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'u _‘ 3‘3 . 2751‘: 5?; if .— :m 3,39 132‘ « ,-.3.r.._,. . r431“ w ”a"? ."1; ‘L’é. - .‘ 'u {0‘32} agiéfln . r" $431.4 ‘ * 31393 455 ‘. M 3 , .1 III! I 33333333331333" ' This is to certify that the thesis entitled "A Comparative Demographic Study of the Native-born and Foreign-born Chinese Populations in the United States" presented by Fu-ju Liu has been accepted (towards fulfillment of the requirements for Allah—degree mm 8; Anthropology Ww‘ Major professor 6 5 1 A 8 I 1 u t .w... . . 0. HM...;....‘ A COMPARATIVE DEMOGRAPHIC STUDY OF NATIVE-BORN AND FOREIGN-BORN CHINESE POPULATI ONS IN THE UNITED STATES BY Fu-Ju Liu A THESIS Submitted to the School or Greduete Studiee of Michigan State College of Agriculture and Applied Science in partial fulfillment of the requiremente for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology and Anthropology 1953 THESIS ACKNOWLEDGMENT The author wishes to express his deep graditude to Dr. J. Allan.Beegle, under whose supervision, encourage- ment, and unfailing interest this study was undertaken. He also greatly appreciates the fellowship granted by the United Board of Christian Colleges in China, and the scholarship provided by Michigan State College for the past few years which made it possible to complete this study. Grateful acknowledgment is also due to the members of the guidance committee for their vise counsel through- out the course of this study. q—~———W w-—-— -,_ A COEDARATIVE DKfiCGRnFNIC STUDY OF NATI?E-BCRN 3ND FCREIGN~BORN HINESE FO?UL£TION3 IN THE UNITE STfiTES 5! ru-Ju Liu £3 ABSTRACT Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of alchigan State College of agriculture and Applied science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR CF FHILCSOYE Department of Sociology and anthropology Year 1953 Appro vved Q MW (/ ABSTRACT The gradual shift of the Chinese population in the united States from Cornish-born.to native-born is of con- siderable demographic and cultural significance. The numerical gain on the part of the nativedborn Chinese- Americans has made the cultural cleavage between the two nativity groups more apparent and has drawn attention to the emergence of new problems confronting the native-born quite different from those faced by the moreign-born Chinese-Americans. Sines social and cultural divergeneies between the two groups have a direct bearing upon certain demographic phenomena, a comparative study of the two pepuletione may yield basic inflormstion fundamental to a better understanding of the problems and adjustments of Chinese-Americans. The purposes of this study are fourfold: (l) to re- view the development and present status of the Chinese popu- lation in the Uhited States as backgroundfor3s_further com- parison of its component groups; (2) to determine the under- lying factors which have led to the present change in nativity status; (3) to scopare the two nativity groups as to growth, composition. and characteristics; and (4) to state the prob- eble trends of the Chinese population in this country on the heeie of the foregoing analysis. This investigation is primarily a demographic study which involves the compilation of census data and the pre- sentation of these data in graphic form. The primary sources of date are the various publications issued by the united States Bureau of the Census. In addition to the primary sources published and unpublished materials about the Chinese- Americans in this country serve as secondary sources. The major findings of the present study may be summer- ised as followex First, the development of the Chinese population in this country can be “aided roughly into three periods: one of rapid increase from 1850 to 1880 with heavy concentration in the West; another of gradual decrease from 1880 to 1920 with dispersion eastward: and finally one of short-time increase from 1920 to 1940 with a redistribution of numbers in cer- tain states. In 1940 there were 11,604 Chinese-Americans in the continental United States. They are characterised by concentration in a few localities, extremely high urbani- nation, and.e predominance of adult males. The imbalance of the sex ratio is etideneed by the fact that many married man live in celibacy'bscsuse their wives are not in the Uhited states and a majority of marriageable males remain- CinSIOe Generally speaking. Chinese-Americans 25 years old and over receive much less formal education than the comparative group in the total pepulation of this country. In spite of the fact that a large proportion of Chineseéimericans are included in the labor force, the occupational opportunity for them is rather limited. About one~third of the total employed are confined to "service work, except domestic". There were about twenty-one thousand Chinese private house- holds in this country in 1940. The average size was about three persons nor each household. Second, the change in nativity status among the Chinese- imericans is to be regarded as a result of fertility, mor- tality, and migration. The decline of the noreign-born group has been attributed to the excess of departures over arrivals and to high mortality. 0n the other hand, the increase of the native-born group>ie made possible by the generally high fertility of the Chinese-Americans. In com- paring the tso nativity groups, it is found that the native- bcrn Chinese-Americans show somewhat_greatsr concentration in some states, are more urban, are younger in age composi- tion, have lower sex ratios, acquire higher educational status, and marry later than the foreign-born Chinese- imericans. However, the higher educational status achieved by the native-born does not greatly improve their occupa- tional opportunity. a majority are still holding the same types of occupations as their foreign-born elders. In living arrangements. more native-born than foreignoborn Chinese- Americans are living in private households. Yet, the latter maintains more private household units with fewer relatives than the former. Evidently, there are many "one-man fami- lies" shared by several unrelated persons among the foreign- born Chinese-Americans. Third, in view of the possibilities of an increasing number of marriages and the high fertility among the Chinese- Americans, coupled with a stable mortality and the unlikely large-scale migration either in.or out or the united States in the future, a continuous increase of Chinese population in this country seems quite probable in the immediate future. Nevertheless, such an increase probably will not be great, nor will it last very long it future population growth relies solely upon natural increase. Due to the increasing importance of the native-born Chinese-Americans who are more accessible to the idea of a small sized, democratic family, an eventual decline of fertility may be expected. TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page PART ONE INTRODUCTION I. PROBLEM AND PROCEDURES . . . . . . . . 1 Statement of the Problem Purpose and ScOpe Methodology Sources and Limitations of the Date Order of Presentation PART TWO THE HISTORY AND STATUS OF CHINESE POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES II. CHINESE IMMIGRATION . . . . . . . . . 18 Chinese World Migration Chinese Immigration to the United States III. THE VITAL PROCESSES MONG THE CHINESE POPULATIONeeeeeeeeeeeeoe b0 Fertility Mortality and Its Causes IV. THE GROWTH OF CHINESE POPULATION . . . 79 Three Periods of Growth and Re- distribution Factors nffecting Growth V. PRESENT STATUS OF CHINESE POPULATION . 9O Geographical Concentration and Urbanization Selected Demographic Characteristics Chapter PART THREE THE COMPARISON OF NATIVE-BORN AND FOREIGN-BORN CHINESE POPULATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES VI. A COMPARISON IN POPULATION GROWTH . . . . Growth and Redistribution Factors Affecting Growth VII. A COMPARISON IN NUMBER AND DISTRIBUTION . Number and Geographical Distribution Residence VIII. A COMPARISON OF CHARACTERISTICS (I) . . . Age Composition Balance of Sexes Marital Status IX. A COMPARISON OF CHARACTERISTICS (II) . . Educational Status Occupational Status Household Composition PART FOUR SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS X. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . A Summary of Chinese POpulation in the United States A Summary of Comparative Study of Native-born and Foreign-born Chinese POpulations Probable Trends in the Chinese POpu- lation of the United States BIBLIOGRAPHY . O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 APPENDIX 0 0 O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O Page 138 147 160 181 198 209 214 Table I. II. III. IV. V. VII. VIII. I. II. XII. XIII. LIST OF TABLES Arrivals and Departures or Chinese Immi- grants in the United States, by Decade, 1851 to 19 50 O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O 0 0 Percentage of Chinese Immigrant Arrivals by Decade, 1851 to 1930 a Q o o o e o o o o Fertility Ratios for the Chinese POpulatioh of the United States, 1940 . . . . . . . . . Fertility Ratios tor the Chinese POpulation of Nine Principal Cities, 1940 . . . . . . . Trends in Crude Birth Rates for the Chinese Population in the United States, 1920 to 19400 e o o O O o e e O O O o o o o O 0 0 Trends in Fertility Ratios for the Chinese Pepuiation in the United States, 1900 t019400000000000000000000 Crude Death Rates for the Chinese POpulation in the United States by Residence and Sex, 1940 O o o o o o 0 e O o O ‘0 O o O o 0 Trends in Crude Death Rates for the Chinese POpulation in the United States (Death Registration Area), 1910 to 1940 . . . . . . Infant Mortality Rates for the Chinese POpu- lation, by Decade, 1920 to 1940 . . . . . . Deaths from Common Selected Causes for the Chinese POpuiation in the United States, 1940 O O O O O 0 O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O 0 Change of Chinese POpulation in the United States,1850t0194‘0............ Distribution of Chinese Population in the United States, by Regions and Divisions, 18 50 to 1940 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Percentage Distribution of Chinese-Americans, Japanese-Americans, and the Total POpulatiOh of the United States, by Residence, 1940 . . Page 50 56 63 64 66 67 7o 74 75 78 87 94 97 1|l.§r‘\ [J2 f|1|JI\;..I||I\I4|\ [[.ll\(l|llflllxvilr1ll.l‘r ‘ Table XIV. XVI. XVII. XVIII. XIX. XXII. XXIII. XXIV. Chinese Population in the United States, by Residence and Regions, Chinese Population in Nine Principal Cities 1940 Classified by Size, 1940 .'. Change of Chinese Population by Residence, 1910 to 1940 . Number and Percentage of Chinese Pepulation in Principal Cities of 100,000 and Over, 1880 to 1940 . Chinese POpulation in the United States, by Nativity, Residence, Regions and Divi- 1940 sions, Change of Nativity Status for Chinese- 1900 to 1940 Americans, by Sex, Change of Nativity Status for Chinese- Americans, Change of Sex Ratios for Chinese-Americans, Japanese-Americans, and the total POpula- by Residence, 1910 to 1940. tion of the United States, 1860 to 1940. . Median Number of School Years Completed by Chinese 25 Years and Over in the United States, by Residence and Sex, 1940 . . . Years or School Completed by Chinese POpu- lation 25 Years Old and Over in the United States, by Residence and Sex, 1940 . Employment Status of Chinese POpulation 14 Years Old and Over in the United States, by Residence and Sex, 1940 . Major Occupations of Employed Chinese Popu- lation 14 Years Old and Over in the United 0 States, by Residence and Sex, 1940 . . . . Chinese POpulation in Private Household and Outside Private Household, by Residence, 1940 . Page 99 101 103 105 107 109 110 119 127 128 131 133 136 Table XXVII. XXVIII. XXIX. XXXI. XXXII. XXXIII. XXXIV. XXXVI. XXXVII. Change of Native-born and Foreign-born Chinese Populations in the United States, by Decade, 1870 to 1940 o e o o o o o e 0 Distribution of Native-born and Foreign-born Chinese POpulatiOhs in the United States, by Regions and Divisions, 1900 to 1940 . . Native-born and Foreign-born Chinese POpula- tions in United States Cities of 100,000 and More, 1940 e o e o e e e o e e o o o o Native-born and Foreign-born Chinese in United States Principal Cities, 1940 . . . Sex Ratios by Residence and Region for Native-born and Foreign-born Chinese POpu- lations in the United States, 1940 . . . . Sex Ratios for Native-born and Foreign-born Chinese POpulatiOhs in Nine Selected Cities, 1940 e o o e e o o o o e o e e o 0 Median Number of School Years Completed by Native-born and Foreign-born Chinese Popu- lations 25 years Old and Over in the United States, by Residence, Sex, and Regions, 1940 e e o o o o o e e e o o e 0 Years of School Completed by Native-born and Foreign-born Chinese POpulatiOhs 25 Years Old and Over in the United States, by Sex and Residence, 1940 . . . . . . . . . . . Employment StatuSoof Native-born and Foreign- born Chinese POpulatiOhs 14 Years Old and Over, by Residence and Sex, 1940 . . . . . Major Occupations for Employed Native-born and Foreign-born Chinese POpulations 14 Years Old and Over in the United States, by Sex, Residence, and Regions, 1940 . . . . Household Composition for Native-born and Foreign-born Chinese.Populatiohs in the United States, by Residence and Sex, 1940 Page 141 144 154 156 168 169 182 185 189 192 195 Figure 1. 5. 7. 8. 10. 11. 12. 13. LIST OF FIGURES Annual Arrivals and Departures of Chinese Immigrants in the United States, 1851 to 19 50 O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Sex Composition of Chinese Immigrants and Emigrants from the United States, 1903 to 1932 O o O O O O O O O O o O O O 0 O 0 Comparison of Crude Death Rate Between Chinese-Americans and the United States, by Residence, 1940 . . . . . . . . . . . . Age and Sex Specific Death Rate for the Chinese-Americans and for the United States, 1340 e e e e o o o o e o o e o o a Growth of Chinese POpulation in the United States, 1860 to 1940, by Number and Per- centage of Increase e e e o o e e e o o 0 Comparison of POpulation Growth Among Chinese-Americans, Japanese-Americans and the United States, 1860 to 1940 . . . . . Distribution of Chinese POpulatiOh in the United States, by County, 1940 . . . . . . Age-Sex Pyramids of Chinese Population in the United States, by Residence, 1940 . . Age-Sex Pyramids of Chinese POpulation in the United States, by Regions, 1940 . . . Sex Ratios by Age for Chinese Population in the United States, 1940 e e e o o o e o 0 Marital Status by Sex for Chinese-Americans, Japanese-Americans and the United States, 1940 O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O Q 0 iarital Status of Chinese POpulatioh, by Residence and Sex, 1940 o o o o e o e o 0 Age Distribution of Single, Married, Widowed, and Divorced Chinese Persons 15 Years Old and Over in the United States, by Residence, 1940 O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O 0 O O Page 48 54 68 "(1 80 91 92 112 113 116 122 123 124 111...} III", II. \r .a \ _ . d g a c v p Q C . o n a . I Figure Page 14. urowtn of Native-born and Foreign-born Chinese P0pulations in the United States, by Decade, 1870 to 1940 o o o e o e e o o 140 15. Distribution of Native-born Chinese POpu- lation in the united States, 1940 . . . . 148 16. Distribution of Foreign-born Chinese POpu- ‘ laticn in the United States, 1940 . . . . 149 17. Comparison of the Native-born and Foreign- born Chinese Pepulations in the United States, by Residence and Regions, 1940 . . 151 18. Trends in the Percentage of Native-born and Foreign-born Chinese Populations in the United States, by Residence, 1940 . . . . 158 19. Age-Sex Pyramids of Native-born and Foreign- born Chinese POpulatiOhs in the United States, by Res1dence, 1940 . . . . . . . . 161 20. Age-Sex Pyramids of Native-born and Foreign- born Chinese POpulations in the United States, by Regions, 1940 o o o e e o o o o 164 21. Sex Ratios by Age for Native-born and Foreign-born Chinese POpulatiOhs in the United States, 1940 . . . . . . . . . . . 171 22. Change of Sex Ratios for Urban and Rural Native-born and Foreign-born Chinese POpu- lations in the United States, 1910 to 1940 172 23. Marital Status of Native-born and Foreign- born Chinese POpulatiOhs 15 Years and Over by Residence and Sex, 1940 . . . . . . . . 176 24. Marital Status of Native-born and Foreign- born Chinese Populations, by Age and Sex, 1940 O O O O O O O 0 O 0 O O O O O O O o O 178 Table 1. 10. 11. 12. 13. LIST OF APPENDIX TABLES Estimated Number of Chinese Overseas POpulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Annual Arrivals of Chinese immigrants to the United States, 1820 to 1950 . . . . . Annual Departures or Chinese Emigrants from the United States, 1908 to 1950 . . . . . Chinese Arrived and Departed from San Fran- cisco Customs House, 1820 to 1882 . . . . Chinese Immigrants Arrived and Departed from the United States, by Age, 1901 to 1932 . Chinese Immigrants Arrived to the United States, by Sex, 1853 to 1880, and 1901 to 1935 O O O O I O I O O O O O 0 O O O 0 Chinese Emigrants Departed from the United States, by Sex, 1908 to 1935 o e e e e o 0 Marital Status of Chinese Immigrants Arrived and Departed from the United States, 1923 to 1932 O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O. O O O 0 Occupational Status of Chinese Immigrants Arrived and Departed, 1923 to 1932 . . . . Number of Births and Deaths for Chinese POpulatiOh in the United States, by Sex, 1907 to 1940 o o o o o o e o o o e o e e 0 Comparison of Age and Sex Specific Death Rate Between Chinese-Americans and the United States, 1940 o o o e o e o e o o 0 Distribution of Chinese POpulation, by Regions, Divisions, and States, 1850 to 1940 O O O O O O O C O O O O O O O O O O 0 Chinese Population in the United States, by Residence and States, 1940 . . . . . . . . Page 214 217 219 220 221 223 224 225 226 227 229 230 232 Table 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. Number of Chinese POpulatiOh in the United States, by Nativity, Residence and State, 1940 e o o e o e e e o o e e e o 0 ‘Age Distribution of Chinese POpulation in the United States, by Residence and Sex, 1940 O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 0 Age Distribution of Chinese Population in the United States, by Sex and Regions, 1340 O O o O O o O 0 O O O o I g 0 O O o 0 Sex Ratios by Lge and Residence for Chinese POpulatiOh in the United States, 1940 . . Sex Ratios by Age and Regions for Chinese POpulatiOh in the United States, 1940 . . Marital Status of Chinese POpulation 15 Years Old and Over in the United States, by Residence and Sex, 1940 . . . . . . . . Age Distribution of Single, Married, Widowed and Divorced Chinese Persons 15 Years Old and Over in the United States, by Resi- dence, 1940 O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O Native-born and Foreign-born Chinese POpula- tions in the United States, by Residence and Regions, 1940 . . . . . . . . . . . . Percentage Distribution of Native-born and Foreign-born Chinese Populations in the United States, by Residence and States, 1940 O O O O O O O O C O O O O 0 O O 0 0 0 Trends in the Percentage of the Native-born and Foreign-born Chinese Population in the united States, by Residence, 1910 to 1940 Age Distribution for Native-born and Foreign- born Chinese Populations in the United States, by Residence and Sex, 1940 . . . . Age Distribution for Native-born and Foreign- born Chinese Populations in the United States, by Sex and Regions, 1940 . . . . . Page 234 236 237 238 239 240 241 242 243 245 246 247 Table 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. Sex Ratios of Native-born and Foreign- born Chinese POpulations in Selected States, 1940 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sex Ratios by Age ror Nativeaborn and Foreign-born Chinese POpulations in the United States, 1940 . . . . . . . . . . . Change of Sex Ratios by Residence for Native-born and Foreign-born Chinese Pepu- 1ations in the United States, 1910 to 1940 Marital Status of Native-born and Foreign- born Chinese POpulations 15 Years Old and Over in the United States, by Residence and Sex, 1940 O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Age Distribution of Single, Married, Widowed and Divorced Native-born and Foreign-born Chinese POpulations in the united States, by Residence and Sex, 1940 . . . . . . . . Page 248 249 250 251 253 PART ONE INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I PROBLEM AND PROCEDURES Statement of The Problem The shift of the Chinese pepulation in the Uhited States from foreign-born to native-born1 has been a noticeable phenomenon in the last several decades. At the turn of this century, nine out of every ten Chinese in this country were foreign-born, according to federal census reports. Today, the foreign-born group contributes less than one-half of the total Chinese pepulaticn. Simultaneously, the number of their descendants has increased from nine thousand to more than forty thousand, an increase of about 450 percent. These numerical and proportional changes in nativity status are significant if the cultural factor is taken into account. 1The term "Chinese pepuls tion" in the United States is de- fined in this.study as a racial group, because many Chinese legally can be Americans either by birth or through naturali- zation. Thus, they are distinguished, not by their national- ity, but by their race. The term."Chinese-Americans" or "Americans of Chinese descent" is used throughout this study to denote the Chinese population living in the United States. The demographic meanings of "native-born" and "foreign- born" follow the definition given by the U.S. Census Bureau, as: he person born in the United States or in any of its ter- ritories or possessions is counted as native. Likewise, in- cluded as native is the small group of persons who, although born in a foreign country or at sea, were American citizens by birth because their parents were American citizens. The remainder of the population is classified as foreign-born". See 16th Census of U.S., Characteristics of the Nonwhite Po u- lation by Race, Washington: Government Printifig Office, I949, p.2} it'll (It ’Il\{ [Ill ‘. ‘.I\Il.. "{ [fl III..l| [f.l Ill {L for! The Chinese-Americans have long been considered one of the most culturally homogeneous groups in this country. This consideration was based on the fact that the bulk of the pepulation was made up of the foreign-born. This group came from.a cultural milieu which.in many aspects is quite differ- ent from that of the American.2 Thus, in spite of the length of their sojourn in this country, their acculturation and assimilation3 have been slow processes. It should be noted that the resistance to change was further enhanced by racial discrimination. Intermarriage has been rare between the -—§Voluminous works have been devoted to this subject. How- ever, one of the fundamental differences between the American and the Chinese cultures is the individualism versus familism from which social relations are developed and differentiated. Thus, in terms of Toennies' concepts, America would be a Ca- sellschaft-like society, and China would be a Gemeinschaft- like community. See Ferdinand Toennies, Fundamental Conce ts of Sociolo , translated and supplemented by Charles PJ'LoomIs, N—Tew or' E: fierican Book Company, 1940. 3There are various definitions for the terms "accultura- tion" and "assimilation". However, the one indicated here seems morelappropriste to the purpose of this study. Accul- turation is used to denote "the social process through which peoples of diverse cultures in close contact with one another fuse their cultures into new forms comprising elements from both but different from either." 0n the other hand, "assimi- lation is the process through which the immigrant or alien loses the modes of behavior previously acquired in another society and gradually takes on the ways of the new society. When such an individual no longer thinks of hcmself as dis- tinctly different and in turn is not treated in a special category apart from.the natives or ordinary members of the society, then he is fully assimilated." Logan Wilson and William L. Kalb, Sociolo ical Analysis, New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1949, p. 68?. Chinese and other races.4 As a result, the Chinese immigrants became a unique cultural group, and gradually deve10ped a strong group solidarity. All these conditions have resulted in: l. a ccncentration.of population in the metropolitan areas; 2. occupational withdrawal from.the American labor mar- ket by restricting themselves to the few occupations which are least in direct competition with the native Americans; and 3. a complete isolation from the larger community, ex- cept to maintain a utility relationship that arises from need for the daily necessities. These demographic phenomena could continue as long as the contributing factors remain unchanged. The presence of large numbers of native-born Chinese-Americans, however, has somewhat modified the situation. The young generation, born and educated here, is different in many cultural aspects. Through the public school systems these young Americans of Chinese descent acquire the prevailing American social values ‘Intermarriages between Americans and Chinese are compara- tively few because of a strong sentiment against them. In some states legislation prohibits such unions. The volume of such intermarriage is not known. However, local studies show Chinese prefer to marry within their own group. See, for examples, 0. Panunzio, "Intermarriage in Los Angeles, 1924-1933," American JOurnal of Sociolo , XLVII (March 1941), pp. 690-701; and Shepard schwartz, a a Selection Among New York City's Chinese Males, 1931-38," American Journal of Sociology, LVI (may 1951), pp. 562-568. and attitudes, such as individual freedom, democratic family, and social equality. is a group» their cultural orientation frequently sets them apart from their foreign-born elders, if not at an opposite position, at least in a different degree of opinion over various issues which may effect their future happiness, such as decision over marriage, education, and the selection of a vocation. Studies of Chinese-American communities in some Ameri- can cities not only indicate the existence of cultural diver- gencies between the two gnaups, but reveal a more complicated situation for the native-born.5 The one frequently mentioned is the marginal character of the young generation of Chinese descent. The acceptance of American culture could have easily taken them away from.their parental group, had the racial visibility not become a barrier. Because of the skin color, they are denied many occupational opportunities, sub- Jected to social segregation, and excluded from social par- ticipation. Culturally they are American, racially Chinese. And yet, they belong to neither group. The situation con- fronting the native-born Chinese-Americans, therefore, is quite different from.that of the foreign-born Chinese. -_56hing Chao Wu, Chinatown: A study of symbiosis and assi- milation, unpublishéd PhiD. dissertation,’UfiIversity of Chicago, 1920; H.C.C. Loh, Americans of Chinese Ancestry in Philadelphia, unpublished Ph;D. dissertation,‘UnIversity of Pennsylvania, 1945; Yu-chen Liu, Interactions within Chinese- American Families of Portland, Ore on, resulting from cuI; tfiraITETTTErences, unpfiinShed Ph.%. dissertation,“University 51*0regon,‘1951. The main prOblem for the fbreigmpborn Chinese is assimi- lation to the culture to which many have already made a par- tial accommodation. The constant decline of Chinese immigrants has reduced the magnitude of the problem as applied to the foreign-born. The problem for the native-born Chinese- Americans, however, is a social adjustment which is still far from.being complete. While the number of the native-born Chinese-Americans was relatively few, their cultural diver- gencies could easily be overlooked and their problem could be left to the individual. Such problems were hardly serious enough to cause any social concern. However, with the gain in numerical importance, cultural cleavage became much more apparent and the magnitude of the problem expands. Of course, this is not uncommon in.many immigrant groups. Nevertheless, each racial or ethnic group may exhibit unique behavior in accordance with the peculiar social and cultural conditions involved. Thus, the successful adaption of the Chinese— Americans to American life will depend largely upon how their problems are being solved. It would be interesting to know the answers to such questions as the following: Will the group solidarity dis- solve in the process of cultural differentiation? What kinds of adjustments will the Chinese-Americans make before they gain more complete acceptance by the American community? Will the native-born Chinese-Americans be content to follow I ll! Ill!!! :l'llll the foot-steps of their foreignvborn elders in the outlook upon life or will they develop a culture of their own? Any attempt to answer completely these vitally important questions concerning the Chinese-Americans would involved other approach but this study sheds some light on these questions. Before any intensive studies can be properly developed, basic in- formation regarding their population must be collected and systematically analysed. Such demographic knowledge is fundamental to a better understanding of the problems concerned. If the Second Iorld War had brought sympathy and friend- ship between the A“mericans and the Chinese, what would be the effect of the present conflict upon Chinese-£‘merisans? Ifwar should some, would the experience of the Japanese- Americans be repeated?6 Regardless of the outcome, a know- ledge of Chinese population, especially with respect to the two nativity groupings, is necessary for making sound future policies and programs. ‘1 :Kfifter Japan attacked Pearl Harbor, the Japanese-A merican population along the lest coast was moved to many relocation camps in the mountain states. See Dorothy 8 . Thomas and Richard 8. Hishimoto, TheSpoilage, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1948. *— Purpose and Scope The principal objective of the present study is well stated in the title. Several specific purposes may be stated as follows: (1) to review the development and present status of the total Chinese pepulaticn in the United States as background for a further comparison of its component groups; (2) to determine the underlying factors which have led to the present change in nativity status; (3) to compare the two nativity groups as to growth, composition, and characteristics; (4) to state the probable trends of the Chinese popu- lation in this country on the basis of the foregoing analysis. In pointing out the general demographic facts and the nativity differentials, it is hOped that the present inves- tigation may contribute to the common fund of demographic knowledge to which the Chinese population is related. The scope of this study depends largely upon the pur- poses mentionsd and the availability of data. Since the study covers the total Chinese papulaticn in this country, there is no sampling involved. Theoretically, any person who is of Chinese descent and living in this country, whether born in or outside this country, is included. Furthermore, he or she must have resided in the continental United States at the time when the 1940 census was taken. According to these criteria, the Chinese population in Hawaii and other territories and possessions are automati- cally excluded. The reason is that the data for the Chinese- Americans on the mainland have already formed a statistical unit. Any attempt to combine other data would invite compli- cations. Besides, lack of adequate data for the Chinese population in the territories and possessions makes the incorporation of such data impossible. In.order that the material may be more meaningful, comparison with data from.other corresponding groups, and the nation as a whole will be made from time to time, whenever and wherever it is deemed appropriate. Except in a few cases where the series of data may go back as far as 1850, the current population, as shown in the 1940 U.S. Census reports, is the main concern. The availability and extent of demographic data have likewise limited the scope of the present study. The ab- sence of complete vital statistics, for instance, precludes a full investigation of vital phenomenon relating to the Chinese-American population. Nonetheless, it is recognized that this is an important phase in the course of any popu- lation.grownh. Methodology In accordance with the purpose and scope of this en- quiry, certain methodological considerations must be men- tioned. This involves: (1) a frame of reference and hypotheses; (2) statistical procedures; and (3) the demo- graphic techniques. First, it is necessary to state explicitly that the demographic composition and characteristics vary from.one group to another as their socdal and cultural conditions differ. The relationship between the factors of population and the various conditions also proves to be functional rather than a causal one.7 In a functional relationship the make-up of a pepulation is influenced by the various conditions under which it exists. Conversely, a change in its size, distribution, or composition may result in a modi- fication of the various conditions of the group concerned.' Thereflore, data from a demographic source always serves as a concrete form of human behavior requiring a systematic study» Second, application of this approach to the study of Chinese-Americans is particularly valuable since the main groups involved are the native-born and foreign-born, reveal- ing more differences in social and cultural orientation than IThe functional relationship between population and socio- cultural conditions is well illustrated in Paul Landis, Po u- lation Problem, New York: American Book Co., 1943, pp. 4 - . 10 in the biological one. Social and cultural divergencies be- tween the two groups shoudd have a direct bearing upon demo- graphic differences; and in turn, a change in the demographic structure might affect social and cultural patterns. .As a guide to the snidy, the following hypotheses are offered: 1. The native-born Chinese-Americans are less concen- trated than the foreign-born Chinese-Americans with respect to geographical distribution. 2. Proportionately more native-born than foreign-born Chinese-Americans are found in the rural areas, while pro- portionately more foreign-born man native-born Chinese- Americans reside in urban centers. 3. The sex ratio is lower among the native-born than among the foreign-born Chinese-Americans. 4. The age-sex distribution of the native-born Chinese papulation is "younger" while that of the foreign-born Chinese population is more characteristically "aged". 5. The native-born Chinese-Americans marry later than do the foreign-born Chinese-Americans. 6. The native-born Chinese-Americans receive more formal education than their foreign-born elders. ll 7. Occupational Opportunity is greater for the native- born than for the foreign-born Chinese-Americans. 8. The native-born Chinese tends-to restrict family size, while the foreign-born Chinese still prefers the large family. In order to examine these hypotheses, the following sta- tistical procedures may'be outlined: First, the statistical relationship between the charac- teristics within each nativity group will be presented. Second, those established demographic relationships of one group will be compared with the other. Third, analysis of relationships and interpretation of selected findings, in the light of general pepulation prin- ciples and known facts, will conclude the procedure utilized. The use of demographic techniques in this study pri- marily involves the compilation of demographic data and the 8 Differences in presentation of these data in graphic form. various characteristics between the two nativity groups are measured by means of statistical devices, such as percentages, ratios, and rates. 8The discussion and illustration of some basic demographic techniques may be found in the following works: A.J. Jaffe, Handbook of Statistical Methods for Demographers, Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1951. T.Lynn Smith, POpulation Analysis, New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1948. Charles P. Loomis and J. Allen Beegle, Rural Social Systems, New York: Prentice-Hall, 1950. 12 In order to achieve a more realistic view of the nativity differentials, reference is frequently made to data for the United States as a whole. Definitions for the important terms will be found in the footnotes of the apprOpriate sections. in is usual in any pOpulation.analysis, the work involves a tremendous amount of compiling, sifting, organizing, and ana- lyzing of data. This study is not an exception to the rule. 13 Sources and Limitations of the Data The primary sources of data for the present study are the various publications issued by the United States Bureau of the Census. Of these numerous publications containing data for Chinese p0pulation in this country, the special report, "Char- acteristics of the Nonwhite Population by Race," published in 1943, has been found to be most useful for the present purpose. The reason for using the 1940 census data is no more than that these are the latest available data with enough analytical detail. This special report includes data on a number of characteristics of Chinese population in this country by na- tivity, and is based on the sixteenth census of pOpulation in 1940. The demographic characteristics cover the subjects of age, sex, marital status, median number of school years and level of schooling completed, employment status, major occu- pation groups, and household composition. Detailed statistics on these subjects are presented by region, urban and rural areas, selected states and cities of 100,000 or more with a substantial number of Chinese-Americans. I The present analysis of these characteristics is restricted largely to Chinese-Americans in the United States as a whole. Data for the Chinese-Americans in the selected six states are not included here because they are almost identical with those on the national level, due to the concentration of Chinese- Americans in these areas. In addition to the census data, l4 statistical records concerning Chinese immigration, fertility and mortality are employed in this study. However, due to variable years and statistical units, data from the immigra- 9 The extensive use of tion office are not always comparable. vital statistics is also precluded by inadequate information on the births and deaths of the Chinese in this country. Besides the primary sources enumerated here, published and unpublished materials about the Chinese-Americans in this country serve as additional sources. Information from such sources have proved to be valuable in analysis as well as in interpretation. In this connection, factors affecting the reliability and accuracy of the data should be examined. Reliability of the census data always depends upon the cOOperation that the enumerator could get from the informant. In the case of Chinese groups, like other foreign-born pOpulations in this country, the enumerator usually encounters the language dif- ficulty and a diverse culture. These would greatly hamper the relationship between the enumerator and the informant. Moreover, the reluctance of the informant to cooperate, either due to misunderstanding or suspicion, also tends to 96cc Marian R. Davis, "Critique of Official United States Immigration Statistics,".in International Migration, V01. II, ed. by Walter F. Wilcox, New‘YBr : NatIOnal Bureau of Economic Research, 1931, p. 645. 