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Taking Drugs in a Girls Club: A Description of Drug
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Gloria Torres

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TAKING DRUGS IN A GIRLS CLUB: A DESCRIPTION
OF DRUG USE BY ADOLESCENT FEMALES IN

A CHICAGO COMMUNITY

BY

Gloria Torres

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Social Science

1979

ABSTRACT

TAKING DRUGS IN A GIRLS CLUB: A DESCRIPTION
OF DRUG USE BY ADOLESCENT FEMALES IN
A CHICAGO COMMUNITY

by

Gloria Torres

The use of drugs among adolescent females in an urban setting
was studied. Data were gathered through participant observation and
interviews with twenty-four individuals, ages thirteen to nineteen.
A.structured questionnaire was used during the interviews. This study
represents one aspect of a larger study which examined socio-cultural
factors in drug use and abuse among Mexican-Americans. The larger
study hypothesized that the use of drugs by Mexican-Americans may
represent one response to socio~cultural stressors located in and
generated by the larger society. Findings of this study indicate that
moderate use of drugs was the norm among the individuals in the group
studied, and that drug use was informally controlled by the group.

.A review of the literature surrounding the use of drugs by
youth reveals that few studies relate to: (1) use of drugs by female
adolescents, (2) attitudinal variables, (3) drug use among non-
delinquent youth in.nudwestern.urban settings, and (4) the social
context of drug use. The following study represents a description of
drug use among adolescent Mexican-American females between the ages of
thirteen and nineteen in an industrial community on the southeast

side of Chicago during January to December 1974.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to express acknowledgment and apprecia-
tion for the assistance I have received in carrying out the
research and preparation of this report. This research was
prepared with support from the National Institute on Drug
and Alcohol Abuse (RO-DA-0596-01). This study was a part
of a larger study of "Sociocultural Factors:h1Chicano Drug
Addiction." I would like to express my gratitude to Dr.
Arthur J. Rubel, Professor, Anthropology Department,
Michigan State University, for his leadership and direction
in the overall project and specifically for his guidance,
assistance and patience in the completion of this study.
Thanks also are owed to Dr. Clagett Smith, James Talon,
and Albert Mata. Very special thanks to Elva Schneidman
for her kind support, assistance, and encouragement.

I would be remiss to omit acknowledgment of my
gratitude to the peOple of South Chicago. The residents<xf
the various neighborhoods within the larger community,
especially the young people, made this study possible by
permitting me to become a part of their community, taking
me into their confidence and their lives. I owe a special
debt to those young ladies described in this report who,
in addition to their contributions to this research, have
provided me with many enduring friendships.

ii

TABLE

PREFACE . . . . .
INTRODUCTION . . .
THE STUDY . . . .

Methodology . . .

Getting Settled .
The Bush . .

The Neighborhood House

The Girls Club . .
Friends . . .
School . . . .
Families . . .
Activities . .
Drug Use . . .

RESEARCH . . . .

CONCLUSIONS . . .

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . .

APPENDIX . . . .

OF

CONTENTS

iii

Page

iv

12
16
18
23
25
28
42
59

63

70

73

PREFACE

This report represents one aspect of a larger
study aimed at examining socio-cultural factors in drug
use and abuse in a Mexican-American community. The larger
study sought to analyze differences between Mexican-
American addicts and non-addicts, and to what extent those
differences represent responses to stress generated by the
larger society.

The research was conducted in a neighborhood in
the southeast area of Chicago known as South Chicago and
focused specifically with girls between the ages of
thirteen to nineteen and their use of drugs. This age
group was selected in an effort to examine factors sur-
rounding initial drug use, as well as continued or ongoing
use. The study comprises a description of the use of
drugs as characterized by the girls themselves as well as
descriptions provided by family members, friends and
neighbors. An attempt will be made to describe the use
of drugs by that group within their socio-cultural context
and their physical environment. That is, a description of
the neighborhood and the group itself will provide some

understanding of how and why drugs were used by this group.

iv

In the description that follows, the names of
geographical locations, i.e., parks, neighborhoods, and
streets, have not been altered. Names of individuals and

families have been changed.

INTRODUCTION

The South Chicago Community is composed of black,
white (primarily Polish, Serbian, and Croation) and Mexican
and Puerto Rican residents. Although the community has a
strong latin flavor, visible vestiges of former Polish
predominance remain intermingled with the increasing black
population. In spite of the mix of ethnic groups present
in this community, there is a strong awareness of each
individual's ethnic identity.

One of my first impressions of Chicago was its
distinctively ethnic character. Here everyone was "some-
thing"--Puerto Rican, Chinese, Swedish, Irish, Polish,
Black, Croation, Mexican. Although my own upbringing in
a suburb located southwest of Chicago was not that of
being oblivious to these various ethnic identifications,
it certainly was a far cry from the ethnic consciousness
which seemed so highly developed in Chicago. As a first
generation Mexican-American, I was acutely aware, through
my parents' efforts, of my Mexican heritage. Special
celebrations on the sixteenth of September, visits to
Mexico, and maintenance of other cultural customs served
to reinforce my ethnic identity. However, the rest of the

suburban community did not seem particularly conscious of

1

an ethnic identity. To be sure, there were various ethnic
groups represented and no doubt special occasions were
celebrated by these groups but the special consciousness
and recognition of diverse ethnic elements which character-
ize Chicago neighborhoods were never developed to a
comparable degree in my suburban community.

This ethnic consciousness surfaced in the self-
identification of the girls in the girls I interviewed in
one South Chicago community. They saw and referred to
themselves as Mexican. Most of the girls were third and
fourth generation Mexican-Americans whose parents had also
been born and raised in Chicago. Two of these girls had
mothers who were not Mexican; one was Czechoslovakian and
the other Polish. These girls also considered themselves
and were considered by others as Mexican.

Although most of the girls understood Spanish when
it was spoken by others, they did not speak Spanish with
the exception of a few phrases. In fact, they referred to
people who spoke only Spanish as mojados (wetbacks). This
term was usually reserved for young immigrants from Mexico.

Many of the girls gave their Spanish surnames an
anglicized pronunciation, so that names such as Diaz,
Jimenez, and Carrillo were pronounced "Die-azz,"
"Jimm-eh-nezz," and "Karilo."

In addition to the identification with specific

ethnic groups, there was also a strong identification

with specific neighborhoods, especially by the young
people. A neighborhood was often referred to by its
residents as "the 'hood." This abbreviation was usually
used among residents of the same neighborhood, as in,

"I think I'll just hang around the 'hood for a while."

In addition to this reference, each neighborhood had a
specific name. The word "love" was often seen in graffiti
after the name of the neighborhood so that buildings were
often decorated with the words, "Houston Love," "Bush
Love" and the like.

Before becoming thoroughly acquainted with the
community, I had anticipated that research could be
carried out in the entire area known as "South Chicago."
It soon became obvious that this would be very difficult
due to the subdivisions within the community. Within a
month I was introduced to at least four distinct neighbor-
hoods within the South Chicago community. The central
area dominated by the business strip on Commercial Avenue
was adjacent to the neighborhood referred to as "Houston."
Another neighborhood slightly more affluent and south of
the business area was known as "South Deering." East of
the business strip was the "East Side," heavily populated
by first and later generations of Eastern Europeans.

North of these areas was a small community known as "Bush."

The neighborhood with which I became most familiar,

isolated from the rest of the South Chicago Community and

from Chicago itself, was known as "Bush." Nestled between
the United States Steel Mill South Plant and the Illinois
Central Railroad tracks, this small community was a unique
but integral part of South Chicago despite its physical
isolation.

Within Bush, a well-known social center, the South
Chicago Neighborhood House, had been established and was
the hub of many teenage activities. The "Neighborhood
House" which was also referred to as "the Hood" provided
the framework for an organization known as "The Girls
Club." The members of this club and other young residents
of this community provided the basis for the data pre-
sented here. The girls in this club ranged in age from
thirteen to nineteen years old.

At first glance, the girls in South Chicago were
street—wise teenagers who appeared to have grown to
adolescence with a sense of being able to take care of
themselves. Their often rough language, cigarette smoking,
and sometimes defiant poses gave them the appearance of
worldly, experienced albeit young urban dwellers. And, as
I had told myself, they had grown up in a big city where
muggings, murder, and other acts of violence are everyday
occurrences. What I found were girls who still retained
a childlike innocence; who in spite of being exposed to
the realities of the urban setting, were able to take care

of themselves largely through being aware of and avoiding

dangerous situations. These girls were still very close
to their parents and their homes. In sharp contrast to
many suburban teenagers I had known, the girls in the
Club seemed more like teenagers than sophisticated young
adults. Few, if any, had access to cars. Their activities
centered around the neighborhood; often consisting of
visiting neighbors, sitting on the front steps of their
homes, or taking long walks. Sports activities such as
baseball, basketball, and volleyball games were important.
Little or no make-up was worn by the girls. Their apparel
usually consisted of blue jeans, often bib overalls, tee-
shirts, and sweatshirts.

In describing themselves and other girls their
own age, the girls in the Club often used the words,
"straight" and "cool." The term "straight" usually
referred to a girl's lifestyle and indicated that the
girl did not smoke cigarettes, drink alcohol, or take any
type of drug. Straight girls spent most of their leisure
time at home, were usually studious and did well in
school. Straight girls did not cut classes and always
did their homework on time. I observed that quite a few
of the girls described as straight were from families
whose parents were immigrants from Mexico.

The adjective "cool" could be applied to anyone
that was easy to get along with. Although "cool" was

often used to describe individuals who participated in

activities which straight girls did not, such as cutting
classes, smoking, drinking, swearing, and taking drugs,
the term "cool" could also be used to describe someone who
was also straight. Used in this way, a "straight" girl
who did not object to her friends using drugs or cutting
classes, did not criticize them, and could be trusted not
to tell others of these activities, was regarded as "cool."
More than once, I heard the remark made in reference to a
friend, "No, she doesn't smoke, but she's cool."

Without going into the details which will be
described in the body of this paper, this introduction

should serve to place my observations in perspective.

THE STUDY

Methodology

 

The primary means of collecting data was carried
out through participant observation. After establishing
residence in the South Chicago community, various con-
tacts were developed through volunteer work in social
service organizations.

Another source of data collection was the use of
a structured questionnaire which was applied while inter-
viewing twenty-four female teenagers.

By combining the data gathered through these
methods, conclusions were develOped regarding the use of
drugs by that particular group during the time of the
study.

Field work was conducted from January through

December 1974.

Getting Settled

 

My initial entry into the neighborhood was carried
out through establishing residenceixlthe Ramirez household.
The household consisted of Mr. and Mrs. Ramirez and their
fourteen year old daughter, Anita. The family provided a
very good means of establishing myself in the community,
although it was not very conducive to providing a wide

7

network of contacts which led to a later decision to
relocate. As I was later to discover, the family was
not atypical in its isolated pattern of social contact.

Among the positive aspects of establishing resi-
dence within that household, was the positive identifica-
tion with long-time residents of the community. The Ramirez
family had been in the same neighborhood for over fifteen
years and had established a reputation for themselves as
a stable household whose members could be regarded as
trustworthy. By associating myself with a "good" family,
I was also viewed as basically trustworthy by community
residents. Furthermore, that association resulted in more
than friendship. By living in their home, I became almost
a family member. In addition to facilitating my entry
in the community, becoming a part of that household
enabled me to become accustomed to my new surroundings in
South Chicago.

Mr. Ramirez was a retired former steelworker. He
had worked in the nearby steel mills for many years, and
during his employment he had accumulated enough savings
to purchase several buildings in the South Chicago area.
The rent from these buildings plus his own pension pro-
vided the present family income.

Mrs. Ramirez did not work outside the home but did
assist her husband with the management of their prOperty.

In addition to the care of the home, Mrs. Ramirez kept busy

through a routine which made it possible for her to keep
abreast of community news, and at the same time, carry

out domestic chores. A typical day included one or more
trips to a nearby store. Most of the shopping for
groceries was done on a daily basis at three or four small
stores owned by Mexican residents. One store provided the
best meat; another the best fruits and vegetables; another
had better prices for canned goods; and even another
always had fresh bread. At each store she chatted for
about half an hour with the proprietor. Conversations
usually centered on food prices, information about mutual
friends, happenings in the neighborhood and the city.
Although Mrs. Ramirez had observed that she could purchase
groceries at lower prices at the larger supermarkets, she
remarked that since she didn't have a car she could not
take advantage of the reduced prices. She further
reasoned that such shopping might not turn out to be less
expensive since she would have to pay for gas and car
maintenance. Furthermore, with her present shopping
system she did not have to wait in long lines and was

able to talk to her friends. Another reason not mentioned
by Mrs. Ramirez which might have served to encourage both
her and her husband to patronize only those businesses in
the immediate neighborhood with which they were familiar, was
the language barrier. Although both husband and wife were

residents of the South Chicago community for many years,

10

and had become United States citizens, neither of them
was comfortable with the English language. Although they
could be understood in simple English, it was with great
difficulty that they could communicate with non-Spanish
speaking persons. Whenever possible they both relied on
their daughter to serve as interpreter. Almost as soon
as I moved in, I was also called upon to play the same
role.

It did not take long to observe that the Ramirez
family had very limited social contacts. For the most
part those contacts centered on family members who included
cousins living in different parts of the city and suburbs.
However, since the Ramirez' did not have a car, family
visiting necessitated that other families would come to
their residence. In addition to relatives, Mrs. Ramirez
had a number of friends who attended the same church, Our
Lady of Guadalupe, located less than a quarter of a block
awary from her home. Some of these friends would drop by
to drink coffee and chat with Mrs. Ramirez in the after-
noon. Quite often, she would visit her friends. Although
their daughter, Anita, had several friends in school, she
rarely saw them outside of school. The school which was
affiliated with the church, was also less than a quarter
of a block away.

In addition to the limited contacts with people

outside the family, the Ramirez‘ did not allow many outsiders

11

in. This was true in the most literal sense of the word.
Tenants and anyone not known to the family were restricted
to the front steps while the front door was kept locked.
Any conversation was carried out through the door which
was opened only when absolutely necessary, as when tenants
turned in the monthly rent.

After discussions with other community residents,
I learned that these limited social contacts were not
completely atypical. Apparently, many residents had a
similar lifestyle. Like the Ramirez', many families did
not leave the South Chicago neighborhood except on rare
occasions. Mrs. Ramirez related that approximately six
months earlier, Mr. Ramirez and his daughter had gone
downtown to clear up some questions regarding insurance.
Mr. Ramirez had been required to sign some documents and
his daughter had come along to assist him in any needed
translation. In Mrs. Ramirez' account of this incident,
she indicated that such a trip was a rare occurrence.

Although most families did not have such restricted
social interaction, it was not unusual to find families,
especially first generation Mexican residents who stayed
within the South Chicago community as much as possible
and within their own circle of family and friends. Some
of the reasons for this were given by a community resident:
"A lot of people don't trust anybody they don't know

personally and you can't blame them. A lot of people get

12

robbed around here. If you don't let peOple in your house,
nobody knows what you got." Mrs. Ramirez also explained,
"This is a nice neighborhood. Everything you need is

right here."

It became apparent after a few months of residing
with the Ramirez family that continued residence there would
not produce a wide network of contacts. During my stay
there I became acquainted.witt1a few community organizations
through volunteer work. Although I was free to pursue
these new contacts, the lifestyle imposed by the Ramirez
household became a major constraint. In addition to
the limited social interaction outside of the household,
the family retired at 9:00 p.m. every evening, and I was
expected to do the same. Needless to say, many neighbor-
hood activities lasted long past this hour. In order to
widen my network of contacts and be able to participate
and observe events, it became imperative to find a new
residence. Through a contact made at one of the volunteer
organizations, I took residence in a basement apartment in

a home not too far away from "Bush."

The Bush
The Bush itself consists of a four by four block
area according to descriptions of South Chicago residents.
Most Bush residents are working class Mexicans or Mexican

Americans, but there are a few Puerto Rican families and

13

some Polish residents as well. Before large numbers of
Mexican families moved into this area, Bush was predomi-
nantly a Polish neighborhood. I encountered no black
families residing in this neighborhood.

Although to outsiders Bush may look like a rundown
area, to its residents it is a "good" neighborhood. Out-
siders notice the many taverns, littered streets, abandoned
houses and groups of teenage boys congregated on the
corners as evidence of the deterioration of the neighbor-
hood. While its residents are not oblivious to these
aspects, they point out the absence of neighborhood
"ganbangers" such as are found in other parts of South
Chicago. They maintain that within the area anyone can
walk around, even at late hours, in relative safety.

Since many of them view blacks as dangerous, it is the
areas with black residents that are feared.

In contrast to other areas, Bush is seen as a
"nice place" by its residents. Their major complaints
are against the city and the 0.8. Steel Mill which borders
it on its south and east sides. The city is responsible
for the bad roads and for allowing so many taverns to open
up in the neighborhoods. Complaints to the ward alderman
or committeeman have not resulted in action to remedy
these conditions. The steel mill is the cause of pollu-
tion and contributes to the deterioration of the streets

with heavy traffic by large trucks.

14

The typical housing structure in Bush is a
multiple dwelling unit. These two or three story units
are usually owned by one of the families residing there,
to whom the other families are usually related. Many of
these dwellings house at least two generations of the
same family although the extended family grouping does
not predominate. There is frequent contact among the
families living in the same building, but each family
unit is individualized and maintains itself apart from
the others. Although there is some knowledge of what is
going on in the other households, there is no direct
involvement between families unless it is requested. One
example of this occurred in the Reyes house, a two story
building owned by Mr. and Mrs. Reyes who lived on the first
floor with four of their eight children. A son and his
wife and children lived in an apartment directly above the
Reyes residence. During one of the frequent arguments
between their son and his wife, the wife took an overdose
of drugs after the son left thelnme angrily. Even though
the parents knew that there had been an argument and that
their son had not returned to his family, they did not
become involved until the young wife's sister telephoned
and told them about the overdose and requested that they
take the wife to the hospital. This case illustrates the
way in which families remain close yet maintain a separate-

ness and function independently.

15

Not only do members of the same family live in the
same building, but usually other close relatives live some-
where in the immediate neighborhood. Many of the members
of the Girls' Club are first cousins and have other
relatives living within one or two blocks. Although they
refer to each other as "cuz" and may spend a great deal of
their leisure time together, there does not seem to be as
much contact among their parents as there is among the
offspring.

The homes in Bush are generally kept in good condi-
tion with improvements such as wood panelling and tiled
floors; usually installed by the head of the household.
Most of the homes are carpeted and furnished with modern
furniture and appliances. There is a great deal of
emphasis on neatness, especially in the kitchen and living
room. None of the homes seemed overcrowded. Often a
child would have his own room although bedrooms are
usually shared with one other brother or sister.

Almost every household has at least one pet--
usually a dog. (This was especially noticeable to me
because of my fear of dogs which borders on terror.)
Unlike my own neighborhood, few of the dogs in Bush are
vicious. Most of them are very friendly and are kept as
pets for the children. The few dogs which I saw either
chained or confined behind a fence and looking menacing,

belonged to Polish families.

16

The exterior of the homes are usually also main-
tained in good condition. Porches and window frames are
painted. The small patch of grass in front of the house
is kept free of litter and the sidewalk leading to the
house as well as the wider walk in front of it are swept
and kept clean. The teenagers I knew freely discarded
trash on the street but they all took care not to do it
on their own lawns or those of people they knew. Since
the area immediately in front of the house is used for
visiting, it is not surprising to find that great care is
given to its upkeep.

Although I have no accurate way of ascertaining
the exact income of Bush residents, I would estimate that
the average was between $10,000 to $14,000 per family.
This estimate is based on reports of wages earned at the
steel mills since the majority of the residents were
employed at one of the five major steel mills in the
area. The Ford Motor Company and other manufacturing
plants also employ many people in South Chicago. In most

families the wife did not work outside of the home.

The Neighborhood House

 

The South Chicago Neighborhood House is located
in the heart of Bush. This settlement house provides a
number of social services to the community and has

received funds from city and federal sources. Apparently

17

the Neighborhood House or the "Hood" as it was often
called, had been under the management of a succession of
directors. During the period of high turnover of
directors, the "Hood" was often closed to the public. At
the time of this research, the director was Mr. Zamora, who
was called by his first name "Joe" by all who used the
facilities, young and old alike. Joe had outlasted his
predecessors and managed to keep the Neighborhood House Open
though not without criticism. Mrs. Calderon, a neighborhood
resident, commented on Joe's management of the center:

He's so worried about his job and all he does is

worry how it looks on paper. The floors [of the

Neighborhood House] are so clean you can tell

nobody ever uses the place like it's supposed to

be used. These kids [on drugs] still don't have

any place to go because he won't let them in

there. He thinks other parents' kids won't let

them go there anymore if those kids go there.

He wouldn't even let his own son go there. Now

his son is being sent away . . . mine too. His

own kid said, "My dad's going to let us use the

Hood." Fine time now . . . his kid is going to

jail.
Although Mrs. Calderon's criticism may haveflbeen valid, Joe
maintained that through the rules he has imposed he has
transformed the Neighborhood House into a social center for
"good kids." He remarked: "It's a decent place for the
good kids in this neighborhood. If I let all the trouble-
makers in, they'll wreck the place. Besides, parents

aren't going to let their kids come over here if they

think all the punks and troublemakers hang out here."

18

In any event, the Neighborhood House was the
center of activity for many of the neighborhood's teen-
agers. Some of the activities included arts and crafts
classes, baseball, basketball, and volleyball teams,
tutoring for elementary school children, GED classes, and
English classes for Spanish-speaking residents. Another

service provided was the organization of the "Girls Club."

The Girls Club

 

The group with which I had the most contact were
the girls in the Club. Although its official name was the
Junior Advisory Council, all of its members referred to it
as "The Club." Other people in the area who are familiar
with the South Chicago Neighborhood House usually refer
to it as "The Girls' Club." Even though it is well known
in Bush, residents outside of this area are not familiar
with it.

The Girls Club has been an outgrowth of an earlier
organization affiliated with the South Chicago Neighbor-
hood House, hence the name Junior Advisory Council.
Judging from accounts of present and former members, the
original council was comprised of both male and female
members ranging in age from fourteen to eighteen. Its
main role was to serve as an advisory entity where young
people in the neighborhood could make recommendations

regarding policies and activities carried out by the

19

larger organization. Whether this role was ever
actually performed seems doubtful, and apparently the
council as well as the original concept died with one of
the former administrations.

At the time of the study, the Club, although still
officially called the Junior Advisory Council, did not
have any role regarding decision-making processes related
to the Neighborhood House. It did not make recommendations
or suggestions nor was it involved in any regular on-going
administrative process. Nevertheless, the Neighborhood
House provided a meeting place for the Club. It was a
large room in the basement which the girls had painted
black and decorated with fluorescent "stars" on the walls
and ceiling. Furniture donated by residents and local
businessmen was placed along the walls. The only other
fixture was a coin-operated pool table in the center of
the room. This meeting place was called, "the Pad." In
addition to the Club's weekly meetings, this room was
used as a social center between the hours of 6:00 and
9:00 p.m., Monday through Friday. During these hours
both boys and girls could play pool, use a small record
player and a limited collection of 45 rpm records. An
assortment of games was also available: Monopoly, chess,
checkers, etc. Two members of the Girls Club were
assigned, on a rotating basis, to monitor the room during

those hours. A staff person, including the center

20

director, would drop in from time to time. Close super-
vision had to be imposed because occasionally a fight
would develop among the boys. During such times, a staff
member would be called upon to break it up, and the guilty
parties would be prohibited from using the Pad for a
specified period of time. For the most part, however,
the Pad operated without incident.

In addition to the supervision of the Pad, the
Girls Club provided supervision of the weekly record hops
held in the gymnasium of the Neighborhood House. The
following excerpt from field notes describes my first
visit to the record hop:

The Record Hop at the Neighborhood House starts
about 7:00 or 7:30 p.m. It costs twenty—five
cents to enter. Younger children (about ages
six to ten) arrived a little after seven and
older teenagers came mostly after eight. It
seemed that there were about one hundred
people there all together. (Joe said that
approximately 140 people come to the record
hops.) The majority were youth ages fourteen
to sixteen. I was really amazed at how well
even the small children dance. Most of the
records played were pretty fast and the dance
floor was most crowded during these songs in
particular. During the slow songs most of the
dancers were older teenagers (16-18) but there
were at least three very young (6-8) couples.
At about 9:45 p.m. there was a dance contest.
Judges were chosen; a total of four judges,
including myself. The judges observed the
couples dancing for a few minutes. All but
four couples were eliminated. These couples
danced for another two minutes, and then one
couple was chosen. The winning couple received
45 rpm records as prizes.

21

Before entering the dance the boys are searched
by one of the adult male staff members for
weapons or liquor. (One of the part-time workers
told me that everyone gets high before coming
inside the Neighborhood House. Question: What
do they get high on? Answer: Reefer or wine.)

Although no fights occurred, some of the boys

would gather in small groups in the middle of

the dance floor andtkmzwould break up the groups.

Also when the dance was over, groups of boys

could be seen gathering in the middle of the

street, at its intersections and on the corners.

These groups seem to be of older teenagers

ranging from about fifteen to eighteen in age;

usually about six boys standing together.

The people I saw at the dance all seemed to know

each other . . . . There did not appear to be

distinct groups except as far as age separated

them. Two of the part-time workers were girls.

Staff members present: Joe, Sam (only until 9:00

p.m., he does not get paid for over-time). Jerry

and Frank.
During the time of the study the Club membership grew
from an average of ten members to eighteen. One of the
reasons for this increase in membership was the fact that
a new rule was enacted allowing thirteen year old girls
to be admitted on a probationary status. Prior to this,
membership had been limited to those fourteen years old
and above. The oldest girls in the Club were eighteen
and even though it had never been indicated that there
was an upper age limit, most girls had not remained in
the Club after high school graduation.

The group elected officers: president, vice-

president, secretary, treasurer and sargeant-at-arms on

a semi-yearly basis. Maria, the current president,lunibeen

22

in office for over two years. She was well equipped for
that position: very active in other community organiza-
tions and involved in other extra-curricular activities
at school. She had held office in a number of other
organizations, including the Girls Athletic Association,
Spanish Club, the school yearbook staff, swimming team,
and student council.

As might be expected, she was extremely well
organized, energetic and enthusiastic about getting the
Girls Club more involved in the operation of the Neighbor-
hood House. She had arranged with a local artist to
assist the Girls Club in painting a mural on the outside
wall of the building. Through her leadership the Girls
Club had become involved in a variety of fundraising
events to benefit the Salvation Army. Some fundraising
events in the neighborhood were used to purchase furniture
and equipment for the Neighborhood House itself.

Most of the girls in the Club had known each
other all their lives. Since most of them had been born
and raised in Bush, they had been in close proximity to
each other for a long time. Although they did not all
attend the same schools--some of them attending parochial
schools, others attending public schools--virtually all of
them saw each other daily.

It was very obvious that the girls felt an indi-

vidual responsibility to the Club. Absence from the

23

weekly meetings was rare, as was lack of participation in
the organized Club activities. The meetings followed
Robert's Rules of Order and minutes were recorded. They
usually lasted about an hour unless a specific activity
or event were being organized. Each member participated

actively in the meetings.

Friends
Even though most of the girls in the Club had

friends outside of the group and outside of the neighbor-
hood, their "best" friends were also members. This was
not surprising since most of the girls lived within a
block distance from each other, and had lived in the same
area all of their lives. Linda stated in a discussion
about herself and her best friend Kris:

Ever since we were out of diapers we've been

friends. I mean, you know, like she lives three,

four houses away. We've always been close. We

went to the same grade school, then we went

around together a long time. Kris, Julie . . .

that's about it. Those are the ones I hang

around with. People in the Club, those are

the ones I consider my best friends.
Kris used almost the same words to describe her friendship
with Linda: "We live right across the street from each
other and we used to always play around when we were in
diapers, you know, and ever since then we've been together."

In addition to a "best friend" there are other

types of friends described by the girls. Through contact

with young people outside the immediate neighborhood,

24

primarily through school, most of the girls establish a
network of friendships. Idnda describes her friends at
school on the East Side as "school friends" whom she talks
to everyday at school, while her friends in Bush are
regarded as her "best friends."

Sisters, even when involved in similar activities,
seldom describe themselves as "best friends." Quite often
sisters shared similar interests and were protective of
each other in relation to others in the neighborhood. At
home, however, there was often competition and conflict
between them. Some of the girls often indicated that they
could not confide in their sisters. The role of "best
friend" was usually accorded to someone the same age in
the neighborhood.

A number of boys in the neighborhood were closely
associated with the girls in the Club. However, with the
exception of three members, the girls did not date nor did
they have steady boyfriends. Their association with boys
appeared to be a platonic one. The boys in the neighbor-
hood were known to the girls since early childhood and
lived within the immediate vicinity. The same boys were
always present at the weekly dances and were in and around
the Neighborhood House every day. Although boys and girls
would socialize during dances and parties, I was not aware
of any serious dating going on with the exceptions cited

earlier.

25

School

The girls I interviewed for the most part did at
least average work in school, according to their responses
to the question, "How are your grades in school?" Out
of twenty-four interviewed, seven had grades below "C",
two received more than one failing mark during the first
grading period; nine obtained average grades and only
eight were able to attain above average grades. From the
group, only a single student had what could be described
as an outstanding scholastic record.

Virtually every girl in the group felt that the
high school she attended was a good school. There were
some complaints about the strictness of the parochial
schools. A complaint made by some of the girls attending
the public high school related to the violence and racial
unrest which had received much publicity through televi-
sion coverage. However, for the large majority, even
those girls whose grades were poor, the high school was
seen as positive. The following comments by Margie, a
below average student, are one example:

I think it is just the kids who don't go to
class or just don't care. I think all the
teachers are good. . . . They [the students]
don't go, well like some of them just don't
care about school, they would rather just be
outside with their friends or something, they
don't like their teacher they say, or just
because, well like they, okay, it is too hard
for them. Some of them figure oh, it is too

hard, I am not going to pass anyway, so they
just give up, they say why should I even go.

26

After several visits to the school, I felt that I could
understand why a young person might not want to spend a
lot of time there. The halls were dark and littered with
candy wrappers and empty potato chip bags. I was usually
mistaken for a student and rudely questioned by teachers,
"Where is your pass?" or "What are you doing in the hall,
young lady?" The following excerpt from field notes
illustrates a personal classroom experience:

Kris and Diana had asked me to meet them at
school at 11:00 a.m. I had assumed that we
would go to lunch but they wanted me to sit
in on one of their classes with them.

It was an English class and it was held in one
of the mobile classrooms. The inside of the
classroom was rather messy with graffitti on
the walls. I was hesitant to sit in on the
class because I didn't want to suffer the
embarrassment of being thrown out of class
when the instructor discovered that I was not
one of his students. When I expressed my
fears to the girls, they said, "Don't worry,
he won't even notice you. He's real old."

Once again they were right-~on both counts.

I sat in the back of the classroom with the
girls and another of their friends. We even
passed a cigarette around. After a few minutes
the teacher announced that we would be given a
test. He wrote questions on the blackboard and
said that we could use our books. A number of
students had not brought their books, so the
instructor passed out textbooks. Kris told him,
"She forgot her book," referring to me. The
teacher placed a book on my desk. Several
students were exchanging answers Openly, some
of them shouting across the room. Occasionally,
the teacher would say, "Don't help each other."
. . . I asked Diana if it was always like this.
She said, "No, not always. Sometimes it gets
real bad with everybody screaming and walking
around and nobody pays attention to him
[teacher]. I feel sorry for him sometimes.

27

Some relationship could be drawn between degree
of drug use and school performance. Out of fifteen girls
who presently use or have regularly used marijuana, uppers,
downers, mescaline, acid, or solvents, six got below
average grades, another six average grades, and three
obtained above average grades.

A somewhat stronger relationship exists between
the degree of drug use and attitudes toward school. Most
of the girls in the user group either did not like school,
were indifferent to it, or enjoyed only the social aspects
of school. Their answers to my question: "Do you like

school?" and a similar one: "What do you like best about

school?" were answered consistently as follows: "It's
okay," "I guess so," and "Talking to my friends," "Lunch,"
"The boys," "Cutting classes." The girls in the non-user

group were likely to respond to the same question with

the name of a specific class, such as math or history.
Regarding higher education, girls in both groups planned
to graduate from high school, and only a small number were
doubtful as to whether they would graduate or not. In
both groups there were girls whijlanned to go to college
and others who had not given any thought to what they

would do after graduation.

28

Families
All members of the Girls Club exhibited a strong

attachment to their families. Even among those girls who
did not get along well with their parents, a sense of
devotion to their families was expressed. Diana had
stated that she did not like living at home because of
constant arguments with her parents. However, she would
often make comments regarding her wish to help her parents
in the future. That attitude extended toward grandparents
as well. Diana and all her siblings made a point of
visiting their grandparents frequently, often taking
gifts. A statement made by Diana regarding her high
school graduation illustrates one way in which she wished
to please her parents.

I really don't know if I'm going to finish [high

school] or if I'm just going to quit, or any-

thing. I really haven't made up my mind . . . .

In a way, I really do want to graduate, you know,

because that's like, you know, that's the least

I can do to give my parents . . . because all

they really want is for all of us just to

graduate from high school. And if I don't

graduate, they'll just think . . . they wouldn't

like it at all.

Another girl expressed her concern for her

parents in her decision to remain at home during her
college years to spare them the anxiety they experienced

with her brother who attended college in Wisconsin” [Anna

stated:

29

I realize what my mother and father are going
through with my brother in Wisconsin, you know.
Like they miss him a lot and he has to call
every Sunday, you know, and my mom is worried
about him all the time and what he is doing.

I think I'd stay closer to home."

The girls' concern for their parents was also
reflected in their caution in their use of drugs. While
there was experimentation, each girl appeared to have felt
an obligation to conceal her use of any drugs from her
parents. Above and beyond their fear of punishment which
would certainly result, all the girls expressed a pre-
occupation with their parents being hurt or disappointed
if they learned about their use of drugs. Kris commented:
"When I get high I sober up before I go home. I got too
much respect for my mother to walk in high." Asked about
what would happen if her mother realized the extent of her
true condition, she added:

She'd punish me. Not just that . . . well . . .
maybe my mother wouldn't even do that, she'd
just preach to me, you known, make me feel bad
'cause all it takes is my mother to make me

feel bad and I'll stop.

Parents also expressed their anxieties related
to the well-being of their daughters. As a chaperone for
various social events, I was consulted many times by
parents about the time the event would be over, whether

or not someone would drive or walk the girls back home,

and similar details.

30

Also, while most parents could not afford to spend
large amounts of money on their children, the girls com-
mented on some expenditures made by their parents. Maria
observed:

We never had that much money, but if it was for
a book, or something like that, he [father]
would dish it out, but like for some luxury, no.
So, like he always stressed education, so like
he's all for it, so he's the one who kind of
motivated me.

Most of the data gathered on family relationships
was through observation. Although some families may have
been more cohesive than others, and many had what the
girls described as positive relationships among family
members, all of the girls appeared to be strongly attached
to and influenced by their families. This was true even
among those girls who did not feel close to their brothers
and sisters or who indicated that they were unhappy with
their life at home.

Divorce or separation is not uncommon among the
families of the girls I interviewed. Of the twenty-four,
one-third (eight) have parents who are separated, divorced
or in the process of getting divorced. The girls' reac-
tions to their parents' separation ranges from apparent
almost total indifference to complete despair at the time
of the divorce. Those who react the most strongly appeared

to have been those who had formed strong attachments to

their fathers and it was his absence to which they objected.

31

These girls maintained contact with their fathers in
spite of the divorce and opposition on the part of other
family members.

Sylvia, whose parents were divorced when she was
twelve, recalls the divorce as a painful experience. It
was during this time that she began experimenting with
drugs. She was introduced to them by older friends who,
she said, noticed that she was unhappy. During the actual
divorce proceedings, she saw very little of her father
except in court. In addition to the break-up of his
family, her father lost considerable financial investments
and understandably appeared very unhappy during that time.
It depressed Sylvia to see her father so despondent. She
felt that her family would never again be so close as they
had been. By the time the divorce was over, she had
experimented with marijuana, solvents, amphetamines,
mescaline, cocain, and heroin. Since that time she had
resigned herself to the situation although she felt that
her parents still cared for each other and belonged
together. She visited her father once a month and called
him frequently.

In addition to the break-up of the family, the
father's absence and ill feelings between the parents,
the child of a divorced couple may lose esteem in the
eyes of her peers and/or their parents. Sylvia felt that

"some of the kids didn't like me because my parents were

32

divorced. Well, not so much them but their parents.

They think you're not good enough to be friends with
their kids if you come from a broken family." The friends
who had expressed these feelings were described by Sylvia as
"straight." Many of these friends' parents had come from
Mexico and were very much concerned with the traditional
Mexican family structure. Those friends who did not
reject her because of the divorce, felt sorry for her.
Despite their well-meaning sympathy, she felt even more
separated from them, and became even more depressed.
Although it had been about four years since her parents
divorce, it still bothered her considerably. When faced
with a problem, she felt that she could not turn to

relatives on either side of the family because, my
father's relatives talk about my mother and my mother's
relatives talk about my father."

Children of parents undergoing divorce also suffer
from the financial setbacks which may be incurred as a
result of the divorce. Yolanda knew that her parents'
divorce and its aftermath would put considerable financial
strain on her father. At the time she had been attending
parochial school which cost approximately six hundred
dollars for tuition alone. She felt that she should.ngve
up something," and transferred to a public school. As a

result of the transfer and perhaps of the divorce, Yolanda

began to do poorly in school and eventually dropped

33

out. Not long after the divorce she went to live with
her father and remained with him, visiting her mother
frequently.

Of the fifteen girls who used or had used mari-
juana, uppers, downers, mescaline, or solvents, almost
half had parents who were separated or divorced and
another three had parents who had marital problems.
(Marital problems included reports of incidents of
physical injury during frequent arguments; one parent
leaving the home for prolonged periods of time, and/or
discussion or possibility of divorce. These were the
types of incidents mentioned by the girls.) It is diffi-
cult to draw conclusions concerning drug use and the
marital status of the parents. Based on my observations
on family interaction, I would be inclined to say that
the relationship between parent and child seems to have
a strong influence on the degree of drug use (excluding
marijuana). Those girls who had a good relationship with
one or both parents seemed less likely to experiment with
drugs other than marijuana or alcohol. They were much
more cautious about the types of drugs they were willing
to try and about the situations in which they might try
them. Although they enjoy getting high, they expressed
fear of addiction to stronger drugs, fear of "getting

busted," and fear of "O.D.'ing."

34

Many of the families with whom I had close con-
tact were held together by one or both parents, usually
the mother. Many of the girls seldom did things with
their brothers or sisters even when they were close in
age. Each.sibling had hiscnniset of friends and activities
and although there was some interaction between them, for
the most part each remained apart from the other. Diana
and Maria provided a very good example. Although only a
year apart, the two girls were very different. Maria was
studious, aggressive, and achievement oriented. She had
decided to go to law school. Diana was a poor student and
had little idea of what she wanted to do with her life.
Suspension from school was a constant fear; although it
did not deter her from cutting classes. Maria did not have
any real close friends but has, as she stated, "different
friends in different situations." At school she associated
with different people and at home she associated with girls
from the Club although she did not describe any of them
as close friends. She was the leader of several organiza-
tions, both at school and in the community. Diana, on the
other hand, avoided school as much as possible. On any
given day, she was more likely to be at a friend's home
or riding around with friends than at school. Her best
friends were two girls in the Club, who often cut classes
with her. At times, Diana's friends visited her and both

sisters would dance or watch television together. Even.

35

though there were some activities which the two sisters
enjoyed together--such as club meetings, going to the
movies, or getting high, they were usually involved with
their respective set of friends.

Considerable conflict between the two sisters was
indirectly encouraged by their parents. While praising
Maria for her scholastic accomplishments, they would tell
Diana that she was "dumb and lazy."

As a family unit, the Reyes family took vacations
together to Mexico and celebrated holidays. Aside from
these occasions, however, each family member usually went
his own way. There was a great deal of conflict and
arguing that went on between all family members. The
parents argued with each other and with their children.
The children were in constant conflict with their parents
over their own privileges, and in Diana's case, over school.
They also argued among themselves about almost anything--
which television show to watch, household chores, belong-
ings. In this family there was little trust among siblings.
Both Diana and Maria described their brother as a "trick"
or a "snitcher," and would not discuss anything personal
in front of him for fear that he would tell their parents.
Even between themselves Diana and Maria did not reveal
their personal lives to each other; While Diana knew that
Maria would not tell her parents, she did not count on her

for assistance and felt that Maria would be glad if she got

36

punished. Diana would not count on Maria to cover or lie
for her unless they were both involved.

There was also a great deal of conflict generated
by the preferential treatment given to Maria by their
parents. Diana felt that her parents did not trust her
and that they preferred Maria because she got good grades.
Maria felt that Diana did not want to work for anything
and that if she got punished she was getting what she
deserved. Diana's mother had told her that she was not
trustworthy but that.Maria‘was. understandably there were
ill feelings between the two sisters and their parents.

Like many other families there was a great deal
of shouting and name-calling among family members.

Almost every time I visited the Reyes home, there was at
least one loud argument going on during my visit.
Brothers and sisters insulted each other and shouted out
orders and demands. Although I never saw the parents
arguing, the girls told me about loud arguments during
which harsh words and/or blows were exchanged. According
to the girls, the most common cause for argument was
money.

Undoubtedly some affection exists between family
members. It was, however, not expressed freely and each
member felt that one's welfare would be taken care of only
by oneself. In a crisis situation, however, the family

drew closely together. This was very dramatically

37

illustrated when the eldest daughter of the Reyes family
was killed in an automobile accident. Before her death
she was in a coma for several weeks. During that time,
according to the girls, the family was closer than it had
ever been.

Although I found hostile behavior common amongche
families in Bush, it was by no means the rule or the pre-
dominant pattern among the families with whom I had contact.
As in the Rayes family, there was a great deal of shouting
in Julie's family. It was common to hear the female mem-
bers of the family refer to each other as "bitch," "whore"
or "puta," and the boys as "bastard" or "fag." During a
telephone conversation at the end of which Julie put the
receiver up to my ear, I could hear Julie's mother tell
her "Come home you little bitch." Julie often calls her
mother "my fucking mother," or "that whore upstairs." The
situation in this family, however, is very different from
that described in the Reyes family. All the profanity
and shouting was done with great affection. The father
was absent--the parents having been separated for about
ten years--and the fourteen children were very devoted to
their mother. I never heard any member of this family
insult another, except through the use of profanity which
was done in a joking manner. The only instance that I
can recall of angry shouting was done by an older brother

reprimanding a younger one for bad grades. Poor

38

performance in school was the only cause I saw, or heard
of, for causing conflict between family members. Julie's
older brother also had struck Julie for getting bad grades.
However, it was after her brother had struck her that
Julie stOpped cutting classes and began concentrating on
her studies. She told me: "I've got to do better on the
next marking period or Mark will beat me up."

Physical punishment is not the rule in this family.
After Mark's physical punishment of Julie, their mother
interceded and told Mark not to ever hit her again.
Before their separation, the father would often beat the
mother, and it was after one such episode that the father
was removed from the household by the older children.

Unlike Diana and Maria, there was greater trust and
interaction among Julie and her brothers and sisters. Her
younger sister, Belinda, who was thirteen, was allowed to go
with Julie, and Julie gladly'took her along with no fear of
being "tricked on." Julie was very proud of her siblings
and there was genuine affection among the members of this
family. There was little mention of their father except
when Julie reported that he had not provided money for
groceries. Her older sister who had been recently married
had asked her father to escort her down the aisle and give
her away at the wedding. When he refused, she had asked
her mother's brother who accepted. Although little was

said about this incident, there was apparent resentment

39

and as luck would have had it, the father was at a tavern
close to the reception hall the evening of the wedding.
The younger children made a point of going to the tavern
to ask their father for money. After a number of
requests the father abruptly left.

In many ways, the mother's brother served as a
substitute father to the children. As previously
mentioned, he acted as his niece's father at her wedding.
I also observed him hugging and joking affectionately with
the other children. He visited the family daily and took
the younger boys with him on long walks.

Other families have commented on the stability
of this family in spite of the absence of the father.

One neighbor remarked, "Even with all those kids, there's
never been any trouble. None of the girls have gotten
pregnant and you never see a police car over there and

none of the boys have ever gotten arrested."

Activities

 

By and large the majority of the girls' activities
revolved around the Neighborhood House. The "Hood" was a
very popular place to congregate and talk to friends.
Since it is located in the middle of Bush, it was a stra-
tegic point from which one could see virtually all
pedestrian and vehicle traffic at any time of the day.

Another important advantage was its location within a

4O

half-block of a small grocery store which did a good
business in the selling of candy, snacks, gum and soft
drinks to the neighborhood youngsters. Inside the Hood,
specific activities took place at the record hops, the
Pad, and the very popular basketball court.

Beyond the activities in and around the Neighbor-
hood House, another center of activity was Russell Square
Park. During the summer, the girls played tennis, went
swimming and bike riding, and had softball games.

Although this park was not physically located in Bush
it was easily accessible to its residents.

Another popular pasttime was walking on Commercial
Avenue. Although this business strip is clearly outside
Bush, it is the most accessible shopping area to all
residents of South Chicago. The shops include large
department stores, restaurants, small grocery stores,
record shops, etc. It was especially festive on Saturdays
when many of the shops would turn a stereophonic speaker
toward the sidewalk and play Mexican tunes.

Most everyday activities were carried out in Bush.
Walking around the neighborhood, sitting on the front steps
of someone's house, and visiting friends' homes were the
primary means of recreation. When the weather was warm,
almost everyone spent most of his time in the neighborhood
out of doors. Parents would bring chairs out to the front

porch and sit out there until after dark--small children

41

would play on the sidewalk, and older ones would play
baseball in the street.

Although I would not categorize food consumption
as recreational activity, it certainly occupied an
important place in the girls' daily life. Arrangements
were always made to ensure that time and money were set
aside to provide for meals or snacks when planning a
social event, project or special party. It is not sur-
prising that over three-fourths of the Club members were
somewhat overweight.

Due to the limited facilities available in Bush,
most special events such as parties, dances and concerts
were held in other areas of South Chicago. Numerous bands
specializing in rock music were available within this
community. Their performances were usually staged at a
dance where two bands would play during the course of the
evening.

Another popular social event, the "quincenera,"
was more formal in nature. The "quincefiera" is a type of
coming out party given for a girl when she turns fifteen.
This includes a mass and a special ceremony at a reception
afterwards which usually involved dancing, and of course,
food.

Another popular form of recreation was the
"tardeadas." These were Sunday afternoon dances--starting

at 3:00 p.m. and continuing until 10:00 p.m.--where

42

Mexican music was played. Although most of the girls did
not speak Spanish fluently, they enjoyed the music very
much. Many of the girls kept popular Mexican songs as
part of their record collection which were played along
with rock music at parties.

All dances with the exception of the "quincefieras"
were quite expensive to attend. Tickets cost anywhere
from $5.00 to $7.50 for local dances and concerts. In
addition to the ticket price, the cost of attending such
an event might include the purchase of new clothes, and
transportation expenses. Furthermore, for many of the
girls, this type of event invariably called for the use
of alcohol or some other type of drug. Drugs were pur-
chased before the event and in sufficient quantity so as

to share it with friends attending the event.

Drug Use

The following categories related to the use of
drugs were elicited: Frequent; Occasional; Infrequent;
Not Presently Used; and, Never Used.

Frequent refers to use on a regular basis, the
user purchasing the drug herself and actively seeking out
the use of a particular drug. Drug use was not limited
to social situations or to those instances when a friend
or acquaintance brought drugs to share. The frequent

drug user participated in the use of drugs on these

43

occasions but also actively sought out other occasions to.
use drugs and used them alone as well.

The occasional drug user engaged in the use of

 

drugs "just once in a while." The majority of the group
interviewed fell into this category. Unlike the regular
user, there was no consistent pattern of drug use and its
frequency varied. Frequency of drug use depended largely
on the number of social events taking place in the com-
munity. If there were many dances, concerts, parties and
other social occasions, use increased, as drugs were almost
always linked to these events. In addition to these situa-
tions, the occasional user used drugs, mainly "reefer"
(marijuana), when someone brought some to school or work
and offered to share it. The occasional user did not see
herself as a regular user. She described her use of drugs
as "Okay, as long as you don't do it a lot." She con-
sidered drug use acceptable as long as one was not
described by others as a "pothead" or "pillhead." She
would occasionally buy drugs herself, but unlike the
frequent drug user, the purchase of drugs usually occurred
only when no one else in the group had obtained drugs for
group use. If she felt that it was her turn or had extra
money, she would purchase a small amount to share with or
"turn on" her friends.

The infrequent user was one who used drugs on an

 

irregular basis. This group was made up largely of girls

44

who had tried a particular drug once or twice, but at the
time were not actively seeking it out. Their use depended
on the frequency of social events where drugs were shared
within a group. The use of drugs by this category of drug
users could be described as "chance," meaning that they
would use a particular drug depending on its availability,
on a group-sharing basis, but if the opportunity to use
drugs did not arise, these girls were not disappointed.
Since they had not made a decision not to use a particular
drug, they used it infrequently until they came to a
resolution to use it more frequently or to discontinue
its use altogether.

Since many of the girls had experimented with
drugs and had made a decision not to use one or more
drugs, I found it necessary to designate another grouping.

The category Not Presently Used indicated that a drug had

 

been used on one or more occasions but its use had been
discontinued. This includes those girls who may have
been regular users in the past and those who had used a
substance only once and had subsequently decided against
further use. In both cases, a decision had been made to
discontinue use of a particular drug.

The last category, Never Used, refers to those

 

respondents who had consciously refrained from experi-

menting or using a drug.

45

I found only one girl who had tried every drug
that I knew was available in the area and some that were
not. Although many of these drugs had been used only on
an experimental basis once or twice, her use of a wide
range of drugs indicates that there had been some use,
however minimal, of almost every type of drug.

Among the drugs that I observed being used were:
alcohol (beer, wine, whiskey, vodka, rum); marijuana;
amphetamines, barbiturates, tranquilizers, and hallucino-
gens. Less frequently used drugs included: tetrahydro-
cannibol, the principal psychoactive substance in
marijuana commonly referred to as THC or "Tuck;” PCP or
phencyclidine which is manufactured as a veterinary
anesthetic; cocaine; and heroin. The girls were familiar
with the use as inhalents of glue, paint, and industrial
solvents including one referred to as "Toil," but only one
girl had experimented with these substances.

The reason cited for drinking and use of other
drugs was usually "just to get high, just for fun, for
kicks." Occasional and frequent drug users stated that
the use of drugs "makes you feel good, happy, and you
have more fun." The effects of acid were described as
"being up," or "feeling good," that is, as having a
general euphoric effect.

While most of the girls I interviewed had some

knowledge about each of these drugs, there was a great

46

deal of confusion and misinformation about their different
qualities and their effects. For example, acid was often
described as an "upper" rather than as a hallucinogen;
Sunshine, Purple Haze, Window Pane, LSD, and mescaline
were all at times referred to as "acid."

There was even less knowledge about the negative
effects of drugs. Although there was general consensus
that glue, paint and "toil" were detrimental to one's
health, there was no real knowledge as to its cause and
effects. Most of the girls agreed that "it will ruin
your brain." Stories and rumors about the physical
deterioration caused by inhaling solvents were widespread
and, adults especially, embellished these accounts with
particularly gruesome consequences. A mother had told
her daughter that glue-sniffing would result in "the lungs
getting stuck together." The greatest fear associated
with the use of acid was that of an overdose. Considering
their knowledge of people who had died of an overdose,
this was a realistic fear.

Another fear connected with use of acid was that
of "freaking out." Freaking out referred to a panic
resulting from unpleasant sensations and the user's
inability to control them. In addition to the physical
discomfort associated with such a condition, the lack of

control over one's actions increased the risk of parents

47

finding out about the use of drugs. Carmen described one

such experience:

It looked like all of a sudden something hit me
and maybe I shouldn't have smoked when I was
tripping. Something hit me and I was just, you
know, maybe I wasn't even tripping yet, you know.
I think I was just high. And I went in the bed-
room and I laid down on the bed and all of a
sudden I opened my eyes and I just saw the whole
room going, like falling in on me, the ceilings
were coming down, and all the walls are coming
down. It was like one of those rooms that shrink
and squeeze you to death . . . and I got all
scared and started screaming. Then the music,
the music was really like freaky, you know. All
kinds of stuff like that, you know, and we
started crying and I started saying, "Oh, God,
help me." You know, I didn't know what to do.
And all I saw was just a bunch of faces. It was
really bad, you know, and I didn't know what to
do. Closed my eyes and I still saw it, and then
I saw hands reaching at me, it was really bad.
So then I got up, you know, everybody got scared
like I was going to do something I said, "Don't
be scared. I'm not going to hurt nobody, just
help me, you know, do something" 'cause I had to
get off it and then I went and sat down. After
that it was time to go and I don't know how we
made it home. H. was the only one sober. J.
and I looked like two little kids, then it was
raining, and we waited at the bus stop. Then,
like I was still really scared, you know. Then,
finally our bus came, then I go, "Wow, where do
we get off now, I don't know, cause we had to
look for the L station in Chinatown." So we
finally got off there, and then you know what?

I saw the police and I was so messed up, I said,
"Oh God, I think I'm going to just turn myself
in and tell them to take me home. I cut school
and I needed help; take me to the hospital or
something." So, I went and I said, "Hey help
me." I couldn't even walk straight, my eyes
were awful, and Julie goes, "No, Carmen, don't
go." Julie goes (to the policeman), "She's

just kidding, Come on Carmen" and she grabbed

my arm. I said, "No, let me go man, you just

go ahead, I won't say I was with nobody or
anything, just let me go." Then we finally got
on L and came home.

48

Other consequences associated with the use of
acid were addiction to it and to other drugs, becoming a
"junkie," and the possibility of passing on birth defects
to children when they married. Although most of the girls
admitted that "reefer isn't good for you," they stated
that they knew people who had smoked marijuana for years
without any apparent ill effects. The majority of the
girls felt that drinking alcohol and smoking marijuana
were less harmful than other drugs.

In the Girls' Club frequency of use of drugs was
kept under control by peer group pressure. Even though
there were varying degrees of use within the group from
total abstinence to regular use, the user who was con-
stantly "high" was criticized by its members. Several
reasons accounted for this reaction. One important
reason was that the girls were acutely aware of their
image outside the community. Many of them acknowledge
that "Bush girls" were sometimes thought to be wild and
rowdy by outsiders. However, they attributed this image
to their ability to "have fun, cut school and the way we
hang around together. People outside Bush don't know
what the neighborhood is like." Part of this image may
also have been attributable to the Club's association
with the Neighborhood House. With groups of teenage

boys smoking and fighting in front of the Neighborhood

49

House, it maintained an unfavorable image with many non-
residents of Bush. The girls, then, did not want to be
thought of as "potheads, pill pOppers or acid freaks."

The group also maintained some degree of influence
over the use of drugs by its members due to the fact that
a heavy user of drugs would not be able to participate in
group activities. If someone is constantly high, she will
not be in any condition to assist the group in its
activities. Since the group raised money and had respon-
sibilities to the Neighborhood House, the girls felt that
everyone should share in the work if they were to share in
the rewards. The work included supervision of the Pad and
the Record Hops, bake sales and other fund-raising
activities. The rewards included club sweaters, jackets,
picnics and parties. A member who did not keep up with
her share of the responsibilities was criticized and
risked expulsion from the group. Any member who missed
more than three meetings was put on probation and risked
dismissal from the Club for additional absences. Quite
often members' duties included cleaning the various rooms
at the Neighborhood House. Any member who did not fulfill
her assignments received a demerit and was placed on
probation.

Another reason that prevented the girls from
excessive use of drugs was that they had known each other

since infancy and were genuinely concerned about each

50

other's welfare. Their fear of the effect of drugs
helped them to be aware of their friends' involvement
with drugs. Thus Carmen, after her unpleasant experience
with mescaline, was advised by her friends who had
witnessed her "freaking out" to refrain from further use
of this drug. Although the experience itself was enough
to discourage her from further use, she commented,
"Besides, Julie and H. were really scared that something
would happen to me."

The most widely used drug by far was alcohol.
All but one respondent had used alcohol on at least one
occasion, and sixteen respondents were occasional users
of alcohol. Alcohol consumption was due in part to the
fact that it was more readily available (although not
greatly so) than marijuana or other drugs. But its wide
use might be better explained by the fact that all the
parents with only two exceptions drank alcohol. Many of
the girls reported that drinking was a problem with one
or both parents, and some of them stated that their
interest in alcohol had been sparked by parental use.
Maria, whose parents and brother had problems with alcohol,
said, "It makes you want to try it."

Many of the girls reported that their first drink
was "sips from my father's beer." They were aware that

their parents drinking caused or exacerbated family

51

problems. Julie discussed her parents' arguments and
stated that her father would afterward go out and visit
one of the local taverns. He would then come back home and
beat her mother, and this behavior pattern had been the
cause of their separation. "The last time he beat my
mother, my brothers and sisters threw him out of the house."
Diana reported that her parents argued about money, and
that after such arguments, her father "goes to a tavern
and gets drunk. They're arguing about money, so he goes
to the tavern and spends more money."
Of course drinking was forbidden to the girls by
their parents. This applied to drinking on their own
since most parents allowed their children to drink
moderately in their presence. Many of the girls regarded
this behavior as hypocritical, and a case of "do as I say,
and not as I do." "They talk about how bad drinking is
and then they go out and get drunk." The girls' criticism
of their parents often served as a rationale for their own
drinking behavior, which they viewed as strictly "for fun."
Like other drugs, alcohol consumption by the girls
was linked to a social event. A group of two or more
girls would find someone who would "run" for them. If
they wanted beer or wine, an older brother, sister or
cousin, nineteen or older could purchase it. (This was
true in 1974; however, a law passed in 1978 restricts the

purchase of carry-out liquor to persons twenty-one years

52

of age or older.) The usual transaction involved someone
willing to purchase the liquor for minors, who in return
for this service would share it with him or her. A
"mojado" could often be counted on to participate in this
role. (A person referred to as a mojado by the girls was
not necessarily an undocumented alien. The term was used
to describe primarily young men who had recently emigrated
from Mexico and spoke only Spanish. Since the Neighbor-
hood House offered G.E.D. classes and English classes

for Spanish-speaking people, many of the girls were
acquainted with several "mojados" in the area.)

Dances and concerts were events requiring "getting
high" to be enjoyable, according to many of the girls, and
drinking was the most common means to achieve this.

Before and during the dance enough liquor was taken to
maintain a pleasant high throughout the evening. This
usually involved about one quart of beer per person or

one fifth of wine in the course of an evening (from

three to four hours). If the person became too intoxi-
cated, she became a responsibility to her closest friends.
I never saw an intoxicated youngster left alone or ignored.
I observed incidents in which two of the closest friends,
or at least one other club member, would stay close to a
girl, take her to the washroom, talk to her, and make sure
that she returned home safely and in a presentable condi-

tion. Other group members, aware that someone was

53

intoxicated, attempted to keep any adults present from
finding out. Particularly, a girl's closest friends
would go to great lengths to keep her parents from learn-
ing that their daughter had been drinking. This stemmed
partly from concern for their friend who had become
intoxicated and would be punished were the parents to
know. It also stemmed from self-interest because the
friends themselves risked getting punished by their own
parents if they were to find out. Even if the girl her-
self were not suspected of drinking, her parents could
forbid her to see her intoxicated friend again for fear
that this friend would be a bad influence on their
daughter.

I did not find anyone who could be described as
a frequent user of alcohol in the age group I worked with.
I did, however, hear of and know of fathers and older
brothers who were frequent users. Alcohol use among
adults was a visibly common problem in the neighborhood
and surrounding area. There were numerous taverns in the
area, some of which served liquor to minors, usually boys.
Even more numerous were the neighborhood "winos" who
staggered on the corner or wandered in and out of taverns
and stores. Most of these were older men who had lingered

around the neighborhood in a daze for many years.

Youngsters in the neighborhood were very familiar with

these men who were constantly intoxicated. Thus, in

54

addition to the problems alcohol may have brought or
maintained in the home, there was an obvious presence of
alcohol and its effects outside of the home.

Those girls who were occasional drinkers stated
that they drank "just once in a while to have fun," and
since their drinking was usually done in groups at social
events, this might have been the case. However, by
observing actual drinking behavior, it became apparent
that more was involved. Out of sixteen occasional
drinkers, six became intoxicated at almost every social
event within a short time after their first drink. These
girls would drink a six pack of beer or a fifth of wine
within a half hour or less. Of the six, all had at least
one parent who had drinking problems and three had parents
who were separated or divorced.

Next to alcohol, marijuana or "reefer" as the
girls called it, was the most widely used drug among the
girls I interviewed. Like alcohol, marijuana was usually
taken when teenagers were in groups of two or more and
before or during social events. Unlike alcohol, however,
marijuana was also used when the user was alone. The
reasons cited for this were: (1) marijuana is easier to
carry and therefore can be used in small amounts;

(2) marijuana does not require the recruitment of an
older person to act as middleman for purchase; and

(3) the difference in the "high" achieved.

55

While most occasional drinkers described drinking
as "fun, you feel like laughing and dancing and having a
good time," those who are frequent or occasional marijuana
users described the high attained from marijuana as "you
feel good, relaxed," "you laugh a lot and just feel nice,"
"you notice things more, like colors or lights or music."
From these descriptions it can be inferred that drinking
and being high on alcohol are more conducive to action-
oriented behavior while marijuana use is more relaxed and
passive.

Nonetheless, in the majority of the cases
observed, marijuana was used in groups. For most of the
girls its use was restricted to group situations regard-
less of whether or not they purchased it themselves.

That is, even when marijuana was available for use alone,
it was reserved for use within the group. Those within
the group were expected to share their supply with the
rest of the group. The following excerpt from field
notes illustrates a criticism of a Club member who

"bogarts" or hoards an available supply of reefer:

Somebody said "It's too bad we don't have any
reefer." I told them I had a joint on me. They
thought I was joking and were laughing. When I
showed it to them, they told me to save it for
the record h0p. H. said I had some more. Julie
said, "Be quiet." [Apparently she did not want
Diana to hear. She said later that Diana bogarts
(takes most of it) if she knows you have it.]
Julie said, yes, sometimes but usually she would
smoke it herself. "She says, 'Let's save it

for tomorrow,‘ and then smokes it all herself.

56

With cigarettes too. I don't like to be like
that. If I buy some I want to share it with
everybody." (Field Notes).

Although marijuana was used for social occasions,
such as dances, it was also used for non-social situations
such as while walking to or from school or just walking
through the neighborhood. Another important difference
between alcohol and marijuana use is the people with whom
the girls would use each drug. For both drinking and
smoking, participants belong to both sexes, male and female.
However, while a boy may not have minded if his girlfriend
drank alcohol as long as it was not to the point of
intoxication, he did not permit his girlfriend to smoke
marijuana. He would smoke with other girls who were just
friends, but not with the girl he was "going with." He
set down specific rules for her and while she was in his
presence she would obey these rules, but when she was
with her female friends, she would make her own rules.
Linda provided a good example. Her boyfriend, Paul, made
it clear to her that he did not want her to smoke cigarettes,
drink too much, or smoke reefer. Whenever she was at a
party or dance with him, she restricted herself to moderate
drinking. With girls, however, she felt free to smoke
cigarettes, reefer, and drink more. Although most of the
girls in the group felt free to smoke reefer with the boys
in the neighborhood, Linda did not smoke with them because

she felt that she could not trust them. She felt that they

57

might tell her brother or her boyfriend. Consequently,
she limited her use of marijuana to groups of girls.

For most of the girls in the Club who used mari-
juana, initiation took place with its members. They had
been encouraged to try it by two or more of their closest
friends who had already tried it. Most of the girls
reported that they did not enjoy it the first time they
tried it, but after repeated attempts they came to enjoy
marijuana. Those who had used marijuana infrequently, or
had discontinued its use, were reluctant to try it at all
and did so only because of their friend's constant
insistance. Anna said, "I only did it to shut them up.

I don't think I'll ever use it again because I didn't like
it." A few girls who had never used it and did not plan
to use it, had close contact with those who were frequent
or occasional users. The reasons for their refusal to
experiment with marijuana varied. Some said that their
parents would object; others, that they did not like the
smell, and that they did not think that they would like
the taste. All, however, agreed that they did not have

to get high to enjoy themselves.

While the majority of the girls used marijuana
occasionally, they disapproved of people who used it fre-
quently or "are always high." Even outside of their
group, they often made comments about those in the neigh-

borhood who used drugs excessively. "He's good-looking

58

but he's such a bum. Always high on something;" or,
"those guys just like to hang around street corners and

get high."

RESEARCH

Although a sizeable body of literature describing
the use of drugs in the United States has been developed
especially in the last two decades, there remains a
relative lack of data dealing specifically with the
group described here--adolescent girls in the midwest.
Many of the studies have focused on the question of
factors in the use of illicit drugs are based on data on
adolescent boys--many of them in connection with juvenile
delinquency. (Chein, Gerard, Lee and Rosenfeld 1964;
Clueck and Clueck 1960; goode 1972).

With the increasing use of drugs among middle
class youth, more studies have examined the use of drugs
among middle class youngsters and college students (Blum
and Associates 1969; Garfield, Boering and Smith 1971;
Garfield 1971; Carey 1968). The findings of some of
these studies indicate that factors influencing drug use
among these students may include availability, contact
with users, influence of peer groups, and a dissatisfac-
tion with and desire to protest against society (Blum
and Associates 1969; Kaplan 1970; Carey 1968; Bean 1974).

Studies focusing on the use of illicit drugs
among adolescent girls have been very scarce. Those

59

60

studies mentioning girls and their use of drugs have
compared them with boys within a specific population
group. Citing Price, Richard Blum describes differences
between boys and girls in terms of percentages who use
tobacco, drink to an intoxication level, use marijuana,
LSD, and amphetamines (Blum 1969; Price 1969). Josephson
reports sex differences in the use of marijuana between
youngsters in a longitudinal study comparing survey
findings in 1971, 1972 and 1973.

In Horatio Alger's Children, Blum identifies

 

features of high risk and low risk families among white
middle class, blue-collar white families, blue-collar black
families, and Mexican-American families. There is, how-
ever, no comparison of sex differences in drug use
although apparently both boys and girls were among the
drug users whose families were interviewed. While Blum
does compare factors associated with high and low risk
families among Mexican American, white middle class and
black blue-collar families, there is not a comparison
either within or among these ethnic groups regarding sex
differences in drug use. In his description of Mexican
American families, Blum states.

Those families where drug use among offspring was

low had insightful, confident, flexible, and

affectionate mothers and active, communicative,

and authoritative fathers who had diverse

interests. Low risk children had early and
strict standards for conduct which allow parents

61

to give children freedom in deciding for them-
selves. Life in low risk families was family
centered. The high risk families did not
succeed in imparting values. High risk mothers
were more upset, less acculturated to Anglo ways
and more ritualistic than were low risk mothers.
High risk mothers also could not rely upon
themselves, their husbands,their children, or
their church to be the pillars of strength in

an environment filled with temptation, poverty
and uncertainty. The high risk family was
discordant, undirected, unhappy, attached to
television, drugs, or the appeals of excitement
in the outside world. The high risk drug use of
Mexican American children was associated with a
history of maternal distress, child distress,
school problems, and family disorders (Blum
1969).

One study examining possible etiological factors which may
account for differences in drug use between male and
female adolescents is reported by Miller (International
Journal of the Addictions, 1976). Exploring the hypothe-
sis that the factors surrounding female drug use may be
psychodynamic in nature while those for male drug use
may be environmental, Miller collected data from male and
female undergraduate students. Comparing "past,"
"present," and "never used" categories of male and female
respondents to questionnaires and attitudinal measurement
instruments, support was found for the hypothesis.
Although scarce data related to male and female
drug use, frequency and range of use is lower among
females than among males (Blum 1969; Price 1967;

Josephson 1974).

62

The study of drug using behavior among adolescents
has revolved around psychological and sociological
approaches to explain this phenomenon. The psychological
approach examines individual personality traits and attri-
butes the use of drugs to variables such as development of
the superego, ego function, oral dependence and other
psychological processes. This approach argues that
people who use drugs do so as an adjustive response to
psychological needs which have not been met in the normal
developmental process (Ausubel 1961; Chein 1964; Krystal
1970).

The sociological approach seeks to explain drug
use as a behavioral response to a social environment
which provides those factors conducive to drug use.

Among these environmental influences are those exerted
by people closest to the drug user. Kandel concludes
that adolescent illegal drug use is predominantly
responsive to the influence of peers (1974).

In an extensive study exploring the influence of
parental drug use and peer drug use, Kandel found that
"overall influence of parental drug behaviors on
adolescent illegal drug use is small. The predominant
factor in the use of drugs by' adolescents is the use of

drugs by peers" (Kandel 1974).

CONCLUSIONS

From the interviews and data gathered through
participant observation, no cases of heavy drug use among
this group were found. While this does not mean that
heavy drug use is non-existent in that area, it does
indicate that such use may be the exception rather than
the rule.

Most of the girls with whom I came into contact
could be classified as occasional users of marijuana and
alcohol and were surprisingly conservative in their
approach to other drugs.

The most widely used drug is alcohol--usua11y
consumed in the form of beer and wine. Drinking was
restricted to preparation or participation in a social
event. Before and during dances, concerts and parties,
alcohol was consumed by members of the group and none of
the girls indulged in drinking alone.

As might be expected, the parents of many of the
girls also drank alcohol. Although none of the girls
described either parent as an alcoholic, many of them
indicated that drinking was a problem with one or both

parents.

63

64

After alcohol, marijuana was the most widely used
drug among these young females. Like alcohol, marijuana
was used in groups of two or more, and before and during
social events. Marijuana, however, was also used alone
and in the absence of social activity and special events.
Nevertheless, for the majority of the girls, marijuana
was used in a group setting and although available for
use alone, it was usually shared with one or more members
of the group.

Other drugs used include uppers, downers,
hallucinogens, and in rare cases, inhalants. The use of
these drugs, however, was not widespread among these
adolescents, and for the majority their use could be
described as "infrequent" or "never used." Some of them
had experimented with uppers and downers but relied pri-
marily on marijuana or alcohol to "get high." The use of
glue, paint and industrial solvents taken through inhala—
tion was known to them but only one female reported having
used it herself. The girls' familiarity with inhalants
was based on their knowledge of its use by boys in the
neighborhood, particularly those in the age range of
eight through thirteen.

Knowledge about drugs and their effects was very
limited and usually acquired through friends who were
users and through personal experience. Some girls who

had experimented with hallucinogens or uppers or had mixed

65

the use of one or more drugs, had experienced negative
effects. These experiences, which usually took place in
a group setting, were shared by other members of the
group.

Parents disapproved of drug use as well as of
drinking alcohol and smoking cigarettes. For the most
part, parents appeared to be unaware of their daughters'
use of drugs, drinking and smoking cigarettes. Daughters
went to a great effort to prevent their parents from
becoming aware that they were involved in such activities.
They would only carry out these activities in the
presence of people they felt they could trust. When they
felt that their parents suspected drug use, they would
exercise more caution to ensure that their parents
would not find out.

The majority of the girls reported that they
first became familiar with the use of alcohol through
their parents' consumption of it. Marijuana use was
introduced to all of them by a friend, usually of the
same age. Drugs were easily available, often sold at
school or in the neighborhood. Often, a girl's first
encounter with marijuana was through a seller. Like
marijuana, the use of purple haze, sunshine and mescaline
were introduced to them by friends who had already

experimented with these drugs.

66

Although the group served to encourage its members
to experiment with drugs, their use was not imposed as
a requirement for membership. On the contrary, frequency
of use of drugs was informally controlled by the group.
Through the group's association with a larger organization
(the Neighborhood House) and its stated purpose to assist
in the operation of that organization, the group had
responsibilities and duties to carry out. Any member who
could not be counted on to carry out assignments or duties
could be expelled from the group. Its members, therefore,
could not be constantly "high" so as to be able to fulfill
their responsibility to the group.

Mutual concern for each other's well-being was
another means of maintaining control over frequency of
drug use. Since the girls were in daily contact with one
another, they were all aware of each other's activities.
Disapproval and concern by one or more of her friends
would usually persuade a girl to curtail her use of drugs.

In addition to parental disapproval, those girls
who had boyfriends faced additional restrictions. While
they were free to drink moderately with their boyfriends,
they could not smoke cigarettes, become:intoxicated or
use marijuana or other drugs in their presence.

What develops through observations and inter-
viewing is a picture of a group of adolescent females

using alcohol, marijuana and other drugs moderately, and

67 . Vuwb‘yéyb

whose use of drugs is influenced primarily by theigroug
itselff’although limits are also imposed by parents\and
other peers. To what degree other influences in the
environment played a role in the use of illegal drugs by
this group is uncertain. However, based on their own
descriptions of their drug use, it surfaces that member-
ship in the group was a major factor. Without comparison,
however, with females the same age in the community who
were not Club members, it is difficult to draw conclusions
regarding the influence of other factors, such as parental
use of alcohol and other drugs, attitudes toward school
and others.

It is then extremely difficult to address the
question, "Is ethnicity a factor in drug use?" with any
degree of certainty or any means of describing how and
why, if indeed it is. Differences "found" through com-
parisons of various ethnic groups must be scrutinized to
ascertain which differences are attributable to ethnicity
and which may be derived from other factors.

Those differences described by Blum indicate that
Mexican-American families qualified as high risk are
likely to be characterized by "fatalism, depression, and
surrender" (Blum 1972). Can these characteristics be
considered ethnic in nature? Without additional data
this cannot be determined, particularly as it relates to

drug use.

68

For this group, it might be relevant to determine
the degree of influence of parents versus peers. Clearly
both represent very strong influences for the girls in
the Club. If, as Samora and Lamanna concluded in a study
of a similar industrial community in East Chicago,
Indiana, the Mexican-American family represented "a bul-
wark of tradition . . . (and) has held up quite well
under the impact of urbanization," then, ethnicity through
the maintenance of strong parental influence might well
play a major role in the drugs that are used and the ways
in which they are used. To the degree that the family
exerts a strong influence over the daughter, ethnicity
may play a major role. This influence may be a factor
both in whether drug use is initiated and in the self-
imposed restriction on drug use in response to parental
disapproval.

That the girls experimented with drugs at all,
demonstrates the strong influence of peers. The group
setting for most drug use indicates a basis for agreement
with the finding that the peer group influence is the
most important in a young person's use of drugs.

These findings indicate that a number of factors
influence drug-using behavior by the group studied. With
a number of conditions present which in other studies have
been described as conducive to intensive use of drugs--

availability, peer influence, poor economic conditions--

69

drug use was maintained at a moderate level. This would
seem to indicate that other influences in the group or

the community are at work.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

'70

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Ausubel, D. P. Drug Addiction. New York: Random House,
1958.

 

Blum, Richard H. and Associates. Horatio Alger's Children.
London: Jossey-Bass, Inc., 1972.

 

. Students and Drugs: College and High School
Observations. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, Inc.,
1969.

 

. Society and Drugs. San Francisco: Jossey-
Bass, Inc., 1969.

 

Carey, J. T. The College Drug Scene. Englewood Cliffs,
N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1968.

 

Chein, L. L., Gerard, D. L., Lee, R. S., and Rosenfeld,
E. The Road to H: Narcotics, Delinquency and
Social PoliCy. New York: Basic Books, 1964.

 

Garfield, E., Boering, M., and Smith, J. P. "Marijuana
Use on a Camput: Spring 1969." International
Journal of the Addictions, 1971, 6(3), 487-491.

 

Garfield, M. "Illicit Drug Use Among Undergraduates:
1970-1971." In Horatio Alger's Children, edited
by R. H. Blum. London: Jossey-Bass, Inc.,
1972.

 

Glueck, S., and Glueck, E. Predicting Delinquency and
Crime. Cambridge: Harvard University, 1960.

 

Goode, E. The Marijuana Smokers. New York: Basic Books,
1970.

Grebler, Leo, Moore, Joan, Guzman, Ralph. The Mexican-
American People. New York: The Free Press, 1970.

 

Josephson, E., and Carroll, E. Drug Use--Epidemiologica1
and Sociological Approaches. Washington, D.C.:
Hemisphere Publishing Corp., 1974.

 

71

72

Kandel, D. "Interpersonal Influence on Adolescent
Illegal Drug Use." In Drug Use--Epidemiologica1
and Sociological Approaches, edited by E.
Josephson and E. Carroll. Washington, D.C.:
Hemisphere Publishing Corp., 1974.

 

 

Miller, B. "Student Drug Use: Attitudinal, Parental
Relations, and Sex Differences--A Pilot Study."
International Journal of the Addictions, 1976,
ll (6), 1079-1084.

 

 

Price, C. in Horatio Alger's Children. Blum, R.H. and
Associates. London: Jossey-Bass Inc., 1972.

Samora, Julian and Richard Lamanna. "The Mexican-
Americans of East Chicago." Preliminary Report,
Mexican American Study Project, University of
California, Los Angeles, 1967.

 

APPENDIX

73

12.
13.

14.

15.

16.
17.

18.

APPENDIX

InterviewingyInstrument

 

each individual interviewed determine the following:

Age

Place of Birth
If in Chicago, determine community.

Length of residence in present area
Length of residence in other areas
Birthplace Of parents

Number Of siblings

a. Brothers (Older, younger)
b. Sisters (Older, younger)

Establish respondent's place in family

How many brothers and sisters living at home
Other relatives living at home

How long have parents been married

If divorced, how long have parents been divorced?
Age Of respondent at time of divorce

Has either parent remarried?

Does respondent see parent not living at home?
How often?

Does parent not living at home reside in same area
as respondent?

What is respondent's Opinion of her parents' divorce?
Who are closest friends? List by first name only.

For each friend named: How long ago was friendship
established?

74

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.
28.
29.

30.

31.

32.

33.

34.

75

For each friend named: Where does friend reside?

For each friend named: How did respondent become
acquainted with friend?

How Often does respondent see each friend?
When was the last time this friend was seen?

What kind of activities?
Where

When

With whom

Grade in school

Academic status in school
Poor - Fair - Average - Good - Excellent

Schools attended

Ever attended parochial (or public) school?
If change, reason for change

Does respondent like school?
What does respondent like best about school?
What does respondent like least about school?

What changes would respondent make in school if any
change were possible?

Does respondent attend church?
Where

How Often

With whom

When last attended

With whom

Do parents attend church?
Mother - How Often? - When last attended
Father - How Often? - When last attended

What are respondents future plans
Marriage

Job

Education

Other

Has respondent ever used any type of alcohol or drug?

76

What was used? Identify each type of alcohol, drug,

 

What were the circumstances for the first time drug

EXpectations (What did you think was going to happen?

At what age is use of each substance apprOpriate?

 

35.
inhalant, etc.

For Each Substance:

36.
was used?

37. Alone or with others?

If others, how many?

Relationship tO others

Male or female
38. Respondent's age at time Of first use?
39.

What did you eXpect?)

40. Reasons for use

41. Did respondent continue use?
How Often?

When (on what occasions)
42.

Males

Females

43. What occasions are apprOpriate for use of each
substance?

44. Reasons for continued use?

45. Are parents aware Of respondent's use?
Are brothers/sisters/Other relatives aware of
respondent‘s use?

46. Identify substances still being used

47. Identify substances no longer being used

For Each Substance NO Longer Used:

48. When was use discontinued?

49. Reasons for discontinuance of use

50. How long was substance used

For
51.

52.

53.

54.

77

Each Substance Still Being Used:
Reason(s) for use

Does reSpondent know Of other drugs which she has
not used?

Does respondent plan to use any other drug(s)?

If so, for each drug, determine expectations regard-
ing its use

 

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