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":u'~-‘ .sn‘. .. ‘ fi [-26 E o :4 0 5V.V."_ g “ “‘1‘ IU'a—‘UIVK .‘bl'. ‘11-“..139 Iv I 0 a, . -, ':E!.fl" a; III-- 9 ”I '9‘ This is to certify that the thesis entitled A Comparison Between Foot Patrol Officers and Motor Patrol Officers An Open System Perspective presented by Dennis M. Payne has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for MS degree in CJ O i" , W87 ” ' Major professor Robert C. Trojanowitz Date_.1nn.e__7_._1985__ 0-7639 MSU is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution )V‘ESI.) RETURNING MATERIALS: Place in book drop to LIBRARIES remove this checkout from .—,—. your record. FINES will be charged if book is returned after the date stamped beiow. ‘ ”kw - _ t 'JU r‘ F”;: j ~- 1‘ fi ; .1 " .v, a 3270 uch~ "T n” ...» 'k xx . , a“? i~},.;};;’.9u: . 3 1 :3 Am 2 o o c 2 2 9 *6» may 7‘77 f. innit-(“04 , Z ~/«,{ ' $4? I” .3“ “Humvee—1922‘ .- f“? f‘ V q r ‘ pmimfi'x‘r' I; 1,. ' x x .3154 O , ~ A COMPARISON.BETWEEN FOOT PATROL OFFICERS AND MOTOR PATROL OFFICERS AN OPEN SYSTEM PERSPECTIVE BY Dennis M. Payne A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE School of Criminal Justice 1985 at 1‘3 Copyright by DENNIS M. 1985 PAYNE ABSTRACT A COMPARISON BETWEEN FOOT PATROL OFFICERS AND MOTOR PATROL OFFICERS AN OPEN SYSTEM PERSPECTIVE By Dennis M. Payne Very little work has been done to describe and contrast a working profile of a foot patrol officer with the traditional motor patrol officer. The primary purpose of this study was to determine if the tasks performed by foot patrol officers were different than the tasks of motor patrol officers and, if different, to discover how they were different. A secondary purpose, contingent on a difference existing, was to determine the feasibility of utilizing foot patrol officers as boundary spanners and thus developers of organizationally relevant information. A random stratified sample of 16 foot patrol officers and 25 motor patrol officers provided the study with 1228 officers' daily reports for examination within the framework of three research questions. Differences were found in the numbers of activities, kinds of activities, cost of activities, and time allocated to activities. An analysis of the data reveals that boundary spanning is feasible. Dedicated to my Mother Catherine J. Payne and to the memory of my Father Dean S. Payne ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The completion of this research study was made possible through the assistance of many peOple. It is not possible for all of them to be identified in this short form of recognition. Their help and support are, nevertheless, appreciated. I wish to thank Chief William L. D. Lyght, Jr., whose cooperative staff were instrumental in support of this study. Acting Deputy Chief Robert B. McFadden's efforts and time were of considerable assistance. I would also like to thank the other commanders and supervisors for their time and patience, and the patrol officers and clerks of the Flint Police Department for their participation. I gratefully acknowledge the support and encouragement of Dr. Marilyn Steele, Program Officer for the Charles Stewart Mott Foundation. The members of my thesis committee deserve special thanks. Dr. Robert C. Trojanowicz has been a source of continuous encouragement and was helpful in keeping me on track. Dr. John H. McNamara, who insisted on a sound theoretical framework, provided guidance throughout the effort. His suggestions and criticisms have been invaluable. Dr. Kenneth C. Christian offered many cogent comments and suggestions. All three committee members were very supportive throughout and willingly and cheerfully gave of their time. I would also like to thank Dennis Banas for advice and direction. iii And finally, I wish to acknowledge the patience, loyalty and support of my family. Most specifically, however, I wish to express my gratitude to Jan, who is my counselor, my friend, and thankfully, my wife. iv LIST OF TABLES . LIST OF FIGURES . Chapter TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION . . . . Introduction . . . . . . . . Purpose of the Study . . . . . . . . . . The Problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . Foot Patrol Goals . . . . Motor Pa::ol Goals . Research Ques:-ons . . . . . Quest:::; . . Importance ; ' =—. Fits"; . . Definition ’ §_;:s . . . . . . . Organizati-: i :;e 3e e231 nder of the Study. II. REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE . . Introduction . . . The Need to Study Policing in Light of Open System Open Britain . . . . . . . . Australia . . . . . . . . . . Montgomery County, Maryland . . . United States . . . . . . . Discussion . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . Systems . . . . . . Perspectives . . . . . . Nature of the Environment . Police as a System . . . . Environment and the Open System The Causal Texture of the Environment Open System and the Police . . The Environment as a Flow of Information . System Boundaries . . . . . Boundary Spanning . . . . . . . . A Boundary Spanning Model . The Impact of Information on Uncertainty. The Need for Accurate Information . The System and Goals . . Environmental Adaptation . Summary of Review of Literature V Page viii ix 11 ll 12 15 16 16 17 19 21 21 21 21 24 25 25 28 31 31 31 34 34 35 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 45 47 49 51 Chapter III. IV. V. DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY Introduction Type of Study The Site . . The Sample . . The Daily Report . Time Period Covered Sample Size . . . . . . . . . Method of Selection . . . . . Supervision . . . . . . Measures of Activity in Numbers . Common Activities from the Tabulation Portion . . . . . . . . Activities Exclusive to Foot Patrol Activities Exclusive'to Motor Patrol Time Components . . . . . . . . . Common Time Components - - . . - Time Components Exclusive to Foot Patrol - Time Components Exclusive to Motor Patrol- Measure of Cost . . . . . . . . Planning Cost Component - - . Considerations in Cost Determination Cost Component Identification- - - - Cost Determination Process . . - - Summary . . . . . . . . . . FINDINGS . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction . . . . . - Differences Between Foot and Motor Patrol . Activity Component Number of Contacts . . . . Adversarial and Non-Adversarial Contacts Differences in Patrol Sectors by Activity. Time and Cost Components Comparable Activity . Non-Comparable Activity. Summary SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS Purpose Method . . . . . . . . . . Findings . . . . . . . . . . Analysis . Boundary Spanning . Limitations of the Study Conclusions vi Page 53 53 53 54 . 55 . S6 . 56 . S7 . 62 67 69 71 72 72 74 75 76 76 77 78 79 82 84 84 84 91 96 96 99 100 100 101 102 104 105 . 106 . 106 Page Chapter V- Implications . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107 Recommendations for Future Research , , . . . 108 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110 Appendix A. THE OFFICERS DAILY REPORTS . . . . . . . . . . 1l4 B. MONTHLY ACTIVITY REPORTS . . . . . I . . . . 116 C. BUSINESS SECURITY SURVEY . . . . . . . . . .- 118 D. RESIDENTIAL SECURITY INSPECTION . . . . . . . . 119 E. FOOT PATROL NEWSLETTER . . . . . . . . . . . 120 F. FRINGE BENEFITS . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122 vii Table 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 3.7 3.8 3.9 3.10 3.11 3.12 3.13 3.14 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 LIST OF TABLES Foot Patrol Sectors by Geographic Location in Flint, Motor Patrol Sectors by Geographic Location in Flint Comparison of Foot and Motor Patrol Sectors in Flint Allocation of Officer per Sector of Foot Patrol Allocation of Motor Patrol by Sector by Month , Hours Worked by Foot Patrol by Sector Hours Worked by Motor Patrol by Sector Days Worked by Foot Patrol by Sector Days Worked by Motor Patrol by Sector , , , . , Foot Patrol Shifts by Sector Patrolled: Both Months Motor Patrol Shifts by Sector Patrolled: Both Months Sex of Officers by Shift by Sector in Foot Patrol: comb ined Month: 0 O I O O O O O O O 0 Sex of :ffif‘”“ 2y Shift by Sector in Motor Patrol: Combined 2-2;2s , , , , . . . . . . Demographic Characteristics of Foot and Motor Patrol Groups . . . . . . . . . . . Nine Comparable Activities of Foot and Motor Patrol Exclusive Activities of Foot and Motor Patrol- Adversarial and Non-Adversarial Public Contacts Comparison by Patrol Sector of Nine Comparable Activities Foot Patrol Activity by Time and Cost Motor Patrol Activity by Time and Cost viii Page 57 58 58 59 60 61 61 62 62 63 63 64 65 66 86 87 91 92 94 95 Figure 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 LIST OF FIGURES Comparable v. Non-Comparable Activity for Foot Patrol . . . . . . . Comparable v. Non-Comparable Activity for Motor Patrol . . . . . . . Division of Comparable Activity for Foot Patrol , Division of Comparable Activity for Motor Patrol , ix Page 97 97 98 98 CHAPTER I Introduction Introduction The police exist in an Open, dynamic environment. Operationally, the military or professional models of police have attributes that are related to closed systems. The police, in an effort to create a condi- tion of internal stability, define the boundaries of the organization. This form of stability may not be in the best interests of the police. As a resource dependent organization, the police require adaptability to the external environment upon which the organization must ultimately depend. Open systems strive to maintain a dynamic balance by receiving signals of change from the environment and attempt to adjust while also maintaining their character and goals. The Open system does not have the information tight control units which are more characteristic of closed systems. The police motor patrol defines the boundary through a closed system; boundaries or barriers are constructed, the police become insular and information flows within the organization, not into or out of the organization. This information is intended to set goals, but is limited in its perspective. Consequently, traditional crime control operations, not normative problems, become the primary emphasis for the agency. In the process of maintaining a closed system perspective, police departments sacrifice adaptability to the environment for achieve— ment of stability. This stability is only internal. The relations among the elements of the system, and between the system and its environment, are often unknown; precise causes of systemic changes may be a mystery (Brown, 1966). 2 Foot patrol at Flint, Michigan is characterized by an open system method. It constructs permeable boundaries that provide for information flow out of the organization and into the organization. Such insti- tutional arrangements trade off internal stability for environmental adaptability. The environmental context within which organizations exist changes at an increasing rate and becomes more complex. When institutions are related to their environment, we talk of open systems models of organizations characterized by survival through absorption or incorpora- tion of material from the external world. These materials are transformed by the particular system's characteristics and exported back into the external environment. Through this process, the organization becomes capable of attaining stability--a necessary condi- tion for adapting to environmental variances. The police have practiced their craft for years, performing functions related to crime, the prevention of crime, the apprehension of criminals, service tasks, emergency responses of all kinds, and a host of other related activities. These functions relate in some way to a perception of the police role; yet the host of studies on policing indicate that there is still considerable confusion concerning the appropriate role of the police in society. The lack of relevant information from the environment creates a condition of environmental uncertainty. Police organizations have met role uncertainty with innovative and experimental programs. These programs have been means oriented. Saturation patrol, split force patrol, directed patrol, team policing, and several community policing models are but a few of the innovations. The institution of foot patrols in one form or another is such an innovation. The Flint Neighborhood Foot Patrol Program (NFPP), the focal point of this thesis, is such an innovation. An information exchange process can be Of assistance to police‘ executives in determining if the current role of the police is reflective of the community desires or if redefinition is necessary. When there is uncertainty regarding the role of the police, the articu- lation of that role, in the form of unrealistic goals and related tasks, becomes confusing for the public as well as the officer in the field. Tapping environmental information bases is one way of removing such uncertainty. In consideration of the open system view of policing, foot patrol offers dual opportunities. Police officers can continue to perform traditional tasks, without the department concurring the labors of major change, and at the same time can span boundaries of the organization to assess the values, needs, and problems of the community. The open system perspective used in this thesis, views the Flint Police Department as an organization which is dependent on its external environment. It is simultaneously engaged in system maintenance and in elaborating its activities (Scott, 1981). The organization’s well-being depends on its ability to detect and respond to subtle changes in the environment. Therefore, the acquisition and processing of information is critical. The resource dependent organization must adapt in order to survive and those in the organization must learn of changes occurring in the social system around them. Research indicates that police organizations are neither more nor less complex than other organizations, thus, the Open system model of organizations can be applied to police administration. A realistic model for the police should emphasize contact between the police and the community defined in the broadest sense (Sheehan & Cordner, 1979). With few exceptions, police administrations have set goals unilaterally with little input from their communities. They limit their interactions to absolutely necessary exchanges with socially powerful and vocal interest groups. Neither political entities nor interest groups, numerical minorities by definition, necessarily represent the consensus of organic communities. To view the police organization as an Open system requires accepting the premise that goals must be expressive of a symbiotic relationship with the external environment. Symbiosis, as a process, does not preclude retention of existing emphases due to political, social and legal restraints; it does imply subtle alternatives in the direction and intent of existing functions. The political elite, legislative, and policy leaders are not oblivious to the needs of communities, but they have had a much greater impact on policing goals than the average citizen. Consequently, law enforcement decision making tends to be prescriptive, categorical, and less than partici- patory. Such conditions could account for the perception of the aloof police officer and polarization often referenced in police problem analyses. Foot patrol is viewed as having a tendency toward an open system model while motor patrol is perceived as an effort on the part of the police to sustain a closed system. This condition exists despite the fact that the organization exists in a turbulent environment (Emery & Trist, 1971). If the Flint foot patrols and motor patrols are viewed as existing in an Open system, certain key factors are highlighted. The environment within which the police exist is not a static one, but dynamic and turbulent (Emery & Trist, 1971). In such a turbulent environment the police, as a resource dependent organization, require adaptability in order to survive as structured. Without such adaptability police legitimacy is vulnerable, reduced resources are possible, and the imposition of external controls to assure adaptability becomes probable (Bennis, 1966). Coal congruence between the police and the public they serve is a by-product of adaptability and is organi- zationally a desirable state of affairs. When determined to be structurally and functionally feasible, boundary spanning activity can act as a conduit for information in regards to community problems, values, and needs, thus serving as a feedback mechanism. Information exchanges, possible through boundary spanning, are two way and can serve immediate police-community purposes as well as be useful for larger social considerations. These considerations are based on an assumption that relevant information from the external environment can be systematically gathered, analyzed, and utilized by the police to address dysfunctions that may exist in goals and strategies. Another purpose of the implementation of informational structures is to optimize the clientele participation within the production process and the task activities involved (Mills, 1983). When clientele are crucial to the organization's operations, the employees involved in this interaction can be viewed as decision units; therefore, the employees so involved act as gatekeepers. They filter information from the clientele not only for purposes of production, but