15 make the enumeration less reliable. Unfortunately, no study has been made, so far, to determine the extent of these effects on the reliability of data concerning the Chinese-American. There are numerous factors influencing the accuracy of information according to each specific subject concerned. The possibility of underenumeration in the census data always exists, even in 1940.10 The general contributing factors for the underenumeration, such as low educational level, high mobility, and lack of permanent domicile, are probably valid when applied to the Chinese data. Since this population, especially the floreign-born, is characterized by comparatively low educational levels and a larger number of young males who always exhibit a high mobility, the possibility of under- enumeration cannot be entirely ruled out. The data regarding the Chinese-Americans have certain limitations. ZMis-statemsnt in reporting ages, marital status, and occupation are common to all population groups. There seems to be a tendency for the Chinese to miscalculate their age because of a difference in the method of reckoning age. 10One study indicates that there was a probable under- enumeration in the 1940 Census, when the records of registered males from Selective Service and the Census were compared. The underenumeration among the Negro papulation is striking. Should the number of registrants of minority groups other than the Negro have been kept separately, a study of the Chinese population following the same method would have revealed some interesting results. See Daniel J. Price, "A Check on Under- enumeration in the 1940 Census," American Sociological Review, V01. 12, Ppe 4‘-49e - 16 According to the Chinese custom, a baby when born is immedi- ately considered one year old. The adding of age is not accom- plished by reaching one's birthday but by using the lunar new year as a demarcation. (Thus, if a baby were born in the eve of new year, before midnight, he would become two years old after midnight brought in the new year. This difference usually leads to confusion in reporting of age. Besides, many Chinese-Americans, mostly the foreign-born, can only re- member their birthdays according to the lunar calendar. Fre- quently, finding an exact day in the Christian calendar is not easy for the Chinese. A tendency to report a higher occupa- tional status than the actual is found in some segments.11 It is not uncommon also that the foreign-born Chinese habit- ually states his marital status as single, when actually he has a wife in China. Aside from these limitations which might reduce the reliability and accuracy, the value of these data should not be underestimated. 11Haitung King, An.Ana1ysis of Selected Demographic As ects of Chinese-Americans in thi United States, unpublished P§.D. diheertation, Louisiana State University, 1950. 17 Order of Presentation The data, presented in the pages to follow, may be grouped into the following three parts: (1) the history and status of Chinese population in the United States; (2) comparison between the native-born and foreign-born Chinese papulations in the United States; and (3) summary and conclusions. The first part provides a demographic background against which the growth and characteristics of the Chinese pOpulation in this country are presented. Throughout part two, demographic comparisons of the native-born and foreign- born Chinese papulations are made. Four chapters are devoted to differentiate growth patterns, number and distribution, and characteristics of the two populations. The last part serves to summarize the data and to enumerate the major con- clusions. PART TWO THE HISTORY AND STATUS OF CHINESE POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES CHAPTER II CHINESE IMMIGRATION The demographic history of the Chinese pOpulation in the United States is one of growth, always affected by three factors, namely migration, fertility, and mortality. The influence from selective migration is particularly great in the case of the Chinese papulation. The demographic effects from selective migration, such as the selection of immigrants in the produc- tive ages and the selection of males are still felt today. In dealing with the Chinese immigration to the United States, it is necessary to point out the volume of the move- ment of Chinese into and out of this country, and the selec- tivity of this movement relative to age, sex, and some demo- graphic characteristics. The social, economic, and legal aspects of Chinese immigration will be discussed briefly when explanation would appear to be needed. Since voluminous works have been written on these aspects of the Chinese immi- gration, it is unnecessary to repeat the details here. In order to show the relationship between the Chinese migration to the United States and the migration to other countries, a general survey of Chinese world migration is given as background to the present study. 19 Chinese World Migration The history of Chinese migration outside their country began as early as the 7th century when a group of Chinese emigrants settled in Formosa and islands to the southwest.1 The contact with foreign countries by the Chinese is believed to have started even much earlier.2 Throughout the long period of emigration from the 7th century to the 19th century, the Chinese emigrants went to other countries of their own free will. They might go either as traders for financial gain or as political refugees in search of a place of safety.3 As Lasker points out, "They were intrenched in Malacca before the coming of the Portuguese, in the Philippines before the coming of the Spaniards, in the Indian Archipelago before the 4 coming of the British and the Dutch." However, their numbers ITa Chen, Chinese Migration, With Special Reference to Labor Conditions, (U38.‘Bureau of Labor Stdtistics, No.—34OI, Washington: Government Printing Office, 1923, p.4. 2Victor Purcell, Chinese in Southeast Asia, New York: Oxford University Press, 1951, pp. 11-30. 31n the early times Chinese traders sailed to the countries of Southeast Asia and later settled down there. One of those early settlements was found in the north coast of Java at the end of T'ang period (ca. 10th century). When Cheng Ho, the Imperial Eunuch of the Ming Dynasty, and his colleagues made several voyages to the South Sea between 1045 and 1431, a num- ber of Chinese communities were also found in Java and Sumatra. However, a substantial emigration was caused by the Chinese in- ternal disturbance at the change-over from one dynasty to an- other. For instance, when Kublai Khan and the Manchus conquered the whole Chinese kingdom in 1260 and 1644, respectively, many royal subjects of the old dynasties took refuge in Indo-China, Siam, Burma, and the Philippines. (Chinese Year Book 1935-36, Shanghai: The Commercial Press, 1935, pp. 428-455.f 4Bruno Lasker, Asia On The Move, New Yerk: Henry Holt Co., 1945, p.71. 20 were moderate, and their destinations were confined only to Asia, mainly Southeast Asia which the Chinese call "Nan Yang." It was not until the middle of the 19th century when a large scale Chinese emigration took place. At this time, the Chinese spread beyond the boundaries of Asia. More important, however, the flow of the Chinese over a wider area was no long- er dictated by their own free will, but rather, was controlled either by treaty provisions or by labor contracts. This means that they were subjected to the law of supply and demand. Thus, the Chinese were welcomed when laborers were needed in the tin mines or rubber plantations of Malaya, in the gold mines of South Africa, or on the west coast of the United States. Once they had served this purpose and were no longer found useful, they were often deported at any thme as cheap labor. The experience of Chinese immigrants to foreign coun- tries has been anything but happy during the last hundred years. Restrictions on Oriental labor in the white countries, such as the United States, Canada, and Australia, have taken Othe form of complete exclusion as soon as any sign of large- scale Chinese immigration started to flow into the country.5 In the countries of Southeast Asia lie vast areas of tropical and semi-trepical land where a great need for labor 5The Chinese immigration was first excluded from.the United States in 1882, from Australia in 1901, and from Canada in 1923. Peru and Mexico have treaties with China in which Chinese laborers are prohibited to enter. 21 had been created by Western capital and enterprises, mainly by the British, French, and Dutch. Thousands of Chinese emi- grants have gone to the Asiatic tropical regions since the ccolie trade was first legalized by the government of Kwang- tung in 1859.6 For the last hundred years, Nan Yang or South- east Asia has remained a favorite destination for the majority of the Chinese emigrants. Unfortunately, there are no avail- able records to show how many Chinese have departed for this area and how many have returned. However, the fragmentary data from Indochina, Burma, Siam, Singapore, Indonesia, and the Philippines indicate a general excess of arrivals over de- partures to these destinations. The excess annual arrivals to these areas has amounted to several thousand up to hundreds of thousands. In times of world economic depression, the flow has usually been reversed. It was estimated, for example, that over half a million Chinese immigrants were forced to their homeland during the last world economic depression.7 moreover, the growing anti-Chinese movements in Siam, the Philippines and the civil disturbance in Indonesia and Indo- china have reduced their migration to a minimum number. In recent years the major flow of Chinese immigrants has been directly to British Malaya where the Chinese laborer is still in demand. 6Chen, _p, cit., p.17. 7Lasker, o . cit., p. 77. 22 It is clear that the nature and magnitude of Chinese migration outside their country has changed greatly since the middle of the 19th century. To complete the whole picture, the causes of Chinese migration, the present status, and the future will be discussed, in that order. The causes of Chinese emigration. Human migration fre- quently has been explained in terms of population pressure. This driving force, however, has never been strong enough as a single cause to explain the case of Chinese emigration. There usually has been a combination of circumstances which made each event of migration possible and unique in many re- spects. In the early period, as already indicated, most of the Chinese emigration either followed military expansion or was a direct result of political persecution attendant upon internal strife. Nevertheless, migration in the early period never was large-scale, even though population pressure, ac- cording to the estimates of one authority, had existed long before the middle of the 19th century.8 Other social forces, of course, undoubtedly have oper- ated to discourage the Chinese from emigration. Of special 8According to G.E. Tyler's statement, "the increase in cul- tivated land between 1661 and 1833 was so far as the records are accurate, from 550 millions to 742 millions of mou (6.6 mou equal to 1 acre), an increase of roughly 35%. The increase of population between 1722 and 1812, according to one author- ity is put at 237 millions, or 190%; according to another esti- mate the increase from 1741 to 1851 was from 143 to 432 millions or about 200%." See G.E. Tyler, "The Taiping Rebellion, Its Economic Background and Social Theory," in Chinese Social and Political Science Review, Peking, China, VoI. XVI, No.4, 1933, pp. 545-614. 23 importance are the ancestral worship and the attitude of the Chinese government. Under the former Chinese social institu- tion, only those outcasts and vagabonds who were forced to leave their homeland may desert their ancestor's graves with- out regular sacrificial offerings. For many centuries, obli- gations have served to bind the Chinese people to their native land. Certain local hardships form social disturbances which may occasionally compel Chinese to leave their homes, but such conditions generally represent temporary refuge not far away, from which they can return home easily. As one writer says, "The Chinese never has shown a longing for the wilderness, and is reluctant to move beyond the reach of the civilization he knows."9 This observation unquestionably is true to some extent. 'In addition to the social customs, the law of the Manchu government prohibited any emigration and placed the death penalty on the violators.lo Thus, a large-scale Chinese emigration, which required a different set of circumstances, did not exist until the second half of the last century. During the period of western indus- trialization and the colonial expansion and economic explora- yLasker, gp. cit., p. 3. 10According to Ta Tsing Liu Lee--the laws of the Penal Code, "all officers of government, soldiers and private citizens, who proceed to sea to trade, or who remove to foreign islands for the purpose of inhabiting and cultivating the same, shall be punished according to law against communicating with rebels and enemies and consequently suffer death by being beheaded." Purcell, gp.'git., p. 9. 24 tion in the southeastern Asiatic countries by the British, Dutch, and French, a tremendous need of labor beyond that supplied by the natives had been created. Thousands of Chinese peasants, almost exclusively from the two southeastern coastal provinces of Fukien and Kwangtung, because of geo- graphic contiguity and similar climate, were attracted by the existing economic opportunity. The discovery of gold in the United States, Canada, and Australia for the first time in history drew thousands of Chinese outside the limits of Asia. It is interesting to note that these large-scale Chinese migrations over wide areas occurred at a time when the population pressure actually had been relieved due to a succession of famines and internal disturbances.11 It is the striking difference in economic opportunity between China and the foreign countries which led the Chinese peasants to break with their ancestral ties, to risk the violation of the law, and even to accept the un- favorable terms of labor contracts in the foreign lands. No longer the Chinese emigrants go to other countries of their own free will. Rather they are subjected to the fluc- tuations in economic opportunity and in the provisions on the part of the foreign countries. 11The decrease of Chinese pOpulation after the middle of the 19th century is believed due to the tremendous loss of human lives from the famines between 1846 and 1864. 25 The status of overseas Chinese population. The total number of the overseas Chinese population, like the Chinese population at home, never has been beyond the stage of esti- mate. Any attempt to estimate the total number of overseas Chinese can hardly be made without a considerable error. The main difficulties are due to the lack of standard’definition 12 for overseas Chinese in various countries and the variations in the year of available censuses. Thus, the number reported from various sources ranges between nine and fifteen million.13 With these limitations in mind, the present estimates are made on an ethnographic basis. There are, according to the Appendix Table 1, about eleven million Chinese abroad. Of these 97 percent are located in Asia, mainly concentrated in British Malaya (2,600,000), Siam (2,500,000), Indonesia (2,000,000) and Indochina (850,000). Hongkong, Macao and 12Some countries in Southeast Asia, like Malaya, Burma, and the Philippines where many Chinese are concentrated, follow a general practice like that in the United States, of defining Chinese by race. And yet, some other countries, such as Siam and Indochina, count the person as Chinese according to nation- al status. This means children of other races born in these countries have been included with the native p0pulation unless the birth is registered with the consulate of the countries of origin. As a matter of fact, there were no Chinese consulates in Indochina before 1935 nor in Siam before 1946. Therefore, only immigrants from China were counted as Chinese. Since many Chinese were born in these countries, the official figures for overseas Chinese have been far below those estimates based on the racial definition. 13The Chinese Handbook 1950 gave a figure of 9,450,143 Chinese residing a6f0ad. Another extreme figure estimated by the Oversea's Commission of China is 15,405,945. Between these two extremes there are various estimates. Lasker, gp.‘git., p. 73. 26 the Philippines, because of their geographical proximity, are also accessible to a large number of Chinese, namely, 1,500,000, 400,000, and 120,000, reapectively. The numbers of Chinese in Japan and Korea are comparatively few in spite of their nearness, geographically speaking. This may be ex- plained, at least in part, by the state of hostility existing between China and Japan before and during the last World War. Overseas Chinese outside Asia, on the other hand, con- stitute only 3 percent of the total population. Countries with more than ten thousand Chinese are the United States (110,000, including the Hawaiian Islands), Canada (46,000), Cuba (32,000), U.S.S.R. (30,000), France (17,000), Mexico (12,000), Peru (11,000), and Australia (10,000). The successive records of Chinese show a continuous growth in numbers in practically every country of Southeast Asia during the last three decades or so. In the absence of vital statistics and complete data concerning their mi- gration, it would be impossible to determine whether such continous growth has been due mainly to net migration or to natural increase. But in view of the increasing number of Chinese females and the presence of growing native-born Chinese populations, the influence of natural increase can- not be ignored as an element in the growth of these p0pu1a- tions. 27 The scarcity of Chinese females has been a general phenomenon among the Chinese immigrants everywhere. Never- theless, this situation has been changed greatly, at least among the Chinese in Southeast Asia, by the influx of Chinese women during recent years. In 1939 the ratio of Chinese males to females was roughly three to one in Siam, Malaya, and the Philippines. The ratio was even less in Indonesia, or about three to two.14 The figures indicate a trend toward balance in the sex ratios as compared with the situation before the First World War when Chinese women were extremely scarce in these countries. To compensate for this imbalance of the sexes, inter- marriage between Chinese Immigrants and native women has been common for many years in Southeast Asia. It is not surpris- ing, therefore, to find a large percentage of Chinese of mixed parentage among the overseas Chinese population. But the exact number of Chinese of mixed parentage still remains unknown because they are either not separated from those born to Chinese parents or they are simply included in the native p0pulation. However, they are believed to constitute a large proportion of the native-born Chinese group in Siam, Indo- china, Indonesia, Burma and the Philippines. Malaya is l4Purcell,_o_p. cit., p. 575. 28 probably the only exception since the majority of Chinese in this country were born to Chinese parents.15 Another characteristic commonly exhibited by the overseas Chinese population is urbanization. In most of the larger cities throughout the world there are Chinese communities. Except in a few places, the majority of Chinese immigrants in Southeast Asia and in many parts of the world are consistantly found in town or city rather than in the rural areas. Con- sidering the fact that many of them were peasants from the two southeastern provinces, the reverse situation might be ex— pected. This phenomenon, however, may be interpreted as an 16 In the city the over- extension of the cityward movement. seas Chinese generally find better economic opportunities than elsewhere. However, the economic factor can not alone explain the whole situation insofar as all Chinese immigrants are I15Intermarriage in Malaya was reduced to a minimum due to the influx of Chinese women in 1937 and 1938. Figures show this group born to Chinese parents represent only 20% of their total p0pu1ation in that country in 1921. It increased to 31.2% in 1931. Finally, it jumped to 62.5% in 1947.~ These figures may be interpreted as the result from the influx of Chinese women. Purcell, 22'.2$E'2 p. 270. 16Lasker asserts that movement of p0pu1ation from the mar- gins to the center of natural wealth rather than from the center of p0pu1ation to the unsettled and less fertile mar- gins characterize both primitive and highly advanced civiliza- tion. The Eur0pean immigration to the United States through- out the 19th century occurred only during the era of expansion in Western civilization, roughly from the fifteenth to the end of the nineteenth century. The Russian settlement of Siberia, the recurrent expansion of Chinese beyond the Great Wall and to the Southwestern boundaries are the other examples. But this kind of pioneer migration historically is secondary. Laflkel‘, 93s £2" ppe l-4e 29 concerned. The desire to glorify their ancestors always be- comes a strong motivation behind the long voyage to a foreign land on the part of the Chinese immigrant. The gaining of the wealth would become meaningless if it could not be spent for the sake of the ancestors. From the beginning the Chinese immigrants have had no intention of settling permanently in foreign lands. They might first go to rural areas or mining districts under contract as farm laborers or miners, but after a short period they have made every effort to shift to the city. This tendency is understandable since agricultural pur- suits usually dc not yield high wages. The Chinese immigrants, as a group, are usually rather unstable single males who want to get rich quick (of course, in terms of a moderate amount of money) and who wish to return home as soon as possible. They find the city is more attrac- tive so far as their purpose is concerned. It is this com- bination of economic opportunity, ancestor worship, and var- ious conditions specific to each locality that have exerted influence upon the pattern of residence and choice of occu- pations. Generally speaking, the majority of the overseas Chinese engage in trade and business. Of course, there are always some exceptions. In the tin mines and rubber plantations of British Malaya a large force of Chinese labor is still main- tained. Some Chinese farmers may be found scattered through- out Indochina, Java, and Sumatra. In the united States and 30 Canada the Chinese are either restauranteurs or laundrymen. In EurOpe, they are mostly identified as seamen. Nevertheless, these instances are negligible and unimportant as compared to the Chinese merchants and traders throughout the countries of Southeast Asia. In these areas, the Chinese have played an important role in the economic development of their adapted country. It is common knowledge that the Chinese in Siam, Indochina, Indonesia and the Philippines have virtually con- trolled the rice mills and the retail trade.17 Their pre- dominance in commerce and trade has been attributed to their 18 But the situation existing in these superior enterprise. countries has made it possible for the Chinese to be success- ful. In the tropical and semi-trepical countries that the whites have conquered, few have cared to come and to stay except for the soldier, the administrator, and the whole- saler. The mass of the native population, on the other hand, are usually confined to agriculture and unskilled labor. The Chinese immigrants came to fill the gap as small businessmen, traders, or artisans. Consequently, they play an indispensable role as middlemen between the whites and the natives. IIBefore the Second WOrld War the Chinese owned 80 percent to 90 percent of the rice mills in Siam. In 1950 the Chinese still controlled 95 percent of the industry and internal trade of Indonesia. In the Philippines the Bureau of Commerce re- ported in 1938 that in 28 provinces, not including the capital city of Manila, Chinese made up 43 percent of the persons en- gaged in retail trade, as against 30 percent of the Philippines, 9 percent of Americans, and 7 percent of Japanese. Purcell, gp.‘git., pp. 106, 708; and Lasker, o . 213., p. 78. 18Purcell, 22. cit., p. 8. 31 From the available infbrmation, though fragmentary, the present status of the overseas Chinese population may be sum- marized in the following brief statements: 1. There are about eleven million Chinese p0pu1ation over- seas. Of these 96 percent are concentrated in the countries of Southeast Asia. The imbalance of the sexes still characterizes the Chinese overseas populations. The situation has been improving through intermarriage and the influx of Chinese women. These conditions eventually lead to the increase of the native-born Chinese population. In view of the legal restriction against any large- scale Chinese immigration to many countries, trends show that the native-born group will gradually re- place the foreign-born group. Contrary to the general belief that the Chinese immi- grants are coolies or laborers, they are predominate- ly merchants and traders, and in some countries they dominate these occupations. The future of Chinese migration. After this brief sur- vey of the overseas Chinese population in the past and the present, it seems necessary to assess probable future migra- tion. The future roads cpen to the Chinese emigrants will depend on the balance between two groups of forces, namely, the attractions and the barriers on the part of the receiving 32 country, on one hand, and the push and the retentive forces on the part of the mother country, on the other. In the past the tremendous need of labor from the countries of Southeast Asia drew large numbers of Chinese immigrants. It would be doubtful whether this particular phase in the history of Western colonial expansion will repeat itself again. The rising nationalism among the Asiatic countries not only has shaken the colonial power but also has shadowed the possi- bility of future Chinese immigration. In Siam, the Philippines, and Indonesia the growing anti-Chinese movements have been identified as patriotic movements. On the other hand, the racial barrier set up against Oriental labor in most Western countries has already limited the Chinese immigration to a negligible number. It is unlikely to expect any radical change in the near future. The need for Chinese labor may still exist in a few countries for special reasons. The con- tinuous demand for rubber and tin in the world market, for example, may possibly stimulate the flow of Chinese migrants between China and Malaya. However, the general trends indi- cate diminishing attractions and increasing barriers for the Chinese immigrants to foreign countries. Concerning the forces in the country of origin, there is every reason to believe that the p0pu1ation pressure in China will remain, if not become worse.19 Industrialization may 19W‘arren S. Thompson, Population and Peace in the Pacific, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, I946, pp. 1833210? 33 raise the standard of living and eventually relieve the popu- lation pressure, provided it is accompanied by a positive check on human reproduction. In China it is unlikely that there will be any effective check for the near future, in view of governmental policy and her century-old social institution of ancestor worship. As long as the reproduction rate con- tinues to increase, the danger from p0pu1ation pressure always exists. This means that the conditions for emigration will probably be present. Of course, large-scale land reclamation and the improvement of transportation can divert the out-flow p0pu1ation to a certain extent. Such a holding force will probably become stronger in the form of governmental control of emigration. From the possibilities discussed above, the outlook for Chinese migration outside their country is gloomy, at least in the immediate future. 34 Chinese Immigration to the United States Chinese immigration to the United States is a compara- tively late deveIOpment in the history of Chinese world migra- tion. Although there have been speculations concerning the early Chinese who ventured to cross the Pacific,20 the large- scale Chinese migration to this country did not occur until several years after the discovery of gold in California. At the end of 1854 more than thirteen thousand Chinese arrivals were recorded by the immigration authorities.21 As indicated before, the unfavorable economic conditions and the war destruction in China had provided a general back- ground for modern Chinese migration. Nevertheless, the in- flux of Chinese immigration to this country materialized only through the striking Opportunity in economic gain and the promotion on the part of the steamship companies. 20Sources about the early migration of Chinese to the United States are various. G.E. Chapman believed that Chinese came to America before the Spaniards and the English. (G.E. Chapman, A History of California: The Spanish Period, New Yerk: Mac- Millan 00., 1939, piBfi* But H.H. BancroftTasserted that be- tween 1571 and 1746 Chinese laborers were already employed for shipbuilding in lower California. (H. H. Bancroft, History of California, San Francisco: The History Co., 1890, o . p. eany thought the first Chinese labor was introduced to the Pacific Coast in 1788. (E.S. Meany, History_of the State of Washington, New York: MacMillan Co., 1924, p. 26). 21Annual Report of Commissioner General of Immigration, Washington: Government PrifitifingfIce, 1926, pp. 170-181. However, other source indicates that 20,000 Chinese arrived at San Francisco Customs House in 1852. (See M. Coolidge, Chinese Immigration, New Yerk: Henry Holt & Co., 1909, p. 498.) 35 The economic opportunity was first created by the dis- covery of gold. The spell of gold continued to attract numerous Chinese immigrants for almost ten years. Before 1860 more than half of the Chinese p0pu1ation in California was engaged in mining. As soon as the period of the gold rush was over, the demand for labor by various newly-established industries be- came great. The employment of Chinese in shoe and cigar manu- facturing, in agriculture, and in domestic service was very common and numerous in this period. The construction of the railroads, first the Central Pacific and later the Southern Pacific, depended heavily upon Chinese labor.22 After the completion of the railroads, many Chinese shifted to land reclamation. It was this continuous demand for labor from the early Californian frontier that created the motivating force for Chinese immigration. In Spite of numerous local legislation and agitation against them, Chinese immigrants continued to increase during the three decades from 1854 to 1882. In addition to economic Opportunity, the American steam- ship companies, namely, the Pacific Mail, and the Occidental and Oriental Steamship Companies exerted a great influence in promoting Chinese immigration. They did it, according to one authority, because "they could not be run profitably without the Chinese passenger traffic."23 22Elmer c. Sandmeyer, Anti-Chinese Movement in California, Illinois Studies in SociaI ScIénces, Vol.XXIV§ No. 3, 1930, Urbana: University of Illinois, pp. 14-15. 23Loc. cit. 36 Practically all of the Chinese in this country have been drawn from the southern part of Kwangtung Province in south China. This fact is not surprising since the people of that province have a long experience with the foreign countries. As early as the sixteenth century, the capital city of Canton was contacted by the EurOpeans, and for the first four decades of the nineteenth century it was the only port Open to foreign traders. Because of this situation, the Cantonese have long develOped a apirit of adventure and independence. When the news of the discovery of gold first reach Canton in 1848, the Cantonese were ready for the adventure. Meanwhile, their fellow—countrymen in other parts of the Empire were still isolated from the outside world.24 These facts may explain why the Chinese immigrants to the United States, unlike those to Southeast Asia,.are exclusively from the province of Kwangtung, particularly from the district adjacent to the city of Canton. From the beginning the Chinese immigrated to this coun- try neither from any religious intolerance nor political per- secution. Rather, they came because of a strong economic motivation. As the poor men who came to look for a small for- 24Up to the year 1848 China had not yet widely opened her door for foreign trade, although Shanghai and some other sea- ports along the north China coast were accessible for this purpose after the Opium War in 1842. However, the use of these new treaty ports were still limited due to inadequate accommodations. Hence, most of the foreign ships still went to Canton. (wu, 22',£l3°) 37 tune, they first Joined the stream of gold rushers; later, they answered the call of frontier labor. For these reasons, the Chinese immigrants acquired a temporary status as migrant workers. As soon as they could accumulate a small amount of cash, they would return immediately to their native villages where they enjoyed a higher social status due to their finan- cial gain from abroad. It has been the lure of improved social standing that has led thousands of young Chinese peasants to go abroad. While the desire to improve one's social status has been strong, the mustom of ancestral worship, has been equally strong in its appeal to the Chinese immigrant. Many Chinese immigrants were very poor, and could not even afford to buy passage. Under these circumstances the prospective employers or the Six Companies-~a Chinese mer- chant organizaticn in San Francisco-~might advance the immigrant's passage. In return, the latter worked off his debts. Because some of them came to this country through the arrangement of the so-called "credit-ticket" system, they were often accused of being contract laborers, or coolie traffic which resembled those Chinese immigrants to 38 cube and Peru in the middle of the last century.25 However, there were differences between the contract labor and credit- ticket system. Under a contract the coolie was sold and re- tained no right to choose his employer. Under the credit-. ticket system the laborer "was free to choose his employer so long as he could pay his debt."26 Besides, this arrange- ment of advanced passage was not in violation of the American laws. Therefore, the immigration of Chinese laborers under the supervision of creditors was no more than the "padrone system"27 developed in connection with European immigration. 25The term "coolie" in its original sense simply means com- mon laborers,-with no implication whatever of involuntary servitude. But when it was applied to the Chinese immigrants by the foreigners, it did mean a system of transporting con- tract laborers to the mines and plantations in the West Indies and South America. It was estimated that more than 100,000 Chinese coolies were taken to Peru and 150,000 to Cuba during the middle of the last century. After 1876 this traffic was barred through the Joint efforts of the British, Portuguese, and Chinese governments. There is evidence, however, that the trade continued illegally for some years longer. It was also known that some American steamship companies were engaged in this traffic by transporting Chinese coolies from China to the West Indies. But there is no evidence of transporting them to this country. Finally, the United States Government passed the so-called "Coolie Act" in 1862 to prohibit this participa- tion by Americans. Foster.R. Dulles, China and America, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1946, pp. 82-3: Sandmeyer, gp.‘git., p. 26-27. 26 Sandmeyer, o . cit., p. 28. 27Under this system a "padrone" or labor agent helped the employers to recruit laborers on one side, and aided the immi- grant workers in transportation and the arrangement for Jobs on the other. In return for this service the immigrant workers regularly payed the agent a fee. This system was practiced among southern and eastern EurOpean immigrants in the early years, and recently it has develOped widely among the Mexicans and other seasonal workers in the West and Southwest parts of this country. See Maurice R. Davis, World Immigration, New Ybrk: Macmillan 00., 1949, p. 468. 