.‘r '1“ 2' la Ill! §193 mlllm illjlfllfllfll LIBRARY Michigan State Univerlity This is to certify that the thesis entitled A COMPARATIVE ANALYTICAL STUDY OF THE ARABIAN GULF BROADCASTING SYSTEMS: The Forei nCotextual Television Penetration. presented by ADEL SIRAJ MERDAD has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for L degree in Mina—don Major professor Datei 1 7’3 L 07539 MSUiH-I- A'ann‘u. A ' 1-- ”‘rr -] Imam“..- A ..__ A -._.._.-‘. -—\_ ”‘44 ‘\-__ 2‘.— PViESI.) RETURNING MATERIALS: Place in book drop to LIBRARIES remove this checkout from J-IIKSIIIL your record. FINES will be charged if book is returned after the date stamped below. AW 1991 A COMPARATIVE ANALYTICAL STUDY OF THE ARABIAN GULF BROADCASTING SYSTEMS: The Foreign Contextual Television Penetration By Adel Siraj Merdad A THESIS iSubnfitUMito Michigan State University in partial fullifllment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Communication 1987 A Comparative Analytical Study of The Arabian Gulf Broadcasting Systems: The Foreign Contextual Television Penetration By Adel Siraj Merdad A Master Thesis Submitted to the Department of Communications at Michigan State University Appro ed by: A)?“ 7/ Z 7 (5/7 454C 7’“ . (1 _ - Major Professor Date ’4' ' M" I! I M 4/3747 , ' /‘ 771:1)“1 \Z Dan/w/vat‘ 4//°z7/J’77 .j Copyri ht by ADEL IRAJ MERDAD 1987 ABSTRACT A COMPARATIVE ANALYTICAL STUDY OF THE ARABIAN GULF BROADCASTING SYSTEMS: THE FOREIGN CONTEXTUAL TELEVISION PENETRATION By Adel Siraj Merdad This study intends to measure foreign television program penetration and its potential economical and cultural implications on Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. One hopes that this study will encourage authorities in both countries to increase local television production against the incursion of imported programs. Firstly, the researcher analyzes the economic, political, and cultural frameworks for each country, and their relationships to developing television media systems. Secondly, the researcher examines television programming in terms of the following categories: Religious and Cultural, News and Information, Educational, Children's, and Entertainment. The data was gathered from television guide al-Sharq al-Awsat Magazine, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. The period investigated is 9-3-86 to 9-30-86. Thirdly, the researcher presents the hypotheses tests and results. Next, the researcher discusses Saudi television price policy in order to measure local production incentives and major economical and cultural implications of foreign television programs. Finally, the researcher will suggest some recommendations for increasing local television production, particularly Saudi Arabia. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In the course of this study's conception, growth, and completion, several people have provided help and inspiration without which the work would have been difficult. First of all, I am deeply thankful to my advisor, Professor Jack M. Bain, for his support, guidance, and comments since this study was a small project. He has always been supportive and inspiring despite his academic obligations. I am also indebted to Professor Joseph D. Straubhaar, my committee member, whose courses in international and comparative broadcasting systems have widened my knowledge of the potential impact of foreign TV programs in Third World countries. His insight comments and criticism left a distinct mark on the analysis and the discussion. My thanks also goes to Professor Mary Bresnahan who, at a critical time, accepted the offer to be on my committee, despite all of her other academic commitments. I am equally grateful to my friend, Renato Linsangan, who helped me in designing a computer program to test the hypotheses. I am thankful, also, to Kathleen O'Connor for her effort in editing and typing this study. A special thanks goes to those who supported the concepts behind this research and who helped to bring it about. Last, but not least, I would like to dedicate this study to two special people -- to my mother, whose prayer, support, and understanding have escorted me ever since I came to study in the United States; and to my i brother, Mohammed Said, who has encouraged me, and taught me that nothing is impossible. TABLE OF CONTENTS I. LIST OF TABLES p. 1 II. INTRODUCTION p. 1 -6 111. CHAPTER ONE: Preliminary Research and Presentation A. Definitions p. 7 B. Statement of The Problem p. 8-9 C. Justification and Rationale p. 10 D. Methods and Procedure p. 10-11 E. Theoretical Structure and Previous Studies p. 11-17 F. Endnotes p. 18 IV. CHAPTER TWO: A Descriptive Analysis of the Two Countries A. The State of Kuwait 1. Kuwaiti Geography p. 19-20 2. Kuwaiti Politics p. 20-22 3. Kuwaiti Economics p. 22-24 4. Kuwaiti Social and Cultural Environment p. 24-29 iii B. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia 1 . Saudi Geography 2. Saudi Economics 3. Saudi Politics 4. The Saudi Governmental Structure 5. Saudi Culture and Social Life C. Endnotes V. CHAPTER THREE: The Radio and Television Broadcasting Systems A. The State of Kuwait 1 . Kuwaiti Radio 2. Kuwaiti Television 3. Kuwaiti Television Programs B. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia 1 . Saudi Radio 2. Saudi Television 3. Saudi Television Programs C. Endnotes VI. CHAPTER FOUR: Hypotheses Testing and Data Presentation A. Introduction B. Hypotheses Testing iv p. 42-46 p. 47-50 p. 50-53 p. 54-59 p. 59-61 p. 61-66 p. 67—68 p. 69 p. 69 C. Hypothesis 1 1 . Independent and Dependent Variables 2. Results D. Hypothesis 2 1. Presentation 2. Results E. Hypothesis 3 1. Presentation 2. Results F. Endnotes VII. CHAPTER FIVE: Discussion and Implication of Foreign Television Programs A. Introduction B. Cultural Implications C. Economic Implications D. Endnotes VIII. CHAPTER SDI: Interstate Cooperation A. The Gulf C00perative Countil (GCC) B. Gulfvision C. Arabian Gulf States Joint Production Institute D. Kuwaiti Production p. 70 p. 70-72 p. 72 p. 72-73 p. 73-74 p. 74-77 p. 78 p. 79-85 p. 86-93 p. 93-97 p. 98-99 p. 100-101 p. 101 p. 102-103 p. 103-104 E. Kuwaiti Television Program Exchange F. Arab Satellite G. Endnotes DI. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS X. RECOMMENDATIONS XI. APPENDIX A XII. APPENDIX B XIII. BIBLIOGRAPHY p. 104-106 p. 106-108 p. 109 p. 110-116 p. 117-119 p. 120-175 p. 176-184 p. 185-189 I. Table One: II. Table Two: III. Table Three: IV. Table Four: V. Table Five: VI. Table Six: VII. Table Seven: VIII. Table Eight: DI. Table Nine: X. Table Ten: XI. Table Eleven: XII. Table Twelve: XIII. Table Thirteen: XIV. Table Fourteen: XV. Table Fifteen: XVI. Table Sixteen: LIST OF TABLES Illiteracy and Literacy in Kuwait mulation and Financial ormation for the Gulf States Countries With Huge Debts Radio Program Hours Broadcast Between 1 981 and 1 983 Aggregated Hours of Programs Kuwaiti Television Program Distribution Local and Foreign Program Percentages in Kuwaiti Television During a Three Year Period Listening Sets According to Current Residential Area (CRA') Television Set Distribution in Saudi Arabia Religious and Cultural Programs Religious and Cultural Programs (Local) TV Program Significance Ranking of Categories in Order of Importance Foreign TV Programs Foreign TV Program Distribution Domestic and Imported TV Programs p. 28 p. 31 p. 32 p. 44 p. 46 p. 48 p. 51 p. 59 p. 66 p. 71 p. 71 p. 73 p. 73 p. 74 p. 75 p. 79 XVII. Table Seventeen: Program Hours and Percentages XVIII. Table Eighteen: TV Program Distribution XDI. Table Nineteen: Saudi TV2 and Imported Hours XX. Table Twenty: KTV Program Distribution XXI. Table Twenty-One: KTV 2 Program Distribution (Local and Imported Hours) XXII. Table Twenty-Two: Kuwaiti Programs That Have Been Exchanged With Saudi Television: July 1, 1982 to September 30, 1982 LIST OF FIGURES I. Figure 1: A Map of the Arabian Gulf States II. Figure 2: Saudi Television List of Prices viii p. 80 p. 81 p. 82 p. 83 p. 85 p. 105 p. 1a p. 96 ‘3 I a n nun I (I " ~ I; ’01., I IKermnnshah ' IRAN Baghdad IRAQ $I0amascus D"1‘U' alslanan \ I I I fit-roman V finnamshah ) JORDAN Basra wan v‘Aoaoa . / A [—2 \a lShuaz II In _ luwmt Cilv Bushere Kerman KUWAIT Ramon: Abbas Juoau Ifiuvsydnn Dnmr'nm BAHRAIN Drum-nil QATAR M M [:1 ireumphfl 3H3 II I 'n I U 31:3 ‘ Irngoavr [$0008 "fi HOIUIB S" fif'ii‘n DU ‘ .Medma IRwadn Ir a"? “1|?va “ " l .‘l h \ «Du z. 1'15! HUEJIFE'; umo 'Iuscal UAE SAUDI ARABIA flNina Jeodah ’I‘Jncca MA“\ / I. \\-1 / 1’. Samar» YEMEN v2- ' x \5 5"“0 l/PDFI YEMEN K Hon-ion / rl\\. 8‘; ( R \\I \\/ .Igll .\,._, I ' ‘ W Aden 2“ I \E‘I DJIBOLITI .Onboun M INTRODUCTION "The Middle East," the "Arab World," and "Arabs" are well known terms in the Western World used to represent the Arab nations that inhabit the substantial area from the Arabian Gulf (Persian) in the east to Morocco in the far west. This huge area is divided into twenty-two sovereign states and gained political independence after World War II, as did many other Third World countries that had been colonized by a super power. Moreover, after their independence, these countries emerged as members in an international organization. An organization like the United Nations (UN) drawns nearly 75 percent of its members from small countries that have not yet reached full development -- small nations seeking justice, balance, and attention from the developed nations. These demands were adopted by the UN. in order to resolve the constraints and complexities which dominated the world under the name of the colonizer. After their independence, Third World countries found themselves in an unenviable situation. They faced a diverse set of problems, including a high rate of illiteracy, poverty, limited resources, high population, cultural diversity, and various health issues. As a result of these problems, developed countries recognized the needs of the developing countries and started to devote some of their resources to these nations to aid and initiate development. Basically, development has been perceived differently within the Third World. Some countries see it as part of the transitional stage for the 1 2 state to have highways, more human resources, political participation, equity, economic growth, health care, and a basic infrastructure of social welfare. Other countries, however, found the "Western Model" of development a good basic guideline for the achievement of the developmental process. In fact, the term "development" represents the level in which people are living politically, economically, and socially. This level intends to provide equity, redistribution of national resources, and economical and political participation. Developing countries felt the need to process development in all sectors, with special emphasis on communication and telecommunication as means to promote integration, and hence, establish a distinct identity among other nations. The Arabs, along with other developing nations, are trying to do so using mass media as an important channel to convey their message to the people. Such messages are translated into action by establishing radio and television systems with distinct characteristics that contrast them from Western media. The main difference is the heavy involvement by the government in terms of ownership, operation, control, and censorship. This fact has attracted the attention of Western scholars to study the structure of mass media under government influence. There are other facts involved, as well, such as organization and control. William Rugh (1979) writes about the Arab media from the mobilization point of view. He stresses that the structure of the media, particularly radio and television, has created a stereotype among the Western world.1 The system must be loyal to its founder, even in the case of the press, which is privately owned. Rugh divided the Arab media into three main categories: the Mobilization System (Iraq, Libya, South Yemen, and the Sudan) serving developmental goals, the Government System (Gulf 3 States), where the media is government-owned yet is still more flexible than the first type, and the Diverse System (Lebanon) so-named because it combines commercial and private ownership, creating diversity within the content of the media.2 The main focus of Rugh's study was the press, with minor reference to broadcasting. Although he categorized the Gulf states' system under the government category, the systems in the Gulf area, such as Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, Oman, and the United Arab Emirates, are also mobilized to achieve economical and social development (with little restriction on the Saudi system). Elihu Katz and George Wedell (1977) compared broadcasting systems in developing countries. 3 This comparison came along from aggregate data (to measure the correlation between media exposure and other aspects of development) and has created a generalization among the countries under focus. The comparison of media systems has been drawn to a varied degree, between nations. Similarities and dissimilarities between media systems in the Third World were not presented in the study along with the ambiguity of the key variables which make it hard for the reader to understand the distinct aspects of the X or Y system in the study.4 The study does provide, however, a valuable insight into the further generalization of broadcasting in the Third World, particularly if the reader has some knowledge about media systems in this area of the world. Douglas Boyd (1982) is one of the few Western communication scholars who writes about broadcasting in the Arab World. His study is comprehensive, follows the typical chronological order, and traces back the historical facts that have influenced broadcasting and its establishment in the Arab countries. He researched the colonial history in the area and its 4 impact in terms of organization, ownership, and strategies to promote certain goals (political, social, and/or economical).5 Although Boyd admits the lack of a research audience, he provided a great deal of data which he gathered from his extensive interview with Arab broadcasting officials. He explores the mystery of some systems in the Arabian Gulf states, particularly in Saudi Arabia which he sees as a conservative Muslim state.6 His experiences in Saudi Arabia led to his understanding of how conservatism and Western style worked together to provide this modern communication system. This study focuses on the Arabian Gulf states of Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, and Oman. These states were chosen for study because of the following critera: 1) their proximity; 2) their cultural, historical, and language similarities; and 3) their political, economical, and social similarities. Until recently, the Gulf states were under foreign. domination. In fact, the term "Arabian Gulf“ is a relatively new term to most of the advanced countries of the world, particularly to the United States and Europe, where the area had always been known as the "Persian Gulf" due to the many centuries of domination by the Persian Empire. Most of the Gulf states at that time fell under the influence of England, because of their strategic location. Though it did not dominate the country of Saudi Arabia (only the Eastern Province), England controlled Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and Oman. This study on these particular states emerges as a result of the creation of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in 1981 through which these states joined their political, economic, and social (cultural) efforts in order to 5 found a strong and powerful "league" in the area. All the countries surrounding the Arabian Gulf are rapidly developing countries sharing tradition, culture, language, religion and similar geographical aspects. Since the discovery of oil, these states have risen to a more important level in the world economic order, and hence, play an ever-increasing decisive role in international politics. As a result of their huge oil revenues, the Gulf states are rapidly modernizing and developing using the oil-generated money to finance the process. One of the main areas in need of development was a communication system, particularly broadcasting (radio and television). With the establishment of broadcasting systems in the gulf states the problem of producing TV programs emerged. Hence, imported TV programs from other countries, such as the USA, England, Canada, Egypt, and Lebanon increased and occupy more than 60 percent in some countries, such as Saudi Arabia. Thus, it is the objective of this study to precisely examine the imported televised programs in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, from 9-3-86 to 9-30-86, and compare them to locally produced materials. ENDNOTES - Rugh. William. A. The Wee inthe Arab Wor . Syracuse University Press, New York, 1979. . Ibid, p. 5. . Katz, Elihu, Wedell, Geo e, and others. El \ W Harvard University Press, 1977, pp. 3-37. . Al-Usmani, Abdulrazaks. "An Analytical Comparative Study of Television Systems and Decision-Making Process in Four Arabian Gulf States: Saudi Arabia, Bahrqain, Quatar, and Kuwait." Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, The University of Wisconsin, Masidon, 1984. . Boyd, Douglasfimm ,: ; ' - ' ' i0 ' t‘ ‘ Philadelp‘ "a, 1982. . Gibson, David G. W. Vol. 59, Summer 1982. L o A0 o' : u . mple Umversity P ress, CHAPTER ONE PRELIMINARY DISCUSSIONS DEFINITIQNS For the Purpose of this study TV programs in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia have been grouped into five main categories that allow easier identification of TV input in these two countries. These categories are: 1. Religious and Cultural programs, which include religious talk shows (moral guidance derived from Islamic law or Sharei), prayers, religious symposiums and discussions conducted by religious figures; and materials that contain folk tradition and/or ethnic subject matters. 