also for strategic decision making (Daft & McIntosh, 1978). In Flint, Michigan, there exists an environment which contains information relative to community values, problems, and needs. The situational context in which the police interact with the public and the status of permeability of police organizational boundaries determines the extent to which the information from the environment enters the police department. The motor patrol officers make extensive contacts with the citizens of the community. These are the situational contact points with citizens, business people, officials, and others in the normal course of a day's work. This is the situational locale where complaints are received, accidents are policed, traffic tickets written, warnings given, investigatory stops made, suspicious persons checked, and investigations conducted. In motor patrol Operations two conditions are present that prevent relevant information from entering the organization. The situation itself is not conducive for obtaining information relative to community values, problems and needs because both the officer and the citizen are preoccupied with the conditions at hand. These conditions remain regid in terms of information flow from the organization and into the organization. Emphasis has not been placed on giving or receiving organizationally relevant information beyond the police context. Current emphasis on police reSponse time only exasperates this situation. The citizen, under these conditions, is occupied with several physical and psychological constraints ranging from the trauma of being a victim of a crime to the anxiety of being investigated or worse. This boundary can be referred to as a proximate organizational boundary. While many contacts are made on patrol by motorized officers few infor- mation exchanges take place. By design the boundary is not permeable. Such limited information exchanges, not unusual for motor patrol Operations, can lead to serious escalation of police-community problems. For example, in the early morning hours of July 23, 1967,» intent on doing their job, police Officers from the City of Detroit Police Department raided an after-hours gambling establishment. That incident was the spark that exploded into the 1967 Detroit Riot. Lack Of permeable boundaries precluded the use of information relative to mood of the public, values Of those involved, community conditions at the time and several problems existing in the community. Foot patrol officers also Operate in the proximate boundary, but because of organizational mandates and program requirements they attempt to make the boundary permeable thus providing for information flow in both directions. In addition to the daily citizen-police contact experienced by motor Officers, foot patrol Officers are placed in situations beyond the routine, that are not experienced by motor patrol Officers. The nature of foot patrol work provides an atmosphere and impetus for assessing needs and values of the community. Such information exchange is inherent in the programmatic goals of foot patrolling. Police officers frequently exercise their responsibilities in a vacuum and while officers are in constant contact with citizens, they do so without developing a degree of intimacy (Trojanowicz & Banas, 1985). This view is supportive of the position of the interchange that takes place at the proximate boundary. It is often explained by describing motorized officers as remaining in their cars and thus learning little of the social norms or occupants of the community. If, as presented, motor patrol officers at Flint interact with large numbers Of citizens in a limited way and create impermeable boundaries, and if foot patrol Officers create permeable boundaries and interact with a broader social context and encourage two way informa- tion flow, then the possibility exists for utilizing foot patrol officers as boundary spanners. Under such conditions goal congruence becomes a realistic alternative for police decision makers and the concept Of police—community partnerships becomes realizable. The city of Flint, Michigan, instituted an experimental foot patrol program in January, 1979 that was funded by the Charles Stewart Mott Foundation. This patrol utilized 22 officers covering 14 beats. In 1981, the beats were expanded and the number of officers remained the same. Originally, the beats were not determined by the incidence of crime or demographic characteristics, but were based on anticipated public support and cooperation. Several adjustments were made in the program during the experimental period. Early evaluations of the foot patrol experience indicated that the crime of breaking and entering was reduced from previous years during the first year of operation. In the latter part of 1982 a time for decision had been reached. After 3 years of experimentation, the opportunity for a tax supported foot patrol program arrived. In August, 1982, the citizens of Flint, Michigan voted for a 2 mill increase in prOperty taxes for a 3 year period to support a foot patrol program. The millage provided for a 64 beat foot patrol that would cover the entire city. The millage amounts to $3.1 million for each of the 3 years. Direct and indirect support is provided by the Flint Police Department. In August, 1985, the foot patrol millage expires. In June, 1985, the voters will have an 9 Opportunity to express their desires regarding the continuance or abandonment of the program. Purpose of the Study The overall purpose of this study is to determine if certain organizational concepts used in production oriented organizations are adaptable to the Flint Neighborhood Foot Patrol Program. While it appears to be obvious that Flint uses two different forms of patrol, just how, and to what degree, they differ is unknown. The primary focus of this study is the examination of Officers' daily reports from both types of patrol in order to determine the differences between the two. Bozh the terms and forms used by these officers are different. A de:;_:e: study of these daily reports is required which includes scancardizing terms and accounting for tasks that are similar and dissimilar. Because the manner of entries on the Officers' daily reports is also dissimilar, a portion of the determination will include viewing these documents from both task and time perspectives. The study will also view foot Officers in relation to client groups and the situational context in which those contacts are made for purposes :5- determining the feasibility of utilizing foot patrol officers as boundary spanners. The reason that boundary spanning activity is important to the Open systems view of the Flint foot patrol experience is that informa- tion about environmental contingencies needs to reach the organizational decision makers so that the most appropriate decisions relevant to environmental conditions can be made. The process of boundary spanning is basically the process of adaptation (Darran, Miles & Snow, 1975). 10 Organizations, agencies and persons who operate on the boundary of such Open systems, performing organizational tasks and relating the organization with elements outside of it, are called boundary spanners (Leifer & Delbecq, 1978). The primary responsibility of boundary spanners is information exchange between the organization and its environment. The focus on this form of boundary spanning in this study is the behavioral structure of the foot and motor patrol units. For the purposes of this study, an open system perspective is used to view the phenomena of foot.patrol. Every organization exists in a specific environment, that is physical, technological, social, and cultural, to which it must adapt. All organizations, not being self- sufficient, depend for survival on relationships they establish with the larger system of which they are a part (Scott, 1981). Utilizing this framework allows for examining this function Of foot patrol in relation to its environment. The importance of determining the differences between the two types of patrol is based on the premise that the motor patrol, while making several contacts with citizens on a daily basis, does not have a permeable boundary, obviating the importation of critical information for the organization. If the foot patrol function is different in this respect then serious consideration Of employing boundary spanning as a viable activity can be addressed. Only after determining differences and the nature of those differences can any theoretical implications be considered. The end of boundary spanning is the development of relevant environmental information for departmental decision makers. 11 The Problem There has not been a definitive description and comparison of the working profile of the foot patrol officer as contrasted to the more traditional form of motor patrol. Flint, Michigan provides an excellent ground for such a study because it has foot patrol and motor patrol officers working on beats that cover the entire city. In addition to being responsible for performing the full range of duties expected of the Flint police Officer, the foot patrol Officer is also responsible for several other duties that attempt, through specific tasks, to achieve the goals of the Flint Neighborhood Foot Patrol Program. The goals of the Neighborhood Foot Patrol Program when contrasted to the goals Of the Flint Police Department are not substantially different. The Flint Police Department goals have more emphasis on law enforcement related tasks but, on close examination, little real differences exist. Foot Patrol Goals 1. To decrease the amount of actual or perceived criminal activity. 2. To increase the citizen's perception of personal safety. 3. To deliver to Flint residents a type of law enforcement service consistent with the community needs and the ideals of modern police practice. 4. TO create a community awareness of crime problems and methods Of increasing the ability of law enforcement agencies to deal with actual or potential criminal activity effectively. 5. To develop citizen volunteer action in support of, and under the direction of, the police, aimed at various target crimes. 6. TO eliminate citizen apathy about crime reporting to the police. 12 7. To increase the protection for women, children, and the aged (Trojanowicz, 1982). Motor Patrol Goals 77-2/002 Primary Objective: To approach the ideal of an urban society free from crime and disorder by enforcing the law in a fair and impartial manner. 77-2/003 Prevention of Crime: To interact with the community to generate mutual understanding and to obtain public support for crime prevention. 77-2/004 Deterrence of Crime: To perform police patrol and investigate criminal behavior. 77-2/005 Apprehension of Offenders: To solve crimes and bring perpetrators to justice. 77-2/006 Recovery and Return of Property: To minimize the losses due to crime by recovery of lost or stolen property. 77-2/007 Movement of Traffic: To enforce traffic laws, investigate accidents and direct traffic through warnings, citations and arrests. 77-2/008 Public Service: To assist and advise citizens in routine and emergency situations which develop in an urban society and to respond to incidents to save lives, aid the injured, locate the lost, keep the peace and meet other miscellaneous needs (Flint Police Department, Official Orders). Fggt_pa££ol appears to be_proactive while motor patrol goals indij .Vze a level of reactiveness. Overall, however, the differences are .m— ”—v-WM“ A- r _.._—‘..._ h” w—-....: 7 ___. slight. Foot Patrol goals have a stronger sense_9f_citi§en_involvement. w.”— — w——~ K "“ -- and interaction_than_motgr_patrol goals1 __..——- H" Ostrom (1973) feels that all of these services performed by the police can be conceptualized as contributing to the state of affairs called the security of the community. A major problem with this conceptualization is that while police service contributes to the security of the community it is never the sole contributor. There are rich networks of interacting variables and thus the best that can 13 be achieved is a primitive measurement. There are several variations Of population characteristics, individual characteristics, and institu- tional arrangements existing in the community. It is the combination of these and other factors that leads to the condition that Ostrom calls the security of the community. While extensive difficulties exist in the measurement of outputs and thus efficiencies of police agencies, it is essential to gain as valid and reliable indicators as possible in a comparative manner. Many reformers of the past have frequently asserted that a particular structural change will increase the output and efficiency of a public agency. A review Of the Task Force on Police Report of the President's' Commission on Law Enforcement and the Administration of Justice (1967) indicates that no attempt was made by the task force to describe what the terms "improving the quality of law enforcement" meant or how one would measure such improvement. Ostrom (1973) states: How can we know which intervention strategy should be selected, if we cannot measure the consequences that are associated with different institutional arrangements? In an evaluation of the experimental foot patrol program at Flint the foot patrol program is described as an intervention: The Flint, Michigan NFPP began in January, 1979 in response to two problems that were deemed hindrances to effective crime prevention: (1) the lack of comprehensive neighbor— hood organization and crime prevention involvement, and (2) the lack of personal contact and interaction between city police officers and community residents. It was believed that the implementation of a properly conceived neighborhood foot patrol program could initiate organized community involvement in the crime prevention process, while at the same time serving as a basis for improved police-community relations (Trojanowicz et al., 1982). Clientele that directly interact with the organization are providing raw material for the production process. As such, clientele 14 are actually doing work or performing tasks. When the clientele informational input is crucial to the Operation of the organization, boundaries of the organization must be expanded to allow for active participation with the employees. The absorption of the clientele into the decision process or structure of the organization is a means of averting threats to the organization's stability (Mills, 1983). Recognition of a need for community involvement and police- community interaction, supports the open system view of policing. The professional or military model of policing has attributes of a closed, information tight, system. Ironically, the modern military model for the police was already well established in the 1940's, at the same time when large numbers of poor members of minority groups, particularly blacks, were pouring into poor urban areas of the north. The old service oriented foot patrol approach was largely abandoned in favor of a mechanized squad car approach at a time when foot patrol was most needed. This phenomena was one of several factors that started the police on a collision course with the minority subculture (O'Brien, 1978). The broad use of the telephone, installation of two-way police radios, modern technology and emphasis on rapid response time coupled with the ideal of omnipresent police also were contributing factors in the decoupling of the police from the foot patrol. Given that a decision to institute a foot patrol program is considered an innovation in traditionally structured organizations it may be difficult to measure the degree of change. Part of the problem is attempting to determine effectiveness without first determining a relationship between what the foot patrol officer does and the objectives of foot patrolling. It is even more basic to define 15 exactly what it is a foot patrol officer does, where it is done, how it is done, and to what degree it is done. Several research strategies of the past were means oriented based on assumptions that the ends Of policing were clear. In recent years, the ends of policing have been raised as issues. If, as anticipated, foot patrol policing is in a position to span organizational boundaries and thus provide a mechanism for two way communication with its external environment, several things are possible. Current objectives relating to citizen contact can be analyzed, decision makers could be in a position to obtain a degree of environmental adaptability, and the police may be able to determine if their ends are appropriate considering the public's problems, desires, and values. Taking a quantum leap at this time to attempt to determine effec- tiveness, efficiency or cost-benefits is premature. There are too many inconsistencies in policing for those endeavors to be productive or reliable. The dynamic nature of the environment and multiplicity of strategies already attempted, compounded with deficiencies in measure-_ ment, all point to a need to address a more basic issue. A first step toward clarity should focus on the procurement of base data by obtaining a description of what it is that a foot patrol officer does on patrol, where it is done, and with what frequency it is done. A need exists to address such issues within a theoretical framework that reflects the work in relation to its environment. The open system and related organizational concepts discussed provide that framework. Research Questions Three primary questions have been formulated. The answers to these questions will provide a base from which a conclusion can be reached in l6 determining the "fit" of the concept of boundary spanning and other related organizational concepts to the Flint foot patrol program. The concepts that are employed to view this organizational structure, and thus provide a framework, are adapted from organizational theories that have been primarily used to address production oriented organizations. (Operational definitions of these concepts are found near the conclusion of this chapter.) Questions 1. Are the tasks performed by foot patrol officers at Flint, Michigan, as depicted on the officer's daily report, different from the tasks performed by the motor patrol of Flint? 