39 The economic motivation, however, did not operate in full force in the case of the Chinese immigration. The artificial barrier-~the treaty and legislation--has controlled the flow of the Chinese immigration to a greater extent. The two basic treaties of 1868 and 1880 between China and the United States, and a series of legislative acts in this country actually have determined the history of Chinese immigration for the last sixty years. The Burlingame Treaty was signed in 1868 when the two countries were drawn closer by the extension of steamship ser- vice to the Orient in 1867, and by the approaching completion of the trans-continental railroad. As a result, tremendous trade possibilities between these two countries became a reality. Under these favorable conditions the treaty provided the mutual advantage of free migration between both countries. The effect of this treaty was an immediate increase of Chinese immigrant arrivals in 1869. There were many new develOpments during the following decade, 1870-1880. First, the completion of the trans-conti- nental railroad in 1869 had caused an economic panic in California. Thousands of construction workers were thrown out of work, 150,000 migrants from the East coast arrived be- tween 1873 and 1875, and the local industries were placed in direct competition with those from the east coast. Second, the continuous influx of Chinese immigrants reached the highest level in the history, with a total of 123,201 Chinese arrivals for the decade between 1870 and 1880. 4c The presence of the large number of Chinese quickly be- came a target of the discontented, unemployed laborers and the frustrated late-comer for gold. The Chinese, as cheap labor and as economic competitors, were blamed for the situation in spite of the fact that they were actually engaged in work, such as land reclamation, which most of the white laborers re- fused to accept due to existing unhealthy conditions. The cultural differences exhibited by the Chinese also accentuated such social sentiment. Within a short time the Anti-Chinese agitation had spread all over the west coast. As Sandmeyer observed, "diverse motives entered into the opposition of Californians to the Chinese. Fundamental to all of them was the antagonism of race, reinforced by economic competition."28 The Anti-Chinese movement soon fell into the hands of organized labor. The Chinese question eventually became one of the top political issues in the nation after 1876. The pressure for the abrogation or modification of the Burlingame Treaty was increasingly high. It was under this changing situation that the treaty of 1880 was drawn up. The new treaty gave the United States government a right to regulate, limit or suspend, but not to absolutely prohibit the coming of Chinese laborers.29 Two years later, the Congress 28Sandmeyer, gp. cit., p. 109. 2922 Stat. L., 826. 41 passed the first Chinese exclusion act in which the coming of Chinese laborers to this country was suspended for ten years, and the admission of Chinese to citizenship was forbidden.30 As a result a sharp decline in their immigration was experi- enced in the following decade, after the peak year of 1882. The Act of 1882 is significant for several reasons. First, it ended the thirty years of free Chinese immigration to this country, and it marked the beginning of the period of exclusion and restriction for the next sixty years. Second, it provided a broad foundation for a later exclusion of all Orientals, and thus affected the entire immigration policy of this country. Throughout this second period, a series of laws concerning Chinese immigrants were made. .All of them centered either around the exclusion of Chinese laborers or the restriction of other Chinese groups and residents. The main features of these acts can be summarized as follows: (1) to prohibit Chinese laborers returning to the United States (1888 Act, 25 Stat. L., 746, 477); (2) to extend the Exclusion Act of 1882 for another ten years, and to prohibit, not to suspend, the coming of Chinese laborers (1892 Act, 27 Stat. L., 25; as amended in 1893, 28 Stat. L., 7); 3022 Stat. L., 58; as amended in 1854, 22 Stat. L., 115. 42 (3) finally, to continue all existing Chinese exclusion laws indefinitely and unconditionally, and to extend these laws to all United States territories and possessions. Further- more, other Chinese groups, such as merchants, teachers, stu- dents and travellers, were permitted to enter this country only under strict regulations (1902 Act, 32 Stat. L., 176; as amended in 1904, 33 Stat. L., 394, 428). Since 1904 there has been no new restrictive legislation concerning the Chinese immigrants. The problem remaining was only that of enforcing the establiShed laws. Meanwhile the public attention was gradually shifted from the Chinese to the Japanese. The Chinese problem was consequently submerged in the national movement of Oriental exclusion. This new phase can be seen from later immigration legislation, namely the Immigration Act of 1917 and 1924. Of course, these two acts do not apply particularly to the Oriental immigrants, but rather aim to regulate theflow of all immigrants. Never- theless, they do emphasize the Oriental exclusion by estab- lishing the "barred zone" in the first act and by excluding all aliens ineligible to‘citizenship.31 The so-called "barred zone" covers China and the remainder of Asia and adjacent islands. Natives from the barred zone were pro- hibited from immigrating to the United States. The exclusion 31The "barred zone" regulation has been removed by the new Immigration Law of 1952. See Public Laws No. 414, (82nd Congress). 43 of all aliens ineligible to citizenShip from coming to this country actually refers to the peOples of Asia, since only the white, the Negro and the Inhabitants of the Western hemi- sphere can become American citizens under the naturalization law. Logically the Asiatic shared no annual quota which was allocated proportionally to the emigrants from all countries. These features were not new to the Chinese immigrants since the early exclusion laws had already excluded them from be- coming naturalized. Therefore, the significance of these last two immigration laws, so far as the Chinese were con- cerned, was only that of reiterating the previous laws. However, there have been minor effects upon the Chinese immigrants. The Quota Act of 1924 barred the alien wives who were ineligible to citizenship, even though they were wives of American citizens. Before the enactment of this law, the Chinesawives of American citizens were admitted. Thus, this type of restriction separated many Chinese immi- grant families, and prevented many Chinese-Americans from marrying in China. In 1930 the law was modified to admit 32 the Chinese wives whose marriages occurred prior to 1924. But it did not apply to those who married thereafter. So far, the effective check of the exclusion laws left very few chances for the Chinese to immigrate to the United 3ZAnnual Report of Commissioner General of Immigration, 1930. 44 States except those who came as non quota immigrants, the only category under which the Chinese might be admitted as an immi- grant, since no Chinese could enter as a quota immigrant under the exclusion law. They also could be admitted as non-immi- grants, including returning residents, students, merchants and their wives and children, visitors, transits, government officials and their families. The non-quota immigrants com- prised wives, husbands and unmarried children of American citizens, ministers, and professors and their immediate fami- lies.33 As the spouses of Chinese-Americans were mostly barred by the law, and the number of Chinese ministers and professors was negligible, only those who could come by claim- ing themselves the sons or daughters of Chinese-Americans were left. Those foreign-born children, under the Act of 1924, are American citizens if their father is an American citizen and resided in America prior to their birth.34 Unfortunately, complete records of the exact number admitted are not avail- able. However, it is reasonable to believe that they come prise the majority of the Chinese non-quota immigrants ad- mitted. After compiling some data from the immigration re- ports from 1917 to 1926, McKenize found that during the same 333This classification for immigrant and non-immigrant are accorded to the 1924 act. \See Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1950,U.S. Government PrintingOffIce, p. 102.) However, under the new Act of 1952, persons who come as pro- fessors are no longer entitled to non-quota status; instead they may qualify for quota immigrant. 34Annual Report of the Commissioner-General of Immigration, 1932, pp. 31-80 45 period, 24,000 Chinese were admitted by claiming American citizenship by birth. Of these 11,000, or 48 percent, were the foreign-born children of Chinese-Americans.35 Another report from the immigration authorities revealed there were 6,000 Chinese of American citizenship returning to San Francisco from China during the period of 1926 to 1932. On their return, they claimed in the aggregate, 16,000 sons and 1,000 daughters. Of these children 12,000 sons and 900 daughters were living in China. These potential citizens could probably seek admission to this country at any time.36 It is interesting to note that they claimed to have more sons than daughters, at an unbelievable ratio of 15 to 1. This does not mean, of course, that these Chinese actually gave birth to more boys than girls. Rather, it simply indicated that many girls were left unreported, and possibly they would never have the chance of coming to this country. In view of the importance of the son over the daughter in a Chinese family, such a practice is understandable. As already indicated, the economic basis of the Chinese exclusion laws has lost its significance. On the other hand, the new emphasis on racial discrimination has created nothing 35Roderick D. McKenize, Oriental Exclusion, Chicago: Univer- sity of Chicago Press, 1928, p. 68. 36Annual Report of the Commissioner-General of Immigration, 1932 , pp. 37"8 e 46 but countless misunderstandings between the two peeples, as well as an effective weapon of Japanese prOpaganda against the United States before and during the Second World War. Through the increasing friendship between the United States and China, and through pressure from various groups in this country,37 Congress finally repealed the Chinese exclusion laws in 1943.38 It is understood that the repeal contains three main points: (1) Those acts which relate to exclusion or deporta- tion of persons of the Chinese race from the years of 1882 to 1913 are repealed in whole or in part. (2) All Chinese persons entering the United States as immigrants should be allocated to an annual quota of 105 persons. (3) Any Chinese person or persons of Chinese descent are eligible to American citizenahip. 37F. W. Riggs, Pressures on Congress: A Study of the Re- peal of Chinese Exclusion,’New YOrk: King's Crown'Press, 1950, 260 pp. An excellent analysis of the p0pu1ar, ad- ministrative, and Congressional pressures for the repeal of Chinese exclusion laws. 38The full text of repeal may be found in U.S. Immigra- tion and Naturalization Service, Immigration and Naturality Laws and Regulations, as of March, 1944, WashingtOn: Government rintingOTfice,61944, pp. I26-7. 47 Certainly, the negligible number of 105 annual immigrants from China will not cause unemployment or any economic com- petition in this country. But the moral significance is very important. Putting the Chinese immigrants on the same level with EurOpean immigrant groups will no doubt accelerate the process of their assimilation. Of course, it is still early to make conclusions concerning the various effects upon the Chinese p0pulation in this country. Nevertheless, it can be certain that the number of Chinese population will be little affected. Arrivals, departures, and balance. The number of arri- vals of Chinese, sapecially in the early period, has never been known exactly. However, the first Chinese arrival could not have been earlier than the 16th century, and the number was very small, according to available records. Since 1820 the United States government has kept records concerning immigration. The data, however, are not always uniform and comparable, due to the frequent shift of re- sponsibility from one agency to another, and due to the changing definitions of immigrants over the years. For example, only "alien passengers arriving" were recorded be- fore 1867. This was changed to "immigrant arriving" from 1868 through 1907. Since then, the "immigrant alien" has been adopted, and the records have been separated from the non-immigrant. Starting with the beginning of this century, o. «A CASH OT: _ ONma Gama OQAH Ga: 4:; . q . a - mfiaoaa u q of. H Om. a. 0‘ I L ‘-—‘—— Je- 055.395 as??? l 00m 8m: 08.~ 08¢. 803 08.: n 02.2.2 003“ q l m 35. H bagmu ”355,54 "coupon ‘__- ~--- J Omad as g .Ign 3.2.5 I: 5. saw-.325 8235 no sober—ease one 1755 7.3!: .A show: 08$ 80.2 000.3 80.9... 80.3 000.0n 80.x” 000.3 00¢. m: 49 immigrant aliens have also been classified by country of their last permanent residence and by race or nationality. Therefore, there are two sets of data relating to the Chinese immigrants after 1900. Those classified by country would include some immigrants other than those of Chinese race. 0n the other hand, those classified by race would include a few more Chinese coming from countries other than China. Apparently, the latter data are more inclusive in— sofar as the Chinese are concerned. Thus, they are used for analysis here. Meanwhile, the other set of data is also in- cluded for the purpose of comparison, as shown in Table I. Data concerning Chinese arrivals prior to 1820 are not available, and there were only 46 arrivals between 1820 and 1850. The mass of Chinese immigration began in 1854 when about thirteen thousand Chinese were admitted. A slack period of more than a decade then ensued. .A heavy Chinese immigration again reached a peak of fifteen thousand in the year 1869 and 1870. The increasing number was broken by a temporary lull until 1876 when twenty-two thousand Chinese arrived. However, the peak year for the Chinese immigration was set by the admittance of forty thousand Chinese on the eve of the passage of the 1882 exclusion set. This is the largest number of Chinese admitted in a single year, and it reached its climax in the period of free migration for the Chinese to this country. Thereafter, the annual number ad- 50 cosmos ashamed panes .omma on same song nopoam assess an» no someones Haoasoaeaem “condom .0Hme-a0ma oases one son one Ame0.m ens moe.me .moma ca women cepnmmmc mneaam pqmnmfiao now chosen Hoaoamuo spam .coupaaum enemas pmmnmfiaafi one Hopmmoaonp headway “moapunnm mummnmaaaa one mOmH on mmma some someway “mmfibfinnm mnomacmmmg mamas one smma on Hmma song mensmamm .om mash moose memo» Hmomfim one nopwsmnonp .mnmoh nmuaoaoo one mmma 0» scene musowH mam.n ome.m mam.e mmm.e .mmm.m moe.0a camauaema em0.ae- mme.ma- eem.ma www.cm mmm.a mmm.e 0ema-amma Hm0.me- mom.HH- 0am.0e mHe.He mem.em som.mm 0mme-amma «H0.e - mem.m . mea.mm emm.mm mma.me mem.am 0mmeuaamfl mmea.m mmoe.m Noe.ma moa.0m oeaH-H0mH eea.mm mme.ee 00mH-HmmH Hae.am Hae.nm camavamme Hom.m~H H0N.mmH 0mmH-HaaH Hom.ea Hom.em 0eme-amme amm.ae amm.ae oama-amma )PBIO Jm)baT. )PeO €dJ?)JPE )09JeTO,fi$1)Jflf manna in; mama immense, mmmanmm ”shaman IIU Tie mII BSU Imn m8 .u m1 m rim mIT JIAQoe pUd Lea 1118 DQIOOO I 11.0 Ace 9300 Aoa 818.43 81.81.83. 81.98 8U8ToOU.n+W 87.1.0818 8UJOO8I 33m. w ewes ”.3 we mam... ”aware. mm. mm...“ as... thJVn+ 9 p.4 .(3vm. 9.4 . a s (\s.au «4 6.4m..nu n+ St! I. as I hfrkllnrlblllBl soapeamus pez housepnoaon mmasbfinnd mmedam QmBHZD mme 2H omma OB Hmma .mndomn Mm H mamds BadmcHEEH mWMZHmo ho mmmDBmdmmn QZ< mgdemmd 51 mitted has never exceeded five thousand. The annual arrivals even drOpped to less than one hundred persons in some of the "lean years". For the following forty years, the number of Chinese immigrants decreased continuously from a total of 62,000 in the decade of 1881-1890 to 19,000 in 1911-1920. A slight increase in total Chinese arrivals came in the fol- lowing decade, but was quickly checked by the economic de- pression in the thirties. In spite of the Second World War, a slight increase in the total number admitted was recorded for the last decade, between 1940 and 1950. As previously noted, this increase occurred mostly in the post-war period. An entire century has elapsed since the voluminous Chinese migration to this country began. During the whole period a total of four hundred thousand Chinese immigrants were admitted. 0f the grand total, 72 percent came to this country before 1882. Data concerning the Chinese departures from this country are less complete than those concerning the arrivals. The official records began in 1908 and infor- mation prior to this year is not available. However, records from the San Francisco Customs House, a major port of en- trance for Chinese immigrants, show a total of 151,000 Chinese departed between 1851 and 1882. Meanwhile, a total of 302,000 Chinese arrived. The excess of arrivals over depar- tures for this period was 151,000. 52 Data concerning departures of Chinese are not available for the next twenty-five years (1883-1907). Nevertheless, in view of the legal restrictions and exclusion, it is be- lieved that departures of Chinese possibly exceeded arrivals. Beginning in 1908, official records for the emigrant aliens have been kept. Table I shows that the number of Chinese emigrant aliens departing has been larger than those admitted since 1908. This trend continued up to 1940. It was not until the last decade that the number of arrivals began to surpass the departures, during which period a net gain of 1,400 was experienced. In the entire period from 1908 to 1950, a total of 58,000 Chinese immigrants were admitted, and a total of 100,000 departed. Thus, a net loss of 42,000 resulted from the excess of departures over arrivals. Of course, this figure could be less if the number of illegal entries were considered. Characteristics of Chinese Immigrants. Migration usually involves a process of selectivity with respect to age, sex, and other characteristics. Long distance migra- tion is also different from that of short distance in many respects. Because of travelling hazards and inconvenience involved, migration to distant places usually is undertaken by young men who elect to take the risk for economic Opportun- ity. Chinese immigration to this country belongs to this type. 53 The selectivity of the Chinese p0pulation movement may be examined from immigration data on age, sex, marital sta- tus, and occupational distribution. In using these data, precaution should be taken in relation to their completeness. Except those for sex composition by decade, the remainder of the data under study represent only a selected period of time. It is believed that these data are representative of the entire period. Furthermore, for our purposes here, the laborious task of assembling completely this inaccessible data seemed to serve no purpose. It is accepted knowledge that the process of migration usually carries away more persons in the productive ages than in either young or old ages. It is a general Obser- vation that the majority of the Chinese immigrants are in the young and productive ages. The sample data included here show the correctness of such observation. The age distribution among the Chinese immigrants annually admitted from 1901 to 1932 shows a concentration in the 16-44 age groups, ranging from 73 percent to 94 percent. Only a few of them, therefore, are under 16 years, or 45 and over. Generally speaking, there are only slight fluctuations from year to year. (Appendix Table 5.) 0n the other hand, Chinese persons departing from this country for the period between 1908 and 1932 were largely older persons. The pr0portion of persons in the age group, Figure 2. Sex Canposition of Chinese Emigrants and Emigrants i‘ran the United States, 1903 to 1932 Source: Appendix 6 and 7 Male Ila]: 1,000 - Male Female 100 - Arrivals Departures (1903-1932) (1908-1932 10 I l l I A l 1 900 1910 1920 1930 1908 1920 1930 55 "45 years and over" run from 40 percent to 78 percent an- nually. Those of 16-44 years of age make up most of the balance. 'Very few young Chinese under 16 years left. The sex distribution among the Chinese immigrants shows a very high proportion of males. The percentages of male immigrants rose from 95 in 1851-1880 to 99 in 1881-1890. Then it dropped to 81 percent in 1921-1930. Even though these percentages for males are still considered very high, the trend is clearly downward. Meanwhile, the prOportions of females increased slowly but gradually since the turn of this century, or from 3 percent in 1891-1900 to 19 percent in 1921-1930. (Table IL) The data for single years between 1931 and 1935 showed a remarkable increase in the proportions of female immigrants. For the first two years, 1931-1932, the percentages jumped from 30 to 42. The percentage sudden- ly rose to 100 percent in the following year. (Appendix Table 6.) These years, it must be noted, reflected an ab- - normal situation in which the annual number of Chinese immi- grants admitted had drOpped to less than one hundred, due to the economic depression. In view of the admittance of Chinese alien wives of Chinese-Americans through the legis- lation in 1930, and the recent arrival of Chinese war brides, the number of Chinese women in this country will no doubt increase. 56 TABLE II PERCENTAGE OF CHINESE IMMIGRANT ARRIVALS BY DECADE, 1851 TO 1930 Percentage Year Male Female 1851-1860 95.3 4.7 1861-1870 94.6 5.4 1871-1880 97.4* 2.5* 1881-1890 99.0 1.0 1891-1900 96.9 3.1 1901-1910 94.4 5.6 1911-1920 85.0 15.0 1921-1930 80.6 19.4 *Another source indicates 90.2 percent males and 9.8 percent females in 1871-1880. (Sandmeyer, Anti-Chinese Movement in California, p. 17.) Source: Data from 1851 to 1880--Rep0rts of Im- migration Commission, 701. 20, Pts. 1 and 2, (1911). Data from 1881 to 19lO--E.C. Sandmeyer, The Anti-Chinese Movement in California, Table 3, p. 17. Data from 1911 to 1930-~Statistical Ab- stract of the United States, 1910-1930. 57 As one may eXpect, more Chinese males than females left this country. From 1908 to 1935 the annual proportion of males among the Chinese departures never fell below 90 percent in any single year. (Appendix Table 7.)) For the same period, there were 8,500 Chinese female immigrants admitted while 4,000 left. As a result, the net gain of females totaled 4,500 in a period of twenty-eight years. The data regarding marital status are worthy of examina- tion. Did the women come here as the potential mates for the excess number of marriageable Chinese men in this country, or, for example, did they come to join their husbands who had been here for a long time? In examining a series of data from 1923 to 1932, in Appendix Table 8, it was found that more than two-thirds of the Chinese fanale immigrants were married, less than one-third were single, and very few widowed or divorced. 0n the other hand, the marital status of the Chinese male immigrants gradually shifted from married to single sta- tuses. During the four'year period from 1923 to 1926, approxi- mately two-thirds of them were married. However, the propor- tion of married men had dropped to only one-third in favor of the single men from 1927 to 1932. This reversed trend sug- gests that many divided Chinese families here were re-united by the arrival of their female members. 58 0f the total Chinese males and females who left this country between 1923 and 1932, more than two-thirds of each sex was married, one-third was single, and a negligible per- centage was widowed or divorced. The distribution of occupational groups among the Chinese immigrants, according to the classification of the immigra- tion authorities, contains four main categories, namely, professionals, skilled workers, miscellaneous, and no occu- pation. Since Chinese laborers, both skilled and unskilled, have been prohibited since 1882, the majority of the Chinese immigrants belong either to the few professionals permitted by law, such as teachers, ministers, and actors, or the immediate families of the Chinese-Americans. The figures of the occupational distribution from 1923 to 1932 in Appendix Table 9 show very few Chinese profession- als admitted, representing an annual average from 2 to 9 per- cent. For instance, of the 290 Chinese professionals admit- ted in 1924, 150 were actors, and 60 were teachers. It is believed that most of these teachers were employed in the Chinese language schools in this country. However, under the 1924 Immigration Act, most teachers, except professors, were barred from entry. The number and percentage of Chinese skilled workers were negligible. Between 1923 and 1925, approximately two-thirds of the total annual number admitted were classified as having miscellaneous occupations. 59 Among these miscellaneous occupations, merchants constitute half of the total number. The proportion for this miscellan- eous group dropped to less than 10 percent between 1926 and 1932. The percentage for the "no occupation" group has risen steadily from 29 percent in 1923 to 85 percent in 1932. This group includes many women and children. There are occupational differences between the Chinese immigrants admitted and those departed, according to Appendix Table 9. The main difference is that most of the number ad- mitted have "no occupation" while those departed have occupa- tions. The majority anong the latter are laborers. The proportions of professional and Skilled workers are also higher among the departures than among the arrivals. The data showing larger numbers of Chinese laborers and profes- sionals leaving may suggest an improvement of ocCupational status after a sojourn in this country. CHAPTER III THE VITAL PROCESSES AMONG THE CHINESE POPULATION- The term vital process refers to two aspects of popula- tion change, namely, fertility and mortality. The former is used to denote the actual reproduction of a population, and the latter refers to the reduction of p0pulation from deaths. Together with migration, the vital processes influence great- ly the number, rate of growth, and composition of a population. In the preceding chapter, the influence of migration upon the Chinese population in this country was discussed. However, migration has become a relatively constant factor since the first Chinese exclusion law was passed in 1882. During the ensuing years the vital processes have Operated as the main force in the Changing composition of the Chinese p0pu1ation. The shift of nativity status from foreign-born to native-born, for instance, is a result of the operation of the vital processes. Therefore, fertility and mortality are important to recent Chinese population change. Unfor- tunately, the available data concerning the Chinese vital statistics in this country are not adequate enough to go beyond the scOpe of general description. Perhaps, such a general description may still serve the purpose of providing a background orientation. 61 In order to describe the condition of the Chinese popula- tion with respect to fertility and mortality, several measures are used. In the case of fertility, the crude birth rate and fertility ratio are employed; in the case of mortality, the crude death rate, specific death rate, and infant mortality rate are used. Fertility The rate of reproduction among the Chinese in this coun- try is an interesting case due to the abnormal demographic composition. In 1940 there were 1,098 births reported by the Chinese-Americans. Accordingly, the crude birth rate was 14 per 1,000 enumerated Chinese for that census year. This figure is rather low as compared with the rate for the United States as a whole (18). However, when the human re- production is gauged by fertility ratio the situation is re- versed. The Chinese-Americans showed a high fertility ratio of 443 in 1940, while the ratio for the total population of the United States was only 329. Apparently, the low crude birth rate shown by the Chinese-Americans is due largely to the high sex ratio. On the other hand, the comparatively high fertility ratio among the Chinese-Americans may indi- cate that the idea of large family is still cherished by some Chinese, particularly by the immigrant families. There are differences in fertility among the residence groups. The fertility ratio for the urban Chinese-Americans 62 is lower than that for the rural groups. The urban fertility ratio is 438 as compared with the rural-nonfarm ratio of 477 and the rural-farm ratio of 537 (see Table III). It is evi- cent from these ratios that the urban Chinese residents bear relatively fewer children than those living in the rural- farm and rural-nonfarm districts. Of course, the small num- ber of Chinese females in the rural districts do not permit us to draw a definite conclusion. In order to test the relationship between urbanization of the Chinese-Americans and their rate of reporduotion, all Chinese populations amounting to as much as 1,000 in cities of 100,000 or more are listed and their fertility ratios are computed. Table IV shows that a high fertility ratio generally prevails among the Chinese-Americans in the nine principal cities. The ratio ranges from 281 for Chinese in Portland to 572 in Sacramento. In fact, the latter ratio is much higher than that for the total urban Chinese popula- tion. Chinese in San Francisco and Oakland, California and in Portland, Oregon are the only large cities having lower than average urban fertility. The rates are 357, 396, and 281 reapectively. 0n the basis of the data from Table IV, no definite relationship between the degree of urbanization among the Chinese-Americans and their rate of reproduction is found. 63 TABLE III FERTILITY RATIOS FOR THE CHINESE~POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES, 1940 Residence and Number of Ratio per 1,000 Regions Children Females 15-44 Females 15-44 Under 5 U.S. Total 4,375 9,886 443 Urban 3,988 9,103 438 Rural-nonfarm 264 554 . 477* Rural-farm 123 229 537* Nertheast 788 1,607 490 Nerth central 313 633 496* South 449 617 728* West 2,825 7,029 402 *Base less than 1,000 females aged 15-44. Source: 16th Census of U.S. Pepulation: Characteristics of Nanhite’Population*by Race, p. 8, Table 3. 64 .mm« oases .eHH .0 .H .pm .HH . Ho>,.noaeoewmnm Ilhmhplmo nsmnou npmH ens mam sense ham .0 .soaesesmom oposs-noz yo uofipmfinopooaono edema e.m.D ho msmooo spma Bonn mama so venom "condom m m w mes nopmoflnmos .oappoom m a m smm efionoufiaoo .oomfioomam onm m m A man «Honoufiaso .opoossnoom s s m amm oomono.8osapnom a e a mam sassoeheso .easeaso H m N 0mm anew Fez .MHOW wmz m m m amv sfiqaouaamo .moaomqw mou m m a see naosaaaH .omseano v m m mac naponsooonmmfi .oopmom Capmm spec noassflsdom spasepaos eeume possess mono no swam ommoano no message ooo.a men an ream seam no room so roam oapsm Assessesm osma .mmHaHo Asmeozemm msz ho ZOHadnbmom mmMZHmo mma mom mOHadm MBHQHBth >H qude 65 The regional differences in fertility among the Chinese population are striking, as shown in Table III. The Chinese population in the South exhibits the highest ratio (728). The lowest fertility ratio is found among Chinese in the West region (402). Chinese in the NCrth Central region rank second, (496), and those in the Northeast region rank third (490). In spite of the generally high fertility shown by the Chinese- Americans, the trend has been downward between 1930 and 1940. Table V reveals that the crude birth rate dropped from 18.6 in 1930 to 14.2 in 1940. Table VI indicates that the fertility ratio decreased from 859 in 1930 to 443 in 1940. The recent decline of Chinese fertility agrees with the national trend in the United States. This tendency may be attributed to the changing age and sexcomposition. It also suggests that more Chinese-Americans have adopted the ideal of the small family prevailing in this country. Mortality and its Causes There were 1,184 Chinese deaths reported from all causes in this country during the year of 1940. The crude death rate was 15 per 1,000 enumerated Chinese-Americans in that year. This rate appears high as compared to that for the total population of the United States, which was 11. Since the death rate varies for males and females, it is necessary to compute death rate by sex. Accordingly, the crude death rates are 18 for the Chinese-American males, and 66 TABLE V TRENDS IN CRUDE BIRTH RATES FOR THE CHINESE . POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES, - 1920 TO 1940 Total Number of Crude Birth Rate Year Population1 Births per 1,000 Enu- Enumerated Reported merated Persons 1920 50,216 778 15 1930 74,039 1,379 19 1940 77,504 1,098 14 H Total Chinese populations are based on Census enumera- tion in corresponding year, rather than on mid-year population. Furthermore, total population of 1920 and 1930 are counted only for registration area. Since a number of states had not been included in the registration area before 1932, filese figures tend to be less than the Census figures. Source: 16th Census of U.S., 1940, "PCpulations," Vol. II, Pt. 1, p. 19. . Birth, Stillbirth and Infant Mortality Sta- tistics, 1920 and51930, Table 2. Vital Statistics of the United States, 1940, Part I, TabIe92. 67 TABLE VI TRENDS IN FERTILITY RATIOS FOR THE CHINESE POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES, 1900 TO 1940 Number of Females Ratio per Year Children Under 5 .15-44 1,000 1900 1,157 2,524 459 1910 1,343 2,349 572 1920 2,898 3,609 803 1930 5,781 6,733 859 1940 4,375 9,886 443 Source: 12th Census of the U.S. (1900): PCpulation, V01. II, Ptl'II, Table XVII, p. xi. 13th Census of the U.S. (1910): PCpulation, V01. 1, p. 306, Table 22. 14th Census of the U.S. (1920): PCpulation, VoI. II, Tahle 5, p. 157. 15th Census of the U.S. (1930): POpulation, Vor. 11, Tahre 15, p. 586. H ram .33 Jonson 032: one no 33335 is: nscream. , 0.8% .8 E a. a. , no mowafio seesaw users NNN 08.8H 3320:: cu 8m.~ {omen—«:00 no media E :35 §\ .5. r “wwwww“wwww“w”ww\ it... on mm on ma 3 W 33 :38 as 8am 05 3:82.31 F Jensen 0325 one. 85.. 3029518055 :oelaom 33. pesos 005.6 no :03."an .m whom: 69 7 for the Chinese-American females. Thus, a much higher mor- tality rate is shown among the Chinese-American males than among the Chinese-American females.' In the United States the crude death rate for males 1812, and for females 9. The tremendous difference between the sexes is probably due to the abnormally high sex ratio and the concentration in the upper age groups on the part of the Chinese males.1 Apparently, the exceedingly high mortality exhibited by the Chinese-American males is reaponsible for the generally high crude death rate for the total Chinese population in this country. The residential difference in mortality shows that the rural Chinese-American residents have a much higher crude death rate than the urban Chinese-American residents. And yet, the general crude death rate for the Chinese-Americans appears less affected by the high mortality of the rural segment. Rather, it is influenced by the urban segment, as Table VII indicates that the 14 urban rate is nearer the 15 general rate than the 31 rural rate. Since the majority of Chinese-Americans are urban dwellers, the urban rate is the determining factor in the general rate. The crude death rate for males also tends to determine the total resident rate. Among the rural Chinese-Americans, ISea Figure 8, "Age-Sex Pyramid of Chinese population in the United States," (Chapter V). 70 .NH duo m anmuB .Hmm use one .a .a when .0ema .ooesam confine on» no oenennpsem deans "senses a an en has 0em mam Hom.mn mam.nm amm.oe sash: AH mm as om mom mam eme.n emm.m mam.a Hesse a an as man me0.H emH.H mHH.0m mam.em e0m.aa aspen OHMSOM GAGE nPom OH gym mHGE mmHmm npom 046.80% Dams mmfiom Apom OODOUHmom ovum spoon scone mnemon no nonssz soHponmOm copsnoadnm ova .Nmm n24 HozmnHmmm Hm .wmadam QHBHZD awe ZH ZOHB Hamda Figure )1. Age and Sex—Specific Death Rates for the Chinese-Americans and for the United States, 19110 (By place of occurrence) Hales Females I Chinese-«Americans Chimes-Americans Death Hates per 1,000 h‘om All Causes I I, United States I I I I I V A l l l 1 I l l l o 5 15 25 115 65 5 15 25 L15 65 Age in Years Source: Vital Statistics of the United States, 19110, Part 1 72 the rate for males is 38 and for females 11. The respective rates among the urban group are 16 and 6. The high mortality among the rural segment of the Chinese-Americans reveals a pattern different from the general pattern of the United States. (Figure 4.) Moreover, the Chinese residing in cities of 100,000 or more have a higher crude death rate than those living in smaller cities of less than 100,000. The general crude death rate cannot alone tell the whole story of mortality for a population, without some know- ledge of the age and sex differentials in mortality. With this fact in mind, the age and sex Specific death rates for the Chinese population are computed. The curves of these age-sex specific death rates, Shown in Figure 4, are somewhat similar to those curves which represent the United States. However, the death rate for all Specific age groups of each sex was higher among the Chinese-Americans than among the total United States in 1940. There is only one exception, namely, the male group under 5 years, in which the death rate for Chinese-Americans is slightly lower than that for the United States as a whole. The largest relative differ- ences between Chinese-Americans and the total population are found at the ages 15 to 45 for the males and at the ages 15 to 24 for females. The high mortality of the Chinese-Ameri- cans in the productive ages suggests the existence of poor health conditions in the Chinese communities of this coun- 73 try. The causes of deaths forthese specific age groups un- fortunately are not known. However, in view of the high in- cidence and mortality from tuberculosis among the Chinese- Americans and the prevalenCe of this disease among younger persons, it is reasonable tobelieve that the high mortality among the young Chinese-Americans may be attributed to this communicable disease. The trend of mortality for the Chinese population in this country shows a remarkable decline between 1920 and 1940. During these two decades the rate dropped from 23 to 15. Meanwhile this rate for the United States decreased from 13 to 11 during the same period. The rapid decline in mortality among the Chinese-Americans may be partially explained by the excess departures of many older persons, eSpecially during the period of economic depression of the early thirties. Nevertheless, the lowering of Chinese mortality in this coun- try can be regarded as an improvement in general health con- ditions among the Chinese-Americans. This is particularly true when the infant mortality is taken into consideration. In 1920 the infant mortality rate for the Chinese p0pulation in.this country was 73 per 1,000 live births. It fell to 41 in 1940. These figures are lower than in the United States, 86 and 47 for the same years. 