girls do not enter the labor force until tlns age of
14 or 15 and have by tlnen been excised Once informed by the W that they
are to participate in production. boys and girls 8‘0 required to join the adults on
a regular basis in going to the fields. Whether or not unmarried girls prticipate
in the millet htvest is left to the discretion of the W- If the household can
do without their help. they may be permitted to spend the htvest witln a female
relative in another village. In sunn. tlne men of the household along witln the
married women constitute the core of tlns labor force.

The timing of retirement from agriculture depends on household demography.
The person in line to succeed the W suggests to the other active cultivators
'to retire' (La halo b§ cj ki la) a man or a woman They must be in a position
to carry the work load without the potential retiree before (slhe can be relieved

of her/his duties; this holds for the women as well since a woman is usually

120

retired from her cooking duties at the same time. though this decision is up to
the women. Once agreed upon, the person to be retired is informed when (slhe
comes to the field. thanked for having worked hard. and asked to relax
henceforth. The man or woman next in line automatically takes over as W.
The new retiree then returns to the village to spread the news so that other
villagers may tlnank and bless the household for allowing the person to rest.
Some households make the announcement but have it take effect only the

following rainy season

Not all women welcome retirement. One woman recounted how she initially
regretted her retirement. feeling that she had been deprived of a source of
millet. To make up for this loss she asked to be given a [sh Rama. Most women
are retired by the time tlney reach their mid-fifties. men somewhat later. Elders
suggest that retirement age for men as well as women has dropped because

cultivation can be accomplished with fewer people since the adoption of the
plough.

The aim of every household is to produce enougln food (halo) to provide
adequate nourishment for household members until the following havest. This.
however. is a minimum requirement. The continuation of social life demands that
tlners be sufficient millet for any upcoming wedding and for a gift to elder men
and women in the village. By giving millet to the old after the harvest poor
households can be helped without causing embarassment Since conversion to
Islan wandering marabouts visit the village during tlne post-havest season
expecting a donation of millet. Household heads who have become Muslims take
their alms and gifts to the old (or to poorer households in the village on the
Islamic festivals of Ramadan and Tabaskil from the Islamic titlne W. Their millet
is measured publicly immediately after winnowing and one tendn is set aside. The
ha'vest should also yield enougln to cover sauce expenditures (as sfimfil -- i.e.
salt. red pepper. fish -- and grain which can be stored as security against
climatic adversity. Some household heads assert tlnat. except for the purchase of

sauce ingredients. millet should never be sold unless a household's granaries hold

121

sufficient millet to feed its members for three to five years. This appears to be
an ideal position which few households approximate: only one Kuabugu household
did not run out of millet during the disastrous years of 1972-1974. Given the
ag'icultural history of Sana since the 1890s this rule of thumb has probably
always been a goal rather than the norm for tlne majority of households.

Millet. the primary crop. is supplemented with subsidiary crops such as fonio
and Bambara groundnuts W W. The latter are commercialised
only in small quantities and help conserve millet or reduce millet purchases prior
to the harvest. Elders assert that in their youth a variety of crops were
cultivated in small quantities in the household fields but have largely been
W because young men now cultivate hastily and do not want to be
bothered. This may hold true for contemporary migrants but many of their
seniors still do plant a patch of sweet potatoes (imam. manioc My). hemp
(dd. or maize W. More sweet potatoes and manioc were cultivated by men
on a personal basis when rainfall was better. Part of the yield was consumed by
the household and the remainder was sold. Sorghum W also used to be
cultivated to a weater extent for use in brewing beer (dfilh) despite the
unsuitability of local soils. lts cultivation has been virtually abandoned due to
widespread conversion to Islam In general. cropping patterns appear to have
been adjusted over time in accordance witln ecological changes. Peanuts have
long been planted as a tasty addition to the sauce but began to be seen as a
means of generating cash only during the latter part of the colonial period Cash
from the sale of peanuts was used for household expenditures including sauce
ingsdients By the end of the 19603 peanut yields declined as a result of a
renewed dry cycle and households reduced peanut cultivation in favor of millet
When Operation Riz-Segu opened the plain behind Sibila for rice production in
the early 1970s many households applied for rice fields as a way of generating
cash locally and taking the pressure off millet Some of the fonio fields were
given over to animal pasture at the time. Since rice production too has faltered
during the past few years. millet again has to be sold for condiments and

emergency household expenditures. Fonio cultivation has tlnerefore been increased

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to stretch the millet. though it is not sowed until the first heavy rain. This helps

prevent the seed from drying up but also postpones the harvest.

The main emphasis in agriculture. tlnen. is on provisioning. This is heightened
by the ecological constraints relating to drought and soil exhaustion. Awareness
that yields have declined. despite expansion of the surfaces planted. is universal
among adults. The need to secure the food supply is underscored by
contemporary migrants when they state that it is paramount to ensure food
production since tlneir efforts would be negated if their earnings were needed to
purchase food Labor migration earnings go first toward the payment of taxes.
marriage expenses. and agricultural equipment Households which can meet tlnese
needs and prosper because their members are able to subordinate tlneir personal
aspirations to tine wellbeing of the collectivity gain respect witlnin the village.
Poverty, often expressed as seam (“fatigue”) in this context rather than as
m; is seen to be tlne greatest threat to a household because it facilitates
discord lhfinhalixal and consequently segnnentation. The emerging contradictions
between private accumulation and the continuity of tlne collectivity are as yet

contained in the marriage process. This will be discussed in chapter Vll.
Ins W of Scans in Emductixs Activity

The space beyond the village is differentiated between housefields (atom).
those directly adjoining the village. and bush fields. Ideally. each household should
have a housefield, though this may become difficult as households fission; custom
prescribes that brothers who segment must divide the housefield equitably but an
elder is not required to share the housefield with his nephews in the event of
fission. The space beyond the village is generally referred to as 'bush' (Imago);
this is a generic term which includes the fields. even during the cultivating season
when fields are put into production The center of Sana is characterized by
sandy soils in contrast with the clay soils which prevail in the River plain and in
the areas close to the Macina Canal. Kuabugu and surrounding villages have
tlnerefore had relatively better yields since the onset of the current dry cycle.

Household heads are familiar with the specific characteristics of their different

 

 

123

fields and make production decisions accordingly. The term used to designate
uncultivated space specifically is m Each village still has a designated area of
m nearby which constitutes the village mm. the 'grove' where the village
protective spirit resides. Prior to islamisation. the village chief led the annual
sacrifices at the a: sin to propitiate the spirit of tlne land As more and more
Sana villagers have converted to Islan the collective sacrifices have been
abandoned so that only individual nonconverts still sacrifice on occasion. The 513
ski itself is gradually disappearing as bushes are cut away over the years and the
land thu‘s gained is incorporated into adjoining fields One might surmise that witln
the shift to Islan the conceptualization of people's relationship to the land would
. change to one that is more accommodating to a perception of land as an

exploitable resource though. unfortunately. I was not able to explore this issue.

The idea that land could be bought and sold was still alien to Sana Bambara
at the time of fieldwork and no system of landth had developed as appears to
be the case in the first (Kayesl region as well as in the sixth (Timbuctool and
seventh (Gaol regions (Dembels. 1981). This despite the fact that men from
several villages of central Sana felt that their cultivable space was becoming ever
more limited. Kuabugu is literally encircled by other villages and can no longer
out new fields. Sibila is blamed for this to some extent because. it is said. Sibila
used its position as canton seat (ham) to encroach on Kuabugu land. Time and
again men pointed to fields now cultivated by Sibila as fields which had been
cultivated by their elders. Even though two of the smaller households were
forced to leave the village to resettle witlnin the perimeter of the Office du Niger
near K3 Macina and 'a third one left within the past 15 years to resettle in Kala.
there is currently no land available for potential new settlers. Only one household
has joined the village within living memory. mproximately 25-30 years ago; this
was a relocation within Sana rather than a completely new arrival. Outmigration
to cultivation camps. to Kala. or to the irrigated zone near Niono characterizes

surrounding Bambara villages to an even greater extent

124

Rights in land are rights of usufruct However. the fields cultivated by a
given household over a period of years or even generations come to be seen as
household property. The variation in landholdings between different households.
including that of tlne W is a function of labor power. Consequently. those
households which were among the first to obtain a plough had a relative
advantage in expanding tlneir holdings. No household head was in a position to
tell me how many hectares of land he was cultivating Fields had never been
measured by the colonial or national authorities or through any indigenous means
of evaluating land surface. One elder explained that a given unit of land used to
be said to have the value of a goat or a chicken. according to the cost of a
’ work paty. but that he would not know the combined value of his fields in
goats or chickens.

Prior to the expansion of the plough. each household had its assigned fields
and cultivated as much as labor permitted When the yield of a given field
declined it was left in fallow until it regenerated In the meantime a new field
could be cut or one that had been in fallow could be brought back into
cultivation. After the use of the plough becane universal in the 1960s bushland
was reduced to the minimunn necessary for pasturing animals during the

agricultural cycle. Fallowing had to be abandoned for the most pat

A household which can consistently cultivate all of its fields will retain them
and can perhaas even borrow land from less fortunate households Theoretically,
the borrowed land ouglnt to be returned when its owner wants to put it into
cultivation again However. if years have lapsed. the borrower may consider the
land his own and refuse to return it4 In the current context of a developing land
shortage the loaning of land is almost tantannount to losing it so that a tendency
[to refuse loan requests is emerging. This holds in particular when households
from different villages are involved so that landloans are arranged primarily
between households of the sane village.ES All indications point to the fact that.
altlnough land has not become a commodity subject to market speculation. a

gradual change in the notion of landownership is taking place. Land is coming to

125

be seen as a resource and as a medium in relations of domination. Under these
conditions an expanding household may be unable to obtain enough land to fully
use available labor. This protects smaller households from being pushed off the
land but eventually it may also discourage some members of demographically and
economically stronger households from continuing to cultivate.

The land belonging to a household is not an undifferentiated space. Land
cultivated collectively by members of a household under the authority of the
household head or his representative is designated as tomb; In large
households. the sons of different mothers frequently cultivate one or more
common fields. known as amalgam or flu tom ("evening field/“slave field"; the
latter term is rarely used now). under the leadership of the eldest brother who is
also in charge of the products derived from it Household fission. if it occurs.
takes place along 3mm lines so that the surging then becomes the famine
supplemented by a portion of what was previously household land Many
contemporary households no longer have M. Some Wm have been
eliminated as a result of fission: however. certain households which could
nevertlneless set aside W for their constituent units have not done so in
favor of tomb: cultivation This may be linked to the pervasiveness of labor
migration and its greater potential as a source of wealth for subunits within the
household A tlnird category of land is the 135 kaflla ("broken back") which is now
only cultivated by elderly women who have been retired from collective
cultivation. Individual men could also plant a 155 kmla in the past. though its
cultivation had to be subordinated to botln the m and the stadium - hence
its name "broken back". Any woman retired from household agriculture who still
feels caoable of cultivating her own field may request a strip of land from the
household head and her request cannot be refused. By contrast. younger active
women have no such 'right’ to their own field but many now strive to obtain at
least a small parcel from tlne household head The extent to which they have
succeeded varies from village to village. There is no category of "woman's field"
(map mm) in Sana because. men assert women are obligated to cultivate for

the household and having tlneir own field would only divert them from this task.

126

It is significant tlnat it was always this issue of control over labor which was

cited for the absence of 'women’s fields' rather than diminishing land resources.

Small patches of land which women use to grow some okra during the rainy
season do not fall under the category of "women's fields". Usually tlnese are at
the edge of the village and involve aeas which are not part of household
property. Some men also make small gardens near the perimeter of the village
where they plant sweet potatoes. maize. red pepper. and lime trees. Only the
women of one household used such a patch of land to cultivate onions during
tlne cold season of 1981. They had decided to follow the example of women
from villages with land bordering tlne Macina Canal despite the fact tlnat they had
to pull all tlne water for irrigation from tlne well. Since onions require much
watering. thus potentially depleting the water supply. this could become a source
of conflict if other women were to do likewise. Women who can cultivate
onions along the Canal not only avoid the drudgery of pulling tlns water from the
well. they as also able to plant lager surfaces. Many men tlnere plant onions as
well and some grow tobacco. Even in those areas land is not a commodity and
may be allocated to girls or women relatives from other villages for the duration
of the cold season. The women of one village adjoining the Canal planted onions
near a neighboring village in observance of a taboo which specified that their
own land along the Canal could not be put into production. The continued
observance of tlnis taboo underlines the non-capitalist nature of production and

the non-commodity status of land
E Il'l' 91E Il'.!l"l.

Productive activity is not narrowly circumscribed by certain hours of the day.
days of the week. or a fixed "work place". Rather. its rhythm follows the
seasons and its spatial paraneters vary with the nature of the activity. Put
differently. 'work' and 'leisure' as not rigidly sepaated in time or space.
Productive activity is covered by the generic term hm (“work”). but it is used
in tlne abstract primarily when speaking of work executed on labor migration To
say that ”someone went to work" (km m hm 155) indicates tlnat the person

127

in question went on migration with the express purpose of earning cash. By
contrast. a person involved in some activity locally is said to be engaged in a
specific task. such as "going into the bush" (a b5 :33 kings; £5) or ”making a mat"
(a bi biigii M. Without exploring the nature of wage work further at this point.
we may simply say that it involves a notion of equivalence regardless of the
paticula activity concerned whereas work carisd out in the village context is
differentiated even if a given activity does generate cash

lt may be useful to speak of 'productive activity’ rather tlnan of 'work' witlnin
the village context to emphasize tlns wide range of tasks covered by the term
m m is not confined to activities which result in a tangible product. it
also includes social obligations as. for example. offering condolences or going to
a wedding to present a gift Em therefore. aims not only at material
production but also at the production and reproduction of social relations. lt
innplies effort: tlnis is most poignantly expressed in the phrase a kin has ya
("it has become work”). used to indicate that somstlning has become complicated
A term which overlaps with m to a certain extent but which seems more
clearly to imply tlne expenditure of physical energy is gin Tasks which as
usually designated as gin as brickmaking and construction @5953 gin). women's
work on tlns threshing ground (genie nine). or work executed for a political
autlnority m gin). Also. to commend someone for being industrious is to say
that "(slhe is doing labor” la hi on: LB).

Juxtaposed to m or gig. is Latin. l"rest". "ease". "relaxation"). Latin is
predicated on work completed and assumes a state in which the body is at ease.
A woman who has walked all the way to tlns tale ltlne Macina Canal) to do her
launcky and who. once finished. gets into the water herself and washes can say
afterwad aim nilafixn ("now I an relaxed”). A breat between tasks or during
an activity. however. does not allow for lama. it is merely Isa W [:5 ("to
pull/get out the rest") or 15: segen b?) ("to pull/get out the fatigue). to catch one's
breatln so to speak Women sometimes say an :3 lam: ("we don't rest") to
indicate that they don’t run out of work. that there is always sometlning to do.

“a

128

Latin. in the expression 3.; iafim ("they are at ease"). may also be used to
express that life is easier for those in question as a result of better ecological
conditions. improved technology. or various other reasons; by contrast. to say

that people have it difficult is to say that "they are tired" (I) assume).

Latin may be linked to nyenajfi (“amusementf "enjoyment'l. W covers
tlne range of amusements which take place in the village in the course of a year.
such as tlne dancing on festive occasions. an evening of entertainment provided
by a visiting buffoon lnsjijmma) or by passing balafon players. NW5 implies
sociability. Men sitting together in the evening talking (Isa hm 153). or women
. conversing and joking while doing cotton with friends. may say afterward m
WED hi (”we enjoyed ourselves today"). In the latter case work does not
preclude nmaii but ma requires the presence of more than one person A
person who is relaxed and in a happy frame of mind may feel enjoyment but it
is incomplete unless shaed with other people.

Finally. "play” Quinn) is related to ME. It may refer to the play of
child’en as well as to entertainment enjoyed by adults. such as the mo mm,
the puppet theater. 153 Mon 33 not only means "to play" but also "to joke". lt
tatss on a pejorative connotation if someone is said to be a Month]; meaning
that tlne person is frivolous or. in reference to a man specifically. that he is

ahlvays chasing after women.

Activity of any type is frequently affirmed in greetings. Aside from those
relating to the time. of day. many others can be generated to acknowledge a
person's state of being or involvement in activity. Someone returning from
maket may be greeted with 1 mi dish ("you and the maket”) or someone who
has completed a task and is tired witlnini sages ("you and tlns fatigue"). The
rainy season in particular gives rise to numerous formulations .L Di same ("you
and tlns rainy season"). 1 01 data (“you and the hoe”). and 1 Di m ("YOU and the
pleasure") are only a few of the salutations offerred to Banbara cultivators
during planting. The first greeting to anyone working in the field at any time
during tlne agricultural cycle. or to a person on the way to or from the field is j,

129

mi gage only after acknowledging a person's involvement in labor does one say

'good morning’ or 'good afternoon'. This emphasis. along with the proliferation of
greetings. provides an indication of the significance productive activity. and

especially cultivation. assumes.

The rhythm of activity is closely linked to the diurnal cycle and the season.
Time (anti or tuna) has not yet become a measurable entity independent of
social activities It is what Giddens terms 'lived time' ratlner than formless
duration Nevertheless. elders assert that the pace of life has quickened and tlnat
everything is more hurried than in their youth This is most obvious during tlne
agricultural cycle when work in the fields goes on seven days a week. In the
past. Monday was the day when everyone was released from Ianor in the m
so that household members could work in the m or follow individual
pursuits. It was also a day for men to relax aound tlne beer pots. In Kuabugu.
Monday began to be abandoned as a day of rest during the ealy 1960s Only a
minority of non-Islanised Banbaa in several of the other villages still observed
Monday in 1981. The 1513 continues to schedule work sessions on Monday which
require that its members be released from the household fields The day for
initiating planting is also given less significance now; Tuesday and Friday were
formerly eschewed because they were deemed "heavy" as: ginn), hence
inauspicious Simila taboos relating to other activities are observed to varying

degrees.

The periods of the diurnal cycle correspond to the passage of the sun su
(night. with ma. indicating tlne middle. of the night): fajin (dawn): 35.951111:
(morning); tugging ("hot sun". i.e. middle of the day): male (afternoon). and mini
(dusk). They overlap to a certain extent with prayer times which as also used as
the makers in the course of tlne day: mini at dawn. seiitam aound 2 pm.
[amaze aound 5 pm. and auto aound 8 pm Together they structure daily

activities which vay according to tlne seasons

The most active period of the yea corresponds to the rainy season (58111115)-
Except for the old and the very young. everyone is in the fields during tlnis time

130

until all the planting and weeding is accomplished It is followed by 33mm. the
interval between the end of the rains and the beginning of the cold season
(19:15:35). Harvesting coincides with ham]: and the first part of the cold season.
The latter part of the cold season and the hot season (manna) are characterized
by non-agicultural pursuits. People rise somewhat later in the morning and
follow a different meal pattern Once the season of weddings and amusement.
this is now a relatively quiet time in fine village as a result of virtually universal
migration of young men. mixing, the onset of the rainy season. is the time
when fields are prepared and an occasional liglnt shower wets the ground. It is
dicing finis period that migrants return so that people's eyes are expectantly
turned to the road any time a lorry stops; word quickly spreads finroughout fine
village when anofiner young man has arrived.

Embedded in the seasons are the months of fine year. beginning with wins
which corresponded with November in 1981. The monfins in question are luna
monfins. finough people are aware of the Roman calenda and refer to those
monfins simply as many tam (French. i.e. European monfins). Most people do
notknowfinenanesoffinemhabykammall,oratbestonlyafew.an
indication of their insignificance to local concerns. i would occasionally be asked
what day of the tubabu 5319 we were on and we would remark on the
discrepancy between it and the lunar monfin: it was an item of curiosity, no
more While jgminfi is considered to be the first month of the year, the rainy
season is at fine same time finought to begin fine year. This apparent contradiction
suggests different traditions and points to fine differing significance of monfins
and seasons. The rainy season is not only fine beginning, it is also fine focal point
of fine year and serves as fine basis for computing age and a woman's integration
into her husband's household San, fine term for "year" is often taken to be
synonymous with rainy season and also means "sky" and “rain” - in short. it is

not an abstract term

131
IbeEmessoImeisionino

In fine productive process people observe a particular rhyfinm, finat is. finey
follow certain paths in space-time. Bourdieu (1977) calls finis "respect for
collective rhyfinms" (p. 162) and elaborates

The reason why submission to fine collective rhyfinms is so

rigorously demanded is that fine temporal forms or the spatial

structures structure not only fine group’s representation of fine

world but fine group itself, which orders itself in accordance wifin

finis representation... All the divisions of fine group are projected at

every moment into the spatio-temporal organization which assigns

each category its place and time: it is here finat fine fuzzy logic of

practice works wonders in enabling fine group to achieve as much

m and lggjgal integration as is compatible wifin fine diversity

innposed by fine division of labor between fine sexes. fine ages. and

fine ‘occupations'...(p. 163).
Put differently. fine labor process is a symbolic order in which social identity is
shaped and relations of autonomy and dependence are negotiated and
reconfirmed Though fine ostensible goal is material production, fine social order
itself is reproduced and transformed in fine account finat follows. the
provisioning process is examined finrougln fine prevailing forms of cooperation
which are based on (innutual aid: Zlfin labor: Slims-household collaboration: and
4lindividuel and gender-related activity. lt will be seen finat despite fineir rhyfinms

and patterns none of fine categories is static.

1) W Aid.

Mutual aid involves various forms of inter-household cooper‘ation and is
predicated on reciprocity. lt demands coordination between households and a
synchrony of rhyfinms which is disrupted when cash income becomes essential to
household well-being Prior to fine adoption of fine plough mutual aid was
practiced during all phases of fine agricultural cycle. The flexibility of networks
during certain phases. finen and now, attests to fine fact finat perceived unequal
contribution or incompatibility may lead to dissolution

The arrival of the stork (gamma/gm abdimjil signals the aaproach of
another rainy season. The heat is still blistering but is broken by an occasional

brief shower. Adolescent boys form groups in order to clear fields of brush

132

and unwanted bushes, pile up the debris and burn it They work one day on fine
field of each participant. following the instructions of his mm. Once completed,
fine cycle may begin anew or else fine group disperses and reassembles wifin new
members. This pattern for clearing fields is one form of mutual aid (dam hm.
The clearing of fields is less arduous and time-consuming now that most fields
are cultivated regularly, hence it can be left to finose age grades which make up
fine :3 misfit: an and which have not yet commenced labor migration or which
are only being initiated into fine process When fallowing was still practiced
clearing required a more concentrated effort so finat fewer men were able to
leave on migration or had to return early. Given fine way in which labor migration
'has evolved. it is questionable if m; hm could be sustained during fine
pre-cultivation phase were clearing not a responsibility which could be taken on

by fine younger age grades now.

Mutual aid is also practiced during fine fonio harvest Labor networks are
based on kin ties wifinout following a single pattern and may be modified as a
result of conflict.7 Fonio is fine first crop to ripen and can be harvested by
mid-September. The harvesting process is divided along gender lines The men
in fine network go to fine field that is to be cut on a given day. They gafiner fine
stems into a bunch wifin one hand. pull. and cut it wifin fine sichle in fine ofiner
hand. leaving it in small piles. Later it is gafinered and stacked into a mound The
men also clear an area of all fine stubbles and grass near or under a tree to
become fine finreshing ground The cut and stacked fonio is allowed to dry for
two to three days. longer if it rains on one of fine days. Then fine women of
fine network finresh and winnow it. The women's jaatigi of fine household whose
fonio is being finreshed becomes fine jaatjgj of fine entire group. If fine fonio
belongs to a Mm. finen fine eldest woman of fine suitors: acts as W.
The women begin by taking a few layers off fine stacked fonio and spread it in
a circle. They finen position finemselves around its circumference and beat it with
fine stick each woman has cut for herself in preparation of finreshing As fine
grain falls off, layer after layer is removed. beaten again, and shaken finrough

The straw is set aside to be taken home eventually by fine men for animal

133

fodder. The fonio grain is scooped into calabashes and winnowed to remove fine
chaff: as fine grain piles up it is continually swept in an upward motion to
eliminate any debris. Women active in agriculture as well as retired women take
part in finis process. In a network which includes retired women it is the
younger women who do the finreshing while fine retired women winnow and
sweep. Retired women who wish to help wifin threshing do so by "crushing" (in
ninth) bundles of fonio wifin fineir feet to loosen fine grains. When fine threshing
is completed and fine dust of fine finreshing area has been winnowed to gafiner up
all fine grains. fine W gives each participant an equal measure of fonio as a
reward for pa’ticipation Everyone’s contribution may not be exactly equal but by
virtue of having taken part in a collective effort fine reward is fine same. The
women make benedicfions and fine younger women finen carry fine harvested. grain
home to be stored in fine household or suitors: granary.

Damn m prevails to some extent during fine transport of millet to fine
finreshing wound While some households move fineir own millet wifinout help.
ofiners cooperate wifin a related household and yet ofiners form a network which
involves all juniors and girls of fin age as well as married women In fine latter
case. fine juniors of all participating households come wifin a donkey cart and
everyone cooperates in loading up fine carts while some juniors stay on fine
finreshing ground to unload and. distribute fine millet. Mutual aid during finis phase
of fine labor process appeared to be very much in flux in 1981. This may have
been due. to some extent. to divisiveness introduced in 1980 when some juniors
left before finreshing was completed. and to fine uncertain finreshing schedule
which again was a problem in 1981.

Mutual aid is still strongest wifin respect to fine winnowing of millet The
pattern discussed below applies to tomb: millet. A 135 (ganja, and sometimes a
guitars: or a small field of m (an early variety of millet). is still finreshed by
hand and winnowed by a small circle of women who we expressly invited
Because winnowing is only one phase of fine labor involved. fine activity on fine

threshing ground is also known as "finreshing ground labor" (gang: gin) and

134

concerns women exclusively. After fine finreshing is completed to fine household's
satisfaction, fine jaatjgj informs fine elder woman of the household who. in turn,
spreads fine word around the village. If it is only midday, fine winnowing begins
in fine afternoon. ofinerwise fine following morning The women's jaangj divides
fine millet into sections (153 (gala g1) wifin fine help of fine junior women. When fine
winnowing begins two or more women depending on fine surface and fine number
of women present cooperate on one section and are responsible for completing
all work connected wifin it Women who share a section have one or more
members pick up fine millet and fine ofinerls'l separate fine grain from fine chaff
finrougln a continuous movement of fine calabash All of fine women who are
engaged in fine actual winnowing line up at one end of fine finreshing ground The
pace of fine work depends to a great deal on fine wind lf fine wind is favorable.
fine work never comes to a complete standstill because women take turns eating
fineir meals. The women of each household bring fineir own food for fine midday
meal. If work continues until mid-afternoon fine household whose millet is being
wirnnowed brings and (a millet quell for all fine women The piles of millet are
swept in an upward motion. much like fonio. to remove any debris Since fine
wind only carries away fine chaff. fine debris remaining in fine calabash is
deposited in a pile and beaten wifin a stick to loosen any grains still clinging to a

cob. The entire pile is finen winnowed again.