2. If the tasks are different, how are they different? 3. Are they different in such ways that indicate that foot patrol officers interact with extended boundaries, thus, a broader external environment? Importance of the Study It is readily recognized that the results of this study will not answer all of the questions that can be posed regarding police role, community policing and information exchange processes with the community. It is hOped that the research developed here will furnish some insights into the feasibility of using industrial and organizational concepts and theories to view the policing process. The implications of adopting boundary spanning activity for the purposes of obtaining information relative to a community's values and beliefs could have impact on the police department's goal setting initiatives and ultimately on adapta- bility with its environment. One important aspect of this study is that it will provide a working profile of the neighborhood foot patrol l7 officer at Flint and as such establish base data for further examination Of this facet of policing. Viewing the foot patrol program from this perspective may provide the Flint police decision makers with a method for gathering and assessing relevant information from their permeable boundaries regarding community problems, values, and needs hitherto unrealized. Finally, the study should provide the opportunity to determdne whether or not the daily activity sheets of the officer on foot patrol is reflective of goal achievement. The study is descriptive and exploratory. Because it is restricted to the city of Flint, generalizations to other communities are not possible. Even though attempts were made to verify the contents of the officer's daily report, those reports are self-reported documents and subject to the limitations of such documents. The months chosen, from which the officers' daily reports were taken, were determined to be representative of normal routine. Annual totals were not obtained and summed to verify their representativeness. Because motor and foot patrol officers transcribe their notations somewhat differently, determinations were made to standardize these notations by the researcher. This process is outlined in detail in Chapter III. Definition of Terms Chapter II provides a description of the theoretical framework. Frequent references to terminology from the fields of industrial and organizational psychology are made. A brief definition of those terms is provided. Organizational theory is the study of the structure, functions and performance of organizations and the behavior Of individuals and groups within those organizations. 18 General system is a theory in organizational analysis which is devoted to discovering organizational universals. The aim of general system theory is the creation of a science of organizational universals using the elements and processes common to all systems as a starting point. A system is characterized by an assemblage or combination of parts with relations among them such that they are interdependent. The parts of the system vary from being quite simple to very complex and from being stable to highly variable. Open systems emphasize the relationship between a structure and its supporting environment. They emphasize the processing of inputs to the production of outputs, to yield some outcome to be used by a group or system outside the organization. Such systems are not sealed off from their environments, but are Open to and dependent upon flows of personnel, information and resources from outside their own system. A closed system views an organization as separate from its environ- ment, such as in a natural or rational system. An environment is a set of influences shaping the structure, functioning and fate of the organization and, therefore, a force in its own right. It is a source of resources and constraints controlled by actors capable of behaving independently of the organization in ways that shape the activities and outcomes of the organization. System boundaries refer to the types of barrier conditions between the system and its environment that makes for degrees of openness. Boundaries can be conceived as the demarcation lines or regions for the definition of appropriate system activity. They can be physical or psychological. l9 Adaptability refers to the organization's adjustment to its external environment through a process of exchanges which provide for organizational-environmental compatability. Organigation of the Remainder of the Study This thesis has been organized into five chapters. Chapter 1 provides an introduction, the identification of the problem studied, a discussion of the purpose of the study, research questions, rationale for the work and definitions of terms used throughout the study. Chapter II is a review of the related literature. There are two separate areas which are considered in this review. First, a review of some literature dealing with community policing and some of the problems that have been encountered. This portion reveals some of the disparity that exists in dealing with different means without attempt- ing to redefine ends. In the second portion of the chapter several concepts of the Open system perspective and related concepts from the industrial and organizational psychology field are presented. The purpose of this material is to provide the reader with the theoretical framework that is used to examine the Flint foot patrol program. Chapter III is devoted to a description of the type of study, the sample and population. Detailed descriptions and explanations of the daily activity of the foot and motor officers are presented due to the fact that, as reported, the information from the daily report is not explanatory. The process used in data collection and methods of analysis is also explained. Chapter IV is the results of the data analysis. Research results, which furnish numbers and kinds of tasks, will illustrate where 20 differences and similarities exist. This chapter includes a discussion of the findings. Chapter V Consists of a summary and conclusions of the study. The previous chapters are summarized. Implications Of the study to law enforcement are suggested and possible future research areas are identified. CHAPTER II Review of Related Literature Introduction The literature will be reviewed in two parts. First, some of the confusion that exists in the area of community policing and some problems regarding means and ends controversies that highlight a need to address policing in relation to its environment will be reviewed. The second part of the chapter will be devoted to organizational literature establishing the theoretical framework for viewing the Flint foot patrol according to an Open system perspective. It will also identify concepts that are used in establishing the open system pers- pective. The Need to Study Policing in Light of an Open System Perspective Britain O'Brien (1978) examined historical and sociological factors which have led to poor police-community relations. He traced much Of the alienation between the police and the public to historical faccors indicating that without some form of intervention, polarization between the two elements can lead to problems of serious proportions. The factors described as contributory are threefold. First, the police emphasis on the military model of operation emphasizes efficiency and distance from the public. Second, news media emphasis on the crime-fighting function of the police gives an unrealistic picture of the police and heightens alienation among certain groups of the population. Third, the confusing views of the proper police role leads to uncertainty and this can erode community relations. 21 22 The British, faced with an increasing crime rate stemming from complex causes, have responded to this problem with programs of physical and social crime prevention that depend on community support for their success. The traditional emphases on the law enforcement role in large urban areas are seen as creating barriers rather than bridges between the community and the police (Schaffer, 1980). An essential base of effective prevention is the quality of contact policing, central to which is the relationship between the local police officer and the people on the officer's ground (Brown, 1979). The British hold that the primary police force in any society is the capacity of that society to regulate itself. This capacity derives from the strength and quality of the society's family life; community life; its ' social, economic, political and other institutional structures; and its cultural traditions and values. The capacity of society to regulate itself in Britain is based on the idea of the police working with and through such a society. This ideal points to a need for information regarding society's goals, values and beliefs. In the past 20 years in Britain, changes in society and within the police service have combined to put the purpose of prevention at risk. Such changes in society and the police have caused a shift; it is hypothesized that this shift parallels development of policing in the United States (Brown, 1979). In Britain, the concept of policing moved from the police as a uniformed representative of the community to the concept of professionalism, from generalist to specialist, from ground experience to management skills, and from preventive policing to reactive policing. These shifts in values have meant losses in the quality of contact policing. Contact policing in Britain parallels 23 foot or beat patrolling. In that country, the beat officer can keep the peace to the degree that the officer has created complex networks of relationships based on mutual trust, respect and under- standing that grows from an effort of sustained personal local contact with the citizenry. Despite the resistence to prevention concepts and community policing practices, interchange between the police and other public entities is developing in Britain. Activities with public agencies range from liaison with teachers to social service case workers. The police frequently act as initiators of social dialogue and action. The pressures of local circumstances, particularly those in deprived areas of urban society, dictate interchange and collabora- tion between ground workers in statuatory and voluntary services. There is a growing need for policy makers in each sphere to create structures and means whereby relationships, understanding and cooperation between services can be developed and extended. Such conditions are not unlike those in Flint leading to the development of the Neighborhood Foot Patrol Program. There are striking similarities between deve10pments in Britain and Flint. In describing a model of organizational structure in Britain that facilitates this interchange, Brown (1979) describes the Asfordby Section of the Leicesterchire Central Division. It is a decaying intercity area of 32 thousand people. Half of the people are of Asian decent and one eighth are of West Indian decent. Officers are deployed in teams of eight to give foot patrol coverage in four beats. These beats are backed up by car coverage. Bach officer is charged with the responsibility of creating close 24 relationships with people and organizations on the beat. The area of responsibility has been narrowed to four streets on the beat. This action necessitated several contacts with schools, neighborhood groups, immigrant organizations, shops, pubs, social workers, youth leaders, probation officers, clergy and local residents. Noteworthy of this report is the increase in the flow of information from the ground to the police specialists, particularly burglary and vice squads. A better climate of police-community relations also evolved. Australia An inspector of police in Victoria, Australia compared the findings of a British Police Commission from 1962 with an Australian public opinion poll from 1971 on desirable police priorities. In democratic societies, as apposed to dictatorships, the police must be flexible enough to accommodate modern criminological theories, which favor prevention over repression, but still perform traditional police tasks in the maintenance of order and protection of citizens. The public opinion poll in Australia classed crime prevention as the highest priority. The need for community involvement, understanding, and support was evident. The public in Australia felt that the police should dissuade by means of high visibility, but when dissuasion and persuasion fail, swift police action in the form of pursuit and apprehension is essential. A large segment of the public blamed the inflated incidence of crime and law enforcement problems in general on permissiveness. The public defined permissiveness as a weakening of religious and moral restraints on human behavior and a blurring of traditional distinctions between right and wrong. Other social problems listed as causes of crime and disorder were the automobile, 25 air pollution, stress factors of society, and situation ethics regarding other people's property (Knight, 1978). If these findings are accepted as factual, it is clear that the police are not capable of addressing such broad social problems. There is a need, as depicted by the complexity of social problems, for the police to interact with the external environment and, as such, recognize the utility of open system perspectives. Montgomery County, Maryland Strategies have not always been employed by the police to serve the ends of the public need. The Montgomery County, Maryland police department began a limited foot patrol program in 1974 in order to conserve gasoline. Ten minutes each hour were devoted to foot patrol- ling. In June, 1979 the program was reinstituted with longer periods of foot patrol; and the targets were expanded from the original limited use in business districts to include schools, shopping centers and business districts. Police Chief Bernard D. Crooke, Jr.'s staff said that while the highest priority was to save gasoline, that saving could be accomplished by expanded foot patrol without hampering the department's ability to service the public (Crooke,l979). This Opinion was not supported by data. United States DevelOpment of environmental information for purposes of impacting on arrests and convictions has been cited as a key variable to relating to solving crimes. It has been hypothesized that the one important determinant of the ability of the police to apprehend criminals is information obtained. Based on data analyzed from the 1973 National Crime Panel about the types and amounts of information potentially 26 available to the police through victim reports and patrol activities; the evidence suggests that if the police rely on the information that is readily available to them, they will never do much better than they are doing now. Researchers feel that there is more information available to bystanders in the community and any improved method for eliciting that information and recording and analyzing it should increase the probability of solving crimes (Skogan & Antunes, 1979). Implications from this study are that appropriate strategies of policing offer greater opportunities to provide the police with this valued information. Proactive citizen-police partnerships enhance the regularity of police reports in the form of hue and cry. This approach addresses a productivity problem and shifts attention to apprehension strategies that involve the public and maximize the use of information. It is means oriented and limits the information input to crime relevant data only. It indicates that the police are comfortable with the perceived ends of policing and, while such strategies extend the ‘ boundaries of the organization, they still remain relatively closed because the inputs have limited focus. Much of the information developed by the police in regards to the community has been designed to elicit information relative to the police image or citizen satisfaction with the service as it is. In a study conducted in 1979, testing the possibility of having citizens who call for police service evaluate the performance of the responding police officers, the hypothesis focused on the relation- ship between innovative police departments and citizen satisfaction. The innovative departments received better evaluations. It is inter- esting to note that an open-ended question revealed that the officers 27 who appeared to be personally concerned about the citizens' problems received higher evaluation (Carlson & Sutton, 1979). Such relation- ships indicate a tendency of the populace to prefer other