74 TABLE VIII TRENDS IN CRUDE DEATH RATES FOR THE CHINESE POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES (DEATH REGISTRATION AREA), 1910 TO 1940 Total Chinese Number of Crude Death Year Population in Chinese Deaths Rate per Registration Area1 Reported 1,000 Persons 1910 60,682 1,055 17 1920 57,498 1,324 23 1930 74,744 , 1,342 18 1940 77,504 1,184 15 1Numbers are based on Census records rather than on mid- year p0pu1ation. Furthermore, in accordance with the death registration area, the total number of Chinese were of 21 states, Washington, D.C., and 30 cities in non-registration states for 1910; of 43 states, Wash- ington, D.C., and 14 cities in non-registration states for 1920; of 47 states, Washington, D.C., and 8 cities in non-registratioanexas in 1930; and of all states in continental United Dtates for 1940. 2Exclusive of stillbirth. source: 15th Census of U.S., 1930: Population, Vol. III, T8518 17 for eaCh state. 16th Census of U.S., 1940: Population, Vol. II, Pt; 1, p. 19. Mortality Statistics, 1910, p. 304, Table 5; 1920, p.974,*TaBIeI4; and 1930, p. 122, Table 4. Vital Statistics of the United States, 1940, Part1, p. 254, 1able 12: 75 TABLE IX INFANT MORTALITY RATES FOR THE CHINESE POPULATION, . BY DECADE, 1920 TO 1940 Deaths Under Rate per 1,000 Decade Live Births .1 Year Old Live Births 1920 778 57 73 1930 1,379 76 55 1940 1,098 45 41 Source: Birth, Stillbirth, Infant Mortality, 1929, 1930. Mortality Statistics, 1920, p. 174; 1930, p. 122. Vital Statistics of the United States, 1940, Part 1, Tables 2'and712. 76 Of the 1,184 deaths reported by the Chinese-Americans in 1940, 208 persons or 18 percent died from tuberculosis. It represented the leading cause of death for the Chinese population of this country in 1940. This communicable dis- ease was ranked as the number one public enemy to the health of this nation in the early part of this century. However, it dropped to eighth in the list of leading causes of death in 1940, as tremendous progress has been made by an effective control program. According to several case studies among Chinese in San Francisco, New York, and Boston, the death rate and incidence of tuberculosis were generally higher among Chinese residents 2 The survey than among the total population of each city. of the housing situation as related to the tuberculosis prob- lem in San Francisco's Chinatown also indicates that living conditions particularly have been responsible for the high tuberculosis death rate anong the Chinese residents.3 No 2Detailed information may be found in the following reports: W.C. Woorsanger and G.B. Miller, "Case-findings in the Chinese PCpulation of San Francisco,” The American Review of Tuberculosis, Vol. XLIV, no. 4, Oct., 194I' pp. 4632473. __—F.J.’Liu, A Study of Health and Docial onditions of the Chinese CommunIty in_New Ybrk City: With Special ReTerence to the Prfiblem‘OTTfiberculosfS, unpfiinshed M.B. tfiesis, Columbia UniverSity, I947. D. Hayward, "TB Work Among the Chinese of Boston," in Massachusetts Health Journal, Jan., Feb., March, 1944. 3"Tuberculosis in Chinese Group," Bulletin of National Tuberculosis Association, Jan., 1945. 77 doubt, the high mortality of Chinese from tuberculosis could have been reduced had effective control programs been set up by all groups concerned. Unfortunately, the socio-economic and psychological implication made such a program.far from successful. The second leading cause of death among the Chinese- Americans is heart disease. There were 129 Chinese deaths from this disease in 1940, or ll percent of the total number of deaths. Cancer and cerebral hemorrhage ranked third and fourth, with 111 and 70 fatal cases, or 9 and 6 percent, respectively. By comparison, heart disease and cancer are the two leading causes of death in the United States as a whole. Syphilis proved fatal to 68 Chinese—Americans and became the fifth leading cause of death. As indicated by Table X, these five diseases caused nearly half of the total deaths in the Chinese p0pu1ation of this country in 1940. 78 TABLE X DEATHS FROM COMMON SELECTED CAUSES FOR THE CHINESE POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES, 1940 Cause of Death Number Percent All causes 1,184 100.0 Tuberculosis 208 17.6 Heart disease 129 10.9 Cancer 111 9.4 Cerebral hemorrhage 70 5.9 Syphilis 68 5.7 arteriosclerotic kidney 45 3.8 Suicide 35 3.0 Disease of coronary arteries 35 3.0 BronchOpheumonia 35 3.0 Diabetes mellitus 34 2.9 0ther causes 398 , 33.6 Ill-defined and unknown causes 16 1.5 Source: Vital Statistics of the United States, 1940, , Part I, p. 480-5, Table 16. Viv CHAPTER IV HE GROWTH OF CHINESE POPULATION The study of population growth is one of the basic steps in the understanding of Chinese p0pu1ation in this country. In analyzing the p0pu1ation trends, attention might be focused primarily upon past growth, upon future growth, or a combina- tion of both. The emphasis of this chapter is upon past growth, specifically that occurring in the period from 1850 to 1940. The forecast of the future growth of Chinese-Americans will be discussed at the end of this study after all relevant facts are put together and analyzed. As shown by Figure 5, the trend of the Chinese p0pu1ation growth is best represented by a curve that may be divided roughly into three phases, namely one of rapid growth, one of gradual decrease, and one of a short time increase.) Each phase is designated as a per- iod characterized by a different pattern of population distri- bution. Finally, any change of direction in growth may be ex- plained in terms of migration, fertility, and mortality. Three Periods of Growth and Redistribution The earliest census records of Chinese p0pu1ation in this country data from 1850, although no Chinese were enumer- ated separately until ten years later. Prior to the earliest census records, however, Chinese in this country can be traced 1 back as early as the 16th century; But the number is negli- Isoe footnote 20 in Chapter II. Figure 5. Growth of Chinese Population in the United States by Number and Percentage of Increase: 1860-l9h0 ' Percent M (in thousand) 110 80 100 70 9o 60 80 50 70 no 60 30 SO 20 no 10 30 0 20 10 10 20 o . ' . l ‘ ' ‘ 3° 1860 1870 1580 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 19140 5 curse : Table 11 81 gible and insignificant. The actual growth began only during the decade of 1850 to 1860 when a considerable number of Chinese were first enumerated. During the following decade the total number increased from 35,000 to 63,000, an increase of 81 per- cent over the preceding census. By 1880 the p0pu1ation reached a level considerably over the hundred thousand mark. In this first period, between 1850 and 1880, the Chinese population underwent a rapid growth. This growth continued to 1882, the peak year in terms of total numbers. In the first decade of the second period, the number of Chinese showed a slight increase attributable to the large num- ber of immigrants arriving during 1881 and 1882. However, for the rest of this period the number fell sharply from 107,000 in 1890 to 62,000 in 1920, indicating a 43 percent less be- tween these two census dates. During the third period a slight increase was shown after 1920 as 75,000 were counted in 1930, a 22 percent increase over the preceding census. This upward trend continued through the next decade when 77,000 Chinese were reported in 1940. The percentage increase, however, was only 3 percent. To summarize the whole period of growth, the total number of Chinese in 1940 was only two times as large as in 1860 when Chinese were first enumerated separately. Such a growth may be compared to the total United States population which has increased four times in the same period, or with the Japanese- 82 American population which has grown about sixty times, even within a shorter period £1890 to 1940).2 Thus, the Chinese p0pu1ation is lagging with respect to rate of growth. For the Chinese the period of rapid growth was accompan- ied by a concentration of p0pu1ation in certain localities. From the beginning, the Pacific states, particularly Calif- ornia, held the majority of the Chinese, as shown by the fact that 87 percent in 1850 and 99 percent in 1860 of all Chinese resided in California. The situation for the following two decades changed very little, except that the Mountain states began to attract a few Chinese. In the second period, (1880 to 1920), the Chinese, in- stead of showing further concentration in the west, moved toward the East. In the course of the eastward movement, the Chinese also dispersed. And now, they may be found in every state of the Union. However, the middle Atlantic states, particularly New Ybrk, have absorbed more Chinese than any other state east of the Rocky Mountains. Only 4 percent of all Chinese resided in the middle Atlantic states in 1890. By 1920 the percentage increased to 14 percent, and was second only to that of the Pacific states. The general in- 2The total U.S. population had increased from 31 million in 1861 to 132 million in 1940. The Japanese did not emerge in a large scale immigration to this country until 1890. There were only 2,000 Japanese persons in this country in 1890; by 1940 they amounted to 127,000. (Bureau of the Census, 16th Census of the United 5tates, 1940, POpulation, Vol. I, . 139, Table 139; and Vol. II, Part 1, p. 19, Table 4.? 83 crease of Chinese p0pu1ation among all the states east of the Rocky Mountains actually has been at the expense of the Moun- tain and Pacific states since the total number of Chinese in these areas decreased throughout this period. In fact, the percentage of Chinese in the MOuntain and Pacific states de- creased from 90 percent in 1890 to 63 percent in 1920, although two-thirds of the total Chinese in this country were still living in these states. In the third period, (1920 to 1940), a short-time increase has brought a redistribution of Chinese among the states. Again, the middle Atlantic states continued to gain through- out the period. By 1940 more than one-fifth of the total Chinese were found in this area. However, the gain is pri- marily due to the rising tide of Chinese in New Yerk. The other two middle Atlantic states, namely New Jersey and Pennsylvania, are actually on the way to losing their Chinese population. A similar situation exists among the Pacific states which also showed a slight increase in percentage of Chinese. or these states, California is the only one with an actual gain; Washington and Oregon show no significant changes. The percentage of Chinese in the New England and North central states proportionately was less than in the preceding period. There has never been many Chinese in the southern states. In a word, the rapid growth of Chinese p0pu1ation from 1850 to 1880 had.taken place mainly in the West through the 84 heavy concentration of numbers in that region. The decrease in the total Chinese from 1890 to 1920, on the other hand, had reduced only the numbers of Chinese in the West. On the contrary, Chinese in other states have eXperienced a general increase in numbers. Finally, the upward trend during the last two decades of 1920 and 1930 occurred only in two states, New York and California. Chinese in the remaining states either declined or became stationary. Factors Affecting Growth There are three basic factors which directly determine the rate of population growth, namely migration, fertility and mor- tality. Of these three, migration is by far the most impor- tant factor in determining the Chinese population growth in this country. This is especially true during the period of free immigration, without any restriction, to this country. In the absence of fertility and mortality data for the early periods, the following discussion may be used as a substitute in determining the extent of the effect of migration. The available data indicate that the Chinese p0pu1ation in this country increased about 105,000 between 1850 and 1880. On the other hand, Chinese net migration was 119,000 for the same period.3 In comparing these two figures, the effect of mi- 3According to the records of the San Francisco Customs House, 250,531 Chinese immigrants arrived and 131,708 departed from 1851 to 1880. Thus, the excess of arrivals over depar- tures would be 118,823. 85 grstion is overwhelming. Furthermore it is noted that the net migration figure is even larger than that of actual growth. This situation seems possible if several facts are taken into account. First, a large-scale Chinese immigration occurred in this period due to free migration. Second, the majority of Chinese immigrants are males. Very few Chinese females had come. Therefore, the birth rate may be expected to be low. Third, in spite of many Chinese immigrants returning to China before reaching an old age, the deathsfrom.work hazards and disease in the frontier area were generally very high. Thus, the death rate from Chinese from general causes could easily exceed the birth rate. Fourth, it is possible that the Chinese p0pu1stion was underenumerated in California during the early period, since many Chinese laborers were scattered over numerous isolated mining districts and many could well have been overlooked by the census officials. Whatever the precise situation may have been, the posi- tive effect of migration in p0pu1ation growth is apparent. It was the continuous excess of arrivals over departures which set into motion a rapid rate of Chinese p0pu1ation growth that no rate of natural increase, even under normal conditions, could accomplish in such a short period. If the increase of Chinese population in the first per— iod was stimulated primarily by migration, what would be the determining factor in the decline throughout the second per- 86 iod? Unfortunately, there is no adequate information concern- ing either the vital statistics or emigration records for the Chinese from 1881 to 1908.‘ Therefore, no definite cause can be known on a statistical basis. From the general evidence, however, the decline of Chinese population may be attributed to the probable low birth rate and few immigrants on one hand, and to the excess of departures and deaths on the other. The increase of the Chinese p0pu1ation during the two decades between 1920 and 1940 cannot be explained from the available statistical data. As indicated in Table XI, the total Chinese population shown in 1930 had increased by 13,000 over the preceding census. However, neither the immi- gration records nor the vital statistics seem to Justify such an increase. The immigration records indicate that there was a 16,031 excess of Chinese departures over immigrant arrivals during the ten-year period from 1921 to 1930. Accordingly, the Chinese crude birth rate was 15 in 1920, and 9 in 1930. The crude death rates were 23 and 18 for the some years, re- spectively. Possibly, a number of births occurred in areas not included in the registration area, but this number could not have been very large. Even though allowance is made to enlarge the 1920 birth registration area to a comparable size with that of the death registration area, the difference ‘Official report of Chinese deaths in this country began in 1907, and the report on births was even later, 1915. Before 1908 no official records for emigrants departed were kept. TABLE II CHANGE OF CHINESE POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES, 1850 TO 1940 Increase Over Number per Year Number Preceding Census* 100,000 of U.S. Number Percent POPUIBtIOD 1360 34,933 117.1 1370 63,199 23,266 30.9 163.9 1330 105,465 42,266 66.9 210.3 1890 107,488 2,010 1.9 170.8 1900 89,863 -17,625 -16.4 113.2 1910 71,531 -13,332 -20.4 77.3 1920 61,639 - 9,892 -13.8 58.3 1930 74,954 13,315 21.6 61.0 1940 77,504 2,550 3.4 53.7 I"Aminus sign denotes a decrease. Source: 16th Census of U.S., 1940, P0pulation, Vol. II, Part 1, Table 4, p. 19. 88 still would not be significant. It can hardly be expected that the gain from births could compensate for the loss from deaths and the excess of departures. The actual figures of vital statistics for the Chinese, furthermore, indicate that 13,602 total births and 13,304 total deaths occurred during the decade of 1921 to 1930. Therefore, the balance between a gain from births and the loss from deaths and excess depar- tures would be around 14,000. This means that the Chinese population had to lose 14,000 persons during the decade 1921 to 1930. Instead, the population increased 13,000 for the same period. The possible explanation for this contradictory demo- graphic phenomenon may lie in one or all of the following: (1) Under-registration of Chinese births; (2) Illegal entrance;5 ' (3) Excess of non-immigrant arrivals over non-emigrant departures. Unfiortunately, not enough information concerning any of the above possibilities can suggest a probable explanation. The increase of Chinese p0pu1ation between 1930 and 1940 posed a similar problem. Although the increase in num- 5C. Luther Fry, "Illegal Entry of Orientals into the United States Between 1910-1920," Journal of American Sta- tistical Association, vol. XXIII, New Series Noi‘162, JUne, 1928, p. I73. 89 bars is not as large as that in previous decades, the gain from births is still in no way sufficiently large to overcome the loss from deaths and excess of departures. There is no probable explanation for this actual increase except the several possibilities Just mentioned. CHAPTER V PRESENT STATUS OF CHINESE POPULATION In the preceding chapters the historical background of Chinese population in this country was presented. To complete the whole picture, the demographic status of the Chinese popu- lation as shown in 1940 will be added in this chapter. In dealing with the demographic status at this date a general description is given of the following aspects: (1) geograph- ical concentration and urbanization, and (2) selected demo- graphic characteristics. The selected demographic character- istics include nativity, age, sex, marital status, education, and occupation. In order to make the presentation meaningful, the Chinese- Americans will be compared with the United States as a whole and occasionally with the Japanese-American group from time to time when it is deemed necessary. Finally, the major trends of some characteristics also are indicated. Geographical Concentration and Urbanization With respect to the total number and current distribution of the Chinese p0pulation, the most noticeable facts are the comparatively small size and great concentration along the Pacific coast. According to the census report of 1940, 77,504 Chinese were enumerated in the continental United States. Figure 6. Comparison of Population Growth Among Chinese—Americans, Japanese-.Mnericans, and the United States, 1860 to 19170 Number (in 1,000) 1(1),!“ _ //F”‘ // / Unitld States —Total 10,000 - 1,000 - J "— Arcana ,—“ I I I, I; ave-an . 103.115 I 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 19 20 19. 0 19110 l. k: (D A- 6E '. -n 93 This figure represented only 0.06 percent of the national population, or approximately six Chinese in every 10,000. In comparison with other Asiatic p0pulations, the Chinese population was larger than the Filipino (0.03 percent), but less than the Japanese-American (0.09 percent). In fact,_ there were fewer Chinese in this country in 1940 than gener- ally assumed. The exclusion of Chinese, of course, has been the primary cause effectively limiting their numbers for years. The unbalanced sex ratio, as will be discussed later in this chapter, has also been responsible for this condition. Like many other minority groups, the Chinese are highly concentrated in certain areas. Generally speaking, the ma- jority of Chinese (60 percent), as indicated in Table XII, were confined to the West while the other one-third resided in the North. Very few Chinese wene found in the South (6 percent). The picture of concentration is made clear when the data are broken down by state of residence. Of the total Chinese, 62,687 or 81 percent lived in the following six states: California, New York, Massachusetts, Illinois, Washington, and Oregon. California and New York were the two leading states, with 51 percent and 18 percent of the total Chinese population, respectively. (See Appendix Table 12.) 94 3333 ..m.2 33 323333 333 3333 ..3.2 23 333333 233 3333 ..m.2 no 323333 233 "333233 $233qu one no 5333970330 33333 when... p.33 3.33 3.33 3.33 3.33 3.33 3.33 3.33 3.33 3.33 3333333 3.3 3.3 3.3. 3.3. 3.3 3.33 3.33 3.33 a 3.3 333352 3.33 3.33 3.«3 3.«3 3.33 3.33 3.33 3.33 3.33 3.33 333; 3.« «.« 3.« 3.3 3.3 3.3 3.3 3.3 e 3.3 3333333 23333 .2 «.3 3.3 3.3 3.3 3.3 «.3 3.3 a 1 - 3333333 spoon .2 3.« 3.« 3.« «.« 3.« 3.3 3.3 3 3.3 3.3 33333334 23333 3.3 3.3 3.3 3.3 «.3 3.3 3.3 3.3 3.3 3.3 23333 3.3 3.3 3.« 3.3 3.3 3.3 3.3 e 3 - 3333333 33333 .3 «.3 3.3 «.3 3.3 3.3 «.3 3.3 w 3 3.3 3333333 23333 .3 3.3 3.33 3.33 3.3 3.3 «.« 3.3 e a 3.3 3333333 33332 «.3« 3.33 3.33 3.33 3.33 3.3 «.3 3.3 3.3 «.3 33333334 333332 «.3 3.3 3.3 3.3 3.3 3.3 «.3 3.3 3.3 3.3 3333333 :32 3.3« 3.3« 3.3« 3.33 3.33 3.3 3.3 «.3 3.3 3.3 333323332 3.333 3.333 3.333 3.333 3.333 3.333 3.333 3.333 3.333 3.333 3oaoa oso3o3>33 3333 3333 3«33 3333 3333 3333 3333 3333 3333 3333 333 3333332 "HW" HIH‘ 3333 32 3333 .323333>32 224 3233322.wm .323323 333322 229 23 2333333333 2322323 23 233223332333 HHH Human. 95 It is not surprising that California has for a long time attracted many Chinese immigrants, since it is a port of entry, and since this state offered gold mining opportunity in the early days. Although the days of the gold rush are gone, the "old gold mountain" still remains as a symbol of fortune and opportunity to most of the recent Chinese immigrants as well as to the thousands left behind on the other side of the ocean. Because of its geographical location California will likely continue to absorb more Chinese than other states in the years to come. The shift of Chinese p0pu1ation to the Atlantic seaboard, especially to New York, was not an accidental event, but rather a natural consequence of the anti-Chinese agitation in California throughout the last warts]: of the 19th cen- tury. The completion of the trans-continental railroad, which occurred when the Central Pacific and the Union Pacific were connected in 1869, also accelerated this action. Starting from the beginning of the eastward movement, New York has drawn more Chinese than the total number combined in its neighboring states in any census year. (See Appendix Table 12.) New York, no doubt, will remain the center of attraction to the Chinese on the east coast, Just as Calif- ornia does on the west coast. Except for California and New Yerk, no other states claim Chinese p0pu1ations of 3,000 or more in 1940. As a matter of 96 fact, most of the states in the Union contain less than 1,000 Chinese. New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Texas, Arizona, each have between 1,000 and 2,000 Chinese. States having Chinese popu- lations between 2,000 and 3,000 are Massachusetts, Illinois, Oregon, and Washington. or the above ten named states, five in the North, one in the South, and four in the West, all are either commercial or industrial or both except Texas and Arizona. The Chinese in this country are a highly urbanized peOple. Ninety percent of their total number were classified as urban residents in 1940, and only ten percent as rural residents.1 The urban character of the Chinese population is clearly seen when compared with the population of the United States as a whole or with the Japanese-American group in this coun- try. 0f the rural Chinese population two-thirds are nonfarm residents. In contrast, a higher percentage of the population of the United States and of the Japanese-Americans are rural- farm. 1"Urban area" as defined in the 1940 Census Report, "is made up for the most part of cities and other incorporated places having 2,500 inhabitants or more." The rural area, on the other hand, is covered by territory "outside the limits of any city or other incorporated place." The rural p0pu1a- tion is further subdivided into two groups: (1) the rural- farm p0pu1ation "comprises all persons living on farms, with- out regard to occupation," and (2) the rural-nonfarm p0pu1a- tion "includes, in general, all persons living outside cities or other incorporated places having 2,500 inhabitants or more who do not live on farms." (See 16th Census of the United States, 1940, Pepulation,.Vol. II, Part 1, p. 8.) 97 TABLE XIII PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF THE CHINESE-AMERICAN, JAPANESE-‘MERICAN aND TOTAL POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES, BY RESIDENCE, 1340 Race urban Rural-nonfarm Rural-farm Chinese in U.S. 90.6 6.3 3.1 Japanese in 0.5. 54.3 3.2 35.3 Total United States 56.5 20.5 22.9 Source: 16th Census of U.S., Population, Vol. II, Part 1, Table l, p. 15. 98 The Chinese in every region show a consistently urban character. Differences between regions are not great. In the Northeast and North central regions, as indicated in Table XIV, 97 percent and 95 percent of the Chinese population are urban dwellers. Since these two regions are predominately industrial and commercial, it is natural for the Chinese to seek a living in urban areas. or the 46,840 Chinese in the West region 88 percent are classified as urban residents. Although numerically greater, the percentage of urban Chinese is a little less in the West than in the Northeast and North central regions. The Chinese in the South are least urban, percentagewise, than in the other regions. Only 79 percent of Chinese in the South are urban residents. Chinese in nearly every state are more largely urban than rural. Arkansas and Mississippi are the only exceptions, and in these two states the Chinese p0pu1ations are predomi- nately rural, 56 and 65 percent, respectively. Attention should be called to the fact that some states, especially in the South, have a small Chinese population. For that reason, it is necessary to compare percentage with the numerical count in order to gain a clear picture. Appendix Table 13 contains this breakdown. New York and California, as has been indicated, are the two largest Chinese centers in this country. In New York, 99 .m can-a .so3pu3sncm ea3nncoz no 333vu3neaeanano .uo3ee3:nom ..m.D no useseo mama «eonsom 3.3 333.« 3.3 3«3.3 3.33 333.33 3.333 333.33 3333 «33 333. 3.33 333.. «.33 333.3 3.333 3«3.3 33333 3.3 33, 3.3. 33« 3.33 333.3 3.333 «33.3 333333. 33332 333 33 3.3 333 3.33 333.33 3.333 333.33 333333332 adookom H02 “GOO-NOAH H033 ”GOO-HOW H033 OQOOHOAH “Gal acumen 3333-33353 _sue3nos-3ens1 sebum 3.303 g ovmd .zOHcfim 924 MDZHQHmmm.Hm Edam 8mg mm“. 2H zogdflbmom "EEO .PHHHMHmda 100 98 percent of the Chinese are living in urban areas; in California 89 percent. Thus, it can be seen that the Chinese p0pu1ation of California is rehatively less urban than that of New Ybrk. Throughout the nation the Chinese characteristically have become concentrated in metropolitan districts. In 1940, 55,023 or 78 percent of the total urban Chinese made their homes in ninety-two cities with a population of 100,000 or over. However, they are not distributed evenly among these cities, but rather tend to concentrate into a few major metro- politan centers, such as San Francisco, New York City, and Los Angeles. Table XV shows that there are 46,726 Chinese in nine principal cities. This figure represents 84.9 percent of the total Chinese who live in the ninety-two cities of 100,000 or more p0pu1ation. The data, so far, have clearly demonstrated the essen- tially urban character of the Chinese p0pu1ation in this coun- try. Nevertheless, such distribution gives no evidence to support the popular thesis that the larger the city the great- er the concentration of Chinese p0pu1ation. San Francisco, for example, with a total p0pu1ation of less than a million, has the largest Chinese population of any city in this coun- try. New York, on the other hand, the largest city of the nation, does not approach San Francisco with regard to the number of Chinese p0pu1ation. Boston, similar in size to 101 TABLE 13' CHINESE POPULATION IN NINE PRINCIPAL CITIES, CLASSII'IED BY SIZE, 1940 rm 4‘1 :— City and Size Number of Chinese 100,000 to 500,000 Sacramento, California (105,958) 1,508 Oakland, California (303,163) 3,201 Portland, Oregon (305,394) 1,569 Seattle, washingtcn (368,302) 1,781 500,000 to 1,000,000 803 Franeiaee, California (634,536) 11,782 Beaten, uaaaachusetta (110,816) 1,383 1,000,000 and over Lea Angelea, California (1,504,217) . 4,736 Chicago, Illinoia (3,396,808) 2,013 Bea York, He! York (1,454,995) 12,153 Total 46,726 Source: 16th Cenaua of 0.8., Pb ulation, Vol. 11, Pt. 1, p. 114, Table 4a; and‘IEtE‘bEEiua or u;8., 1940, Population, Characteristics of anahitePcpula- on I sace, p. 86, raSIi‘ZT. 102 San Francisco, has the smallest Chinese p0pulation among the nine principal cities shown in Table XV. Apparently, the common notion that the size of the city is somehow correlated with the concentration of the Chinese p0pulation has no sta- tistical basis. Geographical location seems to be a more appropriate ex- planation of the situation. Table XV reveals that seven out of nine cities are either seaports or close to seaports. Only Sacramento and Chicago are any distance from the coast. Fur- thermore, five of the seven seaports and their adjoining cities are along the West coast. Chinese immigrants came to this country by way of the Pacific, and many of them may be expected to remain at the port of entrance for some time, although they may plan to migrate to another part of the country. The trend toward urbanization among the Chinese has been going on steadily since 1910. This increase in the relative importance of the urban segment during the last four decades is phenomenal. As indicated by Table XVI, 54,331 Chinese had taken up residence in urban areas as early as 1910, and this ftgure represented 76 percent of all Chinese in this country. Since that time the percentage has risen during each consecu- tive decade. In 1940 the prOportion of urban Chinese was 91 percent and the highest ever recorded. Another illustration of the trend in urbanization is the concentration of Chinese in the large cities of 100,000 popu- 103 TABLE XVI CHANGE OF CHINESE POPULATION BY RESIDENCE, 1910 TO 1940 . Total Urban Rural Year Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent 1910 71,531 100.0 54,331 76.0 17,200 24.0 1920 61,639 100.0 50,008 81.1 11,631 18.9 1930 74,954 100.0 65,778 87.7 9,176 12.3 1940 77,504 100.0 70,226 90.6 7,278 9.4 Source: 16th Census of U.S., Population, Vol. II, Pt. 1, p. 21, Table 6. 104 lation and over. Table XVII shows an approximate threefold increase in the proportion of Chinese residing in these Cities in the past sixty years. In 1880 only 22 percent of the total Chinese were found in twenty of these cities. By 1940 this figure had grown to 71 percent of Chinese spreading over all the 92 cities. Of course, the number of Chinese in each city varied from several to over ten thousand, as indicated before. Chinese population in rural areas presents a different picture from that of the urban areas. Actually, only a few have settled in rural areas. Only 7,278 or 9 percent of the total Chinese were located in rural areas in 1940. The rural- nonfarm group is twice as large as the farm group, 6 percent as compared with 3 percent. Table XIV illustrates the con- sistency of this statement when.applied to all regions. The highest percentage of the rural-nonfarm group is found in the South where 18 percent of the Chinese in that region are in this category. However, numerically speaking, the largest rural-nonfarm group (3,325) is located in the West. The Chinese rural-farm population also is found predomi- nately in the West. They constitute more than the combined total of all other regions. Data on rural Chinese population in each state are not broken down into farm and nonfarm in the Census Report of 1940. Appendix Table 13 contains the actual number of the Chinese rural residents in each state in 1940. 105 TABLE XVII NUMBER AND PERCENTAGE OF CHINESE POPULATION IN PRINCIPAL CITIES CF 100,000 AND OVER, 1880 TO 1940. Year Total Number in Cities Percent 1880 105,465 22,925 21.6 1890 107,488 32,664 30.3 1900 89,663 29,630 33.0 1910 71,531 29,002 40.5 1920 61,639 34,670 56.2 1930 74,954 48,068 64.1 1940 77,504 55,023 71.0 Source: Rose H. Lee, "The Chinese in the Rocky Mountain States," p. 36, Table VI. 106 No state, with the exception of California, claims more than 500 rural-farm and rural-nonfarm Chinese inhabitants. Mississippi, which has 485 rural Chinese, ranked second in number to California in this respect, and Mississippi is one of the two states where the distribution of Chinese is more rural than urban. The other state is Arkansas, with more Chinese residents living in rural areas. Those states having from 100 to 500 rural Chinese are Arizona (457), Arkansas (240), Nevada (134), New Ybrk (237), Oregon (177), and Washington (130). The remaining states all have less than 100 rural Chinese, ranging from one in Delaware to 92 in Idaho. Some Selected Demographic Characteristics Nativity. The importance of differentials in nativity among the Chinese population in this country has been pointed out at the beginning of this study. The native-born group, for the first time, constituted a majority of the Chinese in 1940, the percentages being 52 for the native-born and 48 for the foreign-born group. The situation, however, is some- what different for the two sexes. Of the total Chinese- American males, 55 percent are still foreign-born, although 72 percent of the females are native-born. The overwhelming number of male immigrants, no doubt, has contributed to the low percentage of native-born among the males. Differences also exist among residence groups. (Table XVIII.) The urban Chinese show a higher percentage of native- 107 .n .m .a manna .oomm Hm acapmqsfldm spanscoz no moqpmanmpomnwno anofipwasmom .ome ..m.: no mamamo mama "condom m.Hm m.mv o.ooa v.H¢ m.mm o.ooa «.me o.sm 0.00H oaafiomm m.mm s.mv o.ooH o.mv o.mm o.ooa H.mm m.s¢ o.OOH campuses H.mm mere 0.00H w.a¢ m.mm o.ooa o.m¢ o.sm o.ooa pmma m.m¢ p.4m o.OOH o.m¢ o.mm c.00H m.s¢ m.mm o.ooa Hmapamo apsom pmme m.0m H.mv o.ooa m.mm m.s¢ c.00H m.Hm m.mv o.ooH wapamo upsom pmwm m.mm H.Ho 0.00H s.m¢ m.sm o.ooa m.o¢ m.mm o.OOH capamapa apsom «.se m.mm c.00H m.o¢ m.mm o.ooa m.sv m.mm 0.00H apsom m.mv p.0m o.ooa s.mm m.m¢ o.ooa m.mm s.s¢ o.ooa Hmapqmo apnoz puma o.mm ¢.¢¢ o.ooa o.mm o.s¢ o.ooa H.mm m.m¢ o.ooa Hmnpemo apaoz swam m.m¢ m.om c.00H H.mm m.m¢ o.OOH o.mm o.s¢ o.ooa Heapamo space s.mm m.H¢ 0.00H ¢.Hm m.mm o.ooa m.Hm ¢.mm o.ooa capamapa macaw: m.mm m.av o.ooa m.mv m.mm o.ooa m.¢¢ m.mm o.ooa eeaamam smz e.mm ¢.H¢ c.00H m.mm m.H¢ o.ooa m.mm m.H¢ o.ooa enmpmsmapnoz m.Hm «.me o.ooa s.sv «.mm o.ooa H.m¢ m.am o.ooa mopmpm empaep GHOD GHOD. SHOE G909 I) GHOD. GHOD ncwfiwnom nm>fipmz Hopes uqmfimnoh umbfipcz Hence uqmfimnow smbapmz aupoa aunsm swan: mopwvm dmpfinb macamabfin can macawon oema .szHmH>Hn 92a mZOHomm .aozaaHmmm .waHsHaaz Mm .mmaqam nmaHzp may 2H ZOHBqapmom ammZHmo HHHbN fiqmda 108 born (52 percent). The rural Chinese, both farm and nonfarm, on the other hand, show a higher percentage of foreign-born (52 percent). The nativity status also varies among Chinese by regions, divisions, and states. Generally speaking, those in the Northeast and North central regions are more largely foreign- born (58 and 53 percent, respectively). Chinese in the South and West regions, however, are more largely native-born (52 and 57 percent, respectively). On the divisional level, the Chinese in the New England, South Atlantic, West South central, and Pacific states con- tain more native-born than foreign-born persons. On the other hand, the foreign-born Chinese are relatively more im- portant in the Middle Atlantic, Northeast central, Northwest central, Doutheast central, and Mountain states. Generally, California is the center of native-born Chinese-Americans, while New York is the center of the foreign-born Chinese- Americans. The changing nativity status among the Chinese has been in favor of the native-born group for the last several decades. As indicated by Tables XIX and XI, there has been a steady increase in proportions of native-born Chinese in every decade since 1900. Relative differences may be found between the two sexes and among residence groups, but the trends toward more native-born persons are consistent in the Chinese popu- lation. 109 .ma .o .e magma .H .pm .HH .Ho> .eoapsasaom .oema ..m.o so mamemo saga "monsom o.sm «.ms o.ooa «.mm m.¢e o.ooa H.m¢ m.Hm o.ooa oema m.mm m.so o.ooH 0.08 o.¢m o.ooH m.mm m.a¢ o.ooH omma s.mm m.so o.ooa m.ms s.¢m o.ooa m.me H.om o.oo~ omma m.mm m.¢o o.ooa «.mm m.sa o.ooa H.ms m.om o.OOH cams o.me o.mm o.ooa «.mm m.s o.ooa 0.0m o.oH c.00H coma ommpqoonmm mmm.m omm.¢a mHH.om smm.am mob.mm mmm.sm mem.sm mom.o¢ eom.ss ovma ssm.v msa.oa mma.ma moa.mm mmo.om mom.mm mmo.