When fine winnowing draws to a close, fine old women of fine village are
informed finat it is time for finem to come to fine finreshing ground Each of finem
comes wifin a small broom and togefiner they proceed to sweep fine entire
finreshing ground and supervise fine collection of fine individual piles of grain into
one large pile. Their sweepings are winnowed by some of fine women to
recover any remaining grains It is not until all tasks have been completed and
nofining but one beautiful pile of grain remains on fine finreshing ground finat fine
women's jaatjgi sends word to her male counterpart finat fine women have
finished fineir work.

135

During fine final winnowing phase. fine women of fine household set aside
some millet and cover it wifin branches or in any other way possible to hide it
from view. They agree on the amount and divide it amongst finemselves after fine
finreshing wound has been cleared It is referred to as ”hiding millet" (19 D15
doggl or as “stealing millet” (153 m sunyfil and is in effect institutionalized fineft.
Men are aware 'of it but must pretend finat finey do not know and are prevented
by taboo from interfering wifin it. Since finey are not permitted to come to fine
finreshing ground until finey get fine signal from fine women, finey do not know
how much fine women are tating While fine active women of all households
steal millet for finemselves. fine proportion varies between households and reflects
fine state of gender relations wifinin fine household to a certain extent The fact
finat retired women have no pat. in fine fineft is an indication of fine different
structural posifion finey occupw ”young women” (1mm inking) are still 'outsiders’
in fine household whereas "old women” (muss: km have grown children. finey
are firmly integ'ated into fine household and fineir interests have merged wifin
finose of fineir sons. Some old women occasionally protest fine fineft of fineir
dughters-in-law when it happens under fineir eyes but finey a'e reprimanded by

fine ofiner women present and are not allowed to interfere.

The eldest woman of fine household. aided by fine ofiner old women, is in
charge of measuring out fine millet for fine gauge man, fine reward all women are
entified to. The distribution is based on a complicated system finat allows for
different categories of labor: a fixed number of baskets (by tradition 11.
according to old women. unless it is a poor yearl are divided among llfine
winnowers m W, Zlfinose "who beat fine morsels" (km mum).
3lfinose ”who raise fine arm“. i.e. finose who winnow fine morsels (bglg W.
4lfinose "who winnow the dust" mm W. 5lfinose "who sweep fine
place", i.e. fine old women (19m Malawi. Slfine girls ”who carry water" to fine
finreshing grournd for fine winnowers WE Women who participate in several
of finese tasks receive millet in fine respective categories. Before women leave
wifin fine millet finey make benedictions for fine household to express fineir thanks.
Many households have female visitors during this phase of fine agricultural cycle.

136

specifically to participate in fine winnowing. These may be female agnates who
are married in ofiner villages or kin of resident women who come to winnow fine
household millet or to stay for the entire winnowing cycle. They are often from
villages or from households whose harvest is poor; finrough fineir participation
finey obtain millet to help feed fineir husband and children

Various forms of mutual aid used to prevail during cultivation and during fine
millet harvest but have all been dropped The disappearance of mutual aid during
cultivation is attributed to fine universal adoption of fine plougln which permits
people to culfivate larger surfaces wifin less labor. Labor networks were
probably urndermined by forced labor and early labor migration so finat fine advent
of fine plougln only strengthened a tendency which favored household autonomy.
Since fine ptrclnase of fine plough depended on fine resources of fine individual
household and different households acquired ploughs at different points in time. it
was difficult to integrate the plough into existing labor networks and still
preserve fine notion of reciprocity underlying mutual aid

The disintegration of lwor networks during fine millet harvest is linked to
bird invasions which increased following fine creation of the parastatal sugar
complex at Duguba on fine Canal du Sahel in 1972. In fine area norfin of fine
Macina Canal near Duguba fine birds cause so much damage to crops finat some
households have obtained bush fields many miles to fine norfin while ofiners have
left fine area altogefiner. When fine food supply diminishes near fine tab. the birds
move into Sana in huge swarms. Sana Bamananw have responded by having each
houselnold concentrate on saving its own millet. This points to fine primacy of
fine household over fine lineage or fine community and to a fundamental tension
between collective production and private (household) appropriation. In a situation
where fine survival of fine household is at stake submerged conflicts are more
likely to come to fine fore and fine unequal contribution of different individuals
and households become a bone of contention. In contrast wifin fine fin, labor
networks have no institutionalized mechanism for fining absentee members so finat

juniors who wish to leave on migration. or are sent off early by fine household.

137

may provoke discord: under finese conditions labor networks become a constraint
on individuals as well as on households. Beyond this. man and women justify fine
abandonment of labor networks by pointing out finat individuals' contribution is
unequal because some are quicker and better workers than others. This is surely
not a recent discovery but it takes on significance in fine context of

commodification
2) Ton Labor.

The kanalen tea may be hired by households which are in need of extra
labor during fine cultivation period or during fine harvest Em is a generic term
for association and such an association can be designated for any purpose its
menfiners desire. The very notion of fin is linked wifin a system of fines
designed to aid in enforcing fine rules. Aside from fine 13mm: fin. also known
as cl k3 fin (“cultivation association"). Kuabugu associations included fine mg ggsj
ton ("millet threshing association"). and the muse m the ("marriage association").
The W fin is composed of fine age sets of male youfins between fine ages
of approximately 14-36; fine youngest age sets (to about age 18 or 20)
constitute a sub-unit known as fine g5 man tin and may be called upon
independently. Unmarried girls participate in fine gj 155 fig until finey get married
They take a subordinate role. however, in finat finey do not cultivate alongside fine

men but only accompany finem to fine field to offer drinking water.

The institution of fine 13mm 169 is a very old one and its basic structure
has remained fine sane. Elders state finat in fineir youfin fine tin labored for food
and cowries. Until fine 1970s. drums were taken to fine field whenever fine fin
labored and female members sang and clapped fineir hands to encourage fine
young men to exert finemselves to fine fullest. This practice has gradually been
abandoned in most of fine villages

153 members assemble to labor on behalf of fine community or. against pay.
for individuals and households The collected fees are used mainly for holding an

annual festival which aims to entertain fine entire village and finus to facilitate

138

social harmony at fine onset of fine rainy season. I511 ideals still hold finat aid be
given free of charge to households whose survival is finreatened as a result of
deafin or illness. but despite finese ideals the Kuabugu fin had not cultivated or
harvested free of charge for a number of years. It worked for a fee. fixed at
SOOOMF plus food for one morning of labor. 3500MF plus food for fine
afternoon; if fine recipient is a resident of anofiner village. finen fine fee for one
morning’s labor is raised to BOOOMF. The fee is a reflection of fine size of fine
labor force so finat fine fin of a lager village charges higher fees. Some villages
have more finan one fin in keeping wifin social composition and village polifics.

Ian members reject fine suggestion finat. in working for a fee. fine fin really
benefits fine wealfinier households. They point out finat fine fee is low considering
fine number of workers a household obtains and. moreover. a household has
finree monfins to pay fine fee. Indeed. fine Kuabugu households for which fine fin
(anored in 1981 were among fine smallest and poorest. In one instance. fine fin
was hired to finresh sorghum and agreed to accept only a meal as remuneration

Despite fine fact finat Monday has ceased to be a day of rest. fin labor is
still carried out on Mondays. If not all of fine work scheduled can be
accomplished on Mondays. finen fine fin will also assemble on Fridays but never
on any ofiner days of fine week. No household head can intervene or wifinhold its
members when fine fin fixes a work session. The fin elders. however. are
conscious enough of household labor needs not to accept commissions if fine
absence of juniors would place an undue burden on fine majority of households.
Owing fine 1981 cultivating season. for example. fine Kuabugu fin accepted only
a total of five commissions: two mornings and finree afternoons This paralleled
fine 1980 pattern During bofin yeas. fine finfigj suggested. fine season had been
so rushed (133 191i) finat finey were unable to fit in more work sessions What he
was implying. in effect. was finat fin tang; was curtailed in order to give full
attenfion to labor in fine fields of individual households. The fin did cultivate two
fin fields in 1981 in order to produce millet and generate revenue for fine 1982

fin festival. These fields were borrowed from households which lacked fine labor

139

to put. finem into production and were retained again in 1982.

The fin is in charge of transporting fine millet grain from fine finreshing
ground to fine granary. Members are not normally rewarded. finough finey may
steal some millet during transport One household head who had had an
exceptionally good harvest in 1981 slaughtered a goat and had it cooked for
finem wifin rice in compensation for fineir aid During years of good harvest fine
n15 dauni ('bringing in of fine millet") becomes a joyous occasion whereby many
adult men come to lend a hand and elders observe fine millet being put into fine
granay and make benedictions for fine household

Since 1979 fine fin has ceased finreshing fine millet by hand Prior to finis
time. fine ”millet finreshing ton" (n15 gnsj fin) finreshed fine millet of all village
households in turn This fin overlapped wifin fine gj lfi fin and in addition
included several senior age grades. All members were required to assemble for
finreshing If a young man had already left on migration. his kinsmen sent him a
letter asking him to refilrn as soon as fine first finreshing date was set Those
who were tardy returning were fined on a graduated scale. A member who
stayed away enfirely was fined ZBOOOMF during fine 19703: before finen fine fine
had been SOOOMF. This was steep enough to make a young man calculate
caefully if staying away was worfinwhile. Any fines collected were administered
by fine fin elders and used for village needs. such as supplementary tax
assessments. Of fine various Sana villages. only fine non-islamised section of
Gumakoro continued to finresh its millet by hand in 1981 and ensured fine
presence of its young men by charging absentees BOOOOMF. In some of fine
ofiner villages. such as Tin. fin members were required to be present for
transporting millet to fine finreshing ground

Currenfiy. villages call on entrepreneurs. some from as fa away as Markala
or Banato. to 'finresh' fineir millet by driving a tractor or truck over it until fine
grains have separated from the cobs. Entrepreneurs known to have started
threshing in fine area are contacted by individual households to find out if and

how soon finey would be able to finresn If available. finey are asked to come and

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evaluate fine millet laid out on fine finreshing ground. The tractor/truck owner
specifies a finreshing price in kind. fine jaaflgj makes a counter offer. and fine two
negotiate until finey arrive at a price acceptable to bofin. At times no agreement

9 This means finat fine millet remains on

is reached and fine entrepreneur departs
fine finreshing ground. exposed to termite and insect danage. while at fine sane
time ofiner households are prevented from putting out their millet Even if an
aweement is reached. finreshing may still be time-consuming because fine
equipment is often old and breaks down: anyfining but minor repairs cannot be

done locally.

The decision to abandon handfinreshing in favor of finreshing by hired labor
can be linked directly to current patterns of labor migration While
machirnefinreshing most certainly eases fine physical burden for young men. finis
may be secondary to fine fact finat it gives individual households and fineir juniors
greater independence in chosing when and where to go on migration Money is
bound to introduce tension finose who pay fines for absenteeism feel finat it is a
higln price while finose who stay behind work harder and regret fineir reduced
earning potenfial. The move to machinefinreshing eliminates finis source of discord
in fine village and gives each household greater autonomy while also making it
bear fine cost alone. Villagers neverfineless were dissatisfied wifin finis new
dependence on outsiders and expressed a desire to own a communal finreshing

machine-tractor.

3) Intra-Household Collaboration.

Cultivation and harvest test fine prowess of fine household as a productive
unit. The importance of a healfiny labor force is reflected in fine benediction Ala
‘ Islan kiai mm m henna ma (”May Allan protect you against illness during fine
rainy season"). which is offered when someone receives millet after fine havest.
The benediction is as apt now as it was in fine past. paticulaly since fine
diminufion of mutual aid places greater stress on fine self-sufficiency of fine
household.

141

Men generally take household refuse to fine fields though households finat
own cows call on fineir women to help load and spread fine manure. Due to fine
climatic uncertainty nofining is sowed until fine first copious rains have fallen This
occurred around June 10fin in 1981 and around May 30fin in 1982.10
lslamisation has altered precultivation ritual and diminished fine central place fine
household head once had in it Rafiner finan making sacrifices at fine household
shrine (so lsfinh hali). most household heads now simply ask finat a chicken be
cooked or finat my.” be prepared and taken to the fields for the workers.
Alfinoudn fine day of fine week on which planting is to stat is given less
significance now. fine janigj sfill decides when cultivation is to begin and
executes fine first stroke of fine hoe.

All fields. except finose designated for fonio. ae ploughed prior to planting.
The labor requirements for fonio are limited; it is simply scattered. covered wifin
shallow strokes of fine hoe and it is not weeded Men and women collaborate
finroudnout fine cultivation period When millet. peanuts. and Banbaa groundnuts
are sowed a plougln tean (a man who guides fine plough and a woman. girl, or
young boy who leads fine oxen and urges finem on) prepaes fine ground while
fine remaining culfivators crop fine seed onto fine furrow and cover it wifin a
sweeping motion of fine foot Some households have two. or even finree.
ploughteams while some own no oxen and are finerefore compelled to hitch a
donkey to fine plough. Households which lack oxen but can spare one of fineir
juniors can trade' wifin a household which has oxen but is short on labor.

The millet fields receive fine most attention and ae weeded twica fine first
weeding is done wifin fine hoe when fine plants are about §1O cm high and ae
also finirnned out: fine second wifin fine plough, whereby workers who are not part
of .fine plougln team follow wifin a hoe to remove any remaining weeds between
plants and to free millet leaves which were covered wifin soil finrougn fine action
of fine plougln. Banbara groundnut and peanut fields are weeded only once wifin
fine hoe. The women of fine household frequently weed in fine peanut or
groundnut fields while fine men prepae fine rice field If a household is short on

142

labor it is finese fields finat are neglected rafiner finan fine millet fields One mm
summed up fine emphasis on fine millet fields in fine following way: ”millet
provides our to (i.e. fine basis of all meals). peanuts fine sauce; fine sauce is

secondary."

The cultivation period is marked by continuous activity. The men leave for
fine fields at dawn and return for breakfast only if fine field is close by.
ofinerwise bredtfast is taken to fine field by a child or by one of fine women In
contrast wifin fine agriculmral offseason. to is already prepared for breakfast. if at
all possible. to give more sustenance to fine cultivators. Wifin fine exception of
fine woman whose turn it is to cook. fine women go to fine field as soon as finey
have pounded millet and eaten breakfast. The woman who remains behind
prepares fine meal. serves fine retired members of fine household arnd finen goes
to fine field wifin fine food When she gets to fine field she first informs fine
W finat fine food has arrived' and joins fine ofiner workers. It is up to fine
W to decide when to begin fine middday break and to invite everyone to eat

The consumption of fine meal is followed by a short period of rest fine end
of which is. again. signalled by fine W. Only at fine time of fine mid-afternoon
prayer (animal is finere a longer break. Any leftover food or some deg: is
consumed at finis time. If drinking water is low. a woman may go home to fetch
anofiner pail and fine woman responsible for meal preparation returns home to
begin her work. The evening meal is frequenfiy light. consisting of fine millet
gruel (53:1) finat is usually served at noon during fine wy season. Households
which run out of millet during fine cultivating season purchase it wifin cash at fine
going rate or against repayment in kind after fine havest to feed cultivators
Where tensions run high. subunits wifinin fine household le.g. each brofiner and his
wife and children) may decide to fend for finemselves in providing fine daily
meals.

From fine time planting begins until all weeding is accomplished work
continues seven days a week from dawn until dusk. Surf; m are cultivated
wifin household labor whenever fine work can be fitted in Wifin fine focus on fine

143

fields. fine village seems deserted during fine day. Children who have not been
taken to fine fields play around fine village and are looked after by the elders
who are retired from cultivation. Old women cultivate fineir k5 kaflla if finey have
one. collect shea nuts. do cotton. and help fine younger women wifin domestic
tasks Old men work on fineir mats. weave. or attend to ofiner needs around fine
compound. In short. retirement is not synonymous wifin idleness or superfluity.
Children or elders release goats and sheep when fine herder is ready to take
finem to pasture. Neifiner men nor women attend fine weekly makets unless finere
is a pressing purchase to be made. The steady pace of activity is only
interrupted by social obligations connected wifin a nane-giving ceremony. a
wedding, or a deafin Aside from some conversation after fine evening meal finere
is Iitfie visiting among adults. except for young girls or particularly bachelors who
may chat into fine niglnt. Soon after fine last prayer call fine village falls silent. a
silence broken only by fine sound of playing children during a moonlit night.

Once one household has connpleted cultivation a kind of rivalry ensues
anong households to see who will finish next. At each evening meal note is
taten of finose who have followed suit. Juniors of households which have
finished often help kinsmen or friends who lag behind so finat finey too may
enjoy a brief period of rest before fine ha'vest begins

During fine millet harvest each household now also concentrates on its own
fields There is no global term for 'ha'vest’. instead. each crop is referred to
specifically (e.g. In finj m "to cut fonio”. In use 1195 ”to cut millet". etc). The
riperning of Banbara groundnuts W and peanuts may overlap wifin fine
ea’ly pa't of fine millet havest. Women often go out to dig up a basketful of
g'oundnuts for fine evening meal. which finen consists of nofining but boiled
groundnuts If fine entire groundnut field is to be harvested. fine men go to fine
field ea’ly in fine morning to begin unearfining finem wifin fine mg. a
straighfinandled. narrow-bladed hoe. The women follow and pull finem off fine
stalks into a basket or calabash Many households pile fine dug-up stalks under a
tree to allow women and men to sit in fine shade while pulling finem off fine

144

stalks. The sane labor pattern holds for peanuts; if fine millet harvest is already
underway retired women may help out to allow fine men to work in fine millet
fields in fine afternoon. Before fine bird invasions reached current levels peanuts

were unearfined before fine millet was cut but now fine millet is given priority.

Beginning at fine time of fine fonio harvest and continuing finroughout fine
millet havest many retired men and women spend a good part of fineir day
making certain finat stray goats and sheep do not get into fine millet fields. Elders
and household heads prepare for fine approaching millet havest by fabricating
baskets W out of specially collected grasses for transporting fine millet in
fine fields Tlney also make new granay bottoms and sides. if needed

One or more of fine men "break" (kg m fine millet stalks close to fine
ground so finat finey all face in fine sanne direction. This is done in fine evening
when work is winding down or early in fine morning before everyone arrives.
Men and women work side by side cutting millet cobs off fine stalks wifin a small
knife W. They leave finem along fine furrow or give ' finem to one of fine
juniorsorawomanoffinehouseholdwhoputsfineminabasketlmmland
caries finem to a designated area in fine field where finey are stacked Once fine
entire field has been havested fine millet pile is covered wifin finorns to prevent
animals from feeding on it Some women look for millet cobs finat have been
- passed over as finey transport fine millet or during fineir breaks and collect finem.
Millet gained in finis fashion becomes fineir personal property. Young children
often go on harvested fields to collect such passed-over millet (1115 alumni.
Many men disanprove . of women gafinering of: m suggesting finat it diverts
finem from fine task at hand or even makes finem pass over millet on purpose
while cutting This attitude betrays a fear finat women gain at fine expense of fine
Lamb; and seems to be more common in larger households Unless men oppose
it outrignt. many women collect in between tasks or during breaks.

Wifin fine current bird problem priority in cutting millet is given to fields
which birds a'e likely to pass first or which finey have already invaded People
attempt to drive finem away by shouting and making noise. Since birds often

145

setfie in trees from which finey swoop down on an area. fine millet under and
surrounding trees is usually cut first Some households 'break' more millet finan
finey can hope to cut in a single day because fine birds do less damage to millet
finat is lying down. If more finan one field is being invaded households often
divide fineir labor force to work in two fields simultaneously and drive fine birds

away.

Much as at fine end of cultivation. fine jaaflgi may assign a junior to help a
related household or else individual men may choose to aid fine household of a
friend This was fine only occasion when I observed a member of one household
provide a day‘s labor for fine future affines of one of his brofiners.

Households lacking in labor occasionally use migration earnings to hire a man
passing througn fine area in seach of work. The employment of wage laborers.
however. is rare. A more frequent practice is fine hosting of a guest. often a
kinsman or friend from a town. who stays for fine millet havest and is paid in
kind when fine hunt is completed. Unmaried girls who are released by fineir
natal household to work on fineir own account may join fine household of an
older maried sister. or a mofiner's sister. for fine harvest period Similarly. a
widow who has returned to her natal household can hire herself out to ofiner
households on a daily basis since she is not obligated to labor for fine mm
The standard payment in 1981 was one tutu full of unhusked millet for two full
days of work '

At fine and of fine havest fine active women of a household are entified to
one tiglnfiy packed tutu of millet in recognition of fineir pa'ticipation in agriculture.
During extremely poor was when fine survival of fine household until fine
following season is at state women are not rewa'ded in finis fashion It is up to
fine m to 'give' fine millet to fine women. a gesture which signifies finat fine
millet belongs to fine patriline and fine women are outsiders who are rewarded
for fineir labor. Similarly. once fine millet has been finreshed and winnowed. fine
mgi gives each active woman several baskets full of grain (from finree to five.

depending on fine harvest). known as fine W n15 ("millet for fine cook"). The

146
retired women each receive from one to two baskets.

4) Individual and Gender-Related Activity.

Agricultural activity is almost by definition collective. be it at fine level of fine
mm or fine Mom. [$5 13.118 or small patches of secondary crops cultivated
and appropriated by individual men or women are not very significant in terms of
eifiner fine time expended or fine product gained when compa'ed wifin fine
collective complex of activity. Moreover. crops such as okra. sweet potatoes. or
maize add variety to meals for all members of fine household

Non-ag’icultural productive activity aimed at provisioning is highly
gender-specific lts pace is determined by finose who execute it and it lacks fine
sense of urgency which cha'acterizes agriculture. it is by virtue of being a
woman finat a person pounds millet or collects shea nuts while anofiner weaves
or repairs a house by virtue of being a man At fine same time. finese activities
reenforce female and male gender identity. Gender-specific activities are viewed
in a simila' lignt as caste-specific activities: if Banbara women do not mend
calabashes like Kill: women or mate pots like blacksmifin women. it is not finat
finey could not lean how to do it but rafiner finat it is not fineir station in life to
pursue finese activities. Casted people are social inferiors so finat taking on fineir
tasks would mean lowering oneself to fineir level. Similarly. men could learn how
to pound millet or do cotton but do not do so because finese are fine tasks of
women who are fineir social inferiors Productive activities. finen. are concrete
manifestations of social hierachy which. however. does not preclude fineir being
considered complementa'y. In contrast wifin fine Norfin American adniration for
fine jack-of-all-trades. doing anyfining and everyfining is viewed as a M of
social inferiority rafiner finan a virtue. Only slaves or fineir publicly identified
descendants are 'free' to do anyfining.

As already indicated in connection wifin fine millet harvest. men collect fine
appropriate grass and make special ' baskets for transporting millet in fine fields.
Wifin a different grass finey weave finick. rectangular 'boards' (13am) which are

147

used to extend fine height of fine donkey cart when transporting millet from field
to finreshing ground Men are also responsible for fashioning and maintaining fine
granaries. Regardless of size. all granaries have a round. flat bottom wifin a low
rim. a barrel-shaped wall which is set into fine bottom. and a conical roof. Each
of finese components is made wifin grasses cut specifically for fine purpose. Each
granary is elevated on logs. dusted wifin insecticide. and plastered wifin mud
Once it has been filled it is covered wifin a gass top which is also plastered
wifin mud unless fine contents is for immediate consumption The roof is placed
on top. Each crop has its separate granary. If women obtain only litfie fonio or
millet. finey store it in an ea'finenware ja' purchased from a blacksmifin woman; if
finey acquire larger amounts. fineir husband is obligated to make q'ana'ies for
finem on request. In households where fine positions of household head and
W are occupied by two different persons. fine former frequenfiy mates fine
new granay. if needed. while fine havest is in progress Grana'ies. like houses.
also need replastering if age and rain have caused danage; finese repairs ae
generally done at fine time fine granay is refilled

Rope needed for various purposes. especially for tying up animals. is
manufactured by men. The raw material is gained from fine bark of fine baobw
Mania dignatal or. more frequenfiy. fine rind from branches of fine ma bush.
Men are also responsible for bringing home grass or leaves for fineir horse or a
sheep finey have tied up to fatten. During fine dry season finey must give water
to fine ploudn oxen Since oxen are generally taken care of by one herder men

from fine households involved water finem on a rotating basis

Some time between harvest and planting. men have to make any necesay
building repairs or engage in house construction The labor involved in house
repairs depends on fine danage done by fine rains and by termites. Before fine
onset of fine rainy season fine roofs are checked for potential leaks and. if
necessary. newly replastered The exterior walls are also replastered from time
to time. If a roof starts leaking during a rain. it is repaired as soon as fine rain

ceases. Unma'ried youfins repair fineir own houses. husbands are responsible for

148

fineir wives' houses. and sons must maintain and repair fine houses of elderly

parents.

House construction and repair are considered comparable to women's food
preparation activities By fine time a young man reaches fine age of 20-25 years.
he stops shaing a house wifin his age mates and moves into one of his own.
This means building a new house lest finere is an unoccupied house in fine
compound A preferred period for making mud bricks is fine interval between
fonio and millet ha'vest when fine water holes have not yet died up. Bricks are
currenfiy made wifin fine aid of a metal mold: prior to its introduction fine mud
was shaped by hand and put on layer by layer. each layer having to dry before
finenextonecouldbeadded Amanwhohasfinenecessaycashcanhirefine
1m to make bricks for him. During construction pg: 53 kinsmen and age mates
often come to help. Construction is directed by a man considered
knowledgeable. sometimes referred to by fine French term "macon". Unless finis
happens to be a friend who awees to a special arrangement. fine fee for building
a house wifin one interior partition was lOOOOllll= in 1981/82; a more eltorate
version wifin two partitions cost lSOOOMF. The wood and straw for fine roof is
obtained in fine bush and cemented over wifin mud. The walls of fine house are
plastered wifin a fermented mud mixture inside and out. To make fine interior
more pleasing to fine eye. some men hire a laborer to replaster fine walls wifin a
sand mixture: given fine sandy soil in fine area. the sand is simply collected on

one of fine roads

Putting in fine floor of a house is a woman's task Instead of simply using a
fermented mud mixture. some women make fine mud more cement-like by adding
sifted sand This helps even out fine floor and makes it easier to sweep. lf fine
mofiner of a youfin building his own house is elderly. one of fine younger women
of fine household puts in fine floor in her place. Women also periodically redo
fine floor of fineir own house.

While women and men consider house construction and repair to be

compaable to women's responsibility for food preparation. it is neverfineless

149

much more focused in time. Tasks connected wifin food processing and
preparation constitute fine most ubiquitous and time-consuming complex of
women's non-agricultural activities. Though food preparation as a general
category is defined as 'women's work'. its dynamics cannot be understood
wifinout a disaggregation of women and fineir relationship to different levels of
production

At fine level of fine household. it is ma'ried women of childbea'ing age who
ae responsible for processing foodstuffs and prepaing fine daily meals. Every
bride brings her own utensils. from fine mod: for pounding millet to fine
caltnashes and food bowls: fine household W is only obligated to provide a
large iron cooking pot. Women's retirement from food prepaation generally
pasllels fineir retirement from agriculture and is also tied to fine availability of a
'Ianor force'. i.e. fine presence of younger women who can cary on12 In
households built aound fine nuclea' unit. a woman cannot retire until her eldest
son maries. Unmaried girls do not We household cooking responsibilities.
finoudn finey generally help fineir mofiners wifin food processing; girls who are old
enoufin. i.e. strong enoudn to do fine requisite pounding. may at times substitute
for fineir mofiners in processing In small households. an unmarried girl may
actually cook in place of her mofiner. Visiting female relatives or a widow who
has returned home help wifin food processing but a'e under no obligation to
cook. In sum. it is married women of reproductive age and active in mm

agriculture who bear fine primary responsibility for food prepaation

Women have no access to fine household granaies They receive fine millet
and any ofiner ingredients for fine daily meals from fine household head or his
representative In extended households fine millet for fine daily meals is stored in
finehouseoffineelderwomanorfinewomen'sjaafigiandeachwomancomesto
herforfineportionsheistopoundonagivenday. Thewomanwhoseturnitis
to cook is not required to participate in pounding millet. rice. or fonio. but must
fill fine water jars. wash fine pots and utensils. and locate all household members
to inform finem when fine meal is ready. Women generally cook for two

150

consecutive days on a rotating basis. The senior woman sees to it finat all

women fulfill fineir obligation.

In addition to fine daily routine of food processing and preparation finere are
related activities which are more limited in time. One of finese is fine processing
of baobab leaves which form fine basis of fine sauce. When fine leaves are in
abundance in late september one of fine man goes out wifin a donkey cart. cuts
some branches and brings finem home. Women or young girls bring home
smaller anounts. The women strip fine leaves off fine branches. divide finem
anongsteachofiner.andspreadfinemouttodry. Eachwomanpoundsherown
supply and sifts it until it is a fine powder. finen stores it away to use as needed

finrouglnout fine year.

The preparation of Lg requires potash which must be provided by each
woman. This involves going out after fine millet harvest to cut millet stalks
before animals or termites do too much damage. to burn finem. and to bring fine
ashes home. ‘

The oil used to fry fish. meat. or chicken also must be furnished by fine
woman who prepares fine food The local oil is extracted from fine shea nut (ail
in a long and laborious process Shea trees W WW)
grow wild and are relatively abundant in Sana in contrast wifin neighboring Kala
where finey give way to fine ham. Shea nuts ripen during fine rainy season so
finat women have to use fineir midday break or fine hours from dawn until
breakfast to collect fine nuts finat have fallen to fine ground During was of
abundance women may even spend fine better part of a moonlit night gafinering
In poor years some women try to speed collection by tating sticks and beefing
fine fruits of fine tree: finis practice violates fine principle of giving everyone a fair
chance and finere are taboos against it The flesh of ripe shea nuts can be eaten
but fine pit is saved and each woman stores all she can collect in round holes
(kng any). specially dug for the purpose in fine village. Only after work in fine
fields slows down or ceases do women bring out fineir nuts and roast finem in a

mudbrick oven The shell is removed after finey are completely dry. cracked wifin

151

a flat stone if necesary. and the core is pounded to extract fine oil. A woman
invites female members of fine household and/or friends to join in fine pounding.
During years when shea trees produce in abundance groups of women process
fineir nuts togefiner by bringing fineir mortars into fine 11m. The pounded mass is
strained and boiled until all of fine oil rises to fine top. After fine oil cools it is
shaped into rounds fine size of a tennis ball and a number of finese are wrapped.
often by a man for his wife. into large leaves to form a bundle. tied. and stored
away. Ideally. a woman should give a calabash full of oil to her husband and one
ball of fine ha'dened oil to fine household head as well as to fine ofiner heads of
household in fine village. It is intended to express her respect and to obtain fine
blessings of fine men. This rule is modified during poor was to apply only to
mm and household head. I was unable to observe if fine rule is still widely
respected during good years because fine shea Ina'vest was poor in 1981 and
promised to be poor again in 1982

Finally. each woman is responsible for her own supply of firewood An axe
is one of fine utensils a bride brings when she gets married. The bulk of fine
firewood is cut after fine millet has been put into fine granaries. finougln women
often return home wifin a few pieces of wood during the harvest season already.
Up to the present finere is no real shortage of firewood in Sana but women do
have to go farfiner and farfiner from fine village to obtain fineir supply. Since
Malian independence men have been coming to fine villages to cut wood for a
fee.13 Laborers find a host who provides them with a place to sleep and an
evening meal; in exchange. he works for fine host one day each week. A woman
who hires him to cut wood for her must provide him wifin breakfast and Iurnch.
Women generally accompany fine woodcutter to collect and stack fine wood so
finat he can spend all of his time cutting Not all women took advantage of fine
availasle laborers in 1982 but finose who did hired one man a minimum of one
and a maximum of finree days. The women who cut all of fineir wood finemselves
stated that. had finey hired a laborer, finey would have had to pay him wifin fineir
own money: some of fine women who did contract wifin a laborer paid him

finemselves while ofiners had a husband who assumed fine fees for one or two

152

days' cutting Most of fine wood is now taken home on fine donkey cart by one
of fine household juniors or fine woman's husband. but some is still ca’ried home
by fine women finemselves Each woman has a space in fine compound where she
stacks her wood and uses it as fine need arises. To use arnofiner woman's wood

wifinout permission is tantamount to provoking a quarrel.

Men repair fineir own clofines but women must do fine washing For finis.
finey a'e obligated to provide fine soap unless a labor migrant purchases soap for
his mofiner or young wife in town. Most women make fineir own soap.
preferably from shea oil. When fine shea harvest is poor ofiner plant products
le.cm§nkimefruitorxmameamorm§mfinefrunorm
mm ae substituted The manufacture of yet anofiner type of soap. m
made wifin fine ashes of millet stalks (5595) used to be confined to old women.
A taboo. which is no longer widely respected. prevented younger women from
boiling km The developing disregad for it cannot simply be attributed to a
lessening of 'old values' but nnust be viewed in fine context of expanding
connmodity relations. to be discussed in fine next chapter.

153
Conclusion

The preceding discussion of fine provisioning process was intended to show
finat 'fine economy' is not a distinct sphere which is set off in time and space.
Conseqsenfiy. there is no sepaation between 'home' and 'work' or between 'Iove'
and 'money' governed by different moral principles. Rafiner. a single moral order

prevails which upholds obligations corresponding wifin personal status

Efinnic and gender identity a'e shaped in fine productive process A child may
be born of Banbara parents. but it only becomes Bambara if it grows up in a
We environment. ”It is fine social milieu which makes a Bambara Banbara and
a Bozo Bozo." people say. Embedded in finis statement is fine idea finat Banbara
relate to space differently finan fine Bozo and finat finey observe different
collective rhyfinms, wifin all finis implies for the emerging Self. Since finis Self is a
gendered Self fine productive process has different implications for men and
women“ Children are socialised tlnrough activities which tradition defines as
masculine or feminine and fineir execution becomes a reaffirmation of finat
identity. Such gender-specific tasks are cha'acterised by notions of
complementaity. By contrast. notions of gender and hierarchy ae closely linked
in agricultural activity where fine division of labor by gender is minimal. Alfinough
women work alongside fine men during cultivation and harvest. finey are defined
as strangers wifinin fine kin group but are obligated to participate- by virtue of
fineir position as wives Their contribution entitles finem to a reward in kind in
addition to daily sustenance. For women and men. position in fine productive

process is also defined by relative age

The diminution of mutual aid and. to a lesser extent no labor. confirms
Bernstein's (1979) assessment finat

...fine destruction of fine reproduction cycle of natural economy
gives way to a different ocess of social reproduction in which
fine social reproduction o households takes place increasi ly on
an indinudual basis finrough fine relations of connmodity pro 'on
and exchange lp. 424).

Household fission. finough facilitated by private accumulation. becomes more

154

precarious as households have to rely increasingly on intra-household labor and

on equipment obtained finrough fine commodity nexus.

The focus on provisioning as a means of showing how it structures relations
wifinin fine village community was an analytical device. It was not meant to
suggest finat structures and processes in fine community are independent of fine
wider world Given contemporary circumstances. any interpretation which focuses
only on fine world of fine village misconstrues reality. It is finerefore necessay to
turn to fine next chapter for a more complete analysis.

155
N911:

1 Usurpation of headnnanship is not uncommon. Two of fine villages wifin
which I was fanilia' had mm who were not fine rightful heirs to fine office.
The archives reported about a fraternal dispute over fine headmanship in a finird

village.

2 This sequence was followed for providing my food during fieldwork.
After one or two rotations fine order was called into question by one household
headwhoargsedfinatheshouldberankedaheadofoneoffineofiners. The
challenge was accepted because fine man who had replaced his brofiner as
household head was younger finan fine challenger.

3 In general usage jutigj means "host". Its literal translation would be
"keeper of fine shadow”.

4Thishanpenedwifinhouseholdsno.8andno. 18. Theformerhad
borrowedafieldfromfinelatterafterfinedeafinoffinehouseholdw Now
finat fine child'en of no. 18 are older and ready to cultivate a lager strface finey
requested it back but were refused The case was not resolved at fine fime I
left fine village.

5 A household head told me of his attempt to borrow a field which had lain
fallow for two to finree was from someone in a neighboring village. He was
refused. even finoudn fine 'owner' had himself borrowed it from fine Kuabugu
Wandhedfailedtogiveittpwhenasked.

Baghasnomeaninginandofitself.finougnitmaybederivedfromgjyg,
"labor“. Aside from its use in greeting. a laborer. it means "finank you" in
everyday usage when it may be reenforced by adding 1 mi N.

7 Kuanugu networks were as follows: households 1. 2. 8t 14. finougln 14
talked anout breaking away: 8. 9. & 10:5. 6. 8t 18; 12. 15. 16. & 17:3 8t 4;
houselnolds 7. 13. 8t 14 were not part of any network despite fine fact finat fine

156

heads of 13 and 14 were kinsmen.

8 During poor was or for smaller households it is 11 calabashes. One of
fine baskets or calabashes is for fine uncircumcised boys. fine ofiners are divided
anong fine categories listed in fine following proportions: 3-3-1-1-1-1. How
high fine baskets/calabashes are filled varies between households Also. during
good yeas. households can choose to add some. Finally. how much each woman

receives depends on fine nunber of women who share in fine reward

9 Just how difficult a process finis can be was evident in 1981. Threshing
took a long time and involved several entrepreneurs because individual households
could not come to an agreement. Peasants frequenfiy aimed to finresln for fine
sane or a lower price finan fine previous yea' even finougln gasoline costs had
increased considerably. The entrepreneurs. on fine ofiner hand. want to make a
profit They are generally employees of parastatals wifin access to a tractor or
members of merchant fanilies who have invested in a tractor. The millet finey
ean is for personal consumption and for commercialisation on fine parallel
maket. -- One way to avoid fine problems encountered in 1981 would be for
fine village headman to come to an agreement wifin an entrepreneur and finen for
all fine ofiner households to finresh in sequence. This was not done in 1981
because. following a dispute which had ensued in 1980. he did not want to

impose himself.

10 Some households may decide to sow fonio after an earlier. liglnter rain
but finis is risky because fine seed may dry up before fine next rain arrives

11 A type of pastry made wifin millet flour and water.

12 In one instance. a woman who had been retired from agriculture was not
retired from food preparation because her retirement would have left a single
woman processing grain and preparing meals for 12 adults and 3 children She
was scheduled .to be retired as soon as fine wedding of one of fine juniors

would bring anofiner woman into fine household

157

13 A young man and an elderly man came to Kuabugu in 1982. In 1981 l
was new to fine village and consequently unaware of fine presence of any

laborers.

14 Michelle Rosaldo (1980) has explored finis in her study of llongot
personhood.

158

TABLE 1. HOUSEHOLD COMPOSITION AT THE BEGINNING OF THE
1981 RAINY SEASON

No. 1 --Fafiner. mofiner: 2 sons. fineir 2 wives. and 5 grandchildren 4 active

in cultivation»

No. 2 --2 brothers. fineir 3 wives. and 11 children: sister's daughter (of one
of fine wives). 8 1/2 active l1/2 = part time).

No. 3 --Man and his bride (Sinai. but not wedding, had been held): fine
widow of his deceased elder brother (now ma'ried to fine younger brofiner in no.
2) and her 6 unmarried children 7 active.

No. 4 --2 brofiners. fineir 2 wives. and 4 unmarried children. 4 active.

No. 5 --Widower (who had a 'visiting wife' in a nearby village): brofiner's
son. his wife. and 2 unmaried children; BrDau's son, taken in as an infant after
his mofiner died. 3 active.

No. 6 --Fafiner. his second wife. her 2 unmarried children: children of first
wife: 2 unmarried sons. 1 unmaried daughter. 1 married son wifin 1 wife and

her son. 5 active.

No. 7 --Widowed mother; her 2 sons. their 3 wives. and 8 children; one
daughter who had returned home after husband's deafin during dry season. 7

active.

No. 8 --Widowed mofiner; her 3 sons. fineir 6 wives. and 11 children 9
active.

No. 9 --2 brothers. fineir 4 wives. and 9 children: 1 adoptive dauglnter
(adopted by a barren wife). 9 active

No. 10 --2 brofiners. fineir 2 wives. and 6 children: (a finird brofiner with
wife and 1 child remained in Bamako during rainy season). 4 active. (The women

in finis household do not cultivate.)

159

No. 11 --Father. mofiner; son. his wife. and 2 children; 2 unmarried sons. 1

unmarried daughter. 5 active.

No. 12 --3 brofiners (same mother). fineir 7 wives. and 18 children: 1
married daughter’s daughter; father's brother' son. his 2 wives. fineir 6 children.
and 2 adoptive daughters (each wife received a girl following deafin of a sister).

19 active.

No. 13 --Man. 1 wife; deceased brofiner‘s unmarried daughter: sister's
unmarried son (born prior to her marriage). 4 active.

No. 14 --Man. 2 wives. 6 children. 3 active.

No. 15 --Widowed mofiner; son. his wife. 1 child; 3 unmarried sons: 2 sons
of deceased co-wife. fineir 2 wives. and 2 children: 1 urnmarried son of
deceased co-wife: husband's brofiner’s son. his wife: husband's brofiner’s 2
unmarried daughters. 13 active.

No. 16 --Man. his wife. fineir 2 unmarried sons; brofiner’s widow, her
married son. his wife. and 3 children + 1 urnmarried son: widow of brofiner
(different mofiner). her 2 unmaried sons; widow of brother (different mofiner). her
3 unmarried sons (1 unmarried son remained in Bamako during rainy season). 7

active.

No. 17 --Man. his first wife: fineir son. his wife. and 2 children; fineir
unmarried son; 3 children of deceased second wife: 1 adoptive daughter. 6
active.

No. 18 --Widow. her 5 unmarried children. 4 active.

IDesignated as active are only finose who have entered fine household labor

force. Children who urge on the oxen intermittenfiy are not counted

160

TABLE 2. DEMOGRAPHIC CHANGES IN EACH HOUSEHOLD BETWEEN
JANUARY 1980 AND MAY 1982

No. 1 --J'80: 11 persons: 1 birtln. 1 deafin; + 1 wife: M82: 12 persons.

No. 2 --J‘80: 16 persons; 4 birfins. 2 deafins: M82: 18 persons.

No. 3 --J’80: 9 persons; 1 deafin; M82: 8 persons. (Bride. whose sing;
was held. joined household during 1980 and 1981 rainy season; she was to join
permanenfiy following 1982 rainy season wedding)

No. 4 --J'80: 8 persons: 1 birfin. 1 deafin; M82: 8 persons

No. 5 --J'80: 7 persons: 1 birfin. 3 deaths: M82: 5 persons.

No. 6 --J'80: 12 persons; 1 birth, 4 deafins: M82 9 persons

No. 7 --J'80: 15 persons: 1 birfin. 5 deafins: + 1 wife with child: M82: 13
persons.

No. 8 --J'80: 19 persons; 3 birfins. 2 deafins: 1 daughter maried out: M82:
19 persons

No. 9 --J‘80: 16 persons: 2 births. 2 deafins: + 1 wife; M82: 17' persons
No. 10 --J'80: 14 persons; 2 birfins. 2 deafi'ns: + 1 wife: M82: 15 persons
No. 11 --J'80: 9 persons: 1 birfin: 10 persons

No. 12 --J'80: 41 persons: 3 birfins. 7 deafins; 1 widow left. took 2
children wifin her; 1 adoptive daughter married out: M82: 33 persons.

No. 13 --J80: 5 persons: 1 death: M82: 4 persons

No. 14 --J'80: 7 persons: 2 birfins. 1 deafin: M82: 8 persons

No. 15 --J‘80: 19 persons; 3 birfins. 1 death; M82: 21 persons. (Sing: was
held for bride of one brofiner and she spent 1981 rainy season: was to join
household permanently after wedding in 1982.)

No. 16 --J‘80: 18 persons; 1 birfin. 2 deafins: M82: 17 persons. (Sinai was
held in 1980 for bride of one brofiner: she spent finat rainy season but not 1981
rainy season: was to join household permanently after wedding in 1982 Brofiner
who had been on migration in Banako for 2 consecutive years was expected to
return for 1982 rainy season)

No. 17 --J'80: 12 persons: 1 birfin. 1 deafin: M82: 12 persons.

No. 18 --J'80: 6 persons; no change; M82: 6 persons

CHAPTER VI
PRODUCTIVE ACTIVITY AM) THE WORLD OF COMMODITIES

This chapter seeks to expand fine perspective of fine previous one by taking
a closer look at fine consequences of Sana's subsumption into fine canitalist world
system It begins by locating Sana wifinin fine Malian nation-state and by providing
a synopsis of post-Independence political developments in relationship to fine
rural sector. The major part of fine chanter focuses on fine satisfaction of needs
finroudn involvement in fine comodity nexus bofin at fine level of fine houselnold
and fine individual. This activity is guided by fine maxim Hi In minim
35:5 (“you don't obtain anyfining wifinout getting tired”). Alfinougn a households or
a person's prosperity are ultimately thought to be fine work of Allan. fine maxim
makesitclearfinatwomenandmenmusttateanactivepatinit.

EsasansndtbsMaliaJNatimzsms

To most outsiders. Sana is simply known. as fine "arrondissement de
Sansanding”. a subunit of Segu cercle norfin of fine Niger river. Segu cercle. in
turn. is subsumed by fine "region de Segu" which is fine fou'fin of Mali's seven
regions. The state is represented in Sinsanni by fine ”chef d'arrondissement" who
is still referred to as fine 'commandant" by fine local population. much as during
colonial times Any disputes which arise and cannot be resolved finrougln
negotiation can be brouglnt before fine met mm or fine regional
court in Segu This potential intervention of fine state may influence fine actions
of fine patios involved but of more far-reaching significance is fine place Sana is
seen to hold wifin respect to fine rest of fine nation

The 'decentering’ of Sana is a process which was shown to have begun
during fine colonial period and which has altered people's conceptualization of

Sana's relationship wifin fine world beyond fine province. Everyone now is keenly

161

162

aware finat a part of what is deemed necessary for fine continuation of material
and social life cannot be obtained wifinin Sana Rather finan focusing inward. most
people look outside of Sana for supplementing local resources. For labor
migrants direcfiy and for ofiners vicariously fine 'outside world. be it Segu.
Bannako. or Abidjan. becomes an integral part of assumptions. strategies. and
actions. In short. Sana is no longer viewed as a self-sufficient social world nor
is action predicated on such a notion People do not require a finorough
understanding of politico-economic forces to know finat fineir area is
impoverislned and to situate Mali wifin respect to ofiner West African countries or
to Europe. The marginality of Sana wifinin fine Malian nation-state is symbolized
by fine only major road which traverses Sana on a west-east axis: if it exists at
all. it is because it provides access to fine irrigated rice schemes of fine Office
du Niger aound Kolongo-Kokri-KB Macina. Stretches of fine road are covered
wifin deep holes and finick layers of dust so finat vehicles now often follow a
bush road to bypass it: finese sane sections become virtually impassible during
fine rainy season The last time any repairs were affected. one head of
household commented. was when fine President of fine Reptblic. Moussa Traore.
had gone on a visit of fine Office du Niger in fine 1970s

Moussa Traore and his party. fine UOPM (Union Oémocratique du Peuple
Malian). were preceded by Modibo Keita and fine US-ROA (Union Soudanais -
Rassemblement Democratique Africaine). The US-ROA emerged as fine only party
in fine struggle for independencs lt opted for independence in federation wifin
Senegal and its leaders supported a strong federal government in contrast wifin
fine Senegalese leaders who favored greater autonomy for each territory. In spite
of unsettled differences. fine ”Mali Federation“ gained independence from France
on June 20. 1960 but broke apa't two monfins later. The hostilities surrounding
fine breakup led Modibo Keita. fine new president of fine ”Republic of Mali", to cut
all communication wifin Senegal (Foltz. 1965). This move halted all imports and
exports via fine Bamako-Daka' railline until reconciliation in September 1963.

163

The Keita government wanted to bring about a socialist transformation. In
accordance wifin finis aim it sought to decolonise fine Malian economy and
strengfinen agriculture. lt established a state trading network in order to compete
wifin French firms and successfully attracted foreign aid from Western and
Eastern bloc countries. A hierarchically organized cooperative system was to
facilitate fine improvement of fine productive forces and fine reorganisation of
agicultural production along socialist lines The effort ultimately failed for various
reasons. including an idealisation of traditional village structures. low producer
prices. and fine inability of rural cooperatives to retain profits from commercial
venttres (Ernst. 1973). According to Bingen (1983) food crop production
stagnated or decreased. and fine peasants buying power declined as crop prices
fell and fine price of agricultural equipment and consumer goods rose: the
government trade network lost out to private traders in bofin attracting fine
maketed food crops and in making available consumer goods in fine rural aeas
Paty militants harassed peasants about selling food crops and in 1967 even
confiscated g'ain stores: when fineir activity began to finreaten fine army. a group
of young officers staged a m m in 1968 and put Mussa Traore in power
as fine new president

The Traore government adopted a pragmatic political ideology wifinout
substantially altering many US-RDA economic and foreign policies. It continued to
require. for example, finat all food grains be sold to fine government marketing
monopoly OPAM; finis policy was only relaxed in 1982 under pressure from fine
INF and Western donor countries. It strengfinened ties wifin Western donors
while maintaining links wifin socialist countries Rural development strategy
concentrated on agitation: d3 Moment. rural development prograns which
focused on fine production of specific commodities wifinin circumscribed
geographic regions Initially finey provided only technical services but finen
expanded to include literacy prograns and healfin care. They becane favorite
conduits of foreign aid. to fine point where some (eg Dembele, 1981) argue
that finey have increased fine dependence of Malian agriculture. Though formally
under the Ministry of Rural Development. these opinions d: dilemma:

164

enjoy financial and administrative autonomy in implementing fineir programs (Kebe.
1981).. They are conceived as short-term structures which are to turn over
power to smallholder groups as finese gain technical expertise. However. bofin
fine lack of a timeframe and the benefits finey provide to .fineir personnel as a
result of fine independent financing militate against such a transition (Bingen.
1983). Their management of production and trade expands state control over fine
peasantry and fine bureaucracy itself takes on some of fine chaacteristics of a
social class (Meillassoux. 1970).

Throughout fine decade of fine 1970s and into fine 1980s fine situation of fine
peasanfi'y has steadily deteriorated. This is due only in part to fine drought
conditions which have prevailed during most of finese years Between 1967 and
1977 agricultural equipment prices have increased by an average 30.96% anrnually
while producer prices increased only 0.2% on average. Basic consumer goods
have risen as well. According to one estimate (cited by Kebe. 1981). a peasant
had to produce 92.3% more millet or sorghun in 1978 in order to maintain fine
1962-63 level of suga consumption: finis is calculated at Banako prices which
are generally lower finan finose in fine rural areas. Much as during fine Keita years
fine SOMIEX (Société Malienne d'lmportation et d'Exportation) has been unable to
supply fine rural areas at reasonable prices. The Party and fine Government
neverfineless continue to emphasize fineir commitment to improving and increasing
bofin food production and fine production - distribution of consumer goods (e.g.
L'Essor 14-7-1981 and 4-1-1982).

How do Sana. peasants see fineir relationship to fine State in view of
post-Independence developments? Their attitude is best summed up in fine
response I received when I asked what finey expected from fine State. The
respondernts were several young men who had spent a number of yeas moving
between Sana and urban aeas in Mali and Ivory Coast Their answer was not a
shopping list of needs but purely and simply fine desire not to receive excessive
and untimely demands. adding finat “if fine skin of a drum is stretched too tighfiy
it breats". These feelings go back to fine Keita period. Negative reactions focus

165

on fine imposition of a collective field and fine requirement to provide labor for
construction projects which finey felt were of no benefit to finem. The institution
of OPAM survived fine Keita government and was no more popular in 1981 than
in 1968. Twice Kuabugans resisted millet deliveries to OPAM because fine .
demand was considered excessive. During fine Keita period fine village council
was jailed for such resistance in Markala until ofiner household heads obtained
fineir release: more recently all household heads had to spend fine night in
Sinsanni as punishment Ofiner issues. such as disputes wifin fine local school.
have led to confrontations between individual villagers and representatives of fine
stats The result is a sense of powerlessness and passive or isolated resistance.
The inability to revolt is attributed to disunity anong Sana villages on one hand
and fineir lack of arms on fine ofiner. The latter reflects a perception of fine state
as a structure finat has fine means and fine willingness to back its demands wifin
force: but fine implications of fine insistence on fine former - often couched in
terms of jabs ("betrayal") - are more serious: finey point not only to mistrust
rooted in history but also to a differentiation of interests linked to contemporary

developments

Most Sana Banbaa peasaits have also not reaped fine benefits of
”corrprehensive” rural development which fineir involvement wifin ijntjgn 81'; is
supposed to entail. Those responsible for animation male are located in Sinsanni
and confine fineir activities - which are often inactivity - largely to finat town
Even finere. fineir life style sets finem spat from ofiner residents and discourages
mutual trust and cooperation During fine ealy yeas of fine progran some village
women received healfin education in Sinsanni but finere has been no attempt to
follow up and reinforce finis training The maternity is small so finat women from
fine surrounding villages resort to it only when a birfin promises to be
complicated. The literacy program has collapsed One reason seems to have
been fine practice of teaching all men togefiner rafiner finan separating finem into at
least broad age categories: it proved embarrassing for elders to share fine role
of student wifin fineir juniors. What remains finen is finat aspect of rural
development which tries to capture fine productivity of the peasant for fine

166

benefit of fine state wifinout allowing fine peasant to gain greater control over his

(or her) own destiny.
humanities and the bausshgld

Household heads cite taxes. marriage expenses (to be discussed in the next
chapter). and agicultural equipment as fine finree major expenditures which require
cash revenue. The order in which they are cited gives an indication of fine
priority assigned to each. The requirement to pay taxes is considered to be
inevitable since it is potentially backed by force. Taxes as due during fine
monfins following fine havest and can be paid eifiner by fine individual household
or by fine village as a collectivity. Each household receives a sheet (5m max)
wifin a tax breakdown and fine village chief receives a summary assessment for
fine village. Taxes are assessed on all persons over fine age of 14. excepting
mofiners of five or more children. on shotguns. and on domestic animals Tax
rates vay between different aeas of Mali. 1982 rates in Sana were as follows:
4125 NF per person. 1600 MP per horse. 500 NF per cow. 200 MP per
donkey. and 100 NIF per goat or sheep. The Kuabugu household wifin fine lowest
assessment payed approximately 10000MF. fine one wifin fine highest slightly over
100000MF. These figures are based on reported birfins and deafins and on an
informal census carried out by fine ghgf W1 In addition to finis
once-yearly payment smaller sums. which are designated for different purposes.
have to be paid at varying times finroughout fine year. These requests ae
hand-delivered to fine village chief who finen has to collect a share from eacln
household. The .shae of each household is generally determined on fine basis of
household members active in cultivation: when fine millet finreshing m was still
active fine funds could be taken _from accumulated fines. Any such requests are
now direct cash oufiays for which fine household head is responsible.

Basic agricultural equipment consists of hoes (dab; and falg), machete (base).
sichle. knives for cutting millet (kamasul. and small calabashes for sowing millet.
The more cosfiy equipment which differentiates households comprises plough.

plougln oxen. donkey. and two-wheel cart. Two-wheel carts are currently

167

outfitted wifin rubber tires which require repair or replacement from time to time.
In early 1982 a used cart could be purchased for 37500MF, fine equivalent of
300 kg of millet if sold locally at about fine same time. The cats are utilised for
fine transport of goods as fine need aises. be it seed and equipment. harvested
millet. hay. or wood: finey are also used on maket day and for fine transport of
sick people. The poorest households do not own a cat and depend on relatives
or neiglnbors for help. Oxen as no longer used for transport and were. even in
fine past. only owned by wealfinier households Cats are drawn by donkeys.
eifiner one or two. Female donkeys could be purchased for as little as 12500MF
but as less enduring finan male donkeys which could cost as much as 55000MF.
Donkeys require no special maintenance and ae allowed to forage: some female
donkeys in fact go astray but male donkeys are more closely watched. often by
a child. and ae brouglnt into fine compound and tefinered at night. Some men use
donkeys as a means of transportation

The plouyn has been almost universally adopted in Sana. All Kubugu
households cultivated wifin a plough and used hoes only for some of fine weeding
and for planting fonio. All millet. peanut. and Banbaa groundnut fields were
plougned prior to sowing and fine millet fields were also weeded wifin fine plough
The cost of a ploudn varied between approximately 15000 and 25000MF
depending on fine type used Maintenance and repairs. which can be quite costly
(one household cited repair costs of 6700MF for 1981). are done by local
blacksmifins who as paid in cash or kind The Kuabugu blacksmifin was from
Soalebugu and spent pat of fine dry season in fine village to do necessay
repairs. Only one household. originally from a neiglnboring village. had a
jajmani-type of relationship wifin its blacksmifin. Two out of fine 18 Kuabugu
households ploughed wifin a donkey. They had not been able to accurnlate fine
cash to purchase draught animals and also lacked fine social ties and fine extra
cultivators to make a loan arrangement. An untrained ox cost' 50000-60000Nl=
but a mature trained animal could cost IOOOOOMF or more. Since households do
not usually buy two animals at once. finey purchase an untrained animal and use it
togefiner wifin a mature one: prior to fine rainy season it is put finrough regular

168

training sessions to get used to a nose ring and to drawing a weight. It is
preferable to own finree oxen so finat one can rest while fine ofiners draw fine
plough because animals are often weak. especially at fine beginning of fins
cultivating season. due to a lack of food during tlne long dry season. Some
households own two teans of oxen and two ploughs which not only permits
finsm to cultivate all of fineir fields but also to keep finsm free of weeds.
Households wifinout oxen or wifin only one but wifin kin or affines who have a
hard can often make an arrangement whereby finey as given a young animal to
train: or. a household which can spas a cultivator can arrange to have one of its
adolescents or young men cultivate for a household wifin enough animals in
exchange for fine use of an animal or two. Sometimes a m owns an
animal which is finen used in mm cultivation

During fine 1981 dry season young boys watched fine draught oxen but
during fine 1982 dry season fine village hired a herder who was paid per animal.
a combination of millet and cash He had a host in fine village and took fine oxen
out in fine morning, finen returned in fine ealy afternoon to have finsm watered.
and brougnt finem back again for fine niglnt at dusk. Orauglnt oxen are not sent
on transhumance wifin fine cows because. villagers say. it tires finem out too
much The fea finat an animal might get lost or stolen may also play a role in
fine decision to keep finem close to fine village.

Chemical fertilizer is used only intermittently and only on selected fields
Household heads contend finat fertilizer must be used wifin cas so as not to
danage fine young plants when rains as inadequate. but are interested in
purchasing it to offset fins scacity of cow manure and fine inability to leave
fields in fallow for any Isngfin of time. if at all. m are given preference
when distributing any available manure including household refuse. Chemical
fertilizer is difficult to obain Its distribution is controlled primarily by fine
SCAER. (Service du Cre’dit Agricole st de I'Equipennent Rural) which sells it at
its branch in Segu. 62 km away.2 Approximately 90% of fertilizer and equipment
sold by fine S.C.AE.R. goes to cultivators who participate in one of fine

169

Mus. fine remainder is available to ofinsr peasants who are required to pay
cash (Kebe. 1981).

Finally. households which have not retained enough seed or wish to plant a
crop finey did not cultivate fins previous year must purchase fine required seed
The janigi always selects millet seed immediately after fins havest. has it
prepasd by fine women. and stores it in his house or finat of fine household
head The seed for fonio. sorghum. peanuts. and Banbaa groundnuts is simply
takern from fine respective aanaies at planting time. It is no longer stored
sapaately because fine quantity planted has diminished in recent yeas. largely as
a result of climatic conditions. A household which has none or has not kept a
lags enoudn anount can exchange it against millet or buy it wifin cash

In addition to fine means of production. fine household is also responsible for
providing household members with fine daily meals If it runs out of millet prior
to the new havest. it rrnust purchase millet against cash or pay in kind after fine
havest The former is preferable. if at all possible. to avoid taking a debt
against fine new havest. Aside from supplying fine gain the household must
provide sauce ingedients Men say proudly finat finey provide fine sauce in
contrast wifin fine Maka who make fins woman on cooking duty responsible for
fine sauce. The basic ingredients consist of salt. red pepper. and dried fish
Kuabugu was one of fine few villages which still purchased salt collectively. The
village chief purchased it 'in bulk from fine Sinsanrni SOMIEX on maket day and
household heads assembled fins following morning to obtain fine quantity finey
needed Supply problems during fine 1982 cry season meant finat each household
had to fend for itself. '

The sauce base made wifin baobab leaves is most frequenfiy enhanced witln
fisln. Fresh. dried. smoked or fried fisln as purchased from Bozo fisln vendors
on maket day or when Bozo women come to fine villags When millet is in
short supply Bozo women may sell fineir fish only against fonio or millet Men
fish in fine Canal from time to time to provide fresh fish. Chicken and meat as
eaten only intermittsnfiy. Chickens are slaughtered mainly for guests or when one

170

finrestens to die. Since all chickens are owned individually fine household head
must slaughter one of his own unless anofiner member of the household offers
ons Meat is obtained primaily finrough a 35:35 and occasionally in fine market A
m involves a group of men who agree to purchase a goat and finen share fine
meat in equal portions. On fine Islamic holidays fine village buys and slaughters a
cow: each household takes a fixed number of shares. depending on size. and has
finres monfins to pay. The sans procedae may be followed when a cow in one
of fine herds becomes too weak Goat 15115))! are often initiated by young men
who have returned from migration and have a "desire for meat“. Meat is not
considered a food to be "eaten" like a staple: it is “chewed” after to and sauce
have been consumed When chicken or fish as available finey as also portioned
outatfineendoffinemeal. TheuseofMaggjcubeshasbecomepopulabut
finey as not purchased on a regular basis Similaly. suga is a favored addition
togruelmnjorsggj)ortodsgebutispurchassdonlynowandfinen.most
frequenfiy as a treat for a guest The quality of meals in lags households which
combine several subunits is often poorer than fine meals of households which as
centeredonfinenucleaunitoronfinesonsofonemofiner. Ahouseholdwhich
is relatively wealfiny but is rift by tension may provide only fine minimum and
leave it up to individual units to supplement fine basic meals

Old women wifin some means or fine woman who cooks may take it upon
finemselves to improve fins sauce by planting okra. buying some fish. suga. or
tomatoes when in season Women also go to Nakri. a neaby Bozo village.
during fine agricultural off-season to pound millet in exchange for fish This may
be done expressly to help fine household but even women who do it for finsir
own accournt give a portion to fine household head In sum. to say finat "men
provide fine sauce" is a normative statement which conceals fine contribution
women make. Overall. fine diet has probably become less vaied finan it once
was: finis is due in part to fine diminution of subsidiay crops and in pat to fine
virtual disappearance of gans

171

Rice is currenfiy considered to be fine cash crop :21 W. Its
cultivation tates place under fine auspices of Qpficatjgn 812.5351. fine only
91251231190 with which Kuabugans were involved in 1981. ijmm mm had
a representative in Sibila who told me finat he had not succeeded in his attempts
at W so finat he was no longer bofinering wifin fine villagers. The
resistance is not surprising in view of fine fact finat Maxim Anguish activities
in Sana began during fine 1970s when peanut production was in decline as a
result of fine thought conditions Moreover. fine extension agent introduced a
peanut vaiety Which. to peasants. anpeaed ill-suited for local soils and fine
reduced rainfall. A number of households did not plant any peanuts at all in
1981 and some planted one field

Qgg’ntjgn aim promotes fine production of irrigated rice finrough
patially controlled flood recession (Bingen. 1983). lnundation of fine fields
depends not on pumps but on rainfall and sufficienfiy higln water levels
Following a study of ORS. Bingen (1983) has concluded finat polder management
frequenfiy collaborates wifin informal woups of lags. wealfinier Iandnolders rafiner
finan wifin village advisory councils as oufiined in its operating principles The ORS
aaproach to extension work itself is centralised and very hierachical. Aside from
fine chef d: caste: who manages fine polder. a man“ is in charge of a
subsection and supervises fine gum who are responsible for yet smaller
units The mom is a junior-level agicultual technician but fine W as
not' recpired to have any agricultural training and essentially lean on the job: fineir
only prerequisite is fine completion of at least seven yeas of primay education

The precursor of mimics Biz developed poldsrs on fine left bank nea
Sosse during fine 1960s Kuabugans report that finey were invited to participate
in fine eafinmoving operations in exchange for a piece of rice land but declined
"because forced labor had ended". Peasants from a nearby village saw many of
fineir millet fields incorporated into fine project but received less finan a
proportionate share of rice land In 1972 ORS opened fine plain behind Sibila for
irrigation wifin water from fine Macina Canal. By 1973/74 Kuabugans followed

172

households from neighboring villages in applying for rice fields in the Sibila plain.
In doing so tlney aimed to offset the loss of cash income from peanut
production which was faltering as a result of the dry cycls Moreover, it
permitted people to cultivate an additional crop witlnout reducing the land surface
devoted to millet production Large households were allocated 3-4 hectares
while smaller ones received 1-2 hectares After several yeas of satisfactory
yields. a portion of the land which had been allocated was confiscated and its
cultivators were asked to move to another area which had an inadequate water
supply. Knowing this. they refused but tlneir land was nevertlneless reduced and
reapportioned Since the late 1970s Niger flood levels have been low so that
inundation has been precarious at best.

Representatives of Quantum Biz. all of whom are eligible for rice fields.
appropriate the best land for tlnemselves or allocate it to those who know how
to cultivate good relationships with tlnem. According to ORS guidelines 80% of
tlne land is to be distributed to smallholders from villages on the polder
perimeter. 15% to traders or state administrators (i.e. ansentee landlords). and
only 5% of polder land is to be retained for ORS employees But land
distribution is difficult to verify because land allocation lists are often not
up-dated or not maintained at all (Bingen. 1983).

Rice fields tlnus belong to a separate category of cultivable space. For
Kuabugans, tlney are located at 'least 5-6km distant from the village and are not
contiguous to any village fields ORS provides a fixed quantity of seed: any seed
needed beyond tlnis has to be purchased wheverever it can be obtained. The
men of a household prepae and sow the field Rice is generally not weeded
Labor demands conflict with work in the otlner fields so tlnat the latter are given
preference due to the uncertain rice yields Women bring food to the field but
do not participate in cultivation or harvest. The women of the household alone
winnow the rice once it has been threshed by Quinlan Biz. but some even
receive tlneir gang: film from the men. This underlines how rice has been
integrated as a male crop.

173

Before the winnowed rice can be removed from fine field it is weighed and
fees, in kind. are assessed for seed. water, and finreshing. A portion of the
harvest. fixed at 400kg/ha in 1979/80 (Bagayoko, 1982), must also be sold to
the government What remains is at the disposal of the peasant. When the
harvest is very poor or fine finreshing machine is in disrepair peasants may obtain
permission to thrash their rice themselves and thus escape the payment of fees.
Functionaies frequently take advantage of fine peasants and manipulate weight and
assessment of fees in such a way finat peasants may be left wifin little to show
for fineir efforts Even fine W with fineir primay education consider
finemselves fa- superior and view fine peasants as dupes whose illiteracy prevents
finem from resisting effectively. Peasants feel finat finey may be fortunate one
yea' and unfortunate fine next it is perhaps fine possibility of having a harvest
and being treated fairly which makes them continue to plant rice. The villagers
finemselves know finat fineir illiteracy puts finem at a disadvantage and are aware
finat they are limited in fine resistance they can offer. The rice fields thus
constitute an am where fine dichotomy 'literate' / 'illiterate' W L kmflnl
and'authority'l'peasant’ ltaanaLcikilflis botln contestedandconfirmed The
relation to space and its use here clealy reflect fine power relations which
obtain between fine peasant and representatives of fine stats The state controls
fine land and the peasants occupy fine position of tenants. a relationship rooted in
fine Malian jural code which designates fine state as the owner of the land (Kebe.
1981).

The importance of millet as a source of cash increases when rice production
yields little or fails altogefiner. The change in marketing policiy beginning wifin fine
1981 havest meant finat ratlner than selling all millet to fine government peasants
were required to deliver only a quota. after which finey were free to sell to
private traders. Just how advantageous finis change is depends on fine level at
which fine quota is fixed If too hign, it will mean no change for many
producers. especially urnder conditions of climatic adversity. Through fine 1980
harvest fine village received a given number of sacks every year for OPAM millet;

filling tlnem often meant that nothing. or little, was left for commercialisation on

174

the parallel market For many it also cut into fine margin which allowed them to
help out a relative in need. When fine request seriously endangered fine food
supply fine village resisted. as indicated above. Small quantities were traded
mainly in the Sinsanni market Unless yields have been exceptionally good or a
household has an emergency. all millet is put into fine granaries immediately
following fine harvest Small quantities are sold to purchase sauce ingredients and
to meet sudden cash needs as fine year progresses and it becomes clear finat
food needs can be met Any calculations of fine anount which can be sold must
tate into consideration fine weddings which a houselnold expects to celebrate in
fine short-term A comnnercial crop of minor. importance is indigo. Two
households had a small field which retained moisture well and which they had
planted with indigo; aside from a small amount given to fine women of fine

household for personal use. finis was commercialised in its entirety.

Apat from fine sale of rice or millet. fine major local source of cash is
livestock. primarily small animals Few households in fine center of Sana own
herds of cows Out of fine 18 households in Kuabugu only finree owned milk
cows One herd involved less finan 10 animals and was kept in a kraal wifin one
of fine ofiner two. fine ofiners numbered 20 - 30 animals each. Most households
have goats and sheep; fine former are preferred because finey are hardier and are
more likely to have multiple birfins The size of herds vaies from household to
household Two of fine finree households which had no livestock at all also
ploughed wifin a donkey rafiner finan with oxen: fine finird is said to have had 25
animals in fine past. a sizeable herd by local standads. but they all died It is
difficult to judge a household's herd by appearance alone because animals are
often individually owned Nevertheless. fine ownership of livestock and fine size
of fine herd is probably fine best indicator of household wealfin. Animals can be
purchased and a herd built up only if a household's subsistence is secure and if
it can meet equipment expenditures lf enough cash can be generated beyond
finis. through fine sale of rice or surplus millet or finrough wage labor, it can be
invested in animals. The strategy is to buy goats and. once finese have increased.

to resell some and purchase a cow. In contrast wifin fine past. well into fine

175

inter-War period, when surplus crops were converted primarily into gold or
silver fine preferred form of cash investment is now livestock. A untold tjgj
(”wealfiny person") is defined as someone who has a herd. who dresses properly.
whose household eats to rafiner finan m whose deg: gourde is never empty
and who always has kola to offer a visitor.

Despite production differentials between households, everyone agrees finat
agriculture alone cannot satisfy a household's cash needs. Household heads are
reluctant to become involved in government credit schemes for fear finat finey
will have to sell millet at harvest time in order to meet fine repayment schedule:
in addition. finey are afraid of fine arbitrariness of fine extension agent who might
tate away fineir enfire yield and still tell finem finat finey owe more. A household
in immediate need of cash first sells any goatlsl it is file to sell and. barring
that. ag'icultural products If neifiner of finese avenues is open it takes a debt
wifinafriendorwifinkin. Aboveall.houselnoldsnowlookbeyondSanaforcash
The money which can be ea'ned locally is almost dismissed. as when people
sayz’we can offer food but we cannot offer money: money we do not have."

LabaMiamim

"Labor migration is an obligation" elders say. At fine same time. finey
acknowledge finat it is impossible to tell a young man not to go on migration: or.
in ofiner words. finat obligation alone is not involved Migrants finemselves state
finat finey engage in wage labor in order ”to repair fine house” (In so dual. a
metaphor which suggests finat fine household might crumble without fineir help.
The consumer goods which migrants purchase wifin fineir earnings are often not
formally acknowledged in discussions of fine origin and persistence of migration.
yet it would be unfininkable for a young man to go on migation wifinout
purchasing clofining Bicycles. radio-casette players, mosquito nets made of
cotton, watches, and. to a lesser extent. motor bikes have become fairly standard
items which migrants acquire. Men also return wifin gifts for household members.
such as a piece of clofin for fineir wives or mofiners and clofin or used clofining

for fine ofiner women of fine household Migration was and is initiated out of a

176

need for cash but adherence to it cannot be attributed to need alone.

To go on migration is variously referred to as 153 m iguana 155115 (lit: "to
go into fine country"). Isa taa mad mini (lit: "to go looking for money"). or In In
ban k5 (lit: ”to go do work"). In contrast wifin early wage labor. contemporary
migration is not considered to be demeaning One man drew a distinction
between early migration. when men worked mainly as general laborers. and
present-day migration. saying: "we were dirty. we even looked like slaves: but
look at today's young men. finey ae clean and welldressed“ Anofiner
chaacterized early migration as "poor man's travel" (taxman ms) and current
migration as ”rich man's travel“ (tam W explaining finat nowadays young men
leave wifin personal belongings and travel by motorized vehicle whereas in fine
past men went on foot and only wifin fine clofining finey had on fineir bodies.

Away from home it is possible to engage in activities finat would ofinerwise
be considered demeaning They become acceptable as long as finey earn cash.
This emphasizes fine natu'e of money as fine ultimate commodity. During a stroll
wifin two mig'ants in Banako we passed nea some young men 'ironing’ (beating
clofining wifin batonsl. One of my companions noted finat finese were men from
Sana and commented that he didn't know finey were doing this, whereupon fine
ofiner responded ”oh yes; our people will do anyfining to can money." This
readiness to do almost anyfining for money would seem to bear out fine

conceptualization of migrant. lanor as m tout cm

Whefiner migrant ltor should be classified as "individual labor" um
halal or as "labor engaged in for fine collectivity" (.1me: m is an issue over
which young men ae divided. Some held finat it should be fine latter since wage
labor first of all satisfied household needs while others agued that it should be
fine former since it is fine individual who goes on migration and first satisfies his
personal needs and who. ultimately, is in charge of his earnings. Others
suggested finat labor migration has an element of bofin categories. The different
positions point to an ambivalence concerning fine disposal of migration earnings

3

which issues from fine reality of migrants' socialisation as well as fine potential

177

for private consumption and accumulation on migration The obligation to fine
mm is paranount and. in fine past. meant handing over all earnings but since
fine migrant is beyond fine eyes of fine household no one can be sure of fine
anount earned The agument several first-time migrants offered for choosing to
go to Nyanina rafiner finan to nearby Sinsanni was finat it would be more difficult
for their kin to get in touch with them whereas in Sinsanni they would be wifinin
reach of anyone who needed anyfining Clearly. fine concern was finat
accumlation of earnings would be difficult if finey stayed close to home. It is an
open secret finat mig'ants now hand over only a fraction of fineir earnings but
fine household head is limited in fine pressure he can bring to bear against his
jtnior unless mariage negotiations ae in progress on his behalf.4 Even if nofining
is said. fine size of fine contribution may introduce tensions not only between
household head and Want but also between fine juniors of a household: it is
recognized finat fine earning power of individuals vaies and finis is taken into
consideration in evaluating a contribution. hence it is not differential contribution
finat is at issue but disproportionate wifinlnolding. No one objects to fine migrant
retaining eanings to purchase clofining, a radio or bicycle. or to his keeping
some funds for small personal expenses including wedding contributions. The
portion retained by fine migrant becomes a "shameful matter” lmalg kg) for fine
houselnold if individual gain is visibly put above fine common good or if it openly
favors fine mm. Migrants assert finat aside from contributions handed over
or sent home while still on migration. finey are also called upon to help out. as
fine need arises during fineir stay in fine village. Indeed. when fine time arrives for
finem to leave again finey may have difficulty financing fineir own transportation.
especially finose who go to Abidjan.

The pattern of contemporary migration developed in fine years after Malian
indeperndence. Du'ing fine early 1960s weaving cane to replace general manual
mor as young men learned to weave cotton blankets which were in demand in
towns such as Segu. San. Kujala. and Nyanina. These blankets were made wifin
homespun cotton but finey had patterns woven in wifin finread dyed in indigo.
Aside from weaving, a second tendency developed whereby young men went to

178

fine Ivory Coast. no longer to work on plantations but to dig wells and septic
tanks in Abidjan. By fine late 1960s weaving in Bamako became attractive; before
finen. men assert. it was possible to earn more in Sinsanni finan in Bamako. To
fine present day. fine majority of young Kuabugu migrants go to Banako. of fine
remainder slightly more than half go to regional centers and fine rest to fine Ivory
Coast This pattern varies between villages In some villages. weaving remained
more closely associated with slavery and never becane widespread anong men
so finat migants to Banako turned to small trade or to fine transport of loads on
bicycles while many ofiners went to fine Ivory Coast The prevailing pattern for
any of fine villages is not static but continues to change.

Young men prepare to leave as soon as fine millet is finreshed and stored in
fine g'anaries. Some leave even earlier if fine ofiner houselnold members agree
finat fine harvest can be brought in wifinout fineir help. Some may actually be sent
ea’lier by fine household head if fine household is in dire need of cash and/or fine
havest is poor.5 Mig'ants finanselves decide where to .spend fine dry season
Destination is determined to some extent by lengfin of stay. finougln finis has
become less crucial since millet is no longer fifeshed by hand Mig'ants wifin
several yeas experience have developed a preference for a specific town and

will go finere. barring unforeseen circumstances

Preparations for departure ae often made in all secrecy. perhaps with a
friend from fine home village or from a neiglnboring village Only household
members are informed of fine imminent depaturs The main reason for fine
secrecy in fine past was a fea of sorcery. Wifin islanisation men disavow
sorcery but fine secrecy is neverfineless maintained In some instances only a
migrants mofiner and fine household head ae awae finat he is planning to depart
Alfinough young men can no longer be prevented from going on migration. fine
timing of fineir departnre can be influenced An elder. or fine mofiner of a young
man. may ask finat he execute certain tasks before leaving Brofiners generally
come to an agreement as to who will leave first and. consequently, return first.

an arrangement which is subject to rotation on an annual basis The youngest

179

migrants assert finat if one leaves against fine wishes and wifinout fine blessings of
one's fanily (5mm one’s labor will be unproductive. Once on migration.
letters home frequently ask for the blessings of fine ”old woman” W3),
i.e. fine migrants mofiner or fine elder woman in fine household A migrant may
also be called home if illness in fine household requires his presence. Similarly, a
message is sent if a member of fine resident lineage dies. whereupon fine migrant

is expected to return home to offer his condolences.6

in villages like Kuabugu. where weaving has become accepted as an
income-generating activity on migration. young men begin by weaving for fineir
mofiners. finen for ofiner women in fine village. Once finey have mastered fine
technique. by aound age 18. finey begin to leave for one of fine urban centers
of Mali. Those who leave for fine first time usually join a friend who has
completed at least one dry-season stint since, finey say. he has experienced city
ways and has links to a host W who can provide room and. possibly. board
No 'inexperienced’ youfin left in 1981 but of finose who left in 1982 about 50%
went to neaby Sinsanni (12 km distantl where also a few long-time migrants
were weaving The ofiners went to Nyanina where finey were initially put up by
fine host of a friend from a neighboring village who had been finere fine previous
yea. They had passed up Segu despite fine fact finat villagers and ofiner Sana
migrants were working finere because fine housing situation was considered
extremely tidnt Movement to San and Kujala has ceased completely in recent
years Alfinough Bamako is judged to present fine most lucrative opportunities for
weaving. it is not sought out by fine inexperienced pafiy because weaving finere
involves mosfiy machine-spun finread and partly because it has a reputation for
its housing shortage and fine higln costs of room and boad

All finose who intend to weave take fineir basic tools wifin finan and finen
obtain fine few necessay materials to erect fine weaving structure close to fineir
mg]. Those who go to fine sane town generally congregate in fine sane
general aea Because of finis phenomenon and because of fine tendency to join

friends-from ofiner villages, it is usually possible to identify a certain quarter of

180

fine city as the quarter where finose originating from Sana province are weaving
Those who do not weave are familiar wifin fine area and drop by from time to
time. In Bamako. Sana weavers were located in fine quarter of Bozola close to
small shops and fine central maket About eight of fine men lodged in a single
room, rented out by fine household facing fineir work aea As a result of
refining several. and sometimes many. yeas in a row, migrants develop

faniliaity wifin fine locale and establish relationships wifin some of its residents

The preferred form of labor is to have a woman contract wifin a weaver for
a certain number of blankets for which she herself determines pattern and color
and provides fine yarn A woman may also place an order but ask fine weaver to
purchase fine yan ln eifiner case. fine weaver specifies his price. based on fine
difficulty of fine pattern. which can finen be negotiated The margin for bargaining
is small since weavers adhere to an accepted price range. Barring any orders. a
weaver can buy finread and weave fine strips according to his own choice. finen
display finem in fine hope finat a passerby will become interested; finey may also
be given in consignment to a trader. Due to fine capital investment and fine

insecurity finis involves. finis option is not favored

While all blankets ae made wifin cotton yarn. fine bulk of blankets produced
in Banako is woven wifin machine-spun finread (gm finat is dyed in bright colors
They are known collectively as hglmj. The finread provenes eifiner from fine
state-owned factory COMATEX, located in Segu. or from Francs COMATEX
experiences production stoppages or slow-downs at times so finat only imported
yan is availaals In contrast wifin Banako. blankets men weave in Segu. Nyamina,
or Sinsanni ae made wifin homespun finread. interspersed wifin indigo-dyed finread
or vice versa. For finese blankets fine woman customer provides fine finread and
tells fine weaver what fine pattern should be. The patterns ae known by vaious
nanes. e.g. gaming (alternating blocks of natural and indigo yarn). kaleni (finin
stripes). etc. During fine 1982 dry season weavers earned ZOOOMF per blanket in
Nyamina. 1500MF in Segu and Sinsanni. A blanket done primaily in indigo

fetched 2500MF in Sinsanni because its production is more time-consuming

181

Blankets produced in Bamako can sell for SOOOMF or more. excluding the yarn.

Attempting to assess fine dry season earnings of a weaver is a delicate
affair wifin a considerable margin of error since young men like to keep fineir
earnings a secret and are extremely evasive in conversations touching on fine
subject. Only one of fine youfins who had gone to Nyamina from mid-January to
mid-April, his first trip. disclosed finat he had brought back 55000MF. after
paying for transportation. food and lodging (SOOOMF monfinlyl. a radio (lBOOOMFl
and minor personal expenses. Migrants to Banako can be expected to earn
more finan finis. Transporting loads on bicycles is said to be more lucrative finan
weaving if steady work is available.

The objective of earning fine maximum amount of cash possible translates
into a constant pace of work Weavers get up at dawn. wash. and set to work.
They remain seated in fine shade of fineir weaving structure. a foot in fine stirrup.
and hands busily moving back and forfin. until dusk. They pause only to eat. to
say fine two afternoon prayers. to purchase yarn. or go' on an urgent errand
Thisgoesonsevendaysaweek. Atdusk.fineyspreadoutfineirmatsandspool
fine yarn until all is ready for fine following day. Paésersby or friends stop during
fine day to chat. but fine work nevertheless continues. Thus. while migrants
control 'fineir own time' finey neverfineless treat it as a resource. The rhythm is
entirely self-imposed in contrast wifin fine rhyfinm during fine cultivating season
where fine cropping cycle demands a certain pace.

Given fine difficult housing situation and fine extra expenses involved. most
married men are not accompanied by fineir wives In addition. fine work executed
on miq'ation has fine potential of undermining fine social hierarchy which makes a
man fine superior of his wife: a man who is ready to do anyfining can no longer
claim superiority so finat it is better for fine wife not to be present. Some
nnig'ants take fineir wives if finey stay away during fine rainy season (i.e. dry
season -rainy season - dry season) but once a man has two or more children
he returns home every rainy season Women criticize young men for neglecting

. fineir marital duties in favor of earning money. The criticism is aimed in particular

182

at finose who take a first or second wife and finen leave on migration all fine
same. They assert finat until fine 1970s a man would not have gone on migration
fine year he took a wife. This turning point coincides wifin fine dry cycle finat
began in fine late 19603 and which contributed to fine entrenchment of current

migration patterns

Migrants whose destination is fine Ivory Coast. have to plan fineir strategy
more carefully finan finose who remain in Mali. Transportation is costly and to
minimize expenses as much as possible men travel in any way possible. In
Abidjan. men live wifin ofiner migrants and as at times unable to obtain work.
The potential for higher earnings induces men to try Abidjan at least once. Some
find finat their expectations are not met and do not like fine atmosphere and finus
go to Banako after finat Ofiners are more fortunate. like it. and finerefore go to
Abidjan year after yea. Rafiner finan engage in general labor which might pay
lOOOCFA per day (1981/82 rate). finey try to obtain jobs digging wells and
septic tanks. The work is performed on contract for various firms. where fine
contract is on a per job basis. Two men work togefiner and can ean as much
as 7500CFA per day (3750CFA each). depending on fine difficulty of fine job and
on fine rapidity wifin which finey accomplish it Alfinough finey may be wifinout
work between contracts for as long as 10 days. fine potential of earning a
relatively large sum in a short time is attractive to finem. When asked about fineir
work in Abidjan. migrants generally say finat finey dig wells and admit only in
longer conversations finat finey also dig septic tanks or work in sewage removal.
Their hesitancy to admit to fine latter reflects a feeling finat finis work is
demeaning; one migrant commented: "finis' pays well but lvorians don't like finis
kind of work They want to be like tubabs and sit in offices." Aside from being
physically demanding and insecure. fine work can be outright dangerous: during
fine 1982 dry season one of fine villagers was buried alive while digging a septic
tank when fine sandy soil collapsed around him. The ground in fine aea was so
treacherous finat even finree days of effort failed to bring up his body and had

to be discontinued for fear finat anofiner life would be lost in fine process.

183

Safekeeping of earnings represents a different kind of a problem. Migrants
often trust a landlord wifin fine money earned and are unable to get it back
because he has spent it for his own needs in fine interim; at ofiner times only a
portion of fine sum is returned to finem because finey did not insist on having fine
amount handed over written down Migrants may also fall prey to finieves. Eifiner
one of finese possibilities may induce a young man not to return home for fine
rainy season because it would be shameful to present himself wifinout any gifts
and a contribution to household needs.7

Alfinougn most migrants return to fine village every rainy season some. as
during earlier periods. do not. Parents and brofiners of such men repeatedly
expressed sorrow and disappointment over a son or brofiner who had not
returned and whose whereabouts were unknown Some men who establish
finemselves in town while maintaining ties become contacts when a fanily member
requires extensive medical treatment. when a young girl is looking for work. or
when cash is needed for an emergency. However. fine intentional creation of an
'urban link' by encouraging a member of fine household to find permanent work in
town has so far not become a strategy for Sana Banbara Those who have

remained in town are seen as having rejected fine life of a cultivator.

How do men determine when to stop migrating? Posing finis question to
some men. fine first reaction was a hearty laugh. followed by fine statement
”once you find yourself among migrants who are of your son's age. finen you are
out of place and you should stop going" The statement suggests finat finere
comes a time when migrant Ianor, finougln not demeaning in and of itself,
becomes a source of embarrassment. a finreat to a man's dignity. because it
implies finat one does not have fine wherewifinal and. equally important. fine
descendants who can take over and assure finat material needs a'e met. Indeed.
men above fine age of 40 45 who still migrate are heads or ngu of small
households who have no sons or younger brofiners old enough to engage in
wage labor. The need for descendants. finerefore. cannot be underestimated A
household which connprises several generations is clearly at an advantage

184

vis-a-vis a household which consists of a nuclear unit where fine breaks between
generations. linked to fine developmental cycle. a'e much more pronounced A
household wifin young men in fine 18 - 40 year age bracket is not only in a
better position to produce enough food. it can also obtain enough cash to
improve and maintain agricultural equipment and to build up a herd

When young men are asked why finey return to fine village. finey respond finat
finey must. some day, retire fineir elders who, before finem. have retired fineirs
Not doing so would mean finat finey have failed finem This professed sense of
loyalty and intergenerational continuity points to fine reproduction of certain
structures and values but at fine sane time it glosses over fine predicanent in
which migrants find finemselves During informal conversations finey often admit
finat finey have been tempted not to return or finat finey would settle in Abidjan if
only finey spoke French The majority of contemporary migrants are illiterate.
having had no schooling at all. and fine minority wifin some schooling has difficulty
reading or writing a letter in French But ultimately, fine obstacle is not literacy
butfinesfinlcfireoffineMalianeconomyasaperipheraleconomyandits
relationship to ofiner economies in fine region The industrial infrastructure is
poorly developed. a fact which is recognized not only by fine government but
also by certain migrants Reflecting on fine poverty of fine Malian nation-state.
some migants attributed fine problem to fine enclaved position of fine country. to
' its ecology. and to fine fact finat most consumer goods and industrial products
ae imported refiner finan manufactured locally. Development of fine industrial base
would very likely mean a higlner rate of rural attrition unless fine rural aeas
finemselves develop in a manner which increases fine control of fine peasant
vis-a-vis fine state.

For senior men and for married women provisioning and income-generating
activities a'e not sepaated in space as finey are for mig'ants Their earning
potential is also much reduced. finus reenforcing fine perception finat fine world of
money and fine world of goods lies beyond Sana Many of fine non-agricultural

185

activities which generate cash for men and women locally are still aimed at
provisioning Since fine gainful dimension has taken on greater importance in
recent years finere is a growing tendency to overlook taboos and considerations
of social hierarchy. This trend _ leads some people to comment finat "nowadays

everyone wants to do everyfining".

In contrast wifin agricultural production which involves fine collaboration of
household members. non-agricultural activities are carried out by individual men
and women who finen dispose of fine product The existence of a category of
personal Prom lhalalal. much as of m property. implies a recognition
finat not all individuals have fine sane needs and allows finose who are inclined to
do so to attempt to satisfy finem. ln speaking of personal or m property
people often say finat it would be "shaneful' if one always had to beg fine
mm for little extras or when hosting a visitor. lt appeas however finat at
least until fine early pat of fine 20fin century. juniors and women could not
dispose of fineir personal property at will and could have it appropriated by fine
houselnold head. or women by fineir husband. if fine need arose8 This is no
longer fine case.

Senior men use fine cash finey earn for a range of items. such as tobacco.
kola nuts, beer (if finey are non-converts). and flashlights or batteries. Men also
purchase clofining, often used. and take care of day-to-day household needs
The primary income-generating activities for men are weaving and making mats
lbw. Men who weave against pay, in addition to fine weaving finey do for fineir
wives. have diminished in number since adolescents have taken up weaving in
prepaation for labor migration Up until fine 1960s adolescents leaned to make
mats before learning how to weave: now fine opposite is fine case. Neither
adolescents nor adult men actively solicit weaving commissions; rafiner. finey wait
for a woman, from fine sane or anofiner village. to approach finem wifin a
specific project and finen negotiate fine prics Mats are "created” lka bilglj gal
from millet stalks which have to be cut as fine millet' is being harvested If left in
fine field for any lengfin of time. finey risk being damaged by foraging animals: .

186

finey also tend to turn yellow. somefining to be avoided since one mark of a
good mat is finat it is pale yellow in color. Men who intend to make mats
finerefore out fine stalks finey need as soon as a field has been harvested, bundle
finem. and store finem suspended from fine ceiling of fineir house or fine
household vestibule. Retired men necessarily cut more stalks finan younger men
because finey spend a good deal more time fabricating mats. Their pocket
money. or ”kola price" Mom 55995) as it is known, is derived mainly from fine
manufacture of mats or from weaving The millet stalks are split in half and
stripped of fine marrow. leaving a flat strip some 6-7 feet in lengfin These
strips are wetted and finen woven togefiner until finey form a rectangle of
approximately 5'3” x 3'2". The entire border is reenforced wifin plant fiber. The
mats serve fine needs of fine household and any surplus is sold at fine weekly
makets of Sinsanni and Dioro. In 1981/82 finese mats could fetch 1200 -
lSOONF.

During fine dry season some men set up fineir weaving structure under fine
mm while ofiners bring fine raw material for fineir mats, ropes. or whatever
else finey may be working on The pace of activity reflects fine fact finat time
has not yet become a commodity: fine activity can be interrupted at any time for
a nap and on some days a man may simply come to sit and relax. At times fine
conversation is lively. at ofiner times no one speaks. It is fine company of ofiners
finat is valued so finat someone who habitually shuns sociability, unless ill or
incapacitated. is suspect as a person

Subsidiay activities engaged in by only a minority of men include some small
trade. making reclining stick chairs, and weaving fans. The most prevalent form
of small trade is fine sale of suga cubes. flashlight batteries. and kerosene. Each
village has at least one or two men who buy finese items in fine market towns
and resell finem locally at a small profit They are known as ”table owners” (tam
tjgjm whose customers come to finenn Ofiner men pick fine fruit of fine tamarind
tree when it is in season or buy it in more remote villages and finen sell it at fine

weekly markets. A few men attempted fine purchase and resale of sheep but

187

were constrained by lack of venture capital. Chairs are made from branches cut
in fine bush. stripped of their bark. and tied togefiner with strips of goat skin.
Fans mum) are woven from fine leaves of fine 5m tree W Woman)
and attached to a short wooden handle. Bofin of finese items are sold locally and
at fine weekly makets. The use of stick chairs is of recent origin. an
introduction of young men (and used mainly by younger men) who have been on
labor migration. Some men buy a young sheep which finey tie up and fatten for
resale at Ranadan

The quest for personal wealfin is most closely identified wifin woman In
contrast wifin men who are expected to subordinate fineir personal interests to
finose of fine patriline. women can openly pursue fineir own interests as long as
finey fulfill fineir obligations to fine household This association of men wifin
communal and of women wifin individual appropriation is also reported by Rosaldo
(1980). lt does not aspea to be of recent origin and may be integral to fine
discourse of dominance. Men approve of fineir wives' income-generating activities
because finese ultimately benefit fineir children A woman who is unable to
accurulatesomepersonalpropertyissaidtobelazyandawomanwhois
completely dependent on her husband is likened to a slave woman This
perspective conflicts to some extent wifin fine local interpretation of Islan which
makes a husband responsible for his wife's support. The contradiction is
mitigated by plnrasing a husband's responsibility in terms of an ideal which is
practicable only in a very limited way for economic reasons Men who provide
fine fees so finat fineir wives can hire a laborer to cut wood. for exannple. do so
in fine spirit of finis ideal. Even if fine lslanic precept is held out as an ideal. it is
important because it strengfinens fine notion of a hierarchical relationship between
husband and wife.

Personal property has fine potential of upsetting fine balance of power in
favor of fine woman. Men finerefore say finat it is good for a woman to obtain
personal wealfin as long as she does not surpass her husband9 There are also
strictures on what a woman can do wifin her earnings. taboos which subvert fine

188

idea of money as fine ultimate comnnodity. The one which is still widely adhered
to applies to fine proceeds from selling shea butter: a woman should not use
these to buy small livestock because fine animals would eventually fall sick and
die; fine animals can be obtained by .first converting earnings into gold or some
other product and only secondarily into livestock. The prohibition on making tag,
on fine ofiner hand. is breaking down despite fine fact finat many men disapprove.
m is a type of soap boiled from fine ashes of millet stalks. lts fabrication was
once fine prerogative of old women. Young women who wanted 3313 had to
address finemselves to an old woman: a young woman who took it upon herself
to transform cold water into a solid in making an provoked discord and bad
luck Women who currenfiy disregard finis taboo make an primarily for sale and
only secondaily for home use.

The objective of gainful activity vaies according to a woman's position
wifinin fine household Women whose daughters have all been married continue to
be active in order to be able to purchase a new clofin now and finen. to have
fine means for cooking a meal for finemselves. annd to make a gift on fine
occasion of a wedding or to a visitor. Beyond finis. finey miglnt help out by
buying condiments from time to time or giving snacks to fineir grandchildren
Women wifin small children and unmarried daughters orient fineir activities toward
fine needs of fineir children in addition to providing for fineir personal needs. Bofin
fineir own 'needs' and finose of fineir children include an increasingly greater range
of consumer goods This expansion of women's goods will be discussed in
greater detail in fine following chapter. Aside from purchasing clofining, bofin new
and used. for finemselves and fineir children. finey have to provide fine tools
needed in doing cotton and in fulfilling fineir domestic duties. They also must
bear any medical expenses finey or fineir children incur lest fineir husbands are in
a position to do so or offer to intervene. Women use fine millet stores finey
accumulate during fine harvest season mainly in cooking supplementary meals for
themselves and for fineir children and in bartering for fish and ofiner condiments:
finis is less fine case for women in small households. particularly if finey have no

' co-wives. finough finey may be required to draw on fineir own millet when fine

189

household granary runs out Beyond fine day-to-day needs which arise. women's
major preoccupation is fine accumulation of dowry goods for fineir daughters.
This concerns virtually all women since barren women frequently adopt a
daughter. Women wifinout children express fine need to obtain personal wealfin in
terms of old age security. Women still favor gold and silver as a form of
wealfin but finey also increasingly keep goats. Men. in fact, contend finat at least
half of all fine goats are currently owned by women; finey also suggest finat
women as now in a better position for accumulating personal wealfin because
fine tomb: has become a more secure provider of daily needs. It is difficult to
verify fine latter assertion wifinout collecting detailed household budgets. but all
indications are finat fine tomb: currently relies more heavily on migration earnings
to make up deficits refiner finan on women's personal wealfin. Oral accounts of
fine 1972-74 drouq'lt however. known as fine [up hill: Engine. suggest finat
women contributed to household survival bofin finrough fineir labor and fine sale of

jewelry.

The opportunities for eaning casln locally ae limited for women as finey as
for men Apat from fine cultivation of a 135 mu. which is reserved for old
women. all activities can be pursued by women of any age category. Women
from villages wifin land along fine Macina Canal engage in onion cultivation during
fine cold season as a means of eaning cash But even finey process cotton when
finey have fine time and after fine onions are havested Women wifinout access
to land for onion cultivation see fine transformation of cotton as fineir primay
means of acquiring cash "Doing cotton" an kggn‘ k5) - which means ginning,
carding, and spinning cotton - is not confined to any particula category of
women Little girls begin to help fineir mofiners when finey ae five or six yeas
old; by fine time finey ae 12 finey as already proficient spinners. Unmaried girls
do cotton for fineir mofiners. finougln by fine time finey become engaged fine
products of cotton transformation or fine proceeds from it ae designated for
fineir dowry. Even old women whose children are grown and take care of fineir
needs continue to do cotton "by force of habit”, finey say. Retired women are

able to do cotton year-round whereas women who are active in agriculture can

190

concentrate on fineir cotton only in fine post-harvest season. after finey have out

fine bulk of fineir wood supply.

Women no longer produce eifiner all of fineir own clofining or finat of fineir
husbands and children Sons and husbands who leave on migration purchase fineir
own clofining Women finemselves still wea some homespun clofins (Intel.
produce tunics for fineir young sons and husbands. mosquito nets, and possibly a
pair of pants for fineir husbands. Their main effort now goes into making
blankets for use and for sale The type of blanket produced has become a
commodity only since fine late 1960s Sold on fine makets of Dioro and Sinsanni
prices ranged from a low of 13000th to a high of 4500MF in 1981 and '82. At
a price of 3000MF a woman who has had to pay a weaver and possibly a finird
person for sewing fine blanket togefiner baely breats even. since fine raw cotton
itself is purchased in fine maket.

Women who are not on cooking duty and retired women can be found wifin
fineir cotton dready at breatfast time. It is ubiquitous finroughout fine day and
into fine night10 The women of a household frequently gafiner in the compound
vestibule during fine day or else join a friend to have company while working In
fine evening finey work at fineir own house or at a friend's house by fine light of
a kerosene lanp. In order to encourage production fine women of one or
several households form cotton circles (mmjl whose members process cotton
for each ofiner on a rotating basis. Some women also organize get-togefiners
whereby fine participants spend an entire day (halal or a niglnt (3' min) doing
cotton The night time meetings. not attended by any retired women. usually take
place at fine house of a woman whose husband is away on migration or at fine
house of a co-wife who has gone home for a visit. They ae very congenial
affairs wifin much conversation and a post-midnight meal for which fine various
women mate contributions

It is difficult to estimate a woman's cotton production for a given season
because not all of fine finread is turned into a finished product and women are
often secretive about fine amount finey have stored away. If finey have spun

191

enouqn finread for fine project of fineir choice. finey give it to a weaver.
Husbands are obligated to weave for fineir wives without remuneration Men who
do not know how to weave ought to pay a weaver to do it in fineir place. This
remains fine ideal but in many instances women ae required to pay fine weaver
finemselves Some men stop to weave when fineir sons are old enougln to weave
for fineir mofiners (now by fine age of 14 or 15). A woman has first rights to
her son's labor in weaving, finougn if she has no project for him her co-wife
can claim his labor as well. Ofiner women as required to pay for a weaver's
services. The fee depends on fine project and fine experience of fine weaver. In
1981/82 adolescent youfins who had mastered weaving bands for a blanket
charged 1200 - 1500MF per blanket (6 - 7 strips of bout 1.80m in lengfin).
They often ag'ee to wait for fineir payment until fine woman has sold fine blanket
Blankets ae not dyed but fine natural finread is interspersed w‘ifin a narow blue
pattern at regular intervals. Women either give some of fineir finread to a Marka
woman to have it dyed indigo. or else finey puchase fine already dyed finread in
fine maket. The completed strips may by sewn togefiner by fine woman herself.
byherhusband.orbysomeonewhodoesitforafes Oftensfinishedblanket
provides a woman wifin an opportunity to attend fine weekly maket; if she is
unable to go to fine market herself she can commission her husband to sell fine
blanket for her.

Many women engage in small trade at least now and finen This is. for fine
most part. confined to fine village since it is not finought aapropriate for Banbaa
women to hawk fineir products in ofiner villages; given finis lack of experience
finey. unlike Make or Bozo women ae not considered to be astute traders. A
woman can obtain some mangoes, tomatoes. or guavas from a relative and finen
sell finese locally; or a woman miglnt take some kola nuts on consignment for a
Makawoman Somewomenpurchasengmorbaobabflourinfinemaketand
resell it locally. Thougln seen as a legitimate and even desirable means of eaning
cash. small trade remains very limited in scope due to fine lack of capital, fine
range of products, and fine purchasing power of villagers.

192

Shea nuts are seen as an importent source of revenue because surplus oil
can be sold in fine market A bad year for shea nuts is finerefore met wifin
disappointment Two ofiner products which can generate cash for women equally
depend on fine vagua'ies of nature. Women purchase rice. if available. steam and
pound it. and finen resell fine processed rice. During years when fine household
rice field produces finey also use fine rice gained from fine sends mm in finis
manner. Fonio obtained from a woman's personal field or in winnowing is
pounded and sold in fine maket for a slighfiy higher price ,finan raw fonio grain.
The gain from processing fonio is small in relation to fine lanor involved; once

fine ha'vest is well underway processed fonio often remains unsold

The M of opportunities for ea'ning cash leads many women to express
a sense of relative deprivation and to complain finat Mali is poor. Villages located
nea' fine Macina Canal are seen to be more desirable places for women because
of fineir potential for cultivating cash crops. such as onions. and finus for
accunnulating some personal wealfit Beginning in fine mid-1970s women allowed
fineirma'rieddaighterstogoonmigafionsoastohelpfinanprepaefine
dowry. Initially. finese were girls wifin a relative in Sew or Banako who could

serve as a contact for obtaining work as domestics.

In 1981 some of fine younger girls from Kuanugu went to Sinsanni while
girls of marriageable age went to work in Banako. The latter were hired by
Malian households at a pay of 750QMF per monfin plus room and boa'd In
Sinsanni girls earned only 3000M: per monfin. Mofiners neverfineless mprove
because they feel. finat finis is more finan what finey could m by doing cotton
and fineir absence helps conserve household millet resources.

Men disapprove of female migration They are aware . finat girls may take
lovers. not only becaise of reduced supervision but also as a means of
supplementing fineir meager income. Young men were unanimous in fineir
opposition but contended finat as long as mofiners agreed. men were powerless
in preventing it. Women's 'power' in finis context is couched in terms of their

ability to wifinhold sexual services; given a man’s riglnt to physically punish his

193

wife or. if he has more finan one wife. to favor one woman over anofiner. this
'power’ is ephemeral at best The apparent inability to intervene ends wifin
respect to fine migration of married women. As soon as a girl gets married. she
stops going on migration unless her husband asks her to accompany him on a
trip. There seems to be a tacit agreement W finis. since going/not going does

not become an issue after ma'riage

Men's disapproval of female migration did affect fine 1982 migration pattern
in Kuabugu. Only one girl who was to be maried during fine rainy season went
to Banako: of fine ofiners some went to stay wifin relatives in Niono or Ma'kala
where finey ea'ned money winnowing rice and engaging in small trade. and some
obtained a plot of land nea' fine Macina Canal for planting onions. One of fine
latter indicated finat finere had at least been indirect pressure to dissuade her
from going to Banako. In 1983. several Sana villages held a meeting during
which it was aged to prohibit female migation outright11 It remains to be
seenwhefinerornotfinisdecisioncanbesustainedandhowitwillaffectfine
development of dowry. '

1 94
Conclusion.

Despite fine fact finat fine environment continues to be an important source of
products used in day-to-day life. cash and fine goods it can procure have
become indispensable in maintaining fine social order. The limited opportunities for
generating cash wifinin Sana. compounded by drought and government marketing
structues. have made labor migration fine primary source of cash This has led
to fine perception finat two separate orders exist fine world of fine village which
can offer litfie more finan sustenance and fine world of fine town where it is
possible to obtain cash and consumer goods. The way in which finese orders a'e
mediated becomes central to any understanding of fine dynamics of social
reproduction.

Mediation itself must be approached in liglnt of fine differential relationship
which obtains between fine two orders and men and women respectively. Those
wifin primary access to fine world of commodities as junior men Given fineir
position infinesocialhierachyitis'natural‘finatfineybedelegatedtoea'ncash
but fineir involvement has fine unintended effect of subverting social hierachy:
fineir direct control of fine money finey earn makes fineir elders dependent on
finem and finus demands continual renegotiation of power relations; moreover. fine
experience of fine wider world gained on migration becomes an aufinoritative
resouce in interaction In addition. labor migration is bound to become a source
of tension because it is initiated on behalf of fine collectivity but is at fine same
time an individual endeavor: on one hand fine proceeds should finerefore go to
fine collectivity but on fine ofiner fine product derived from individual labor should
be subject to individual appropriation.

Women have no claim on men's ea'nings nor have adult women been able to
engage in migration. Women in fineir teens and early twenties who migrated prior
to fineir marriage have done so for a very short sequence of yeas in
compa'ison wifin fineir male counterparts and fineir earnings have been
considerably lower. Their mofiners benefitted only in as much as it eased fineir

burden of accumulating dowry goods for finem Married women benefit indirecfiy

195

from men's earnings finrough any increase in mm or m wealfin and
direcfiy finrough gifts of clofin or soap.

A furfiner dimension of fine differential relationship to fine 'world of money
and goods' relates to fine co-presence/absence of migrants wifin fineir kin Wage
labor sepaates migrants from fineir kin in space and time. For a portion of
every yea' face-to-face contact wifin kin is not maintained; hence. kin
relationships as no longer mediated Instead. migrants interact mainly wifin age
mates and wifin people who. definitionally at least, are strangers. ln fine village.
fine absence of young men places a weater burden on fineir seniors and
diminishes fine dynannism of social life. (See tanle 3 below for changes in
household composition during fine dry season.) Messages between village and
town circulate only if a trusted intermediay travels between fine locales. Migrants
gain experience of a world which neifiner fineir wives or mofiners nor fineir
seniors share: alfinoudn most seniors have migrated at least for one season. finey
did so at a different time and under different circunstances. ln fine absence of
electronic means of communication - not all have access to a radio and finose
who do only when broadcasts a’e in Banbaa - knowledge of fine wider world
is filtered finrough fine migrants. While migrants are not subject to capitalist work
discipline. finey become tuned into rhyfinms which are different from finose at
home. In fine movement between rural area and city fineir conditions of existence
become differentiated from finose of fineir seniors and. particularly. of women
When at home finey often express a yearning Will for fine city and finey
question certain aspects of rural life. Their knowledge and aspirations aise from
fineir expanded experience so finat fine local social order is no longer taken as
self-evident The question finat must. finerefore. be addressed is how. under fine
circumstances. fine social order is reproduced

196

Notes

1 Every autumn fine chef WW visits the villages to question
household heads about fine ownership of animals. The results reflect fine
(un)scrupulousness of fine chef and the success (or failure) of villagers to conceal
the truth more finan finey do the actual animal population. I was present during
one such visit and witnessed fine manner in which figures provided by fine
villagers were altered. Since villagers are unable to read their gy game; finey are
generally unable to verify whefiner or not finey have been cheated The chef also
demanded ”gasoline expenses" in addition to fine customary chicken.

2 I personally went to fine Segu S.C.A.E.Fi. at fine and of May 1982. just
prior to fine inning of fine cultivating season. to inquire about fine price and
fine availability o fertilizer. One of fine workers informed me finat none was for
sale at fine time

3 I use 'socialisation' here as understood by Giddens (1979). He holds finat
fine child is an active partner in interaction and his/her progressive "involvement
wifin society”; and that socialisation does not stop wifin childhood but continues
finroughout an individual's life cycle.

4 The case of migrants from household no. 16 can serve as an example:
one. who was weavin in Se u during fine 1982 dry season. made remittances to
satisfy fine demands 0 his a fines just prior to fine wedding. A second. weaving
in Nyamina. was sent a letter by fine jaangj asking him to remit money for fine
annual customary payment to his bride: to emphasize the urgency of the request.
fine senior added finat if fine money did not arrive he would be forced to sell
millet wifin fine consequence finat fine migrant might have to go hungry during fine
rainy season.

5 Household no. 15 sent one junior to Banako at fine end of fine 1981
cultivating season expressly to earn tax money because litigation had depleted
fineir resources. The a eement was finat he would return for fine millet harvest if
needed. but ultimately e was not called back. The decision which of the juniors
to send was arrived at by consensus among fine brofiners.

6 ln fine case of fine migrant from household no. 12 who died in fine Ivory
Coast his brofiner and sister and his kinsman from household no. 11 returned
from Bamako to offer condolences. The juniors from households no. 16 and 17.
also kinsmen. broke off fineir stay in Abidjan to return home to personally relate
fine news rafiner finan send a letter via an intermediary.

7 One young man was sent to Abidjan in 1982 because his cousin from a
neighboring village had not returned for fine 1981 rainy season. despite fine fact
finat he was already married Tlne young man had in act been robbed and did
not want to return empty-handed finough. according to anofiner migrant. he also
contemplated staying in Ivory Coast

8 Old women state finat husbands could sell a wife's goat if fine need arose.
One elder related an instance in which one of his age mates wanted to give one
of his mofiner‘s goats to his friends to be slaughtered on fine occasion of his
wedding. His father interceded. letting him know in no uncertain terms finat he
did not have fine right to give away fine goat It was fine fafiner who had married
fine man's mofiner and finus had fine right to dispose of fine goat The son
excused himself whereupon his fafiner proceeded to give him a larger goat for
presentation to his friends.

9 The elder in household no. 4 was so concerned finat his wife would put
him to shame finat he refused to cut her fonio field in 1981. His younger
brofiner cut it wifin the help of kinsmen but the quarrel over fine matter induced
the woman to leave and spend the harvest cutting millet in a sister's village. The

197

man was criticized by bofin men and women who felt that fine woman's activity
was beneficial to fine household and finat fine finreat to fine man's dignity came not
from his wife but from his own lack of initiative.

10 Women often compared my writing up of notes to their preoccupation
wifin cotton. saying that it is always finere.

11 I learned of finis finrough a letter which did not apprise me of fine reason
for fine decision

198

TABLE 3. CHANGES IN HOUSEHOLD COMPOSITION DURING THE 1981
AND 1982 DRY SEASONS

No. 1 --1981: - 1:“ 1982: - 1.“
No. 2 --1981: - 2; 1982: - 4.
No. 3 --1981: - 2: 1982: - 4.
No. 4 --1981: - 1: 1982: - 1.
No.5 --1981: - 1: 1982: - 1.
No. 6 --1981: - 1; 1982: - 2.
No. 7 --1981: - 1: 1982: - 3.
No.8 --1981: - 2: 1982: - 4.
No. 9 --1981: - 2: 1982: - 2.
No. 10 --1981: - 1; 1982: - 1.
No. 11 --1981: - 2: 1982: - 4.
No. 12 --1961‘: - 5; 1982: - 5.
No. 13 --1961: - 3; 1982: - 3.
No. 14 --1981: - 1: 1982: - 1.
No. 15 --1981: - 6: 1982: - 7.
No. 16 --1981: - 4; 1982: - 4.
No. 17 --1981: - 1; 1982: - 2.
No. 18 --1981: - 2; 1982: - 3.

«The number designated as absent includes unma’ried girls who had left
expressly to earn money.

CHAPTER VII
COMMODIFICATION, MARRIAGE. AND SOCIAL REPRODUCTION

Given fine nature of Sana Bambara involvement in fine commodity nexus. how
is fine integrity of fine social order maintained? What mediates fine apparent
dualism of a social world focused on provisioning but sustained by commodity
production beyond its boundaries? These are fine questions which emerge from
fine previous chapters and which finis chapter seeks to address. The focus will
be on mrriage as a central element of social reproduction l was first drawn to
a closer examination of marriage as a result of my participation in several
weddings. The sense of fine importance of mariage I gained in fine course of
fine ritual was confirmed by dey-to-day conversation and practice. Subsequent
analysis has shown finet fine marriage process bofin reflects and mediates
contemporay contradictions. The chapter will open wifin a description of fine
wedding celebration and a discussion of its form and meaning The major pa't of
fine chapter is devoted to an examination of marriage strategies and marriage

payments.
Ins wedding 9mm-

The sewing of fine m m fine garment wifin which fine bride covers
herself upon arival in her husband's village. signals finat a wedding is soon to
take place The bridegroom calls on members of his age set to come and sew
fine m and togefiner. The age mates assemble under fine mgalgn (Eigus
finmjngjj) and sit down on mats already spread out for finem. surrounded by
older men and boys who come to look on The ten strips of homespun.
cream-colored linen lflnj may). each 15-20 cm wide and 10 elbows long. ae
linked at intervals of approximately 25 cm. Once completed. fine gm mug is
rolled up and put into a calanash or small metal tub (pajama) which has been

199

200

contributed by fine groom's sister who will be receiving fine tifine (jam) in
wrappers (hats) from fine bride. It is finus handed over to the delegation which
is dispatched to fetch fine bride.

The delegation which escorts fine bride consists of two unmarried men. one
maried woman. and one unmarried woman. In precolonial times when roads
were insecure finese were also accompanied by village hunters or ofiner amed
villagers as protection against a possible ambush. Since fine advent of fine donkey
cart. the delegation takes along a cart on which to bring back the bride.‘ When
fine wedding pa'ty. swelled by age mates and relatives of fine bride. returns. it
does not approach fine village until after nightfall. often not until one or two
o'clock in fine morning All wait at fine entrance to fine village while one of fine
two messengers goes to fine duh: of fine bridegroom to inform fine elder finat
guests W2 have arrived and will enter fine village only on condition finat
finey be presented wifin a goat: given fine late hour. however. finey would be
satisfied if fine goat were handed over fine following day. The elder grants fine
request and fine young man leaves to communicate fine response to fine 155mb
tigj. fine man representing fine bride's lineage.

This is fine signal for fine women of fine groom's household to fill some
calabashes wifin water and offer finem to fine guests. They are followed by ofiner
village women who come to greet fine bride and her paty. In fine meantime a
mat has been spread out at fine village entrance and fine bride sits or lies down
on it. completely covered by fine m m. At her side is an old kinswoman
who watches ‘ over her and takes care of her needs. Custom permits neifiner fine
mofiner or fine fafiner. nor fine grandparents of fine bride to participate in fine
wedding3

a calabash decorated by e blacksmifin and ornated wifin cowrie shells. considered

Unmarried members of fine bride's age set sing and play fine men.

to be fine musical instrument of unmarried girls. The songs offer greetings to fine
women of fine village and ask for fineir support They also tell of fine "arrival of
a boat from Timbuktu". finat is. of fine many things a bride brings wifin her. The

village women. in turn. welcome fine bride in song and ask her to live in harmony

201

wifin fine local women During fine entire welcoming ceremony fine bride herself is
silent and does not move until fine delegate who has announced her arrival comes
wifin garments for her. Wifin fine help of her woman companion. fine bride puts
on a homespun tunic Idulfilsi) and a hat (gahan) which has been borrowed from
one of fine men in fine village; a knife is hung over her shoulder and a stick or
spea put into her right hand Thus. in fine guise of a traveller who evokes a
man refiner finan a woman. fine groom's representatives lead her to fine main
compound of her husband's lineage. The village women and fine women in fine
wedding party follow. '

The procession halts at fine vestibule (hung) entrance to fine compound A
child. preferwa male. is brought and tied to fine bride's back She is met by fine
senior woman of fine household who washes her feet. wifin milk if available. In
fine process. fine heel of each foot is made to touch fine ground four times Only
finen is fine bride allowed to pass finroudn fine hymn into fine compound and is
led to fine house of fine eldest woman Inside fine house she changes back into
fine m km and lies down on a bed (dull). Pl’otected from siglnt by a
mosquito net The old woman remains by her side and ofiner women relatives
stay in the house as well to keep the vigil with her. Any village woman who still

comes to greet fine bride addresses herself to fine bride's companion.

Once fine bride has setfied into fine house her dowry (1553316 minnow) ae
brought in by fine women; no man is permitted to carry any of it and fine goods
only enter fine compound after a younger sister of fine bride. who bars fine
entrance. receives a small sun of money (e.g. 500 MF). In fine open space of
fine compound village women tate turns playing fine gin; finey spend fine night
singing. dancing and performing sketches. The Kuabugu women's association
(mum fin) made it incunnbent on all women to paticipate in entertaining fine
secluded bride.

Apart from fine two young men who acted as fine bridegroom's messengers
no men participate in fine arrival ceremony. The old men of fine village gafiner in

a compound or a public space designated for finem. stretch out on mats. and

202

spend fine night togefiner chatting or dozing. The bridegroom's household kills a
goat for finem the following day. if it has fine wherewifinal. The bridegroom
himself. his age mates. ofiner men of fine village. and guests who have already
arrived. keep a vigil in fine yard (du kénil outside fine groom's house talking,
listening to radio or taped music and making tea Food is provided for newly
arrived guests and fine women of fine household prepare a midnight meal for fine
groom and his guests. The food consists of fine two pillars of Banbara
nourishment: to and flags.

Each village household provides a dish of to or gage. according to ability.
sinceoneofitsmenisboundtobeamemberoffinemusgmm The
village "marriage association" includes all men and boys from circuncision to
about age 50. The musg tum tin obliges all its members to be present on fine
occasion of a wedding. unless excused for a valid reason. Various members are
designated to ensure finat food is offered to all guests. finat guests are properly
greeted. and finat fine festivities in general proceed smoofinly.

Women who are responsible for meal prepaation return to fineir own
compound as dawn approaches Those who remain behind continue merry-making
until breakfast is served. finen finey also leave to go about fineir domestic tasks.
The wedding breakfast consists of rice and sauce. It is served to the groom and
his guests. to fine elders. to fine bride and all fine women who keep her company
including the old women of fine village. Each household prepares a midday meal.
The men generally eat wifin fine groom but relatives or friends who attend fine
wedding are also invited into fine household for some food Alfinough many
weddings are now held at fine beginning of. or during. fine rainy season when
work in fine fields is pressing. no villager goes to fine fields when a wedding is

celebrated in fine village.

Throughout fine day. finere is a constant strean of male visitors They arrive
from ofiner villages to wish fine bridegroom well and make a monetary
contribution W to help defray expenses Unlike fine women who attend
a wedding many of fine men are not linked to fine bridegroom finrough a kin

203

relationship. The bridegroom has designated a friend who sits by his side and
accepts visitors' gifts. After each contribution. fine "treasurer" publicly
acknowledges fine gift by calling out fine nanne of fine person and fine amount
given He finen hands out some candy. Depending on fine means of fine giver and
his social distance to fine brideg'oom. fine annount offerred may range anywhere
from 200 to 2000NF. The public ecknowledgement. aside from being an
expression of finanks to fine contributor. is a means for fine bridegroom to make
a mental note of fine gift since he is expected to reciprocate when fine giver. or
someone in his household. gets ma'ried As weddings often tats place in several
villages simultaneously. a man may attend more finan one wedding on a given day
to make his contribution The wider fine network a man builds. fine greater his
chances for receiving many contributions. During fine fieldwork period Kuabugu
men received between 150000 and 215000M= on fineir wedding day. all in
individual contributions. The annount of finese contributions has seen a
consideraale increase since labor migration has become universal. Giving 5 or
101w= was fine rule in fine ea'ly 1950s and a contribution of 200MF becane a
topic of conversation Prior to fine widespread acceptance of European money
contributions were made in cowry shells.

The household elder. who spends fine night and day in fine company of fine
old men. also accepts contributions. However. finese a'e on a much smaller scale
finan finose received by fine bridegroom since finey come from elder visitors who

are fewer in nunber. In short. it is primarily men of marriageable age who
attend weddings.

Entertainment is provided by local musicians who play fine drums in fine'
groom's compound beginning in mid-morning They receive a chicken for fineir
effort; finis was butchered prior to conversion and its blood smeaed on fine
lage drum wifin a chicken feafiner glued to it Women and young girls come to
clan fineir hands and sing. Men and women dance sepaately. wifin fine men's
dancing involving acrobatics (e.g. somersaults). Girls and young women can honor

a dancer for his prowess by tieing a scarf around his waist or chest and by

204
pulling his arm. Men also encourage each ofiner by pulling one anofiner’s arm.

ln fine afternoon. women gafiner once again to entertain fine bride until it is
time to display her dowry and publicly count her belongings (minnow Moms).
Thegoodsfinebridehasbroughtwifinheraespreadoutonmatsandfineelder
women of fine ward set aside personal items leg kerosene lanp. stool. etc.) and
count blankets. calabashes. enanel bowls. and wraspers (natal. No divorced. or
divorced and remarried. woman is permitted to participate in fine Mm One
tenfin of fine wrappers is given to fine brideg‘oom's sister who has provided fine
celanash or haiagaj for transmitting fine an 35:15 as well as a pair of shoes and
fine met on which fine bride lies down upon her arival in fine village The
remainder is divided anong his mofiners lmofiner and fefiner's elder brofiners'
wives). his fafiner's sisters.’ and fine active women of fine resident lineage. The
delegates who have escorted fine bride each receive a calanesh and so do fine
oldwomenwhoaeinchageoffinemmandfinewifeoffinehousehold
heed. Enanel bowls ae given to fine eldest woman of fine wad (who directs fine
mm and to fine husbands sisterls): fine proportion set aside vaies The
blankets ae given to fine old men who pass finem on to fine 'bridegroom after
retaining one for fine bridegroom’s fafiner or household elder and one for his
friend fine ”treasurer". Once fine process of selection is completed. fine young
boys seize fine blankets and fine women tate fine wrappers and engage in a dance
of joy to fine sound of fine drums.

After fine mjmnn mum is completed. fine bride's chanerone helps her to
dress in e boubou WM and leads her. head covered wifin e clofin. to fine
area where fine old men ae gafinered Elders of fine bride's and fine groom’s
lineage respectively finen offer speeches of praise and finanks. transmitted by e
blacksmifin The bride is seated on a small stool lggmi) and listens Only after
fine men have finished does fine old woman deliver fine bride to her husband's
connpound where some of fine young men present end her seclusion by pulling
off her headcover (Isa km guano). The bride finen enters fine house designated
for her and sweeps it Wifinout engaging in any interaction wifin fine bridegroom

205

she leaves for fine main compound. ostensibly to carry water and cook fine
bridegroom's evening meal. In reality. she does not pound millet or carry water
until fine following day. The men still remaining wifin fine bridegroom now also
make short speeches or simply offer benedictions before leaving for home.
Visitors from ofiner villages ae accompanied onto fine road by friends or

relatives.

Before the bride's kin depat the husbands household is required to make
monetay gifts to various members of fine wedding paty. These are generally
takenfromfinefundfinebrideg‘oomhesbuiltupinfinecourseoffineday. The
most important of finese gifts Ikhnxg mm) goes to fine bride's lineage via fine
agematesoffinebride. Theheedoffinemanflnfinmgotieteswifinfineage
mates of fine bride over fine annount to be given and if no eg'eement can be
reached. he speaks to fine km figj. The latter. being fine most innportant
person in fine wedding party as representative of fine bride's lineage (generally an
older brofiner of fine bride or her fafiner’s younger brofiner). finen specifies an
anountwhichfinehouseholdhessettledonbeforehandorwhichhedecides
himself. In addition to fine Limb m vaiable anounts as given to each sister
or mofiner's sister and ofiner kinswomen of fine bride who attend fine wedding. to
fine 155mb tigj, to fine intermediBI'Y (tutu balm. to fine witness (3mg) who
accompanies fine 155mg: tigj, to fine representatives of fine [samba ton of which
fine bride was a member. and to fine women who bring certain items of fine
dowry. The woman or girl who brings fine bride’s gold receives somefining for
each piece of gold In fine past. a separate annount (has: 35095) was designated
for' fine bride's fafiners (muss: few) but finis is no longer obligatory. Equally,
neifiner millet beer nor its monetary equivalent is mandatory any longer. The back
and chest of fine wedding goat W bin ha) are smoked and sent to fine
bride's lineage. The anounts given in fine various categories have increased over
time and vary between lineages but fine categories finemselves have remained
largely unchanged. In fine more distant past. fine gifts were made in cowries
which were finen replaced by ”Banbara money" (Em m4 and currenfiy fine

national counting system prevails.

206

Once fine guests have departed fine wedding has officially ended. However,
the bridegroom must still kill a chicken and invite fine members of his age set to
share the evening meal wifin him. They stay to chat (ha m 155) wifin him, joined
by fine bride and some of fine local unmarried girls. The wedding marks fine
separation of a woman from her kin but does not immediately integrate her into
her husbands household She participates in household activities for finree days.
for one week if her natal village is far. and then returns home For fine duration
of her stay fine young men of fine village take fineir evening meal wifin fine
bridegroom and entertain him and fine bride afterward. When fine bride is ready
to leave fine bridegroom delegates a young man who takes her back to her natal
village. Prior to her depa'ture. she receives two wrappers and a gift of cash
from her husband The bride and her escort leave in fine afternoon or after dark
so finat fine bride arrives in her village after nightfall. She remains at home for
one to two lunar monfins before joining her husband definitively. Her return is a
joyous occasion which again unites fine husband and his age mates for a meal

preparedonherbehalfflsinuhmannxil.
mmamntmmmm

It is difficult to pinpoint how fine wedding ritual has changed over time. A
question about fine way weddings were celebrated during a woman's youfin is
often met wifin fine response finat it was fine same as now. Only furfiner probing
reveals certain changes. Similarly, a reply to a question about fine meaning of or
reason for certain of its aspects usually invokes ”tradition” W rafiner finan
cosmology. This is frustrating to a researcher seeking help in deciphering fine
symbolism of fine wedding ritual while at fine sane time reminding fine analyst finat
meaning cannot necessarily be expressed in discourse and finat form itself --as
tradition. and the continuity finis represents-is intimately linked to content and
carries meaning. Asking a social actor to provide an explanation of a given
practice is to demand an analytical stance and a mastery of information which
may be beyond fine command of a single individual, at least at finat particular
point in time (Bourdieu. 1977). Meaning is sustained arnd recreated above all in

207
practice.

According to elder women's recollections the major difference between
today's wedding ceremony and finat of fineir youfin seems to be due to fine
acceptance of Islam Prior to conversion, fine bride entered her husband’s village
and compound in fine same manner as today, only finat rafiner than being secluded
she was taken to her husband's house immediately so finat consummation of fine
marriage was not delayed until fine following night. During fine wedding night. fine
guests enjoyed themselves aound fine beer calabashes "$1515 being consumed
bymenandwomen--andsanganddancedtothesomdofd'ums. Assoonas
fine bridegroom left his house in fine morning, fine old women went to give fine
bride her ablutions and brouglnt out fine clofin finat could provide evidence of her
virginity. If she was found to be a virgin, her husbands kinsmen and agemates
fired off rifle slnots. If, on fine ofiner hand. she was no longer a virgin fine
bridegroom could bring shame on her kingroup by refusing her: conversely, he
could announce finat he wanted to marry her neverfineless and demand to know
finenaneofherloverwhowasfinenreqiiredtopayafine Muchastoday.
wedding celebrations did not last more finan a day. When brides stated to be
secluded during fine niglnt of fineir arrival in fine early 1960s finere was no
merry-mating on the part of village women during fine night; only after fine
women's association (mum tag) was formed as part of fine mobilization during
fine Keita yea's did entertainment become customay.

Significantly, Islan is being interpreted in a way finat submerges sexuality as
an element in fine alliance: whereas in fine past fine sexual aspect of marriage was
publicly acknowledged by taking fine bride to her husband-to-be wifinout delay.
seclusion as currently practiced takes sexuality out of fine public realm and makes
it a private matter. At fine same time, fine prema'ital sexual experience of the
bride does not become an issue in kingroup politics finough there are indications
that even in fine past fine bride's honor could be protected finrough manipulations
of fine clofin that bore evidence of her virginity.

208

As fine description of fine wedding ritual shows. fine celebration of a wedding
involves a multitude of relations which coalesce around the bride and fine groom
respectively rafiner finan around fine two as a couple. The transformation of fine
bridegroom's social identity from bachelor ,to maried man involves no special
ritual. He occupies fine place of honor. surrounded by age mates. kinsmen. and
friends. and receives fine wellwishes of fine guests The bride's transition from
"girl” Mail to "woman” mm. on fine ofiner hand, is marked by segregation
and liminality. Enveloped by fine gm [shah she is concealed from view and
dependent on her companion upon arrival in fine village. In entering her husband’s
household her attire defines her as an outsider but one who is welcome. as
signified by fine washing of her feet. The child on her back symbolizes fine
descendants she is expected to bea'. The woman who receives her has already
moved from stranger to full member of .fine household and expresses fine hope
finat fine bride also follow fine same trajectory by setting her foot firmly on fine
wound four times. Once inside fine house she is secluded again until her veil is
publicly lifted by one of the married men of ' the village the following
afternoon Even prior to conversion to Islam fine bride did not occupy a public

place.

Changes in fine timing of weddings are readily acknowledged Rafiner finan
celebrating weddings during file dry season, most weddings now take place at
fine and of fine dry season or during fine rainy season. This shift is attributed to
labor migration and to fine difficulties of preparing a dowry. Mofiners count on
having fine enfire dry season to prepae while bridegrooms and fineir kin do not
want to, or cannot. forego migration earnings. Moreover, as a result of fine
absence of most young men a dry season wedding would be poorly attended;
finis would diminish fine enjoyment of fine festivities as well as fine contributions a
young man receives. The current timing is viewed as a material exigency. The
prohibition against weddings during fine monfin of m fine sevenfin monfin in
fine lunar calendar, still holds. An arm wedding is finought to bring bad luck,
according to some because Islam made much progress during this monfin at fine

expense of animist religion. according to ofiners because fine Great Flood began

209

during finis monfin.

The expression of solidarity on fine part of age mates and villagers in
general. finrough participation in ritual and fine provision of food, underlines fine
significance of marriage for fine reproduction of fine kin group and fine village.
Participation in fine wedding by all villagers even when work in fine fields might
be pressing subordinates material production to fine reproduction of fine social
order. This dichotomy between work defined narrowly as economic activity and
work involved in fine reproduction of fine social order is. of course. particula to
capitalism. Yet fine previous chmter has shown finat despite fine prevalence of
non-capitalist relations of production, Sana Banbara society is tied into nexi
which make finis distinction relevant In finis context. universal pa'ticipation in a
wedding must be viewed as a product of reflexive activity rafiner finan merely as
a 'leftover‘ from fine past. The contribution of food to uphold fine honor of fine
household. and by extension fine village, vis-a-vis guests from ofiner villages is
equally significant in light of fine trend toward greater houselnold autonomy.

Most Sana Bambara men desire to marry more finan one wife but less finan
50% actually do. I have no evidence finat polygynous marriages have increased as
a result of fine infusion of cash generated finrough lanor migration, finough finis
requires verification in a province-wide study. One finird of Kuabugu men. wifin
two wives had inherited one of finese from a deceased elder brofiner. Of fine
two men wifin finree wives one had inherited one of his wives Only one Kuabugu
man had four‘ wives, two of whom he had inherited Most men who inherit fineir.
first wife still marry a second wife finrougln fine customay marriage process. A
wedding is celebrated and marriage payments are made only when a woman is
first brought into fine household Widow inheritance. prescribed by custom. does
not require any furfiner prestations. Upon fine deafin of a man, his wife has fine
option of returning to her natal household or. conversely, of remaining in her
deceased husband's household In practice, however, only fine woman who has

remained childless or who has no living children, has fine option of returning

210

home and remarrying since her children would be constrained to stay in fineir
fafiner's households The majority of women consent to marriage wifin a husbands
younger brother. It is generally fine brofiner immediately following fine deceased in
fine age hierarchy who inherits fine woman. If a man leaves two or more wives
and finere is more finan one younger brofiner of marriageable age, finen each
brofiner may inherit a wife; fine eldest of finem would receive fine first wife and

6 The new husband commences sexual relations wifin fine

so on down fine line.
woman following her period of mourning --finree monfins for converts, five for
non-converts-- wifinout any ritual sealing of fine relationship. Household fission
or membership in a different mtg is no obstacle to widow inheritance.
Where a resident lineage has segmented, fine woman and her children generally
remain members of fine deceased man's production unit so finat fine link between
fine woman and her new spouse is confined to a sexual relationship. This can
result in a predicament for fine woman if she bears children for her second
husband since finese children can potentially join fineir biological fafiner's
production unit. particularly if he claims them by paying taxes for them7 it is a
double predicament firstly because fine children leave fine productive unit finat has
maintained finem dwing fineir unproductive yeas and secondly because fine
mofiner, who may have been retired from agriculture by finat time. is supported
by a productive unit to which her children do not contribute. Remaining a
member of a deceased husband's We creates less of a problem alfinough it
may raise questions of inheritance. particularly if one gum is wealthier filan
fine ofiner.

Widow inheritance currently represents fine only form of conjugal union
which does not involve the formal creation of an alliance.9 A marriage with a
divorced woman, or a widow who did not consent to a union wifin a husbands
younger brofiner, requires only a minimal bridewealfin payment but is neverfineless
predicated on a formal inquiry made to fine woman's male kin. Once fine woman
joins her husband, the union is not differentiated semantically from unions based
on a complete series of prestations. This situation contrasts wifin finat described

by Comaoff (1980) for fine Tshidi where affinity, and consequenfiy marriage, is

211
subject to negotiation as reflected in the ambiguous status of conjugal unions.

Bourdieu (1976) has argued finat marriage strategies .

must be seen as one element in fine entire system of biological.

cultural, and social reproduction by which every gro endeavors

to pass on to fine next generation fine full measure 0 power and

privilege it has itself inherited (p. 141).
This makes of marriage an arena in which social identity and status are
negotiated ln constituting an alliance. households have to make fine best possible
use of fine allocative and aufinoritative resources at fineir disposal: finat is. it is not
only fine resou'ces which are available finat count but also fine skill wifin which
finey ae deployed Strategies are predicated on fine practical mastery of
principles which cannot be reduced to a set of rules. This must be kept in mind

in fine discussion which follows.

Despite fine contribution young men now mate to bridewealfin payments
finroudn fineir labor migation earnings. it is incumbent upon fine household elder
to find wives for his juniors. The man and fine woman concerned are never
actively involved in fine creation of a marriage alliance. Identifying a suitable
young woman and bringing fine negotiations to a successful conclusion is one of

the foremost preoccupations of a household head. today as much as in fine past.

In seeking wives for household juniors. the age hierarchy must be strictly
observed; finat is to say, a household head is not free to favor one of fine
unmarried men by seeking a wife for him first if finere are unmaried elder
brofiners However. a young man who stays on labor migration wifinout fine
accord of his seniors forfeits his right to a wife obtained for him finrough
household effort and wealfin; in short. he is simply bypassed in fine hierachy of
fine household The, hierarchical principle also applies if an elder makes it his task
to find second or finird wives for his juniors Men stated categorically finat even
in fine past it was impossible for an elder to have two or more wives while any

of his juniors of marriageable age had no wife at all. Juniors who might be

212

slighted in the search for wives are finose men who are considered illegitimate
WI eifiner because finey were born before their mofiner's marriage or
because finey are fine offspring of an extramarital relationship and were not
recognized by fineir social fafiner. Such illegitimate children are usually integrated
into fine household of fineir maternal kinsmen. Often fine wife obtained for finem
is a woman wifin a physical handicap or one who is divorced. i.e. women for
whom bridewealfin is much reduced

Men and women insist finat not all men are equally "lucky" in appealing to
potential affines as a spouse. Thus. an elder may spend considerable time trying
to find a second wife for fine eldest son wifinout success and finally give up to
use his efforts in favor of fine next eldest so finat a more fortunate junior may
have two wives even finougln his elder brofiner has only one. Likewise. if fine first
wife of one junior causes discord wifinin fine household finrough her behavior or
provokes quarrels wifin her husband or his kinsnnen, he may be favored in fine
seach for second wives Marying a second wife. rafiner finan divorcing fine first.
is a favorite strategy for "correcting” a first wife and provoking her to mend her
ways. Amanwhoisattractedtoayoungwomanmayasktheeldertotryto
obtain her for him as a second or finird wife. Such a request. however, could
not be put above the need to obtain first wives for all bachelors of marriageable
age even if fine man in question makes a considerable contribution to household
welfare finrough his labor migration earnings. In general. personal preference for
a specific woman plays a greater role in fine choice of a second or finird wife

finan in a first marriage.

Elopement does not constitute a strategy eifiner for obtaining fine wife of
one's clnoice or for pressuring affines to agree to a marriage. The only
alternative to fine customary mariage process is for a junior to establish himself
at his point of labor migration and marry wifinout fine mediation and assistance of
his kin group.

Wives are chosen wifin preference from villages which are linked wifin each

ofiner finrough old-established ”marriage roads" (mm am). It has already been

213

mentioned in chapter I" finat villages did not relate to each ofiner on an equal
basis. a fact which was reflected in mariages between villages. Dossigela, for
example. has established marriage alliances wifin Kuabugu only in finis generation
and still respects a pact which makes marriages wifin women from Jado taboo.
Kuanuw did not seek women from Gunakoro and fine only women presenfiy
from finat village have maried into a lineage which resettled from Tin Sana
Banbara also do not seek women from villages founded as a result of fine
creation of fine Office du Niger unless finese women are members of households
which relocated from Sana into fine perimeter of fine Office. The preference for
marriage wifin women from ofiner Sana villages. along fine established mariage
routes. can be seen as a practice finat favors social reproduction Sana Bambara
women. as opposed to women from ofiner efinnic wows or Bambara
townswomen, are finought to have been socialized according to local custom so

finat finey as less likely to question esttlished patterns

Ema m are also referred to as balima am I'kin roads”) because
marriage alliances have long been predicated on a form of generalized exchange.
A kin you) gave a woman in marriage wifin fine expectation finat it would receive
one in return at some lindeterminatel point in fine future. Mariage wifin fine
dauglnter of a hm lmofiner's brofinerl or, secondarily. wifin finat of a tinio muss:
(fafiner‘s sister) was preferred The referential kin term for bofin of finese is
kanimi (cousin) and can be expanded outwa'd in fine two kin woups. Wifinin finis
system, an elder responsible for finding a wife for a junior first approached fine
young man's mofiner's brofiners or, in fine absence of a suitable candidate, his
own female agnates This seach could be extended outwad in fine kin g'oups
involved To obtain a wife via balm am did not negate fine use of strategy in
order to effect fine most suitable match Alfinougn men ae credited wifin fine
initative of finding a wife for a junior and my on fine formal negotiations.
women may be involved behind fine scenes. so to speat. by making informal
contacts and inquiries. A woman who ’prepaes fine aound for an alliance wifin a
daughter from her own extended kin group can strengfinen her position in the
household

214

Apart from patri- and matrilateral cross-cousin lkanjnfil marriages, elders
frequently initiated marriage alliances wifin partners at beer drinking sessions. This
rarely takes place now as a result of widespread conversion to Islam Men who
had made fine trip to Senegal togefiner during fine early years of labor migration
could reenforce fineir relationship by offering a friends kinsman a daughter in
marriage. Up to fine present a lineage can offer a daughter to anofiner lineage
wifinout receiving a formal inquiry in order to strengfinen or maintain a relationship
between fine two groups. When finis happens. fine young man for whom fine
woman is intended is usually designated so that one junior in a household may be
'engaged' in mm to two women simultaneously while a younger brofiner.
also eligible for marriage, may not be engaged at all.10 Such initiation of an
alliance on fine pat of 'wife givers' indicates finat matrimonial strategy was and is
not confined to 'wife takers' nor is it exercised by 'wife givers' only after being
approached for a woman. As already discussed in chapter Ill, marrying a slave
woman constituted anofiner strategy for obtaining a wife until fine first decade of
fine 20th centuy.

Sana Banbara who have access to an increasingly restricted circle of women
are finose who have remained adherents of traditional religion. Muslim converts
state that fineir animist neighbors do not even seek to marry fineir daughters
'because finey know finey would not get finern' Muslims. on fine ofiner hand. do
seek to marry women from non-Muslim households because ’their upbringing is
no obstacle to integration into a Muslim household' This new hierachy is not as
absolute as it sounds because it would only apply when entire households have
resisted conversion to Islan. Non-converts have two weapons wifin which to
fight fine development of one-way marriage ties: falen and a form of divination.

to be discussed below.

A process. begun in fine heat of Sana during fine latter part of fine colonial
period and seeming to accelerate. is making banana any less important and is
creating links between villages which previously had no or few marriage alliances.

The manifestation of finis process is termed men. which can be glossed as

215

”exchange” or "conversion". The term is not reserved for any specific category
of goods; it can be used for changing millet against rice, for making change, and
for ofiner such transactions. What is being exchanged under fine system of Men
are women, finat is to say sisters or daughters. who become wives. Men
recognize and acknowledge finat marriage alliances have always been based on
exchange but finis exchange was delayed: film. as currently practiced. means finat
fine party seeking a wife must be in a position to promise a sister or daughter in
return Ealen marriages are practiced to a greater or lesser degree in most Sana
Banbaa villages ln Kuanugu, anproximately 25% of all marriages initiated since
fine inception of fine practice about 30 years ago were tam ’ Men from villages
which still have few men marriages say finat finey try to resist by breaking off
mariagenegofiationsifafalgnarrangementisdemandedbutaddfinatfineymay
have to give in to fine trend in fine long term Lewis (1978) noted finat Man was
disdained along fine Bani as a sign of poverty. Fulton and Toulmin (personal
communication) and Norton (personal communication). who conducted research in
villages bout 60km norfin of Segu and some 25km outside of Segu along fine
Markala road respectively. noted finat men mariages were eschewed in finose

areas as well.

Sana Bambara suggest a variety of 'causes' for fine development of falgn.
The simplest of finese is a new scarcity of women. An examination of
genealogies provides no evidence of a skewed sex ratio which would support
'finis contention The age of first marriage for men has fallen somewhat while it
seems to have risen for women (brides ae generally between 17-20 years old).
It is difficult to tell if finis change is statistically significant; however, coupled wifin
fine fact finat some men have two wives. it might have a limited influence on fine

availability of women.

Anofiner reason offered points to fine diminution of fine respect for kinship
(ham wifin fine consequence that some people were refused unexpectedly
when seeking a wife along baljma m. Those rebuffed eventually responded by

demanding a wife in return for a sister/daughter. What appears as a diminution in

216

respect for kinship may be linked to fine increasing importance accorded to
material wealfin due to insertion into the commodity nexus. One elder pointed to
finis as a problem when he stated finat those who disregarded balmy: favored a
wealfinier suitor over a poorer one even finough fine poorer one may have been a

kinsman

A finird explanation is socio-historical. lt traces fine roots of tam back to
slave liberation by suggesting finat former slaves set fine process in motion when
finey refused to give a daughter in‘ marriage wifinout receiving a wife. Thoudn
juridically equal after liberation. free Banbara continued to refuse fineir daughters
to descendants of slaves under a pretext while seeking to marry m women.

Finally, one woman noted finat poor people practised ialen in fine past so
finat fine curent system is merely an extension of it to a wider segment of fine
population The term 'poor people' in finis context may also encompass slaves
and fineir descendants during fine decades following apolition. This origin would
confirm fine characterisation of men as a sign of poverty reported by Lewis
(1978). but it does not explain fine expansion of film The move reasons. as
articulated by Banbara men and women, will be taken into account in fine
discussion at fine end of finis chapter.

IhemaiQnMaDAllimce.

Wifinout fine outright offer of a daughter or fine conviviality of fine beer
calabashes. an elder poses questions wout young girls he encounters, delegates a
relative or friend in a neighboring village wifin 'looking' on his behalf. or inquires
about potential spouses anong fine young man's cross-cousins. Once a girl has
been identified. a representative. who may also be a blacksmifin. is sent to fine
elder of fine girl's household in order to make a formal inquiry. It is not only
important finat finis representative be trusted but also finat he be respected by and
have friendly links wifin one or more members of fine girl‘s household. fine idea
being that he can favorably influence finem in informal inquiry prior to

approaching fine elder. Request and response are formulaic. The delegate states

217

finat he has heard finat a particular girl is not yet engaged and would like X (fine
suitor) "to be favored over her' in order to receive her. The implication of finis
is finat fine suitor is fine girl's social superior. or else he could not marry her.
This principle would. of course, be negated if fine man is a slave descendant. If
the girl's agnates have already set fineir sight on a potential spouse for her. fine
elder will respond: ”We'll finink about it”, meaning finat a positive response is
precluded This exemplifies strategy on fine part of a woman's kinsmen If finere
is hope of receiving her. fine elder's response is: "It is true finat she is not yet
engagedbutfinemattercannotbedecideduponbymyself'.i.sitmustbe
discussedbyfinemaleagnatesasaunit. ”RetuninXamountoftime.’ ltishere
finat fine intermediary's connections come into play because his allies wifinin fine
household can try to sway fine elder in favor of fine arrangement. lf fine elder is
strongly opposed his wishes prevail and a negative response is given when fine
intermediary returns At present, fine girl‘s fafiner's preferences enter into fine
decision to a rnnuch greater extent final in fine past; moreover. women are now
informed which suitor is being considered for fineir daudnter finough finey
generally defer to fine men's wishes unless finey have strong objections. stating
finat it is up to fine men to decide because "chilcren belong to fine man/husband”
(gm 1g 95 ta 1:). Up until fine ealy years of Independence women were
simply informed of fine tan ml) once fine decision had been made and fineir
daughters could be beaten by fineir kinsmen if finey objected to fine choice of a

spouse.

Non-islanic custom prescribes finat fine choice of suitor also be confirmed in
divination. The elder. or any ofiner man delegated and empowered to do so (bglj
tigi). kills a black chicken and if fine chicken falls to fine ground belly-up fine
choice is confirmed and a positive response can be given when fine intermediay
returns It is a bad omen if fine chicken falls over on its side. followed by a
negative response when fine intermediary returns (5)35 km ma sin "fine chicken
wing did not agree"). Those who have converted to Islan no longer rely on
divination and simply give fine intermediary fineir positive decision. As indicated

earlier. divination could be a way for animist Bambara to reject a Muslim

218

suitor. 1 1

If a girl is promised to fine member of a lineage wifin whom past marriage
ties exist. fine decision is conveyed to fine intermediary in terms finat emphasize
finis fact: fine elder states finat fine two lineages are already "marriage partners"
(tum when and that the daughter is promised in that spirit If, on the other
hand. fine mariage is to be feign. fine intermediary will be informed finat fine
lineage is willing to enter a marriage alliance but finat it would like to be
shown/introduced to (In jjnl a woman as well The suitor‘s lineage finen has fine
opportunity to respond positively or to wifindraw from fine negotiations. A
marriage alliance is sealed by fine transmission of fine tum afimi film. also
known as labjlalj Linn.

Recent discussions of marriage (e.g. Comeroff. 1980: Muray. 1981) have
emphasized finat marriage is a process refiner finan a point of transition. Mariage
prestations are an integral pat of finis process. not merely a manifestation of. or
compensation for. fine transfer of rights Following sanlins and ofiners. Comaoff
(1980) reminds us finat bridewealfin payments. along wifin fine transfer of other
material objects represent

a point of articulation between fine organizational principles which
underlie and constitute fine socio-cultural system and fine surface

- forms and processes which togefiner comprise the lived-in

universe..../ ...in any system where explicit rules delimit contributors
to, and recipients of, prestations by kinship category. fineir
alienation represents a symbolic context in which relevant linkages
ae construed and. perhaps, negotiated Existing definitions of finese
linkages may simply be reaffirmed. or finey may be contested; but.

in eifiner case. a manifest universe of effective relations is ordered
in fine process (p.33/p.35).

This tates on paticula importance in a context such as finat of contemporary
Sana where fine integrity of fine social order can only be sustained tlnrougn
involvement in fine economic system beyond fine province. One miglnt finerefore
expect finat marriage exchanges reflect finis involvement. The discussion which

follows examines fine changing composition of marriage payments. It shows finat

prestations fall into different categories according to fine phase of fine marriage

219

process and finat fineir production is becoming an individual refiner finan a

collective project.

an 55mm is the sacrifice made to fine lineage protective spirits to ask for
fine blessing of fine proposed marriage and fine protection of fine daughter to be
given: (Lima. as in m figmi Lima, simply means "finings", i.e. fine required
goods). Converts to Islam no longer make finis sacrifice and finus designate fine
goods to be transmitted as W literally ”letting go" or "permission to leave".
The customay goods consist of two (sometimes four) black chickens, one male
and one female; one basket of millet (jab nyfi); and a specified nunber of red
and white kola. Red is considered 'male' kola and white 'female' kola and since
mariage involves man and woman bofin must be included Red should
neverfineless predominate because fine man is fine woman's superior. If only red
kola were to be given it would be considered a "red matter" (15g bum).
somefining finat brings bad luck. Adlnerents of traditional religion sacrifice fine
chickens. converts do not and may not even require finat chickens form part of
fine Iabilali: finey may ask for a male slneep instead Some lineages also no longer
ask for fine basket of millet and request a sum of money in its place. As many
as 100 kola nuts may now be demanded Initial negotiations are confined to fine
two households involved, but fine transmission of fine My sham/13mm brings fine
newly constituted relationship into fine realm of public knowledge because fine

kola are divided anong all resident members of fine bride's lineage.

Once fine marriage alliance has become official, fine bride's household informs
fine intermediary m balm of fine bride price. Bridewealfin is not monolifinic as
reported sums of currency seem to imply. In fact. fine inclination to place a
monetay value on all fine goods transmitted prior to fine wedding has taken hold
in Sana only since fine late 1960s Prior to that bridewealfin was viewed as a
series of prestations culminating in fine wedding ceremony. Em.) sand/Milan
initiates finis series. Its core are fine m yilima Emu. fine goods to be
transferred at each anniversary of fine alliance until fine wedding takes place. The

composition and quantity of san 1am: Linn differ wifinin and between villages

220

and are considered a household secret Neverfineless. fine existence of
inter-generational marriage links between certain villages and lineages provides
elders with a working knowledge of prevalent prestations so finat finey know
approximately what to expect when asking for a woman from a given household.
The san yiléma flaw a’e also referred to as laada (“custom"). implying finat finey
form part of lineage tradition.

The a: yjlfim film used to reflect fine staples of Banbaa agriculture,
comprising a specific number of measures each of millet. fonio. and Bambaa
groundnuts as well as several gourdes of millet beer. Prior to fine disappearance
of cowries as currency land: also included fine fixed sum of 30000 cowries.
40000 if fine bride was a slave woman who was obtained direcfiy from her
master. It was not - and is not - possible to bargain over bridewealfin but a
household which was undnle to fulfill its annual prestation could ask finrough its
intermediay finat it be changed or liquidated entirely. Any annual prestation finat
wasliquidatedentirelyorinpatdidnothavetobepaidatalaterdateandwas
nevermentionedagainunlessadisputeansuedbetweenfinetwolineages. The
natueofmymamaflnwandfinemavnerinwhichfineywereproducedfinrows
into question Meillassoux' (1960; 1964: 1975) postulate. derived from his
reseach among fine Guro but also accepted by ofiner neo-marxists (sg Dupre &
Rey, 1978; Rey. 1969). concerning fine control of elders over juniors based on
fineir control of bridewealfin It is true finat elders were in charge of mg;
property in fineir capacity as heads of household but since fonio. groundnuts. and
millet were produced collectively finey could not dispose of finem at will. Terray
(1972) recognized fine tenuous nature of such control when he stated finat lest an
elder fulfil his obligation to obtain wives for his juniors he would risk losing his
dependents. Moreover, Meillassoux' suggestion finat paticipation in long-distance
trade resulted in fine emergence of a 'prestige sphere' which limited access to

certain types of goods to elders does not hold for Sana.

Wifin increasing involvement in fine commodity nexus in recent years fonio

and Banbara groundnuts have been excluded from annual prestations Prestations

221

in millet are specified in two categories: dbl?) old and deg: n15. Among
non-converts. the former was/is brewed and transmitted in fine form of beer to
be shared by fine men of fine kingroup and fineir guests. As men have converted
to Islan they have substituted a sum of money or a quantity of millet for fine
millet beer. Half of fine deg: [:15 is given to fine bride's mofiner and fine
remainder is divided anong fine ofiner women of fine household Since fine 1970s
clofin is frequently requested in place of. or in addition to. deg: m. Along wifin
a demand for clofin goes a specific sun of money. known as fine “tailoring wage”
'wmwhichcanbeincreasedfromoneyeartofinenext. Theclofinis
designatedforfinemofineroffinebrideandfinelnlallmforfineofinerwomen
of fine household Those who still demand millet to fine exclusion of clofin
neverfineless also request a certain sum of money in addifion to kola and perhaps
tobacco. It is ten to fine household head to decide what. if any. portion of fine
cash should be given to fine bride's mofiner. The composition of fine prestations
maybealteredduingfinecouseoffineengaganantsofinatmyilimafimu
may consist of millet. kola. and currency for finree yeas and finen become cloth.
kola. and currency fine following yeas The nunber of clofins may also be
changed from one yea to fine next and fine type of clofin to be transferred may
be stipulated The transition from agricultural products to money and clofin
eliminates fine option of asking finat a payment be reduced or liquidated
altogefiner. A demand for a payment in cash or clofin. which can be obtained on
migration, does not diminish a households moral aufinority in fine way a demand
for millet would when fine giver's household is experiencing adversity.

In addition to fine m 13mm Lima a household can demand a prestafion of
millet in fine nane of fine bride's age mates who ae already engaged (film mg).
Thougln customary in all Sana villages. it is not demanded by all households nor
for all dauglnters of a given household A household may specify that. for
exanple. two of fine bride's agemates are already engaged and finey are finerefore
to receive 2 (or 2x2. etc.) measures of film 015 as part of fine annual prestation
This millet is not given to fine lineages of fine age mates but to the mofiner of

fine bride who finen divides it among fine women of fine household (new min bi

222
b11190 1591:!) ml.

Anofiner type of prestation are fine hQIQKQ than (”excision goods"). These
include a range of items specified by the bride's household. such as one to two
goats. a chicken. millet. kola. a mat. a large calabash of shea oil. and an excision
clofin made of 7 bands of homespun clofin. each 7 elbows long They are
transmitted at fine time of excision. One goat is given on fine excision day itself.
fine ofiner must be slaughtered. cooked and taken to fine bride's village wifin millet
couscous and a gourde of deg: for fine celebration of the dump (6th day after
excision). lf fine goat is not slaughtered (and it may be demanded livel it must be
accompanied by a fee for condiments. Since girls are currenfiy excised between
9-12 yet: of age many have been excised by fine time finey are promised in
mtriage. The hglglsg flow are finerefore often demanded soon after fine labilali
Lima have been transferred but fine goat is brouglnt live and is accompanied by
milletqainrafinerfinancouscousordegg. Muchasfinemx‘glimafjnufine
hglglsg Lima are changing in composifion. Some households. for example. now
demund a casln payment rafiner finan a goat.

lf fine bride should die before fine wedding can take place. her kinsmen are
not obligated to return any of fine prestations made up to finat point There is
also no obligation to offer a sister in her stead If, on fine ofiner hand, fine
bridegroom died prior to fine wedding it was customary for one of his younger
brofiners to take his place; where no younger brofiner was finere to marry fine
bride her kinsmen were free to promise her to anofiner suitor wifinout returning
fine bridewealfin The automatic substitution of a younger brother is a prescription
which is currenfiy in flux but has not so far led to a mandatory return of
bridewealth.12

During fine yet of fine wedding fine bridegroom chooses finree of his age
mates to accompany him in greeting his affines (12mm Lg). In cases where fine
bride is not in fine care of her biological mofiner. finis greeting is addressed to
her social parents. The bridegroom's household determines fine day by sending a
message to fine in-laws, letting finem know finat finey would like to come to greet

223

finem. The greeting involves a prestation of kola. cash. and sometimes cigarettes;
fine amount of cash is determined by having fine intermediary inquire how much
ofiner households are receiving on fine occasion to avoid loosing face by
transmitting less finan what is current in fine village. The bridegroom and his age
mates spend fine day'- and night. if fine village is far - in fine compound of fine
lineage elder and are served food by fine women of fine household and fine age
mates of fine bride. A portion of fine money finey have brought is designated for
fine mofiner of fine bride to help her wifin her preparations (ha hglg dame m or
ha maxi w. some for fine ofiner 'mofiners' of fine bride. some for fine bride's
age mates. and some for fine elders of fine lineage.

The Mama to however does not and fine outlays prior to fine wedding
ceremony. it only initiates fine final phase. Customary marriage (tum girl) and civil
mrriage lhglg d3) first have to take place. The final sin is a short ceremony
uniting representatives of fine groom's lineage and elders of fine bride's lineage in
fine balm of fine latter to bless fine relationship. Converts to lslarn have fine imam
read from fine koran.13 The old women of the lineage assemble in fine compound
to give fineir blessing and receive kola and a small sum of cash from fine
groom's lineage when fine ceremony in fine vestibule is completed The bride
remains wifin fine old women and receives clofin for a wrapper. boubou. head
scat. and shoes (now plastic finongs) along wifin fine calabash in which fine gifts '
are transmitted Men and women are then served a meal by fine bride's
household

Sana We have acquiesced to demands by fine Malian state for a civil
wedding. Its name bola d: stems from fine fact that fine couple must appear
before fine chef W and indicate fineir consent to marry by signing a
document. finat is to say. by putting fineir fingerprint on (lg hols; gal. Officially.
fine fee paid to fine civil servant should replace bride wealfin payments; notices at
fine municipality in Segu wan finat anyone caught exchanging money or goods
beyond fine ZOOOOMF fee. or celebrating an elaborate wedding. will be severely
punished Needless to say. fine fee paid to fine civil servant is only an additional

224

burden” on fine bridegroom. Apart from paying fine fee. fine bridegroom now is
under peer pressure to obtain a mobylette for himself and his age mate to drive
fine bride and her agemate to Sinsanni rafiner than simply taking her on a donkey
cart or on a bicycle. The bride and her age mate. as well as the representative
of fine bride's fafiner and fine m hglgrm receive a monetary gift on fine

occasion.

Finally. fine groom's household must weave all of fine bride's clofin before fine
wedding date can be set Old women note finat during fineir youfin fine bride's
kinsmen would take care of all fine weaving 'so as not to give away what fine
dowry included' As fine dowry goods began to increase bride mofiners started
sending all of fineir homespun cotton finread to fine groom's kinsmen wifin
specifications for fine types of blankets and wrappers14 finat were to be woven
in addition to fine standard mosquito net. lf fine groom's kinsmen cannot
accomplish fine weaving finemselves finey must hire ofiners to help or do it for
finem. Certain households continue to refrain from sending fine ”wedding finread"
(km gun) and instead request money to pay for fine weaving; finis can provide
anofiner opportunity for extracting cash 1 5

Whefiner or not fine bridegroom's kinsmen weave fine 35mg gm finey must
weave fine dag gang. The raw cotton for it is purchased wifin 19th resources
- failing finat. wifin resources provided by fine bridegroom's mofiner - and divided
among fine sisters and sisters-in-law (hum mum of fine groom to be ginned.
carded. and spun In the past. it was done only by fine groom's sisters

In preparation of fine wedding celebration. fine household purchases sugar for
fine gage; condiments for fine various meals; hard candy to be handed out to
visitors who make a contribution; kola for fine bride's paty. fine old men of fine
village. and villagers and guests who keep fine vigil wifin fine bridegroom lf fine
household does not own enough goats and chickens it must buy some for fine
festivities and if rice has not yielded fine previous year it must be purchased for
fine wedding breatfast The women of fine household distribute fine unhusked rice
to fine women of ofiner households to be pounded and finey. aided by all the

225

women of the resident lineage. pound fine millet in preparation for fine various

meals

The final major expenditure is made on fine wedding day itself, as described
in connection wifin fine wedding ceremony. After a bride has been fully integrated
into fine household finrougln fine km muss: nyj all obligatory prestations to her
kinsmen end It is merely incumbent on her husband to maintain good relations
wifin his affines by treating finem well when finey are guests in his household leg
by offering kola nuts) and by sending small gifts. if possible. when she goes
home on a visit.

Some men suggest finat finere is no essential difference between prestations
based on local products and finose of today because finen as now finere are
households which have and ofiners which don't This glosses over fine fact finat in
fine past everyone was in a position to produce fine products required and
production shortfalls due to climatic adversity affected all. Misfortunes which
befell a household (e.g. sickness or death) were cushioned by mutual aid Equally
important. obligations inherent in mum; 3m and fine moral aufinority a kin group
commanded could overcome a lack of material resources Currenfiy. on fine ofiner
hand. marriage is predicated on commodity production. Ecological adversity since
fine late 1960s seems to have contributed to fine fine commodification of
bridewealfin so finat now mariage becomes a reason for migration. The demand
for money and clofin brings commodity relations into fine reproduction of a social

order which is still on fine margins of relations based on contract.
wedding fiends; Counter Bushman on: Inheritance?

Goody (1973) suggests finat dowry in Africa is linked to Islam. or ofiner
world religions. because lslarn provides for inheritance to daughters. To link fine
expansion of 'wedding goods' (155mb £111an in Sana to fine spread of Islan
would be to take a concurrent phenomenon as causal. particularly since
knowledge of fine precepts of Islan is very superficial and increase in goods is

not restricted to islamised households Furthermore. wedding goods are not

226

construed as an inheritance which a woman receives from her lineage as a unit

but rafiner as a store of goods which her mofiner accumulates on her behalf.

The notion of wedding goods is not a recent one. The eldest of women
state finat finey. as fineir mofiners before finem, had to bring an axe for cutting
firewood. mortar and pesfie. cooking utensils (calabashes. clay pots. wooden
bowls. ladies). and baskets; finey also had gourdes for gage and for storing clofin.
oil lanp. water jar. stool lggmi). clofins, blankets. and a mosquito net. A woman
who was maried some 45-50 years ago reminisced finat she came wifin 30
wrappers. rafiner finan fine 10 or 15 common at fine fime. because her mofiner
had means. Brides finen brought no more finan two or finree blankets. Prior to
slave liberation some brides received a slave as wedding gift from fineir kinsmen
and finen. as now. some women received a goat or sheep or. more rarely, a
cow if fineir kinsmen had fine means. Mofiners also strove to give fineir daughters
gold. generally in fine form of earrings and. finrough fine early part of fine colonial
period. a nose ring

Since fine late 1960s fine quantity and range of 1351115 W has greatly
increased Brides bring not only fine goods already mentioned but also metal
buckets and wash basin. water kettle. enamel bowls. one or more metal trunks.
brazier and tea pot with glasses. and frequenfiy a small table: fine kerosene lanp
has replaced fine oil lamp and pots are made of iron rafiner finan of clay.
Wrappers and blankets have greatly increased in number and are complemented
by sheets. decorative multi-colored blankets known as nuts, and prayer rugs.
Many wrappers are of printed cotton or hand woven but wifin machine-spun
finread (Bibs) rafiner finan home spun. If a bride has obtained many wrappers
lnow frequenfiy 100-200) fine bride’s mofiner. in consultation wifin fine old women
of her ward. withholds a portion for fine bride rafiner finan turning finem all over
to her affines. Some women sell part of finese and give fine proceeds to fine
daughter or purchase gold for her: fine cash obtained from fine sale of finis clofin.
as fine cash obtained from selling shea oil. cannot be used direcfiy for buying

livestock. Prior to fine bride's departure all of fine goods finat accompany her at

227

fine time of fine wedding are counted by fine old women of fine bride's ward.
stacked. and held togefiner by large nets (new.

Every woman works to obtain a rich dowry for her daughter. It is
considered her duty and involves her reputation. A rich dowry indicates finat fine
mofiner "has worked hard” and that she is respected. for only an industrious
woman who develops a large social network can accumulate many goods Every
woman is obligated to give a wrapper or blanket when fine dauglnter of one of
her sisters gets married; she must respond likewise at fine wedding of fine
daughter of a woman married to a member of her husband's resident lineage.
Beyond finis. she can incur debts by giving wrappers to daughters of ofiner
women of her extended kin network or of fine village. In fine past. women gave
fineirhglgmammmacalabashandlatenwhenenanelbowlsbecanne
fashionable. some gave it along wifin an enamel bowl. Women say finat finey can
no longer afford to do finis and give a calabash or a bowl in addition to a clofin
only in special cases. In Kuabugu. a bride's age mates all contributed by giving
her an ena'nel bowl. These gifts are made prior to fine wedding and ae repaid
in kind - i.e. a homespun wrapper is repaid wifin a homespun. a Isiah. wifin a
thin. etc. - when her own daughters get maried The kinswoman who presents
her wifin fine big tunic fine bridegroom receives gets fine gag gang in return after
fine wedding The extent to which a woman is aided by her lineage finrough
resources derived-from bride wealfin prestations is ignored publicly.

Despite fine fact finat unmarried girls became involved in labor migration
during fine mid-1970s lrafiner finan cutting millet under fine tutelage of a
kinswoman. for exannple) in order to help fineir mofiners prepare fine wedding
goods. weddings are increasingly postponed because fine mofiner has not
completed her preparations. A household which is neverfineless anxious to
integrate fine bride can hold a sing: or m m IS: sing: means "to rent” or "to
borrow” and k: sen dgn means "to participate". "to take part". Bofin terms refer
to a preliminary wedding ceremony which formally brings a woman into fine

household wifinout exposing her mofiner to shame for not having accumulated fine

228

goods she deems necessary. No guests ae invited from ofiner villages and fine
bride does not bring her belongings. Alfinough fine wedding is held one. or
sometimes two. years later16. fine year of fine sing: counts as fine bride's yea
of marriage into fine household Following the slug. fine bride returns home
briefly and finen joins her husband's household for fine rainy season finrough fine
fonio harvest. The Inhifllsila min is set aside for her after fine harvest much as
for fine ofiner married women of fine household The two brides who were in
Kuabugu on slag; in 1981 left fine village immediately after Tabaski. Their
husband is allowed to visit finem at home before fine wedding takes place

An unmarried girl's pregnancy may also induce a household to move up fine
wedding This is never cited as an explanation for fine slnga. presunably because
a household would celebrate fine wedding if fine bride's mofiner were ready. A
man and his kin who are willing to accept a woman's illegitimate child (omega)
may hold fine wedding as early as possible.” if prepaations cannot be
completed finey will arange for a sing: to publicly and fine relationship wifin her

lover.
It): Mil! 91 Martians:

Among fine benedictions offered by guests at a wedding are some which
express fine wish finat fine marriage last for a lifetime leg 133 m min sj 139.
And making fine foot of fine bride touch fine ground firmly four times at fine entry
to fine compound symbolizes fine desire for marital stability. Some men and
women assert that divorce has become more frequent and point to it as a sign
of a breakdown in old values but genealogies do not bear out finis fact. An'
examination of Kuabugu genealogies over finree generations shows finat fine

divorce rate has always been less finan 1%.

Men wisln to avoid divorce if at all possible because of fine rupture it
introduces into fine links between lineages and its implications for fine wider kin
network. As already indicated. marrying a second wife is preferred to repudiating

a wife wifin whom one is dissatisfied The primary recourse for a woman who is

229

displeased wifin her husband’s behavior or angered after a quarrel is to leave for
a visit of her natal household or ofiner kin. Women do not resort to finis while
work is pressing during fine agricultural season unless finey feel finat finey have
been seriously wronged. but during fine dry season finey may leave for extended
periods of time. In fine event of serious conjugal problems women are
constrained to seek fine aid of an intermediary, a nearby friend or kinsperson.
indicated to finem at fine time of fineir wedding Only if finis person does not
succeed in resolving fine conflict may a woman return home and count on fine
full support of her kinsmen Once finis happens it is up to her husband's lineage

to send a representative who negotiates for fine return of fine woman18

\Mfin fine emergence of false conflict in one marriage also spells problems in
fine ofiner marriage finat was part of fine arrangement lf mediation attempts do
not secure fine return of a wife. fine husband’s household may call its kinswoman
home to put pressure on fine affines. The complication finis creates is viewed as
one of fine major disadvantages of film mariages but in a case where finis
occurred du'ing my stay recall of fine husband's sister did bring anout fine return
of fine wife who had left However. it is not yet possible to tell if man will
impede divorces in fine long term. Alfinough a divorce in a men arrangement
ruptures fine relationship between two lineages. it does not have repercussions
for an entire kin network fine way a ballma divorce would.

230
mm.

The continuity of fine social order is predicated on marriage. Male agnates
who share a common patrimony form fine core of household and community.
The lanor --in fine double sense of fine term-- of women who enter as
strangers helps ensure fine integrity of fine group: elder men can retire only if
finey have sons to replace finem and elder women need daughters-in-law to
cary on for finem. Households and communities are linked finrough a network of
ties in fine form of marriage alliances which ensures finat fine social order is
reproduced (e.g. principles of hierarchy are reconfirmed). However. because fine

creation of alliances is accomplished finrough action. it also holds fine potential
for change.

Discussion of matrimonial strategies and marriage prestations has shown that
bofin fine way in which marriages are constituted and fine composition of
bridewealfin are changing These changes are closely linked to fine
commodification process The emergence of talgn, while containing an element of
all of fine reasons offered by Sana Banbara finemselves. does not reflect a
diminution in fine respect for kinship pg: 53 but for fine way kin groups are
linked Households have become more autonomous as a result of integration into
fine commodity nexus and rely less on collective labor during the production
cycle. The production of prestations is therefore also less of a collective
endeavor. particularly where cash and clofin form an important component. Ealgn
involves primarily fine deployment of fine resources of two households rafiner finan
of a wider kin network and a rupture in a film relationship does not implicate
an entire kin network. Ealgn represents a contraction of kin networks and finus
an acknowledgement. if only implicit. of disruption. At fine sane time. it allows
for an expansion in fine range of potential matrimonial partners wifinout regard to

traditional notions of hierarchy.

To ascertain fine impact of talgn on fine escalation of bridewealfin would
require a detailed study of transactions in {alga and balm marriages. Men assert
finat ialgn does not have fine effect of reducing bridewealfin nor finat it makes

231

bridewealfin transactions between fine two lineages exact copies of each ofiner.
While bridewealfin has undergone quantitative and qualitative changes. as shown. it
has not increased to fine same extent as in many ofiner areas of Mali. Men
finemselves stress finat household wealfin has become less important -- in a
relative rafiner finan an absolute sense -- and finat only a woman can obtain
anofiner woman. Alfinough fine prestations which move from one lineage to
anofiner in a falgn arrangement may preserve fine principle of social hierachy
expressed in bridewealfin. finey cannot exceed fine bounds of what would be
deemed reasonable; excessive demands by one pa'ty would risk a like response
by fine ofiner party. particularly since fine two mariages do not necessarily occur
wifinin fine same time span. The woman promised in exchange for a woman does
not have to be of marriageable age at fine time fine ag'eement is made.
Non-quantitative evidence. finerefore. indicates finat even if men is not a
conscious response to commodification it has fine unintended effect of
diminishing bridewealfin inflation Alfinougln fine commodity nexus introduces a new
source of inequality between kin groups which is recognized in prestations. it is
also held in check.

Through fine control of household crops and especially finrough labor
migration men are linked into the commodity nexus more direcfiy finan women
who are more closely tied to fine world of provisioning. By circulating money
and clofin finrough bridewealfin women obtain commodities to which finey
ofinerwise have only limited access The system of distribution (of bridewealfin
and of mm animal undermines accumulation by any one woman and makes a
bridegroom's kinswomen and fine women of his household beneficiaries. Yet fine
need to contribute clofin at fine wedding of kinswomen also places constant

pressure on women to engage in petty connmodity production.

The mariage process. finen. bridges fine world of goods and fine world of
provisioning as well as fine world in which social reproduction and alliances
interpenetrate. At fine same time. it ties fine community more firmly into fine

commodity nexus. In reproducing fine social order, fine marriage process also

232

carries fine seeds of its transformation.

233

Notes

1 In one case familiar to me fine bridegroom’s household rented a vehicle to
get fine bride since her village was some 65km distant The vehicle took fine
bride and her party to a nearby village where finey awaited darkness and finen
proceeded by donkey cart

2 Dyna: means bofin "stranger” and "guest“.

3 If fine bride is not raised by her biological mofiner. her social mother may
accompany her to fine village of her husband finough she also does not
participate in fine festivities as such

4 ln fine Bambara counting system Kimi (noon equalled 400 as opposed to
fine 500MF customary until 1984. Units below 100 also had different
designations finan finey _do toda . The modern 155m! of 5OOMF is also referred to
as ”Muslim 100" W " . The old counting system prevailed in Sana until
after Independence.

5 There was one woman who left a litfie over a year after her husbands
deafin and following fine deafins of her two youngest sons. She took her ofiner ‘
son and daughter wifin her and. at fine time of my departure. it was unclear if
fineir fafiner’s kinsmen would insist on fineir return

6 In one instance. a man inherited two wives because he was fine only
remaining younger brofiner.

7 Children usually appear on fine tax rolls beginning at age 15 when finey are
considered active in iculture. One young man known to me was said to be
unda pressure by his atlner to switch over to his fafiner‘s household.

~8 In some Sana villages a woman changes over to her new husband's

9 The only exception to finis was an old man and woman who considered
each ofiner husband and wife but lived wifin their respective kin in different
villages. Bofin had been widowed and fine woman came from time to time to
spend" a few days wifin her husband since fine man no longer travelled beyond
fine vi age.

10 I was familiar wifin two such cases in Kuabugu

11 One islamised household head told me finat he was rejected following
divination when seeking a woman from a non-Muslim household for one of his
younger brofiners. it is unclear what factors played a role in fine rejection

12 Upon fine deafin of a young man who had been an ed to two girls.
some villagers said finat finey were doubtful fine brides wou d be given to fine
younger brofiner of fine deceased even finough he was of marriageable age and
was not yet engaged.

13 I never witnessed a non-lslanic my sin.
14 Blanket and wrapper patterns are known by a variety of different names.

15 In one such case during fine fieldwork period SOOOOMF were requested
as payment for fine weaver. lus lOOOOMF "to help fine mother." It was paid but
when fine groom's househol asked for a wedding date anofiner ZOOOOMF were
demanded. Even after finat. a decision about fine wedding date was delayed under
a pretext and fine g'oom’s household expected anofiner demand for money.

234

Significantly. finis marriage had been arranged along balm 51:3.

16 l have recorded two such cases in Kuabugu In one of finese the bride
returned to cultivate for her husband's household during the rainy season; in fine
ofiner. she was not permitted to return under the pretext that she might get
pregnant again During the rainy season following fine since she had become
pregnant but fine child she bore died

17 This appeared to be fine reason for two accelerated weddings alfinough it
was never acknowledged publicly.

18 In one case. a woman did not return for nearly finree monfins despite fine
fact that she had left two young children behind. one of whom fell sick during
herI absence. PeOple suggest finat one party must admit fault before fine woman
wil come back.

CHAPTER Vlll
CONCLUSION

Chapter one elucidated fine conditions which made possible fine discourse
about fine Banbara and oufiined fine forms finis discourse has taken It made
explicit fine relations which enter into fine production of an efinrnographic text so
as to confront fine problemafic nature of such an endeavor. Consequently. I have
souglnt to write not about "fine Banbara" but about Bambara men and women in a
specific place and time. My account has tried to provide an interpretation of
fineir conditions of existence and of fine way finese have developed historically.
Producing knowledge finat is adequate to finis complex reality has necessitated not
only reflection on anthropological practice but also a reconsideration of fine
concepts with which we try to apprehend reality.

In trying to come to grips wifin fine contemporary situation of Sana Banbara.
I have suggested finat a global perspective is indispensable. To a certain extent. I
maintain a dualist position in arguing finat while Sana is part of fine world system.
it does not follow finat it is capitalist or finat local social relations are determined
by fine world economy. The question finat necessarily arises is how to conceive
of fine relationship. Meillassoux (1972; 1975) and Wolpe (1972) have argued that
rural aeas such as. Sana subsidize capitalist accumulation by producing laborers
and by providing fineir social security: capital only pays these laborers an hourly
wage finat covers direct costs. Non-capitalist and capitalist sectors are thus
organically linked: fine former reproduces labor power for fine latter so finat it is
in fine interest of capitalism land of fine laborers it exploits) to maintain rural
social relations. Rafiner finan destroying fine "domestic community". capitalism
fossilizes its structures. Meillassoux and Wolpe are correct in stressing finat fine
non-capitalist sector is not an entity apart. a simple holdover from fine past. but
they place too much emphasis on fine 'needs' of capitalism and can finerefore not

235

236

account for fine specificity of local social forms.

My own approach has been to move away from the determinacy of 'fine
economic' and to give greater weight to ‘human agency' in social
reproduction-transformation. While positing finat Sana Bambara are part of fine
capitalist world system. I do not assume finat fineir form of integration has been
determined by its functionality to capitalism. The subsumption of Sana into fine
capitalist world system was shaped by a variety of forces. including Bambara
responses to new realities. as discussed in chapter four. Refiner' finan acquiescing
to fine imposition of cotton as a cash crop. Sana Banbara went on labor
migration to obtain fine cash needed to pay taxes and shore up fineir food crops
under conditions of ecological adversity. As a result. finey are today less
affected by fine vagaries of fine world commodities markets finan cotton or
peanut producers in ofiner areas of Mali. During fine 1950s and 1960s when
finey increased fine production of peanuts. finese were planted on fine household
field refiner finan on individual fields. Household fields continued to be maintained
in 1981/82 and elder men and women were relieved from agricultural labor by
fineir juniors As indicated in chapter seven. Kuabugu households did not go to
fine fields when a wedding was held in fine village and all contributed a dish of
food for fine celebration. While capitalism has been resisted through such
practices. ofiner practices --such as cooperative labor during certain phases of
fine agricultural cycle-- have been abandoned as a result of involvement in fine

commodity nexus

The contradictory nature of insertion into fine cycle of commodity production
is evident in various domains of social life. While many elements of capitalism
are missing or are only minimally present. production and reproduction in Sana
Banbara villages cannot be sustained wifinout involvement in labor migration In
ofiner words. commodity production is essential despite fine fact finat it involves
food products only to a limited extent and finat it is separated from agricultural
production in space and time. Elders make production decisions and continue to

be responsible for negotiating marriage alliances but their control of esoteric

237

knowledge has been undermined by conversion to Islan. Furfinermore. allocative
resources have gained in importance. particularly in sustaining fine cycle of
agricultural production. and in fine marriage process. Since elders must rely on
juniors to earn cash. as discussed in chapter six. fineir symbolic position is
undermined and aufinority based on age is finrown into question Though subject
to negotiation. fine age hierachy has not been overturned. This may relate to fine
fact finat distantiation is still encompassed. even finough migration introduces a
different space-time modality.

Sana Bambara migrants continue to uphold fine productive and generational
cycle at home because fineir life chances are still tied up wifin fine collectivity. At
fine sane time. finey are able to gain primary control over resources which would
not be available to them in fine village and which open up prospects of private
accumulation The extent to which individual needs are subordinated to fine needs
of fine collectivity depends at least in part on fine tensions and conflicts wifinin
fine household These are influenced by fine material well-being of fine household
and fine aufinoritative resources fine household head (and finrougn him fine
household) can command wifinin fine community. The increased importance of
allocative resources constitutes a potential source of power for women but finey.
like men who no longer migrate. are constrained by fine limited opportunities for
generating cash. It remains to be seen whefiner or not finere will be a struggle
over women's involvement in commodity production beyond fine province. If
women are unable to expand fineir income-earning opportunities while men
continue to be primary in eaning cash. women may become increasingly
identified wifin fine ° sphere of consumption This would have implications for fine
construction of gender identity. Aside from gender identity. efinnic identity is also
taking on new dimensions As a result of conversion to Islam. bofin men and
women frequently refer to non-converts as ”Banananw"; asked if finat means finat
finey finemselves as not Banbara. finey respond finat indeed finey are. but finat
finey are ”converts" Injhj am) or "Muslims" (5mm). In short. 'Bambara' is used
to connote religious affiliation similar to fine way Muslims used it during earlier

centuries. In fine occupational domain. many contemporary Sana Bambara migrants

238

continue to identify with cultivation. but finis identity is much more nuanced than

fine colonial sterotypes of fine Bambara peasant

I have used fine term 'peasant’ refiner finan 'semi-proletarian’ in referring to
Banbara cultivator-commodity producers. Neifinsr 'peasant’ nor 'semi-proletarian'
specify fine relations which finese categories entail. finough 'peasant’ evokes links
wifin a subsistence economy whereas 'semi—proletarian' emphasizes involvement in
capitalist relations of production I have shied away from using 'semi-proletarian’
because it implies a transitional category. However. if fine experience of Sana
and finat of ofiner areas in fine Sahel are any indication. finen fine movement
toward full proletarianization is not inevitable. at least not in fine near future. The
historiography of labor in Africa as well as current shifts in fine world economy
would seem to Provide ample evidence finat capitalist penetration does not
proceed in linear fashion and that capitalism need not tats fine same form

everywhere.

The need for comnnodities in reproducing fine productive cycle has fine
potential of promoting social differentiation Households wifin young men who are
able to earn cash are in a better position to purchase agricultural equipment and
are finen also able to make effective use of it during fine cultivating season. Up
until now. capital investment in agriculture has been confined to basic equipment
The availability of land. compounded by ecological constraints. has curbed
agricultural expansion. finough access to land varies between and. to a lesser
extent wifinin villages. While greater emphasis on agricultural commodity
production may not lead to fine commodification of land. it may well encourage
landlordism and finus favor fins emergence of different strata. At fine time of
fieldwork. Sana Banbara were not enmeshed in fine differential allocation of
resources reported for ofiner areas of Africa (e.g. Berry. 1985. for Western
Nigeria) or Mali. Banbaa men and women finemsslves point out finat fine
neiglnboring Marka. for example. deploy resources in different sectors. particularly

cultivation and various aspects of trade.

239

Potential shifts in fine control of resources in Sana Bambara villages and in
fine province as whole are not unrelated to ecological conditions. trends in
marriages alliances. and relations wifin fine Malian state. An improvement in yields
as a result of more favorable climatic conditions and better access to inputs
such as fertilizer may encourage migrants to ’invest‘ in agriculture by practicing
more intensive production techniques where surfaces cannot be expanded. Ealgn
marriages. if finey continue to increase. will allow households to 'reach out'
socially while confining prestations to a na’rower circle; especially as
commodities are substituted for food products. finis may favor accumulation The
intrusion of commodities into marriage payments had not brought about a higher
rate of polygyny in 1981/82: finat is. cash eanings did not seem to be used to
obtain more wives. Finally. alfinougln fine state bureaucracy reproduces itself
finrough taxes obtained from fine peasantry. Sana has relatively less to offer finan
areas which produce cotton. peanuts. or ofiner export crops. As a result. state
intervention in production is largely confined to fine activities of Operation Riz.
The expansion of fins rice fields and improved management and technology could
potentially increase state control and favor local differentiation finrough greater

involvement in cash crop production

Ultimately. issues such as 'differentiation' or 'proletarianization' cannot be
illuminated by community studies such as finis one. In order to discern trends and
illuminate processes it is necessary to conduct region-wide studies and to relate
findings from finese to capital accumulation at fine national level. At a minimum. it
requires detailed information on fine way migrants are linked into urban class
structures. There is as yet only a scant literature on fine urban economies of
Mali and fine way finess shape. and are shaped. by developments in fine rural

areas.

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.AniMmolmnEmdoesniuhu Banana

launlanmon
I055

1E71
1E72

1E177

1E182

16183

1 E220

10177

20102

20122

5045
5081

6029

Eondinodonnr
1540-1

1540-"

1 0358

Notices historiques du royaume de Ségou Premiere at
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Rapports politiques. Ségou st Sansanding. 1891—1905.

Rapports olithues et r orts de tourne’es - Se’ ou,
1906-1928. app 9

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Esclevags. Décrst-Arr’e‘ts st circulalrs rslatlf 5 la rEpression
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Enqu‘e‘ts ministsrlells au suiet dss mesurss 5 prendre pour la
suppression de I'escIevage. 1895-1904.

Correspondence evsc- Is Fame de Sansanding. cercle de
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RavitaiIIsment Correspondence. cercle de Ségou.
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Smsandlng 1891-1917.

Crietion du Posts ds Sansanding. cercle de Ségou
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Recensement statisthus ann. cercle de Ségou. 1909-1914.
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Rapports oIiti es st rapports de tournées. cercle de
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1032607) Travail et prestations. 1935-1938.

AchxoodalaamceMoMoLEzis
AnciennoSono:

AOF. siris II - Explorations. missions
Soudan. série XIII - Agriculture. commerce. industrie.

Soudan. séris XIV - Travail et main d'oeuvrs. (Esclavags)