descriptors of effectiveness. Clark & Bough (1980) present the idea that several previously tested measures of police performance are now being seriously questioned and that policing theory is concerned with a process of remapping the limits, capabilities, and responsibilities of the police. The emerging trend in police research asserts that it is difficult to determine clearly what the affects the divergent strategies have on crime. An alternative approach rests on assumptions that the police have a limited capability for control of crime and prescriptive assumptions that the police should not claim or foster such beliefs (Alderson, 1979). One hundred and fifty years of policing in the United States has provided abundant evidence that unilaterally set goals, divergent strategies, emphasis on the means and the maintenance of a closed system perspective have done little to provide answers and direction to the multiple social problems of crime. What has been accomplished is the recognition in limited circles of the need to address a wider audience. Community policing is a step in that direction, but it has not gone far enough. A new theory of policing is required that will include the public in the determination of police goals. Goldstein (1979) states that the test of time that the conservative viewpoint is apt to emphasize is a tricky standard. It sometimes protects arrangements that have merely lasted because fear or neglect have prevented scrutiny. There is little doubt that many aspects of modern 28 policing are just such arrangements. The undertaking of community policing on the whole has been reactive in the sense that it has followed external pressures rather than a spontaneous appreciation of a need (Bittner, 1980). In a discussion of community relations, The Task Force Report: The Police of the President's Commission on Law Enforcement and the Administration of Justice, indicates that even though such units receive broad mandates, it has not been clear in what sort of activities they should engage. Efforts to employ a new theory of policing that involves the active participation of the community in the determination of goals and means to achieve those goals based on the community's values, problems, and needs will be met by some resistance. This resistance will be particularly problematic in organizations structured along military or professional lines. Discussion In an analysis, by use of a diffusion paradigm, of factors which inhibit innovation in police organizations, it was found that the factors most often mentioned include the authoritative structure of the system, traditional leadership styles, negative attitudes of superior officers and rigid ideology. Because of the military nature of police organizational styles, the police often emphasize centralized command structure, one way downward communication, rigid superior-subordinate relationships, and the repressive nature of the work. Traditional dogma stagnates meaningful change, while conven- tions, customs, and social habits encourage rigidity and secrecy. The latter tends to resist change altogether (Lingameni, 1979). 29 Specific characteristics of an innovation that affects its acceptance or rejection are: l. The cost-benefit factor. 2. Comparability or value consensus. 3. Complexity of the program principles. 4. Ability to be tried. 5. Demonstrativeness. 6. Timliness. 7. Nature of public opinion. The demand for police recognition of a new base of principles and criteria is emerging in Western civilization. Several quarters reflect a need to readdress policing either implicitly or explicitly. The theme is that social changes in the last 150 years have not been substantially reflected in the philosophy underlying the policies, accepted attitudes and activities of the police. The inevitable nature of crime may preclude the exercise of a major commitment of police resources to this one sociological element and may point to a need to examine new principles, criteria, and objectives for future policing. Traditional organizational divisions of police must change to reflect recognition and understanding of the non-police contribution to policing and must address and accommodate new elements of society previously not included in police programs (Alderson, 1979). In a paper delivered at Harvard in April, 1984, from the Commis- sioner's Office of the London Metropolitan Police, statements were made that amplify the need to readdress policing. In discussing cooperation with others, the Office of the Commissioner indicated that there is now abundant evidence that police action alone is 30 insufficient to reduce crime. The aim of gaining cooperation of others, therefore, goes beyond earning respect and approval for policing and extends to involving the active assistance of the public in pre- venting crime and helping to preserve the peace. An organized framework for promoting positive cooperation between the police and the public is needed. In an evaluation of the Neighborhood Foot Patrol Program at Flint, Michigan, Trojanowicz, et a1. (1982) discuss ways that a foot patrol officer can raise the level of public debate and influence the administrative structure and philosophy of the police department. The effective foot patrol officer is sensitive to the policing needs of a particular community and can act as a catalytic link to insure that services are provided. As such, the officer influences delivery of service to the community and becomes indirectly involved in the political process without compromising the ideals of the police. Two ways are suggested that the officer can raise the level of public debate: 1) The officers can demand clear public guidelines and role definitions relative to their law enforcement functions. By demanding these guidelines, issues are raised and decision making levels identified. Citizens are thus alerted to the availability of the political process to express those needs. 2) The police can act as disseminators of information to the public. This action fulfills the public need to have factual information upon which to base decisions of whether change is necessary or desirable. These suggestions made in 1982 describe an information exchange model for the foot patrol officer. It becomes apparent that the foot officers are in a position to extend their boundaries and provide 31 for two-way communication. Such models, characteristic of open system models, recognize that despite the professional model of policing espoused by the police, they are in fact a resource dependent organiza- tion and depend on the environment within which they exist for inputs and accountable to that environment for outputs. Summary In this first section of the review of related literature, the need for information exchange models to be considered by the police has been highlighted. It has been shown'that many traditional police structures and policing practices have created barriers to Open communi- cation with their environments. There is an increased tendency among the police to recognize the need to include the community in some way in determination of police goals and practices. There is also evidence that the police and researchers alike recognize that, as structured and guided, the police alone cannot have much impact on such broad social problems as crime and related concepts. Questions have been raised on police capabilities which imply a futility in reaching current ends by the means currently utilized. This situation indicates a need to depart from traditional structures and philosophies and points to a need to readdress ends before attempt- ing other solutions to the problem. The public must be involved in such determinations. Open Systems Perspectives Organizational theory has been described as the study of the structure, functions, and performance of organizations and the behavior of individuals or groups within them. Organismic forms of organizations 32 are appropriate to changing conditions. These conditions which arise from the environment, generate fresh problems and unforseen require- ments for action (Pugh, 1966). Pugh (1983) emphasizes his belief in the necessity of studying and theorizing without regard to what have traditionally been considered disciplined boundaries, thus favoring an interdisciplinary approach to the study of environments, organizations, groups, and individual behaviors. One of the basic contributions of the systems theory is that it has shown the interrelation of the different levels within an overall conceptual approach. Open system theory emphasizes a close relationship between a structure and its supporting environment. It begins with the concept of entrophy, the assumption that without continued inputs the system will run down; the concept of throughput is also salient.' Throughput is the processing of production inputs to yeild some outcome to be used by a group or system outside the organization. Throughput in the context of this thesis is to be used by the larger social system within which the police exist: the community. Several organizational theorists view the Open system somewhat differently. Boulding (1956) describes such a system as one capable of self-maintenance based on a throughput of resources from its environment, similar to a living cell. A social system is conceived as a multicephalous system comprised of actions, functioning at the symbol processing level, that share a common social order and culture. One of the main contributions of the open system perspective is the recognition that many systems, particularly social systems, contain elements that are only slightly interrelated with other elements 33 ‘ and are capable of fairly autonomous actions. This concept of loose- coupling can be applied to the relationships among structural units such as work groups or police units (Boulding, 1956). Others insist that open system theorists consider that loose coupling in structural arrangements can be highly adaptive for the system as a whole (Pfeffer & Salancik, 1974). Yet others perceive a loosely-coupled system not as a system in the strictest sense of the word. Their view of a strict system would indicate a well integra- ted institution that is smoothly operated according to predetermined norms, (Feeley, 1979). The context of this thesis uses the system from the perspective of an analytic point of view or an analytic concept to characterize a regular and recurring process (Raporport, 1966). The concept of technology is interwoven in system theory. It is a term that has evolved to refer to the work performance of an organization. It is broadly defined by organizational theorists to include not only the hardware used, but skills of workers, know- ledge of workers, and the characteristics of the objects upon which the work is performed. Viewing the open system this way acknowledges the considerable overlap among technology, task environment, and the external environment, as these terms are generally employed by organizational analysts. The context of this study defines technology as the characteristics of the operations or techniques used to perform work (Scott, 1967). An important contribution to the open system theory has been the growing awareness of a need to take into account four different 34 value perspectives: l. Perspectives arising from the interests of subordinate organizational units, in large hierarchial organizations 2. Perspectives arising from interests of members of the organization who import personal values and purposes that can, at best, be only partially reflected within the focal organization 3. Perspectives arising from interests of "outside" persons or organizations of interdependence 4. Perspectives representing the general societal or public interest (Seashore, 1983). Nature of the Environment An open system theory emphasizes the system characteristics of social relationships and the transactions of systems with their environment. A social system is a structuring of events or happenings rather than of physical parts, and it does not have a structure apart from the functioning of the system. .It is a structuronomic conception of individual and collective behavior (Allport, 1962). Use of the term system in this thesis describes a pattern of relationships and is a conceptual definition rather than a term for a perceived aggrega- tidn of parts. Police as a System Organizations exist in a changing and demanding envirnoment. The police subsystem of the social system must maintain itself and further a favorable environment through relations with other structures in society, namely the community and its groups. The support, produc- tion, and maintenance subsystems of the police face inward. The risks of concentrating attention and energies inward in organiza- tions are directly proportional to the magnitude and rate of change 35 in the world outside the organization. In most formal organizations there arises a need to have structures that are specifically concerned with sensing relevant changes for the organization (Katz & Kahn, 1966). In police departments, this adaptive subsystem is often called planning and research. Police seldom adopt organizational philosophies held by market organizations. System Openness may not exist in policing tO the degree that it provides for receptivity to all the various types of inputs. Katz & Kahn's (1966) thesis is that the study Of organizations should take the social system level as its conceptual starting point, but that many Of the actual measures come from observations and reports Of individual behaviors and attitudes. Open system theory permits the use of both levels, the macro level for viewing system variables and the micro level for the actual facts gathered. Smircich (1983) conceives organizations as struggling for survival within a changing environment. Organizations conceived as Operating in an Open system are studied in terms of the way they manage interdependence and exchanges across system boundaries. All organizations, whether industrial or not, have an environment comprised of, at a minimum, suppliers, competitors, clients, unions, governmental regulatory agencies, new technologies, and complex social and political surroundings. Organizations often attempt to control these environ- mental influences (Perrow, 1972). Environment and the Open System In any discussion of the environment in the context Of the open system theory, priority is given to the interrelationships of the organizations and their environments. In attempts to conceptualize 36 environmental characteristics, some stress the overall properties Of the surroundings such as the causal texture theory of Emery & Trist (1971). Others who are more empirically oriented seek measurable characteristics. Every organization exists in a specific physical, technological, social, and cultural environment to which it must adapt. Organizations not being self-sufficient depend for survival on the type Of relations they establish with the larger system of which they are a part. Organizational linkages are important to the survival and legitimacy Of the organization (Scott, 1981). The environment is a set Of influences shaping the structure, function, and fate Of the organization; and, as such, it is a force in its own right. The environment can be conceived as a source Of resources and constraints controlled by actors capable Of behaving independently of the organization in ways that shape the activities and outcomes of the organization. This resource dependency.nature Of the organization stresses the adaptation process. Using the resource dependent model, subunits Of the system, usually a dominant coalition, scan the relevant environment for Opportunities and threats, formulate strategies, and adjust the structure accordingly. Such a model views the system as active and capable Of change as well as responding to the environment. The environmental management Of the organization may be more important than the internal management (Hannan & Freeman, 1977). The core image Of an organization in this thesis is the natural system approach. That is, the system is an intact, behaving entity autonomous except for an interdependence with an environment in the form of information and energy exchange. A source of this concept 37 is a general systems theory which seeks equivalence across an array of behaving systems. The derivation relevant to formal human work organizations has the name Open Systems Theory. The central propositions Of this theory are concerned with system boundaries, integration of subsystems, input-throughput-output processes, boundary transactions, system maintenance processes and the degree of permeability of the boundaries. Therefore, the focus is the boundary transactions in the form of information exchange to ameliorate uncertainty in the environment and to provide for adaptability with the system environment. Under these conditions, coordination and control become problematic for organizational decision makers. System boundaries are seen as amorphous, and the assignment Of persons or actions to either the organization or the environment seem to be arbitrary and varies depend- ing upon what aspect of the system functioning is under consideration (ScOtt, 1981). The Causal Texture of the Environment Sensing a need for redirecting conceptual attention to the causal texture of the environment of organizations Emery & Trist (1971) isolated and described four types of environments. The causal texture may be thought of as existing simultaneously in the real world of most organizations, though weighting will vary from case to case. The first type of texture is that in which the goals and goods and bads are relatively unchanging and are randomly distributed. Tactics for organizations in this environment are learned by trial and error. It is called a placid-randomized environment and corresponds to the economic classical market. 