¢¢ mom.om 4mm.¢s omma emm.m ¢HN.m mes.» msm.o¢ mam.ma Hmm.mm soa.m¢ www.ma mmm.ao omma Hmo.a «Ho.m mps.¢ mmm.¢m Hmm.HH www.mo mmm.mm mmm.¢a Hmm.Hs cams moaim mmm.m «mm.¢ emo.ms smo.m Hem.mm mmm.om oao.m www.mm coma ,. . , nonadz anon anon anon anon anon anon nowflwnom nobflpmz Hepoa ncwfimnom umpfipez aspoe unmaonoh nobapoz ampoa new» masses can: mmwom apon oema ca coma .wam_wm .mzaonmaaummmszo mom moeaam ssHsHeaz so mszamo NHN fidmdB 110 TABLE XX BY RESIDENCE, 1910 TO 1940 CHANGE OF NATIVITY STATUS FOR CHINESE-AMERICANS, Urban Rural Years Total Native- Foreign- Total Native- Foreign- born born born born Number 1910 54,331 12,534 41,797 17,200 2,401 12,799 1920 50,008 15,730 34,278 11,631 2,802 8,829 1930 65,778 27,401 38,377 9,176 3,467 5,709 1940 70,226 36,756 33,470 7,278 3,506 3,772 Percentage A _ 1910 100.0 23.1 76.9 100.0 14.0 86.0 1920 100.0 31.5 68.5 100.0 24.1 75.9 1930 100.0 41.7 58.3 100.0 37.8 62.2 1940 100.0 52.3 47.7 100.0 48.2 51.8 Source: 16th Census of U.S., 1940, POpulation, Vbl. II, p.21. 111 Age distribution. The importance of age composition in a population is fundamental in understanding the socio-economic life and in planning for various community programs. On the other hand, the variations in age distribution generally re- sult from the differential in fertility, death, and migration. The common device for comparing the variations is the age-sex pyramid. The age profiles of the Chinese population, r'igures 8 and 9, show an exceedingly high pr0portion of males between the ages of 30 to 50 years old, representing about thirty percent of the total male population in 1940. The excess of male persons in the productive ages make the other age groups, particularly the females 20 years and over, less significant, numerically and proportionally. Furthermore, the base and top of the age-sex pyramid for the total Chinese p0pu1ation appear narrow and pointed, due to the lack of children below 10 and of aged persons above 65 years old. All these features peculiar to the Chinese age composi- tion may suggest: (1) the effect of declining birth rates during the great depression of the thirties, (2) the influence of the foreign-born element Which is made up largely of males in the productive ages, (3) the death and departures of older persons. .13 compared with the United States, the Chinese p0pu1ation has a larger prOportion of male adults between the ages of 25 and 55 years old, but contains fewer children under ma 0.32. NESTLE“ “00.26” amwaxnawnsmnpnmoa Ammaooawmsmosw _. o . __m *HUWP 0H _ ,ma 8 , mm , on _ mm H on v 4 m: 0m mm . 8 me E. r 015m B hauling. can: u so u pd Ecnldnksz ea .Eoouom anachr— vc hem foohmm anwauoammamvswm smuaooawnemosmo o n E m , OH H _ m." A , 3 mm 8 , mm 3 ms , om _ _ a _ on me a a 59.: is. 33 .8533: .3 $6.35 532,3, 93 5 coasmdaom 30:20 yo wed—35 xmmtovz .e aha: a omen: ooawnAmek: o segmsmwaoogmsme; m a _ ~ , S 3 T J , 0N i l mu _ , cm , E H mm _ , o: _ , ms , fl 8 , mm , 00 mo _ a I; . flawlllomofino 345.0 4.31.. cause“ accouom ode: ”beckon made: €593; ode: page?“ somsnuaooawmem :mm aspamsnmaooamnemosmmnfifin o m m oa _ a = o~ mu 0n mm 3 m: om mm — 8 me E. 3..” was: Hwnpcoo £13220 #3 5333‘ .8563 33 53mm: .3 £33m 33:: m5 5 coaaagacm 30530 mo mosses xwmIowd .a are. 114 10 Years. Differences in proportion of persons aged 65 and over is not significant between these two p0pu1ations. .Rural-urban differences in age make-up among the Chinese are not great. As a whole, rural and urban groups are some- what similar to the general pattern exhibited by the total POPUIation. However, some variation may be found in that the proportion of young adults between the ages of 20 and 35 years old in the rural-farm group is small in contrast to other residence groups. Regional differences also exist. Male adults between the ages of 35 and 50 are relatively more numerous in the Chinese population of the North, while youth under 20 con- stitute a larger preportion among the Chinese in the South and West regions. Since the numbers of Chinese in rural areas, as well as in some regions, are negligible, it seems inadvisable to draw any conclusions only on the basis of the differences arising from residential and regional differen- 131513 e §gx balance. One of the most unique features of the Chinese population in this country is the extreme imbalance between the sexes. Since many social and economic relation- ships are closely related to the balance of sexes in its popu- lation, the scarcity of females, as shown by the Chinese in this country, undoubtedly has a direct bearing upon such popu- lation indexes as marriage, birth, and death rates. The 115 measurement of sex balance used in this study is a generally accepted index, namely the sex ratio.2 In 1940 there were 57,389 males and 20,115 females in the Chinese p0pu1ation. The sex ratio, thus, was 285. That means 285 Chinese men for every 100 Chinese women at this date. This ratio is excessively high as compared with the Japanese-American group and the United States as a whole for the same year, 131 and 101 respectively. or course, the highly masculine character of the Chinese jpopulation is due mainly to the bulk of immigrants who are jpredominately males. The sex ratio is higher in the rural group than in the urban group. Appendix Table 17 indicates 'that there were 282 males for every 100 females among the Ixrban Chinese, 305 for the rural-nonfarm Chinese, and 336 1?or the rural-farm Chinese in 1940. These rural-urban dif- ferences agree with the general rule that males tend to pre- <1ominate in the rural districts while the females tend to concentrate in the urban centers. Furthermore, the sex ratios for each age group are com- puted for the Chinese population. The results are shown in the following graphic presentation, Figure 10. The curve of sex ratios for the Chinese p0pu1ation by age groups continues upward with increasing ages. The ratio starts at 101 for CZThe sex ratio is expressed in number of males per 100 females. 1'; hrs 10 Sex :{atios by A-c :‘or in the United States, 19h0 Chinese Population 1px, CCJ‘ 60m 8 j r? lmo I 200 . 0 1‘5 20 25 30 35 ’10 115 Ave in years ‘1 SS 00 117 the age group under 5 years, and gradually Climbs for each age level until 920 in the age group of 65 to 74 years is reached. Such a continuously upward curve, shown by the Chinese, is quite different from.the accepted "normal curve" which was computed by Smith and Hitt from an assumed native- white population.3 The "normal curve" is based on the follow- ing established facts: (1) that the sex ratio at birth is around 105, (2) the mortality rate among males is higher at all ages than among females, and (3) that the native-white population of the United States is very slightly affected by 'emigraticn and immigration. Therefore, this "normal curve" descends slowly from around 105 or 106, reaching the base line 100 at about the age 35 to 45, and thereafter declining gradually to around 75 in the advanced ages. Generally, any one of'the following factors,—-migration, war, and errors in the data mostly due to the misstatement of age by women,4-- likely affect the curve. 3T. Lynn Smith and Homer L. Hitt, The People of Louisiana, Baton houge: Louisiana State University Pféss, 1952) p. 64. 4A3 Smith and Hitt indicate, "for some strange reason many women who are above twenty-five years of age would like to be considered a few years younger, and they tenaciously insist that their age is somewhat less than the number of years since they were born. On the other hand, among the aged group there are those who derive an interest in life by talking about the length of time they have lived. Dur- ing their fading years of life, undoubtedly, considerable confusion as to age occurs and some ages are overstated, rather than understated." Ibid, p. 65. 118 In the case of the Chinese population, the excess males at all ages of 15 years old and over could not be attributed only to errors in the data. £pparently, the immigration of Chinese males to this country is largely responsible for such an abnormal curve. The trend toward a lowered sex ratio for the Chinese has been noted for the last few decades, although the present ratio still is considered very high. In 1890 there were 2,688 males per 100 females among the Chinese. However, after fifty years the sex ratio dropped to 285. The ratio in each decade before 1890 fluctuated greatly from 1,858 in 1860 to 1,284 in 1870, then climbed to 2,107 in 1880. This fluctua- tion might be regarded as the consequence of free immigration «occurring in that period. After 1890 the gradual decline in 'the sex ratio could be attributed to the reduction of the ‘foreign-born on one hand, and to the increase of the native- 'born element on the other. Decrease in the former group either by departures or death have reduced the number of’males in the older ages. Increase in the latter group eventually balances the prOportion of sexes at the younger ages. Marital status. In analyzing the marital status of the Chinese population, the tremendous effect of the high sex ratio should not be overlooked. Before any comparison is made of marital status, one must not fail to recognize the numerical difference between the two sexes, both in the married and single states. 119 TABLE XXI CHANGE OF SEX RATIOS FOR CHINESE-AMERICAN, JAPANESE- AMERICAN AND THE TOTAL POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES, 1860 TO 1940 Year Chinese-American Japanese-American United States 1860 1,858.1 - 104.7 1870 1,284.1 - 102.2 1880 2,106.8 - 103.6 1890 2,687.9 687.3 105.0 1900 1,887.2 2,369.6 104.4 1910 1,430.1 694.1 106.0 1920 695.5 189.8 104.0 1930 394.7 143.3 102.5 1940 285.3 130.9 ’ 100.7 R Source: 16th Census of U.S., 1940, Population, Vol. II, Pt. 1, Table 4, p. 19. 120 According to the 1940 census, 25,790 Chinese males were reported as being married, but only 7,155 females were in the same category. This means that most of the 18,635 Chinese married men do not live with their wives in this country. Furthermore, Appendix Table 19 indicates that 21,352 Chinese males 15 years old and over and 4,163 females at the same age level are counted as being single. Evidently, there are not enough single women to match the single men among the Chinese in this country. Undoubtedly, the high sex ratio has forced many marriageable men remaining to be single. Isince intermarriage is still not a common practice for the Chinese, mainly due to social and cultural barriers, the large number of bachelors either look for their future mates in China or maintain celibate lives. Those who could afford to marry in China would face another barrier set up against 'the entrance of their Chinese wives. It is only recently 'that the war veterans of Chinese descent can bring their Chinese war brides to this country. The excess of bachelors, together with an overwhelming number of married men living in celibacy, has created an abnormal social situation among Chinese in this country. Keeping this particular point in mind, we now may proceed to the analysis of marital status. In discussing marital status, persons under 15 years of age are not included, since few of them are married. The marital condition of the Chinese population in 1940 indicated that larger proportions of females 121 than males over 15 years of age were married. The percent- ages, shown in Figure 11 and Appendix Table 19, are 53 for the males and 57 for the females. These percentages are rela- tively high as compared with the Japanese-Americans, but slightly lower than the United States. Divorced and widowed persons are relatively few among the Chinese males, 3 percent of the males as compared with 9 percent of the females. The Japanese-Americans show the same tendency, while the figures for the United States are comparatively higher. The proportion of single persons among the Chinese males and females are44 and 33 percent, respect- ively. In this respect, the Japanese-American group stands at one extreme in having a large portion of single persons of both sexes, while the general p0pu1ation of the United States stands at the other extreme. The differentials in marital status between urban and rural Chinese are also indicated in Figure 12 and Appendix Table 19. Preportionally, more males in urban areas live in the married state than those in the rural areas, both farm and nonfarm. The corresponding percentages are 54, 47 and 48. In contrast, more fanales in rural-farm areas are married than in the rural-nonfarm areas or in the urban centers. The percentages are 60, 58, and 57, reapectively. Thus, rural males are largely single, while urban females are largely single. .11 ‘e—America Stzzes, 1JLU | 10 QC 1 ' :‘l: , " II ‘ w. 1 ,, 7 . . y a r 0 / LIng :1 V «1‘ om canes Hwnzend< "bongow nouuo>ma a canoe“: as can assess» ‘. '\\\n_llJ_ sea on oo o: cw o 0 cm c; 03 02 can \\\\\\\Nw\\\\\\\\\\s NNNN H w .2 NS 2 we 2N hobo mead: moanzwm :ofiamHEQom omozwrc cans: seams»; scavsaemom omccaco ELduIHmudx OCH, am ow omw aw o o ow 0: am ow 00H 00H 2 w\\\\\\\ § 2.2 JN an mm a hose ncamec: node: avaasoa means cofivmaonom emanago Shannonlamuzm :oflouaznom emacfico Hence one :a hose new ones» ma m:onaum oema .ooceeflmoa an .n.sepm usage: onecfiro vacuo>sa wed verbs“; .vmfinhd; «capcam mo COfiOSDHhanwa 024 MA on: an 125 males in the various residence groups exhibit little difference in proportions of divorced and widowed persons. Larger percentages of urban and rural-nonfarm females are divorced and widowed than among rural-farm females. Educational status. Educational status of a p0pu1ation is one of the best indicators of the combined efforts made by the family and the community. In the case of an immigrant group, such asthe Chinese, the successful adjustment to the adOpted country depends in part upon educational achievement. In fact, a low educational status usually retards the process of acculturation and assimilation. To ascertain this status, several devices have been used. One of the common measures is the median number of years of school completed for the p0pu1ation 25 years old and over.5 Another index is the level of educational attainment. This can be expressed by the proportion of the population 25 years old and over with no schooling, and by the preportion gradu- ating from high school. 5"The median year of school completed may be defined as that year which divides the population into two equal groups, one-half having completed more schooling and one-half having completed less schooling than the median. These medians are expressed in terms of a continuous series of numbers repre- senting years completed. For example, the completion of the first year of’high school is indicated by 9." (16th Census of U.S., 1940, Population, Vol. II, Pt. 1, p. 11.) 126 In analyzing the educational status for the Chinese p0pu- 1ation, both indices are used. The median number of years of school completed by the Chinese population 25 years old and over was 5.5 in 1940. (See Table XXII.) This is low in com- parison with the United D‘tates as well as the Japanese- Americans, 8.6 and 8.7, respectively. Among the residence groups, the Chinese rural-farm seg- ment received even less education than the rural-nonfarm and urban segments. The median number of years of school com— pleted are 3.3, 5.3 and 5.6 respectively. Comparatively, the United States and the Japanese-Americans occupy a favorable position over the Chinese. There are also differences among the regions. Generally speaking, the Chinese in the North central, the West and the South are far better educated than those in the Northeastern region. To supplement the above information, the level of edu- cational attainment by the Chinese is included. Table XXIII shows that, of the total Chinese p0pu1ation 25 years old and over in 1940, 23 percent received no schooling and 7 percent graduated from high school. Compared with the United States, the Chinese p0pu1ation contains more adults with no formal education and fewer graduates of high school. In the United States the comparable percentages are 4 and 14. Residential differentials are also indicated by the same Table. Chinese population in rural-farm areas are far less well educated 127 .menem .99 .o capes .oomm Np oofipaqmmom,opfieeooz no moflpmflnopomnmeo rooapoaomom .oema ..m.D ho msmooo opba "ooudom .ooa one» mama ma omen omens swoon poo qofioofiw m.¢ v.0 N.m m.m m.m m.m m.> 0.0 v.0 m.m m.m m.m o.m o.m m.m Pmmg upsom Haywooo apnoz :Hopmwmnpnoz mapmpm cowaab ¢.m o.m H.m m.¢ m.m n.m. o.¢ s.e ¢.o * .2 * * m.m m.o m.m s.m m.m * w w * m.m m.m H.p ¢.o m.o * w * * o.¢ 0.0 s.m m.m e.m H.e m.m m.m H.m m.m m.m o.m o.m m.m moxmm moxom moxom oawsmh onE nuom mamfimh mamE £90m camamm mama nuom mowom nausea oHoE epom anohnaonsm apocoooaaonsm noon: Hapoe godmom ovma .Nmm 924 MozmQHmmm Mm .mmadem QHBHZD Ema zH mm>o 924 n90 mmdmw mm HmfiZHmo hm Qmamdmfioo mmdmw Hoomom ho mmmEDz ZdHQME HHNN Humde 128 seapmaomom spanscoz ho .mvsem .00 .0 canoe .ooem Np mofipmanopoonooo .ooHpoaomom .oena ..m.D Ho mzmooo oped “meadow 0.> 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 m.> m.m 3.0 m.m m.m p.m ¢.m connooon poz ¢.H m.o s.o m.m s.a o.m s.m o.m H.m s.m m.m o.m woos see c 0.3 3.3 m.3 ¢.m 0.3 0.3 m.m 0.N H.m s.m 0.3 H.m m on a omoaaoo m.» m.m .m.m m.HH v.0 v.0 m.HH 0.0 0.0 p.33 v.0 v.0 e 0.0 «.0 0.0 m.» 0.0 0.0 m.m m.» m.s m.m 0.> r.» 0 Op 3 Hooeom swam 0.03 m.v3 c.03 0.03 m.ma 0.~3 m.vH 0.03 0.03 ¢.¢H 3.03 0.03 0 one s m.» 0.03 m.mH m.m m.¢a 0.03 m.~ ¢.mH m.vH m.s 0.03 H.¢H 0 can 0 «.03 m.mm 0.3m H.NH H.mm 0.0m 0.03 0.mm 0.3m p.03 0.mm ¢.Hm v o» H Hoooom sumac 0.00 ¢.mm «.00 0.00 p.3m b.0m 3.00 0.0m m.mm m.mm 0.3m 0.0m oooz 0.03 0.03 0.03 0.03 0.03 0.03 0.03 0.03 0.03 0.03 0.03 0.8.” Bbo one one: A . . mw cospoasoom mmNmm mmNmm mmHmm mmHmm UflBOHQBOO oaoaom saws opom mamsoh 03am epom oaoaoh 03oz apom casemh 03oz npom Hoonom auouuaonsm anohsocuaonom wanna Hopoe .m.D no name» oema .Nmm ozq mozaonmm.wm .maaqem oaeHzo ems zH mm>o 924 990 mmdmw mm ZOHB4QDmom mmflZHmo.wm Qmamqmzoo Hoomom ho mmdmw HHHNH mqmda 129 than they are in the rural-nonfarm and urban areas, when edu— cational status is Judged by the two levels of school attain- ment. Finally, the analysis of educational condition would not be complete without some knowledge about the differences between sexes. In 1940, the Chinese females 25 years old and over were only slightly behind the males in regard to the med- ian number of school years completed. This is in contrast to the prevailing situation in the United States. The low edu- cational status among the Chinese women is probably due to the large number of foreign-born with no schooling. In spite of this fact, the Chinese women show ranarkable achievement at the higher levels of educational attainment. Table XXIII indicates that they have larger prOportion of high school graduates than the men. The same is true of all residence groups. Since the educational status is generally higher among men than among women in the Chinese p0pu1ation, the accom- plishment by the females at the high school level and college seems inconsistent. The possible eXplanation for this pheno- menon is that many young Chinese in this country do not go beyond a grade school education in order to start working. Besides, many Chinese parents preferred to send their sons back to China for a high school education and even for college before the war. All these practices tend to reduce the pro— portion.of high school and college students among the Chinese male p0pu1ation in this country. 130 Occupational status. The significance of occupational status in a p0pu1ation study lies in its reflection of the socio-economic life. Variations in occupational distribution are also related to rate of reporduction, sex composition and type of residence. Data regarding occupation generally are restricted to the population 14 years old and over, as most under that age level are in school under the compulsory edu- cation in this country. In describing the occupational status for the Chinese p0pu1ation, the proportion in the labor force and occupational distribution of those employed are used. In 1940 about two- thirds of the 62,504 Chinese 14 years old and over were in the labor force. (See Table XXIV.) Among those in the labor force, nine out of every ten are employed. In the United States as a whole, a little more than half are in the labor force. The relatively high proportion of Chinese in the labor force can be expected due to the large proportion of male adults in the productive ages. However, the proportions in the labor force are somewhat different between sexes. As indicated in Table XXIV, of total Chinese males 14 years old and over 75 percent are in the labor force while only 23 percent of the total females are in the labor force. As compared with the United States for the same age group (79 and 25 percent reSpectively), slightly lower percentages of Chinese men and women are absorbed into the labor force. 131 an oo0p00omo0 00002202 Mo moHpm0nmpomnmno «co0pw0smom .00 .0 .0 00000 .0002 .0000 ..m.: mo 050200 npoa "condom 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.00 0.00 0.0 0.0 0.0 0002 0000000 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0002 _ hoeomaoao oo 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 00000002 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 00000 00000 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 00000 00900 G0 902 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0000 0 00000 . «a o00pmadgom owwpeoonmm 0 00 00 00 000 000 000 000.0 000.0 000 000.0 000.0 0002 0000000 0 0 0 0 00 00 00 000 000 00 000 000 0002 hoaownoao no 00 000.0 000.0 000 000.0 000.0 000.0 000.00 000.00 000.0 000.00 000.00 00000000 00 000.0 000.0 000 000.0 000.0 000.0 000.00 000.00 000.0 000.00 000.00 00000 00000 00 000 000 000 000 000.0 000.0 000.0 000.0 000.00 000.0 000.00 000.00 00000 . . 00000 :0 002 000 000.0 000.0 000 000.0 000.0 000.00 000.00 000.00 000.00 000.00 000.00 0000 0 00000 . y . . . A 00 0000000002 000800 0002 00009 000900 0002 Hence oaeaoh 0002 00009 000800 0002 Hopoa ospapm anmua0ansm aneueoeu0onsm sans: mopspm 00p0eD pooshoagam 0000 .220 220 002000022 00 .020400 020022 020 20 0000 020 000 00000 00 2000002000 0022020 00 020000 0202000022 bHNN Humwa 132 Differentials in residence also exist. The same Table shows that a larger percentage of rural-farm Chinese are found in the labor force than of urban and rural-nonfarm Chinese. The percentages are 70, 67 and 57 percent, respectively. In regard to sex differences, more Chinese men but fewer Chinese women of rural-farm areas are in the labor force than is true of cities and rural-nonfarm districts. In 1940 36,992 Chinese were reported as currently employed, or 89 percent of the total labor force. or the employed Chinese 34,081, or 94 percent are males and 2,911, or 6 percent females. The distribution of occupation for the employed Chinese falls into twelve major categories, acaarding to the Bureau of the Census.6 The largest occupational group among the Chinese population in this country is the "service worker, except do- mestic" which comprises 30 percent of the total employed. The next most important occupational groups are the following, in order: "operative and kindred workers" £22 percent), "pro- prietors, managers and officials" (20 percent), and "clerical, sales and kindred workers" (11 percent). These four groups make up 84 percent of the total number of employed workers. (See Table XXV.) 6Under these twelve major categories, 451 Specific occupa- tion titles were listed and classified. The principal title of occupations in each major category may be found in 16th Census of U.D., 1940, POpulation, Vol. II, Pt. 1, p. 17. 133 qoflpmanmom mpfinscoz .>¢ .m .m manna .momm Np ho moapmfipmpomnmno .cofipmaznom .owma ..m.a mo mzmqmo sped "meadow .pnmonmg ago no nucmpnoao camp mmoq* .umudaowo mum macapmmsooo Mama» qupnoamn po: mqomnmm no nmnsszx u ¢.o ¢.o m.o m.m m.v mwo m.H m.a m.o >.H m.a gnaw pamoxm mnmnonmq 98 m; m.m .. fio do - * * «to H6 H6 “mafia; 38m.“ 3% nasv mnmnopwa Sham m.ma m.mv >.p¢ u m.m m.o * 0.0 m.o m.o p.m m.m swamnou 99mm . w mnmnopma Sham m.m m.m m.m m.mH a.mm m.mm m.mH m.mm m.Hm m.ma m.om m.mm oapmmaoc pmmoxm mnmxnos mofi>nom m.mm ¢.m m.m m.ma m.HH m.HH m.m N.m m.m m.m ~.m H.m mnmxnos _ oofi>nmm oapmmaoa m.m m.a m.H ¢.p m.m m.m m.wm w.mm H.vm m.mm o.mm m.mm mannos amncqfix dam wbapmnmao u m.o m.o u m.H H.H m.o v.a m.H m.o m.H N.H mnmxnos umnccfix acmfionom.dmamphwnu m.ma >.o H.H m.mm ¢.HH m.ma H.mm m.oH m.aa m.mm o.oa m.aa mnmxnos omnoqfix w mmamm .Hwofinmao u m.H m.H o.HH m.am p.mm >.m m.Hm ¢.om p.m m.am m.om mamfiofiwwo m mnmw . -wqwe .mHOpmanmonm m.p o.mm m.mm - p.o 5.0 H.o m.o m.o m.o m.H m.H mammmama _ 89mm can mnmanmm n n u m.m ¢.o m.o v.H H.H H.H m.H o.a o.H mnmxmos amaoammwmongnaamm m.m m.o ¢.o o.m m.a >.H m.m v.a m.a H.o «.H u.a mnmxnos Hmuofimmmuonm 0.00H 0.00H c.00H o.ooa o.ooa o.ooa o.ooa o.ooa o.ooa o.ooa o.ooa o.ooa cmmoamam proe mmxmm mmwmm mmnmm mmxmm oawawh wawz apom mamamh mama neom meSmm mans npom vamamm mama upom maofimeSooo ammunaonzm anwuaoqaamnzm dank: mmpmpm UmpfiGD O¢mH .Nmm Q24 MozmmHmmm wm .mmedem QmBHZD mus 2H mm>o Q24 0 o mm4mw ¢H ZOHB4HDmom meZHmo QMWOQQEH ho mZOHeflmDooo moh<fl >NN quda 134 Males generally differ from the females in occupation. Table XXV also indicates that both the Chinese males and fe- males are concentrated in the same four major occupational groups which predominate among the employed Chinese workers. However, the Chinese men are numerous in service work rather than domestic, while most Chinese women are in "clerical, sales and kindred work" and "Operational work." Occupational status varies by residence. The largest prOportion of urban Chinese is found to be service workers. Among the rural-nonfarm Chinese, however, the largest group is proprietors and managers, and as eXpected, farm workers predominate among the rural-farm Chinese. Among the employed Chinese males, service workers are relatively important in the cities, proprietors and managers in the rural-nonfarm areas, and farm laborers in the rural- farm districts. On the other hand, of the employed Chinese females, clerical, sales and kindred workers rank high in the cities and rural-nonfarm sections, and domestic workers in the rural-farm sections. Household composition. Though rudimentary, data on house- hold composition provide some basic information from which the structure of the Chinese-American family can be discerned. Since household composition is greatly influenced by age, sex, and marital status, the following paragraphs may be regarded as a supplement to the foregoing discussion. 135 The 1940 census data concerning the Chinese household in this country are divided into the following: those is the private households, and those not in the private households. The private household, according to the census, is'composed of family members and the unrelated lodgers, or of "a small group of unrelated persons sharing the same living accommoda- tions as partners." The second group includes all persons not living in a private household, such as those living in a boarding or lodging house, an institution, a school, and so forth. A further classification of persons in private house- holds is made as follows: (1) head of the household, (2) relatives of head, and (3) not relatives of head. Such cate- gories of relationship were first available in the 1940 cen- sus. 'Unfortunately, there is no further information to indi- cate the exact relationship of the family members to the head, so far as the Chinese-American data are concerned. Therefore, it would be impossible to present a statistical picture of the Chinese-American family without considerable haziness. However, it does provide certain basic information from which a general trend may be discerned. In 1940 nine out of every ten Chinese-Americans lived in private households. In this respect, the proportion of women was even larger than of men, 98 and 90 percent, respectively. Nevertheless, the prOportions for Chinese appear smaller than 136 .8 A .m £93 62% haloo paasnom opm,saoz‘ o moapofinopoonumn,.ooavuasnom . ..m.b no osmombIMpmH «condom m.m N.H¢ m.mm m.m s.am H.¢m m.m m.sm m.om m.m H.mm m.Hm osasaamn aoz m.¢m s.mm o.¢¢ o.mm o.mm s.m¢ m.om p.mm s.m¢ m.om m.~m o.m¢ osaauaom m.H H.0m H.mm m.m c.0m m.- o.m m.mm n.0m m.m ¢.mm H.om comm o.mm o.mm m.mm m.om «.ms m.os H.mm m.om m.mm o.sm «.mm m.Hm eaosousos campann dH 0.. o.mH m.oH m.m p.pm «.mm m.H ¢.m .m.p ¢.m p.0H m.m cacnuagoa overdue ad #02 o.ooH o.ooa o.ooa o.ooH o.ooH o.ooH o.ooH o.ooa o.ooa o.ooH o.ooa 0.00” sauce owwpnoonom om mom mmm no Hem com «me omm.ma ¢H0.ma sop mmm.¢fl moH.mH osdpaaon poz mme mos .mm mam Ham mmm.s mom.mH pom.ma m~o.am omp.pa www.mH mm¢.¢m opspmamm s mme was an «em mmo.H vmo.a oms.ma eom.ma m¢H.H msH.om mum.am scam mmm mmm.a m¢H.~ «mo.H Hmo.m mms.m pao.ma ppm.m¢ +mm.¢m www.ma oom.am mmm.0s vacuumsms caspan uH mm Hmm new «as omo.H «mH.H eem mmm.¢ mm~.m owe awn.» moo.» eaosausos opubann ad 902 mes mvm.H Hmm.m oom.a Hmm.m smm.¢ Hom.ma mom.Hm mmm.os maa.om mmm.pm som.sp Hosea moHom menon nonom nouom «amass cans spam causes cans spam canaoa cans saom causes can: soon eHonomsom snauuaausm ahaunoouaunsm dunno uoaupm copHuD ocma .aozmonmm am .nnommmpom maanmm HQHmBDo 924 anomambom HBdPHmm 2H 20Hadubmom fimmszo HbNH HHmHH 137 for the United States as a whole. In this country 98 percent of the total p0pu1ation, or 97 percent of males and 98 percent of females lived in private households in 1940. Among the urban Chinese-Americans large pr0portions re- side in private households; prOportions are smaller for the rural-nonfarm segment. Throughout all the residence groups, females exceed males in the percentage of persons living in private households. The household composition is best seen from the following series of data. Of the 70,859 Chinese-Americans living in private households, 30 percent are classified as heads, 49 percent as relatives of head, and 21 percent as non-relatives of the head. Since the number of heads, according to the census report, is equal to the number of private households, the 21,326 Chinese-Americans classified as heads would mean the same number of Chinese-American private households in this country. In other words, there is an average of about three persons in each household. PART THREE THE COMPARISON OF NATIVE-BORN AND FOREIGN-BORN CHINESE POPULATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES CHAPTER VI A COMPARISON IN POPULATION GROWTH Before comparing the demographic status of the native- born and foreign-born Chinese p0pu1ations in this country, it may be well to review the growth of these two populations. The importance of this process in a population analysis needs not to be emphasized here, eSpecially since it has been re- peatedly mentioned that the majority of Chinese-Americans has changed from fiareign-born to native-born status. A compari- son of the growth of these two populations will not only pro- vide the essential facts for a comparative demographic study, but will also contribute to a better understanding of changes in the total Chinese population of this country. Growth and Redistribution Over a period of seventy years (1870 to 1940) the trend in the numbers of native-born and foreign-born Chinese p0pu1a- tions in this country has been in Opposite directions. The trend of the fbrmer is one of growth, and this population tends to replace the latter, which is gradually declining. There were only 517 native-born Chinese-Americans in the 1870 census, but in 1940, 40,262 were enumerated, indicating an increase of 7,688 percent between these two periods. On the other hand, the fereignyborn.Chinese-Americans numbered 62,682 in 1870, but in 1940 their numbers fell to 37,242, a decrease of 41 percent between these two dates. 139 The tremendous growth of the native—born Chinese-Americans has been quite in contrast to the decline of the foreign-born Chinese-Americans of this country. In fact, the ratios between the native-born and foreign-born Chinese were 100 to 12,120 in 1870 and 100 to 92 in 1940. Figure 14, in addition to present- ing a comparative view of the general growth trends for the two groups, indicates the existence of some fluctuations within each curve. The fluctuations shown by the native-born Chinese- .élrnericans are less great than those shown by the foreign-born Chinese-Americans. In the former, the fluctuations are only zninor ones and the direction of the curve is always upward. In the latter, however, the fluctuations are somewhat differ- earit, since the slope of the curve shows greater variation in movement . Table XXVII contains the numbers and percentages for these two p0pu1ation groups. Between 1870 and 1890 both p0pu- ILa tions were increasing although the rate of growth was not the same. The native-born Chinese-Americans increased in numbers from 666 between 1870 and 1880 to 1,747 between 1880 and 1890. Thus, the percentages of increase were 129 and 148 for the respective decades. The foreign-born Chinese- Americans, on the other hand, increased 41,600 between 1870 and 1880, but only 276 between 1880 and 1890. Accordingly, the percentages of increase dropped from 66.4 to 0.3, re- sD'iectively. :Im..ber of Persons Figure 111 Orowth of Native-born am: l‘orei -n-born Fhimv , 5e Populations m the united states, by uecades, 1570 to 1% 0 100,000 .. ’»---"“~-‘ I ‘s ”’ ‘ “‘ 1’ \‘ r “‘ Fenian-born “~~ ~‘~“ -----—- 13,000 '- Native-born 1,000 100 l I l I l l 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 19le Year Source: Table 27 CHANGE CF NATIVE-BORN AND FOREIGN-BORN CHINESE POPULATIONS IN THE UNITED ST DECADE, 1870 TO 1940 141 TABLE XXVII fTES, BY Increase Over Preceding Census Year Number Number Percent Native- Foreign- Native Foreign- Native- Foreign- born born born bo rn born born 1870 517 62,682 1880 1,183 104,282 666 41,600 129.2 66.4 1890 2,930 104,558 1,747 276 147.7 0.3 1900 9,010 80,853 6,080 -23,705 207.5 -22.6 1910 14,935 56,596 5,925 -24,257 65.8 -30.0 1920 18,532 43,107 3,597 -13,489 24.1 -23.8 1930 30,868 44,086 12,336 979 {66.5 2.3 1940 40,262 37,242 9,394 -6,844 30.5 -15.5 1There was no separate statanent of native-born and foreign- born white and non—white populations in the Census reports before 1870. bource: Pt. 2, Table 1, p. AVII. l2th Census of U.S., 1900, repulation, Vol. II, 16th Census of U.S., 1940, Population, Vol. II, Pt. 1 , Table 4. 142 In the period from 1890 to 1920, the native-born Chinese p0pu1ation showed a slowing in the rate of increase after reaching a peak of 207 percent between 1890 and 1900. The foreign-born Chinese population declined continuously in number and percentage between 1890 and 1920. Throughout the period from 1890 to 1920 the actual gain in the native-born Chinese population totaled 15,602, and the actual loss for the foreign- born Chinese population amounted to 65,451. This means for each gain of one native-born Chinese, there was a loss of more than four foreign-born Chinese in this country. In the decade between 1920 and 1930 a temporary increase was observed for the two p0pu1ations. However, the native- born group gained the largest number, 12,336, representing 66 percent increase over the preceding census. At the same time, the foreign-born group showed only a slight gain, 979 persons, or an increase of 2 percent. For the following de- cade the former continued to gain 9,394 persons, or only half as large a number as the preceding gain. Again, the foreign- born group lost 6,844 persons in the same period. It should be noted, however, that the native-born, in Spite of their continuous gain, could not replenish the heavy loss on the part of the foreign-born Chinese-Americans in a short time. It was only in 1940 that the former had gained sufficient numbers to overcome such a loss. As pointed out previously, the majority of Chinese- Americans are located in the West, mainly in the Pacific states. 143 This is true of both the native-born and foreign-born segments. (See Table XXVIII.) More than half of each nativity group have resided in the Pacific states since 1900. However, the native-born are relatively more numerous than the foreign-born in these states. In the same period, the Northeast region, par- ticularly the middle.Atlantic states, has absorbed many native- born and foreign-born Chinese-smericans. This coincided with the eastward movement of the Chinese in this country during the period of 1880 to 1920. Comparatively, more foreign-born Chinese went to the east, largely to the mid-Atlantic states. In the New England states and in the North central states, differences in the distributions of the two groups are not sig- nificant. Neither the native-born nor the foreign-born Chinese have been numerous in the South throughout the past decades. The temporary increase of pOpulation between 1920 and 1930 brought a general increase among the native-born Chinese in the Pacific and middle Atlantic states; at the same time, the foreign-born increased in the middle Atlantic and East North central states. In the rest of the states, however, the two groups either decreased or were relatively stationary. The same pattern prevailed through the next decade except in the middle Atlantic states, Where both the native- and foreign- born Chinese continued to increase. Of course, the number of foreign-born Chinese always exceeded that of the native-born Chinese in these areas. 144 .0H manna Hficcmaaw noonzow H.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 H.¢0 0.00 0.v0 0.00 0.00 0.00 0000000 0.v 0.0 0.¢ 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 H.0 sampssoa H.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 ¢.H0 0.00 0.00 0.Hs 0.00 ¢.H0 pmma 0.0 0.0 H.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.H 0.0 0.H 0.H Hmnpsmo .m.0 0.H 0.H 0.H 0.a 0.0 0.H 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Happsmo .m.m 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 H.0 0.0 0.0 0.H oflpamapd .0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.¢ 0.0 0.¢ 0.v npsom 0.H 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 >.H ¢.H 0.H 0.0 Hmnpcmo.z.3 0.0 0.0 H.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 ¢.v 0.0 0.0 0.0 Hmnpqmo.z.m 0.0 H.