2. News and Information programs, referring to daily news casts, press reviews, weekly symposiums, and current affairs (both local and international). 3. Educational programs, representing TV shows such as documentaries on current events, history and science that "treat a specific topic in deapth." This category also includes programs that are devoted to learning purposes such as the Arabic version of Sesame Street, Iftah Ya Simsim (or Open Sesame) and short one-scene series on, for instance, health or safety. 4. Children's programs, which include imported cartoons and dubbed cartoons, and also locally produced children's talk shows. 5. Entertainment programs, which include drama, theater plays, comedy, soap operas (series), movies, variety shows, musical shows, and sports (soccer matches). W The establishment of broadcasting services in the Arabian Gulf States has emerged due to several reasons. Firstly, the local governments needed an appropriate communication channel with which to reach out to the entire population. Secondly, print media, namely the press, had very little impact due to the high illiteracy rate that dominated the area during the 1950's and 1960's, and still dominates it to a lesser degree. The imbalance of the population's distribution between rural and urban areas, in the case of Saudi Arabia, had urged the government to inaugurate a reliable broadcasting system. Thus, the power that TV enjoys among other mass media, i.e. that which is audio-visual, has encouraged the Saudi Government to introduce those who live in remote areas, such as the deserts, a new form of communication technology, hence, integrating them visually with the rest of the nation. Radio, on the other hand, was established earlier, and remains unpenetrated by foreign materials. This is because radio programs are both easier and less expensive to produce. However, TV productions are more complicated and require well planned strategies that comprise different elements (equipment, personnel, technicians, and so forth). Television was established in Kuwait in 1961 and Saudi Arabia in 1965. As time passed, the problem of filling transmission time with "appropriate" materials became significant. Due to the lack of personnel, expertise, technicians, and equipment, producing TV programs was not feasible at that time. More than twenty years later, local production remains low and the reliance on foreign programs has increased. Admittedly, TV broadcasting is relatively new, not only to Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, but also 9 in most of the Gulf states and Arab world, except to Egypt, which has had a fairly long history of broadcasting. This situation has placed the Gulf states in a situation of dependancy on the importation of foreign TV programs from various sources. Thus, one could argue that the TV contextual pattern does not reflect the authentic culture of the country. Simply said, this means that locally produced TV programs have little share in TV time. Hence, foreign TV programs penetrate the country and override local programs. This problem reaches to the extent that importation of TV software becomes a distinct characteristic of television in Saudi Arabia as well as in Kuwait. Culturally, foreign TV programs represent a threat to the nation when considering the long term effect on a p0pulation via TV. Further, the process also effects locally produced TV programs where they (local programs) must compete with imposing materials and struggle to survive on their own ground. Therefore, it is the aim of this study to examine the foreign TV programs' penetration in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. More precisely, the term "foreign" represents non-domestically televised programs in the categories of religious and cultural, educational, children, and entertainment programs. In contrast, "local" refers to those TV programs (religious and cultural, educational, etc.) that have been domestically produced. At this point, the process by which production of domestic TV programs takes place, will also be examined to enhance our study. This includes the governmental policy and decision-making processes that initiate such operations. 1 0 W This study emerges as the needs for more comparative media research in the Arab World continue to grow. At this time, these needs are not met by Arab researchers. Scholars tend to describe the existing broadcasting systems in terms of structure, Operations and ownership. This approach leaves the content of TV and its consequent impacts, those that are social and economic, ignored. In addition, an important event to note in the case of the Arabian Gulf states, is the creation of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) as a strong regional league. The objective of the GCC is to achieve interstate cooperation within the spheres of culture, education, economics and communication. Thus, the researcher hopes that this study will motivate responsible officials to increase their awareness of foreign TV programs' penetration and the long run cultural consequences of this influence upon the countries under investigation. METHODS AND PROCEDURE To proceed in our investigation of the phenomena of foreign TV programs' penetration and the government's policy toward the purchasing of such materials, we will use two main methods. Firstly, we will examine TV programming schedules in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, published in Asharq al-Awasat Magazine, which includes programming for 1 9 Arab countries. Such information will give accurate percentages and reliable measurements for the actual TV programs (foreign and local) and the times allocated to them. The period under investigation is from September 3, 1986, to September 30, 1986, 4 weeks or 28 days. The subjects will include four TV channels, two will be Saudi and two will be Kuwaiti. 1 1 In fact, Saudi TV1 , also known as the First Channel, represents the national network and broadcasts in Arabic, while Saudi TV2, also known as the Second Channel, broadcasts in English and is directed toward foreign minorities who live and work in the country. Similarly, Kuwait has KTVl as the Main Program broadcast in Arabic; and KTV2 as the Second Program broadcast in English and Arabic. - The TV programs on all four channels are categorized in five main categories: Religious and Cultural (R & C), News and Information (N & I), Educational (EDN), Children (CHLD), and Entertainment (ENTR). Each category should fit one TV program or another. The unit of analysis here is the number of foreign and local programs that have been televised during 9-3-86 to 9-30-86. Ratio measurements will be used where they are appropriate. The length of each program in minutes will be extracted from the TV schedule and compared to the total transmission time. This includes each category mentioned previously. The second method we will use is that of analysing the government bill for local and imported TV programs and their regulation. This procedure allows us to measure the presence and extent of any possible government incentives which may be offered to local producers and which might apply in both countries, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. Up,.i I a, _Ui ll: :klI'IWIO ..lJ|E_ Several scholars have studied the implication of the flow of TV programs from one country to another and its influential consequences. Tunstall (1977), Katz and Wedell (1975), Guback (1969), Schiller (1967), Wells (1972), Varis (1972) and Lee (1979) have expressed the notion of media or "TV' 12 imperialism. The essence of the argument is focussed on American and British exportation of TV programs to the rest of the world, particularly Third World countries. Schiller (1969), in W W, has developed a "Television Imperialism Thesis" that focuses on American TV program exportation. He sees this process as a temptation by the American military industrial complex to subjugate the world. The commercial use of the American media has widened since Schiller wrote his argument. To this point, Schiller discusses the vanishing level of educational emphasis, an emphasis that had been considered an important undertaking by American radio stations during the early stages of their broadcasting expansion. Television is also achieving progress in its transfer of emphasis from public services to commercial, propaganda, entertainment, and military purposes. Schiller expresses his fear of a US. military involvement with major broadcasting companies, such as RCA and NBC, as major government contractors. Although it is not the scope of this study to subject and investigate US. military involvement with such companies, the analysis on cultural impact will touch upon this issue. The flow of TV programs across national boundaries, especially the one-way flow from top-developed countries to the bottom-developing countries, has been the focus for several studies. Tapio Varis (1971) studies the imported versus, domestically produced television programming in developed and Third World countries. He rates the USA as number one "stock broker" in TV materials. The notion that developed TV programming exportation has attracted several other researchers to study this phenomena. Political, economic, and social facts are the main areas of investigation within this 13 topic. Tunstall (1977) studies the media, in terms of news, as well as entertainment TV programs that have originated in Anglo-American countries and the consequences visited upon other countries particularly those in the Third World. He argues that American and British programs are the main media "models" around the world. If this argument is true, then these models are immense and, hence, becdme internationalized and may well be adopted in any country regardless of its cultural impact, not to mention the political and economic difference in backgrounds. In short, what applies in Western societies does not necessarily apply in countries where the moral and cultural milieus is very strong, as in the case of Saudi Arabia. Tapio Varis emphasises: Most programs (TV) in international circulation were originally made to satisfy the audiences in the countries where they were produced and first marketed. These programs were most often made for viewers in the US, Canada, Australia, Japan, and Western Europe. Later they were adopted for worldwide commercial distribution or for "cultural distribution."1 Such argument covers a very important issue: cultural distribution. This concept has been achieved very well by main transnational cooperation via TV programs and mass culture diffusion. Mass culture is an elusive concept to define. It refers to a collective ideological distributionfrom one nation to another. The process of such distribution takes the form of TV programs, commercials, lifestyle portrayal and the display of differing ethnic backgrounds. However, the content of TV materials can diffuse all of the mentioned categories. Thus our study here concerns foreign TV programming and its implications for 1 4 the state of Kuwait and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Before proceeding further, our theoretical framework will be as follows: 1. It could be argued that Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, in spite of their similarities, have developed distinct objectives that are reflected in their TV content. This content includes religious and cultural programs (R & C), news and information programs (N & I), education programs (EDUC), children's programs (CHLD), and entertainment programs (ENTR). Both governments, as owners and operators of broadcasting services, have articulated their philosophies, hence policies, to achieve the above goals through what is aired on television. Yet, the emphasis on TV content is varied. Kuwait devoted much of its transmission time to entertainment and children's programs. Thus, it imports more programs than Saudi Arabia, in this regard. Consequently, it has a greater vulnerability to cultural distribution. TV programming and its implications are more significant in Kuwait. Saudi Arabia, on the other hand, controls the emphasis of its TV contents especially where religious and cultural programs are concerned. This notion is derived from the conservative rules of Islam which are emphasized throughout the whole country. Nevertheless, TV entertainment programs exported have a high penetration rate, often overcoming the R & C materials. It is this researcher's expectation that entertainment programs have more than doubled since the development of Saudi TV. This situation leads to the question of the origin of such programs. 2. The relationship between TV programming and the country's policy is apparent. The philosophy of a TV system shapes the type of materials that should be broadcasted on this medium. Moreover, the bureaucratic process and level of centralization plays a strong role in Saudi D! H. In. Go Dr 1 5 and Kuwaiti TV. Yet, the degree of their influence varies. The overall interrelational procedures among the mentioned aspects affect locally produced TV programs. Furthermore, it is expected that Kuwait has, to some extent, a decentralized TV service through which local TV program production takes place with less complexity than in Saudi Arabia. To enhance such expectation, the procedure of TV programming will be examined, and a presentation of the total local TV framework. Programs produced between 9-3-86 and 9-31-86 in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia will be used. The analysis and implications will take their appropriate place in this study. Thus, this student wishes to test the following hypothesis: 1. Saudi Arabia televised more religious and cultural programs than Kuwait. 2. Kuwaiti television has more entertainment programs than Saudi Arabian television. 3. There is more foreign TV program penetration in Saudi Arabia than in Kuwait. The first. hypothesis was derived from this researcher's personal observation of the local religious and cultural programs that Saudi TV produces. Furthermore, according to Saudi TV's programming distribution, this category represents 25 percent of its total TV programming. However, this researcher argues that Saudi TV broadcasts and produces more religiously-oriented programs than does Kuwait. This is because Saudi TV is governed by Islamic Law, the Sharia which is also acts as the country's constitution. Whereas, in Kuwait, religious and cultural programs are less emphasized, hence, they constitute only 10 percent of II GI co: of ter cor ! .ic 16 Kuwait's TV time. The second hypothesis is derived from the assumption that each country perceives "TV" differently. Thus, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait have articulated the objectives of television, i.e information, education, entertainment, and so forth. The result of such articulation has established the distinct philosophy of utilizing TV as a mass medium in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. For example, TV maybe used as a educational tool in the learning process, especially in developing countries where illiteracy is higher than in the developed world. It is this researcher's expectation that educational programs are less emphasized in Kuwaiti TV than in Saudi TV. In fact, Saudi TV's philosophy resides in providing the audiences with innocent recreation that does not contradict Islamic rules. Whereas, the Kuwaiti government's philosophy emphasizes the concept of entertainment as the main objective behind establishing a television network. The third hypothesis aims to provide an insight into the comparison of TV context in both countries under examination. The purpose of this comparison is to measure foreign TV programming penetration in terms of type, number of programs, and air hours. The overall result will be compared to the same categories of locally produced programming. Moreover, in spite of the fact that Kuwait is a heavy TV program producer among the Gulf states, KTV2 imports more programs than Saudi TV 2. Basically, the Gulf states are divided into two main categories, i.e. moderate and conservative. "Conservative" represents one case only, Saudi Arabia, where Islam is used as a guideline for mass media and plays a decisive role in radio and television. The term "moderate" represents all other states in which the Islamic religion has been adopted with less m 17 enthusiasm. Therefore, two main systems will be compared in this study, representing the moderate and conservative -- Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. Also, reference to other states will be mentioned to enhance the analysis and the discussion. One of the major differences among these systems is in terms of their organization. For example, television in Saudi Arabia is centralized and the beaurocracy has a very strong impact as far as program selection and decision-making processes are concerned. In contrast, television in Kuwait, as well as Bahrain, Qatar, UAE, and Oman, is decentralized, though it is a government monopoly and yet has enough flexibility to deal with the medium. Thus, this study will be divided into six chapters. Chapter One, includes the statement of the problem, methods and procedures, and the theoretical structure. Chapter Two will introduce the reader to the Kuwaiti and Saudi Arabian power structures (politics, economics, culture) and their impact on mass media particularly radio and television. Chapter Three traces TV and radio development and their programs in both countries. Next will be Chapter Four, which includes hypothesis testing and the results on both countries. Chapter Five includes the discussion and implications of foreign TV programs' penetration, as well as cultural and economical implications. Finally, Chapter Six deals with interstate cooperation and its impact, if any, on improving TV production in the Gulf States in general and Saudi Arabia and Kuwait in particular. The Summary and Conclusion proposes some recommendations for the improvement of local TV programs. 