38 The second type of texture is more complicated. It is still placid, but goods, bads and goals can be characterized as clustering. It is called a placid-clustered environment.‘ Organizational response to such a texture is a strategy as Opposed to a tactic. Survival Of the organization is linked with what it knows of its environment. The third type of texture is described as disturbed-reactive. It is characterized by a number Of similar organizations doing the same thing. Stability under these conditions is achieved by coming to terms with other similar organizations. The fourth type of texture, and the one used in this thesis, is the most complex and is called a turbulent field. The ground can be conceived of as being in motion. It is characterized by a deepening interdependence between facets Of society. This is the perception Of the author for the community served by the Neighborhood Foot Patrol. In Flint, different views are held as to the usefulness of the foot patrol function. Some quarters Opt for the rapid response of the traditional motor patrol. Each demographic group has different values, problems, and needs. The department itself is divided along lines of foot patrol and motor patrol. There are citizen and voluntary groups that are actively supportive of the foot patrol process. Open System and the Police Organizations that choose not to Opt for a condition of adaptation may find that they will be locked into a closed system and vulnerable due to the lack of relevant information. If police organizations do not use an open systems approach to view their organizations and examine environmental variables, they may find that they are in a position of being replaced, attacked, or restructured by Others. 39 Such a shift in power will drastically change the police structure. By their very existence the police are a resource dependent organiza- tion. Those resources reside in the external environment, and informa- tion relevant to environmental demands must be assessed in order for the organization to adapt. The Environment as a Flow of Information At a simple level, the concept of environment may be conceived as surroundings or the climate in which organizations function. It is not the purpose of this thesis to analyze the properties of environ- ments. Indications are that good bases for general propositions about environmental influence or systematic classification and comparisons of different environments are hard to find (Dill, 1971). As a flow of information, environments are viewed as they affect the organization under study. This conceptualization of the environment can be treated as information which becomes available to decision makers or to which the organization, via some search activity, Obtains access. It is not the supplier or the customer that counts, but the information, that is made available to the organization under study, about goals. It is the conditions under which members of the community will enter into agreement or other aspects of community behavior, that are of critical importance to departmental decision makers. The focus on just those elements of information, which bear potentially on goal setting and goal attainment, forms the task environ- ment for the department. The boundaries of the task environment can be changing and can change as action sources, outside the organiza- tion, persuade the organization to change its goals. Tasks are perceived 40 as the organization's own statements of the goals that it wants to achieve and the means by which it hopes to achieve them. Environmental inputs can influence task formulation within the organization in several ways. Inputs may serve as triggers to action, sources of information about goals, sources of information about the means to achieve goals, sources of information about constraints, and sources of evaluation and judgments on the organizational perform- ance (Dill, 1971). One way to view the foot patrol officers is to consider them as contact points with the environment. In dealing with the environment in this way, they are in a position to act as boundary spanners for the police department. System Boundaries System boundaries refer to the types of barrier conditions between the system and its environment that make for degrees of system Openness. Boundaries are the demarcation lines or regions for the definition of appropriate system activity, for admission of members into the organization, and for other imports into the system, namely, informa- tion. The boundary constitutes a barrier for different types of interaction between people on the inside and people on the outside of the police crganization. These boundaries can be physical or psychological. Psychological separation is maintained by visible symbols such as uniforms, insignias, and distinctive forms of behavior. These distinctive forms of behavior emanate from policies and practices that have provided the police with a definition of the level of input that it receives. Without the special provision of symbols, people at the boundary of the organization are susceptible to outside influence. Industrial organizations recognize the need to have interchange with 41 the supporting environment; and, therefore, some of the members of those organizations must occupy boundary positions. Members in these boundary positions help in the export of services and ideas from the system and import materials and information into the organization (Katz & Kahn, 1966). Foot patrol Officers, as structured at Flint, can serve in this capacity. These members of the police department face out on the world just like the motor patrol officers but, unlike the motor patrol officers, engage the public in ways and in places that provide an atmosphere for information exchange. They are in a position and situation to create permeable boundaries, thus allowing for information exchange with the social environment. Motor patrol officers also have the Opportunity for information exchange, but to a lesser degree, due to the nature of the work performed; also, they are under conflicting pressure from their own organization and the social environment. Social systems lack the fixed structure Of physical or biological systems. It is true that social systems have a structure, but it is a structure of events rather than physical parts. This condition makes the social system inseparable from the functioning of the system. Boundary Spanning A viable organization will always have people who can comprehend the nature of the relationship between their organization and the larger environment and carry out the process of goal definition so essential to continued viability of the organization. Organizations must have people who are the focus of the organization environment interaction. It is these boundary spanners who are in the best position to comprehend new realities and the necessity for the organization 42 to redirect its energies. Organizations are encouraged to attract, select, and train individuals who are able to provide information and to lead Others to question (Schneider, 1983). The basic argument for the importance of boundary spanning is that information about environmental contingencies needs to reach organizational decision makers in order that appropriate decisions relevant to environmental conditions and contingencies can be made. This is an adaptation process. Persons working at the periphery or boundary of the organization, performing organizational tasks, and relating the organization to elements outside of it are called boundary spanners. They are responsible for exchange of information between the organization and the task environment (Leifer & Delbecq, 1978). Many organizations designate specialized units that are responsible for information and data gathering. If this is a unit function, then boundary spanning is its technology, that is, the technology of information processing. When there is no such designated unit, boundary spanning will occur on an irregular basis at the discretion of the individual and is not routine. A Boundary Spanning Model Leifer & Delbecq (1978) state that due to information processing limitations, boundary spanners attend to aspects of the environment as a function of: a) what they are told to pay attention to, such as superior's needs and wants; b) what their own wants, needs, and personalities dictate; c) some attention cues based on past experience; d) how and in what context they expect that information to be utilized; and e) cues based on whether or not the information is redundant. A secondary function of the boundary spanner is to select out of 43 the total perceived environment a subset for transmission internally to the organization. The impetus for boundary spanning activity may come from any number of sources. Leifer & Delbecq (1978) list five: 1. Discrepancy between organization performance and organizational goals 2. Inability to make decisions based on available information which generates information searches 3. Perceived environmental complexity or instability that requires boundary spanning to reduce uncertainty 4. Nonroutine technology 5. Multiple goal structure Permeable boundaries provide for the passage of information from and to the organization. The degree to which the focal organization is open to influence from the environment describes its boundary permeability. Boundary spanning provides the police with the ability to focus on the cause of police-community problems as opposed to the symptoms of the problems (Goldstein, 1977). The Impact of Information on Uncertainty The greater the task uncertainty the greater the amount of informa- tion that must be processed among decision makers during task execution in order to achieve a given level of performance (Galbraith, 1973). No one can know the preferences or values of other persons apart from giving them the Opportunity to express their values or preferences. If police agencies are organized in a way that does not provide for the expression of diversity of preferences among different communities of people, then the police, as producers of goods and services, will be taking action without information relative to the changing prefer- ences of the persons they serve (Ostrom, 1973). 44 Uncertainty may be defined as a lack of information about future events so that alternatives and their outcomes are unpredictable. Police departments deal with environmentally derived uncertainties in the sources and compositions of inputs, with uncertainties in the processing of throughputs, and with uncertainties in the disposal of outputs. Such organizations must have a means of dealing with these uncertainties in order to provide adequate task performance (Hickson, Hinings, Lee, Schneck & Pinnings, 1973). In a turbulent field if decision makers assess uncertainty to be continuous, then the organizational-environmental interchange will become a major organizational concern. Under such conditions a need arises for formal boundary spanning units, and these units will be considered a major part of the functioning of the organization (Leifer & Delbecq, 1978). Uncertainty can_arise from conditions of hetrogeneity, high variability, and complexity; In the decision making process under conditions of uncertainty, social referrents for beliefs and perceptions are sought; and the social consensus that emerges defines the situation and the reality for the people involved. Reality becomes socially constructed and defined, and social influence Operates to affect decisions (Pfeffer, 1977). In discussing an information processing model, Galbraith (1973) states that a basic proposition is that the greater the uncertainty of the task the greater the amount of information that has to be processed between decision makers during the execution of tasks. The basic effect of uncertainty is to limit the ability of the 4S organization to plan or to make decisions about activities in advance of their execution. Organizational decision makers are ultimately responsible for a posture regarding the environment, for goals, and for determining the structure of the organization. They are reSponsible for designing the means of doing the organizational work. Discussing strategic choice, Child (1972) states that key decision makers will determine information gathering requirements of the organization in relation to the extent to which they feel uncertainty is present in their decision making. It follows that greater uncertainty leads to less accurate decisions. Greater information processing will reduce uncer- tainty to a more manageable level. Boundary spanning activity is a relative phenomenon depending on the perceived need for information to reduce uncertainty. An assumption of uncertainty also implies that one of the essential considerations in the design of organizational arrangements is the deveIOpment and use of information. An essential criterion of organiza- tional arrangements is the extent to which relevant information is evoked or excluded and the effect that such organizational character- istics have upon the error proneness or error correcting prOpensities of decision makers. The larger the organization becomes the smaller the percent of its activities will relate to output and the larger the proportion of its efforts will be expended on management (Ostrom, 1973). The Need for Accurate Information A review of the previously discussed organizational concepts and models, when adapted to policing, certainly indicates a need 46 for accurate information to flow to the police and to emanate from the police to the public. Such is not always the case. In reporting results of problem interactions between the police and the public, one study showed that there was a disparity between what the citizen and the police perceive as problematic behavior or appropriate police behavior. When the police are asked to provide examples of problem situations in which the citizen behaved inappropriately from the police perspective, only three Of five citizens support the judgments of the police. This support faded when the initial setting expanded into a conflict (Barrett, Renner & Moor, 1979/80). The police have been particularly susceptible to the means over ends syndrome and have placed emphasis in their improvement efforts on organization and Operation methods rather than on substantive outcomes of their work. This condition has been fed by the professional movement within the police field and such professional organizations appear as closed organizations. More and more persons are questioning the widely held assumptions that the improvements in the internal management of the police departments will enable the police to deal more effectively with the problems they are called upon to handle. Organizations that are preoccupied with maintenance and getting involved with methods of operation can lose sight of the primary purposes for which they were created. Foot patrol can be perceived as a manifes- tation of this movement, but it possesses unique properties that are in place and that can be used to span boundaries of the police and the societal system regarding the community values, goals, and problems. This information can be utilized to address the ends of 47 policing and thus serve the primary purpose for which the police were created (Goldstein, 1979). Contemporary society offers several pressures for creating a need to address the end product of police services. Financial crisis, concern for police costs, financial plight of many communities, research that questions the value of preventive patrol, and the consumer advocacy movement are but a few of the pressures that exist. To address substantive problems of the police requires the development of a commitment to a more systematic process for inquiring into these problems. Such a process must look to the identification, in precise terms, of the problems that the citizens look to the police to handle. Only then can the question of the means to address those ends be condidered. Describing the problems under categorical headings of crime, disorder or delinquency, or violence is futile. The use of offense categories as descriptive of police problems implies that the police role is restricted to arresting and prosecuting offenders. The job may extend from burglary to suggesting methods Of property protection and eliminating conditions that might attract burglars. Inquiry must focus on the operating level (Goldstein, 1979). The System and Goals The systems perspective of organizations focuses on the functional parts of the organization and the nature of the organization's relation- ship to the environment. The organization is viewed as an Open system receiving inputs from the environment, transforming them, and providing new outputs to the environment. The task of the organization is to survive. There has been considerable debate concerning the merits of the goal versus the system perspective. The basic criticism of 48 the goal perspective concerns whether it is theoretically feasible to identify goals. The goal perspective holds that organizations are rationally constructed entities and that their existence is legiti- mated in the quest of certain identifiable goals. The structure of the organization represents the means to achieve the goals. It is difficult, however, to think of a current theoretical view of organizations that would exclude adaptation to the environment. Adaptation in this context refers to the disposing of outputs, acquiring inputs, or adjusting to environmental demands, as in accepting new constraints (Goodman & Pennings, 1980). Goals are used in many ways. Simon (1976) states that the concept of organizational goals is as slippery and treacherous as all those employed by organizational analysts. Rational system analysts emphasize that goals provide criteria to generate and select among alternative courses of action. They provide for the directions and constraints on decision making and action. Emotional goals are likely to be promulgated at the institutional level of an organization;they seek to legitimate the purposes of the organizational purposes by stressing their larger social functions. Evaluative goals are most likely to be employed by managers who are expected to appraise the performance of their subordinates and by external constituents who depend on the organization for some sort Of output (Scott, 1981). Natural systems analysts feel that goals serve as a source of identification and motivation for the participants of the organization (Clark & Wilson, 1961). Selznick (1948) notes that goals may be employed as ideological weapons with which to overcome opposition and garner resources from 49 the environment. Bennis (1966), discussing organizations as complex, goal-seeking social units, states that in addition to the task of realizing goals, organizations must undertake two additional tasks in order to survive. The first task involves maintaining the internal system and coordination of the human side. The second task involves the adaptation to and shaping of the external environment. Adaptability is defined as the process or way that the organization transacts and exchanges with its environment. Environmental Adaptation Adaptability is a process of change. This change has been described as externally induced. System adaptability is a function of the ability to learn according to environmental contingencies. Boundary positions are sources of innovative inputs to organizations (Terreberry, 1971). Dill (1958) makes it clear that analyzing the environmental properties may not be simple. Among the difficulties encountered will be the size, instability, and diversity of the environment and its groups. The utility of using information from the environment is limited by the organization's exposure to different kinds of informa- tion readiness to obtain and process the information, and organizational strategy for searching out the environmental information. There are internal blocks to adaptation also. Many organizations opt for the maintenance of internal configurations as long as possible rather than for continual adaptation to the environment. This is done to assure a gradual change and out of fear of dysfunctions that might occur as a result of drastic change which could appear as revolu- tions. Additionally, those in the organization who developed the 50 existing structures and processes or who have bought into them are often powerful managers of the organization. They may have become enamored of the processes, blind to their weaknesses, and politically dependent on them. Thus, there are a number of reasons why organiza- tions delay adaptation to environmental changes and retain the internal configurations as long as possible (Pugh, 1966). Adaptation must take place eventually. As the environment continues to change and the fit with it worsens, organizations must take steps to initiate substantial change in the internal structure and processes. One premis of this thesis is that retrieval of relevant information from the external environment of the police department for use by the decision makers will make this process less revolutionary and more evolutionary. Information in regards to community values, needs, and problems relating to police function may, in the long run, cause rapid change and have the attributes of a revolution which is externally motivated. The main challenge confronting today's organizations whether they are hospitals, businesses, or the Flint Police Department, is that of responding to changing conditions and adapting to external stress. The salience of change is forced on organizations because of the growing interdependence between their changing boundary conditions and society. Bennis (1966) feels that organizations are to be viewed as open systems defined by their primary task or mission and encountering boundary conditions that are rapidly changing their characteristics. In discussing the death of bureaucracy Bennis (1966) said that the COUP DE GRACE to such organizations has come not from its ethical 51 or moral posture and social fabric, but from a totally unexpected direction, from the environment. The problem of adaptation is one of responding appropriately to new information. The greater the degree of acceptance by the public of the manner and Objectives of the police, the greater the legitimazation of authority exists by consent. Active involvement with and reliance on the public must be maximized (Butcher, 1981). Summary of Review Of Literature In this chapter a need to employ a theory of policing that involves the active participation of the community in the determination of goals has been explained. A symbiotic relationship has been explored. This direction is premised on the belief that goals should come from information in regards to community problems, values, and needs. It is maintained that the traditional modes of police operation, in the pursuit of professionalism, have created barriers to Open communication. The police themsleves are recognizing a need to address community involvement in the pursuit of their craft. In the second portion of this chapter a theoretical framework from which the phenomena Of Flint foot patrol will be viewed has been provided. The concept of open systems emphasizes the importance of the external environment, particularly when the environment is a turbulent field. To provide for the free flow of information, the boundaries Of the police under study must be made permeable. This spanning of boundaries and subsequent influx of information can provide the police with the capability of reducing environmental uncertainty. Motor patrol has been described as an information tight means of policing, approximating a closed system. Environmental adaptation 52 can be achieved through boundary spanning activity if the information gleaned from the environment is used properly by police decision makers. - Utilizing foot patrol officers as boundary spanners is possible if it is determined that they are not only different than motor patrol Officers in the work they perform, but also different in such ways that fit the concept of boundary spanning. The focus of this thesis in determining the feasibility of adapting these organizational concepts to policing is to determine if the activities of the foot officer are different and, if so. how they are different. An examination of work, activities, and time and place of those activities and the method used for this determination is discussed in the following chapter. CHAPTER III Design and Methodology Introduction The mechanics of the research are described; and a discussion of the type of study is presented, followed by a description of the sample and population. The procedures that were followed in the collection of data and the processing of the data are described and numerical illustrations of sample characteristics are presented. Because the activities of the foot patrol and motor patrol divisions are somewhat different in appearance and reporting, they were recoded. A complete description and explanation of the recoding process is presented. Data were captured in both numbers and time components and that process is explained. The chapter concludes with an explanation of the procedures for the planning and performing of a cost analysis component which can be applied to the data. Type of Study This study is exploratory and descriptive. The descriptive nature of the study is aimed at identifying not only what it is that a foot patrol officer and a motor patrol Officer does on an eight hour tour of duty, but identifying differences between the two types of patrol in terms of numerical activities and time. A definitive description of the foot patrol daily activity does not exist. In the process of determining differences and examining the daily routine tasks and assignments of such officers, a foot patrol profile is developed. 53 The Site The site of the study is Flint, Michigan, a city located in the north-central portion of the southeast quadrant of Michigan's lower peninsula. The city is administered by a mayor-council form of government. The following population statistics are based on the 1980 census. Flint's population is 159,611, ranking 95th in the nation. The racial composition is 55.2% white, 41.1% black, 2.5% Spanish origin, and 1.2% other minorities. Flint has 57,613 households in addition to 3,328 vacant housing units. The average household has 2.74 persons with a median age of 26.7 years and a median income of $17,181. The gender is 47% male and 53% female. Of the 57,613 households in the city, 26% are single-person households and 37.4% are female headed homes. The major employers in Flint are auto related industries. The city is the world headquarters for Buick, AC Spark Plug, and General Motors Warehousing and Distribution. Other major employers include Chevrolet, Fisher Body, and General Motors Truck and Bus Manufacturing. General Motors Operates eleven Flint area plants and employed more than 55,000 persons in 1982. Flint area layoffs accounted for record unemployment beginning in 1980, primarily due to reductions in the auto production industry. Average unemployment for the Flint SMSA was 17.6% in 1980, 15.1% in 1981, 20.8% in 1982, and 16.3% in 1983. The Flint Police Department employs 318 sworn officers and 56 civilian support personnel. The 318 sworn personnel include 263 uniformed Officers and 55 non-uniform Officers. The 1984 fiscal year budget for the police department was $19.1 million. The patrol force 54 55 is divided into a motorized patrol division and a foot patrol division. With the exception of the foot patrol division, the department is traditionally organized and structured. The Sample The officer's daily report form was chosen as the document from which the analysis would be taken in order to determine what a foot patrol officer and a motor patrol officer does on a daily basis and with what frequency tasks are performed. All patrol officers are required to submit daily reports and to document their daily work activities. This daily report form is submitted through channels and is reviewed by command staff for purposes of supervision and accountability. By examining the daily reports of a number of officers over a specified period of time a profile of an officer on patrol can be constructed and differences between the two types of patrol can be ascertained. The Daily Repprt The daily report form (Appendix A) for each of the two types of patrol are constructed differently and officers transcribe their nota- tions differently. Each report has a tOp section which is for tabulation of items that the department is interested in totaling. These are the specific units of work such as felony arrests, misdemeanor arrests, hazardous tags, and so forth. The remainder of the report is designed to allow space for a narrative chronological report of the officer's daily activities. The foot patrol officers carry activities to the nearest five minute time blocks, whereas the motor patrol officers enter activities to the nearest minute. This portion of the report includes information on who is stopped, arrested, investigated 56 and the like. It also includes many activities that are not tallied on the tOp portion Of the daily report. In order to determine what an Officer does, both the tabulation and narrative portion of the daily must be examined. The unit of analysis is the 8 hour daily tour of duty of the foot patrol officer and the motor patrol officer. The smallest unit of analysis that is presented in the following chapter will be activities of the officers in each sector. Time Period Covered The months of October, 1983 and May, 1984 were chosen as the study period. These months were chosen to avoid peaks in activity that are customary in the summer months and lulls that are customary in the winter months. October and May historically lack the extremes associ— ated with inclement winter weather and increased social interaction of the summer. The total year activity was not averaged to test the representativeness of these months due to restriction of time and cost. Sample Size In order to obtain a reasonable reflection of a daily patrol routine, 25% of the patrol divisions activity was chosen for a two month period. Preliminary contacts were made with the command staff of the Neighborhood Foot Patrol Program on several trips to Flint to secure the necessary data of both the foot patrol and motor patrol divisions. After a review of the records at Flint it was decided that the self- reported daily and companion monthly reports were the proper documents from which to retrieve data relative to both methods and performance of patrol. The excellent relationships among foot patrol staff, Charles Stewart Mott Foundation staff and the staff of the Michigan State 57 University National Neighborhood Foot Patrol Center, facilitated ease in securing the data. Both the foot patrol and motor patrol divisions' command were most cooperative. To Obtain 25% of the activity of the foot patrol, 25% of the 64 officers in foot patrol were chosen and their dailies obtained for the 2 months. Sixteen officers' dailies were obtained for the 2 months, providing a total of 604 eight hour tours of duty on foot patrol. Foot patrol Officers work the same beat and sector year around. Because the motor patrol officers move from shift to shift, 25 Officers had to be chosen in order to cover 16 beats for the 2 months. This process provided 624 eight hour tours of duty on motor patrol. Method of Selection ' The foot patrol division's patrol area is divided into four separate sectors each having 16 beats within it. Eight officers work the day shift and eight Officers work the afternoon shift. Sectors are given letter designation A, B, C and D (Table 3.1). TABLE 3.1.—-Foot Patrol Sectors by Geographic Location in Flint Sector Number of Beats Location A 16 Northwest B 16 Northeast C 16 Southwest D 16 Southeast The motor patrol division also divides the city into four geograph- ical patrol sectors, but those sectors overlap with the foot patrol beats 58 and do not correspond exactly. The motor patrol uses a number designa- tion for its patrol areas: 100, 200, 300 and 400 (Table 3.2). TABLE 3.2.--Motor Patrol Sectors by Geographic Location in Flint Sector Number of Beats Location 100 16 Northwest 200 12 Northeast 300 V 21 South & East 400 15 West The overlap of foot patrol and motor patrol sectors that occur and the differences that exist are noted in Table 3.3. TABLE 3.3.--Comparison of Foot and Motor Patrol Sectors in Flint Motor Sector Number of Beats Overlap into Foot 100 16 16 beats of A 200 12 12 beats of C 300 21 15 beats of D 2 beats of B 4 beats of C 400 15 14 beats of B 1 beat of D As selected by the Flint police, sector 100 is identical to A sector of foot patrol, sector 200 is identical to C sector, sector 300 is close to D sector, and sector 400 is close to B sector. Master schedules were obtained from foot patrol staff at the Flint Police Department and four beats were randomly selected from each of the 59 four sectors. In the case of foot patrol, the same Officers work the same shift and beats throughout the year, so only 16 had to be selected. In the case of the motor patrol division, in order to obtain the daily activity emanating from 16 beats for the 2 month period, 25 Officers rather than 16 officers were chosen due to shift rotation. The number of officers assigned to each sector from which the blind draws were made differ. Refer to Table 3.4 and Table 3.5 for detail on personnel allocation. TABLE 3.4.-Allocation Of Officers per Sector of Foot Patrol Sector Officers Sample A 16 4 B 16 4 c 16 ' a D _1_6_ __4_ 64 16 = 25% Note: Because foot patrol officers work the same shift year round only 16 were chosen. 60 TABLE 3.5.—-Allocation of Motor Patrol per Sector by Month October 1983 May 1984 Sector Officers Sample Sector Officers Sample 100 15 4 100 12 4 200 17 4 200 12 4 300 17 4 300 13 4 400 _l_7_ _4 400 _l_Q_ _4__ 66 16 - 24% 47 16 I 34% Note: The average percentage was 29%. After master schedules were Obtained, the names Of the officers were written on,3 x 5 cards; the cards were divided by sector and placed into a container. With the assistance of patrol clerks, the cards were drawn without replacement. The same procedure was followed for each succeed- ing sector. Only the first and second shifts of motor patrol were used and the same procedure was used in choosing beat activity. Once the names of the officers were chosen, the clerks at Flint Police Department assisted by providing daily reports for the 2 sample months for each of the officers. Total dailies of foot patrol were N - 604 and the total dailies for motor patrol were N - 624. The total number of dailies for the study from foot and motor patrol differ because of variations in hours and days worked by each of the two patrol divisions. The same 16 foot patrol officers' daily activities were examined for October, 1983 and May, 1984 due to shift permanance. The motor patrol dailies, while reflecting the activity from 16 beats in October, 1983 and 16 beats in May, 1984, actually involve the dailies of 25 officers because of shift rotation. 61 Foot Patrol officers averaged 18.90 working days per month or 37.80 days for the 2 sample months, for a total of 4,839.5 hours for the period of study. Motor patrol officers averaged 19.5 working days per month or 39 days for the 2 sample months for a total of 4,993.5 hours for the period of study (Table 3.6-3.9). TABLE 3.6.--Hours Worked by Foot Patrol by Sector Sector A B C D 168 152 160 176 176 128 152 136 168 74 .128 164 168 167 144 120 136 128 168.5 149 168 136 160 152 168 158 144 128 152 158 177 176 1304 1101 1233.5 1201 Total = 4,839.5 Officers 8 8 8 8 Total 8 32 TABLE 3.7.--Hours Worked by Motor Patrol by Sector Sector 100 200 300 400 163.5 176 145 184 136 142 177.5 155 184 175 137 168 172 168.5 144 184 152 116 160 168 168 160 158 112 145 120 168 128 160 120 176 171 1120.5 1057.5 1249.5 1566 Total = 4,993.5 Officers 7 7 8 10 Total = 32 62 TABLE 3.8.--Days Worked by Foot Patrol by Sector Sector A B C D 21 19 20 22 22 16 19 17 21 9.25 16 20.5 21 20.8 18 15 17 16 21.25 18.6 21 17 20 19 21 19.7 18 16 19 19.7 22.12 22 163 137.45 154.37 150.1 Total - 604.92 TABLE 3.9.--Days Worked by Motor Patrol by Sector Sector 100 200 300 400 20 22 19 23 17 18 24 20 23 20 17 20 21 16 20 21 19 21 18 23 21 16 20 21 18 20 19 14 21 16 15 21 139 133 158 194 Total - 624 Supervision The ratios of supervisors/sergeants to officers in the sample vary. The two shifts of foot patrol each have four sergeants assigned to each shift. Each sergeant has eight beats and is responsible for eight officers. The motor patrol lst shift has five sergeants assigned for supervision of 41 officers and the 2nd shift has six sergeants assigned for supervision of 42 officers. The lst shift has 8.2 officers 63 per sergeant and the 2nd shift has seven Officers per sergeant. The differences here are slight. The shifts worked by sample officers across both months of the study are fairly compatible (Table 3.10 & 3.11). The foot patrol division had 12.5% more Officers working the 2nd shift whereas the motor patrol division had an equal distribution on both shifts. TABLE 3.10.--Foot Patrol Shifts by Sector Patrolled: Both Months Sector lst Shift 2nd Shift Total A 2 6 8 B 4 4 8 C 4 4 8 D _4_ .3. _8__ l4 ' 18 32 43.75 56.25 100. TABLE 3.ll.--Motor Patrol Shifts by Sector Patrolled: Both Months Sector lst Shift 2nd Shift Total 100 6 2' 8 200 3 5 8 300 4 4 8 400 i .2. _8_ 16 16 32 50. 50. 100. 64 The sex of the officers in the sample groups distributed by shifts indicates a variance between the foot and motor patrol groups. The lst shift of the foot patrol group had 62.5 male and 37.5 female officers whereas the 2nd shift contained 37.5 male and 62.5 female officers (Table 3.12). TABLE 3.12.--Sex of Officers by Shift by Sector in Foot Patrol: Combined Months Sector Male Female Totals lst 2nd lst 2nd A 2 0 2 4 8 B 4 2 0 2 8 C 2 4 2 0 8 D _2_ _0_ _2_ .1». _8_ 10 6 6 10 32 31.25 18.75 18.75 31.25 100 The lst shift of the motor patrol group contained 56.25% male and 43.75% female officers; the 2nd shift contained 87.5% male and 12.5% female officers (Table 3.13). The total motor patrol division ratio of male to female Officers is 91.3% (116) male and 8.7% (11) female officers. As a unit, the foot patrol division has 78.124% (50) males and 21.875% (14) females. The motor patrol division contains 71.875% male and 28.125% female Officers. 65 TABLE 3.13.—-Sex of Officers by Shift by Sector in Motor Patrol: Combined Months Sector Male Female Totals lst 2nd lst 2nd 100 2 2 4 O 8 200 2 4 1 1 8 300 3 4 1 0 8 400 _2_. _4_ _1__ _1_ .1. 9 l4 7 2 32 28.125 43.75 21.875 6.25 100. Other demographic characteristics of the foot patrol and motor patrol group will be summarized in Table 3.14. In the foot patrol group 12.5% are college graduates and in the motor patrol 28% are graduated from college. Seventy-five percent of the foot patrol officers have less than 10 years of police experience whereas 80% of motor patrol group have less than 10 years of experience. The foot patrol Officers on lst shift average 11.14 years of experience and 2nd shift Officers average 7.1 years. In the motor patrol group the officers working lst shift average 10.08 years compared to 4.2 years for the 2nd shift. 66 TABLE 3.14.-Demographic Characteristics of Foot and Motor Patrol Groups Characteristics Foot Patrol % Motor Patrol Z Mean Age of Group 33.75 32.43 Years of School 12-13 10 62.50 11 44. 14 3 18.75 5 20. 15-16 _;1_ 18.75 _£1_ 36. 16 25 Mean 13.25 13.94 Years of Police Experience 1- 5 5 31.25 12 48. 6-10 7 43.75 8 32. 11-15 1 6.25 2 8. 16-20 _§_, 18.75 ‘_3_ 12. 16 25 Mean 8.9 7.3 Race White 6 37.50 3 12. Black 19_, 62.50 g;_ 88. 16 25 Measures of Activity in Numbers Because two different officer's daily report forms are used, both were scrutinized to determine how the activities were tabulated, cate- gorized and transcribed. The monthly activity reports for each of the officer groups were used to verify counts where appropriate (Appendix B). In comparing the two dailies and viewing the tabulations at the top portion of the daily report, nine categories were found to be identical. This determination was made after interviews with Officers, sergeants and command staff to assure agreement on meanings. In addition to the nine identical activities reported on the top portion of the daily, seven additional activities were located on the foot patrol officer daily report that are exclusive to that division. The motor patrol 67 division tabulates four activities that are exclusive to that division. These activity measures are part of the main focus of the study because in-analyzing them a determination of differences can be Obtained. Because of the split nature of the daily report, which has one tabulated portion and one narrative portion, a further description was found to be necessary. While many of the tabulated activities on the top of the daily come from the narrative portion of the daily, there are several other activities and allocations of time that are not reflected in the top portion. Viewing and summing the tabulated entries will not provide a complete picture of the work day of either types of patrol. On the top portion Of the daily report there is no category for how the time is spent and therefore daily activities are omitted. This necessitated coding the narrative or chronological portion of the 604 foot patrol dailies and the 624 motor patrol dailies. After an analysis of the time components, four time component activities were found to be identical between the foot and motor patrol divisions. The foot patrol spends time on an additional six activities. The motor patrol spends time on three additional activities. Common Activities from the Tabulation Portion Felony Arrest. This category is a tabulation of the number of arrests made on a particular day for a felony class crime. Such arrests may derive from issued warrants subsequent to an investigation or may be arrests based on probable cause. This category also includes arrests of fugitives wanted by another agency. Such arrests may be made exclusively by the patrol officer, jointly with other departmental Officers or other agency officers. 68 Misdemeanor Arrest. This category is a tabulation of the number of arrests made for a crime classified as a misdemeanor. Such arrests may be made with a warrant or for misdemeanors committed in an officer's presence. Investigation Initiated. This category includes only those investigations that are initiated by the officer through personal observation or reported to an officer directly by a citizen. It can be contrasted to those investigations that are assigned by supervisors or radio dispatchers. The category is somewhat ambiguous because it is not limited to complaint investigations in the strict sense of the term. It may be a complaint investigation, but it also may be a suspicious circumstance that does not culminate with a complaint report. It may include criminal or non-criminal activity, family squabbles, noise ordinance issues, environmental concerns, or preventive activities not otherwise classified. Value of Recovered Prpperpy. This category refers to the daily notation of the current market value of recovered property items usually stemming from an investigation. It may include stolen as well as lost property recovered. Investigations Assigned. This category depicts complaints that are either criminal or non- criminal that are assigned to an officer to investigate by either the radio dispatcher or a field supervisor. The latter is usually done at daily roll call. While investigations are generally referred to as complaints it is not limited to complaints and the term investigation is broadly construed. 69 Premises Found Open. This category is used for notations on the officer's daily each time a premises is found unsecured. This may include a family dwelling, business, professional or commercial structure. It is used primarily to describe business, school and industrial structures as opposed to family residential units. Suspicious Person. A notation is made on the daily report of motor or foot patrol dailies when a person is stOpped under conditions that lead an officer to suspicion some social irregularity that may be connected in some way to some anti-social activity. If not resolved by the circumstances of the encounter such action would normally lead to an investigation initiated or an arrest or both. Parkipg7Violation. This category is used to tally activity devoted to violations of the city of Flint parking ordinance, but may also include certain hazardous situations involving motor vehicles. Public Service Rendered. This is a general activity category of service performances. It would include such things as assisting peOple in need of directions, assisting motorists, assisting those locked out Of cars or homes, providing transportation and facilities for stranded citizens and referrals to other agencies for some service. Activities Exclusive to Foot Patrol Meetings Attended. This category is a notation each time an officer attends a meeting in relation to foot patrol duties. Meetings may include block club 70 formation meetings, Police Athletic League meetings, police cadet meetings, meetings with school administrators, summer camp program attendance, and tours of the police station with neighborhood youths or adults. Meetings held by various civic organizations are also included in this category. SpeakingrEngagements. This category involves speeches and other presentations on various community-crime related subjects. It does not include speaking engage- ments with senior citizens and teen clubs which are carried under a separate category. Examples of activity in this category are speeches at civic clubs, crime prevention presentations before block clubs, safety talks at schools and other community oriented talks. Business Visit. This category is depicted by an officer stopping into a business establishment for the purpose of maintaining police-citizen contact and. to observe for irregularities that may constitute a threat to a person or firm. Stated purposes of this activity include building community rapport, crime prevention, and developing citizen awareness and support. Home Visit. This category describes an officer stopping at a residence to open and maintain community dialogue with the citizens on the beat. The primary stated purpose of this activity is to develop strong police- community relations and make the citizens aware of police services available to them. Juvenile Activity. This category includes officer's attendance at youth activities such as hot dog roasts, hayrides for youth, trips to ballgames, trips 71 to the Mott Farm with children. It may also include counseling with juveniles as a followup after an initial complaint with an end to deter future criminal behavior. Business Security Check. Consulting with individual business proprietors for the purpose of conducting a security survey and making recommendations for hardening the site to reduce the opportunity for victimization. This includes counsel on lighting, locks, practices, and other security measures designed to reduce the opportunity for crime (Appendix C). Home Security Check. Consulting with individual residents at their place of residence to evaluate the general security of the home and to make recommendations to upgrade the security of the dwelling (Appendix D). Activities Exclusive to Motor Patrol Hazardous Tags. Thiscategory is tabulated when an officer on motor patrol issues a violation notice for code violations that are considered hazardous and generally include moving violations. Non-Hazardous Tag_. All other violation notices, other than parking violations are tabulated under this category. Improper lighting, license law viola- tions and registration law violations would be included in this category. IniuryiAccidents. Accidents on a trafficway in which someone is injured visibly or complains of injury whether treated or not are carried in this category. 72 Property Accidents. Accidents on a trafficway in which there are no reported or observed injuries. Time Components Identification and description of time components of the daily performances of both the foot and motor patrol divisions represents the time spent by officer on patrol on each of the 10 foot patrol components and each of the seven motor patrol components. Foot patrol and motor patrol have four components in common. Time components were constructed after a detailed review of the chronological portion of the daily reports and in consultation with command staff to assure agreement of description. They are different than the activity components that are tabulated on the top portion of the daily report. Those activities do not delineate in detail how an officer spends an 8 hour tour of duty, but only report those activities that the command has placed on the top of the daily form. There is no time, for example, carried for business security checks or suspicious persons checked, as those activities are just tallied on the top portion of the daily. In those cases the activity is attributed to foot patrol time or motor patrol time as the case may be. Common Time Components Training. Motor patrol training refers to time spent on the monthly firearms program. Foot patrol training refers to firearms training, scheduled in-service foot patrol training and training in community service subject matter that is generally exclusive for foot patrol officers. 73 Roll Call. Motor patrol roll call is the time spent at the beginning of each shift at mandatory roll call for necessary patrol information as deter- mined by supervision. Foot patrol roll call is held in each of the foot patrol sectors by the sector supervisor. It is held at the beginning of each shift in the field at a predesignated location for information exchange among the foot patrol officers of that sector, assignments, crime updates, and general sharing of problems within the sector. It is similar to patrol roll call but is expanded. Patrol. Motor patrol is the time devoted to uncommitted patrolling in the patrol car. It is traversing assigned patrol beats from which certain operational activities arise such as suspicious persons, premises found open and other activities not given a specific time allocation. Foot patrol is the time devoted to walking or riding a bicycle or moped on the assigned beat for the purpose of interacting with the citizens. This time component involves the production of home and business visits, security checks and other commitments not otherwise allocated. This component for both motor and foot patrol involves broad discretionary use of time to produce several of the operational outputs. It can be conceived of as what is normally referred to as visible patrol. Complaint. This component refers to the time that is taken to Obtain complaint information from the citizen and the time spent working exclusively on that complaint or its followup investigation. For motor patrol com- plaints, it should be noted that the time spent on this component is only that time spent when a complaint is made out. Response to reported 74 complaints that turn out to be noncomplaints are included in activity components such as investigations assigned or initiated. The time processing the actual complaint and away from other activities is carried in this time component. Time Components Exclusive to Foot Patrol Senior Citizen. Time on this component includes visiting senior citizens' complexes, escorts of the senior citizens to banks and the market, speeches and meetings with senior citizens and senior citizen crime prevention workshops. This component is used for activity exclusively, directed to assisting or informing senior citizens. Speaking at Schools. Time on this component is restricted to that time speaking to children on safety subjects such as bicycle safety, dangers of strangers, and other anti-crime issues. It includes speaking to all grades, but is primarily directed to the primary grades. Office Work. Time on this component is devoted to checking mail and phone calls and typing complaint reports at the field office of the foot patrol officer. The monthly newsletter for citizens is also prepared during this time (Appendix E). Foot patrol allowances provide for one hour per day on this activity, and it is recommended that this be divided between the beginning and ending of the daily shift. Administration. Time spent at the police station for equipment repair and pickup, picking up special vehicles for transport use and time spent in obtaining other support services such as records or quartermaster services make up this component. 75 Juvenile Activipy. Time spent counseling juveniles, trips to ballgames with police cadets, police athletic league and other such activities are included in this time component. Meetings. This component is devoted to the allocation of time spent by foot patrol officers when attending meetings of the block clubs, crime watch groups, and meetings with school Officials on special problems. The monthly scheduled foot patrol division staff meeting time is also included within this component. Time Components Exclusive to Motor Patrol Alarms. This component includes the time spent by motor patrol officers in response to alarms. Time is reported on the chronological portion of the daily from the receipt of the call to handling and clearing the call and availability for other assignment. Traffic Stops. Motor patrol officers log the time that it takes to stop, complete the activity and release a traffic violator. While this activity appears to stem from general patrol, it is not included in the tally of patrol time because Officers document the incident from start to finish. Desk/Court. ' This component includes work performed while at the police station relieving the desk Officer and the time off patrol attending the court or prosecutor's office. 76 Measure of Cost Planning Cost Component The purpose of this analysis is to determine what percentage of cost is attributed to a particular service performed by either the foot or motor patrols. This component was executed to get at the question of whether or not the two forms of patrol are different when viewed from the cost perspective. Cost analysis refers to a collection of techniques used to identify and assess figures associated with a particular service, job or other event (Kelly & Kelley, 1982). Once a cost factor is determined it will be applied to each of the 10 foot patrol time compo- nents and the seven motor patrol time components. Components used in the determination of costs were personnel and non-personnel cost and direct and indirect costs. Direct cost is that cost that can be assigned to a specific service. Indirect cost is the cost necessary for the functioning of the organization as a whole, but which cannot be directly assigned to one service. The extent of the analysis was determined by the accessibility Of data from the office of the chief of police at Flint and his finance officer and staff. Because the Flint Police Department does not address cost in this manner, the information had to be gathered in cooperation with the fiscal officer of the department to provide a base for the analysis. It should be noted that the cost does not attempt to measure the worth or effectiveness of the jurisdictional output, but is only intended to reflect differences between the two forms of patrol in relation to the activities studied. Therefore, it is not a time and motion study but uses available resources such as officers' dailies, 77 monthly reports, activity sheets and budget documents to determine a unit of work cost. It is felt that this system of cost accounting provides a realistic costing of services. When applied to the restricted areas of study in this thesis it must be considered an estimate due to the lack of data on the cost of the buildings that the police department occupies. Those capital costs were provided by the municipality and are not available; so, they could not be reflected in this analysis. Once a cost factor is determined it can then be applied to a percentage of time spent in performing tasks and a cost of performing those tasks can be ascertained. Techniques used for gathering cost data were personal interviews with fiscal personnel and examination of budget documents. Considerations in Cost Determination l. The services examined were defined earlier in this chapter. This also included defining the foot patrol and motor patrol units of the Flint Police Department. 2. Foot patrol included a total complement of 76.5 persons devoted to providing neighborhood foot patrol to the entire city covering two shifts daily, 5 days per week as mandated by the public via a tax millage increase expressly voted for that purpose. 3. Motor patrol included a complement of 150 persons devoted to providing traditional motorized police patrol services to the entire city covering three shifts per day, 7 days per week as provided for in the City Charter. This motor patrol division does not include the traffic division which exclusively performs traffic and accident related duties. 4. Components of direct costs were determined. 5. Components of indirect cost were determined. 78 6. Determination was made on how direct and indirect costs were allocated and calculated. 7. A determination was made of what results mean in terms of cost factor for each type of patrol. Cost Component Identification Wages Personnel _,”””’#genefits . —\ [Direct ,Eguipment Cost / Qgpartmental \ Administrative/ - - \\‘ .~_________Munic1pal \,Indirec ‘Qperating Cost VFacilities 4‘.»"""fly 4‘-____MM§apital Cost This matrix indicates an ideal cost analysis. Depending on the jurisdiction being studied certain costs may be difficult to identify. One area of difficulty in Flint is the inability to determine operating and capital cost of the facilities because the city of Flint provides the facility and maintenance and those costs are not available. The Flint Police Department has no records on the cost of facilities. After all relative costs are determined for each of the two patrol divisions and a total cost of putting one officer on the street is identified, that figure is divided by the total hours of a work year (2080 hours). That sum is then divided by 60 in order to determine the minute cost. Minute cost is then multiplied by 4.8, which is 1% of an 8 hour tour of duty. That product becomes the factor that is used to determine the cost of performing the services that are reflected in the time components. 79 Cost Determination Process Personnel: Sworn personnel 318 Uniformed 263 Civilians 56 Non-uniform 55 Total 374 Total sworn 318 FY 1984 Police Budget: $19.1 million Foot Patrol Budget: $3.4 million Does not include $40,000 in overtime. Motor Patrol Budget: $5.6 million Does not include $150,545 in overtime. Foot Patrol Millage: $3.1 million per year. In effect from July 1, 1982 to August, 1985. 2 mills. Sources of Budget: Equipment: General Fund, Federal Revenue Sharing, Foot Patrol Millage, and Public Act 251 forfeiture funds. ' NO vehicles were purchased in FY 1984. Vehicles are received from the city of Flint motor pool. The department pays a monthly cost to the city for lease cost, insurance, gasoline/oil and repairs. Patrol and administrative vehicle last 2 years. Vans last for 5 years. Vehicles Assigned by Division: Foot Patrol Motor Patrol 5 Vans 29 Patrol vehicles 6 Administrative vehicles 1 Administrative vehicle Cost of Vehicles: Administrative Lease $309/month Insurance 18 Gasoline/Oil 80 Repair 30 $437 Foot Patrol 6 Administrative 80 Patrol Van $425/month $472/month 18 18 600 100 100 $1143 $590 Motor Patrol 1 Administrative @ $437/month - $31,464/year @ $437/month - $ 5,244/year 5 Vans 29 Patrol vehicles @ $590/month = 35,400/year @ $1143/month - 397,764/year $66,864 $403,008 66,864 - $874 per person 403,008 3 $2,686 per person 76.5 per year 150 per year Differences in cost of motor vehicles indicates that motor patrol cost is $1,812 higher per officer per year than foot patrol. This can be attributed to the increased cost of patrol vehicles. Direct Costs: Salaries, wages and fringe benefits have been included in the determination of direct costs. Overtime and court attendance costs have been excluded. The cost of all personnel assigned to the patrol division is included to reflect administrative overhead. Fringe benefits for officer, sergeant and lieutenant is 52.42% (Appendix F). Foot Patrol Direct Cost Personnel Salaries Per Person 1 Deputy Chief 31,224 (‘1 time) 2 Clerks 56,670 $28,335 1 Lieutenant 52,718 9 Sergeants 434,727 48,303 .64 Officers 2,708,992 42,328 76.5 $3,284,331 3,248,331 = $42,932 per foot patrol officer 76.5 Administrative overhead cost of a foot patrol officer is $604. 81 Motor Patrol Direct Cost Personnel Salaries Per Person 1 Deputy Chief $ 62,448 1 Clerk 28,335 4 Lieutenants 210,872 $52,718 17 Sergeants 821,151 48,303 127 Officers 5,375,656 42,328 150 $6,498,462 6,498,462 - $43,323 per motor patrol officer 150 Administrative overhead cost of a motor patrol officer is $995. Administrative overhead cost for a motor patrol officer is $391 greater than a foot patrol officer. Indirect Costs: All the budgets for the support services of the department were Obtained. A per person cost was determined by examining the use of these different divisions by officers. The budget of the individual divisions was divided by the number of officers that utilize the divisions to obtain an indirect cost factor. Division Budget/Use Per Person Cost Record 979,418 $2,618.76 Division 374 (all members) Communications 287,267 903.35 Division 318 (sworn members) Training 158,251 497.53 Division 318 (sworn members) Radio 252,449 793.86 Repair 318 (sworn members) Q.M.-Tailor 53,720 204.25 263 (uniform members) Administrative 221,899 593.31 Chief/Staff 374 (all members) Uniform Expense 30,000 114.00 263 (uniform members) Total Indirect Cost $5,725.06 82 Direct and Indirect Costs Combined: Cost Factor Foot Patrol Motor Patrol S/W $42,932 _ $43,323 Vehicle 874 2,686 Direct Cost 43,806 46,009 Indirect 5,725 5,725 $49,531 $51,734 Procedure: Foot Patrol Cost Factor Cost of Officer Year $49,531 a 23.81 hours 2080 hrs. 23.81 hrs. a .397 60 min. 8 hours x 60 minutes 8 480 minutes = 4.8 (1% of 8 hour 100 work day) 4.8 x .397 a $1.90 a 1% (4.8 minutes) of work day cost Motor Patrol Cost Factor Cost of Officer Year $51,734 .= 24.87 hours 2080 hrs. 24.87 hrs. - .414 60 min. 8 hours x 60 minutes = 480 minutes = 4.8 (1% of 8 hour 100 work day) 4.8 x .414 = $1.99 = 1% (4.8 minutes) of work day cost These cost factors can be used to determine the cost of performing services of the foot and motor patrols when those services are displayed according to the time taken to perform them and percentaged against the total work day. Summagy The mechanics of the research used in this thesis have been described. The descriptive and exploratory study is designed to identify similarities and differences between foot and motor patrol officers at 83 Flint, Michigan. A random stratified sample of 16 foot patrol Officers and 25 motor patrol Officers provides the study with 604 officer daily reports for the foot patrol unit of analysis and 624 officer daily reports for the motor patrol unit of analysis. Because the officer daily report of the Flint police is somewhat different between the foot patrol and motor patrol divisions and made out differently, the methodology included using tabulated information of nine measures of activity that both forms of patrol had in common, seven that were exclusive for foot patrol, and four that were exclusive for motor patrol officers. In addition to identifying those measures, because of the nature of the chronological portion of the daily report, several time components were coded in order to get a clearer picture of what each of the officers in each division do on a daily basis. This identified four time components that were common to both types of patrol, six that were exclusive to foot patrol, and three that were exclusive to motor patrol. In addition to the tabulated daily activity and the time components a cost component was also used to view the phenomena of foot patrol and motor patrol. A cost factor for each form of patrol was developed for use in the analysis. In all, measures of numerical activity, time components, and cost components will be used to address differences between the two forms of patrol. CHAPTER IV Findings Introduction As presented in Chapter III, the officer daily report is the unit of analysis for this study. The 16 foot patrol officers and 25 motor patrol officers from which the sample daily reports were drawn, provide an N-604 from the Foot Patrol Division and N'624 from the Motor Patrol Division. The general areas of measure that are analyzed include activities from the tabulated portion of the officer's daily. These tabulations involved nine activities that are common to both forms of patrol, seven that are exclusive to foot patrol, and four that are exclusive to motor patrol. In addition to the tabulated activities from the dailies, time components are presented that include four that are common to both forms of patrol, six that are exclusive to foot patrol, and three that are exclusive to motor patrol. To further explain differences, a cost component was also examined and will be presented in this chapter. The presentation of data is made within the framework of the first chapter and supported by the review of literature. Differences Between Foot and Motor Patrol A purpose of this study is to determine if the tasks and activities, as depicted on the Officer's daily report, are different between foot patrol and motor patrol. And if they are different, a second purpose is to determine how they are different. And last, if they are different, do foot patrol officers interact with extended boundaries as compared to motor patrol officers at Flint, Michigan. 84 85 The last question, dealing with the location of boundaries that are established by foot patrol Officers,will be answered by a qualitative analysis of the data. The data from the daily reports have been grouped in several different ways to summarize differences between the two forms of patrol and Specify how differences exists. The tables that follow address differences in number of activities, differ- ences in kinds of activities, time spent performing certain activities, and the cost attributed to such activities. Activity Component In Table 4.1, which identifies nine comparable patrol activities, it can be seen that, with the exception of investigations initiated and services rendered, the motor patrol produces a greater number of these activities. Motor patrol produces six times the number of felony arrests, five times the number of misdemeanor arrests, and is assigned three times as many investigations from departmental dispatchers or superviors. By comparison, the foot patrol initiated almost twice as many investigations and rendered seven and one half times more services to the public. The self-initiated investigations were initiated by the officers themselves as a result of contact with the public. 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O! >(O nu.~.>;U( -1 1.1111!!! :1 ,1; “anal-.ICAQ lvl 5 I .(9 1.1. : .92 ”£34: P‘B‘U. >J=° ”GNU-EBB UU-Ja‘ i "3...: 2::- 11:11:11.- ”refine ill: “.95! sew-a. .35.}. . 1 p325 but a i , 3:1 - .5: ”are: .- ”3.5.: ham-3:3: 339.. :2 APPENDIX B MONTHLY ACTIVITY REPORTS 116 APPENDIX B p.30. eev. mo NEIGHBORHOOD FOOT PATROL COWUNITY SERVICES BUREAU Monthly Activity Report BEAT OFFICER WNTH ACTIVITY MONTHLY TOTAL TOTAL TO DATE Hours Worked Hours Leave Activrties Initiated Arrest Misdemeanor Arrests Radio Calls Received Business Checks Busmess Site Visits Home Checks Home Site Visits Traffic Violations Traffic Violations Juvenile Activities Juvenile Arrest Follow-us Premises Found Open Value Recovered Block Ctubs Public Service Rendered Suspicious Persons Checked 8 6 E Follow-us Officer's Remarks: 117 APPENDIX 3 BUD—bun- ».3: running 335. I Fun-Inkl- Fry—OI APPENDIX C BUSINESS SECURITY SURVEY 118 APPENDIX C NEIGHBORHOOD FOOT PATROL IUSINISS SICURITY SURVEY Oom- A=u I 7—". 5:5 If“ W [W - 1. 1 mi" MVIV cum U" I.“ 0.0-“! (For cpbmbndbpienunuw M) unfit-7m VIIIItuTY I 0 ma I u nonfiction I u “I D U M D D “A. D D LII-m D C band D D To." O'- D D MAI-I- D 0 Drum D D War—u.“ D D “ORV uncumou O U mm 3 U mm COD“! 3 U hula W U 0 mm o D I“ Dee-n D D run sun man 0 D m LII-w D D I-u - D D ~ln audio-v D 0 mm D D In." D D ”Ono- D D u-n-o-u D D Ola-unfla- U U mud? “(WOW ”mm room mm” W O U U U I U M D D PM D D m D D 7!. in. D D It 0 D In" D 0 PM? «D ”CD I. D D l- 0 D kill. u D D I. D D m D :3 ear 0 0 mm D :1 “WM?!“ noon I”. m M‘ mun“ m1 r“; .J‘t APPENDIX D RESIDENTIAL SECURITY INSPECTION 119 APPENDIX D NEIGHBORHOOD FOOT PATROL nesioeu'rm. secum‘rv rusvzcnou me access: crw none rmoe HOUSE OPERATION“) ves 0 no D "81910 Iv ~ one WINDOWS U 5 I- 2 ‘2 cl PERIHEIEH GARAGE WINTi eouow u! one: mason CONTACT eo- couuems on cowumcs P-HS APPENDIX E FOOT PATROL NEWSLETTER 12C) APPENDIX E __¢mr~n~ >Uzuomuxu .aauum :guuu .m c_~ couquIos «can cq_xcnuu .z c_n~ sooao_a.x use“ .oosum «Iauaada ~oosum geauausnoz nun—oucox .c.~ .oouum gun‘s .u c.~ .ouuum send“ .u a_~ m! 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