> «.HH 0.0 0.0H 0.HH H.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Hmnpmmo apnoz H.00 0.0a 0.00 0.0a 0.0a 0.0a H.0H 0.0 0.0a 0.0 capsmagwucfifi 0.0 0.¢ 0.0 0.¢ 0.0 0.0 0.v 0.0 0.0 0.0 000a swam kmz 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.0a >.H0 0.0a 0.0a v.0H 0.0a 0.HH pmwmnpuoz 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H Hmpoa .0.D anon anon anon anon anon anon anon anon anon chop uswfimnoh umbfipmz 10000900 ambfipwz namHmnom um>Hpmz unwammom umpfipmz unwamnom um>apmz muoamabwm no mqo 0 000a 000a 000a 0HOH 000a 0 H m 000a 00 0000 .020HOH>H0 024 020H000 00 .mmsaam nmast 009 zH macHaaapmom mmmszo 2000-20Hmmom 024 zmomnm>Heaz 00 soHemmHmamHm HHH>HH mamde 145 Factors Affecting Growth The differential growth exhibited by the native-born and foreign-born Chinese p0pu1ations may be regarded as a direct consequence of fertility, mortality and migration. Mostly because of high fertility and low mortality the growth of the native-born Chinese p0pu1ation has been at a relatively high level. Since every birth to a Chinese person in this country is added to the total number of the native—born group, the p0pulation growth of this segment is greatly influenced by the reproduction rate. For this reason, the generally high fer- tility rate, partially, if not wholly, eXplains such rapid increase. Besides, the native-born Chinese in general are younger than the foreign-born Chinese. This would mean a lower death rate among the native-born Chinese. Any fluctuation in the increase among the native-born group may be due to the irregular arrivals of Chinese female immigrants of child-bearing ages. The period of temporary in— crease between 1920 and 1930, for instance, was also the period in which the largest number of Chinese female immigrants was ever admitted to this country. (See Appendix Table 6.) The decline of foreign-barn Chinese population in this country, no doubt, is closely related to the factor of migra- tion. Since the potential source of their growth, unlike the native-born group, entirely depends upon immigration, any ebb and flow of this p0pu1ation could easily affect the total num- 146 her. It is supposed that a positive relationship exists be- tween migration and p0pulation growth. However, by comparing the data of these two sources the situation is somewhat differ- ent. During the thirty—year period between 1910 and 1940, there was an excess of departures over arrivals among the Chinese immigrants. Thus, here is no possibility that the foreign-born Chinese population could increase or decrease by less than the excess of departures. In fact, the actual re- duction in their p0pu1ation between 1910 and 1920 showed 13,489, much higher than the 4,019 excess of departures over arrivals in that decade. This difference may be attributable to the high mortality. This assumption is based on the fact that the average age in this group is relatively high. Never- theless, the increase of 979 foreign-born Chinese in 1930 over that in 1920 seems inconceivable as the record shows the excess of departures over arrivals to be 16,031 for the same ten year period. Furthermore, the amount of reduction from their p0pu1ation between 1930 and 1940 was 6,844, while the excess of immigrants departed for the decade amounted to 18,054. It appears that the amount of decrease in p0pulation is far less than the loss from emigration, even though no deaths occurred among the f0reign-born Chinese during the period. Of course, this is impossible. Such contradictory demographic data offer no hint of eXplanation except one or both of the follovdng possibilities, namely, illegal entrance and the excess of non-immigrant arrivals over departures. Un- fortunately, none of these two types of data are adequately available for further investigation at the moment. CHAPTER VII A COMPARISON IN NUMBER AND DISTRIBUTION Number and Geographical Distribution For the first time in 1940, the native-born Chinese out- numbered the foreign-born Chinese in this country. The census counted 40,262 in the native-born group, a number 8 percent larger than the 37,242 foreign-born enumerated in 1940. Al- though the difference in size between the two groups is not great, it may be regarded as the beginning of a change in the structure of the Chinese p0pu1ation in this country. The present chapter is mainly concerned with a comparison of native- and foreign-born Chinese, relative to geographical distribution and residence. It was mentioned in the previous chapter that some geo- graphical preferences could be noted for the two groups in the past decades. The picture in 1940 represents a continua- tion of the past. Comparatively speaking, the native-born Chinese-Americans are numerically and relatively more numer- ous in the West and South while the foreign-born are more numerous in the North. (See Table XXVIII.) The distribution of the two groups among the divisions generally follows the pattern of the region into which the division falls. The native-born Chinese, for example, predominate in the Pacific division, while the foreign-born Chinese predominate in the mid-Atlantic division. 5:80.21 Cm n so: canny CQJH .0000?” 0.39.3: .ozh :H Pianisgncw an 0:018 :EEIPZamu .3 40::31403 ma 0.3. a...“ 150 For the distribution of the two groups on a state level, differences may be examined for those states where both groups are highly concentrated. According to census records, these were six states with one thousand or more native-born or foreign-born Chinese in 1940, namely California, New York, Massachusetts, Illinois, Washington, and Oregon. It appears that the native-born Chinese in California, Massachusetts and Oregon are relatively more important than the foreign-born Chinese, while the condition in New Yerk, Illinois and Wash- ington is reversed. Insofar as the native-born and foreign- born Chinese in the six states are concerned, both groups show concentration. In fact, 82 and 80 percent of the respective groups resided within these states in 1940. The fermer shows a little higher concentration than the latter. On the basis of this statistical evidence the general assumption that "the native-born Chinese are less concentrated than the foreign- born with respect to geographical distribution" is not Justified. Residence Since the concentration of p0pu1ation is correlated with the urbanization in the case of the Chinese population, it will be interesting to examine whether a relationship exists in dis- tributions by residence for the native-born and foreign-born Chinese. Figure 17 shows that 91 percent of the native-born Chinese-Americans were classified as urban residents in 1940. The comparable percentage for the foreign-born Chinese-Americans F1 Wire 17 Comynrisnvtn 01‘ the Jetive—horn and .‘orci,:n—born Chinese calculations in the united States, by residence and region, 1910 5. 0 20 no 60 80 100 i.ative-born L Farsi :n—bom L V Northeast l l I l lathe—born I Forei-tn-bom [ liortlwccntral l I I l iiative-uorn L Torei :n—born [ South r I I {let ive-‘oorn [ E‘orei;tn—bom West I I Native-born L Foreim—bom I :l’ 1 1rban Mural-non farm :tural- Cam .— — Source: Appendix Table 21 152 for the same year is 90 percent. lhis difference of urban character between the two groups is especially great in the West, the percentages being 90 percent for the native-born group and 86 percent for the foreign-born group. However, for the other regions, the difference, if any, is less than 1 percent. Due to the small numbers in many states, the comparison of the residential patterns of the two groups will be limited to those states having 500 or more native-born and foreign- born Chinese-Americans. In five out of the six states with 1,000 or more in each group, the native-born Chinese were more urban than the foreign-born Chinese in 1940. The cor- responding percentages are 90.8 and 86.4 in Calffornia, 97.7 and 96.3 in Illinois, 97.6 and 95.3 in Massachusetts, 98.4 and 98.2 in New Yerk, 92.2 and 90.6 in Oregon. The only ex- ception among these six states is Washington where 94.7 per- cent of foreign-born Chinese are urban residents, as compared with 94.3 percent of the native-born Chinese. The high degree of urbanization exhibited by the native- born Chinese in the above five states does not always appear among the states where their populations are more than five hundred but less than a thousand. In three out of these four states the fereign-born urban Chinese become relatively more important. The exact pr0portions may be found in Appendix Table 22. As far as the residential distribution on a state 153 level is concerned, the data clearly indicate that more native- born than foreign-born Chinese are urban residents in the states where both groups are highly concentrated, but the situation is reversed in the states where their p0pulations are less concen- trated. ° The degree of urbanization of the two p0pulations may also be compared through the distribution in cities of 100,000 and over. It may be noted from the data that of the 36,756 urban native-born Chinese-Americans, 28,814 or 78.4 percent lived in cities of 100,000 and more as compared to 26,209 or 78.3 per- cent of 33,470 urban foreign-born Chinese for the same year. By approximately the same proportion both p0pu1ations show a high concentration in the large cities. Nevertheless, when the data are broken down according to various sizes of city, there is a remarkable difference in their distribution. In general, more foreign-born than native-born Chinese make their homes in cities of 1,000,000 or more while the latter tends to surpass the former in cities of less than a million p0pu1ation. The percentages are indicated in Table XXIX. In spite of the general fact that native-born Chinese are more urban, the center of their urban p0pu1ation is not in the largest cities, such as New York or Chicago. Instead, they are found largely in cities between 500,000 and 1,000,000 in size. It is interesting to note that most of these cities having relatively more native-born Chinese are located in the 154 TABLE XXIX NATIVE-BORN AND FOREIGN-BORN CHINESE POPULATIONS IN UNITED STATES CITIES OF 100,000 AND MORE, 1940 Number Percent Cities by Size Native- Foreign- Native- Foreign- born born born born Total cities 28,814 26,209 100.0 100.0 Cities of 1,000,000 and more 8,915 12,092 30.9 46.1 Cities of 500,000 ’ to 1,000,000 12,523 8,590 43.5 32.8 Cities of 250,000 to 500,000 5,235 3,728 18.2 14.2 Cities of 100,000 to 250,000 2,141 1,799 7.4 6.9 Source: 16th Census of U.S., 1940, Population, Vol. II, Pt. 1, Table 47, p. 114. 16th Census of U.S., 1940, POpulation, Character- istics of Nonwhite Pepulation, Table 2, p. 6. 155 West. On the other hand, those cities having relatively more foreign-born Chinese are located either along the East coast or in the Northeast. This tendency may be observed clearly by comparing the percentage distribution in the cities of 100,000 and more where each of the native- and foreign-born Chinese amounts to 500 or more. Table XXX indicates that San Francisco and New York are the two cities having the largest populations of both native-born and flareign-born Chinese. Unlike the rest of the cities, the numerical and proportional differences between the two populations in these two cities are compara- tively large and significant. New Yerk City, for instance, contains 31 percent of the foreign—born Chinese as compared with only 16 percent of the native-born Chinese. San Fran- cisco accounts for 27 percent of the former as compared to 37 percent of the latter. Thus, New York City may be consi- dered the home of the foreign-born Chinese while San Fran- cisco may be considered the home of the native-born Chinese. Neither the native-born nor the foreign-born Chinese- Americans can claim to be rural peeple since an overwhelming majority of both groups are found in the urban areas. In fact, there were only 3,506 or 8.7 percent of the native-born group and 3,772 or 10.3 percent of the foreign-born group classified as rural residents in 1940. It appears that the native-born group is relatively less rural than the foreign- 156 TABLE XXX NATIVE-BORN AND FOREIGN-BORN CHINESE IN UNITED STATES PRINCIPAL CITIES, 1940 Native-born Chinese Foreign-born Chinese Cities (Order by Size) Number Percent* Number Percent* All cities of 100,000 and more 28,814 100.0 26,209 100.0 New York, New York 4,745 16.5 8,008 30.6 Chicago, Illinois 924 3.2 1,089 4.2 Los Angeles, California 2,540 8.8 2,196 8.4 Boston, Massachusetts 911 3.2 472 1.8 San Francisco, California 10,668 37.0 7,114 27.1 Seattle, . Washington 951 3.3 830 3.2 Portland, Oregon 958 3.3 611 2.3 Oakland, Cali- fornia 2,126 7.4 1,075 4.1 Sacramento, Californn 961 303 547 201 Other cities 4,030 14.0 4,262 16.2 ‘—t The percentages shown in this table are based on the total of the respective p0pu1ations in cities of 100,000 and more, from which the listed nine cities are included. Source: 16th Census of U.S., 1940, PCpulation, Character- istics of Nonwhite Pepulation by Race, Table 2, p. 6; Table 27, pp. 86-7. 157 born group. In the case of both groups, the rural-nonfarm portion is twice as large as the rural-farm portion. The native-born group consistently shows smaller proportions in the rural-farm areas than the foreign-born group. A.larger portion of the rural-farm and rural-nonfarm Chinese, both native-born and foreignpborn, are located in the West, and the percentage distribution of the two p0pu1a- tions follows the general pattern. For the remainder of the regions, however, the differences between the two p0pu1ations, if any, are not important. The rural data for the Chinese- Americans were not classified into farm and non-farm on a state level in 1940. Therefore, all data at this level con- cern "rural" Chinese. As shown in Appendix Table 22, the rural native-born Chinese are more numerous than rural foreign-born in twenty- six out of the total forty-eight states. Although this is not consistent with the general pattern, the explanation rests in an examination of actual rural numbers. Such an examina- tion reveals that the majority of the rural Chinese p0pu1ation is concentrated in a few states, especially in California, where foreign-born group is predominately rural. The trends toward urbanization among the Chinese of both native-born and foreign-born.has proceeded without interruption since 1910. When the curves shown in Figure 18 are examined, the one representing the native-born Chinese p0pulation has Figure 18 Trends in the Percentage of Native-born and _ Foreign—born Chinese populations in the united States, by residence, 19110 100 90 *- Native-born urban Damien-born urban 80 -' 70 " .. ho " ‘ 30 - ‘ 20 Foreign-born rural '1 Native—born 10 - u. 1 o l I 1910 1920 1730 19110 Source: Appendix Table 23 159 been relatively more urban than the foreign-born Chinese popu- 1ation between 1910 and 1940. In spite of this fact, the speed of urbanization was much faster in the case of the foreign- born than in that of the native-born between these dates. As a result, the percentage of urban.foreign-born Chinese has be- come closer to that of the native-born Chinese population in the last decade than ever before. Conversely, the pr0portions of rural elements in the two groups have continuously decreased between 1910 and 1940. The rate of decline, of course, has been more rapid for the foreign-born than her the native—born between 1910 and 1930. This trend came to a stand-still in the last decade. CHAPTER VIII A COMPARISON OF CHARACTERISTICS (1) Age Composition The age make-up of the native-born Chinese-Americans dif- fers greatly from that of the foreign-born Chinese-Americans. As shown in Figure 19, the age-sex pyramid for the native-born Chinese population has a wide base but narrows as age advances. This is particularly true in the case of females. The contour for the foreign-born Chinese population, on the contrary, has an extremely narrow base, but contains a larger prOportion of males in the productive ages. This sharp contract can be ob— served clearly by comparing the exact percentages found in Appendix Table 24. It is noted that more than half (51 per- cent) of the native-born Chinese are under 20 years of age, while only 8 percent of’the foreign-born Chinese are under 20. On the other hand, almost two-thirds (64 percent) of the foreign-born Chinese are males between 20 and 55 years of age as compared with lees than one-third (29 percent) of the na- tive-born Chinese. Persons 55 years old and over are also relatively more numerous among the foreign-born Chinese popu- lation than among the native-born Chinese p0pu1ation, the per- centages being 16 and 9 percent, reapectively. However, the differences among females over 20 years old are not very great. As a whole, the native-born p0pu1ation consists of more youth of both sexes, while the foreign-born p0pulation is com- C INC SIC. , . , :00. n A wit??? 7, L .02 v.64 . shrilrflono 00:9 Sitcomsfluak 52 0.93.5345 01 7: G 7—4 1 ("“1 (V‘. K‘J‘ 1‘4 _.; _ 0000000 "£0.70? .0 a l\ ~03 r4. :0 2.0 000. 0.004. x .07.: 4 ma EH. ,, 0.80-5330 .12: changes: .45.. m C: JP; 0 C 0..“ r L ma jj om _, ,. L a a , a 4 _ _ x 0m . mm , 00 as , A , _ om A 7 7 mm , g _ , _ 00 _ , m0 _ m. . _ 0 nwaooamnsmmspmm 0050mam~aooaumam0~00 0.50-5350 .0. 52130:: .04; A o __ . _ _ _ m: H if _ 0H 4 _ x 00 r . w on mm 00 E 00 mm 0 00 00 B _ . 30:50:03 040.” .3533.» hp .9530 no. 0.: 05 5 3033000 0000.30 2301:3000; nae chcplmfianz .8 00.0.05 x0003 0H 0.3. .a... 163 posed predominately of middle aged males. This holds true for those in various places of residence but mainly in the urban and rural-nonfarm areas. The concentration of native-born Chinese youth under 20 is higher percentagewise in rural-farm districts than in any other residential category. In fact, 59 percent of the native- born Chinese rural-farm residents are under 20 as compared with only 5 percent of their foreign-born brothers in the same cate- gory. The lack of youth among the foreign-born Chinese-Americans in the rural areas is compensated for by the presence of large proportions of males in the middle and in the advanced ages, 57 and 26 percent, reapectively. Generally speaking, larger proportions of native-born youth and larger proportions of middle aged foreign-born males characterize the age distributions of the Chinese-Americans in all regions. (See Figure 20.) However, some variations are revealed by comparing the age contours of the native-born and foreign-born Chinese populations in the four regions. The age contours of the two populations in the West are much more near- ly alike than is the case of other regions. In the Northeastern and North central regions, both groups contain large proportions of males between 35 and 65. Of course, the proportion of this male group is even greater among the foreign-born than among the native-born. Pr0portionally, more native-born youth and fewer foreign-born males in the productive ages are found in the South. cuonls>wuer any: 00N0msm Nacoammam 00.1.0 , ,__0 a _ 0 950.190.00.10 .0 :0. pom 5807330: 5:00 33.00363 003 €200.33 .3 .0023» 034:. 0.; 5 0:233:00; 00.05 0 F831: 0.3.8..“ 0:0 shoelace/0.3.01 .00 now Rhos 50.3194 00 0.3. 0. 166 The native-born Chinese-Americans are a young population since half of their total number are under 20 years old. This fact may be attributed to the relatively larger prOportion of Chinese women in the child-bearing ages. In 1940, 49 percent of the total Chinese females in this country were between the ages of 15 and 44. Inevitably, this fact would influence the rate of reproduction. The excess of males in the productive ages among the foreign-born Chinese is undoubtedly the result of a long distance migration which is highly selective of males. The Chinese social customs as well as the legal barrier, of course, have discouraged the entry of Chinese women into this country. Balance of Sexes It is a well-known fact that the Chinese population in this country is notoriously lacking in females. It is also understood that this abnormal condition is primarily due to selective migration. Thus, in Speaking of the imbalance of the sexes among the Chinese-Americans, the nativity differen- tial should be considered. This differentiation may be best expressed by the sex ratio. In 1940 there were 177 males for every 100 females among the native-born Chinese-Americans, and 570 for every 100 among the foreign-born. The ratio, there- fore, is 223 percent higher than that of the native-born. The excess of males among the foreign-born over that of native- born prevails throughout the residence groups. However, the 167 difference in the sex ratio between both groups is much greater in rural-farm areas than in the rural-nonfarm and.urban areas. The corresponding ratios can be compared in the following Table. Regional differentiation also exists. I'ithout any excep— tion the foreign-born Chinese-Americans show a higher sex ratio than the native-born Chinese in all regions. The difference in the Northeastern region is the greatest, the ratios being 1,069 and 271, respectively. The two p0pu1ations in the West not only have comparatively low sex ratios, but the smallest differ- ence in sex ratios among all regions is found here. The ratios are 116 and 434, respectively. Because of very few Chinese women living in rural sections of most regions, the rural- urban differential is not known except in the West. Unlike the general pattern, the difference of the sex ratios for the two groups in the West is smaller in urban areas and greater in rural areas. When a series of sex ratios are computed for the native- born and foreign-born Chinese in the cities of 100,000 or more, and where the Chinese totaled more than 1,000, the ratios for the former vary relatively little, or from 113 in Sacramento, California to 300 in Boston; those of the latter vary rela- tively more, or from 220 in Sacramento, to 1,262 in New York City. (See Table XXXII.) Furthermore, the sex ratios for both groups are relatively higher in the eastern cities, and lower in the western cities. Accordingly, the differential 168 .maus .mm .m magma .oomm up cofipwadgom massacoz Mo mofipmfinopomnwno .cofipmasmom .ova ..m.D no msmcmo npma “condom .ooa can» mama ma omen on» cogs oopsgaoo ma canon 02 m.sms m.smH o.Hos ¢.msH m.om¢ m.mma m.mm¢ m.mmH use; * * * s.¢ma m.mmm m.moH H.mm¢ m.ems epsom * w * * s.mos ¢.mma o.mms H.smm Hmnpemo apnea * * * * s.oso.a o.o~m s.moo.a c.0sm anmpmsmepnoz m.mmm m.OmH s.mmm s.oma m.¢mm m.msa ¢.osm m.msH mmpspm census anon anon anon anon anon anon anon anon ucwfionom uo>apmz :cmfionom ao>wpmz unwaonpm nobfipmz uqmfionom uo>apmz aofimmm anomaampsm aHoMqoanoysm dunno Hmpoa osma .mmesam ameHZD ems 2H mZOHaenpmom mmmszo zmomuonmmos 924 Zacm-m>Heaz mos ZOHumm ozq mozmmHmsm em mOHasm Mam HNNN “wage 169 TABLE XXXII SEX RATIOS FOR NATIVE-BORN AND FOREIGN-BC N CH NBS POPULATIONS IN NINE SELECTED CITIES, 1940 Cities Native-born Foreign-born Sex Ratio Male Female Male Female Native- Foreign- born born Boston, Massachusetts 683 228 407 65 299.6 * Chicago, Illinois 621 303 971 118 204.9 822.9 Los Angeles, California 1,539 1,001 1,772 424 153.7 417.9 New Yerk, New York 3,547 1,198 7,420 588 296.1 1,261.9 Oakland, California 1,144 982 760 315 116.5 241.3 Portland, Oregon 567 391 504 107 . 145.0 471.0 Sacramento, California 509 452 376 171 112.6 219.9 San Francisco, California 6,527 4,141 5,737 1,377 157.6 416.6 Seattle, Washington 612 339 675 155 180.6 435.0 /Inc1uded cities of 100,000 or more and where the Chinese populations amounted to as much as 1,000. *Base less than 100. Source: 16th Census of U.S., 1940, POpulation, Character- istics of Nonwhite POpulation by Race, Table 27, pp. 86-70 170 in sex ratio between the two groups is greater in the cities from the east than those from the west. The highly masculine Character of the foreign-born Chinese-Americans, so far, has been revealed through a com- parison of sex ratios with the native-born. However, no know- ledge of sex composition would be complete without an exami- nation of the age-Specific sex ratios. The importance is ob- vious. For this purpose, Figure 21 has been prepared. The ratios among the foreign-born Chinese are much higher at all ages except for the age groups 45 to 50 and 55 to 65. The curve representing sex ratios by age for the native-born Chinese does not rise rapidly until the age group 20 to 25 is reached; thereafter, it rises continuously with increasing age. In contrast, the curve for the foreign-born Chinese fluctuates considerably between the ages of 20 and 55. Figure 22 indicates that the trend toward a lowered sex ratio among the Chinese-Americans has shown up faster among the foreigneborn than among fine native-born, although the former has maintained a higher ratio for the past decades. The ratio for the fereign-born had dropped from 3,307 in 1910 to 570 in 1940, a decrease of 83 percent between the two dates. The ratio for the native-born, on the other hand, had dropped from 395 to 176 in the respective years, a decrease of only 58 percent. The same trend also prevails for both groups in urban as well as in the rural areas. Sex Ratio: by Age for Native-born and Foreign-born Chinese Figure 21. cpuhtimc in the United States, 19140 1,000- 900p P ;‘. I l' I 800- , || ‘ t v ' '. l I ‘ I 700- ,' \ : ‘ Foreign-born 2 ' '. +1 ,’ . 5; 600- I ‘ x I ‘ o I m ' | A | ’ \ I ‘1’ \ ' V \\ 500- I ‘ o \ ' \ I I I _ I 1:00 , 9' lathe-born I a _ I 300 , I I I l I 200' I I 100k l | l l l l A l I l l 20 25 30 35 to L5 50 55 6) 65 70 7 7 Source: 5: 1.3 15 Aprnndix Table 27 Figure 22. Change of Sex ratios for Urban and Rural Naive-hem and Foreign-hem Chinese Pouulatiam in the United States, 1910 to 191:0 10,UUU 1,000 - \ \ Native-hem, Rural Native-born, Rural 100 4__|_i 1 1910 19:0 1930 19110 Source; Appendix Table 25 173 Marital Status Marital status is usually closely related to the age and sex composition of a population. This is particularly true for the Chinese in this country. As indicated in Chapter V, the overwhelming number of Chinese males in the productive ages has created an abnormal marital situation in which a large proportion of married men are living in celibacy, and numerous marriageable men have remained single. An abnormal age structure and a high sex ratio have been found to be more characteristic of foreign-born Chinese-Americans than of native-born Chinese of this country. It seems clear that the abnormal age and sex distribution prevailing among the foreign- born group is attributed to the present marital situation of the Chinese-Americans. In 1940, of the total 25,702 males and 14,560 females who were native-born, 17,731 or 69 percent, and 7,150 or 49 percent, respectively, were over 15 years of age. The sex ratio for this age group was 248. Meanwhile, of the total 31,687 males and 5,555 females classed as foreign-born, 30,902 or 97 percent, and 5,313 or 96 percent, reapectively, were in the same age category. The sex ratio was 582. Obviously, the native-born Chinese population contains smaller percentages of persons over 15 years old with a rela- tively lower sex ratio as compared to the corresponding age group of the foreign-born. A further examination of the 174 marital data from Appendix Table 29 reveals that there are in- sufficient married women to match the married men, eSpecially among the foreign-born Chinese. The number of married males is 7,580 for the native-born and.l8,210 for the foreign-born. In contrast, the number of females is only 2,970 and 4,185 for the two nativity groups. If all the Chinese-Americans should marry within their own nativity group, there would be an excess of married men over married women of 4,610 for the native-born group and 14,025 for the fbreign-born group. This means 255 married men for every 100 married women among the native-born Chinese-Americans, and 435 for every 100 among the fereign-born Chinese-Americans. However, in real- ity this is not always the case. Although many native-born persons prefer mates of the same group to foreign-born mates, marriage between the native-born and fbreignéborn is not un- common among the Chinese-hmericans. In fact, it is gener- ally believed that more native-born women marry foreign-born men that the reverse, so far as the Chinese-Americans are concerned. The reason for this belief is that many of the foreign-born males are pr03perous and occupy a relatively higher social position. Even a), there remains a far greater excess of foreign-born than native-born married men. This statistical evidence agrees with the general observation that many Chinese immigrants left their families behind when they came to this country. 175 Not only have many Chinese immigrants come to this coun— try without their families, but also many of them arrived here in the marriageable ages but have remained single. This may be noted from the following figures. In 1940 among the foreign-born Chinese 15 years and over, 11,686 males and 467 females were reported as single. The corresponding figures for the native-born are 9,606 males and 3,696 females. In other words, there are 2,502 single males to every 100 single females among the foreign-born Chinese, and 260 to every 100 among the native-born Chinese. The considerable number of bachelors among the foreign-born Chinese may be partially due to the misstatement by some who are actually married but living in celibacy. Nevertheless, the fact of the excess number of foreign-born Chinese bachelors over the native- born Chinese bachelors remains true. The concentration of middle aged males among the foreign-born Chinese p0pu1ation is largely responsible for these numerical differences both in the married and single status. Therefore, one should not be content merely with the percentages without comparing the numerical figures. Appendix Table 29 contains these data. Relatively speaking, more flareign-born than native-born Chinese are married. This applies to both sexes. As indi- cated in Figure 23, the largest percentage of married persons appears among foreign-born females, a number representing four-fifths of this group. The smallest percentage occurs It '4 I! I . I I ‘ "It; 23 marital Status 0. ’ative—‘lnrn and “Drain—‘1‘ mm 1.711. ~:- e Paulations 15 .3;an an” 0‘." 1' Ln % m: {Wed item's, by (. 0 "‘ lm WI I’///////A ,. @- IW " 3311;“; mm- I’////////////A-_I i :‘Tiiiffi’f; , ’/////////////AI .iales ran r. 0!" i ' 2—h wr I .i sww- a 177 among the native-born females, a number indicating only a little more than two-fifths of‘this group. In regard to the single status, the highest percentage is found among the native-born males and the lowest among the foreign-born females, the proportions being 54 and 9 percent, respectively. Divorced and widowed persons are few among the Chinese- Americans. However, a comparatively larger proportion of foreign-born than native—born.females reported being widowed. In order to understand the difference in marital status by age, Figure 24 has been prepared. Relatively, larger pro— portions of foreign—born Chinese women married at a distinct- ively earlier age and throughout all the age levels than their native-born sisters. This situation is also true among the males. As it might be expected, larger percentages of native-born persons, both males and fanales, reported being single at all the age levels. In Spite of the fact that more foreign-born Chinese women are married, a comparatively lower percentage are di- vorced and widowed persons, especially at the age level of 35 years and over, as compared to native-born Chinese women. Up to 0313 point, the marital data indicate that the native-born Chinese-Americans are predominately persons with single status, While the foreign-born Chinese are largely on marsh 5235.. «oousom snags Us “3953:. again vets IHV\\\\\\ , - as .85 0» mm 00." on 8 0... on Eonncmazow \\£ - ma «Elma Lgoamn 0 ON 0: 8 0m OCH 8a 8 8 S 8 o s: 509093.: SS :3 a... .3 .3 3031a: one—:6 Eoplcmacuoh v5 Eonuozauz .23 we n33m H321: .AN shaman 179 married persons. Moreover, the latter group tends to marry at an earlier age than the former. Finally a comparison of marital difference by residence between the two groups can also throw some light on the subject under study. As shown in Figure 23, a larger proportion of native-born Chinese males in urban centers are married persons than is true of those in the rural-farm and rural-nonfarm areas. This con- dition also prevails among the foreign-born Chinese males, al- though the percentages are higher. For the females the pic- ture is rather different. While the native—born females still show a consistently high percentage of married persons in the urban areas, the largest proportion of foreign-born married ‘women is found in the rural-farm rather than in the rural- nonfarm or urban areas. Pr0portionally, more native-born Chinese males in rural- ,nonfarm and more native-born females in rural-farm areas re- ported being single than in other residence categories. 0n the other hand, the foreign-born Chinese males in rural-farm and foreign-born females in rural-nonfarm areas report the largest percentage of single persons. Among the native-born Chinese-Americans the largest per- centage of widowed males is found in rural-farm areas; the largest percentage of widowed females in rural-nonfarm areas. IFor the foreign-born Chinese-Americans the largest percentage 180 of widowed males is found in rural-nonfarm areas; the largest percentage of widowed females in urban areas. Since divorced persons are very few in both groups, the differences by resi- dence are not significant. CHAPTER IX A COMPARISON OF CHARACTERISTICS (II) Educational Status In general, the native-born population of this country is better educated than the foreign-born population, as measured by the median number of school years completed or by the percentage completing various levels of educational attainment. Without exception, such a condition applies to the Chinese-Americans. To examine the extent of the differ- erences in educational status is the main purpose of this section. First, in regard to the median number of school years completed, the native-born Chinese-Americans show attainments superior to their fellow foreign—born Chinese-Americans. The corresponding median numbers for both populations 25 years old and over were 6.8 and 5.0 in 1940. The higher median attainments of the native4born Chinese are found in all resi- dence groups and regions, as shown in Table XXXIII. Further- more, the differences in median numbers of school years com- pleted for rural-farm and urbarinative-born Chinese are smaller than those for the foreign-born Chinese. The median numbers of school years completed for the rural-farm and urban native-born Chinese are 5.9 and 6.9, as compared to 2.6 and 5.0 for the fbreign-born Chinese, respectively. 182 TABLE XXXIII MEDIAN NUMBER OF SCHOOL YEARS COMPLETED BY NATIVE-BORN AND FOREIGN-BORN CHINESE POPULATIONS 25 YEARS OLD AND OVER IN THE UNITED STATES,BY RESIDENCE, REGIONS, AND SEX, 1940 (Median not shown where base is less than 100) ——‘ ‘— :— —_ Both Sexes Male Female Rfigéigznggd Native- Foreign- Native- Foreign- Native- Foreign- born born born born born born United States 6.8 5.0 6.2 5.3 8.6 1.6 Urban 6.9 5.0 6.3 5.4 8.6 1.6 Rural-nonfarm 6.0 5.0 5.8 5.3 8.8 1.3 Rural-farm 5.9 2.6 5.3 2.7 - 1.9 North eastern 4.9 3.2 4.1 3.3 8.5 1.3 Urban 4.9 3.2 4.1 3.3 8.6 1.2 Rural-nonfarm - 4.8 - 4.6 . - - Rural-farm 4‘ - - - - - North central 7.0 6.2 6.3 6.3 10.3 4.1 Urban 7.0 6.3 6.3 6.4 10.6 3.9 Rural-nonfarm - 2.7 - 2.5 - - Rural-farm - - - - - - South 6.0 5.8 5.4 6.1 8.7 3.6 Urban 6.0 5.6 5.3 6.0 9.4 3.5 Rural-nonfarm 6.2 6.4 - 6.7 - - Rural-farm - - - - - - West 7.4 5.5 7.1 6.1 8.6 1.3 Urban 7.5 5.7 7.2 6.4 8.6 1.5 Rural-nonfarm 6.1 4.8 5.4 5.1 9.5 0.9 Rural-farm 5.7 2.5 5.2 2.6 - 1.4 '__35973577i5€fi Census Sf U}S., POpuIation: Characteristics OTTNOn- white Population by Race, pp. 34-43, Table 6. 183 Regional differences also exist between native-born and foreign-born populations. The native-born Chinese in the West have achieved a higher attainment in median number of school years completed than in other regions. The foreign-born Chinese of the North central region are superior in this re- spect to those in any other region. The lowest median number of school years completed for both p0pu1ations among the re- gions is found in the Northeast. then the median number of school years completed by two p0pu1ations 25 years old and over are compared by sex, the native-born males are in a more favorable position than the foreign-born males, the median being 6.2 and 5.3, respective- ly. The median number of school years completed for the native- born females is much higher than that for the foreign-born fe- males, the medians being 8.6 and 1.6, respectively. The same order of differentials holds for almost all residence and re- gional groups. Only one exception is found, namely in the South, where the foreign-born Chinese males show a slightly higher median number of school years completed than the native- born Chinese males. Another striking difference in median number of school years completed may be observed when sex differentials within each population are considered. The native-born Chinese women 25 years old and over are generally better educated than native-born men in the same age category. On the contrary, 184 the foreign-born Chinese women 25 years old and over fall be- low the foreign-born men in Unis respect. The second index with which to measure the differential in educational status is the level of school attainment. In this regard the native-born Chinese-Americans again show the achievement of higher educational levels than the foreign- born Chinese-Americans. According to Table XXXIV, 11 percent of the native-born Chinese-Americans 25 years old and over were high school graduates in 1940. This figure is high as compared to only 4 percent of the foreign-born Chinese who were high school graduates in the same age category for the same year. This type of differential is true not only at the high school level but also at the level of grade school, as well as college. Table XXXIV indicates that of the total native-born Chinese population 25 years old and over, 20 per- cent completed grade school and 4 percent completed college. The corresponding percentages for the foreign-born Chinese p0pu1ation of the same age group are 17 and 3. As may be expected, the fibreign-born.Chinese-Americans contain a larger percentage of persons without fbrmal school- ing than native-born Chinese-Americans, the figures being 26 and 18, respectively. The residential differences among the native-born group varies somewhat from that among the foreign- born group. The largest percentage of high school graduates among the native-born Chinese is fbund in the urban segment while the largest one among the fbreign-born Chinese is in 185 o.m m.m m.H m.¢ m.m o.oa o.m m.ma m.ms o.ooH enop-smamnoa m.H m.v m.s m.am m.¢a m.mH m.e m.oa o.mH c.00H snop-msapmz camaom m.m s.m m.n m.s s.s m.ma m.ma m.mm m.am o.ooa anon-emnmnoa m.m s.m o.m m.m H.m m.om s.ma m.Hm m.ma c.00H anop-o>npmz mass m.m s.m m.H m.s m.s m.sa m.mH s.mm ¢.mm o.ooH anon-emnmnom s.m m.m v.m m.HH s.m H.om m.ma H.mH o.mH o.ooH anop-m>fipsz manna .m.p m.m m.m m.H m.e o.e s.oa m.m H.ma ¢.me o.oo~ unop-cmamnom m.H m.¢ m.s m.am H.¢H o.mH m.m m.oa o.mH o.ooa anop-o>npwz oamfimh m.m m.m ¢.H m.s m.s m.mH a.oa m.mm ¢.mm o.oon anon-cmfimnoa m.m ¢.m o.m m.m m.s m.om m.ma m.Hm o.mH o.ooa anon-o>Hpsz Gaga s.m e.m s.H m.e o.» e.sa o.ma o.mm m.mm o.ooH anon-emnmnoa m.m s.m s.m m.HH m.n m.om H.mH o.mH ¢.mH c.00H anon-msapsz Hence .m.p ccpnom egos nm>o -mn pom no s m 0» e m on H m a s o a m e on H mqoa a sac mmmanoo Hooeom swam Hoonom mamas .mna mm New ass .apn>nssa nofipsa .qufiwom cepoHQSoo Hoomom no new» asmom ovma .mozmaHmflm 9A4 Nam Wm .mmBfiam QMEHZD mma ZH mfl>o Q34 Q40 mmdflw mm mZOHemgbmom mmMZHmo zmomlzaHmmom mam zmomlm>Hde Nm mmemgmfioo doomom ho mmwaw >HNNN mqm4e 186 .vm .g .o manna .momm an eoapwasaom opaesqoz no moapmanopomnmno .noflpmasmom .oema ..m.D no msmeoo mama "condom o.m s.o - m.m o.m m.ma m.s m.ma ¢.He o.ooa anon-amnmnom o.m o.m o.m o.mH m.m m.mm o.m «.oa m.sH o.ooa anon-mpapmz masses m.m «.0 s.o m.H m.m o.mH H.ma m.¢m ¢.mm o.ooa enonusmamnoa o.m N.H m.m m.s H.¢ m.om «.ma «.ma m.sm o.ooa anon-o>apmz mass s.m ¢.o e.o s.a ¢.m o.ma m.ma e.mm H.om o.ooa enop-smamnoa e.» m.H m.m m.m m.¢ H.mm m.HH «.ma s.mm o.ooa anop-wpnpsz anma-asnsm .m.p m.e m.m o.H s.v m.m s.HH s.m o.ma o.m¢ o.ooH snonuswnmnoa ¢.m m.s m.s m.mm m.mH m.sH s.» «.0H s.¢H o.ooa anop-m>apsz o Hmamh m.m s.H m.o s.m m.m m.sa m.ma o.mm m.am o.ooa anop-asnmnoa e.m s.H m.m m.m o.o m.om N.ma m.mm «.mm o.ooa enop.opapmz ones m.m o.m m.o m.m m.m m.ma m.ea s.om m.¢m o.ooa anon-qmnmnpm m.m m.m m.m m.m o.s m.mH m.HH m.om m.om o.ooa ancpuopapsz sumuaoanaonsm .m.D copnou once Hobo non 902 no 0» o a w o e m e m p a m p m m e p a 0:02 . wmcao Mom was .hpapapmz owoaaoo Hoonom nmqm Hoonom compo mm mm .moo we senses a m cmpoamsoo Hoonom go new» usaom umsafipmoo .bHNNN mqmde 187 rural-nonfarm segment. The rural-farm segment of both popu- lations, however, have the smallest prOportions of persons graduating from high school. Since the educational status, as measured by the median number of school years completed, is generally higher for women that for men among the native-born Chinese population and reversed among the foreignrborn.Chinese p0pu1ation, it might be supposed that the same is true in the level of school attainment. However, this is only partially true. As shown in Table XXXIV, high school and college graduates are rela- tively more numerous among native-born Chinese women 25 years old and over than among the native-born men. 0n the other hand, more men that women receive no schooling among the native- born Chinese-Americans. But, among the foreign-born Chinese- Americans 25 years old and over there is no difference in this respect between sexes. At the college level, the women do a little better than the men, in spite of the fact that the latter report a higher median number of school years completed. The lower median number of school years completed on the part of the fbreign-born Chinese females is mainly due to the larger proportion having no schooling. The higher level of educational attainment by the females characterizes the native-born Chinese in various residence groups. However, no definite pattern is feund among the foreign-born Chinese as far as the proportion of high school graduates in various residence groups is concerned. 188 Occupational Status In comparing the occupational status of the native-born and foreign-born Chinese populations in this country, it is important to examine differences in proportions in the labor force and the occupational distribution of those employed. These differences are indicated in Table XXXV. In 1940, 57.3 percent of the 26,106 native-born Chinese-Americans 14 years old and over were reported in the labor force. This percentage appears rather small as compared to 72.5 percent of the 36,399 foreign-born Chinese of the same age in the labor force. Not merely is a larger proportion of foreign-born persons in the labor ferce, but a higher percentage of those in the labor force are employed. Such a favorable employment situation for the foreign-born Chinese prevails in all residence groups. The situation varies somewhat between the sexes. More than two-thirds of the males and less than one-third of the females among the native-born Chinese are in the labor force; four- fifths of the males and one-fifth of the females among the foreign-born Chinese were so reported. Although more males than females are absorbed into the labor force, the prOportion of those employed is generally higher for the females than for the males. This is true of both p0pu1ations. Residential difference in employment status is much the same for the native-born.males and flor the foreign-born males. But differences are shown between the native-born females and 189 o.n n.m m.m n.s o.m n.mn m.m s.nn anon monsoon n.o s.n - m.n m.o n.m m.o o.m anon sooomnoao oH m.mm m.mm m.¢m e.nm s.om s.mm m.nm m.om ooaodsan ¢.nn n.ms m.mo m.oo o.mm o.o~ ¢.nm m.mo oonon nonon oH o.mn m.sm m.em n.mm o.sn 0.0m. o.mn m.om oonon nonon on noz o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon nopo s onoo» ea nofipoasaom mass m.o ¢.m n.o m.s m.m m.nn ¢.m ¢.nn nnoB mongoom m.o o.m 0.6 o.n m.o m.m m.o n.m noon sooomnoao on m.mm m.¢m m.mm p.0m s.om 0.6m m.nm ¢.om ooaonnsm o.ss s.sm m.mm m.nm m.ms s.sm m.ms m.sm oonon nonon oH o.mm m.m¢ m.ov m.m¢ s.om m.m¢ m.sm s.mo oonon nonon on noz o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon Hobo a onooa ca nonpoasmom menon epom anon anon anon anon anon anon anon anon newfionom no>flpmz newnonom nobnpmz unwaenom uo>apmz nqwaonoh nopfipmz mapmpm uaoShonsm anmunamasm shouooenaonsm manna mopepm condom use New osmn .Mmm nza mozanHmmm an .maso n24 one mass» on szHaennmom amaszo zmomuzonmmon n24 zmom-a>HeNNN mqmda 190 . .¢¢.n .s onnoe .ooom an nonpoasmom mpfinseoz mo monpmfiaopomaono .eoHuoasaom .oema ..m.b no memeoo mama "condom - n.» n.mn ¢.mn m.o o.m m.o s.m nnos monsoon . n.» - m.n m.o o.m s.o s.m anon sonomnoao on o.oon s.mn m.¢m s.mm o.mm m.sm m.mm m.sm sosonnaa ¢.oa m.mH m.¢m ¢.mm >.om m.mm o.om a.mm monow Hosea nH o.mm m.mm H.me m.¢s m.ms m.a> v.ms m.Hs monom momma an 902 o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon noso a onoos ea eofipmasmom cameom anon anon anon anon anon anon anon anon mspmpm nemfionoh uo>fipmz nuwfionom uo>Hpoz nowaouom uo>Hpmz Inmfionom no>Hpmz newshoamsm sampuaonsm enmmeoeuaonsm eonnb mopmpm copfiub can flow ooonnnnoo mpaxm mamas 191 foreign-born females. The former are relatively numerous in the labor force in the urban areas, while the latter contri- bute more in the rural-nonfarm.districts. In general, the occupational distribution is similar for both native-born and foreign-born Chinese, except for a few minor exceptions which may be noted in Table XXXVI. The lar- gest occupational group among the two employed p0pu1ations is the "service worker, except domestic," which comprises almost one-third of the total employed persons in both groups. The next most important occupationsfor the native-born and foreigneborn Chinese populations are "operative and kin- dred workers," 18 and 24 percent, reapectively; "prOprietors, managers and officials,"19 and 22 percent, reSpectively; and "clerical, sales and kindred workers,"15 and 9 percent, re- spectively. These four occupations make up 81 percent of the total employed native-born Chinese-Americans, and 86 percent of the total employed foreign-born Chinese-Americans. 0f the remaining occupational categories, the native-born show a slightly higher percentage employed as professional and semi-professional workers and as domestic service workers, while the foreign-born show slightly larger percentages of farm laborers. However, these differences often are not great. In urban centers the largest occupational group for both p0pu1ations is "service workers, except domestic." In rural- 192 TABLE XXXVI MAJOR OCCUPATIONS FOR EMPLOYED NATIVE-BORN AND FOREIGN-BORN CHINESE POPULATIONS, 14 YEARS OLD AND OVER IN THE UNITED STATES, BY RESIDENCE, SEX AND REGION, 1940 H H «d m o E m 00 rd 0);: rd 5., Iq—I up. In: a m a Hm w «e m m NP an a“ \k 0 O 021 o a) «:3 Zn) 0) :2 @U) 0&4 Ocu rd -.-4 H U1 «P (Dr—I r—ILB (1) >1“ 0 a) ,0 .0 Q m 0 m m w m U) H m a m m rim 8 EU m -H a 0 ram m a)m a mrd : w): m H 5 my my a m-HOH o«mn momh PHE=4JOH 0H0 thaw Hth 0P HO (D0) Inna) 2100;..ng Hmhmpghg MM (Q'HQ) «40,6: mg. de) HQ: (Ur—I 44:4 Hfi—cnc: MECD gee-H $406.24: 4—4 "Ciao $4 rd q;;>,_y,' bx £3 a) E! Hz: ova Pa 28 8°8 8:8 082: 32:28 88.38 we as“ as 8:388 828 gm mm mfia afifizfigo ommmcfiME 38% 8mg mgg mom mama Hmm U.S. Total Native-born 100.0 2.7 1.5 1.3 18.8 14.6 1.9 l8-5 6-7 29-5 1.5 0-1 2-1 Foreign-born 100.0 1.2 0.8 1.2 21.6 9.5 0.9 24-4 5-7 30-2 3.0 0-1 1-4 Male Native-born 100.0 1.5 1.5 1.5 20.8 11.6 2.2 18.6 6.0 30-9 1-8 0-1 2-3 Foreign-born 100.0 1.1 0.8 1.2 21.5 9.3 0.9 23.7 5.6 30-8 3-1 O-l 1-4 Female Native-born 100.0 6.2 1.3 0.2 6.9 32.1 0.4 18.1 10.5 21.7 0.2 0.3 1.0 Foreign-born 100.0 5.5 1.8 0.2 12. 14.0 0.2 40.0 8.8 14.8 0.3 0.6 0.6 U.S. Urban _ * Native-born 100.0 2.7 1.6 0.3 18.8 14.9 1.9 19.6 6.3 30.8 0.4 2.1 FOI‘Eign-DOI‘H 100.0 103 0.9 002 21.3 907 1.0 2606 5.1 31.6 006 " 102 Male Native-born 100.0 2.1 1.6 0.3 21.0 11.9 2.2 19.7 5.7 32.2 0.5 * 2.2 Bjoreign-born 1.0000 lel Oe8 002 21.7 9.6 1.0 2509 5.0 32.4 0.6 " 102 Female Native—born 100.0 5.9 1.3 - 6.8 31.8 0.4 18.9 10.0 22.6 - - 1-1 Foreign-born 100.0 5.8 1.6 0.2 12.3 12.3 0.2 43.1 8.1 14.8 0.1 - 0.5 U.S. Rural-nonfarm Native—born 100.0 3.0 0.6 0.6 25.8 16.5 2.4 8.6 10.3 20.6 5.9 0.3 4.9 Foreign-born 100.0 1.0 0.5 0.7 31.7 12.2 0.4 5.2 12.6 23.1 0.6 — 4.9 Male Native-born 100.0 1.6 0.5 0.7 27.9 12.8 2.8 9.0 9.2 22.3 6.7 0.3 5.6 Foreign-born 100.0 0.9 0.3 0.8 32.8 10.7 0.4 4.9 12.6 23.4 (.0 - 5.1 Female I‘IatIVe-DOI‘H 1.0000 12.2 1.]. - 11.1 41.]- - 5.6 17.8 8.9 - - _ Foreign-born 1.0000 207 401 - 1100 38I4 - 9.6 1203 17.8 - - 1'4 U.S. Rural—farm i Native-born 100.0 1.1 — 37.4 2.0 3.1 0.6 2.5 10.9 5.3 30.7 4.5 0.6 Foreign-born 100.0 0.1 - 24.8 1.1 0.3 — 0.7 9.3 6.9 54.1 1.3 0.3 Male Nativeiborn 100.0 0.9 - 39.2 2.1 1.8 0.6 l 2.4 10.5 5.7 32.0 3.3 0.6 FOI‘Gign-born 100.0 0.1 - 2503 lo]. 003 "' I OI8 900 6.9 5409 0.6 0.3 Female 7 Native-born 100.0 4.2 - 12.5 - 20.8 - T 4.2 16.7 - 12.5 20.8 - Foreign-born 100.0 - - - - - - - 31.3 6.3 12.5 37.5 - fNumber of persons not reporting occupation are excluded Source: 16th Census of U.S. 1940: Popula- tion, Characteristics of Nonwhite * Less I. e-I; () I}. 193 nonfarm districts "proprietors, managers and officials" rank first for the two populations. In rural-farm areas more than half of the employed foreign-born Chinese are "farm laborers," whereas "farmers and farm managers" predOminate among the em-I ployed native-born Chinese-Americans. Sex differences in occupations are also indicated in Table XXXVI. Although the employed males of both p0pulations are concentrated in the same four major occupations, the occu- pational distribution among the employed females presents a different picture. The largest occupational group among the native-born females is "clerical, sales and kindred workers," while the "operatives and kindred workers" are most numerous among the foreign-born fenales. The same situation exists in the urban as well as in the rural-nonfarm areas. In rural- farm districts, however, the native-born males are largely farmers, while a larger percentage of farm laborers exist among the foreign-born males. As may be excepted, most of the native-born and foreign-born females in rural-farm districts are either laborers or unpaid family workers. Household Composition In a previous chapter, it was reported that the foreign- born Chinese pOpulation contains a large prOportion of married men not living with their wives in this country. This abnormal marital status, no doubt, has a greater effect upon the house- hold composition of the foreign-born group than upon the 194 native-born group. In fact, Table XXXVII indicates that more native-born than foreign-born Chinese are living in private households, 94 compared to 88 percent, reapectively. Further- more, those foreign-born persons living in private households are mostly heads of the households, 42 percent, and not rela- tives of the head, such as lodgers or hired hands, 31 percent. 0n the contrary, the households of the native-born Chinese are composed of fewer heads or non-relatives, and of more rela- tives, such as wives, children and parents. The corresponding percentages are 20, 2 and 68. Therefore, the foreign-born Chinese population maintains more household units with fewer relatives as compared to the native-born Chinese population. In other words, there are evidently many "one-man families," shared by several unrelated persons among the foreign-born Chinese population in this country. Some residential differences may be observed between na- tive-born and foreign—born Chinese. In the former, the largest percentage in private households is found in the rural-farm areas, and the smallest in the rural-nonfarm areas. Among the latter the largest percentage in private households is found in the urban centers and the smallest in rural-nonfarm districts. Relatively more females than males are included in the private households. The difference is greater among the foreign-born than among the native~born, especially in the rural-nonfarm districts. Concerning household composition, more than half of the native-born males in the private house- 195 s.mm m.om m.m¢ m.mn o.mm m.mn m.»m n.>n o>nnwnon poz v.m m.mm o.mn m.¢m m.mn m.mm n.mn >.mm obnnmnom m.¢m m.mm ¢.v¢ o.sm m.>¢ m.om m.s¢ ~.om poem m.mm m.vm p.00 m.om ¢.mm m.mm n.mm m.mm ononomson cpmpnnm GH ¢.mn m.m m.mm m.mn m.nn m.m m.mn m.> ononomson eponnnm an #02 o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon Hanan name he. 6.: Tom 22 RS 2: 28 an 3332 non 0.0m ¢.mm H.mm ¢.mm p.mm >.>m m.mm m.pm o>nponom m.om o.mn >.>m H.mn o.m¢ m.om o.mv m.om comm m.¢m v.mm H.0s m.mm m.mm H.mm m.mm v.¢m enonomson opobnna 0H m.mn o.¢ m.mm n.mn m.on m.¢ >.nn m.m ononomson epopnnm an noz o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon nepoa menon nnom anon anon anon anon anon anon anon anon newnonon uo>nnoz newnonom nonnpmz newnonom uo>npmz newnonom nobnpmz Now one cnonomsom snwnunwnsm enonaoeanunsm nonnb nonopm wounds ovma .Nmm Q24 mozmnHmmm Wm .mmemem QmBHZD fimB ZH mZOHeanmom MmHZHmo ZmOmuszmmCh Q24 Emomnm>Hedz mom ZOHBHmomEOo aqommmpom HHbNNN mqmda 196 .om .n .m onnon .ooom Nn aonnonaaom onnnsaoz no monpmnnopomnmao .aonpmnamom .oemn ..m.D no mamaoo anmn “condom n.m m.m m.m ».¢ o.v m.m v.v ¢.m o>npoaon noz m.mm m.mm m.mm ¢.Hm H.vm m.mm m.¢m m.mm onnnmnom ¢.H m.n m.m m.m m.nn m.m ¢.HH ~.m comm o.mm m.>m m.0m ¢.0m m.>m m.mm N.>m m.>m onoaomaon opennna aH o.e m.m n.m m.m m.m p.n m.m m.m unonomaon opmbnnm an 902 o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon o.oon Hmpoa onmson anon anon anon anon anon anon anon anon namnonom nonnpmz lawnonom uo>nnmz newnonom nonnnwz uawnonom nonnpmz Now can ononomaoa snmnuaenam snenaoauamnam amnnb mononm wanna: oonnnnnoo .nnnnnn names 197 holds are relatives of the head, while nearly one-half of the foreign-born males are heads. Among the females, the native- born Chinese-Americans have a larger percent of persons who are relatives than do the foreign-born, although the majority of both groups are also relatives of the head. PART FOUR 817%.th AND CONCLUSIONS CHAPTER X SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS A Summary of Chinese POpulation in the United States The growth of the Chinese pOpulation in this country can be divided roughly into three periods according to rate of change and the pattern of distribution: (1) 1850 to 1880, a rapid increase with heavy concentration in the West; (2) 1880 to 1920, a gradual decrease with dispersion of num- bers to the Eastward; and (3) 1920 to 1940, a short-time increase with a redistribution of numbers in certain states. The rise and decline of pOpulation has been attributed primarily to the fluctuations in Chinese immigration. The available data reveal that a total of four hundred thousand Chinese immigrants were admitted into this country over the past hundred years. Almost three-fourths of the total ad— mitted came before 1882 while Chinese immigration to this country was free from.any restriction. The Chinese exclu- sion law in 1882 and the subsequent legislation has con- trolled the flow of immigration to a very considerable extent. Official records on Chinese departures were not available until 1908. Whereas, various sources indicate an excess of arrivals over departures before 1882, the situation has been reversed in ereafter . 199 Due to an abnormal age and sex composition, natural in- crease has played only a minor role in the growth of the Chinese-American pOpulation. The number gained from natural increase could never compensate the loss from excess of de- partures. The recent increase of the Chinese population seems unjustified on the basis of available mtgration and vital statistic records. The possible explanation may lie with one or all of the following: (1) under-registration of births in some areas, (2) illegal entrance, and (3) excess of non-immigrant arrivals over non-emigrant departures. According to the 1940 census, 77,504 Chinese-Americans were enumerated in the continental United States. This number represents six Chinese-Americans in every 10,000 of the national population. Two-thirds are found in the West region. Four-fifths are concentrated in the six states of California, New Yerk, Massachusetts, Illinois, Washington, and Oregon. They are also a highly urbanized peOple, as nine out of every ten are classified as urban residents. In fact, the overwhelming majority of these urban Chinese-Americans are located in only a few principal metropolitan centers, notably San Francisco and New York City. The Chinese- Americans are predominantly adult males. Chinese women are notoriously scarce, especially at the ages of twenty years and above. This imbalance of the sex ratio is evidenced by the fact that many married men do not live with their wives 200 in this country, and a majority of marriageable males remain single. This abnormal situation leads to a larger proportion of married females and early marriage for them. Simultaneously, divorced and widowed persons are very few. Generally speaking, the Chinese-Americans 25 years old and over receive less formal education than the comparable group in the total population. In Spite of the fact that a large proportion of Chinese- Americans are included in the labor force, the occupational opportunity for the Chinese—American is rather limited. The records show that more than eighty percent of the total em- ployed Chinese-Americans are confined to one of the following four occupational groups: "service work, except domestic," "Operational and kindred work," "proprietors and managers," and "clerical, sale and kindred work." There are about twenty-one thousand Chinese private hOuseholds in this coun- try. The average size is about three persons for each house- hold. 201 A Summary of Comparative Study of the Native-born and Foreign-born Chinese POpulations Factors leading to the change in nativity status. Since the source of potential growth fer the foreign-born p0pu1ation is immigration, the excess of departures over arrivals among the Chinese immigrants during the past decades has greatly influenced the decline of this population. High mortality among the foreign-born is another contributing factor for population decrease. DeSpite many Chinese immigrants return- ing to China before reaching old age, the concentration of persons in the upper age groups contribute to a high mortal- ity. The arrival of Chinese female immigrants, on the other hand, has been relatively numerous, and in contrast to those who left at an older age, most of them came during the child- bearing ages. These potential mothers have tended to raise the rate of reproduction. In fact, the fertility ratio has been comparatively higher among the Chinese-Americans than among the total pOpulation of the United States. Since every birth to Chinese-Americans in this country will be added to the total number of the native-born group, the po- tential growth of this segment is obviously favorable. Besides, the native-born Chinese-Americans are relatively younger than the foreign-born Chinese. This would mean a lower mortality rate among the native-born, although no de- tailed vital statistics are available for proof. 202 Findings. The comparison presented in this study is based on the general assumption that social and cultural divergencies between native-born and foreign-born Chinese-Americans have a direct bearing upon certain demographic phenomena. According— ly, several hypotheses were set up for testing in the case of Chinese—Americans. The following findings are derived mainly from the verification of these hypotheses which reflect im- portant similarities and dissimilarities shown by the two nativity groups in 1940. 1. Geographical distribution. Both the native-born and foreign-born Chinese-Americans are highly concentrated with respect to geographical distribution. Comparatively speaking, the former is important in the West while the lat- ter is numerous in the North. While a majority of the Chinese- Americans are found in six states, more native-born than foreign-born Chinese—Americans reside in this restricted area. 2. Residence. Neither the native-born nor the foreign- born Chinese-Americans can claim to be rural peOple since an overwhelming majority of both groups are classified as urban residents. The native-born Chinese-Americans, however, are slightly more urban than the foreign-born Chinese-Americans. The centers of the urban native-born Chinese p0pu1ation are not in the largest cities, such as New York or Chicago. In- stead they are located in the cities between 500,000 and 1,000,000 in size. Many of these medium sized cities having 203 large numbers of native-born Chinese are situated in the West. 0n the other hand, the centers of urban foreign-born Chinese- Americans are in the cities of 1,000,000 or more, and are lo- cated either along the East coast or in the North. 3. Age composition. The native-born Chinese population is made up of large proportions of youth under 20 years old while the fereign-born Chinese population is predominately made up of middle aged persons. The former has a younger age districution and the latter is more characteristically aged. 4. Balance of the sexes. The sex ratio is lower among the native-born than among the flareign-born Chinese-Americans in all sections of the country. In spite of this fact, the trend toward a lowered sex ratio has been more rapid for the foreign-born than for the native-born Chinese during the past decades. 5. Marital status. The native-born group contains a larger prOportion of single persons in contrast to the foreign- born Chinese, who are more largely married persons. Because of the differential in the sex ratio, the numbers of married men living in celibacy and of the marriageable men remaining single are much higher among the foreign-born than among the native-born Chinese-Americans. Furthermore, relatively larger proportions of foreignrborn Chinese-Americans, SSpecial- 204 ly the women, marry at a distinctively earlier age than the native-born Chinese-Americans. 6. Educational status. The median number of school years completed and the level of school attainment, without exception, are higher for the native-born than for the foreign- born Chinese-Americans 25 years old and over. The educational status is generally better for women than for men among the native-born; the reverse is true among the foreign-born Chinese. 7. Occupational status. Proportionately more foreign- born than native-born Chinese-Americans are included in the labor force and are gainfully employed. In general, the occu- pational distribution is similar for both native-born and foreign-born Chinese. The largest occupational group among the two employed groups is the "service worker, except domes- tic," which comprises almost one-third of the total employed persOns in both groups. 8. Household composition. More native-born than foreign- born Chinese-Americans are living in private households. Yet, the foreign-born Chinese maintain more private household units with fewer relatives than the native-born Chinese. Evidently, there are many "one-man families," shared by several unrelated persons among the foreign-born Chinese-Americans. Despite the hypothesis that the native-born Chinese- Americans would be less concentrated and more rural that the 205 foreign-born Chinese-Americans, there is little disparity in these respects between the two groups. On the contrary, the native-born Chinese show somewhat greater concentration in some states and are more urban. The data have verified those hypotheses that the native-born Chinese-Americans are younger in age composition, have lower sex ratios, acquire higher edu- cational status, and marry later than the foreign-born Chinese- Americans. The young age distribution of the native-born Chinese population is attributed to the relatively larger proportion of Chinese women in the child-bearing ages. On the other hand, the excess of adult males among the foreign- born Chinese is undoubtedly the result of a long distance mi- gration which is highly selective of males. The Chinese social customs as well as the legal barrier have also discouraged the entry of Chinese women into this country. The impact of the highly masculine character can be seen from the data regarding marital status. The imbalance of sex, particularly among the foreign-born, may take many years to approach equilibrium, un- less there is a change in the present immigration policies. There is a discrepancy between educational attainment and occu- pational Opportunity among the native-born Chinese-Americans. The higher educational status achieved by the native-born does not greatly improve their occupational Opportunity. A majority are still holding the same types of occupations as their fOreign—born elders. Therefore, the hypothesis that 206 occupational Opportunity is greater for the native-born than for the fbreignnborn Chinese-Americans seems unjustified. The data being examined here Show no conclusive evidence that the native—born Chinese-Americans tend to restrict the family size while the foreign-born Chinese still prefer the larger fmnily. Probable Trends in the Chinese POpulation of the United States After examining the past and the present status of the Chinese pOpulation in this country, and nativity differentials, it seems necessary to add a note concerning the future. Any attempt to make a long range pOpulation forecast for the Chinese-American, of course, would be highly improper at present, due to many uncontrolled factors. However, the analysis of the composition and growth of the Chinese-Americans has provided some clues for a general discussion of probable future trends. In examining the growth of Chinese pOpulation in this country, a temporary increase is evident for the last couple of decades. No matter what the precise causes of this in- crease are, a continued growth will probably continue for the near future. Such a short time increase seems possible on the basis of the facts revealed from studying the demographic data. 207 First, the coming of age of many native-born Chinese- Americans, the recent arrival of many Chinese war brides, and the general prOSperity in this country, all have tended to in- crease the number of marriages among the Chinese population. Consequently, the rate of reproduction will probably increase. Second, mortality among the Chinese-Americans should re- main stable, if not lowered, due to fewer aged in their p0pu- lation and to the general improvement of health conditions. Third, the departure of Chinese immigrants will be re- duced to a large extent since the arrival of Chinese immi- grants is under control and since a gradual adaptation to American life is in process. Unless racial relations in this country take a new turn, the integration of Chinese-Americans into the larger community will be faster than ever before. In view of the conditions outlined, a continuous increase of Chinese population in this country seems quite probable. However, such an increase can hardly be expected to exceed the number of Chinese-Americans attained during the peak years of the immigration. Nor will it go beyond 0.1 percent of the total p0pu1ation of the United States.1 Furthermore, as long as the present immigration policy of this country remains unchanged, any large-scale Chinese IWarren S. Thompson & P.K. Whelptan, POpulation Trends in the United States, New YOrk: MoGraw-Hill BOOK Co., 1933, p.11. 208 immigration will be unlikely. This means that the future growth of the Chinese-American p0pu1ation will rely solely upon natural increase, particularly fertility. In spite of the fact that the fertility ratio is relatively high among the Chinese, the trend toward a decline has been in evidence for the past several decades. 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Whipple, G.C., Vital Statistics: An Introduction to the Science oftDemography, New‘York: Jenn Wiley and‘Sons, Inc., 1923. Wilcox, Walter F., Studies in American Demography, Ithaca: Cornell UniversityiPress, 1940. , International Migrations, Vol. II, National Bureau of Economic Research, Inc. Wilson, L. and W.L. Kolb, Sociological Analysis, New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1949. Winslow, G.E.A. and Z.W. Koh, "The Mortality of the Chinese in the United States, Hawaii and the Philippines," American Journal of Hygiene, Vol. 4, No. 4. Woorsanger, W.C. and C.B. Miller, "Case-findings in the Chinese POpulation of San Francisco," American Review of Tuberculosis, Vol. XLIV, No. 4, Oct. 1941, pp. 463-473. Wu, G.C., Chinatown: A Study of Symbiosis and Assimilation, unpubliSfiedtPh.D. diesertation, University ofChicago, 1928. APPENDIX TABLES 214 TABLE 1 ESTIMATED NUMBER OF CHINESE OVERSEAS POPULATIONl Country Number Date Asia: 10 501 192 Indochina "‘*§56f6662 1947 Burma 300,0003 1947 Siam (Thailand) 2,500,000 1947 British Malaya 2,615,0004 1947 Sarawak 145,000 1947 British North Borneo 59,000 1941 Dutch East Indies (Indonesia) 1,900,000 1947 Philippine Islands 120,000 1948 Portuguese Timor 3,500 1938 Hongkong 1,500,000 1940 Macao 435,000 -- India 17,314 1944 Ceylon' 1,000 1937 Afghanistan 24 1947 Turkey 7,000 1930 Mecca 6,100 1938 Japan 29,461 1947 Korea 12,793 1947 Americas: 209,039 ' United States 80,613 1943 Canada 46,000 1937 Mexico 12,500 1943 Guatemala 745 1945 Salvador 167 1944 Nicaragua 1,500 1945 Costa Rica 600 1945 Honduras 400 1944 Panama 2,000 1945 cuba ‘ 32,000 1942 Dominican hepublic 362 1945 Haiti 40 1945 british Trinidad 5,000 1938 British Jamaica 8,000 1945 Dutch Curacao 700 1945 Peru 10,915 1940 Chile 1,500 1945 Argentina 200 1945 Brazil 592 1940 Uruguay 55 1945 Colombia 550 1943 Venezuela 1,500 1941 Ecuador 800 1939 Guiana 2,300 1930 215 TABLE 1, continued Grand Total 10,835,965 Country Number Date Europe: 53 609 Great britain 2,546 1941 U.S.S.R. 29,620 1940 Denmark 900 1940 Switzerland 41 1940 Spain 44 1940 Germany 300 1944 Italy 350 1948 Rumania 16 1940 France 17,000 1948 Portugal 73 1948 Luxemburg 52 1920 Czechoslavakia 250 1932 Belgium 95 1947 Netherlands 2,017 1937 Poland 88 1947 Hungary 49 1929 Yugoslavia 37 1929 Greece 2 1948 Austria 98 1930 Finland 11 1918 Norway 3 1947 Bulgaria 7 1932 Sweden 10 1948 Oceania: 57,274 Australia 10,439 1947 New Zealand 3,400 1944 Hawaiian Islands 29,237 1941 Fiji Islands 2,000 1940 Samoa Islands 2,198 1940 Nauru Islands 5,000 1940 Tahiti Islands 5,600 1930 Africa: 14 851 Egypt 22 1948 South Africa 4,000 1937 East Africa 500 1944 Islands in Indian Ocean 10,329 1939 216 TABLE 1, continued 1Data for Indochina, Burma, Siam, British Malaya, Sarawak, British North Borneo, Indonesia, and the Philippines are from the Table of "Ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia" in Victor Purcell, Chinese in Southeast Asia, p. 2. The source for the remainder comes from the Chinese official report by Overseas Chinese Affairs Commission. See China Handbook 1950, New York: Rockport Press, Inc., 1950, pp.’22-3T 2This figure was estimated by the Ministere de la France d'Outre-Mer in 1947. It includes both legal and ethnic Chinese. 3The Siamese official figure for Chinese in 1947 totaled 792,691 which is understood to represent only those legal Chinese holding alien's registration certificates in that country. 4This includes 4,908,000 ethnic Chinese in the Federation of Malaya, and 730,000 in the colony of Singapore. 217 TABLE 2 ANNUAL ARRIVALS CF CHINESE IMMIGRANTS TO THE UNITED STATES, 1820 TO 1950 YearI Number2 Year Number Year Number 1820-1830 3 1881 11,890 1917 1,843 1831-1840 8 1882 39,579 1918 1,576 1841-1850 35 1883 8,031 1919 1,697 1884 279 1920 2,148 1851 - 1885 22 1911-1920 19,253 1852 - 1886 40 1853 42 1887 10 1921 4,017 1854 13,100 1888 26 1922 4,465 1855 3,525 1889 118 1923 4,074 1856 4,733 1890 1,716 1924 4,670 1857 5,944 1881-1890 61,711 1925 1,721 1858 5,128 1925 1,375 1859 3,457 1891 2,836 1927 1,051 1850 5,457 1892 2,728 1928 931 1851-1850 41,397 1893 2,828 1929 1,071 1894 4,018 1930 970 1861 7,518 1895 975 1921-1930 24,345 1852 3,533 1896 1,441 1853 7,214 1897 3,353 1931 748 1854 2,975 1898 2,071 1932 545 1855 2,942 1899 1,550 1933 44 1355 2,385 1900 1,247 1934 24 1867 3,863 1891-1900 23,167 1935 41 1858 5,157 1935 42 1869 12,874 1901 2,452 1937 59 1870 15,740 1902 1,531 1938 90 1861-1870 64,301 1903 2,192 1939 124 1904 4,327 1940 105 1871 7,135 1905 1,971 1931-1940 1,823 1872 7,788 1905 1,485 1873 20,292 1907 770 1941 73 1874 13,776 1908 1,263 1942 13 1875 15,437 1909 1,841 1943 4 1876 22,781 1910 1,770 1944 34 1877 10,594 1901-1910 19,702 1945 109 1878 8,992 1946 233 1879 9,504 1911 1,307 1947 1,135 1880 5,802 1912 1,608 1948 3,574 1871-1880 123,201 1913 2,022 1949 2,490 1914 2,354 1950 1,289 1915 2,459 1941—1950 8,955 1916 2’239 Grand Total 1820-1950 387,371 IYears prior to 1868 are calendar years, thereafter fiscal years ended June 30. 218 TABLE 2, continued 2 Figures for 1820 to 1850 are Chinese arrivals. r'igures for 1851 to 1867 are Chinese alien passengers arriving. Figures for 1868 to 1900 are Immigrants arrived from China. Figures for 1901 to 1950 are Chinese immigrant aliens. Figures prior to 1901 refer to country where aliens came, thereafter they are classified by race. Source: Roderick D. MCKenize, Oriental Exclusion, pp. 185-1860 U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States, from 1877‘to I950. TABLE 3 219 ANNUAL DEPARTURES 0F CHINESE EMIGRANTS FROM THE UNITED STATES, 1908 TO 1950 ’1 Year Numbera Year Number Grand Total 100,239 1908 3,898 1909 3,397 1910 2,383 1908-1910 9,678 1911 2,716 1931 3,333 1912 2,549 1932 3,311 1913 2,250 1933 3,500 1914 2,059 1934 2,293 1915 1,959 1935 1,956 1916 2,148 1936 1,605 1917 1,799 1937 1,779 1918 2,239 1938 661 1919 2,062 1939 498 1920 2,961 1940 941 1911-1920 22,742 1931-1940 19,877 1921 5,253 1941 7 735 1922 6,146 1942 124 1923 3,788 1943 4 1924 3,736 1944 49 1925 3,263 1945 257 1926 2,873 1946 770 1927 4,117 1947 2,168 1928 4,300 1948 2,238 1929 3,496 1949 547 1930 3,404 1950 674 1921-1930 40,376 1941-1950 7,566 1Fiscal year ended June 30. 2Figures are taken from table classified by race. Source: Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1908'to‘I950. 220 TABLE 4 CHINESE ARRIVED AND DEPARTED FROM SAN FRANCISCO CUSTOMS HOUSE, 1820 TO 1882 Year Arrivals Departures Year Arrivals Departures 1820-1830 3 - 1871 5,542 3,264 1831-1840 8 - 1872 9,773 4,887 1848 3 - 1873 17,075 6,805 1849 325 - 1874 16,085 7,710 1850 450 - 1875 18,021 6,305 1876 15,481 8,525 1851 2,716 - 1877 9,468 8,161 1852 20,026 1,768 1878 6,675 8,186 1853 4,270 4,421 1879 6,969 9,220 1854 16,084 2,339 1880 5,950 7,496 1855 3,329 3,473 1856 4,807 3,028 1881 18,561 8,926 1857 5,924 1,932 1882* 26,902 10,366 1858 5,427 2,542 1859 3,175 2,450 1860 7,343 2,088 1861 8,434 3,594 1862 8,188 2,795 1863 6,435 2,947 1864 2,696 3,911 1865 3,097 2,298 1866 2,242 3,113 1867 4,794 4,999 1868 11,085 4,209 1869 14,994 4,896 1870 10,869 4,232 Included Jan. 1 to Aug. 4 only. Source: M.E. Coolidge, Chinese Immigration, p. 489. E.C. Sandmeyer, The Anti-Chinese Movement in California, p. 167 CHINESE IMMIGRANTS ARRIVED AND DEPARTED FROM 221 TABLE 5 THE UNITED STATES, BY AGE, 1901 TO 1932 Chinese Immigrants Admitted Year Total Under 16-44 45 years 16 years years and over No. % No. % No. % No. % 1901 2,452 100.0 56 2.3 2,309 94.1 87 3.6 1902 1,031 100.0 29 1.8 1,506 92.3 96 5.9 1903 2,192 100.0 32 1.5 2,055 93.7 105 4.8 1904 4,327 100.0 90 2.1 3,804 87.9 433 10.0 1905 1 ,971 100.0 28 1.4 1,666 84.5 277 14.1 1906 1,485 100.0 67 4.5 1,210 81.5 208 14.0 1907 770 100.0 85 11.0 662 86.0 23 3.0 1908 1,263 100.0 150 11.9 1,064 84.2 49 3.9 1909 1,841 100.0 232 12.6 1,514 82.2 95 5.2 1910 1,770 100.0 221 12.5 1,397 78.9 152 8.6 1911 1,307 100.0 112 8.6 1,049 80.3 146 11.1 1912 1,608 100.0 207 12.9 1,327 82.5 74 4.6 1913 2,022 100.0 189 9.3 1,530 75.7 303 15.0 1914 2,354 100.0 144 6.1 1,736 73.7 474 20.2 1915 2,469 100.0 118 4.8 1,860 75.3 ,491 19.9 1916 2, 239 100.0 149 6.6 1,737 77.6 353 15.8 1917 1,843 100.0 135 7.3 1,481 80.3 227 12.4 1918 1, 576 100.0 129 8.2 1,178 74.7 269 17.1 1919 1,697 100.0 172 10.1 1,278 75.3 247 14.6 1920 2,148 100.0 242 11.3 1,712 79.7 194 9.0 1921 4, 017 100.0 415 10.7 3,344 83.2 258 6.1 1922 4, 465 100.0 461 10.3 3,570 80.0 434 9.7 1923 4,074 100.0 434 10.6 3,084 75.7 556 13.7 1924 4, 670 100.0 396 8.5 3,459 74.1 815 17.4 1925 1, 721 100.0 76 4.4 1,246 72.4 399 23.2 1926 1, 375 100.0 128 9. 