18 EHDNQIES 1- Varie. Tapio. WSW? UNESCO. Paris, 1974, p. 145. CHAPTER TWO A DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS OF THE TWO COUNTRIES W K .I. G 1 Located in the northeastern section of Saudi Arabia at the northern end of the Arabian Gulf, Kuwait occupies an area of 6,532 square miles, about the same size as Massachusetts. At the end of WWII, Kuwait was a poor traditional kingdom where people earned their living from fishing, pearling, and trading with their Arabian Gulf neighbors]- However, as a result of the discovery of oil in the country, Kuwait evolved into a new state. It is now very modernized, compared to its neighboring states, and has completed, to a large extent, the basic infrastructure of developmental projects. In the 1970's, for instance, Kuwait boasted the world's highest GNP per capita and social service system, including free public education from elementary school to college, free medical care, government housing and pensions. These advantages placed Kuwait among the most advanced welfare states in the world.2 This transformation, from a traditional society into a modern one, has effected another variable that usually goes hand in hand with development. The population has been growing very rapidly in the state. The new industrial sector, oil, has attracted an enormous amount of people who have migrated to Kuwait, mainly from surrounding countries. 19 20 According to recent statistics, tabulated by the government, Kuwait has a native population of 1 ,695,128, in addition to 1 ,015,525 foreigners.3 K 'I'E l'l' As a former British colony, Kuwait gained independence in 1961 and the royal family, Al-Sabah, is still in control of the nation's economic, military, and political affairs. Kuwait, therefore, has a monarchy system based on the notion of a traditional hereditary emirate.4 The election of the Amir is based on a selection from the older descendants of the seven rulers of Kuwait, Sheikh Mubarak Sabah Al Sabah. The election must comply with the Sharia, the Islamic Law, and comply with the approval by majority vote of the National Assembly. This setting gives Kuwait a little democracy and makes it different from its neighboring states, with the exception of the UAE, which fimctions as a federal union. Rather than carry politics and the decision-making process in their hands, the royal family of Kuwait shares the responsibility of governing the state with the principal tribal leaders, the important merchant families, the Ulama (religious scholars), and the senior military officers.5 The state has two main bodies of power -- executive and legislative. These two act together to provide a logical extent of democracy within the Arab state. The head of the executive body is represented by the prime minister who is appointed by the Amir to formulate the government. The Amir represents the unification of the country. According to the Constitution, Kuwait is a fully independent Arab state with a democratic form of government where sovereignty rests with the nation. The government's authority is based on the separation of powers and cooperation 21 is required by the Constitution.6 The legislative authority is vested in the Amir, while executive power is vested exclusively in the Amir and his Council of Ministers. Members of this Council are appointed by the prime minister who acts as the Crown Amir. The Parliament members, (the nation's council, Majlis al-umma), are appointed by the public fi-om different provinces (Mohafazat) all over the country. This level of democracy places Kuwait in a position where it is difficult for the state to agree, or even to reach a compromise, with its neighbors, such as Saudi Arabia and Iraq. Even with close cooperation under the umbrella of the Gulf Cooperation Council, of which Kuwait and Saudi Arabia are members, a security agreement remains unsigned. This is so, because Kuwait has a much different political system than Saudi Arabia. The Kuwaiti government established radio and television in order to counter direct broadcasts from Iraq and Iran, who had had their radio and TV systems in place since the 1950's. Indeed, the Kuwaiti government has outside competitors who would like to gain audiences in the country. Thus, the government took the initiative to employ radio and television to serve and transmit their point of view. In fact, television was viewed as a medium through which the government could gain political goals -- to unify the country, to establish a sense of identity, and to express the state's sovereignty. The later goal was emphasized at the beginning of the establishment of the broadcasting system in order to refute Iraqi's claim to northern part of Kuwait. Since the 1970's, "nationalism" has been an essential element in the policy of Kuwaiti TV.7 Prior to 1973 and the Arab-Israeli war, TV was sought as an important source for information for local audiences. The expansion of TV facilities 22 was undertaken in order to meet the increasing demand for TV services. We will discuss its development in a later chapter. It is worth mentioning that "in 1976 a major setback to Kuwait's communication policy took place when the constitution was suspended by the Amir and the government took a hardline position with the daily press."8 Furthermore, the government claimed that some citizens had misused the fi'eedom provided by the Constitution. Indeed, television, as a government structure and organization, took the governmental side and ceased to present news and political programs dealing with controversial issues in a neutral light.9 K 'I'E . Economy has a strong correlation with the development in any country. This correlation varies from one state to another. The Gross National Product (GNP), for example, governs the state's expenditure over development projects. According to Donald Browne (1984), broadcasting has been a fairly expensive venture, but the wealthy nation should find it fairly easy to support broadcasting services, expecially in the Third World where all broadcasting systems are a government monopoly.10 The Third World realizes that establishing reliable broadcasting services is essential in order to achieve their political and social goals. Such achievement takes different forms -- acquiring adequate equipment for color television, producing materials for radio services, studying cable services to meet growing demands for diversity, etc. It is also necessary to heighten the nation's awareness of development in order to participate in this process. All these 23 variables and limitations depend on the economic power of the state to establish a powerful and influential media in the area. After WWII, Kuwait did not have the strong economic power that would enable the country to maintain and establish a modern state. Agriculture is limited due to the country's poor land and weather. Also, bodies of fresh water are limited. There are no rivers, no streams, and weather is too hot in the summer and too mild in the winter. As a result, people were forced to look for different sources of income to support the economy. Ship building flourished, and the work of the Kuwaiti craftmen became renowned throughout the coastal Arabia for its quality.11 Pearling was a large scale activity and large numbers of people became involved in diving for pearls and in exporting them all over the neighboring Arabian countries and India. However, by the 1920's and the 1930's this industry vanished due to the rise of the cultured pearl in Japan.12 Trading became a major trend among Kuwaitis, because it provided permanent jobs for those who were interested in navigation and maritime commercial activities. Navigational activities provided jobs, but low incomes for Kuwaitis, even for the ruling family. Incomes were equivalent to about US $7,500 a year and were contributed directly or indirectly by the merchant families.13 By 1938, the average per capita income in Kuwait was estimated at $35 a year and the total public revenue amounted to $290,000.14 The dramatic changes within the economy of Kuwait began in 1938 when oil was discovered. These changes attracted more middle income Kuwaitis to work in the growing industry, which created more jobs in the country than ever before. Due to WWII conditions, oil production did not begin at the time of discovery. By 1946 Kuwait entered a new economic era 24 and began to develop its oil industry in order to cope with the new international revolution taking place in Europe and the USA. Foreigners were attracted to the country in the hope of getting a share of the new industry and of contributing to the development of this vital sector. In 1948 oil revenues had reached about $6 million.15 As a result of these changes, the ruling family felt the public need for development projects and realized that $6 million was sufiicient to formulate a small scale government. Therefore, during 1946, public projects such as government buildings, schools, public hospitals, and roads were initiated in order to meet the following needs: 1) the public and foreign demands for the development of the country, and 2) the growing oil industry that placed Kuwait face to face with the rest of the world. During the 1970's and early 1980's Kuwait generated huge oil revenues as a result of the oil price increase from $2.5 a barrel to up to $34 a barrel. Kuwait is now second only to Saudi Arabia in oil production in the Gulf. In 1981 the Gross Domestic Products (GDP) was estimated at $25,212 million.16 This fact has largely influenced the ability of Kuwait to establish a modern broadcasting system in terms of subsidizing the projects (radio and television). Thus, it has remained a government monopoly until now. Other facts will be discussed in length in the radio and television section. IIK IS'I IQII IE . I Cultural similarities shared by the people who live in the Arabian Gulf states are deeply rooted, going back as far as the Middle Ages. An Area Handbook For The Persian Gulf States (1977) states that from 4000 to 2000 BC. the civilization of Dilmun dominated the eastern coast of Arabia from 25 present day Kuwait to Bahrain and to Hufirf in the Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia. Dilmun controlled the route to the Indies and was an important trading link between the civilization of the Indus Valley and Mesapotamia. The oldest evidence of civilized man in the region is shown in artifacts discovered sixty miles north of Dahran (Saudi Arabia) and dated to 5000 BC. These artifacts have been identified with the Al-Ubaid culture of Mesapotamia.17 During the first three centuries A.D., tribal relocation began throughout the Arabian Peninsula. The collapse of the Maarib Dam in Yemen was one of the main reasons for the migration southward. During that migratory period, tribal affilation was at its peak, for the Arabs from the south considered themselves the purest and truest Arabs and believed that the Adnani of the north were less sanctified.18 During the seventh century, the Arabian Peninsula, including the Gulf Coast, entered the era of Islam that diffused from Medina, the Prophet Mohammed's hometown and his current capital. By the eighth century, three main groups emerged in the Gulf - the Sunnah, the Shiaites, and the Kharadjits.19 The followers of the first two groups still dominate the Gulf states, but in varying degrees. Culturally, all the Gulf states are attached to Islam as the most influential source governing peoples' lives, and hence, the states. This attachment has been weakened in some states such as Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, UAE, and Oman. Saudi Arabia, however, remains faithful to the religion. One reason for this result stems from the colonial era that the Gulf states endured. The British came to the area after a long struggle with the Portuguese who established small colonies in the Gulf (presently Oman). In 26 1892, the British signed treaties with the sheikhs of the Gulf which placed the entire area, with the exception of Saudi Arabia, under British domination?“O This situation placed Kuwait , Bahrain, UAE, Qatar, and Oman under British protection and the native inhabitants became exposed and associated with Western culture. Admittedly, the British have influenced the social life in Kuwait remarkedly. For example, according to the Islamic Law (Sharia), women should not work side-by-side with men. In Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, UAE, and Oman, however, women do work along with men and in a position where they are seen by others, which is also prohibited by Islam. Another area of British influence is the legal system that was derived from and/or is similar to the British system. The social structure of Kuwait is less complicated than in Saudi Arabia due to the basic political and economical foundation of the state. Politically, Kuwaiti society remains loyal to the royal family, who has remained in power since the seventeenth century. Economically, the discovery of oil has a great impact on society as well as on the economy. Social structure in Kuwait has developed in terms of population density. In 1957, the total population was estimated at 206,473, compared to 1,357,952 in 1980.21 Between 1975 and 1980, the census reported 6.4 percent annual growth in the population.22 Officials in Kuwait referred to this growth as a natural increase in population, as well as an increase in the immigration rate, which is responsible for a major portion of the Kuwait population. The country has a noticable number of non-Kuwaitis who formulate 53 percent of the entire population and 91 .2 percent of the labor force.23 Another aspect of the social change is the country's religion. The official religion in Kuwait is Islam dominated by the Sunnah majority who 27 represent 84.6 percent of the total population. Shiaite Muslims represent 10.4 percent, Christians 2.1 percent, and Hindus 0.8 percent.24 According to the Constitution, Kuwait enjoys freedom of worship. This allows the country to reinterpret Islam relatively loosely, enabling them to establish new ways of life that combine modernity and religion in the society simultaneously. One point worth mentioning is that religious leaders have never had an influence over the political, economic or social characteristics of the state. The idea behind this is to prevent the disruption of the flow of modernization to Kuwait. One cannot say, however, that the religious leaders are not doing anything in the state. Their role is to guard the basic Islamic framework from being distorted by modernization. This fact is enhanced by the Kuwaiti Constitution which is derived from the Sharia. Other social changes occurred in the state and may be seen in the following three main areas: urbanization, rate of literacy, and mass media and communication. Urbanization expansion plans for those who live in rural and desert areas succeeded in terms of settling down those who live in a nomadic way of life. By establishing the Kuwaiti Oil Company (KOC), unskilled people found an opportunity through the government's program to get jobs, houses, free education, free medical care, and monthly allowances. They, therefore, left the traditional jobs of fishing, handicrafts, and pearling. The literacy rate increased as a result of the oil wealth. That allows the government to finance the process of education, including building schools, publishing books, and inviting teachers from other Arab countries, such as Egypt. Table (1) indicates the dramatic change in the literacy rate in Kuwait. 28 TABLE (1): Illiteracy and Literacy in Kuwait. YEAR PERCENT OF POPULATION PERCENT OF POPULATION ILLITERATE LITERATE 1%7 62.6% 29.8% 1965 56.3% 59.0% 1970 48.3% 51.5% 1975 44.6% 55.4% Source: Al-Mubarak, p. 285. Mass media and communication services have also increased in terms of television and radio, press, as well as other forms. These services tend to link society and the individual in two ways -- it can put off the boundaries between the individual and the state, and, also, link the society and the state along with the external environment. This method requires an adequate and reliable broadcasting network that can convey messages to the outsider. Radio and television were established in Kuwait to meet public demands for basic information, entertainment, and educational purposes. However, these demands were met by the governments (public sector) who are currently controlled and operated by the Kuwaiti government. As we will see later, Kuwaiti TV has established a good reputation of fulfilling public demands for local entertainment, especially in drama. The most distinguishing item that brought social change was the recognition of women as a labor force in the society. This change began after Kuwaiti independence in 1961 , when women began to express their desire to participate in developing the state. The rebellion against the traditional veil, and accompanying way of life as a housewife, took place as more women became involved in jobs provided by the government and by private companies. Television was one sector which attracted the participation of many females, who wished to work as anchors and secretaries. Theater was 29 another sector where Kuwaiti women found an outlet to demonstrate their talents, after having kept them dormant during many years of male domination. These and other related issues will be discussed at length in a later section covering the theater movement in Kuwait. 30 W Sandifiecmnhx Saudi Arabia is geographically the largest among the Gulf States Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain, UAE, and Oman) and contains the largest population. With an area of over 830 thousand square miles, it is one-third the size of the United States, and home to over eight million people. The Kingdom occupies most of the Arabian Peninsula in the Middle East.25 The government is a monarchy, with a Council of Ministers headed by the King. The Constitution of the Kingdom is based on the principles set forth in the Koran, the Islamic Holy Book, and Sharia, the Islamic Code of Laws, which have governed the country since its establishment in 1932. Islamic rule, therefore, exists in every aspect of life. The conservative tradition is well known in the West as part of the Saudi lifestyle, not only externally, but internally?“6 As a result, anything that applies to Saudi society, including communication technology, must be in compliance with Islamic rules. This chapter will deal with the following three main topics: Saudi economics, politics and governmental structure, and culture and social life. Each topic will introduce some facts that affect the broadcasting system in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. S l. E . Economic development constitutes a major anxiety of Third World and even some European countries, such as Greece, Portugal, and Turkey. Such anxiety arises from within each country's unique economic structure. 31 Economic development is usually measured by the standard of living which depends upon the GNP per capita. The economic situation in the Arab states varies from one country to another. Some of them, for instance, have strong wealthy economic positions that have the capacity for great strides in the growth of development and technology toward the modernization of the states. Those countries include the Gulf states of Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Qatar, UAE, and Oman. See Table (2). The remainder of the Arab countries, however, have severe economic problems, especially those in Africa. See Table (3). As a result of the economic wealth of the country, radio and television were an important concern for the government, hence, they subsidized a whole system to reflect the development process, and the unification of the Kingdom. TABLE (2): Population and Financial Information for the Gulf States. Old: an: i it it i050 \' T-nu \l' i' ; Bahrain 216,078.0 622.0 1,300.0 3,790.0 Kuwait 1,695, 128.0 17,8180 13,8500 12,7000 Qatar 100,0000 11,0000 2,50100 11,6700 Oman 820,000 212,457.0 2,070.0 2,520.0 Saudi Arabia 8,000,0000 2,381,741.0 46,1100 4,980.0 United Arab 179,126.0 83,6000 10,8100 14,4200 Emirates Source: Compiled from The World Almanac. 32 TABLE (3): Countries with Huge Debts. COUNTRY DEBTS IN BILLIQNSj Algeria 13.0 Morocco 12..0 The Sudan 8.0 Tunisia 3.7 Muritania 1.3 Somalia 1.2 Egypt 12.0 Syria 8.0 Iraq 3.0 Jordan 2.5 TOTAL 64.7 Since its discovery of oil in 1934, Saudi Arabia has become one of the most rapidly developing countries in the Arab world. When oil prices boomed in the 1960's, Saudi Arabia became the major oil exporting country in the world. This situation placed the Kingdom in a position of dependency on one product, oil, as its major source of national income. The discovery of oil in Saudi Arabia, as in Kuwait, contributed to its transformation from the old traditional and isolated economy into a modern one dependent on the oil industry, though it is considered to now be near depletion. The oil industry emerged as a major industry in the Kingdom and ended Saudi isolation on the international level. Large major corporations throughout the world were enticed to come to Saudi Arabia with the promise of huge profits generated from this new industry. To meet the 33 market needs for oil, a higher form of technology was needed for the development of oil fields. The economic infi'astructure, therefore, began with the oil industry, which became the stable income base for the coming decades. The economy grew dramatically and greatly affected Saudi's GNP and GNP per capita: the GNP jumped from $4.3 billion in 1973 to $22.6 billion in 1979 to $102 billion in 1981. The Saudi government produced as much oil as it could to meet the market's needs in the late 1970's and early 1980's. The idea behind such full-scale production was to quickly transform the petrodollars to projects, such as the establishment of needed industrial cities, everywhere in the country. Such projects were essential to meet future Saudi needs. A good example of this tendency is seen in the model city projects of J ubail and Yanbu, Eastern and Western provinces of Saudi Arabia. In September, 1975, a project named the "Royal Commission for Jubail and Yanbu" was launched in the Kingdom, designed to implement a master plan for the development of industrial complexes in these cities. There were three primary objectives at the outset of the project: 1) to promote investment in the industrial sector, 2) to develop institutions to provide urban services, and 3) to implement training programs for Saudi youth to develop their technological skills.27 As previously stated, the discovery of oil allowed Saudi Arabia to emerge as a strong economical power in the world. By 1984 more than one-quarter of the world's known crude oil reserves belonged to the Kingdom. In the Mid-1970's the injection of rapidly rising oil revenues into the economy spread economic growth to the non-oil economy. Richard Nyrop writes: 34 The economy experienced a ra s-to-riches transformation, particularly r the early 1970's, that was rare if not unique in modern times. A few contrasts illustrate the change. In 1950 the first municipal electric wer plant was completed. Whereas in 1982 e country had about 15 million kilowatts of generator capacity and about 1 ,7000 kilowatt-hours of electricity per capita.28 The Saudi government committed itself to the development of the country's economy through the public sector. This influenced the economic growth in terms of expenditure while projects in all sectors, including communication, were implemented as part of the modernization of the state. Communication expenditures, for instance, grew from 1 .4 percent in 1972 to 18.6 percent in 1982.29 Through the Ministry of Information and the Ministry of Post, Telegraph and Telephone, the government developed the communication system to meet the needs of modernization. In terms of ownership and control, the economy philosophy of Saudi Arabia did not change. The Saudi economy plays a decisive role in subsidizing development projects in general and mass media in particular. Relay stations were established all over the country to ensure the nationwide coverage. By 1980, more than thirty stations and transmission towers were covering 95 percent of Saudi Arabia, including both rural and urban areas. In general, the government has just finished a TV headquarters in Riyadh, the capitol, with an expenditure totaling $500 million. This project is considered the biggest and most impressive in the Middle East and includes ground and satellite stations. On the other hand, the economic factor has increased the income per capita to that of $5000, which allows Saudis to buy TV sets, as well as other apparatus, i.e. VCRs. 35 S l. E l' I' To enable one to understand Saudi politics, it is helpful to have a brief historical description of the formation of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. It was founded in 1932 by the late King Abdulaziz Al Saud. The country endured many civil wars during Saud's attempt to unify the country under his family name. It is still considered to be the world's only nation named after its ruling family. The dynastic rule of the House of Sand rested on the Sharia as its source of legitimacy. Thus, it was not an absolute monarchy, because the power of the king was constrained by the Sharia, which functioned as if it were a Constitution.30 When King Abdulaziz started his political movement to unify the Arabian Peninsula, he did not have enough arms or soldiers to fight against Al-Rashid, who took over the Saudi capitol of Riyadh. As a result, an agreement was made between Muhammad bin Saud, King Abdulaziz's father, and Muhammad Ibn Abdulawahhab, the religious leader at that time. The agreement was for each to derive support from the other -- politics and religion joined. Following the victory in 1901 of King Abdulaziz in the capture of Riyadh, he turned to the rest of the Arabian Peninsula, specifically the holy cities of Makkah and Madinah, which were under the influence of the Ottoman Turks. He successfully captured the holy cities and in 1932 gave the land the name of Al-Mamlaka Al-Arabiyya Al-Saudiyya (Kingdom of Saudi Arabia). After the formation of the state, King Abdulaziz found himself in the position of being committed to all Muslims as his country hosted both the cities Makkah and Madinah. As a result of this commitment, the governing institution of Saudi Arabia was derived fully from the Koran and the Sharia. 3 6 He hosted the first Islamic Conference in Makkah in 1929. With the world's Islamic leaders arrayed before him, Abdulaziz made a solemn pledge to safeguard all pilgrims, the holy cities and their sacred shrines. Previous to 1932 and the formation of the Saudi state, little attention had been given to international politics. The first international political involvement of Saudi Arabia was in 1945 with the United States, represented by President Franklin D. Roosevelt, concerning the future of Palestine bilateral relations. In 1957 King Saud made the first official state visit to the US. by a Saudi ruler, meeting with President Dwight D. Eisenhower.31 The modern state of Saudi Arabia's international politics began with King Faisal (1965), then Minister of Foreign Affairs, who represented Saudi Arabia by signing the agreement to establish the United Nations in San Francisco in 1945. WE. The Saudi government's structure is based on two things -- the Royal Family Council headed by the oldest member, and a Council of Ministers headed by the King. The King's authority is formally limited only by his adherence to the Sharia. Therefore, the King is the highest authority in the state including the President of the Council of Ministers and the commander in chief of the Saudi Arabian armed forces. The King is assisted by the Crown Prince as a Deputy Prime Minister. All legislation is either by royal decree or by ministerial decree which must be sanctioned by the King.32 Each minister in the government, other senior government officials, governors of the emirates, all ambassadors and other foreign 37 envoys are appointed by the King who also acts as the final court of appeal and has the power of pardon.33 The princes and ministers are considered the elite who make policy decisions that are subject to the approval of the royal family. The objectives behind the Council of Ministers include "the determination of the internal, foreign, financial, economic, educational, and defense policies as well as all public affairs pertaining to the Kingdom."34 It is difficult for Westerners to understand the political dynamics in Saudi Arabia for the Saudi philosophies and concepts are very different from Western political terminology. The Koran and Sharia are at the heart of legitimacy in the Kingdom. This yields power to the senior Ulama, religious leaders, to interpret the King's decision by the standard of Islamic Law. Thus, the Saudi government employed broadcasting systems (radio and television) to serve religious purposes and Arab political issues in the area. We will discuss the relevant orientation of broadcasting in a further chapter. S IS .1 “I II 111 The notion that Saudi culture is attached to the Islamic religion is absolutely true. In fact, culture and social life in the Kingdom are a combination of Islamic and tribal concepts merged by a unique formula. Islam influenced theArabians' lives in terms of morals and the strong attachment they have to religion and, thus, provided a pattern for an identifiable culture. Islam, therefore, played an essential role in balancing the social infrastructure in Saudi Arabia. After the formation of the country, the discovery of oil, and the resulting wealth it generated, the economic situation had an enormous impact on Saudi's social life, too. One of the 38 greatest influences came from the entrance of the large number of foreigners who came to work and participated in the developmental process. This foreign influence exposed the Saudis to a different way of life, different backgrounds, a more secular, more relaxed relationship between sexes, and a pe0ple more accustomed to active participation in the national political institution.35 In addition to this large polyglot of foreign workers, the oil industry caused an unprecedented increase in wealth and Western technology and business practices. The Saudi dynasty has managed, however, to preserve both its own social and political hegemony and the country's own cultural heritage. The government policy makes practically every effort to insulate the population from foreign influence.36 Culturally, Saudi Arabia is homogeneous. Each Saudi is attached to certain values, traditions, morality, norms, and social system ethic, all of which have been taken from one source, Islam. Though not dead, traditional society in the Kingdom is on its way out. The migration from rural areas to urban areas had a great impact on the urbanization of the country and, hence, the social change. Modern life for each Saudi is a combination of the traditional with the modern, though tribal membership remains a pervasive aspect of social relations. Tribes include their sedentary as well as their nomadic branches, their city dwellers in addition to villager, camels, sheep and goat herders, their agriculturalists and merchants.37 In areas such as Makkah, J eddah, and Madinah, tribalism can barely exist. These cities have been major targets for foreign migrations from the Islamic world. This cultural diversity may lead to a new movement toward social change in these cities. In general, the Saudi government had employed 39 radio and television to achieve certain goals, such as unifying the country politically and socially. In fact, the Saudi government uses TV as a mass medium to enhance and spread Islam both internally and externally. Saudi TV dedicates its programs to religious materials during the Muslim religious holydays of Hajj, the season of pilgrimage to Makkah and during Ramadan, the holy month of fasting. Also, radio participates in such coverage by transmitting live and extensive programs for the occasions. This commitment to Islam makes it difficult for Saudi TV to find appropriate TV materials that will be compatible, at once, with Islamic culture and the Saudi standard of censorship, especially in the entertainment category. $959959.“ 40 W8 . The American University Washington, DC, 1977. p. 1. Ibid. p. 121. AshazaqakAwsat. Daily newspaper (Arabic). London, April 30, 1985. mm. Ibid. p. 165. Ibid. p. 165. Ibid. p. 165. Ministry of Information. 1W. Ministry of Information Publication. Kuwait City, Kuwait, 19841.).i pp. 36- 57. 8. Ibid. pp. 36-57. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. . Madinah. Ibid. pp. 170-75. 10. Donald Brown. "Comparin Broadcasting Systems" (Draft). University of Minnesota, F 11984. pp. 2-7. mm. Ibid. p.138. Ibid. p. 139. Ibid. p. 139. Ibid. p. 139. Ibid. p. 139. Azhary, M.S. (Editor). Wm me on Ar‘ b Gulf Dexelgpment. Croom Helm, Ltd. Sydney, London, 1984. p. 13. AreaHandbmk- Ibid- p- 11- Al- Usmani, Abdurazak. "An Analytical Comparative Study of Television Systems and Decision-Making Process in Four Arabian Gulf States: Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Qatar, and Kuwait." Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation. University of Wisconsin, 1984. pp. 19-30. Ibid. p. 30. ALeaHandhmk. p- 21 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31 . 32. 33. . Ibid. p. 211-212. 35. 36. 37. 41 WW Ibid- p- 59- Al-Mubarak, Masoumah. "Internal Factors and Their Impact on the Levels and Trends of Interaction Between the Arab Gulf States and Advanced National." Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation. University of Denver, 1982. p. 280. Areafiandlmk- Ibid- p-127- Al-Mubarak. Ibid. p. 282. Newspaper Enterprise Association. The American University Area Handbook. ' ' Study. Washington, DC, 1984-1985. p. 135. Ibid. p. 135. Richard Nyrop. Ministry of Planning. Saudiimrnhllexelonmentflan- Riyadh. Saudi Arabia, 1 985-1990. SandLArahlaAEmmtnLSiudx Ibid- p- 90- The Royal Embassy of Saudi Arabia. SandiArahia. Washington, DC. (various issues from the information center at the Saudi Embassy), 1985. Sand'LArahiLAmanStudx Ibid- p- 210- Ibid. p. 209. Bayly, Winder. "Saudi Arabia: Socio-Political Development." AEI ' ' ' .Vol. II. Washington, DC, 1985. p. 14. Will Ibid- p- 74-75- Ibid. p. 80. CHAPTER THREE THE RADIO AND TELEVISION BROADCASTING SYSTEMS W K 'I'B 1' Radio and television in Kuwait, as in any other Arab country, are typically a monopoly of the government. Operation and ownership are state-controlled, which gives the entire Arab world one communication channel among them, i.e. the Ministry of Information. Through this Ministry, electronic media have become a government structure providing services for the public. Radio in Kuwait went on the air in 1951 and has developed side by side with the need to have a strong and powerful broadcasting system able to compete with existing radio systems, particularly in Iraq, where it has been claimed that Kuwait is Iraqi territory. Radio, at that time, was broadcasting from a small station attached to the Public Security Building. Transmission lasted for only two hours a day and only two employees operated the station. As Douglas Boyd (1982) points out, the establishment of such a station came first from the British initiative to "counter" Nazi broadcasts in Arabic, as well as occasional pro-Nazi transmission from neighboring Iraq."1 42 43 Radio, in Kuwait, is government structured and represents the sovereignty of the state. Radio "grew up" along with television and both became supervised by the Ministry of Information. Moreover, radio in Kuwait has hardly any foreign content. Most of the radio programs are made locally in studios within the state. According to a recent study, done by Mohamed Al-Ewainy, about broadcasting in the Gulf area, Kuwait radio is divided into the following three main sections: the administrative and financial section, programs administration, and the engineering affairs section. The second department, which deals with programming, will be the next focus of this study, for it deals with the program content rather than ' administrative or technical affairs. The Programs Administration section interrelates, supervises, controls, and censors all programs before they go on the air. It also plans, subsidizes, and produces programs after reading and approving the scripts. After the Ministry of Information complex was completed in the early 1980's, it became a necessity to establish the Technical Office to meet the new demands of the developing radio programs. This office undertakes the following tasks: program planning and development, censorship, and information about foreign relationships. Radio in Kuwait, therefore, has developed tremendously and has made a remarkable change in the listening habits of the country. In 1971 , for example, the total radio sets were twenty-eight sets per thousand inhabitants. This number jumped to 440 sets per thousand inhabitants in 1980.2 The following table represents radio programs that have been broadcasted, listed according to the type of program and the number of hours each was broadcast: 44 TABLE (4): Radio Program Hours Broadcast Between 1981 and 1983. NW NW Holy Koran 120 Newscasts 273 Literature and Cultured Programs 125 Children's Programs 41 Episodes 100 Live Programs 182 Bedouin and Nomadic Programs 52 Sports 27 Variety Shows 607 Song Shows 663 Source: Al-Ewainy, p. 213. These figures indicate that entertainment respresents the highests number in broadcasting hours, i.e. variety and song shows, 1270 hours. Although most of the Gulf states lack audience research, Kuwait radio has established a research section within the radio's organization, which is considered decentralized and is run under the supervision of the general manager rather than the Minister or his deputy. They follow up with audience requests and take note of their attitudes toward what is being broadcast. However, no specific study has dealt with or ever been published concerning the research that has been conducted in Kuwait. Between the three stations Kuwait has: Main programs, Second Programs, and Foreign Programs. Thirty thousand letters were received from audiences in 1980, as follows. Main program -- 1111 letters; Second Program -- 15,304 letters; and Foreign Program -- 13,900 letters.3 This indicates that the Second and Foreign Programs are the most popular programs, because of the variety and entertainment they present. The Main Program, however, is considered 45 the informative one and, consequently, does not attract as many people as do the other two. Douglas Boyd divides Kuwait radio into the following six main categories: 1) mm, which broadcasts locally as well as regionally. 2) W, which has been used as an alternative for the main one and broadcasts six hours daily. 3) WW (Foreign), which was part of the Second Program, began in 1964, and was directed toward the non-Kuwaitis with the country and the surrounding area (Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Bahrain, and Qatar). 4) mm, which is a new service directed to those who prefer music in general and Western music in particular. This program broadcasts eighteen hours daily on a local frequency. 5) mm, which broadcasts religious and talk shows, and has been taken from the Koran and the Sharia; it broadcasts three hours daily and six hours during the month of Ramadan, when every Muslim is required to fast. ,, 6) Wm which broadcasts the Persian and Urdu services and is directed toward those in Iran and Pakistan, and those who live and have been raised in Kuwait. These programs consist of news, religious, documentary, cultural, and entertainment programs. The following is a breakdown of the programming: 46 TABLE (5): Aggregated Hours of Programs. W W W Main Program 7208 779 Second Program 2585 304 English Program 2190 152 Persian Program 730 134 Holy Koran Program 1059 94 FM Program 6570 104 Urdu Program 730 121 Directed Program 1734 91 Source: Al Ewainy, p. 226. In its radio service, Kuwait has just added a special issue bulletin by the news monitoring section twice a day -- morning and evening. It contains the latest news, commentaries and statistics from all over the world.4 However, this bulletin is not available for the general public. It is distributed only to the senior officials in the country. Radio in Kuwait produces its own programs, which contain news, songs, cultural, and radio series. The latter constitutes nearly 20 percent of radio programming. Music and variety programs are the most frequently broadcast materials (50 percent). Cultural, children's programs, and news are 30 percent.5 Live programs and coverage by Kuwaiti radio is outstanding among the Gulf states. However, this strategy, in fact, serves a dual purpose. Firstly, it provides the radio with materials and diversified programming with which to satisfy their audiences' desires, and hence, their needs. Secondly, it reflects the democratic environment within which these programs are conducted. One Kuwaiti media critic argues that live programs, which deal with government services, should have prior approval from the authorities 47 governing Kuwaiti radio and that they should not be subject to individual producer or announcer judgements.6 This argument may eventually limit production procedures and increase the level of bureaucracy, which usually leads to a more centralized decision making process. Indeed, the issue of centralization and decentralization is vital in any broadcasting system, but is particularly so in television. K . |° I l . . Although the television service in Kuwait started in 1957 as a small station privately owned by a businessman to promote television sales, the Ministry of Information took over the small station established by the businessman and became responsible for television transmission. Firstly, they established a transmission station for black and white television in Kuwait City. Then, in 1974, the Ministry of Information (MOI) introduced color transmission as a necessary modernization in the country. Now, Kuwait has three television channels in operation, two of which are for local broadcasting and one which is directed toward Basrah, Iraq.7 Television in Kuwait has witnessed some dramatic developments since its establishment in 1961. In the beginning, the transmission hours were twenty-four weekly. Between 1961 and 1964 this total increased to forty-two hours per week. Moreover, in 1966, 1969, and 1975 the totals increased to fifty-two, fifty-four, and fifty-eight hours, respectively. In 1979, Kuwait Television (KTV) started a new channel (KTV 2) for twenty-one hours weekly and then increased it to twenty-eight hours. This development in transmission hours gave television a total of eighty-six hours per week -- a 48 350 percent increase since 1961 .8 In addition, KTV broadcasts four hours daily, during the summer season, programs directed toward housewives, children, and students. This move adds a new dimension to television services, not only in terms of quantity, but also in terms of using television services as a way and means to integrate the country politically, socially and economically. KTV has maintained a fairly good balance between the audience's desire for diversity and the stations ability to achieve its goal of informing, educating, and entertaining. This balance could be seen in the kind of programs KTV broadcasts (locally and foreign). These programs are divided as follows: TABLE (6): Kuwaiti Television Program Distribution. W W Cultural, Educational, Artistic and Literary Programs 10% Religious Programs 10% Children's Shows 15% INEQEMATIQN PERCENT News and Political Programs 10% Social Activities 10% W PERCENT Variety Shows 20% Sports Shows 15% Drama Programs 15% Source: Gulfvision, pp. 150-155. Indeed, the entertainment category represents 50 percent of Kuwaiti TV programming which includes variety, sports, and drama shows; whereas, this category constitutes 45 percent of Saudi TV 49 programming, as we shall later see. Initially, this percentage supports this researcher's hypothesis that Kuwaiti TV has more entertainment broadcasting than Saudi TV. A discussion of the time and percentage devoted to each category (entertainment, information, education, etc.) will be discussed in Chapter V. KTV has given special attention to live coverage, because it provides television with new material. Such coverage includes religious occasions, sports, and national celebrations, etc. Live coverage also covers international and regional events as part of an attempt to politically educate the audiences. This coverage is broadcast via a satellite ground station Operated by Kuwaiti and non-Kuwaiti personnel. As a result of these technical and personal potentials, KTV was elected as a regional center for news coordination and program exchange in the Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula.9 This position allows KTV to give special seminars to those who work in the television field in the Gulf, particularly Oman, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Bahrain, and Yemen. The fact that KTV is starting to penetrate the education field is true. Dr. Al-Ewaini (1984) states that KTV is broadcasting educational programs in the Kuwaiti classrooms as a way to support the educational procedure and initiate the first experiment in this area.10 However, no information is available on how many hours are broadcast, what kind of programs (math, language, etc.) are presented, nor the nature of their impact. The organization, on which KTV has a great impact, is the production of television shows which will maintain local and cultural programs at as high a level as possible. Kuwaiti theater has also contributed 50 to this situation and, hence, KTV has become a major exporter for television materials in the Arab states. Television forms a main framework among other functions that are controlled by the Ministry of Information. The assistance of the Deputy Minister for Television is responsible to the Ministry and the government for television, and the program director is responsible for planning and executing the general policy of the state. This position has made KTV and other televisions in the Gulf (Bahrain, Qatar and UAE) liberal to the extent of broadcasting some foreign programs without censoring them. This situation stems from the Kuwaiti Constitution which allows freedom of the press and freedom of expression, to some extent, although radio and television broadcasting are ultimately controlled by the government. The idea behind such freedom is that the current life style exerts a constant pressure on people, giving the states an obligation to provide them with entertainment or lose them to other activities. Although Kuwait emphasizes Islam as its basic philosophy, it does so with less enthusiasm for committing itself to the same constraints as those practiced by the Saudis. This philosophy has created a distinct and separate framework for Kuwaiti television from others (namely, Saudi Arabia). K 'I'Il .. E A brief look at television programs in Kuwait reveals the emphasis on local (social) production and the balance of foreign programs. KTV follows three main steps in planning their television programs, as are listed below: 51 1. To select prospective programs, their contents, and their quantity according their information and educational goals; 2. To keep a balance between Kuwaiti, Arabic, and foreign programs, considering the particular levels these shows serve in regards to the audience's desires and the education necessary to understand them; 3. To encourag local production by showing the episodes (even if they are weak) and to provide constructive criticism in order to avoid these weaknesses and develop better patterns in the future.11 These steps have had a great impact over program production and content. It has become well known in the Arab world that Kuwaiti programs are of a high quality and, therefore, are competitive with Egyptian shows, one of the most popular among the Arab world. Kuwaiti television operates on the cycle system, which breaks programming into segments of three-month periods. As a result of the authorities' efforts to encourage local production, KTV presents thirty-five locally produced programs during each cycle.1 2 Accordingly, local production has increased between 1979 and 1981. It constitutes 60.3 percent of KTV1 and 21 percent of KTV2. Imported programs constitute 39.7 percent of KTV1 and 79 percent of KTV 2. The following table illustrates this development: 52 TABLE (7): Local and Foreign Program Percentages in Kuwaiti Television During a Three Year Period m1 m2 IDEAL HQIIBS—i W EDIE—.72 1919: Local Programs 1919 65% 244 18.2% 2163 50.3% Imported Programs 1131 35% 1110 81.8% 2131 49.7% Total £52 1344 4296 Percent between stations: KTV1 «86.7%, KTV2 - 11.3% 1%!) Local Programs 1754 63% 282 21% 2036 49.3% Imported Programs 1m 37% m 79% 20% 50.7% Totals 2784 1344 4128 Percent between stations: KTV1 -- 86.2%, KTV2 -- 13.8% 1281: Local Programs 1942 60.3% 287 21% 2229 49.7% Imported Programs 111i 39.7% m 79% 2256 50.3% Totals 3117 1368 4485 Percent between stations: KTV1 -- 87.1%, KTV2 -- 12.9% Source: Al-Ewaini (1984), p. 247. The previous figures indicate that local television production has exceeded 50 percent, although it has varied from 65 percent in 1979, and 63 percent in 1980, to 60.3 percent in 1981. This balance could be interpreted as necessary to keep the local television programs up and keep the imported programs below the level of the local ones. Therefore, one could argue that the foreign program influence in Kuwait is not as high as in the other Gulf states, nor as high as it is in Saudi Arabia. This is due to the balance the authorities are tyring to maintain in the Main Programs. This channel broadcasts a total of fifty-eight hours, with 36.5 hours (or 62.6 percent of its schedule) allocated to local production. 53 Foreign programs, on the other hand, occupy 21 .5 hours of 37.4 percent of the schedule.13 Thus, imported programs are limited to the evening shows, some dramatic series (Dallas, Dynasty), thrillers, cartoon films, and some sports (soccer matches) from England and West Germany. KTV2 is directed to the foreigners who live in Kuwait and broadcasts twenty-eight hours per week (a four-hour schedule is devoted to foreign programs while three hours (12.6 percent) are devoted to Arabic programs of local production. 54 W 5 1 B 1' Radio broadcasting in Saudi Arabia has gone through the following three main stages: the period before the 1960's, that during the 1960's, and that during the 1970's.14 The first period started in late 1949 with the establishment of a small transmission station on the shore of the Red Sea which covered the cities of Makkah and J eddah. The purpose of such a station was to give some broadcasting materials during the Holy Season, Hajj, during which pilgrims from all over the world come to Saudi Arabia for the required ritual activities of Islam. At that time, there were hardly any political, economical, or social implications for using broadcasting. Transversely, Ibn Saud relied upon interpersonal communication to unify the state, taking into consideration the fact that there had been no foreign influence on the country, it never having been colonized by a Western power.15 By the end of WWII, Ibn Saud had begun to think about having a broadcasting service that would convey government messages to the public. The government was on a small scale, and hence, not complicated. In 1949, he ordered a medium-wave tansmitter and studio built in J eddah.16 The services lasted for five hours a day, two hours in the morning and two ninety-minute periods in the afternoon and evening. However, no music or women's voices were allowed on the air, because of the religious restrictions imposed by the Ulama (religious scholars), who opposed radio from the beginning. Programming therefore, had to comply with Islam and had to have religious approval before it went on the air. 55 Foreign radio broadcasting was more popular in the country due to the above mentioned facts, in addition to the local programs' lack of diversity and the limited period of local radio broadcasts. The Voice of Arabs and the BBC were the most common broadcasts that reached and attracted Saudis. According to Boyd, Voice of Arabs was very popular among the Saudis, but not with their government. When Egypt attacked the Saudi royal family and suggested revolution, the Saudi government was powerless to counter them. Boyd regards this fact as the main stimulus for the decades. This single fact, however, does not represent the whole of the circumstances that came about. It represents the political means behind the development of broadcasting services. Economically, Saudi Arabia did not discover the power of its oil, and did not have the financial resources to support expansion in radio. Saudi society was socially isolated, and the Saudis did not consider broadcasting a mass media nor did they realize its importance or its power to change public behavior and attitudes. During 1960's, Saudi radio began to develop, as a result of the increased listening to foreign broadcasting in the country.1 7 The government entered a new communication era when they announced that they would build an adequate station in the Saudi capital, Riyadh. This development was seen as a transitional period in broadcasting services in the country. It became much easier for the government to communicate with the public, especially those in the remote areas, such as the northern and southern parts of the Kingdom. The first Five-year Development Plan gave radio and television considerable attention, and urged their initiation. This plan gave the Ministry of Information the green light to begin its projects in 56 the major cities of Saudi Arabia. During this period (1964-1974), King Faisal, the son of Ibn Saud, perceived the power of radio and television as a means to reflect the modernization of the country and to counter further attacks by the other Arab states. The expansion took place in the 1970's. Boyd (1982) cites that prior to the 1973 Middle East War, Saudi Arabia could afford to purchase, at a price of between four and five million each, super powerful medium-wave transmitters to be located in northern and southern parts of the Kingdom. This step came after the 1973 oil prices boomed, making Saudi Arabia the major oil exporting country in the Middle East. Between 1979 and 1981 , "12,000 kilowatts of medium-wave transmission power were added to a country that at one point not very long before had not had the ability to reach its own population with a radio signal: it can now be heard reliably throughout the Arab world, except in the North African countries."18 These facts have been translated into actions by the adoption and diversification of radio services in the country. These services can be summarized in the following categories: W -- It transmits twenty hours per day on the powerful medium-wave transmitters from J eddah and Riyadh and was intended to be the Saudis main domestic and international Arabic radio voice.19 The content of this program is balanced in terms of what is to be broadcasted, according to the following general guidelines of radio: 1) planning programs according to the broadcasting cycles, and is concerned with mass programs, informational programs, and religious and cultural 57 programs; 2) political and news programs; 3) the attraction of educated elites to present programs that deal with science, literature, and social consultation; 4) emphasis on educational and psychological programs to educate the society; 5) appropriate programs for families, children, and housewives with emphasis on health education; and 6) an incentive for local writers to provide scripts about religious, educational, and social episodes. W5 -- These programs provide services to other Muslim nations and minorities around the world. Saudi radio is obligated to educate others about Islam and transmit the Saudi point of view to them. This service broadcasts in several languages, namely Persian, Turkish, Indonesian, Bengali, Urdu, Swahili, and Somali.20 W -- This program broadcasts from Makkah and Riyadh. It attempts to create a better understanding of Islam and, thereby, deepen the religious impact on those who are living inside Saudi Arabia and those who are outside the Holy Shrine area. The program's content deals with news (from the Islamic as well as the Arab world), symposiums, and interviews with the Ulamas, who have discovered therein means to communicate between each other on a worldwide basis. W -- This program started in 1972 and differs from the "Voice of Islam" in that the latter is more oriented toward news and information about the Islamic world, while the "Holy Koran" is designed to broadcast serious religious discussions and lectures, as well as readings from the Koran.21 This service originates from two cities, Riyadh and Makkah. The one from Riyadh transmits for eighteen hours, and the one from Makkah transmits for fourteen hours per day. Seventy-five percent of 58 its program is taken from the Koran (reading and rythmatic reading), while the remaining twenty-five percent is devoted to interpretation of the Koran, the Prophet's sayings, and interviews with religious scholars. WW -- This service has been broadcast in English and French since 1965, and has been the main foreign service for those who live in the country and do not speak Arabic. It conveys the Saudi point of view through the news and commentaries. It also plays soft and pop music during break hours, totaling about ten hours per day. This broadcasting time is divided into two main parts. One section is broadcast from Riyadh from two o'clock daily. Another section is broadcast from J eddah every afternoon and evening for a total of four hours. A recent survey, conducted by a panel from King Saud University in Riyadh, about audience trends and opinions toward radio and television programs in Saudi Arabia revealed that the radio sets average 93 percent penetration, (urban areas 93 percent, rural areas 91 percent, and nomadic areas 97 percent). The following table presents these figures according to the Current Residential Area (CRA): 59 TABLE (8): Listening Sets According to Current Residential Area (CRA) LISTENIN G SETS CRA Radio W QaLBadip TanaBemndeI. Urban 93% 14% 67% 81% Rural 91% 3% 56% 72% Nomadic 97% 4% 4% 67% N = 3966 Source: King Saud University Study Although it is not the scope of this study to examine the foreign programs' penetration into Saudi radio, one could argue that its radio content is more nationally oriented than is its TV content. In other words, Saudi radio produces its own programming and does not depend on importation to fulfill the air time. Radio programs include newscasts, religious and cultural shows, series, sports reports, and educational presentations. Such programs do not require as complicated technical equipment and staff to be produced as does TV. Further, radio production is, by no means, less expensive than TV programs. As shall be shown, Saudi TV is heavily dependent on imported programs, most of which are in the entertainment category. S 113] .. Television services were introduced to Saudi Arabia in 1955 after AJL-TV went on the air in Dahran on the Arabian Gulf (Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia). The establishment and the operation of the station was by 60 and for the United States Air Force who was trying to entertain those Americans working at the Dahran Air Base. In fact, television was limited to those who worked at the air force base or at the Arabian American Oil Company (Aramco) and the few Saudis worh'ng there. Almost all the personnel and programs were provided by two major American firms -- Radio Corporation of America (RCA), and the National Broadcasting Company (NBC). The content of these programs was entertainment and were made in English, then dubbed in Arabic until the government opened its own television station in the eastern province of the country.22 The government's initiative came in 1963 when it announced its desire to build a national television station. This tumabout in Saudi Arabia was considered to be modern technology's point of entry into the country. Although television entered the Gulf area when people were'ready to accept and admire modern technology, in Saudi Arabia the situation was different. Television faced opposition from the religious leaders who were outspoken against the implementation of the plan to allow television services to enter the country. This was mainly because of its "visual element." The battle was won by King Ibn Saud and the government to test the first television transmission in Riyadh and J eddah in 1965. The two. stations had a two-killowatt transmission out-put and covered an area of 80-1 00 square kilometers. Further development took place in different cities to increase the coverage of television, and hence, the hardware was improved for those stations as a result of the growing financial capabilities of the Kingdom. Five stations were established in the different major cities. Three were located in 61 the Western Province and two in Medina and Qassim. Also, relay stations were established to ensure the full coverage of transmission over all of Saudi Arabia. As a result of the technical advancement that was achieved, the Ministry of Information decided to centralize all transmissions from Riyadh, the capital. According to these new arrangements, all programs were to be transmitted from the central station via microwave and satellite networks. The government continued to subsidize developmental projects concerning television. The last project was in 1982, when the $500 million Riyadh complex was completed, allowing more centralization in terms of distribution and production of Saudi television.23 S 1° I l . . B When Saudi Arabia introduced television to the nation, in 1965, they faced the challenge of filling the transmission time with the appropriate programs that did not contradict Islamic Law. They had to transfer some radio talk programs into television, but it was not enough. Therefore, importing software for television was a must to keep this medium on the air. Saudi television could not produce its own programs at that time for several reasons. Firstly, it was much cheaper to import different kinds of programs rather than produce them. Secondly, the government was facing pressure from religious leaders who opposed television and radio altogether. Finally, there was a lack of personnel (technicians, actors, actresses, script writers, etc.) who could deal with production, a problem which still remains to a large extent. The Saudi authorities could not ignore these facts, but on the 62 contrary were obligated to satisfy all religious and tribal leaders, in order to obtain the sanctions of Islamic rule, which, basically, constitute the country for there are no written laws. As stated previously, the Constitution of the Kingdom is the Islamic religion, which pervades all sectors, including mass media. Islam, therefore, governs television programs, also and does not allow: 1 . Scenes which arouse sexual excitement; 2. Women to appear "indecently dressed" in dance scenes, or in scenes which show overt acts of love; Women to appear in athletic games or sports; Alcoholic drinks or anything connected with drinking; Derogatory references to any of the "heavenly religions;" Treatment of other countries with praise, satire, or contempt; Reference to Zionism; Materials meant to oppose monarchy; PPSQ’P‘PS‘ References to betting or gambling; and 10. Excessive violence.24 These are the guidelines that are considered appropriate for selecting television programs, and which make it difficult for the Kingdom to obtain programs that comply. These rules have placed Saudi Arabia in a dependent position as far as the implementation of a program's criteria is concerned. Therefore it has become increasingly difficult to meet this standard with programs from other countries. For Arabic programs, Saudi television imports most of its programs from Egypt, Kuwait, Lebanon, and 63 Iraq. Non-Arabic programs are obtained from England, U.S., France, and Canada, as these countries are all non-communist and the English language is the second language in the Kingdom. The shortage of local production in Saudi television is apparent. Hosts of programs are imported from a variety of countries, for example, Kuwait and Egypt for Arabic programs, especially old motion pictures. Furthermore, the shortage of programming, especially dramatic and serial programs, is due to the absence of a theater, which has a great impact on the discovery of new talent and the development of acting and on-screen personnel. The lack of a theater movement limits the chance to enhance acting as an art, reflecting social problems in a dramatic way. Another limitation is the prohibition on Saudi women appearing on television as actors. They are limited according to religion, tradition, customs, and norms. The main reason why Saudi Arabia insists on strict adherence to Islamic standards in the media, especially on television, is the government's desire to maintain its image as both the homeland of Muslims and the Center of the Islamic world, which contains more than seventy-one Islamic nation-states. As a matter of fact, the Saudis feel themselves responsible for spreading the message of Islam to the rest of the world. It is this missionary role which has placed Saudi television in such a tough position, because of the inevitable obligation to maintain strict Islamic guidelines while still competing with other stations in the Gulf area. 64 Saudi television programming can be divided into seven categories, according to the official distribution of TV programs. These categories and the percentage of transmission time devoted to each category is as follows: 1. Religious and Cultural Programs 24% 2. Drama (local and Arabic) 15% 3. Variety and Musical Programs 12% 4. Foreign Films and Series 8% 5. Sports Programs 10% 6. Children's Programs 10% 7. News and Information 15% * These figures and categories will be tested against this student's findings in the discussion section. As a result of such routinely uninteresting television programs, Saudis have found that VCRs and/or foreign broadcasting are a good way to meet their entertainment needs. VCR programs have emerged and have been distributed all over the country. Most of these programs are imported from countries such as Egypt, Kuwait, Lebanon, Syria, England, and the U.S.A. It is estimated that four out of five households have a VCR and more than one television set. Foreign radio broadcasting is received in Saudi Arabia, but is directed by other governments. These include Arabvoice (Cairo), Kuwaiti Radio, Israel Voice, BBC (London), Voice of America (Washington), and RAdio Monte Carlo (France). Most of these stations broadcast news, music, talk shows, and commercials. 65 Culturally, these imported programs have had a great impact on Saudi society. Al-Najie (1982) argues that imported programs have introduced new customs and ideas which are considered to be new to the Saudis. Western programs, as well as other Arabic programs, and their ideological implications have influenced the Saudi audiences in terms of life-style, language, and traditions. For example, the Egyptian dialect is used among Saudi youth as a colloquial language.25 Other TV programs, especially episodes, portray the relationship between the rich and the poor and how they deal with each other. Another common theme of these episodes is to show how wealthy elderly men (sixty to eighty years old) marry very young girls (eighteen to 25 years old) and keep them from more suitable and satisfying marriages. These kinds of shows have increased the willingness of the Saudi girl to reject marriages proposed by older men. From the previous discussion one can say that the penetration of Saudi radio is considerably high (93 percent). Yet, this high diffusion needs to give more attention to radio programs in terms of quality, quantity and/or diversity. Ifthese needs are not met, the door is open for foreign broadcasts to increase, and hence, to compete with local radio. As the study shows, 83 percent of Saudis listen to foreign radio, such as London, Monte Carlo, and Voice of America, while Gulf and other Arab radios have 49 percent Saudi listeners (Kuwait, Bahrain, Egypt, Baghdad, and Damascus). Most of the demands are for news and news material, 45 percent.26 Television has lower penetration than radio. Seventy-five percent have color television and 43 percent black and white.27 See Table 9. 66 TABLE (9): Television Set Distribution in Saudi Arabia. SE1 YES N51 Black and White TV 43% 57% ColorTV 75% 25% VCR 37% 63% Projector 10% 90% Source: King SAud University Study. 1. Boyd, Douglas A. 67 ° hummofld: A Survev of Radio 'MfiddlgEast. Templle University Press. Philadelphia, 1982. p. 115. El-Ewainy. Mohammed. Won The Anglo-Egyptian Bookshop, 1984 (in Arabic). p. 205. . Ibid. p. 223. . Ibid. p. 226. - Ministry of Information WW Ministry of Information Publication. Kuwait City, Kuwait, 1984. Boyd, Douglas. Ibid. p. 115. Gulfvision. W. Dolphin Publishers. Italy, 1982. p.14 . El-Eqainy, Mohammed. Ibid. 240-243. . WM. Ibid. pp. 150-155. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. El-Ewainy. Ibid. 234. Ibid. p. 236. Ibid. p. 242. Gnlfiasimflandhmk. Ibid. p. 150-153. Boyd, Douglas. Ibid. pp. 121-124. Ibid. p. 121. Ibid. p. 121 Ibid. p. 122. Ibid. p. 124. Ibid. p. 125. El-Ewainy, Mohammed. Ibid. p. 111. 21 . 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 68 Boyd, Douglas. Ibid. p. 125. Ibid. p. 126. Ibid. p. 127. Shobaili, Abdulrahman. "an Historical and Analytical Study of Broadcastin and Press in Saudi Arabia." Ph.D. Dissertation. Ohio State niversity, 1971. pp. 45-50. Najai, Ali M. "Television and Youth in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia: An Em irical Analysis of the Use of Television Among Young Saudi abian Viewers." Ph.D. Dissertation. University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1982. pp. 35-37. King Saud University. "Listeners' and Audiences' Trends and Opinions Toward Radio and Television Programs in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia." Unpublished Stud . King Saud University and Ministry of Information. Riyadh, audi Arabia. pp. 95, 178-180. Ibid. p. 221. CHAPTER FOUR HYPOTHESES TESTING AND DATA PRESENTATION mm It is the aim of this study to provide, as accurately as possible, figures and numbers about the foreign TV program penetration in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. After collecting and translating the data from Arabic, the researcher's native language, into English, a statistical analysis and interpretation have been employed in order to measure such penetration. Thus, it is again the aim of this chapter to present any significant differences in the pattern of TV programs in both countries. WING In Chapter 1, three distinct hypotheses were mentioned: 1. Saudi Arabia televised more religious and culturally-oriented programs than Kuwait. 2. Kuwaiti television has more entertainment programs than Saudi Television. 3. There is more foreign TV program penetration in Saudi Arabian TV than in Kuwaiti TV. 69 7O HIEQIHESISJ. The notion, that Saudi TV is oriented toward broadcasting more religious and cultural programs than any other Gulf state, is true. Such an orientation may be attributed to the religious setting of Saudi Arabia as host country for the holy cities of Makkah and Medina, where the sacred shrines are located. This situation has given Saudi Arabian TV the role of a conservative censor in the area. In other words, what applies to Islamic law, the Sharia, applies, therefore, to Saudi TV programming. Was Locally produced and imported programs were assumed to be the dependent variables, while independent variables were assumed to be the standard of censorship, capacity of production, emphasis (orientation) of TV programs, and/or centralization/decentralization of each television system. The dependent variables were extracted from the TV program schedule for the month of September 1986. The schedule included TV programs in both Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. (See Appendix A for TV programs during 9-3-86 to 9-30-86.) It should be noted that locally produced and imported programs in both countries were differentiated in the schedule. Emilia There was no significant differnces in the televised religious and cultural category between Saudi TV and Kuwaiti TV. There was also no significant difference between locally produced and imported religious materials. (See Tables 10 and 11.) 71 TABLE (10): Religious and Cultural Programs. COUNTRY MEAN S.D. (-0511-TAIL Saudi Arabia 5.035 1.401 .235 Kuwait 4.821 0.670 t = .73 TABLE (11): Religious and Cultural Programs (Local). COUNTRY MEAN SD. (.05) 1-TAIL Saudi Arabia 120.50 29.202 0.39 Kuwait 117.50 29.202 t = .28 Saudi Arabian TV televised an average of five religious and cultural programs per day compared to an average of 4.8 programs in Kuwait. Furthermore, as is shown in Table 10, Saudi TV produced an average of 120.178 minutes (2 hours) per day of religious materials, whereas, Kuwaiti TV produced an average of 117.50 minutes (1 .95 hours) per day. These results did not support what this writer expected to find. This is due to the fact that each country televised almost the same number of hours and programming time allocated to this category. The total number of hours and percentage of religious and cultural programs will be discussed in the following chapter. However, imported R & C programs show more significance (0.0325) in Saudi TV than in Kuwait TV. In fact, Saudi Arabia imported more religious programs (x 12.857) than did Kuwait (Y 3.214). This means that foreign R & C TV programs do have a higher penetration in Saudi TV 72 and a lower penetration in Kuwaiti TV. All of these R & C programs were imported from Egypt ("Faith and Science" and "Shiek Sha'rawi's Speach"). This could be attributed to the fact that there are a lot of distinguished Islamic scholars in qupt. And Saudi TV feels their audience's need for such programs. In fact, 44 percent of the Saudi TV audience expressed their liking of Sheik Sha'rawi's Friday speach.1 Foreign religious programs shall be the focus of the third hypothesis. HXEQTHESISZ Bmacntatian This hypothesis is intended to determine how Kuwait and Saudi Arabia percieve TV, in their different philosophies, through which both countries have articulted the objective of this mass medium. The categories used are the following: Information, Culture, Education, and Entertainment. Such goals are reflected in the content of their national network and , hence, their national orientation. Furthermore, it is this student's assumption that Kuwaiti TV is oriented more toward Entertainment programs, which constitute greater than 60 percent of transmission time, whereas, this category represents 38.95 percent in Saudi TV. Bamflts To test the hypothesis, a 1-tail probability test was undertaken to determine the significant differences in the program categories between Kuwaiti TV and Saudi TV. Table (12) shows these differences and Table (13) show the ranking of programming categories in order of importance. 73 TABLE (12): TV Program Significance. CATEGORY W SAUDI—.11 W i 3D- X__S.D. W S“_=_.Q§_ R & C 4.82 .670 5.03 1.401 .73 .235 N&I 5.42 .504 8.32 1.541 9.44 .000 EDUC. 1.42 .573 3.57 .959 10.15 .000 CHLD 4.00 .770 6.35 1.026 9.72 .000 ENTR. 11.35 2.792 6.00 1.587 -8.83 .000 TABLE (13): Ranking of Categories in Order of Importance. PERCENT RANKING TOI‘AL W R & C 9.99 12.03 4 4 56.33 62.08 N & I 13.07 15.36 2 3 73.67 79.23 EDUC 6.65 11.11 5 5 37.00 57.33 CHLD 11.00 20.58 3 2 62.00 106.16 ENTR 52.3.6 3.8.25 1 l 3.34.58 3.8.25 TOTAL 100.00 100.00 - - 563.58 515.72 "‘ This includes Kuwaiti TV1 and TV2. ** This includes Saudi TV1 and TV 2. W Brassntatinn This hypothesis aims to provide a type of comparison of foreign (imported) TV program penetration between Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. The comparison tends to pinpoint which country is more likely to be vulnerable 74 for cultural and economical implications of Foreign TV programs. The independent variables were assumed to be the standard of censorship, production capacity, and emphasis of programming, i.e. education, information, etc., while dependent varables were designated as the imported TV hours during the period under investigation, 9-3-86 to 9-30-86. Results There was a significant difference between the foreign TV program penetration in Saudi TV and Kuwaiti TV. The statistical results show that foreign TV programs are concentrated within two categories -- Children's programs and Entertainment. After conducting a t-test and 1-tai1 probability test P505 (see Table 14) the following results were found: TABLE (14): Foreign TV Programming W fl _KISL _t_ - J— _L °< < .(Ii CHLD 250.71 126.07 5.47 .00 ENTR 375.71 557.85 -5.82 .00 The test also revealed a significant difference in Religious and Cultural programs (0.0325) and no significant difference in the Educational category (0.082). Saudi TV imported 6 hours of religious programming while Kuwait imported only 1 .50 hours. It must be mentioned that the News and Information category was not included in the comparison, simply because there was no information about how many minutes and/or hours of news coverage each country imported during the month of September. 75 These results did not support what this researcher expected to find. As a matter of fact, Kuwaiti TV was expected to have a lower foreign TV program penetration than Saudi TV. This expectation was due to the fact that Kuwaiti TV is well known in the Gulf region for its good quality drama production (TV series and theater plays). However, the test revealed that Kuwaiti TV broadcasts an average of 557.857 minutes (9.29 hours) of imported entertainment, while Saudi TV imported an average of 375.71 minutes (6.26 hours). Thus, Saudi Arabian TV has a lower foreign program penetration than Kuwait. See Table 15. Table (15): Foreign TV Program Penetration. RELIGIOUS 8r CULTURAL CHILDREN'S PROGRAMS ENTERTAINMENT W “(£051 if trvalus L05) 31' t-vahresmfil Saudi Arabia 12.85 250.71 375.71 1.90 .032 5.74 .000 -5.82 .000 Kuwait 3.21 126.07 557.85 In summation, one may say that Kuwait and Saudi Arabia do not differ in their religious and cultural programs. In fact, during the month of September 1986 Saudi TV (STV) had an average of five Religious and Cultural programs per day, while Kuwaiti TV (KTV) had an average of 4.8 such programs. This included STVl and STV2, and KTV1 and KTV 2. Thus, there is no significant difference between STV and KTV in this regard. Moreover, STV produced 46.08 hours of religious programming and imported 6 hours, (52 hours total). In contrast KTV produced a total of 56.33 hours of religious materials, and imported 1.50 hours. These figures indicate that KTV allocates more air time to the Cultural category than does Saudi TV. 76 The differences in television philosophy between Kuwait and Saudi Arabia are apparent. The KTV emphasis on entertainment as the main objective of television programming is greater than is the emphasis of STV. For example KTV transmitted 334.58 hours of entertainment (including TV series, motion pictures, sports, variety shows, music presentations, etc.) , whereas STV transmitted 200.92 hours, mostly TV series, theater plays, and motion pictures (59.36 percent vs. 38.92 percent). Therefore, not only does Kuwaiti TV have more entertainment programs than Saudi TV, but it also produces more programs than STV. In September, KTV produced 225.92 hours of programming, consisting of the following categories and hours: Entertainment (73.58 hours), News and Information (73.67 hours), Religious and Cultural Programs (54.83 hours), Educational (21 .33 hours), and Children's Programs (2.50 hours). In contrast, Saudi TV produced 182.73 hours of programming as follows: R & C (56.08 hours), N & I (79.23 hours), EDUC (24.75 hours), CHLD (.83 hours), and ENTR (21.83 hours). These figures and their implications will be discussed at length in the next chapter. Finally, foreign TV program penetration is more significant in Kuwait than it is in Saudi Arabia, especially in the Entertainment category. Indeed, Kuwaiti TV has maintained a balanced ratio between domestic and imported programs which equals 45:55 percent; yet, the statistical significance shows interesting results. Saudi TV has a high foreign program penetration in Religious and Cultural, Educational, Children's, and Entertainment. However, Kuwait TV has lower penetration in R & C , EDUC, CHILD, with significant increase in the Entertainment category compared to STV. Thus, it may be concluded that importation of TV 77 programs is more significant in Kuwait than it is in Saudi Arabia, especially in the Entertainment category. This means that KTV imports more programs than it produces in this particular area. Children's programs are also imported more heavily by KTV (mostly cartoons and dubbed cartoons); yet, Saudi TV imported more Children's materials in general than Kuwaiti TV (115 hours vs. 59.5 hours). Saudi TV imports less Entertainment programs than does Kuwaiti TV (179 hours vs. 261 hours). 78 W 1. King Saud University. Listener's and Audiences' Trends and Opinions Toward Radio and Television Programs in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia." Unpublished Stud . King Saud University and Ministry of Information. Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, 1983. p. 269. CHAPTER FIVE DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATION OF FOREIGN TV PROGRAMS W The penetration of foreign TV programs in both Saudi Arabia and Kuwait varies. These programs represent 54.42 percent in Kuwaiti TV1 and 61.38 percent in Saudi TV1, while locally produced programs represent 45.58 percent and 38.62 percent respectively. On the other hand, the Second channels have a higher penetration than the First channels (the national network). Foreign TV materials represent 78.09 percent in KTV2, and 69.92 percent in Saudi TV2, whereas, locally produced programs formulate 21.91 percent, and 30.08 percent. The following table provides a general comparison of domestic and imported TV programs: TABLE (16): Domestic and Imported TV Programs W % Kl‘Vl %__KIYZ % Local 124.75 38.62 57.62 30.08 197.25 45.58 28.67 21.91 Foreign 128.25 61.38 134.15 69.92 235.50 M 102.11 18.9.9 Totals“ 323.00 100.00 192.73 100.00 432.75 100.00 ‘13033 100.00 * Total Transaction Time In STV1 , the imported TV programs are varied. For example, Saudi TV1 imports 124.67 hours of entertainment which is equal to 62.89 percent of the total imported hours. Ranking second to entertainment are children's programs (cartoons and dubbed cartoons). STV1 imported 57 hours of this category, which constitutes 28.75 percent of total imported hours. Foreign 79 80 educational programs ranks third. It occupies 5.34 percent of imported programs, and 33.77 percent of the total hours that are devoted for educational purposes. It is worth mentioning that Saudi TV imports scientific and documentary short movies (30 minutes each) that are derived from the Encyclopedia Britanica. Finally, foreign religious and cultural TV programs represent 3.03 percent of the total imported TV time, and 13.16 percent of the total time devoted to this category (45.58 hours). These programs are imported from Egypt and contain religious talk shows done in "Halakah" (circle) format. Table (17) provides an illustration of these programs and their percentages in comparison with locally produced TV materials in the National Network (the first channel) of Saudi Arabia. TABLE (17): Program Hours and Percentages Local 21.00 14.42 0.83 1.44 20.75 66.23 39.58 86.84 Foreign 12.4.01 ' 35.53 57.00 28.50 10.53 33.11 0.00 13.10 Totals " 145.67 100.00 57.83 100.00 31.33 100.00 45.58 100.00 * Total Programming Hours According to W (1982), the distribution of TV programs in Saudi Arabia indicates that programming is as follows: religious and cultural programs (25%), variety and musical programs (22%), non-Arabic films and series (8%), drama programs, local and Arabic (15%), children's programs (15%), and news and news programs (15%).1 Surprisingly, this study provides different indications than what were reported by Gulfvision. The following table shows the program combined distribution of both Saudi TV1 and TV2. TABLE (18): TV Program Distribution STV 1 STV2 W R & C 45.58 14.11 16.50 8.56 62.08 12.04 N & I 42.58 13.18 36.56 19.02 79.23 15.35 EDUC 31.33 9.70 26.00 13.49 57.33 11.12 CHLD 57.84 17.91 58.33 30.27 116.17 22.53 ENTR 1.45.51 4510 55.25 25.14 200.22 55.9.5 TOTAL 300.3 100.00 192.73 100.00 515.73 100.00 The previous table shows that Saudi TV1 allocates 45.10 percent of its transmission time for entertainment programming which includes Arabic films and TV series, theater plays, and so forth. Only 7.60 percent (21 hours) of such programs are produced locally. Another indication of Foreign TV program penetration are the statistics for the children's shows. Saudi TV1 devotes 17.91 percent of its broadcasting time to cartoons, dubbed cartoons (in Arabic), and locally produced programs. The latter consistutes only 0.26 percent. Statistics for Saudi TV2 (STV2) do not differ much from the First channel. It broadcasts an average of 6.88 hours a day. During the period 9/3/86 to 9/30/86 STV2 broadcast a total of 192.73 hours. Of this total, 134.75 hours were imported TV program formats (mostly in the categories Entertainment, Educational and Children's). Only 57.98 hours were locally produced including Religious and Cultural, and News and Informational 82 programs. The following table breaks down the above figures in terms of foreign, local programs, and time allocated to each category: TABLE (19): Saudi TV2 Local and Imported Hours. R & C 16.50 8.56 16.50 8.56 0.0 0.0 N & I 36.65 19.42 36.65 19.02 0.0 0.0 EDUC 26.00 13.49 4.00 2.08 22.00 11.40 CHLD 58.33 30.27 0.0 0.0 58.33 30.27 ENTR 55.25 28.61 9.28 0.48 54.42 28.24 TOTAL 192.73 100.00 57.98 30.09 134.75 69.91 Unlike STV1 , STV2 did not import Religious and Cultural programs as much as STV1 (6 hours). However the heavy foreign importation of STV2 is Children's shows (cartoons) which constitute 30.27 percent of the total broadcasted time. Another category of penetration is Entertainment. It constitutes 28.24 percent of the total transmission time. Local entertainment represents 0.43 percent. This includes foreign series such as "The J effersons," "Trapper John," and sports (wrestling). Educational programs in STV2 form 13.49 percent of TV programming. However, domestic materials represent 2.08 percent and imported programs are equal to 11.40 percent. Kuwaiti Television (KTV 1) on the other hand, broadcasts an average of 15.46 hours a day. Although KTV1 is a heavy TV program producer among other Gulf states, it imports TV programming from other countries such as the U.S.A., England, Canada, India, and Egypt for Arabic 83 programs. Entertainment constitutes 57.13 percent of the total TV time. The following table shows the percentage devoted to each category: TABLE (20): KTV Program Distribution R & C 46.33 10.71 44.83 10.36 1.50 0.35 N & I 55.00 12.71 55.00 12.71 0.0 0.0 EDUC 31.50 7.28 21.33 4.93 10.27 2.35 CHLD 52.67 12.17 2.50 0.58 50.17 11.59 ENTR 241.25 51.18 18.5.8 11.0 118.51 40.18 TOTALS 432.75 100.00 197.24 45.58 235.51 54.42 It is obvious that the orientation of KTV1 is entertainment, which constitutes more than half of its TV time. This category represents 57.13 percent (247.25 hours) of the total hours (432.75 hours) that were broadcasted during the month of September. However, KTV1 produced 17 percent of its entertainment programs (73.58 percent) in the format of series, and variety shows. Foreign series are very popular in Kuwait. Shows such as "Magnum PI," "Simon and Simon," "Twilight Zone," "Night Rider," and Western music are broadcasted weekly. . Cartoons and dubbed cartoons constitute 12.17 percent, which ranks the third highest to Entertainment (57.13 percent) and News and Information (12.71 percent). Further, locally produced Children's programs are limited to 0.58 percent or 2.50 hours. Such shows are produced locally, gathering children at the studio, where they may answer educational questions and receive presents. Although these programs are greatly needed, limited resources and adequate sponsors for the shows are the main 84 obsticles in their continuing production. Thus the alternative has become importing what everyone loves -- cartoons. However, Dorfman and Mattelart (1971) in W, have a different perspective which will be discussed later on. Educational programs do not constitute a high percentage of KTV programming. It represents 7.28 percent (31 .50 hours) of total broadcasting, of which 21 .33 hours are locally produced and 10.17 hours are imported. Regarding News and Information programs, KTV broadcasted 55 hours (12.17 percent) of news programming. This includes short (5 minute) newscasts, symposiums, domestic and international events. Most of these are broadcasted on a daily basis with emphasis on Thursdays and Fridays, the days that form the weekend Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. Religious and Cultural programs are limited to local production. It represents 46.33 hours (10.71 percent) of which 44.83 hours (10.36 percent) are domestically produced, and only 1.50 hours (0.35 percent) are imported. Unlike KTV1 , Kuwaiti TV2 (KTV2) broadcasts a range of 4.67 hours daily and is heavly dependent on foreign TV program importation. The following table explains this fact: 85 TABLE (21): KTV2 Program Distribution (Local and Imported Hours). R & C 10.00 7.64 10.0 7.64 0.0 0.0 N 8: I 18.67 14.27 18.67 14.27 0.0 0.0 EDUC 5.50 4.20 0.0 0.0 5.54 4.20 CHLD 9.33 7.13 0.0 0.0 9.33 7.1 3 ENTR 81.1.8 88.15 0.9 8.9 81.34 5.8.15 TOTALS 130.33 100.00 28.67 21.91 102.16 78.09 KTV2 transmits an average of 4.67 hours a day. During the month of September, this channel broadcasted a total of 130.83 hours. However, the content of KTV 2 is unbalanced due to the high foreign program penetration. For example, 102.16 hours (78.09 percent) were imported expecially in entertainment whcih represents 87.33 hours (66.75 percent). Cartoons and Educational programs are less emphasized, however, 9.33 (7.64 percent) and 5.50 (4.20 percent) hours are allocated to these categories respectively. Ten hours (7.64 percent) were devoted to religious and cultural programs, all of which are locally produced. Such programs are limited to 15-minute religious talk shows and 10-minute daily openings with the reading of the Quran. News and Information programs represent 18.67 hours (14.27 percent). They include a 30-minute daily news cast in English and a weekly 40-minute "scattered reports" from around the world. One can conclude the KTV2 is an entertainment channel that does not take the educational function of TV into consideration. 86 W TV programs are an important carier of ideology regardless of international boundries that separate countrties from each other. Howell (1980) states that "A nation's broadcasting services as a cultural mirror, reflecting and projecti S the symbols and images of a society' 8 culture an sense of identity. Some nations through circumstances imposed by geography and history find the process of cultural communication and national identity reinforcement more difficult than do others. "1 The fact that culture is an intriguing concept is obsolutely true. Samovar and Porter (1985) defined "culture" as "the deposit of knowledge, experiences, beliefs, values, attitudes, meaning hierachies, ,religron, timing, notes, spatial relations, concepts 0 universe, and material objects and possessions acquired by a large group of people 1n the course of generation through individual and group striving." 2 This definition implies some cultural characteristics that one should take into consideration and its relation to television. Beliefs, values, and religion are important cultural aspects buried in a more general meaning that shapes as well as distinugishes a group of individuals, societies, and countries. This meaning is more likely to be different from one country to another in terms of its application on human life. For example, certain groups of people (nations) are more attached to religion which, in turn, affects their entire life more than others. Thus, this sacred aspect becomes an important factor in such societies, hence, the entire nation may well develop a "system" that functions according to this particular religion. In fact the whole system becomes religiously oriented including polictics, 87 education, society, economics, and communication and mass media. At this point, the content of mass media is provided by the general outline of the religion. When this content (programs that are produced by certain countries) travels or is exchanged with other nations, the prospective receiver, it becomes an ideological threat. Thus, the receiving nation is more likely to be vulnerable to such threats. Schiller (1976) relates this perspective to economics in its broader sense. He stresses that "the content and style of programming (media), however,adapted to local conditions, bears the ideological imprint of the main centers of the capitalist world economy."3 This idea is well explained and investigated by Mattelart in W W Throughout this book Mattelart uses semiotic-ideological analysis in an attempt to prove that Walt Disney's comic strip character is really a propagandist for capitalistic imperialism.4 Although there is no single complete theory that presents cultural imperialism or communication dependancy, there are some studies that could formulate, as a whole, the "dependency school" that deals with culture and communication. This topic was addressed by Herbert Schiller, Mattelart, Armand, Schramm, Wilbur, and others. Schiller describes the term "cultural imperialsim" as "the sum of the processes by which a societ is brought into the modern world system and 0w its dominating stratum is attracted, pressured, forced, and sometimes bribed into shaping social institutions to correspond to or even promote, the values and structures of the dominating center of the system."5 88 This definition of cultural imperialism embodies two main trends that should be clearly stated. The "modern world system", its implication, and its reflection on national media structures are key elements in the communication processes, especially in terms of distributing values of the "center" to the periphery world. Such strategy is well implimented via TV programs, which are considered a transferring bridge that carries not only structural and organizational values, but also ideology. The latter factor has a long term impact on societies where TV is less than 30 years old. Indeed, traditional states, such as Saudi Arabia, only recently introduced this medium, in 1965, in order to promote moderniazation and integration under a unified identity. The dilemma, however, of producing programs that carry out specific goals (developemntal and educational) still exist. We will return to this point. Schiller is concerned with other types of communication dependancy in the peripheral world (Third World) that have a strong relation to culture. Technology was introduced as a result of the intensifying search by decision-makers for "policy alternatives that will permit a continued US. influence, if not dominance, in international cultural and economic affairs."6 This includes computer and satellite broadcasting systems that can operate "transnationally" and/or without local supervision, both of which have a high level of influence on national culture. Nonetheless, technology in general and communication technology (CT) in particular play a decisive role in keeping the peripheral countries under the dominance of the "core." For example, CT, such as the telephone, has been widely adopted in TWCs to accelerate developmental processes and connect the countries' 89 systems together. The implimentation of the telephone hardware, as well as broadcasting networds hardware, was accomplished by Western trans-national companies such as American Telegraph and Telephone (AT & T), ITT, and RCA. Basically, such companies have their headquarters in the US. with branches all over the world. Communication complexity between these multinational companies (MN Cs) and their branches depend on satelites along with other high-tech equipment developed in the U.S.A. Consequently, INTELSAT was created in the early 1970's as an international organization emboding 91 nations and using the United States-developed satelite system.7 The one-way flow of information is well excuted by MNCs using communication technology to bridge the geographical distance regardless of the potential impact of the content of this flow on receiving nations. TV programs are largely distributed in Latin America, Asia, and Africa. Mattelart (1979) examins the international activities of some American-based corporations that shape television, press, culture, cinema, and publishing in general. The essence of his argument is that these MNCs operate closely with political institutions, to achieve, support, and strengthening the concept of American imperialism; hence, they also strengthen "revolutionary forces." At this point, electronic media emerge as a powerful tool to enhance the notion of dependancy among TWCs. However, Mattelart's views were derived directly from his experiences in Chile (1963 - 1973) and he witnessed Chile's road to Socialism after Allende came to power in 1970. Nevertheless, these views of imperialism cannot be applied, in very general terms, over Third World countries, simply because each country constitutes a case by itself and has different settings, priorities, and developmental goals to achieve through mass media. In other words each 90 society has a different power structure that shapes the country's system, including its mass media and its policies. Thus, one can say that the potential impact of foreign TV, or media content, varies from one country to another, depending upon the quantity of such imported materials. Straubhaar (1982) estimates the impact of imported TV programs upon audiences in Brazil.8 In order to proceed, the author uses the proportion of audience hours spent watching imported programming and the proportion of total broadcast hours occupied by imported programs as a means of measuring such an impact. Although these measurements did not indicate any attitudinal and/or behavioral changes, the proportions of "weighted measure" or audience hours could be further investigated to determine whether there is a high level of foreign TV program influence on Brazilian audiences or not. Yet, the study shows that "the proportion of time spent watching imported programs rose until 1971 , then peaked and declined slightly to a plateau in 1975-1977."9 This is due to the increase of local production especially telenovelas or "soap operas." The result of TV program importation as Straubhaar concludes: . . . greater exposure to imported programs reflects a greater probability of impact. Therefore, audience hours reflect more closely than broadcast hours the probable im act of imported programs upon national au 'ences and cultures.10 Such findings could be applied, at least theoretically, to Third World countries, particularly to those countries where there exists a system similar to that in Brazil. However, in the case of Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, where governmental systems are identical (monarchy) and television is a government monoply, imported broadcasting hours reflect a potential impact 91 on audiences, as well as on the culture. This impact is represented in the total foreign TV materials that have been aired during the month of September 1986. As mentioned previously, Saudi TV1 imports 61.38 percent (198.25 hours) of its programming, while it produces 38.62 percent (124.75 hours) locally. Most of these imported programs are for entertainment purposes (124.67 hours) 85.58 percent of the total imported hours. Such programs are in the format of series or soap operas imported from Egypt, Kuwait, and Lebanon for STV1, and the U.S.A., England, Canada, and Australia for STV 2. In contrast, Kuwait TV1 imports 54.42 percent (235.51 hours) of its TV programming and produces 45.58 percent (197.24 hours) locally. Unlike STV1 , KTV1 imports only 40.13 percent (173.58 hours) locally. Religious and Cultural programs constitute only 10.71 percent (46.33 hours) of KTV1 programming, while this category represents 14.11 percent (45.58 hours) of Saudi TV programming. However, cultural implications hide behind the Entertainment category, rather than a Religous and Cultural one. This means that series, movies, theater plays, comedies, and dramas are cultural productions that threaten the indiginous norms, traditions, and heritage of Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. As Straubhaar (1985) notes on Latin America "the process of cultural production is increasingly industrialized."11 This situation has helped the "developing market economies" in these countries, however. Mexico, for instance has become a major producer and distributor of cultural products among Sapnish-speaking countries in Latin America. In contrast, Egypt is considered the major producer of TV serials and motion pictures throughout the Arab world. Although Egypt is an Arabic-speaking, as well as a Muslim, country, its traditions, norms, and 92 society are different in terms of applying Islamic laws to its media systems, particularly TV. Egyptian producers, thus, meet the Saudi conservative criteria (censorship) by providing movies, theater plays, and other types of TV programs for economic benefits. In 1980-1981 Saudi Television imported 74.5 percent of its foreign TV programs from Egypt, 8.8 percent from Lebanon, and 8.8 percent from Kuwait.12 N o matter how well imported programs comply with local censorship, they imply and "enhance the national image of the producing country."13 This notion is known to many scholars as cultural distribution. In fact, we stand before two schools of thought. Mattelart (1 97 9) argues that American-based multinational corporations work closely with security forces and have as their purpose the support and strengthening of American imperialism and opposition to any revolutionary forces.” Schiller (1976) shares with Mattelart almost the same idea, yet, with a different perspective. . . the basic economic organizational unit in the modern world capitalist economy is multinational corporations (MNCs). A few hundred of these giant agglomerations of capital, largely American owned, dominate the lobal market in the production and distribution 0 goods and services. Most significantly from our standpoint, this dominance extends to the production and dissemination of communications-cultural outputs as well.15 Schiller here takes a Third World point of view. He clearly states that MNCs should not become involved in Third World culture and communications patterns. Nonetheless, lack of sufficient and adequate technology and personnel have contributed to the involvement of MNCs in Thrid World communication and cultural systems. Films, TV series, motion pictures, and news have become cultural comodities that carry the 93 ideological dominance of the producing country. Hence, it could be argued that the relation between MNCs and culture has been commercialized through the distribution of TV programming to less developed countries. W The economic factor in the distribution process attracts new nations (TWCs) to import their TV programming rather than producing their own. Varis (1974) argues that "because the production of television programs is expensive, television stations in most countries of the world are heavily dependant on imported material. Although the average share of imported material in many areas is one-third of the total output or less, some countries import more than two-thirds of their programming.16 Of course exceptions could be applied to some Latin American and Middle Eastern countries (Egypt), yet others, such as Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, are dependant on imported TV programs. Varis (1974) estimates from aggregate data that Saudi TV imports 31 percent, while producing 69 percent, and that Kuwaiti TV imports 56 percent, while producing 44 percent.1 7 These figures do not correspond with the figures this researcher discovered through a one-month sample of TV programming in both states. Saudi TV1 imports 61 .38 percent of its TV programs and produces 38.62 percent, whereas Saudi TV2 imports 69.92 percent and produces 30.08 percent. On the other hand, Kuwaiti TV1 imports 54.42 percent of TV programs and produces 45.58 percent, whereas Kuwaiti TV2 imports 78.09 percent worth of TV materials and produces 21 .91 percent. Thus, the importation of TV programs puts off any attempt by the private and/or public sector to establish an infrastructure of TV program 94 production. Although television in Saudi Arabia was established in 1965, and in Kuwait in 1961 , the industrialization of TV programs and motion pictures in Saudi Arabia has not yet begun, due to the lack of TV components necessary to bring about such production, i.e. actors, actresses, script and scenario writers, technicians, and so forth. In Kuwait, however, TV production is in its development process. Kuwait is well known for its good quality TV programs, especially TV series, theater plays, and variety shows. Yet, such productions are still in their infancy due to the lack of cinema production in the country and to the dearth of technicians to handle production operations. Cinema, which is considered by many scholars a major attribute to television, can achieve both cultural and economical purposes. This dual function encourages the private sector to inaugurate cinema industries in developed and developing countries. The U.S.A., Europe (particularly Brittan) lead the world in this area. India, Latin America (Brazil and Mexico), and Egypt have established their own motion picture industries to meet market demands for entertainment. These demands increased when neighboring countries gained their independance and established broadcasting systems, including TV, as a major communication medium within the country. Egypt, for instance, became the "main" producer and distributor of Arabic movies and TV series in the Arab world. Thus, the Gulf States, including Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, have become major consumers of Egyptian programming, especially in the entertainment category. Tunstall (1977) emphasizes that Egyptian 'Film Arabic" has gone a long way toward becoming the spoken lingua franca of the Arab world."18 Although one major characteristic of Egyptian movies is that they are "cheaply made," and use ill paid staff -- their consumption has ' 95 increased dramatically, more than one million dollars a month worth of imported TV programming. Saudi TV is a major customer of Egyptian entertainment. In September, 1986, Saudi TV imported 333 hours worth of TV programming, of which 130 (39%) were from Egypt (mostly TV series, plays, and movies). According to TV purchasing and price policy, see Figure (2), Saudi TV pays $3,866.67 per televised hours, and $4,400 if the supplier is a Saudi company. This means that Saudi TV paid almost $500,000 worth of entertainment programs imported from Egypt. For Saudi production, however, the price per hour increases 100 percent, yet, Saudi private productions are very limited due to several reasons. Firstly, