..... THE ROLE OF VALUES AND CHANNEL ORIENTATIONS IN THE DIFFUSION AND ADOPTION OF NEW IDEAS- AND PRACTICES A rPUERTO RICA” DAIRY 5AMER'S STUDY Thesis for the Degree of Ph. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY Otis Oliver-«Padilla 193- - THESIS IIIIIIIIIII IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII LIBRA R Y I, III, . . PVIESI.) RETURNING MATERIALS: PIace in book drop to LIBRAalgs remove this checkout from your record. FINES w1II be charged if book is returned after the date stamped below. ”1811‘? I 177 A 1.8 I This is to certify that the thesis entitled THE ROLE OF VALUES AND CHANNEL ORIENTATDONS IN THE DIFFUSION AND ADOPTION OF NEW IDEAS AND PRACTICES presented by OTIS OLIVER-PADI LLA has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph. D. degree in Comunicgtion gaggle Insets,“ p M ajor professor Date June 9, I96“. ABSTRACT THE ROLE OF VALUES AND CHANNEL ORIENTATIONS IN THE DIFFUSION AND ADOPTION OF NEW IDEAS AND PRACTICES: A PUERTO RICAN DAIRY FARMER'S STUDY by Otis Oliver-Padilla Intra-cultural variations in value orientations have been the con- ceptual scheme underlying this study. This scheme postulates that a given society contains variously-oriented subgroups characterized by a rank order of preference given to a set of basic principles which direct behavior in the solution of human problems. Basic values or value orientations were the basis for the con- struction of a model to fuse the existing diffusion models with value orientations. The study dealt with the relationship between value orientations and differences among Puerto Rican dairy farmers in the diffusion and adaption of dairy practices. The model was tested with 233 dairy farmers from two major dairy areas of the Island. One area - Region I - had mainly farmers with short experience in the business, relatively small scale of operations and relatively little education. This region was also characterized by larger concentration of dairy farmers - 173 distributed among four municipalities. The second area (Region II) had a preponderance of farmers with long experience in the business, larger scale of operations, and higher educational levels. Only 76 dairy farmers are located in Otis Oliver-Padilla this region's 12 municipalities. The first part of this study sought to identify dominant value patterns among the dairy farmers of both regions. To do this, we had respondents rank 48 value statements into 11 piles ranging from those with which they agreed least to those with which they agreed most. The statements posed different alternatives fer the solution of human problems. The data were submitted to factor analysis. A two-factor solu- tion was selected. The solution produced one pure factor (Factor I) and a bipolar factor (Factor II). Three types of dairy farmers were differentiated among the population studied - tradition-oriented, transitionally oriented, and progressive oriented. The remainder of the dissertation is concerned with the rela- tionship between value orientations, communication channel orien- tations and the diffusion and adoption of dairy farm innovations. Simple correlation analysis was a primary analytical tool. The data showed a relationship between value orientations and communication orientations. Being progressive-oriented was posi- tively related to being impersonal and extra-community channel ori- ented. Being traditional was related to egocentric and intra-com- munity channel orientation. Value orientations were related to dairy farmers' predisposi- tions toward exposure to mass media. Progressive-oriented dairy farmers were the most frequently exposed to the media channels, especially to farm magazines and the press. The traditional ori- ented dairy farmers were generally less exposed to mass media. Otis Oliver-Padilla value orientations related to organizational activity. Pro- gressively oriented persons tended to belong to many organizations, while traditional persons tended not to. Value orientations were not related to advice seeking or advice giving among these dairy farmers. value orientations were related to participation in the stages of the adoption process. Being progressively oriented was positively related to degree of participation in stages of the adoption process, while traditional persons tended to participate less heavily in the stages. Scale of operations was related to value orientations. Being progressive was positively related to large scale of Operations. La"" Being traditional was negatively related to large scale of operations. Value orientations were related to incidence of information and opinion leaders. The highest number of leaders was found among the progressive dairy farmers. value orientations were not related to time of awareness about dairy practices. Value orientations were related to time of adoption of dairy practices. Being progressive was positively related to earlier adaption of practices. Being traditional was negatively related to earlier adoption. Value orientations were related to degree of adaption of farm innovations. Being progressive was positively related to degree of adoption. Being traditional was negatively related to degree of adoption of practices. THE ROLE OF VALUES AND CHANNEL ORIENTATIONS IN THE DIFFUSION AND ADOPTION OF NEW IDEAS AND PRACTICES A PUERTO RICAN DAIRY FARMER'S STUDY BY Otis Oliver-Padilla A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Communication 1964 (I ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I am particularly indebted to many peeple for advice, criti- cism and assistance. First, I wish to express my deepest appreciation and thanks to my advisor, Dr. Malcolm S. MacLean, Jr., whose patience, guidance and continuous assistance made the study possible. My gratitude is also extended to: The other members of my com- mittee, Drs. Colby Lewis, Walter Emery, Walter Freeman, Gerald Miller and Hideya Kumata, for their professional stimulation. Albert Talbott for his continuous assistance in processing and interpreting the data. Thomas Danbury who helped construct the value scales. My indebtedness goes to Hugh Culberston, who edited this disser- tation and put it in an easy and understandable American English. I also wish to thank Mr. Roberto Huyke, Puerto Rican Extension Director; Mr. Bernardo Fiol Villalobos, Associate Director of the Ex- tension Service; Mr. Francisco Toro Calder, Associate Extension Editor in Puerto Rico; and Mr. Humberto Rodriguez, Extension Radio and Tele- ‘vision Editor, who made available valuable sources of reference infor- nation. Thanks to: My brother Dr. Fernando Luis Oliver, Dairy Husbandry Specialist of the Puerto Rican Extension Service, who supplied all the data about the history and development of the dairy industry in Puerto Rico and in the two regions studied. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT - continued Mr. Roger Bartolomei and Mr. Antonio Atiles, visual aids editors of the Puerto Rican Extension Service, who produced the pictures and art work far this dissertation. The Extension personnel whose hard work and professional ex- perience made the field work possible - Mr. Pedro Olivencia and Mr. Martiniano Gonzales, Regional Directors of the Extension Service who assigned the personnel for the field work; and Mr. Heriberto Martinez, Mr. Nelson Torres and Mr. Juan Igartua, District Supervisors of the Extension Service, who assisted in training the field workers and in preparing the interview schedule. My good friends, Ramon Martinez, Gilberto Rodriguez, Jose Abreu, Rogelio Velez, William Silva, Francisco Morales Rivera, Efrain Estrella, Rafael Lopez, Wilfredo Ramos and Jose L. Vale Salinas, county agents who did an outstanding job as interviewers. The late Dr. Paul J. Deutschmann, who encouraged me to broaden the scope of the study by adding the channel orientation approach to the study of diffusion. My greatest debt of gratitude goes to my wife, Ileana, and to my children, Fernando, Lynnette and Lianabel, whose moral support was an essential factor in the achievement of this task. iii Table of Contents Chapter Page I IMRODUCTION O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 1 The Problem 3 Purpose of the Study 4 Frame of Reference for the Study 4 Definition of Terms 8 The Content 12 II RELATED LITERATURE AND RESEARCII e e e e o e e e e 15 Diffusion Research in Agriculture 15 Non Agricultural Diffusion Research 37 Conclusion 42 III THE THEORETICAL MODEL OF DIFFUSION . . . . . . . . 45 The Model 47 Hypotheses 52 Iv DESCRIPTION OF THE AREA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 The Situation 55 The Setting 64 v METHOWLOGY O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O 77 The Procedure 77 Field Work 103 VI THE RESULTS - VALUE PATTERNS AMONG THE PUERTO RICAN DAIRY FARPIERS e e e e e e e e e e 107 Identifying the Types 107 The Consensus Item Array 109 Type I - Progressive - Broad Value Emphasis 110 Types II and III - Broad Value Emphasis 117 Type II - Traditional - Dominant Value Patterns 118 Type III - Transitional or Intermediate - Dominant Value Patterns 123 Summary 128 iv Table of Contents - continued Chapter Page VII RESULTS - VALUES, COMMUNICATION ORIENTATIONS AND THE DIFFUSION AND ADOPTION PROCESSES . . . . . 134 values and Communication Orientations 134 Value Orientations and Exposure to Mass Media 139 Channel Orientations and Frequency of Exposure to Mass Media 140 Value Orientations and the Diffusion and Adoption Processes 142 Communication Orientations and Diffusion Process 144 values and Dairy Farmers' Social Behavior 146 Channel Orientations and Dairy Farmers' Social Behavior 148 Participation in Diffusion and Adoption Stages 151 Channel Orientations and Participation in Adaption Stages 152 Other Findings 153 Interaction Patterns in the Regions 154 The Information Leaders 155 Opinion Leaders 163 VIII CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 176 Values, Communication Orientations and the Diffusion Process 185 Frequency of Exposure to Mass Media 188 Values, Communication Orientations and Social Behavior 193 LITERATURE CITED 0 O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O 199 Tables 1. Mean differences in scale of Operations among regions 2. Economic importance Of the two regions as milk producing areas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. Value items most accepted by Type I - progressive . . 4. Value items most rejected by Type I - progressive . . 5. Value items most accepted by Type II - traditional . . . 6. Value items most rejected by Type II - traditional . . . 7. Value items most accepted by Type III - transitional . . 8. Value items most rejected by Type III - transitional . . 9. Dairy farmers distribution by municipalities and percentage Of dairy farmers using person-channels as sources Of first knowledge about practices . . . . . . 10. Comparison between general characteristics Of the dairy farmers pOpulation from Region I and information leaders from the areas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11. Comparison between general characteristics of the dairy List of Tables farmers population and Opinion leaders from the areas . . vi Page 71 74 111 113 118 120 123 125 .155 158 174 Illustration 1. Mechanization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. Holstein Freisian is the most common breed in the Island . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. Standards Of living of the Puerto Rican dairy farmers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. Region II - Dairy farm . g g o g g o o o o e e o o o o 5. Region I - Dairy farm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6. The researcher explaining the interviewers the purpose Of the study and discussing the questionnaire 7. Sociogram 1 - information leaders among Hatillo dairy farmers - Region I O O O O O O O O O O O O 8. Sociogram 2 - information leaders among Arecibo and Manati dairy farmers - Region I . . . . . . . 9. Sociogram 3 - information leaders among dairy farmers of Region II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10. Sociogram 4 - sources of influence in Hatillo municipality - Region I . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11. Sociogram 5 - sources Of influence among Arecibo dairy farmers - Region I . . . . . . . . 12. Sociogram 6 - sources Of influence among Manati dairy farmers - Region I . . . . . . . . . . . . 13. Sociogram 7 - sources Of influence among Camuy dairy farmers - Region I . . . . . . . . . . . . l4. Sociogram 8 - sources of influence on Region II . . . . . List Of Illustrations vii Page 66 67 7O 72 105 160 161 162 169 170 171 172 173 List Of Appendices Appendix A. B. C. The value instrument and instructions for the interviewers . . . . . . . . . . . . . Factor analytic data on value orientations Correlational data . . . . . . . . . . . . Sociometric data . . . . . . . . . . . . . Maps Of the regions and municipalities included in the StUdy O O O O O O O O O O O O O I O O O 0 viii 219 229 234 245 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Ethnic groups and social classes represent only two Of the many possible types of variantly oriented subgroups in a total society. Some societies have many types, Others few, but not even the very small nonliterate and fOlk societies are without one. (Kluckhohn, 1961) Each society is characterized by a rank order Of preference given to a set Of basic principles which guides or directs the behavior Of its members in the solution Of human problems. These basic principles and the rank order of preference given to them by the components Of the society are the basic values or dominant value orientations of the social system. They are learned through the process Of socialization; trans- mitted from parents to sons and from generation to generation through the continued interaction (relationships) among the members of a social system. They set the standards of behavior to be.expected from every individual belonging to a system, and deviations from them are dis- couraged. The sharing of a set of common value orientations by the majority serves the purpose of integrating the society and perpetuating the system. The apparent uniqueness of dominant value systems for each cul- ture has led social scientists to fOcus their attention on cross cul- tural variations, ignoring the fact that intracultural variations are present in all societies at all times. Most Of the anthropological research has been concerned with analyses of dominant value systems -2... among societies rather than with variant values within them. SO- cieties have been portrayed as homogeneous clusters of peOple with patterns of behavior resulting from the sharing Of common value sys- tems. For example, when referring to the Anglo and Latin American cultures in this hemisphere, the tendency is to stress the striking differences in their dominant value patterns and the similarities of dominant value orientations within them. Moreover, when programs Of technological change are planned for either Of these societies, the frame Of reference used is the dominant value system characterizing these societies. For example, in 1960 during the admdnistration Of the late president of the United States, John F. Kennedy, the Alliance For Progress program was initiated to assist the 21 Latin American re- publics in the solution Of their social, educational and economic problems. The Alliance For Progress was planned and organized, using as framework the general concept that all Latin America is a homo- geneous conglomerate Of peOple sharing a common set Of value systems. Apparently little consideration was given to the fact that there is a great deal of intracultural variation among the Latin Americans; that even within each one Of these 21 republics there are many subcultural _ groups, i.e., indians, mestizos, white peOple; Christian catholics and Christian protestants; Christians and non-Christians - all of them deviating to some extent in their value systems from the domdnant patterns Of these societies. The apparent failure of this program in fulfilling its aims is a clear indication Of the important role that intracultural variations in value 0:1 :11 change. where, but :1 of basic pri The 5'. interest in value orient or rejection Agents their Bffon m“ ngra. LI" 331' be Change 338m Posed react techmlogica aCtIOu in 121 wide v techmloéiiCa tem “thin Same 5°Cia 1 league In Illmt a ti°n57 ”hat a: ti°n57 -3- in value orientation seem to play in the introduction of technologi- cal change. As many social scientists say, people are people every- where, but different people have a rank order Of preference for a set Of basic principles which guides and directs their behavior. The study of intracultural variation is the subject of central interest in this investigation; how these intracultural variations in value orientations influence individual's behavior towards the adoption or rejection Of technological change is the major problem posed. The Problem Agents of technological change are not always successful in their effbrts to induce people to accept innovations. The purpose of their programs may be commendable and the time and efforts devoted to them may be great, yet the programs fail tO take effect. Contrary to change agents' expectations, the people to whom the new ideas are pro- posed react negatively or with indifference. On the other hand, some technological programs are highly successful in spurring people to action in the direction hoped fOr by the change agents. Wide variations exist in the attitudes Of individuals toward technological change, cross culturally, between different social sys- tems within a given culture and among individuals belonging to the same social system. Two main questions have been the Object of in- tensive investigation by social scientistsi What are major variables influencing the diffusion of innova- tions? """“" What are major variables influencing the adaption of innova- tions? The search f research 1n ; mthropologv tins are re Innovations. “ far future r different at 0f the Ejor investigate; tions. The p; Value and CO I'doPIIOn of over, H, Sm technologies I sinile to: by {luckhohr Stmcted by (4) a wilkEni -4- The search fOr answers to these questions has generated a great deal Of research in agriculture, medicine, political science, education, and anthropology. About 500 studies on diffusion and adoption Of innova- tions are reported by Rogers (1962) (1) in his book, Diffusion Of Innovations. However, as stated by Rogers (1962) (l), "the challenge fOr future research is to expand the area Of digging and to search fOr different Objectives from those of the past." And this has been one of the major aims of the present study - to dig more in an area little investigated by social scientists concerned with diffusion of innova- tions. Purpose Of the Study The purpose of this study was to investigate the influence of value and communication channel orientations on the diffusion and adoption of farm innovations among Puerto Rican dairy farmers. More- over, we studied Puerto Rican dairy farmers' predispositions toward technological change. We did so in a framework which integrates within a single conceptual scheme the theory value orientations postulated by Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck (1961) (2) and the diffusion models con- structed by Beal and Bohlen (1957) (3), Emery, Oeser and Tully (1958) (4), Wilkening, Tully and Presser (1962) (5), and Deutschmann and Fals Borda (1962) (6). Frame Of Reference fOr the Study In this section the writer presents a general view of some basic assumptions underlying this investigation, the methodology used and the area what these latter: Basic Hyacthc ~—A—— Three 1 neoretical 1 111110111th . I -5- the area where the study was conducted. A more thorough report on these matters will be presented in Chapters III and V. Basic Hypotheses Three basic hypotheses were postulated in the construction of the theoretical diffusion model used as framework for this study: 1. That even within a given culture there are meaningful variations in dominant value orientations among people. 2. That a close relationship exists between individuals' value orientations and their communication channel orien- tations. 3. That these two variables, value orientations and com- munication channel orientations, account fOr most Of the variance in individuals' attitude toward innova- tions. Proceeding from these premises, we investigated how Puerto Rico dairy farmers varied in their dominant value and communication channel orien- tations, and how these variations related to attitudes toward proposed innovations. The Setting The study was conducted in two major dairy regions Of Puerto Rico - the Northern region with 173 dairy farmers and the Northeastern region with 76. These two areas were studied for comparative purposes. In both regions all dairy farmers were interviewed, except for 16 who could not be reached or would not cooperate. Methodology The study was divided into five main parts: Part I - this was devoted to finding dominant value orientations among Puerto Rican dairy farmers and grouping them into clusters uccrding to different Q1 entations. tion areas 111 nd Future, hits, and he Being in Bec. 111d IDSlVid‘; A leas for each Val Part I “1 Orientat ”mums. and adoption and the Com: (Chmqelfiou the ad°Ption Orientatimls Intra.cOmm: the “Millie eta . | Mel °r1e poSES. \I See 5 -6- according to these orientations. We predicted the finding Of three different typolOgies, each possessing different dominant value ori- entations. TO test and verify our predictions, four value-orienta- tion areas were investigated - (1) Time Orientation - Past, Present and Future, (2) Man-Nature Orientation - Subjugated to, Harmony With, and Mastery Over Nature, (3) Activity Orientation - Being, Being in Becoming, and Doing, (4) Relational - Lineal, Collateral, and Individual. A measuring instrument of 48 value orientation statements - 12 for each value area and 4 for each value direction - was used. Part II - This was concerned with finding communication chan- nel orientations as related to value orientations and adoption Of in- novations. We predicted a close relationship between value, channel and adaption. Ten dairy practices were used as frame of reference, and the communication hypothesis was tested by measuring the means (channel-sources) used by farmers in getting their information before the adaption of innovations. Through use Of the Deutschmann Channel Orientations Model (1962) (6), farmers were classified as egocentric, intra-community, extra-community or impersonally oriented according to the communication patterns they exhibited.1 Indices were constructed fOr measuring value and communication channel orientations. Scores were produced for correlational pur- poses. 1See section entitled - "Definition of Terms." I? .o‘.’ 5:331 i 0“ new iai channel franc 1 tion c: and st; its re to Stu adViCe and me means Strut: IIOns. -7- The data were collected by means Of a questionnaire and per- sonal interviews. Part III - This part was concerned with the rate of adoption Of new dairy farm practices and how they relate tO value and communication channel orientations. The same ten dairy innovations were used as frame of reference. The measurement instrument used fOr data collec- tion consisted Of statements constructed to assess the degree, time, and stability Of adOption.2 Part IV - This was concerned with farmers' social behavior and its relationship to value and channel orientations. The major aim was to study degree Of exposure to agents Of change, giving and seeking advice, informal social relations, infOrmal discussion Of farm tOpics, and membership in fOrmal organizations. The data were collected by means of a questionnaire and personal interviews. Indices were con- structed so as to allow correlation with value and channel orienta- tions. Part v - This part dealt with sociometric choices of respond- ents. Sociometric questions were constructed for that purpose. For analytic purposes, sociograms were constructed to discover possible sources of influence in the regions studied. Analytic Tools The major analytic tools used in this study were: (1) Q-fac- tor analysis, (2) analysis Of variance, (3) simple correlation. 2See section entitled - "Definition of Terms." resti - v 1.09!- inch}. will to be to be -3- An overview of the purpose and procedure followed in this in- vestigation has been presented. A set of terms has been presented which need to be defined more fully. This will be done in the fellow- ing section. Definition of Terms In this section the major concepts used in this investigation will be defined to facilitate the interpretation Of the infbrmation to be presented in the following chapters. The first set of concepts to be defined are the ones concerned with value orientations. (2) A. Man-Nature Orientation - the attitude Of man toward na- ture deSignations. TThree value directions were investi- gated: l. Sub'u ation to Nature - man believes that there is little or nothing a man could do to avoid nature designations. Natural processes are accepted as inevitable. 2. Harmony With Nature - there is no real separation Of man, nature and supernature. One is simply an ex- tension Of the other, and a conception Of wholeness derives from their unity. 3. Mastery Over Nature - natural forces Of all kinds are to be overcome andfiput to use by human beings. B. Time Orientation - the cultural interpretation of the temporal focus Of human life. Three directions were studied: 1. Past - attention is given to past events or experi- ences. This orientation places primary emphasis upon the maintenance, or the restoration of the past. 2. Present - little attention is given to what has happened in the past, and the future is seen as both vague and unpredictable. 3. Future - emphasis is placed on the future - a future which is anticipated to be better. “J - .. 0 SEMI? r) The (1962} ( -9- C. Activity Orientation - it is the modality of human activity giving rise to a value orientation system. The range of variation in solutions suggested for it is the threefOld one of Being, Being in Becoming, and Doing. 1. Being - orientation toward the release and indulgence Of existing desires. In this orientation, the preference is for the kind of activity which is a spontaneous ex- pression Of what is considered to be given in human per- sonality. It is a non-developmental conception of activ- ity. 2. Being in Becoming - the activity which has as its goal the development Of all aspects Of the self as an inte- A grated whole. 3. Doin - its most distinctive feature is a demand fOr the Kind of activity which results in accomplishments that are measurable by standards conceived to be external to the acting individual. The aspect of self-judgment or judgment of others which determines nature Of activity is based mainly upon a measurable accomplishment achieved by acting upon persons, things or situations. D. Relational Orientation - man's relation to other men. This OrientatiOn has three subdivisions: l. Lineal - here, group goals are primary, and one Of the most important goals Of the group is continuity through time. Continuity of the group through time and ordered positional succession within the group are crucial issues when lineality dominates the relational system. 2. Collateral - this calls fer a primacy of the goals and welfare of the laterally extended group. The group in this case is always moderately independent of other similar groups, and the problem Of a well-regulated continuity of group relationships through time is not highly critical. 3. Individuality - here, individual goals have primacy over the goals of specific Collateral or Lineal groups. The second set Of concepts to be defined in this section is the C) . . . I‘EF :related to the communication patterns of people belonging to a gI‘ven social system. These communication patterns are what Deutschmnn (1962) (6) called "Comminication Channel Orientations." -10.. A. Communication Channel Orientations - by this we are refer- ring to’fhe tendency’Of individuals to use certain specific channels as their major sources of information. Four chan- nel orientation categories were postulated by Deutschmann in his diffusion model: l. Egocentric Channel - by this we are referring to the tendency of ihdiViduals to Obtain information on a kind of "see-for-yourself" basis. All individuals have some tendency to operate this way, but some are strongly ori- ented to this channel of communication. It is a particu- larly non-social channel in that in its purest fOrm, it requires no other person than the receiver for "communi- cation" to take place. 2. Internal to Community Channel - the tendency of indi- VIduaIE'to oBtain'infOrmation on a kind of "a member of my group said" basis. Again most persons use this chan- nel, but some are very strongly related to it. It is social and usually, in a geographical sense, a local channel. But in its purest fOrm, it is essentially com- munication within one's most relevant social group. For some persons and for some kind of societies, there can be such a channel not made up of geographically contiguous persons. A 3. External to Community Channels - the tendency of some in- dividfials to Obtain information on a kind Of "some other person than a member Of my group said..." basis. It is also a social channel, but is less personal than the In- ternal Community. It makes for communication events - the complex of telling and receiving messages which are psychologically more distant from the self and the group. 4. Impersonal Channel - the tendency of individuals to obtain infOrmation from the various increasingly available im- personal sources. Mass communication sources ordinarily fall here, although in a communication-rich society we can expect to find channels which will have the fOrm Of mass communications, but functionally will be serving as intra-community channels. In addition to these concepts, other terms need to be defined. These are the fellowing: A. Diffusion - the process by which an innovation spreads. (l) l. The Diffusion Process - the spread of a new idea from its source of invention to its ultimate users or adopters. 2. 3. 4. 6. 7. -11- Sta es of Diffusion - the psychOlOgical steps that occur in a person fme the time he is exposed to an innovation until he finally adopts it. Four stages of diffusion have been tested in this study: a. Awareness - when a person first becomes aware of an m innovation. b. Interest - when a person, after becoming aware of an innovation, seeks further information about it. c. Trial - when a person uses a practice or innovation for the first time on an experimental basis. d. Ado tion - when a person accepts and continues using an innovation, if the idea or practice results in sufficient rewards or other types of personal or social satisfactions. Time Of Adoption - time a practice was started, where the firmer continues using it to the present. Degree of Adoption - the proportion Of practice being used by a‘farmer at the present. Disadoption - where a practice is tried by a farmer but discontinued. Time of DisadOption - time a farmer stopped a practice. Farmer Cate ories - classifications into which farmers are put according to their combined value and communication channel orientations. Three farmer categories were used in this study: a. Pro essive - farmers exhibiting more orientation toward modernism. b. Intermediate - farmers in a stage Of transition - inter- mediatelbetween modernism and traditionalism. c. Traditional - farmers rooted to traditions in their orientations toward innovations. Social Behavior - interaction patterns exhibited by indi- viduals belonging to a given social system. a. Advice Seekers - individuals who usually seek advice 'from other community members befOre adopting a practice. used as :;n .3 “he... lr-m -12.. b. Advice Givers - individuals usually sought for ad- vice by diher community members in community af- fairs. Usually they are persons of a higher social status or prestige. In this section the basic concepts underlying the diffusion model used as a theoretical framework for this investigation have been de- fined. The Content Chapter I - this chapter has presented the problem which gener- ated this investigation, its purpose, its basic assumptions and a general discussion of the terminology used. In addition, the basic concepts used in the construction of our theoretical model were de- fined. Chapter II - here, the reader will be exposed to diffusion theory and research relevant to the present study. Five major ap- proaches will be covered in the review of the literature on dif- fusion: (1) the five-stages or American diffusion model, used mainly by United States rural sociOIOgists, (2) the communications act ap- proach used by Australian diffusionists, (3) the communication chan- nel orientations approach postulated by Deutschmann and Fals Borda, (4) the typologies approach explored by Wells and MacLean, and (S) the values approach explored by Polson and Spencer, Furthermore, some of the diffusion studies, especially those testing the two-step flow hypothesis, will be reviewed here, despite the fact that they were outside of agriculture. Certain studies conducted in India and the Netherlands will also be reported in this chapter. One study by Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck (1961) will receive special attention. This ferencE $.31”:an the Co: In in this zation COnside 11mm: ahaUsi -13- investigation was concerned with the major concept used as frame- work fOr this study - value orientations. Chapter III - this chapter deveIOps the theory underlying this investigation. Special attention is given to the construction of a diffusion model to explain the diffusion and adoption processes under a general theory of variations in value orientations. Chapter IV - this chapter begins with a general description of the agricultural agencies Operating in Puerto Rico and their functions as agencies Of technological change. It then proceeds to present factual information about two programs especially devoted to assisting dairy farmers in their farm operations - pasture improvement and arti- ficial breeding. This will be followed by a thorough discussion on the development of the dairy industry and its advancement from an un- important position to the second major agricultural industry in the island. Then, a description of the specific setting where the study was conducted will be given - municipalities comprised, ethnic dif- ferences among farmers belonging to the two regions, differences in farming techniques and scale of operations fOund in both regions, and the communication facilities existing in these areas. Chapter V - this chapter is concerned with the methodology used in this investigation. A thorough discussion of the planning, organi- zation and procedures used will be reported. In this chapter major consideration will be given to the construction of the measurement instrument, collection Of data and statistical tools used for its analysis. be zap: in the are r3 . I! a! rrrarizei areas for -14- Chapter VI - VII - these chapters will be devoted to reporting the major findings, relating them to existing relevant literature in the area of diffusion. Chapter VIII - here, the major findings Of this study will be summarized, conclusions will be stated, generalizations made and areas for future research suggested. This c? diffusion of Wat the di: cultural dis: Parts of the searth gener: to studies c. These studie eSS, and the tethnology. contribmon ables affect The re Mite the f cultum ex; informtion should use a “met of fa CHAPTER II RELATED LITERATURE AND RESEARCH This chapter presents some relevant literature on the area of diffusion of innovations. It begins by giving factual information about the diffusion process, paying particular attention to agri- cultural diffusion research generated in the United States and other jparts of the world. It then proceeds to focus on diffusion re- search generated outside agriculture, paying particular attention tO studies concerned with "two step flow" and "Opinion leadership." These studies are relevant to an understanding of the diffusion proc- ess, and their findings can be generalized to the diffusion of farm technology. The last part of this chapter will summarize the major contributiOns of diffusion research to an understanding of the vari- ables affecting the diffusion and adaption of farm technology. Diffusion Research in Agriculture The role of technological agriculture change agents is to ex- pedite the flow of information from research centers such as agri- cultural experiment stations to farmers who may be able to use this information to increase their yields. To do this, change agents Should use a channel or channels which connect them to the greatest number of farmers who need the information. But which channels should they use? It will be easier to decide this question if one knows as -15- 11:11 as 1 files af mined 1' 3.1.11 5 merin; song; Q '“‘&~ -l6- much as possible about the diffusion process and about the major vari- ables affecting this process. And agricultural diffusion research has worked for 20 years to provide change agents the tools necessary to implement their programs. The study of farm-innovation diffusion has its roots in the rural sociology tradition. Since Ryan and Gross's (1943) (7) pio- neering study of hybrid seed corn in two Iowa communities, hundreds of studies have been conducted by rural sociologists. This research led to a diffusion model and toward a diffusion theory. However, after these initial steps, diffusion researchers got into a rut. Study after study followed practically the same pattern of replication with- out further attempts to investigate new variables. Diffusion theory was at a dead end. Aware of this problem, some students left the flock and began working from different angles. New variables have been investigated and new concepts developed. Today the trend is continuing. Efforts are being devoted toward these goals and relevant findings on these new approaches will be reported in this chapter. The Adoption Model In the United States the studies of Beal and Bohlen (1957) (3), Beal (1958) (8), COOp, Sill and Brown (1958) (9), Lionberger (1960) (10) et. al. have generated what is known today as the American dif- fusion model or diffusion theory. Under this model, and for the pur- pose Of reporting the findings in a way easily understandable by the general public, farmers have been arbitrarily classified into five categories - (l) innovators, (2) early adopters, (3) early majority, ”.31?wa Minna. I PCT-W ' ‘ 1 .' - LI. 33,3 tzecry a l. U! inVeSt. Ion-a C: Vent t‘ finj in -17.. (4) majority and (5) non-adopters. In addition, this model or theory attributes to the adoption process the following five stages: 1. Awareness - the person first becomes aware of a new idea or innovation. 2. Interest - he is then receptive and may even seek in- formation about it. 3. Evaluation - he estimates its worth to him. 4. Trial - satisfied that it might work for him, he tries it out on a small scale. 5. Acceptance - this fOllows if the idea or innovation results in sufficient economic rewards or other types of personal or social satisfaction. The five-stage concept, as postulated by American diffusionists, has been a center of interest, but also of controversy, among diffusion students. While some research tends to support this postulate, other research doesn't. For example, Rogers (1962) (l) cites studies such as those of Beal and Rogers (1960) and Coop, Sill and Brown (1958) that tend to support the validity of a five-stages adoption process. In the first study cited by Rogers (1962) (l), Beal and Rogers investigated the adoption of two farm innovations among farmers of an Iowa community. Their findings suggest that most of the respondents went through a series of stages from awareness to adoption. Similar findings were obtained by Coop, Sill and Brown (1958) in their study with 175 Pennsylvania farmers. However, the same evidence, as re- ported by Rogers, indicated that adopters do not always pass through a five-stage process before adoption. In the Beal and Rogers study, fOr example, some farmers skipped one or more stages, especially the trial stage. The conclusions stated by Rogers (1962) (l) are: H'- “ . Eviience let: :3: {1362) 1 in Ante: 5311111 t] later; b Eeutsch 111185.. 1 r—a -18- to summarize the present evidence, there seems to be support for the validity of the adoption-stages concept, but the findings are not conclusive. There is very little evidence as to exactly how many stages there are in the adoption process. Nevertheless, until more evidence is available, it seems conceptually clear and practically sound to utilize the five-stage adaption process..... Evidence failing to support the five-stage concept has been reported by Deutschmann and Fals Borda (1962) (6) and by Deutschmann and Mendez (1962) (11) in their Latin American studies. In a study conducted in an Andean village in Colombia, Deutschmann and Fals Borda (1962) (6) found that farmers do not always fellow the adoption stages as postu- lated by American diffusionists. Similar findings are reported by Deutschmann and Mendez (1962) (11) in their Cholena study. Here, they investigated the adoption of new fOods and drugs among Cholena peasants. In summary, more than 200 studies show that some peOple do and some do not fellow the five stages of adoption. In the investigation reported in this dissertation, we attempted to refine the five-stage concept by identifying the farmers who followed the five stages of adoption, the circumstances, and reasons why. In our study we used as frame of reference the concept of value orienta- tions. We predicted a close relation between value orientations and their predispositions to move through the five stages or to skip one or more of them. We predicted that farmers with orientations toward modernism will tend to fellow the postulated stages, while those ori- ented toward traditionalism will tend to skip some of them. The Role of Information Sources Another area intensively investigated by diffusion students has ten the one : 1": five stag: itis area has of informtic: I tion, trial a-l been dram fr I as farms, c interest sta:| | Fremont of 31031011 $13; Mtion. (pm The 1'85 the Pmcess o If two Stops 1. New fro: Com; Nre 2‘ SUbS the RUE: "10c the United St Variables in Research Fin; Beal EL‘ -19- been the one concerned with the role of information sources during the five stages of the adaption process. The bulk of research in this area has attempted to investigate the use of different sources of information by adopters during the awareness, interest, evalua- tion, trial and adaption stages. Two major generalizations have been drawn from studies of innovations in different populations such as farmers, consumers, and physicians - (1) that at the awareness and interest stages the major sources of information are mass media and government officers, and (2) that during the evaluation, trial and adoption stages neighbors and friends are the main sources of infor- mation. (From Report No. 18, Iowa State College, 1957.) The research findings have led to the development of a model of the process of communication of change and adOption. The occurrence of two steps has been hypothesized: 1. New information comes first to individuals of a community from "outside" through weak, but operating, channels of communication between members of the community and the more deve10ped world. 2. Subsequent flow of information is accomplished through the continued operation of such channels, but importantly augmented by the flow of messages about the innovation in "local" channels. (Deutschmann and Mendez, 1962) (11). The research to be reported here will include not only the findings from the United States research, but also from research conducted in the Netherlands and India. In addition, some research dealing with these variables in Latin America will be reported here. Research Findings Beal and Bohlen (1957) (3) conducted a study to determine which wines were ‘ It a particula gstthat the assaeiia; a government a g; friends, gove Identi: replication ('1 (1933) (9) I. weinterest -20.. sources were the most common and how influential each of them were at a particular stage of the adoption process. Their findings sug- gest that the most common sources during the awareness stage were mass media; during the interest stage, again mass media, followed by government agencies; during the evaluation stage, neighbors and friends; and during the trial stage, in ranking order, neighbors, friends, government agencies, mass media and salesmen. Identical results were obtained by Beal (1958) (8), and in a replication of the Beal and Bohlen study by Coop, Sill and Brown (1958) (9), the only difference in this latter study being that, in the interest stage, the farmers interviewed ranked face-to-face con- tacts as most important, followed by mass communication. Other studies reporting similar findings are Wilkening (1956) (12), Beal and Rogers (1957) (13), and Rogers and Beal (1958) (14). A. W. Van den Ban (1961) (15), in a study attempting to analyze the process by which Dutch farmers get infbrmation about new farm practices, reported mass media as the most important source of infer- mation in their awareness of innovations; 75% of the farmers men- tioned mass media as their major source of information during this stage. The same percentage of farmers stated that in the decision making stage their main source was personal contact with other far- mers and extension officers. Van den Ban's findings deviate from. the United States research findings in one important aspect -- while in the United States government agencies are considered mainly as im- portant during the awareness and interest stages; in the Netherlands, government agencies appear to play an important role during the enlation, t: vestigator, ti 21:31 differer in Ban's stu. fare size or . tion in Batch ‘nge. If i' it is reasons. ferences beet. In Ind: mnication of ists. HO‘u'ev W as Prim grinCiple is Rahildkar, the uh CatiOn tensio farmer Villa; sma116 His finding: fimioniSts -21- evaluation, trial and adaption stages. According to the present in- vestigator, these observed differences can be explained by the cul- tural differences between Dutch and United States farmers. In Van den Ban's study, for example, intracultural variations, rather than farm size or socio-economic status, accounted for most of the varia- tion in Dutch farmers' rate of ad0ption and exposure to agents of change. If intracultural variations accounted for such differences, it is reasonable to attribute to cross cultural variations the dif- ferences between United States and Dutch farmers, pointed out above. In India, Wasudeo Rahudkar (1962) (16) investigated the com- munication of farm information in an Indian community. His findings tend to support the major generalizations made by American diffusion- ists. However, while in India mass media and extension services are used as primary sources of information by large farmers, the same principle is not applicable to small farmers. As it was stated by Rahudkar, the whole diffusion process becomes "Y" pattern of communi- cation in Indian culture. The farm infOrmation from Ex- tension agencies and mass media first reaches the large farmers who are the first adapters of the practice in the village. This information is later transmitted to the smaller farmers, who are later adOpters of a new practice. His findings suggest that the generalization made by American dif- fusionists about the role of infbrmation sources has to be taken with caution when applied to a different culture, especially if agents of technological change are dealing with underdeveloped societies with few existing communication facilities. Myren (1962) (17) tested the hypothesis that "at the awareness stage, aass rstfreque meme: 1 ‘ ‘ “-‘I' «54 fiaflfia-Lov ' the c consi zati: has 1 atte1 fact that seri info -22- stage, mass media - magazines, newspapers, radio, television - are most frequent source of information about new ideas and practices." The findings failed to support the general principle or concept postu- lated by American diffusionists. On the basis of his findings, he concluded - the data did not support the hypothesis and, in fact, cast considerable doubt upon the value of this type of generali- zation. Although it might be held that the basic theory has not been challenged - that previous writers had called attention to the need for taking into account situational factors such as availability of mass media - I would maintain that results such as those presented in this paper indicate serious limitations in the present theoretical scheme covering infbrmation sources in the adoption process. Myren suggests that the generalizations made by American students on diffusion theory can be applied with confidence only where high levels of development exist. However, Deutschmann indicates that the dis- crepancy between Myren's findings and other diffusion studies is at the descriptive level and not at the conceptual level. His position is that the diffusion model constructed in the United States by diffusion students can be easily applied to other situations and cultures. His assertion is supported by two studies conducted by Deutschmann and McNelly (1962) (18) in two different Latin American communities - one in Saucio, a small isolated Colombian village, the other in San Jose, Costa Rica - one of the most advanced capitals in Latin America. De- spite the contrast between the two communities studied, the findings obtained were very much alike in the following ways: (1) in both com- munities the researchers fOund a close association between higher edu- cational, income and occupational levels and the opportunity for ex- posure to mass communication channels, (2) in both communities, higher epcsure _:re:". ;3 studies nicatj mi the .‘.“A‘ w...;y. -23- exposure to mass communication channels was associated with a higher predisposition towards the adoption of technological change. Both studies provided support to the hypothesis that exposure to mass com- munication channels affects the information levels, the attitudes and the behavior of individuals by making them more sensitive to technological change. In summary, the bulk of research dealing with the role of in- formation sources during the diffusion and adOption processes tends to support, with few exceptions, the principle or generalization that mass media are major sources of information during the awareness and interest stages, while friends and neighbors constitute the major sources of information during the evaluation, trial and adaption stages. The study reported in this dissertation is also concerned with testing the validity of this general principle postulated by American diffusionists. However, our scope is broader. We have studied not only the role played by information sources, but also the variables related to peOple's use of these sources. We have studied the role of the information sources, using as a frame of reference the Deutschmann Communication Channel Orientations (1962) (6). Under this conceptual scheme the communication event is seen from the point of view of the receiver. The key variable is the way in which the receiver regards the source of the message in relationship to himself. Here, the com- munication system depends strongly upon the social structure in which the receiver is located and the perceived psychological nearness of the source to the receiver in that social complex. Under this ' 3"! ”it—T in. ' gnflla-‘ BVa‘b-r- caticr. AQ‘~ ‘1. II‘ -24- conceptual scheme, farmers are classified according to their communi- cation channel orientations - as egocentric, intra-community, extra- community or impersonally oriented. The predictions tested in our study are that Puerto Rican farmers with predominant egocentric ori- entations will be the latest to know about innovations, while those with impersonal orientations will be the earliest to know. The same prediction is made in relation to adOption. The results will be re- ported in Chapter V. Farmer Categories Other problems faced by diffusion students have been the develop- ment of standard criteria for classifying adopters into categories. A classificatory system, argue the diffusion students, is necessary to communicate research findings meaningfully and accurately. But despite the clamor for a consistent classificatory system, the present situa- tion is one of confusion. Students in this area find it very diffi- cult to relate some findings to others because of the arbitrary ter- minology. At present, the most accepted and widely known classificatory system is the one used by rural sociologists. Under the system, farmers have been classified as: (l) innovators, (2) early adopters, (3) early majority, (4) majority, and (5) non-adopters or laggards. Innovators adopt first. They are characterized by higher edu- cation, larger farms, greater incomes, higher social status, and wider travel than the average farmer. They are experimenters, always trying new things. "To be venturesome is almost an obsession" with ' il -1 ‘ '3 -_ "er. (1 miles tiers a: .1.-.“ 5' In“ ‘ e *4 tun otl 123' iie ri:e fr lite t}: for: a: are new legizl. are US 1‘31 a: Wen u flunnt V” CIQSE aVerE -25.. them. (1) They are active and influential, not only in their own com- munities, but often beyond. They usually belong to formal organiza- tions and have many informal contacts both inside and outside their community; therefore, they have more potential sources of information than other farmers. Beal (1958) (8) found that most of the innovators' new ideas come from government agencies or mass media. They seek ad- vice from other farmers, but primarily from those who are progressive like themselves. According to Lionberger (1960) (10) innovators per- fOrm an important function in diffusion. By assuming risks others are not willing to take, they provide the local trial necessary to legitimize a new idea in the eyes of other more cautious farmers. Next come the early adopters. Compared with late adopters, they are usually younger and have more schooling. They participate in fur- mal activities of the community and in agricultural cooperatives and government agency programs. They furnish many furmal leaders (elected officers) for the community. They are usually considered the "in- fluentials" of the community and are sought out fer advice. Beal (1958) (8) found that, at the awareness and interest stages, they were in- fluenced primarily by mass communication; at the trial stage, by govern- ment and commercial sources; and in the adoption stage, by agency sources and mass media. The influence of friends and neighbors was less important to them than to the late adopters. In the third category, known as early majority, are those who adopt new ideas and practices earlier than the average farmer, but are close to average in many other respects. They are a little above the average in social and economic status. In formal groups they are less active the: Tzeir lead hey assoc '23}: value firmed b they are u ticgters, in their 5 they are r less actii accsra‘ing -26- active than the early adopters, but more active than the late adopters. Their leadership is usually infbrmal rather than by elected office. They associate mainly with members of their own community and place a high value on the opinions of neighbors and friends. Although in- fluenced by the norms of the groups in which they are active members, they are usually receptive to change. Like the innovators and early adopters, they are heavy users of the mass media. They are influential in their social groups and are sought out for their advice. Because they are normally the ones to receive new infbrmation and pass it to less active farmers, they are considered key communicators. As such, according to Lionberger (1960) (10), "they are in a position to select what they transmit, to shade their own interpretations, and to incor- porate either positive or negative recommendations." In other words, they are gate-keepers, controlling the information which reaches the less active farmers in their social groups. The next category, termed the majority, are older and less well educated than farmers in the early majority. They participate less in formal groups, belong to fewer organizations, are less active in or- ganizational work, and hold fewer positions of leadership. Although re- ceptive to new ideas, they are too mated to their social systems to seek new ideas actively. Most of their new information comes from other persons, usually from Opinion leaders. They are inactive in government programs and don't look often to the change agencies. The last category, the late-adopters, includes the oldest and least educated. These men participate least in fbrmal organizations, farm cooperatives, and in government prOgrams. Their mental rigidity '."P " .35 ‘1. ‘ 'I-l1- v, this to ; The rep: of i: :‘egree to 'sers of h It: Stages of stuietits general 3 develop: Systea a Stage Vi Vatii'ene Ir “Riga enIatioz ticns, . -27- tends to prevent changes from traditions and customs. The category system described above uses as criterion the con- cept of innovativeness. This concept as defined by Rogers is "the degree to which an individual adopts new ideas earlier than other mem- bers of his social system." This category system performed its function during the initial stages of development of diffusion theory. It provided diffusion students with a framework for reporting their findings in a way the general public could understand. However, at the present stage of develOpment, the classification system needs to be refined or a new system developed. In our opinion, a category system with a broader scape will allow more valid generalizations of the concept of inno- vativeness. In the present study the concept of innovativeness has been in- vestigated under the framework of value and communication channel ori- entations} A close relationship was predicted between value orienta— tions, communication channel orientations and innovativeness. Using this as a frame of reference, we studied innovativeness and classified farmers into three broad and more exclusive categories - (1) Pro- gressive - farmers oriented toward modernism, (2) Intermediate - far- mers in a stage of transition from traditional to modern orientation, and (3) Traditional - farmers rooted to traditions and old ways of farming. Results will be presented in Chapter V. Other Factors Influencing_the Adoption of Innovations What causes differences in rate of adopting innovations? As imitated in I semi also 5 ’2) cost of t {5] the naturl Earner is er. The fit the higher t? etce;tance oi rrs in mgr it?" and good m mre pri- Itrs with no: use a Kreate:j are my 90;; [20]: Baker In thi literamre 0 concepts p05 area haVe be established. HOUGVe m°V3tions our aim to f e or the diffu -28- indicated in the previous section, personality plays a role. Re- search also stresses the importance of: (l) farmer's education, (2) cost of the new practice, (3) area, (4) farming experience, and (5) the nature and number of the communication channels to which the farmer is exposed. The findings of Young and Marsh (1950, 1955) (19) suggest that the higher the education level of farmers, the greater their rate of acceptance of innovations. Economic level is also important. Far- mers in progressive areas served by modern facilities such as electric- ity and good roads have higher rate of adoption than those in isolated and more primitive communities. The findings also suggest that far- mers with more education and higher incomes in adoption neighborhoods use a greater number of information sources, among which the mass media are very popular. Similar findings were obtained by Dickerson (1955) (20), Baker (1955) (21) and by Anderson (1955) (22). Conclusion In this section the reader has been exposed to rural sociology literature on diffusion most relevant to the present study. The major concepts postulated by them and research findings reported on this area have been discussed and their relation with the present study established. However, there are other approaches to the study of diffusion of innovations which will be discussed in our next section. It will be our aim to familiarize the reader with some present trends in the study of the diffusion of innovations. 41' t '1 meta: raieat stages , leaiers tion b} 31117;}: force 10 Ted ess, 1 ids?!» Caro.- Peon -29- The AustraliangApproach The literature reviewed in the previous section has shown that both personal and mass communication are important in the diffusion of innovations, and that each has its own role in this process. Mass com- munication is especially influential in the awareness and interest stages, and it is particularly appropriate for reaching the opinion leaders and the early adopters. These people in turn pass on informa- tion by word of mouth to other members of the community, and they set examples to follow. Although personal communication is still a major force in securing the trial and adoption of new recommendations, mass communication appears more influential than many change agents seem to believe. i To test the role of information sources during the adoption proc- ess, Emery, Oeser and Tully (1958) (4) investigated the diffusion and adoption of innovations among dairy farmers under a general theory of communication. Departing from the models of Heider, Newcomb and Cartwright and Haray - that communication takes place between two people, A and B, about a referent X, when there is a positive atti- tudinal relation between A and B and the attitudes toward x have the same sign - Emery, Oeser and Tully constructed what is known as the Australian model of diffusion. This model is based on the fellowing in- dices: (1) Index of Urbanization, (2) Index of Situational Motivation, (3) Index of Conceptual Skills, (4) Index of Exposure to Mass Media, and (5) Index of Scale of Operations. In addition they included intelli- gence as a determining condition without which certain things can not be done. .H M. ‘ "‘3 \V ' "vf '-P!_-2 _ m ‘ rtan, [J laborer, Si {D too; to share status . Iotivat: 3315 a C hfll CIE Cation that, ' hoUto Practi Carry tern. knowl S98“ POI E by Pe 603:5; beinE -30- Urbanization1 was indexed by (1) family orientation - rural or urban, (2) post-primary education, (3) employment other than as rural laborer, and (4) war service. Situational motivation was indexed by (1) age, (2) health, (3) cooperation and farming interests of the wife, (4) allowing sons to share responsibilities, and (5) maintaining economic progress and status. These factors, the authors stated, "influence and support the motivation of farmers - in the sense of choosing farm improvement as goals and persisting in trying to attain them." (4) Conceptual skills were indexed in terms of planning, ideas about how credit should be employed, future operations, and ideas about edu- cation of sons. The rationale in the construction of this index was that, "if man sees how his problems are interrelated, if he understands how to comit himself financially, if he plans ahead, then he adopts new Practices as a thinking, purposive individual; and then he will also Carry out other sensible and far-seeing Operations." Scale of Operations was indexed by input or resources of the farm and out-put or production. Using this model as a theoretical framework, the researchers in- terviewed 36 farmers of Bairndale, Australia. Their findings show that lThe concept of urbanization assumes that the attitude toward knOwledge by members of an agrarian society differs in important re- ects from that displayed by members of an urban, industrial culture. For example, in agrarian societies knowledge must be learned and tested personal practice and experience and transmitted by face-to-face cc"pinunication. In an industrialized society knowledge is accepted as belng instrumental rather than traditional. (Lerner, 1958) (23) :‘zmers viti tion given higher ado; mutation, lated to re neo‘ia of aa pmtices. f‘asionists tintinn p: In ar temed to Tilly and 1 cation pat: GainE fort. ”uses. :2: and aspira‘ °f innovat ! the adopt: r Find in Math; t i In tl lated by t cept“ sl patterns c -31... farmers with high degree of urbanization are more receptive to informa- tion given through mass media, are more exposed to the media and are higher adopters than other members of the community; that situational motivation, conceptual skills and scale of operations are closely re- lated to receptiveness for mass media, to degree of exposure to the media of mass comunication and to the rate of adOption of dairy farm This classic study corroborated findings of American dif- practices . fusionists in relation to the role of information sources during the adoption process. In another study, Wilkening, Tully and Presser (1962) (5) at- tempted to fuse the diffusion model constructed by Emery, Oeser, and Tully and the one by American diffusionists. They studied the communi- cation patterns of 100 dairy farmers from Northern Victoria, Australia. Going further, they investigated the relationship between farm re- SOurces, farm out-put, social status and role, sources of information, and aspirations of the farmers to the adoption of selected group 0f innovations. In relation to the role of information sources during the adaption process, the findings in their study were quite similar to those obtained by American diffusionists. Findings similar to those of Emery, Oeser and Tully were obtained in relation to scale of operations, situational motivation and con- Ceptual skills of the farmers studied. In the present study we investigated some of the concepts postu- 1ated by the Australian researchers such as scale of operations, con- ceptual skills, degree of exposure to mass media and the communication Patterns of Puerto Rican dairy farmers. However, one major frame of -32- reference, as was stated previously, was value orientations and communi- cation channel orientations. If our predictions were correct, we ex- pected to obtain findings similar to those of American and Australian researchers and consequently to be able to conclude that value and com- munication channel orientations can be integrated into the existing dif- fusion models as major variables influencing the adOption of innovations. The Typological Approach In a previous section of this chapter the reader was familiarized with the efforts by rural sociOIOgists to categorize the adopters by their predispositions toward innovativeness. These were the first ef- forts to approach the diffusion process and the adoption of innovations by “Sing the typological approach. Under this approach five types have been suggested as existing in all social systems. However, these cate- gories do not represent pure types from which comparisons can be made. The Categories proposed by diffusion students are not exclusive and characteristics attributed to farmers in one category overlap with characteristics of farmers under other categories. Consequently the need for a more refined typological approach to the study of diffusion has been recognized by many students in the field. The study conducted by Wells and MacLean (1962) (24) is a good examPle of the present trend in diffusion research. They investigated readership patterns through elementary linkage analysis and patterns 0 . . . . . f Ce1:12am occupational values, information sources, article preferences \ A 1These types were discussed in the section "The Rural Sociology Pproach" presented previously in this chapter. l. ssgest w-n‘a ‘ 9.”... :itaies mi; 3 As 1 gr 2155le, far: ir than a: 'I’ith s: 3?, (h; on oe: tiral Ents my: ham betas: geSts and it the 1 Used trier -33- and political issues through Stephenson's Q-technique. Their findings suggest that in any social system there are different clusters of people with different patterns of media habits and with different at- titudes on ("good" farming practices. For example, analysis of the group on a number of measures suggests a hard core of non-readers. As a group, they take fewer publications, rate them less interesting and useful, have somewhat less education, are a bit older, have lower gross farm income, and are less active in organizations - on the average - than any reader groups. The findings also suggest that there are clusters with similar styles of reading - the careful reader, the selective read- 81‘. the headline reader and the superficial reader. In another phase of the study, Q-technique was used to secure data on occupational value beliefs, interest in and use of various agricul- t“1‘81 sources, preferences for farm magazines, article tepics and treat- Dents. and important ratings of economic and political issues. Factor analY$is yielded three clear typOIOgies of peOple - Other Directed, Traditional-Independent, and Modern Rural Businessman. This study, although exploratory, has provided some relevant data necessary to understand the adoption and diffusion process - it sug- 3°St3 the location of modal types of persons within a social system and their dominant or modal characteristics as a necessary condition for the introduction of technological change. A similar approach to the one followed by Wells and MacLean was used in the present study. We investigated typologies among Puerto Rican dairy farmers by using a Q sample of statements expressing value 0 ' . . 1.J‘eutaa'ions. Under this conceptual framework, we predicted clusters .mi lei-.‘i‘bel . '- tf finer: loin; for value ori same to the fiodi The \‘alue \ So: influence vast lite 731116 5)'S “Y5 in a WOT ir individug fettiye 1 An adoIMO“ (26), T legit“ into the By New York “optic“ -34- of farmers with a wide range of variation in their value orientations. Going further, we investigated the relationship between variations in value orientations among groups of farmers and rate of adoption, ex- posure to sources of information, social behavior, etc. In summary, the findings obtained by Wells and MacLean provided us with a frame of reference for the design of this study. The Value Orientations Approach Social scientists have tried to find out how value orientations influence individual and group behavior. Stogdill (1959) (25) cites vast literature on small group research dealing with the importance of value systems in the motivation of voluntary associations, with the Ways in which individual value systems influence individuals' be- havior in relation to group norms and goals, and with the ways in which individual values and group values interlock in order to permit the ef- fective functioning of the existing groups in our society. An attempt to relate value orientations to the diffusion and aldoption of farm innovations was made by Polson and Spender (1959) (26) . They analyzed "several value orientations which, due to the loBical relationship to decision making and social changes, may enter into the explanation of the adoption of farm practices." By using a sample of 188 farm operators from Cattaraugus County, New York, they investigated the relationship of value orientations to adoption of farm innovations. As hypothesized by the researchers, orientations toward achievement and belief in science were positively related to adoption, while traditionalism was negatively related. Jill-WNW”: «Essay-xx". T: the 1'1)? relatio .nz' soc -35... The current study stressed value orientations. We went beyond the hypotheses tested by Polson and Spencer (1959) (26) to look at the relationship of value orientations to farmers' communication patterns and social behavior. The Communication Channel Orientations Approach In the literature mentioned above, we feund consistent relation- ship between individual predispositions toward the use of specific com- mnication channels and attitudes toward proposed innovations. This apparent systematic relationship has led diffusion students to look at the communication event from the point of view of the receiver, instead of from the traditionally-used viewpoint of the source. Efforts have been made to construct a theoretical schema to bring together pre- vious findings about the receivers' predispositions toward the use of Specific channels, their social status and prestige, and what has been thought of as "psychological-geographical distance" between source and receiver in a communication event. This path was followed by Deutschmann and Fals Borda (1962) (6) and by Deutschmann and Mendez (1962) (11) in two studies in Latin America. In these studies, the authors constructed a classification sYstem to define the channels through which innovation messages flow - 2 °8°¢entric, intra-community, extra-community, and impersonal. In this 1Communication event is defined as the complex of the giving and re’ceiving of information about an innovation. 2See section "Definition of Terms" in Chapter I of this dissertation. miel has I my i to h: ":h suit the 9T8: ’U ‘1’ lip, A -36- model the key concept is the communication channel orientation. This has been defined by Deutschmann et. a1. (1962) (6), (1962) (11), as the way in which a receiver regards a source of a message in relationship to himself or as the tendency of individuals to use some available sources or channels of infbrmation more heavily than others. From the author's point of view, "channels of information are a complex re- sultant of individual habits and characteristics, social structure, and the growing modern impersonal methods of communicatidn."3 Using as a basic concept the communication channel orientations, two studies were conducted in Latin America by Deutschmann et. al. The first was done by Deutschmann and Fals Borda (1962) (6) in Saucio, a Colombian village in the Andes, covering the diffusion and adoption of six farm practices. The second study, conducted by Deutschmann and Mendez (1962) (11) in Cholena, a Guatemalan village, used the same theoretical scheme as frame of reference. However, the population was different -- women -- and also the kind of innovations investigated - popular drugs and foods. In these studies the major assumption tested was that the latest to know and the latest to adopt innovations had predominant orientations toward egocentric channels, while the earliest to know about and to adopt innovations were predominantly oriented toward impersonal channels. Despite the different populations and types of innovations investigated, the postulated hypotheses were supported in both studies. 3See Deutschmann and Fals Borda, Communication and Adgption Patterns in an Andean Village, PIIP, San Jose, Costa Rica, (1962) Elfin-Ed .7. t . . n v auras- ‘5" 113a C 51:15: 11559: using preset the cc searci diffu: airic: in th cepts and o ceP-ts infOr De ‘4 IEdial Mia his 1 -37- The findings reported above suggest the relevance of communica- tion channel to an understanding of the diffusion process. However, further research is needed to test and verify its generalizability on different kinds of situations. And this has been a major reason for using communication channel orientations as a major concept in the present investigation - to test the validity and generalizability of the concept under the Puerto Rican situation. Non:Agricultural Diffusion Research Up to now we have been concerned with agricultural diffusion re- search and its contributions to diffusion theory. But the story of diffusion theory will not be complete unless we venture outside of agriculture. In recent years students from other disciplines have been digging in this area. In this section we will be concerned with two major con- cepts postulated by non-agricultural diffusionists--the two-step flow and Opinion leadership. Using as a frame of reference these two con- cepts, non-agricultural diffusionists have attempted to explain how information flows during a communication event. The Two-Step Flow and Opinion Leadership When an agent of change releases information through the mass media, he should remember that it is likely to be extended beyond the media by word of mouth. Frequently one person tells another what he has learned from the media, giving the message what might be termed a secondary exposure. Such person-to-person communication is important. When tKA raters 0' fund th.‘ ma ms were 05:. 232511;- during t Pail may tion, T inally t Which th "int-lug“ People a that Oh‘ Ac 38.1130“ “SS med 1855 aCt 0? than are -38- Lazarsfeld, Berelson and Gaudet (1948) (27) studied what influenced 600 voters of Erie County, Ohio, in the 1940 presidential elections, they found that "personal contacts appear to have been...more effective than mass media in influencing voting decisions." Similar findings were obtained by Berelson, Lazarsfeld and McPhee (1954) (28) when they investigated the decision making process of voters in Elmira, New York, during the 1948 presidential elections. Moreover, when Katz and Lazarsfeld (1955) (29) asked 800 women of Decatur, Illinois, what in- fluenced their decisions in marketing, public affairs, movie going, and fashions, they feund the primary determinant to be personal relations developed through oral communication. When a message originates in the mass media, therefore, its im- pact may be increased through subsequent person-to-person communica- tion. This will be especially true if the message is designed orig- inally to impress the more influential members of the social system which the agents of change wish to reach - the persons who are called "influentials," "opinion leaders," and sometimes "gatekeepers." These peeple are in a position to determine whether infbrmation modified by their own perspective will be passed on to other members of the group. According to the "two-step flow hypothesis" of Lazarsfeld, Berelson and Gaudet (1948) (27), ideas often flow (step one) from the mass media to the opinion leaders, and then (step two) from them to the less active sector of the population. Opinion leaders are likely to be more exposed to the mass media than are those whom they influence. Merton (1949) (30) found this in his study of interpersonal influence on communication in a small -39- community, and Katz and Lazarsfeld (1955) (29) got further support in their Decatur study. The influentials in both studies exceeded other members of their group in the time devoted to the media, and particu- larly in time devoted to content therein closely associated to their sphere of influence. Who are these leaders and where are they located? In the Merton study (1949) (30) influentials were located by asking residents to name the persons to whom they turned for advice when making personal decisions. Persons named by four or more residents were the influ- entials. These, he discovered, could not be classified as a single group, standing apart from the rest of the community. They were scat- tered throughout the community and were of different types. Two par- ticularly evident types were "local" and "cosmopolitan." Local leaders were more likely to be native sons, while cosmopolitan leaders were relatively newcomers. Local leaders were more concerned with knowing a large number of townspeople, while cosmopolitan leaders were more reStrictive in their associations, tending to belong to organizations which represented special skills and interests, such as professional socdieties. Both types of leaders spent more time with mass media than did the average person in the community. But the local leaders fo- cused more on local events or on subjects of general interest, whereas the cosmopolitan leaders were most interested in information about events outside the comnnmity. The local leaders seemed to exert their influence in a variety of areas, whereas the cosmopolitan leaders seemed t° I‘estrict their influence to fields such as national or international P°litics in which they were consulted as experts. above the influence The influ Sdiject I 1383 of P mic af ts influe med the Predecess 13ml 011 can a 1' -40- In the Decatur study of Katz and Lazarsfeld (1955) (29), the opinion leaders were found, in the areas of marketing, movie going, and fashions, on every status level of the community, generally among the more gregarious peOple of their groups. They were not on a rung above the persons whom they influenced; rather, they exerted their influence "horizontally" on persons of their own social-economic level. The influenced persons were equally or almost as interested in the subject matter concerned as those who influenced them. However, in the area of public affairs, the women of high status were more likely to be public affairs leaders than women of low status. Persons designated as influentials were higher-up on the status ladder than the peOple who named them, and each successive group of experts stood higher than its predecessor. Apparently the position of opinion leaders depends partly on content area. That is to say, for some matters opinion leaders exert a horizontal type of influence, while for other matters opinion leaders exert a kind of vertical influence. Merton's findings (1949) (30), like the ones of Larson and Hill C1954) (31) and Katz and Lazarsfeld (1955) (29) have provided support t0 the two-step flow concept postulated by Lazarsfeld, Berelson and Gaudet (1948) (27). To summarize this hypothesis and the literature related to it, Oral and mass communication are linked in the diffusion process. In- f0l‘lnation generated in the mass media is received by some individuals "110 re-transmit it personally to others who would not otherwise be ex- posed to it. These opinion leaders, influentials, or gatekeepers have t0 be taken into account in any attempt to influence people by means at' the l 53: liv: :ztes ti phyelat. Rt -41- of the mass media. Furthermore, the findings suggest that people look for advice or attitudinal infermation within their groups, which indi- cates that opinion leaders are distributed through all strata of the population. Recent investigations, however, have evidence contradicting the two-step flow concept. In one of these studies Deutschmann and Danielson (1961) (32) investigated the role of mass media and opinion leaders in the diffusion of three major news stories - Eisenhower's light stroke (in Lansing, Michigan, on November 1957); The Explorer I Satellite (in Lansing; Madison, Wisconsin; and Palo Alto, California); and of Alaskan statehood (in Lansing and Madison). The conclusions of these authors with respect to the two-step concept were the fellowing: 1. Initial mass media information on important events goes directly to people on the whole and is not relayed to any great extent. 2. People talk about important news they have learned from the media. 3. At this stage, opinion leaders, who have more infermation, may do some relaying of information. But this is a sup- plementary relaying. When the subject comes up, the in- formed leader contributes the additional information he has on it - adding, subtracting, correcting, confirming, etc . The Deutschmann and Danielson findings suggest that the relay function is supplemental in nature; that probably takes place at the same time as the reinforcement function, and is hard to distinguish from the latter. 1The "horizontal" or "vertical" influence exerted by opinion leaders apparently depends on the content area. This was suggested by Katz and Lazarsfeld (1955) (29) in their Decatur study. ".311. 1 . they :15 A. I. \‘a m; 0; process tantrast C0! awa taking 5 lost in- In the gene “int -42- They also suggested that "the Katz and Lazarsfeld two-stage flow hy- pothesis, as a description of the initial process, be applied to mass communication with caution and qualification." In another study, reported previously in this chapter and deal- ing with the communication of new farm practices in the Netherlands, A. W. Van den Ban (1963) (15) found the diffusion of innovations among Dutch farmers to be a multi-step process instead of a two-step process as postulated by Katz, et. a1. Moreover, he feund that ”in contrast to this hypothesis, both leaders and followers usually be- come aware of new practices through mass media, but in the decision- making stage of the adoption process, personal communication is their most important source of information. Conclusion A close look points up the similarity of findings from agri- CUltural and non-agricultural diffusion research. For example, the two-step flow hypothesis has been supported and contradicted in both fields. In addition, both areas have provided similar findings on the role performed by different information sources. Another remark- Guile similarity is the apparent orientation of individuals within a Social system to prefer certain channels over others as major sources of information. In the present study the author attempted to test in Puerto Rico the generalizability of most of the concepts reported in this chapter. But in the search for new variables to provide a more complete portrait Ly. erient tins tiOHS Prefer the be “long “can; -43- of diffusion, value orientations1 have been used as a core concept. Going further, this author has investigated how variations in value orientations among Puerto Rican dairy farmers affect their predisposi- tions to use communication channels and to accept innovations. The worth of value orientations as a core concept in the study of the diffusion and adaption processes was suggested by a cross cul- tural study conducted by Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck (1961) (2) in five communities of New Mexico. This looked at variations in value orien- tations among Zuni and Navaho Indians, Spanish Americans, Mormons, and Texans located in five different communities of New Mexico. Four orientations were investigated -- Time (present, past, future); Re- lations (lineal, collateral, individually); Man-Nature (subjugated, harmony, mastery over nature); and Activity (being, doing). The findings showed remarkable differences among the five communities with respect to the dominant value orientations and patterns of behavior. Although a dominant value-orientation pattern was apparent in each of the communities, there was also an indication of intra-cultural varia- tions in value orientations. Moreover, these intra-cultural variations 1Value orientations have been defined as the ranking order of Preference given to a set of basic principles which guide or direct the behavior of individuals in the solution of human problems. 2In this study intracultural variations in value orientations aIlleng Puerto Rican dairy farmers were predicted; these variations accementing for different patterns of behavior and predispositions toward new ideas and practices. If heath $5.715 . my a: lcgzca 1 cent Etta: tins {Beda fdsion ean:e; 59ng a bet: Explai -44- seemed to account for many variations in behavior patterns within each culture. The data reported by Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck (1961) (2) suggest that individuals within a given culture can be clustered on similarities in value orientation. The data also suggest that once location of these clusters makes it possible to predict behavior pat- terns . Using these findings as a frame of reference, we assumed that in any attempt to explain individuals' predispositions toward techno- lOgical change, variations in value orientations among people play a central role. Moreover, value orientation is a core concept for any attempt to explain diffusion and adoption processes. These assump- tions were the main reason for the construction of the diffusion model used as theoretical framework fer this study.1 This chapter has reported the major concepts investigated by dif- fusion. We have also tried to establish their relationship to two major Concepts serving as framework for the construction of the diffusion model ‘being tested in our present investigation. The literature reviewed has provided a necessary background fer it better interpretation of the theory underlying the present investiga- tion and of the diffusion model constructed. The next chapter will eJtplain our theoretical model. . 1The diffusion model used as theoretical framework for this study will be described in Chapter IV. A W“? .7 nib- posure ' iegree I kneel.- time wee: iiea. . ”It in I CHAPTER III THE THEORETICAL MODEL OF DIFFUSION From the literature reviewed in the preceding chapter one can conclude that the diffusion and adOption of innovations are complex processes. Many variables account fer the observed variation in ex- posure to channels of communication, in the rate of adoption, and in degree of acceptance of new technology. Rural sociological research in the United States, India and the Netherlands showed that in these processes individuals pass through different stages before finally deciding to adopt or reject a new idea. Some persons pass through more stages than others. Also, peOple Vary in their proneness toward adoption of new technology. From the diffusion studies in Latin America and outside the agriculture field, we learned that some individuals are more oriented toward the use of some communication channels than others; that there «is a relationship between communication channel orientations and a per- scui's predisposition toward the adoption of innovations. From the Australian researchers, we learned that the degree of Urbanization, situational motivation, conceptual skills and managerial ski;lls are directly related to attitudes toward some communication channels, to degree of exposure to these channels, and to rate and degree of adoption of new technology. The exploratory studies on typologies and values reviewed -45- 1mg 1 fusion tion, are in' in Valt Plain. '9 Con: tions :- Rte 01 of ado; VaIiOng -46- previously suggest some relationship between communication channel orien- tations, adoption, and values. Moreover, these researches suggest more than one type of modal personality in social systems, and that groups of peOple sharing common values tend to follow similar patterns of behavior. The cultural study reviewed provided further support to the view that value orientations are an important factor in human behavior. From this study we learned that variations in value orientation help explain how individuals in each society structure their world. That is to say, value orientations help determine behavior patterns. To date, diffusion students have discovered orderly relations among events but have failed to provide explanations. The existing dif- fusion models have provided the bases fer predicting that some people or groups will react in a certain way to a new idea in a certain situa- tion. However, these models have not provided explanations. Our major assumption is that if the existing diffusion concepts are integrated into a conceptual scheme using intra-cultural variations in value orientation, as a core concept one can both organize and ex- Iilain. Using this approach to the study of diffusion of farm technology, we constructed a model which attempts to relate intra-cultural varia- tions in value orientations to communication channel orientations, de- gree of exposure to mass media and other communication channels, rate 0f adoption of farm technology, and the degree of acceptance of inno- Vat ions 0 The basi has noticeable different sub- dozinant prof; its members in problems. he: to the same 5;; homgmeous in Elle-.313. in II Oriented to“: Sue assumptic orientations E orient “Ward: which allow m Work and achi -47- The Model The basic notion of this investigation is that every society has noticeable intracultural variations in value orientations among different sub-cultural groups; that each sub-cultural group has a dominant profile of value orientations which directs the behavior of its members in order to achieve homogeneity in the solution of human problems. Moreover, our theory postulates that individuals belonging to the same sub-cultural group in a given social system tend to be homogeneous in rank ordering of value-orientation alternatives. For example, in time orientation, some sub-cultural groups may be strongly oriented towards the future, others toward the past or present. The same assumptions are made for the man-nature, relational and activity orientations present in all societies. While some sub-cultural groups orient towards subjugation to natural forces, others prefer activities Which allow mastery over these forces. While some groups value hard work and achievement, others consider effort as a means to an end rather than an end in itself. With respect to relational orientations, our theory also postu- tlates intracultural variations. We hypothesized that some sub-cultural groups value rigid authority, while others value the individual and flexible authority. In brief, our theory postulates that intra-cultural variations jJl‘value orientation relate closely to the ways in which individuals Structure their worlds. According to our theory, the differences in communication chan— nel orientations, exposure to communication sources, rate and degree 3f acce belattgi ht pr ing the t'» 7‘ “Isl... NJ (I! tionale 181115 01 mam: rasearc] We 01 within a Integer“ ”titan and ado; On and Stro -43- of acceptance of new technolOgy, and social behavior of individuals belonging to a social system can be explained if one knows the domi- nant profiles of value orientations. It is our hunch that by study- ing the different typologies in a given social system (community, municipality, region, etc.) one can find the answers to the fellow- ing questions: 1. What are the reasons for the observed differences in the rates of adoption of farm innovations among individuals belonging to a social system? 2. What are the reasons for the observed differences in the degree of acceptance of new technology among individuals belonging to a social system? 3. What accounts for the variation among peOple in their communication channel orientations? 4. What accounts fer the variation in observed patterns of behavior among individuals within a given culture? Our model, or theoretical scheme, is based on the fellowing ra- ‘tionale. From diffusion research we became aware of the variant pat- terns of attitudes among individuals with respect to new technology, cCunmunication channel orientations and social behavior. From cultural research we became aware of the relationship between variations in Value orientations and variant patterns of behavior among individuals within a given society. These findings suggested the possibility of integrating cultural and diffusion variables to come out with a theo- retical model which can provide a thorough explanation of the diffusion and adoption processes. Our model is based on four crucial problems assumed by Kluckhohm aun‘l Strodtbeck (1961) (2) as common to all human groups or societies: (1] san- -' 9- 1.3.5. it the : titema‘ huan b- tion in mt :3: of far: {age 1 traditi Street. three .tea I 9“ 1th . -49- (l) man-nature, (2) time, (3) relational, and (4) activity orienta- tions. The model is based on the assumption that different groups of peOple vary in their rank ordering of preference for the alternatives in the solution of these crucial problems. These preferences for alternatives are considered in this model as valuable predictors of human behavior. Under this conceptual scheme, we predicted a wide range of varia- tion among groups of Puerto Rican dairy farmers with respect to domi- nant profiles in value orientations. We expected to find some clusters of farmers oriented mainly toward modernism, some in a transitional stage from traditionalism to modernism, and some firmly rooted to a traditional view of the world. To gain a frame of reference for comparative purposes, we con- structed ideal types of farmers based on value orientations; the three ideal typologies will look as follows: ___g Orientations Claisters Time Man-Nature Activity Relational .____> Orientations Orientations Orientations Orientations Iw Future Mastery Over Doing Individual MOdern Nature II’ 'Present 'Harmony Being In Collateral JEEEgnsitional Nature Becomingii IIII Past ’Subjugated To Being Lineal JEEEgditional Nature This study investigated dairy farmers' typ010gies and compared t1‘lem against these ideal types. To integrate this typological model wi~12h the Deutschmann Communication Channel Orientations Model, we predicted a cl tion channe single can: at Commie ation nel Orientati ~ Egocentric Intra-Commi Extra-Commmi Imersonal -50- predicted a close relationship between value orientations and communi- cation channel orientations. When the two models were fused into a single conceptual scheme, they looked as follows: Farmers Ideal Types According to Value Orientations Communication Chan- I II III nel Orientations Modern Transitional Traditional Egocentric X Intra-Community X X Extra-Community X X Impersonal X Our predictions were that Puerto Rican dairy farmers with pre- dominant orientations to the use of egocentric channels will be highly 'traditional in their value orientations. Consequently they will be the latest to know about innovations and the latest to ad0pt them. We also Predicted that dairy farmers with predominant orientations toward im- Personal channels will be the most modern, the first to know about in- novations and the first to adopt them. In the construction of our model, the third step was to fuse villue orientations and communication channel orientations with the rest 0f diffusion concepts developed by diffusion researchers and cited in tile preceding chapter. We predicted that the most modern farmers will be the ones with high degree of exposure to mass media, the first and l'Iiigher adopters and the most influential leaders in their respective communities. In its final stage the model constructed looks as follows: - c a an. T.-. he.— AV Wu... hllu\ P S\ Qy\ S f n\ nun \ \ 1/60 \ -\.VO\ 4. .\UI rhU. 7!. ah“ a...“ t s t A it." Tela teSt -51- The Value Model Farmers ideal types according to value and communication channel orientations Type I Type II Type III Modern Transitional Traditional 1. Future 1. Present 1. Past 2. Mastery over 2. Harmony with 2. Subjugated nature nature to nature 3. Doing 3. Being in 3. Being 4. Individually becoming 4. Lineal 4. Collateral Channel orientations l. Extra-commu- l. Intra-commu- ii Egocentric nity far nity 2. Intra-com- 2. Impersonal 2. Extra-commu- munity nity near 1. Exposure to mass High Average Low media 2. Exposure to agents High Average Low ___ of change 5:; Rate of adoption Earlier Average Later ‘4. Degree of adoption High Average Low 5. Participation in High Average Low social activities 6. Sought for advice High Average Low 7. Seeking for advice Low High Low from friends and neighbors 8. Range of influence High Average Low \ “filth respect to age, educational and socio-economic levels a two-way relationship with value orientations was predicted. tested in this study were the following: The hypotheses -52- Hypotheses 1. Under the Puerto Rican situation, variations in value orien- tations among dairy farmers are related to communication channel orientations. a. Dairy farmers with a rank order of preference for future, mastery over nature, doing and individual value orienta- tions are the most impersonal and extra-community channel oriented. b. Dairy farmers with a rank order of preference for present, harmony with nature, being in becoming, and collateral value orientations are the most intra-community channel oriented. c. Dairy farmers with a rank order of preference for past, subjugation to nature, being, and lineal value orien- tations are the most egocentric channel oriented. 2. Under the Puerto Rican situation variations in value and com- munication channel orientations among dairy farmers are re- lated to degree of exposure to channel-sources of infbrmation. a. Farmers with a rank order of preference for future, mastery over nature, doing, and individual value orientations and fer impersonal and extra-community channels are the most exposed to mass media and agents of change. b. Dairy farmers with a rank order of preference for present, harmony with nature, being in becoming, and collateral value orientations and for intra-community channels are the most exposed to friends and neighbors within the com- munity boundaries. c. Dairy farmers with a rank order of preference for past, subjugation to nature, being, and lineal value orienta- tions and for egocentric channels are the lowest in de- gree of exposure to mass media, agents of change, and friends and neighbors. 3. Under the Puerto Rican situation variations in value and com- munication channel orientations are related to time of aware- ness and time and degree of adOption of dairy innovations. a. Dairy farmers with a rank order of preference for future, mastery over nature, doing, and individual value orienta- tions and for impersonal and extra-community channels are the first to know, the first to adopt and the largest adopters of dairy innovations. 4. 5. b. C. -53- Dairy farmers with a rank order of preference for present, harmony with nature, being in becoming, and lineal value orientations and for intra-community channels are average in time of awareness and time and degree of adOption of dairy farm practices. Dairy farmers with a rank order of preference fer past, subjugation to nature, being, and lineal value orientations and fer egocentric channels are the latest to know, the latest to adopt and the lowest in degree of adoption of dairy farm practices. In the Puerto Rican situation, value and communication channel orientations are related to dairy farmers' social behavior. 80 b. Dairy farmers with a rank order of preference fer future, mastery over nature, doing, and individual value orientations and for impersonal and extra-com- munity channels belong to more organizations and are the highest in advice giving. Dairy farmers with a rank order of preference for present, harmony with nature, being in becoming, and collateral orientations and for intra—community chan- nels are average in belonging to organizations and are the highest in advice seeking. Dairy farmers with a rank order of preference fer past, subjugation to nature, being, and lineal value orien- tations and for egocentric channels are the lowest in belonging to organizations, advice seeking and advice g1V1ng. Under the Puerto Rican situation value and communication chan- nel orientations are related to dairy farmers' predispositions toward following or skipping stages during the adoption process. a. b. C. Farmers with a rank order of preference fer future, mastery over nature, doing, and individual value orientations and for impersonal and extra-community channels are the ones who usually follow more stages of the adoption process. Dairy farmers with a rank order of preference fer present, harmony with nature, being in becoming, and collateral value orientations and for intra-community channels rank second in the number of stages followed. Dairy farmers with a rank order of preference for past, subjugation to nature, being, and lineal value orientations and for egocentric channels are the farmers who most skip stages during the adoption process. 20323: {e' . Visa -54- The above theoretical model should aid interpretation of the findings. Also relevant are the situations in which the study was conducted and the population investigated. The next chapter will deal with these areas. popula‘ the da. tic c‘a to the the do vestig 0f the seats} technc This 5 We: 3CCEpt T1613 1 Agricu CHAPTER IV DESCRIPTION OF THE AREA This chapter provides background infbrmation about the area and It begins by presenting a general picture of population investigated. 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