3 1,001 72.8 246 17.9 1927 1,051 100.0 150 14.3 798 75.9 103 9.8 1928 931 100.0 149 16.0 752 80.8 30 3.2 1929 1,071 100.0 172 16.0 883 82.4 16 1.6 1930 970 100.0 139 14.3 805 83.0 16 2.7 1931 784 100.0 97 13.0 643 86.0 8 1.0 1932 545 100.0 64 11.7 465 85.3 16 3.0 222 TABLE 5, continued Chinese Emigrants Departed Total Under 16-44 45 years Year 16 years years and over No. % No. % No. % No. % 1901 - - - - - - - - 1902 - - - - - - - - 1903 - - - - - - - - 1904 - - - - - - - - 1905 - - - - - - - - 1906 - - - - - - - - 1907 - - - - - - ~ - 1908 3,898 100.0 33 0.8 1,982 50.8 1,883 48.3 1909 3,397 100.0 30 0.9 1,253 36.9 2,114 62.2 1910 2,383 100.0 57 2.4 950 39.9 1,376 57.7 1911 2,716 100.0 11 0.5 1,036 38.1 1,669 61.4 1912 2,549 100.0 6 0.3 765 30.0 1,778 69.7 1913 2,250 100.0 2 1.7 564 25.1 1,684 73.2 1914 2,059 100.0 7 0.3 506 24.6 1,546 75.1 1915 1,959 100.0 9 0.5 430 21.9 1,520 77.6 1916 2,148 100.0 13 0.6 706 32.9 1,429 66.5 1917 1,799 100.0 19 1.0 511 34.0 1,159 55.0 1918 2,239 100.0 24 1.1 973 43.4‘ 1,242 55.5 1919 2,062 100.0 15 0.7 903 43.8 1,144 55.5 1920 2,961 100.0 13 0.5 1,049 35.4 1,899 64.1 1921 5,253 100.0 37 0.7 1,763 33.6 3,453 65.7 1922 6,146 100.0 31 0.6 2,344 38.1 3,771 61.3 1923 3,788 100.0 25 0.7 1,552 43.5 2,110 55.7 1924 3,736 100.0 39 1.1 1,686 45.1 2,011 53.8 1925 3,253 100.0 44 1.3 1,353 41.5 1,855 57.2 1925 2,873 100.0 24 0.9 1,714 59.5 1,135 39.5 1927 4,117 100.0 29 0.7 2,112 51.3 1,975 48.0 1928 4,300 100.0 58 1.2 2,421 56.3 1,830 42.5 1929 3,495 100.0 41 1.1 2,023 57.9 1,432 41.0 1930 3,404 100.0 74 5.1 1,713 50.3 1,517 44.6 1931 3,333 100.0 41 1.3 1,584 50.5 1,508 48.2 1932 3,311 100.0 62 1.9 1,693 51.1 1,556 47.0 Source: Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1901 t5’I927. Annual Report of Commissioner General of Immi- gration, 1928‘totl932. 223 TABLE 6 CHINESE IMMIGRANTS ARRIVED TO THE UNITED STATES, BY SEX, 1853 To 1880, AND 1903 To 1935 Y Number Y Number Number ear Male Female ear Male Female Year Male Female 1853 42 - 1873 19,403 889 1915 2,182 287 1854 12,427 673 1874 13,533 243 1916 1,962 277 1855 3,524 2 1875 16,055 382 1917 1,563 280 1856 4,717 16 1876 22,521 260 1918 1,276 300 1857 5,492 452 1877 10,518 76 1919 1,425 272 1858 4,808 320 1878 8,641 351 1920 1,719 429 1859 2,990 457 1879 9,254 340 1860 5,438 29 1880 5,732 70 1921 3,304 713 1922 3,522 843 1861 7,003 515 1903 2,152 40 1923 3,239 835 1852 2,983 550 1904 4,209 118 1924 3,732 938 1863 7,213 1 1905 1,883 88 1925 1,526 195 1864 2,811 154 1905 1,397 88 1925 1,182 193 1865 2,932 10 1907 706 64 1927 830 221 1866 2,380 5 1908 1,177 85 1928 558 253 1867. 3,859 4 1909 1,706 135 1929 800 271 1868 5,111 46 1910 1,598 172 1930 721 249 1859 11,900 974 1870 14,624 1,116 1911 1,124 183 1931 523 225 1912 1,367 241 1932 317 228 1871 6,786 349 1913 1,692 330 1933 - 44 1872 7,605 183 1914 2,052 302 1934 3 21 1935 - 41 Source: For 1851 to 1880, see Report of Immigration Com- mission, Vol. 20, Pt. 1 and 2 (1911). For 1903 to 1935, see Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1903 to 1935. 224 TABLE 7 RINESE EEIGRIETS DEPARTED FROM THE UNITED STATES, BY SEX, 1908 TO 1935 Number Number Year Male Female Year ‘MaIe ‘Femile 1908 3,760 138 1923 3,625 163 1909 3,325 72 1924 3,553 183 1910 2,334 49 1925 3,124 139 1926 2,746 127 1911 2,660 56 1927 3,910 207 1912 2,483 66 1928 4,049 251 1913 2,204 46 1929 3,279 217 1914 2,005 54 1930 3,086 318 1915 1,918 41 1916 2,093 55 1931 3,097 236 1917 1,735 64 1932 3,061 250 1918 2,156 83 1933 3,179 321 1919 1,979 83 1934 2,103 190 1920 2,844 117 1935 1,761 195 1921 5,112 141 1922 5,943 203 Source: Statistical Abstract of the United States,‘fme1908 tfifough 1935. 225 .mmmH on mmmH .mopransaH no Hanmcoc nouOHmmHasoo no anomoz Hammad “consom 0.0 0 0.00 00H «.00 00 0.00H 000 0.0 00 0.00 000.0 0.H0 000 0.00H H00.0 000H H.0 0 0.H0 00H 0.00 00 0.00H 000 0.0 HH 0.00 000.0 0.00 HH0 0.00H 000.0 H00H 0.0 0 0.00 000 0.00 00 0.00H 0H0 0.0 H0 0.00 000.0 0.00 000 0.00H 000.0 000H 0.0 0 0.00 00H 0.00 00 0.00H 0H0 0.0 0H 0.00 000.0 0.00 000 0.00H 000.0 000H 0.0 0 H.00 H0H 0.00 00 0.00H H00 H.0 0 0.00 000.0 0.00 000.H 0.00H 000.0 000H 0.H 0 0.H0 00H 0.00 00 0.00H 000 0.0 0 0.00 0H0.0 H.00 000 0.00H 0H0.0 000H - - 0400 00 0.00 00 0.00H 00H 0.0 0 0.00 000.H 0.00 H00 0.00H 000.0 000H - - 0.00 00H 0.00 00 0.00H 00H 0.0 0 0.00 000H0 0.0H 0H0 0.00H 00H.0 000H - - H.00 H0H 0.00 00 0.00H 00H H.0 0 0.00 000 0 0.00 000 0.00H 000.0 000H 0.0 H 0.00 00H 0.00 00 0.00H 00H H.0 0 0.00 000.0 0.00 0H0.H 0.00H 000.0 000H . mpamHmHem - - 0.00 00H 0.00 00 0.00H 000 - - 0.00 0HH 0.00 000 0.00H 0H0 000H - - 0.00 00H 0.00 00 0.00H 000 - - 0.00 00H 0.00 H00 0.00H 000 H00H - - 0.00 00H 0.00 00 0.00H 000 - - H.00 00H 0.00 000 0.00H H00 000H - - 0.00 00H 0.00 00 0.00H H00 H.0 H 0.00 00H 0.00 H00 0.00H 000 000H 0.0 0 H.H0 00H H.00 00 0.00H 000 0.0 0 0.00 00H 0.00 000 0.00H 000 000H 0.0 0 0.00 H0H 0.00 00 0.00H H00 - - 0.00 000 0.00 000 0.00H 000 000H 0.0 H H.00 0HH 0.00 00 0.00H 00H H.0 H 0.H0 000 0.00 000 0.00H 00H.H 000H 0.H 0 H.00 H0H «.00 H0 0.00H 00H . - 0.00 00H.H 0.00 000 0.00H 000.H 000H 0.0 0 0.00 000 0.H0 000 0.00H 000 H.0 0 H.00 0H0.0 0.00 0HH.H 0.00H 000.0 000H 0.0 0 0.00 000 0.0H 00H 0.00H 000 H.0 0 0.00 H00.H 0.00 0H0.H 0.00H 000.0 000H ... . upqmanaaH 1.7.0 .02 R7 .02 R .000 - .0 .000 R .02 fi .0? g .02 UGOHObaQ . . 4 , 60090.59 . 4 HUOM 0 028.02 002002 3050 H300. 0 8.003: 030.3: 3030 H300. uoHuaom , moans 28h Qmemdmmn Q24 EEK—”g WEGHEZH HMHZHmo ho madam. dBHmfla 000H 00 000H .000000 amaHzp 000 m flqmda 226 TABLE 9 OCCUPATIONAL STATUS OF CHINESE ImNIGRANTS ARRIVED AND DEPARTED, 1923 T0 1932 Total Horwsion- Skilled Miscel- No occu- Year als workers laneousl pation No. % No. % No. % No. % No. % Arrivals 1923 4,074 100.0 157 3.9 73 1.8 2,660 65.3 1,184 29.1 1924 4,670 100.0 293 6.3 111 2.4 3,082 66.0 1,184 25.3 1925 1,721 100.0 41 2.4 75 1.5 1,115 64.8 540 31.4 1926 1,357 100.0 50 3.7 21 1.5 609 44.9 695 51.2 1927 1,051 100.0 29 2.8 21 2.0 199 18.9 802 76.3 1928 931 100.0 33 3.5 9 1.0 76 8.2 813 87.3 1929 1,071 100.0 39 3.6 11 1.0 64 6.0 957 89.4 1930 970 100.0 53 5.5 9 0.9 52 5.4 856 88.2 1931 748 100.0 38 5.1 3 0.4 41 5.5 666 89.0 1932 545 100.0 48 8.8 1 0.2 35 6.4 461 84.6 Departures " 1923 3,788 100.0 60 1.6 94 2.5 3,459 91.3 175 4.6 1924 3,736 100.0 50 1.3 63 1.7 3,414 91.4 209 5.6 1925 3,263 100.0 76 2.3 63 1.9 2,668 81.8 456 14.0 1926 2,873 100.0 71 2.5 57 2.0 2,264 78.8 481 16.7 1927 4,117 100.0 113 2.7 85 2.1 3,220 78.2 699 17.0 1928 4,300 100.0 154 3.6 52 1.2 3,370 78.4 724 16.8 1929 3,496 100.0 99 2.8 44 1.3 2,727 78.0 626 17.9 1930 3,404 100.0 118 3.5 199 5.8 2,295 67.4 792 23.3 1931 3,333 100.0 82 2.5 211 6.3 2,367 71.0 673 20.2 1932 3,311 100.0 89 2.7 264 8.0 2,159 65.2 799 24.1 1Includes persons such as merchants, bankers, servants, and laborers, etc. 2Includes women and children. Source: Annual Report of Commissioner General of Immi- gration, from 1923 throng}? 1932. NUMBER OF BIRTHS AND DEA 227 TABLE 10 8 FOR CHINESE POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES BY SEX, 1907 TO 1940 Births2 Deaths3 Year Total Males Females Total Males Females 1907 - - - 958 - - 1908 - - - 984 - - 1909 - - - 997 - - 1910 - - - 1,055 - - 1911 - - - 1,060 973 87 1912 - - - 1,090 1,011 79 1913 - - - 1,053 949 104 1914 - - - 1,018 945 73 1915 74 33 41 1,158 1,073 85 1916 97 53 44 1,102 1,020 82 1917 138 88 50 1,249 1,147 102 1918 177 99 78 1,765 1,578 187 1919 700 338 362 1,344 1,235 109 1920 778 391 387 1,324 1,204 120 1921 935 487 448 1,366 1,233 133 1922 1,213 647 566 1,294 1,176 118 1923 1,270 681 589 1,244 1,107 137 1924 1, 563 832 731 1,341 1,197 144 1925 1, 499 804 695 1,299 1,148 151 1926 1,417 734 683 1,317 1,169 148 1927 1,526 812 714 1,332 1,184 148 1928 1,425 727 698 1,316 1,164 152 1929 1, 372 724 648 1,453 1,291 162 1930 1 ,379 715 664 1,342 L 213 129 1931 1,359 717 642 1,301 1,153 148 1932 1,267 672 595 1,250 1,116 134 1933 1,190 617 573 1,198 1, 086 112 1934 1, 064 533 531 1,134 L 015 119 1935 970 492 478 1,129 1,034 95 1936 1,007 513 494 1,080 968 112 1937 — - - 1,227 1,090 137 1938 - - - 1,119 1,009 110 1939 - - L 128 1,022 106 1940 1,098 - - 1,184 L 049 135 228 TABLE 10 , 00 nt inued 1All data of births and deaths were compiled from the continental U.S. Registration Area which did not cover all of the states until 1933. New York and California, where Chinese are numerous, were admitted in 1906 and 1919 reSpectively. 20fficial records of births for Chinese in the United States began in 1915. There were also no separate re- cords of births for the Chinese between 1937 and 1939, except as included in "Other Race." 3Official records of mortality in this country started in 1900. The Chinese reported deaths, however, were grouped together with Japanese before 1907, and were not broken down by sex between 1907 and 1910. Source: Bureau of the Census, Dept. of Commerce, Births, Stillbirth and Infant Mortality Statistics for the Birth Registration Area ofIfhe United States, from 1915 through 19367”Table 2. , Mortality Statistics, from 1907 through 1936. , Vital Statistics of the United States, from 1937*through'1940, Part 1. 229 TABLE 11 COMPARISON OF AGE AND SEX SPECIFIC DEATH RATE BETWEEN CHINESE-AMERICANS AND THE UNITED STATES, 1940 Chinese-American United States Age Male Female Male Female Under 5 years 12.8 13.8 14.4 11.3 5 to 14 years 1.1 2.2 1.2 1.2 15 to 24 years 4.7 3.2 2.3 1.8 25 to 44 years 8.8 4.3 4.5 3.6 45 to 64 years 28.8 16.6 18.0 12.5 65 years and over 107.3 66.6 77.5 66.3 Source: Computed from data in Vital Dtatistics of the United States, 1940. ,230 TABLE 12 DISTRIBUTION OF CHINESE POPULATION BY REGIONS, DIVISIONS AND STATES, 1850 TO 1940 \l 1940 born born 40,252 37,242 8,145 11,500 1,805 1,432 5,340 10,058 2,854 3,228 2,251 2,548 513 2,570 1,095 458 1,015 25,582 1,357 25,315 18,572 Regions, Divi— 1850 1850 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 Slons’ States Total Native- Foreign- Total Native—Ebreuyr- Total Native—Ebmflgn- Total Native-Rmeign- Total Native—Emeign- born born born born born born born born U.S. Total 758 35,553553,199 105,455 107,488 89,853 9,010 80,853 71,531 14,935 55,595 51,539 18,532 43,107 74,954 30,858 44,085 77,504 Northeast 49 147 137 1,528 5,177 14,593 1,034 13,559 11,588 2,303 9,385 12,414 3,059 9,345 17,799 5,511 12,218 19,545 New England 10 45 90 401 1,488 4,203 414 3,789 3,499 933 2,555 3,502 1,048 2,554 3,794 1,509 2,285 3,238 Mid-Atlantic 39 101 47 1,227 4,589 10,490 520 9,870 8,189 1,370 5,819 8,812 2,021 5,791 14,005 4,002 10,003 15,408 North central 5 15 9 813 2,351 3,558 257 3,401 4,510 1,143 3,457 5,721 2,102 4,519 8,078 3,043 5,035 5,092 E.N. central 5 9 3 390 1,254 2,533 195 2,338 3,415 935 2,479 5,043 1,535 3,407 5,340 2,337 4,003 4,799 W.N. central - 5 5 423 1,097 1,135 72 1,053 1,195 207 988 1,578 455 1,212 1,738 705 1,032 1,293 South 41 39 222 912 2,115 3,773 377 3,395 3,299 774 2,525 3,900 1,215 2,584 4,194 1,783 2,411 4,925 S. Atlantic 8 17 11 74 559 1,791 175 1,515 1,582 374 1,208 1,824 539 1,285 1,859 804 1,055 2,047 E.S. central — 12 17 90 274 427 52 355 414 102 312 542 183 359 743 303 440 944 1 W.S. central 33 10 194 758 1,173 1,555 140 1,415 1 303 298 1,005 1,534 494 1,040 1,582 575 905 1,935 Went , 663 35,363 62.831 102,102 96,844 67,729 7,332 60,397 51’934 10,715 41,219 38,504 12,145 25,459 44,883 20,531 24,352 45,840 Mountains 1 2 9.990 14.274 11.572 7,950 458 7,492 5’514 929 4,585 4,339 1,174 3,155 3,252 1,233 2,019 2,853 Pacific 662 35.361 52,841 89.828 85.272 59.779 6.874 52.905 45,320 9,785 35,534 34,255 10,971 23,294 41,531 19,298 22,333 43,987 New England Naine 3 3 1 8 73 119 19 100 105 45 53 151 53 98 115 60 55 92 New Hampshire - 2 - 14 58 112 11 101 57 14 53 95 30 55 84 33 51 63 Vermont - - - - 32 39 5 34 8 2 6 11 7 4 34 15 19 21 Massachusetts 2 28 87 229 984 2,968 315 2,553 2 582 728 1,854 2,544 755 1,788 2,973 1,187 1,785 2,513 Rhode Island — 2 - 27 59 355 24 342 ’272 50 212 225 57 158 197 59 128 257 ,AConnecticut 5 11 2 123 272 599 40 559 452 84 378 555 125 441 391 145 245 292 middle Atlant 1c New York 34 77 29 909 2,935 7,170 415 5,754 5 3bb 835 4,430 5,793 1,307 4,485 9,555 2,352 7,301 13,731 New Jersey 4 3 5 170 60 1.393 76 1,317 1’139 220 919 1,190 270 920 1,783 574 1,109 1,200 , Pennsylvania 1 21 13 148 1.146 1,927 128 1.799 1’754 314 1,470 1,829 444 1,385 2,557 954 1,593 1,477 11‘. North central ’ Ohio 3 3 1 109 183 371 50 321 559 175 393 941 320 521 1,425 584 841 921 Indiana - 2 - 29 92 207 15 191 275 78 198 233 84 199 279 90 189 208 Illinois 1 3 1 209 740 1,503 78 1,425 2 103 554 1,549 2,775 870 1,905 3,192 1,094 2,098 2,455 MichiEan 1 — 1 27 120 240 29 211 ’24 53 178 792 280 512 1,081 428 553 924 . Wisconsin - l - 16 119 212 22 190 225 55 151 251 82 159 353 141 222 290 '77. North central Minnesota - - - 24 94 166 20 146 275 38 237 508 153 355 524 210 314 551 Iowa 3 3 33 54 104 13 91 97 24 73 235 55 180 153 59 94 81 Missouri - 3 3 91 409 449 10 439 535 84 451 412 105 307 534 250 384 334 North Dakota — - 8 28 32 2 30 89 12 27 124 32 92 103 33 7O 56 South Dakota - — - 230 195 155 15 149 121 24 97 142 47 95 7o 25 45 36 Nebraska — - - 18 214 180 8 172 112 23 89 189 55 134 194 101 93 102 Kansas _ - - 19 93 39 3 35 15 2 14 58 19 49 50 28 32 133 53 39 24 39 7 14 1,424 1,089 148 109 150 142 5,138 8,593 505 595 597 780 479 442 72 135 1,117 1,339 432 492 151 139 258 293 30 51 179 155 23 33 15 21 55 37 43 90 TABLE 12, continued Regions, Divi— 1850 1850 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 Slons, states Total Native— Foreign- Total Na tive— Burign— Total Native— —Enmngn— Total Native— —EUre¥my Total Native— —Exeign- born born born born born born corn born born born South Atlantic Delaware — — - 1 37 51 — 51 30 1 29 43 11 32 38 14 24 39 18 21 Maryland 1 5 2 5 189 544 54 480 378 81 297 371 95 275 492 209 283 437 245 192 D. of Columbia 1 — 3 13 91 455 39 415 359 100 259 451 117 344 398 177 221 555 294 352 Virginia 3 4 4 5 55 243 13 230 154 34 120 278 75 202 293 139 154 208 124 84 West Virginia — — - 5 15 55 11 45 90 31 59 98 39 59 85 28 58 57 24 33 North Carolina 2 - - - 32 51 8 43 80 20 50 88 25 52 58 22 45 83 42 41 South Carolina 1 3 1 9 34 57 7 50 57 11 45 93 30 53 41 17 24 27 15 12 Georgia — 5 1 17 108 204 25 178 233 50 173 211 55 145 253 113 140 325 213 113 Florida - - - 18 108 120 7 113 191 35 155 181 79 102 200 85 115 214 121 93 E. South central Kentucky — 8 1 10 28 57 13 44 52 20 32 52 23 39 50 24 35 100 54 35 Tennessee ~ 2 — 25 51 75 11 54 43 5 38 57 19 38 70 25 45 50 25 35 ilahama - - 4 48 58 4 54 52 18 44 59 24 35 52 28 24 41 27 14 Inssissippi _ - 15 51 147 237 34 203 257 59 198 354 117 247 551 225 335 743 342 401 W. South central Arkansas — - 98 133 92 52 13 49 52 18 44 113 47 55 251 90 151 432 241 191 Louisiana 33 10 71 489 333 599 51 548 507 151 345 387 129 258 422 207 215 350 205 155 Oklahoma - - - - 25 58 - 58 139 14 125 251 90 171 205 89 117 112 54 48 Texas - — 25 135 710 835 75 750 595 105 490 773 228 545 703 290 413 1 031 505 525 Mountains Montana - - 1,949 1,755 2,532 1,739 75 1,553 1,285 185 1,099 872 222 550 485 172 314 258 115 143 Idaho - - 4,274 3,379 2,007 1,467 57 1,410 859 84 775 585 93 492 335 79 255 208 55 142 Wyoming — 143 914 455 451 39 422 245 41 205 252 53 189 130 45 85 102 43 59 Colorado - — 7 512 1,398 599 25 574 373 57 315 291 85 205 233 85 148 215 92 124 New Mexico - 1 - 57 351 341 31 310 248 45 202 171 50 121 133 57 75 105 50 45 Arizona — - 20 1.630 1.170 1,419 126 1,293 1,305 287 1,018 1,137 411 725 1,110 492 518 1,449 753 595 Utah 1 1 445 501 805 572 30 542 371 59 312 92 250 342 128 214 228 120 108 Nevada - - 3,152 5,415 2,833 1,352 74 1,278 927 159 758 689 158 531 483 175 308 286 118 158 Pacific Washington - l 234 3,186 3,260 3,629 198 3,431 2,709 418 2,291 2,353 571 1,592 2,195 908 1,287 2,345 1,185 1,150 Oregon 2 425 3,330 9,510 9.540 10,397 1,055 9.342 7,353 898 5,455 3,090 944 2,145 2,075 1,070 1,005 2, 085 1, 250 ’835 California 660 34.933 49,277 75.132 72.472 45,753 5.621 40.132 35,248 8, 470 27,778 28,812 9,355 19,455 37,351 17, 320 20,041 39,555 22,880 15,575 *The total number indicated here is different from the one of 34, 933 which appears on Table 4 of 16th Census of U. Vol. 11, Pt. Source: 1, p. 19. Table 4 for each state. 1940, Population, 16th Census of U.S., Population, Vol. II, Pt. 1 to 7, 232 TABLE 13 CHINESE POPULATION IN THE UNTIED STATES, BY RESIDENCE AND STATE, 1940 U.S. Total Urban Rural Division and State Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent New England 3,238 100.0 3,079 95.1 159 4.9 Maine 92 100.0 89 96.7 3 3.3 New Hampshire 63. 100.0 56 88.9 7 11.1 Vermont 21 100.0 19 90.5 2 9.5 Massachusetts 2,513 100.0 2,428 96.6 85 3.4 hhode Island 257 100.0 245 95.3 12 4.7 Connecticut 292 100.0 242 82.9 50 17.1 Middle Atlantic 16,408 100.0 16,062 97.9 346 2.1 New York 13,731 100.0 13,494 98.3 237 1.7 New Jersey 1,200 100.0 1,128 94.0 72 6.0 Pennsylvania 1,477 100.0 1,440 97.5 37 2.5 East North centnl 4,799 100.0 4,646 96.8 153 3.2 Ohio 921 100.0 905 98.3 16 1.7 Indiana 208 100.0 207 99.5 1 0.5 Illinois 2,456 100.0 2,381 96.9 75 3.1 Michigan 924 100.0 877 94.9 47 5.1 Wisconsin 290 100.0 276 95.2 14 4.8 West North central 1,293 100.0 1,159 89 .6 134 10.4 Minnesota 551 100.0 532 96.6 19 3.3 Iowa 81 100.0 75 92.6 6 7.4 Missouri 334 100.0 302 90.4 32 9.6 North Dakota 56 100.0 52 92.9 4 7.1 South Dakota 36 100.0 30 83.3 6 16.7 Nebraska 102 100.0 99 97.1 3 2.9 Kansas 133 100.0 69 51.9 64 48.1 South Atlantic 2,047 100.0 1,903 93.0 144 7.0 Delaware 39 100.0 38 97.4 1 2.6 Maryland 437 100.0 405 92.7 32 7.3 D. of Columbia 656 100.0 656 100.0 - - Virginia 208 100.0 198 95.2 10 4.8 West Virginia 57 100.0 54 94.7 3 5.3 North Carolina 83 100.0 71 85.5 12 14.5 South Carolina 27 100.0 22 81.5 5 18.5 Georgia 326 100.0 314 96.3 12 3.7 Florida 214 100.0 145 67.8 69 32.2 233 TABLE 13, continued Division and U.S. Total Urban Rural State Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent East Souulcenual 944 100.0 404 42.8 540 57.2 Kentucky 100 100.0 56 56.0 44 44.0 Tennessee 60 100.0 54 90.0 6 10.0 Alabama 41 100.0 36 87.8 5 12.2 Mississippi 743 100.0 258 34.7 485 65.3 West South central 1,935 100.0 1,593 82.3 342 17.7 Arkansas 432 100.0' 192 44.4 240 55.6 Louisiana 360 100.0 307 85.3 53 14.7 Oklahoma 112 100.0 105 93.8 7 6.2 Texas 1,031 100.0 989 95.9 42 4.1 Mountain 2,853 100.0 2,079 72.9 774 27.1 Mbntana 258 100.0 225 87.2 33 12.8 Idaho 208 100.0 116 55.8 92 44.2 Wyoming 102 100.0 91 89.2 11 10.8 Colorado 216 100.0 205 95.0 11 5.0 New Mexico 106 100.0 84 79.2 22 20.8 Arizona 1,449 100.0 992 68.5 457 31.5 Utah 228 100.0 214 93.9 14 6.1 Nevada 286 100.0 152 53.1 134 46.9 Pacific 43,987 100.0 39,301 89.3 4,686 10.7 Washington 2,345 100.0 2,215 94.5 130 5.5 Oregon 2,086 100.0 1,909 91.5 177 8.5 California 39,556 100.0 35,177 88.9 4,379 11.1 Source: 16th Census of U.S., P0pulation, Vol. II, Pt. 1 to 7, Table 6 for Columbia, Table 2. each state, except District of 234 TABLE 14 NUMBER OF CHINESE POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES, BY NATIVITY, RESIDENCE AND STATE, 1940 Urban Rural 1311715103 and Total Native- Foreign- Total Native- Foreign— otate born born born born New England 3,079 1,740 1,339 159 66 93 Maine 89 52 37 3 1 2 New Hampshire 56 18 38 7 6 1 Vermont 19 5 14 2 2 - Massachusetts 2,428 1,390 1,038 85 34 51 Rhode Island 245 144 101 12 4 8 Connecticut 242 131 111 50 19 31 Middle Atlantic 16,062 6,197 9,865 346 143 203 New York 13,494 5,055 8,439 237 83 154 New Jersey 1,128 463 665 72 42 30 Pennsylvania 1,440 679 761 37 18 19 East North central 4,646 2,183 2,463 153 68 85 Ohio 905 468 437 16 11 5 Indiana 207 71 136 l 1 - Illinois 2,381 1,091 1,290 75 26 49 Michigan 877 415 462 ' " 47 17 30 Wisconsin 276 138 138 14 13 1 West North central 1,159 537 622 141 76 65 Minnesota 532 245 287 19 13 6 Iowa 75 26 49 13 4 9 Missouri 302 156 146 32 23 9 North Dakota 52 19 33 4 4 - South Dakota 30 10 20 6 5 1 Nebraska 99 63 36 3 2 1 Kansas 69 18 51 64 25 39 South Atlantic 1,247 714 533 144 88 56 Delaware 38 18 20 1 - 1 Maryland 405 228 177 32 17 15 D. of Columbia Virginia 198 118 ‘ 80 10 6 4 West Virginia 54 24 30 3 - 3 North Carolina 71 34 37 12 8 4 South Carolina 22 12 10 5 3 2 Georgia 314 205 109 12 8 4 Florida 145 75 70 69 46 23 235 TABLE 14, continued 1 Urban Rural Divéiagg and Total Native- Foreign- Total Native- Foreign- born ‘born born born East South central 404 193 211 540 265 275 Kentucky 56 36 20 44 28 16 Tennessee 54 24 30 6 1 5 Alabama 36 22 14 5 5 - Mississippi 258 111 147 485 231 254 West South central 1,593 829 764 342 187 155 Arkansas 192 105 87 240 136 104 Louisiana 307 182 125 53 23 30 Oklahoma 105 58 47 7 6 1 Texas 989 484 505 42 22 20 Mountain 2,079 1,029 1,050 774 338 436 Montana 225 104 121 33 11 22 Idaho 116 34 82 92 32 60 Wyoming 91 43 48 11 - 11 Colorado 205 82 123 11 10 1 New Mexico 84 47 37 22 13 9 Arizona 992 535 457 457 218 239 Utah 214 115 99 14 5 9 Nevada 152 69 83 134 49 85 Pacific 39,301 23,040 16,261 4,686 2,275 2,411 Washington 2,215 1,117 1,098 130 68 62 Oregon 1,909 1,152 757 177 98 79 California 35,177 20,771 14,406 4,379 2,109 2,270 Source: 16th Census of U.S., 1940, Population, Vol. II, Pt. 1 to 7, Table 6 for eacHIState. (V 236 TABLE 15 ACE DISTRIBUTION FOR CHINESE POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES, BY RESIDENCE AND SEX, 1940 Age U.S. Total Urban Rural-nonfarm fiural-I'arrL Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female All ages 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Under 5 years 2.8 2.8 2.8 2.8 2.6 2.8 2.7 2.5 5 to 9 years 3.7 3.3 3.7 3.3 3.6 3.1 3.9 3.9 10 to 14 years 4.8 3.7 4.7 3.7 4.6 4.0 6.1 3.8 15 to 19 years 6.2 3.3 6.2 3.3 5.9 3.0 5.0 2.9 20 to 24 years 406 203 4.6 203 501 203 2.4 101 25 to 29 years 5.9 2.0 5.9 2.0 6.0 1.5 3.6 1.2 30 to 34 years 6.5 1.7 6.6 1.8 5.8 1.3 4.3 0.8 35 to 39 years 8.0 1.9 8.0 1.9 7.9 1.8 6.2 1.5 40 to 44 years 8.4 1.6 8.5 1.6 7.5 1.4 8.0 1.8 45 to 49 years 7.0 1.2 7.0 1.2 6.8 1.2 9.3 0.8 50 to 54 years 5.3 0.8 5.2 0.8 5.9 0.8 7.2 1.0 55 to 59 years 3.6 0.5 3.6 0.5 3.5 0.5 5.7 0.4 60 to 64 years 3.0 0.4 3.0 0.4 3.0 0.4 4.9 0.3 65 to 74 years 3.0 0.3 2.9 0.3 3.5 0.4 4.8 0.3 75 years 5 over 1.2 0.08 1.0 0.08 3.5 0.1 3.0 0.08 Source: 16th Census of U.S., 1940, Population, Character- istics of Nonwhite PoPulationThy Race, Table 3, p. 8. 237 TABLE 16 ACE DISTRIBUTION FOR CHINESE POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES, BY SEX AND REGIONS, 1940 Age N. Eastern N. Central South West Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female All ages 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Under 5 years 2.0 2.0 2.3 2.8 4.3 4.8 3.1 2.9 5 to 9 years 2.4 2.2 3.6 3.1 4.6 4.0 4.1 3.8 10 to 14 years 3.1 2.2 4.1 3.2 5.4 3.6 5.5 4.4 15 to 19 years 4.2 1.8 5.8 2.6 6.1 3.1 7.0 4.0 20 to 24 years 3.6 1.3 4.9 1.8 4.5 2.3 4.9 2.7 25 to 29 years 600 103 602 105 603 109 5.7 203 30 to 34 years 8.0 1.4 6.3 1.3 6.0 1.7 5.9 1.9 35 to 39 years 12.5 1.2 7.6 1.4 6.5 1.8 6.3 2.2 40 to 44 years 13.2 1.01 809 1.7 7.4 107 6.4 108 45 to 49 years 9.7 0.7 8.2 1.3 6.0 1.4 5.9 1.4 50 to 54 years 7.4 0.8 6.4 0.5 4.8 0.8 4.3 1.0 55 to 59 years 4.7 0.2 4.5 0.3 3.2 0.3 3.1 0.7 60 to 64 years 3.6 0.1 3.6 0.2 3.3 0.2 2.7 0.5 65 to 74 years 207 0.1 400 I 002 208 002 3.0 004 75 years a over 0.4 0.02 0.9 0.1 0.9 0.1 1.6 0.1 Source: 16th Census of U.S., 1940, POpulation,_Character- istics of Nonwhite Population by Race, Table‘S, pp 0 11-15 0 238 TABLE 17 SEX RATIOS BY AGE AND RESIDENCE FOR CHINESE POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES, 1940 Age U.S. Total Urban Rural-nonfarm Rural-farm All ages 285.3 282.5 305.2 336.3 Under 5 years 100.5 100.7 94.1 * 5 to 9 years 110.6 110.6 116.3 * 10 to 14 years 128.5 128.4 114.9 * 15 to 19 years 188.0 187.9 196.6 * 20 to 24 years 201.0 199.5 220.4 * 25 to 29 years 296.7 291.9 385.5 * 30 to 34 years 371.4 365.7 * * 35 to 39 years 425.3 425.0 446.8 * 40 to 44 years 525.7 528.3 541.2 * 45 to 49 years 572.4 562.3 * * 50 to 54 years 665.5 660.2 * * 55 to 59 years 717.9 702.0 * * 60 to 64 years 803.4 785.1 * * 65 to 74 years 920.3 908.1 * * 75 years and over * * * * 4 Base less than 100. Source: 16th Census of U.S., 1940, POpulation,!Character- istics of Nonwhite Population byTRace, Tthe 3, p.8. 239 TABLE 18 SEX RATIOS BY AGE AND REGIONS FOR CHINESE POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES, 1940 Age Eastern N. Central South West Under 5 years 100.5 80.9 87.9 105.2 5 to 9 years 110.6 115.9 113.6 109.6 10 to 14 years 140.9 128.4 150.0 124.1 15 to 19 years 230.3 224.5 196.7 176.1 20 to 24 years 280.9 279.6 193.1 179.1 25 to 29 years 457.7 * * 246.3 30 to 34 years 568.7 * * 304.8 35 to 39 years 1,035.9 * * 282.1 40 to 44 years 1,167.6 535.3 * 361.9 45 to 49 years 1,281.9 * * 418.7 50 to 54 years * * * 427.5 55 to 59 years * * * 456.7 60 to 64 years * * * 518.8 65 to 74 years * * * 679.4 75 years and over * * * * iBase less than 100. dource: 16th Census of U.S., 1940, P0pu1ation, Character— istics of Nonwhite Pepulation by"Race, TaEle 3, PP- 240 mpHnBQOZ ho ”05 .m .0 05509 .momm wp soHpm5dmom moflpmfinmpomnmgo .000p05smom .0005 ..m.: no msmsmo 0005 "condom rt» 0 o 0.0 0.0 0.0 m m 00 00 00050559 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 05 00 000 000.5 0030050 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 005 500 000.0 005.0 0050002 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 005 000 000.0 005.0 050050 0.005 0.005 0.005 0.005 000 000 000.55 000.05 50000 050800 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0 00 005 005 0000005: 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 00 00 005.5 050.5 000005: 5.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 000 000.5 000.00 000.00 0050002 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 000 000.5 000.05 000.50 050050 0.005 0.005 0.005 0.005 000.5 005.0 500.00 000.00 50000 cams 8500 850020: 850% 8500805 . :50535 :5055m swamp .m.D namudm uamndm sagas .mnD unempm Hmpanmz 7 05.3 How owmpaoonmm 509852 0005 .000 020 002005000 00 .000000 000020 000 20 0000 020 00000 05 2000050000 00mzH00 00 000000 5000000 ma mgmde 241 .05-05 .00 .0 05000 .0000 05 0050050000 mp5nacoz no 005005500005000 .CO5pm5smom ..n.b mo 050000 5505 “condom 0.05 0.0m 5.0 0.005 0.0 0.00 0.00 0.005 Hobo 0 mm n 0.00 0.0m 0.005 0.0 5.00 m.m0 0.005 0m mm 5.5 0.05 0.00 0.005 5.0 m.0 0.00 0.005 00 n 05 8500:5055m 0.05 0.00 0.0 0.005 0.0 .0.00 0.00 0.005 0000 0 00 0.0 0.00 0.0m 0.005 0.5 o.m0 0.00 0.005 00 a 00 0.0 0.00 m.m0 0.005 5.0 m.0 0.m0 0.005 0m n 05 agmmaoan5wndz 0.00 0.00 w.m 0.005 0.0 0.00 5.00 0.005 Hobo 0 mm 0.m 5.00 «.05 0.905 m.o 0.00 0.00 0.005 00 n nm 0.0 0.05 m.on 0.005 5.0 5.0 0.50 0.005 00 1 m5 ampab m.05 0.00 0.0 0.005 0.0 n.00 0.0m 0.005 nmpo 0 mm 0.m 0.00 0.05 0.005 0.0 0.00 0.00 0.005 00 3 nm m.o 0.05 m.ow 0.005 5.0 o.m m.5m 0.005 «N a 05 50900 .m.b amono>5a vmono>55 0 0030050 005550§ o5wc5m 5wpo0 0 0030050 0055503 o5ma5m 50000 mommUHWMm can 0 .H®>O U30 mHmmW 0H mHflbmh .HmPO 05.5w mHmmW mH 0wa4 n¥fi5.mOZmQHmmm_wm .mmamam QmBHZD mme ZH mfl>o 924 mmdmw m5 mZommmm mmmszo mmomo>HQ mad .QMBOQHS .QmHmm4§ .MAGZHW ho ZOHBDmHmBmHQ mow om mamde 242 TABLE 21 NATIVE-BORN AND FOREIGN-BORN CHINESE POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES, BY RESIDENCE £ND REGIONS, 1940 Number Percentage Native- Foreign- Native- Foreign- nesidence and Region born born born born United States 40,262 37,242 100.0 100.0 Urban 36,756 33,470 91.3 89.7 Rural-nonfarm 2,372 2,515 5.9 6.8 Rural-farm 1,134 1,257 2.8 3.5 Northeastern 8,146 11,500 100.0 100.0 Urban 7,937 11,204 97.4 97.4 Rural-nonfarm 161 245 2.0 2.1 Rural-farm 48 51 0.6 0.5 North central 2,864 3,228 100.0 100.0 Urban 2,720 3,085 95.0 95.6 Rural-nonfarm 118 130 4.1 4.0 Rural-farm 26 13 0.9 0.4 South 2,570 2,356 100.0 100.0 Urban 2,030 1,870 79.0 79.4 Rural-nonfarm 466 442 18.1 18.8 Rural-farm 74 44 2.9 1.8 West 26,682 20,158 100.0 100.0 Urban 24,069 17,311 90.2 85.9 Rural-nonfarm 1,627 1,698 6.1 8.4 Rural-farm 986 1,149 307 507 Source: 16th Census of U.S., 1940, Pepulation, Character— istics of Nonwhite PepulationUDy‘Race, Table 3, pp. 7'16T 243 TABLE 22 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF NATIVE-BORN AND FOREIGNFBORN CHINESE POPULATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES, BY RESIDENCE AND STATE. 1940 Native—born Foreign—born State Total Urban Rural Total Urban Rural New England Mains 100.0 98.1 1.9 100.0 94.9 6.1 New Hampshire 100.0 75.0 25.0 100.0 97.4 2.6 Vermont 100.0 71.4 28.6 100.0 100.0 - Massachusetts 1.00.0 3706 204 100.0 9503 40? Rhode Island 100.0 97.3 2.7 100.0 92.7 7.3 Connecticut 100.0 87.3 12.7 100.0 78.2 21.8 Middle itlantic New York 100.0 98.4 1.6 100.0 98.2 1.8 New Jersey 100.0 91.7 8.3 100.0 95.7 4.3 Pennsylvania 100.0 97.4 2.6 100.0 97.6 2.4 East North central Ohio 100.0 97.7 2.3 100.0 98.9 1.1 Indiana 100.0 98.6 1.4 100.0 100.0 - Illinois 100.0 97.7 2.3 100.0 96.3 3.7 ~Micnigan 100.0 96.1 3.9 100.0 93.9 6.1 Wisconsin 100.0 91.4 8.6 100.0 99.3 0.7 West North central Minnesota 100.0 95.0 1.6 100.0 98.0 2.0 Iowa 100.0 86.7 13.3 100.0 96.1 3.9 Missouri 100.0 87.2 12.8 100.0 94.2 6.8 North Dakota 100.0 82.6 17.4 100.0 100.0 - South Dakota 100.0 66.7 33.3 100.0 95.2 4.8 Nebraska 100.0 96.9 3.1 100.0 97.3 2.7 Kansas 100.0 41.9 68.1 100.0 66.7 43.3 South Atlantic Delaware 100.0 100.0 - 100.0 95.2 4.8 Maryland 100.0 93.1 6.9 100.0 92.2 7.8 D. of Columbia 100.0 100.0 Virginia 100.0 95.2 4.8 100.0 95.2 4.8 West Virginia 100.0 100.0 - 100.0 90.9 9.1 North Carolina 100.0 81.0 19.0 100.0 90.2 9.8 South Carolina 100.0 80.0 20.0 100.0 83.3 16.7 Georgia 10000 9602 308 10000 9605 305 Florida 100.0 62.0 38.0 100.0 76.3 24.7 244 TABLE 22, continued Native-born Foreign-born State Total Urban Rural Total Urban Rural East south Central Kentucky 100.0 56.3 43.7 100.0 66.6 44.4 Tennessee 100.0 96.0 14.0 100.0 86.7 14.3 Alabama 100.0 81.5 18.5 100.0 100.0 - Mississippi 100.0 32.5 67.5 100.0 36.7 63.3 West South central Arkansas 100.0 43.6 66.4 100.0 46.5 64.5 Louisiana 100.0 88.8 11.2 100.0 80.6 19.4 Oklahoma 100.0 90.6 9.4 100.0 97.9 2.1 Texas 100.0 96.7 4.3 100.0 96.2 3.8 fiountain Montana 100.0 90.4 9.6 100.0 84.6 15.4 Idaho 100.0 51.5 48.5 100.0 67.7 42.3 Wyoming 100.0 100.0 - 100.0 81.4 18.6 Colorado 100.0 89.1 10.9 100.0 99.2 0.8 New Mexico 100.0 78.3 21.7 100.0 80.4 19.6 Arizona 100.0 71.0 29.0 100.0 65.7 34.3 Utah 100.0 95.8 4.2 100.0 91.7 9.3 Nevada 100.0 58.5 41.5 100.0 49.4 60.6 Pacific Washington 100.0 94.3 6.7 100.0 94.7 5.3 Oregon 100.0 92.2 7.8 100.0 90.6 9.4 California 100.0 90.8 9.2 100.0 86.4 13.6 Source: 16th Census of U.S., 1940, POpulation, Vol II, Pt. 1 to 7, Table 6 for each—sfite. 245 TABLE 23 TRENDS IN THE PERCENTAGE OF NATIVE-BORN AND EDREIcN-RORN CHINESE POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES, BY RESIDENCE, 1910 To 1940 Native-born Foreign-born Year Total urban Rural Total Urban Rural Number 1910 14,936 12,634 2,401 66,696 41,797 12,799 1920 18,632 16,730 2,602 43,107 34,778 8,829 1930 30,868 27,401 3,476 44,086 38,377 5,709 1940 40,262 36,756 3,506 37,242 33,470 3,772 Percentage 1910 100.0 83.9 16.1 100.0 73.9 26.1 1920 100.0 84.9 15.1 100.0 80.7 19.3 1930 l00.0 88.8 11.2 100.0 87.1 12.9 1940 100.0 91.3 8.7 100.0 83.9 10.1 Source: 16th Census of U.S., 1940, Population, Vol. II, Pt. 1, Table 6, p. 21. TABLE 24 AGE DISTRIBUTION FOR NATIVE-BORN AND FOREIGN-BORN CHINESE POPULATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES, BY RESIDENCE AND SEX, 1940 Rural-farm Native- Foreign- flural-nonfarm Native- Foreign- Urban Native- Foreign- Total Native- Foreign- U.S. born born born born born born bor 11 born Mn f" 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 All ages 246 «33:400on00004010on ||ooooooooooo OOOOHNNHHOOOO oa¢anmmm>mmom¢ O O oamm¢omam0boom HHH NszmekQLOOPPV’ NH anb-mr-IHOOHOOD OO nor-moocoxocoommnomm¢m O O OPSPNNNVNVNC‘ONNO NHC’mN'OKOHmkeNlttomr-i OOOOHHHNHHHOOOO Nkomkoekosrr-lmtommwmm O 0 O O OOHd’WDCDthP-CONQ'O mq'cor-mmommoommmmpi mflmeHHHOOOOOOO NOSIDONNO¢KDm¢HCOOm ka-L‘:<:COU;¢¢N<’CONNO Hmmmmtozmmmammta OOOOOHHNNHHOOOO Nmmaopmrmnomd-mmao: OOH¢¢PmHNOP¢M¢H HHH @HDwkowb-COOLOWGCOCOH leomIDCONr-OHHOOOOOO Comb-mmNCOmeNth-PN O O O LDkOPb-V'Q'OOQ’VNNNNHO HNCOLDOIQ’OszfiHhmfi’r-l OOOOOHHNNHHOOOO HLOLOP'PCDIOV'V’LOWQ’VCOQ’ ooa¢¢wmamo~¢mvm HHH MNmDmWGNOKQmNNNP-I méommmaaaoooooo mr—mlflme-IDPQNJENCQN morr—Jemvvéémmdo mmmmmmmmmwmmmm HHHHHHHHHHHHHH gsgmsagggwswww. m a 0mm hhhhhhhhhhhhhhg mm¢m¢m¢m¢m¢m¢vo Hammmm¢¢nmowu Hooosooosoooooc 39p» pup pupppm nmomomomomomomm D HHNNmm¢¢Dm©OP Source: 16th Census of U.S., 1940, POpulation,_Characteristics of Nonwhite Population b Race, Table 3, pp. 7-16. TABLE 25 1940 ACE DISTRIBUTION FOR NATIVE-BORN AND FOREIGN-BORN CHINESE POPULATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES, BY SEX AND REGIONS, West Native- foreign- South Native- Foreign- North central Native- Foreign- Northeast Native- Foreign- born born born born born born bo rn born Age 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 All ages 247 HOOd'kOOLDNNPNDo-ODkeN OODOHHNDNNHHOOO NkOPd'J‘PNDfl’ml‘mJ‘AKO'CO O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O OOHDVPDDSJ‘QC’ONVD a¢mmampmaro¢mma O O O O C O C O O O O O O O . mat-'D¢NHHHOOOOOH CODO'zC‘OOOO-nofi’mOI-OOPN moDDfifi'DMNNNNNP-GO NHCOb-fi’O-Dmb-HNLDV’HO OOOOHNNNNNHOOOO OKOLDODUODfl’b-COV’NDNP: O O O O O O O O O O OOHDDSJ‘DSJ‘ONDV’H HOPmNDOPDP¢H8NH . C O C O . . . C . . . O . . J‘POHDGOHHDOOOOOHO HC‘OOHV’LOIDJ‘OQONNCD‘OH O O O O O O O O C O O O O O . DNDKODNNNQ’MCODNHO HmH¢HDm®OD®mNNH OOOOHHHHNHOOOOO N¢MNDOVPHPDmum ooammnnncxowemna GINDHIDLONNQ‘PLDNNNH fiODLISNHHr-IHOOOOOO ~Nmmoamm¢¢movmm VPb-KOQ'OONDLOQ'tfl'CONO H HNNMDOM¢0000HHO OOOOOHHHHHOOOOO Hmoaazmocnmaomocor- ooammroeomnmvmo HHHH paommmmmm¢MHHH8 tfléfigNHHOOOOOOOO FIDOPVC‘OHHIDVCODHJIH Tmommvmnaoonmmao $4 mmmmmmmmmmmmmmo HHHHHHHHHHHHHHF’ mwmwowmowmgmmmo oocmmommmg 000 hhhhhhhhh hhhhw mm¢n¢n¢m¢n¢n¢¢u Hammnn¢¢nn@rs H00 000 0 000m gppgpppggpSPpPh dmononomomomomn D Hammmm¢¢mmoo> Source: 16th Census of U.S., 1940, Population, Characteristics of Nonwhite Population b Race, Table 3, pp. 7-15. 248 TABLE 26 SEX RATIOS OF NATIVE-BORN AND FOREIGN-BORN CHINESE POPULATIONS IN SELECTED STATES, 1940 — r‘ L —_ State Total Native-born Foreign-born United States 285 176 570 California 224 154 420 Illinois 390 213 830 Massachusetts 366 265 689 New York 602 292 1,236 Oregon 233 155 510 Washington 293 185 644 Source: 16th Census of U.S., 1940, POpulation, 701. II, Table 6 for each reSpective stéfe. 249 TABLE 27 SEX RATIOS BY AGE FOR NATIVE-BORN AND FOREIGN-BORN CHINESE POPULATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES, 1940 Age Native-born Foreign-born Under 5 99.6 * 5 to 9 108.0 171.4 10 to 14 113.3 544.6 15 to 19 128.8 888.4 20 to 24 126.5 509.3 25 to 29 162.4 554.8 30 to 34 230.2 500.6 35 to 39 376.4 ,452°4 40 to 44 460.0 557.9 45 to 49 590.0 565.7 50 to 54 655.4 670.4 55 to 59 1,043.0 584.5 60 to 64 1,099.0 649.6 65 to 74 713.0 1,067.6 75 and over * * *Due to base less than 100. Source: 16th Census of U.S., 1940, POpu- lation, Characteristics of Non- white POpulation by Race, Table 3, p. 7. 250 TABLE 28 CHANGE OF SEX RATIOS BY RESIDENCE FOR NATIVE-BORN AND FCREIGN-BCRN CHINESE POPULATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES, 1910 TO 1940 Total Urban Rural Year Native- Foreign- Native- Foreign- Native- Foreign- born born born born born born 1910 395.5 3,307.3 385.2 2,902.7 475.1 5,401.5 1920 255.4 1,601.1 249.9 1,487.7 289.7 2,254.4 1930 203.4 785.8 198.2 761.6 251.6 991.6 1940 176.5 570.4 175.8 564.6 183.9 626.8 Source: 16th Census of U.S., 1940, POpulation, Vol. II, Pt. 1, Table 6, p. 21. 251 .mH->H .66 .4 63669 .momm an cofipmasmom mpfinscoa go mafipmfipmpoonmzo .qoflpwasmom .oema ..m.D mo mamaoo puma “monsom - m H N am m4 mm mm 66666666 m 8. 6m mm mam oov mmm Hma 6666633 amH mm 63m 685 amp.m moa.m mma.4 oam.m 6636662 «H mm mm mma «Ha mo¢.m ~34 mmo.m mamahm 46H omH 43m mam mam.4 Hm3.m mam.m omH.S mamamm m m m 4H ms ms mm «m 86666636 mm DH 83 mm mmm 64m mmm Hmm 6666656 646 spa mmo.a 004 438.6H moo.p oHN.mH omm.s 8666662 oom mom mam. was. mom.oa mmp.m 6mm.HH 366.m mamafim mao.H m3. Hmo m Hoe H amp.pm mom.ma mom.om Hms.pfl mama anon anon anon. 5.39 anon anon anon 2.50. 6 acmfimhom nm>Hpmz uawfiwnom umpapmz scwamnom nm>prz unwaonom nm>Hpmz mapmwmmamwmnma agmwuawnsm anomaonuamndm many: Hmpoe .m.D oama .Nmm 924 mozmmHmmm Wm .mmedem QmBHZD WEB ZH mm>o mad Duo mmdmw ma szHB¢QDmOm mmmZHmo zmomuZmemOh 924 ZmOmufibHedz mo mbeqem AQBHmfifi «mm mqmde 252 - 8.3 8.0 8.0 4.0 8.0 4.0 8.0 06030630 8.8 0.4 8.03 8.8 8.83 0.8 0.83 0.8 066003; 3.88 8.88 8.88 8.04 n.8n 8.34 8.88 8.34 063nn6a 3.8 4.88 8.33 8.88 8.8 8.38 8.8 8.38 638638 0.003 0.003 0.003 0.003 0.003 0.003 0.003 0.003 636668 8.0 3.3 8.0 4.3 8.0 8.0 8.0 8.0 066n0>36 8.8 8.8 3.8 8.8 0.8 3.8 0.8 8.8 063083; 8.08 8.88 8.88 8.88 8.88 8.84 8.88 8.84 0633662 4.84 8.88 8.84 8.88 0.n8 8.48 8.88 8.48 638638 0.003 0.003 0.003 0.003 0.003 0.003 0.003 0.003 6363 anon anon anon anon anon anon anon anon 666668 3633362 uawnmnom nonnpmz uamnmnom sonnpwz namnmnom nm>3paz uamnonom nonnnmz snanaoaunmnam amnHD Hmpoe .m.D can Mom Bnmnunmnam ova .Nmm 92¢ mozmQHmmm Mm .mMBaem QHBHZD Mme 2H mm>o QZd GAO mmdmw ma mZOHeddbmom mmmZHmo ZmOMIonmmom 924 Zmomlm>HB¢Z ho Mbawem A48Hm43 nmN mgmda 253 8.0 8.8a 8.88 o.m 0.00H 8.0 8.4 0.88 8.8m o.oon nmno 8 88 m.o m.H H.88 8.8 0.00H m.o 8.0 4.88 0.84 0.00H 48 I 8m 7 4.0 8.84 o.m8 0.00H : mo. 8.Hn N.88 0.00H 4m 7 8H anonnawnonom amnnD m.a 8.8m 8.88 8.8 0.00H 8.0 8.8 8.08 m.vm 0.00H nmno 8 88 8.H 4.n p.88 8.8m o.ooa 8.0 m.o m.84 o.m8 0.00H 48 7 8m H.0 H.0 4.8a 4.48 0.00H u n 8.8 8.48 0.00H 4m 7 8H anonum>np8z awnnD 8.0 4.8a H.08 m.a 0.00H 8.0 8.4 8.88 8.8m 0.00H nmno 8 mm m.o 8.H 8.88 8.8 0.00H m.o 4.0 8.88 8.84 0.003 48 1 8m 7 4.0 8.84 m.m8 0.00H a mo. 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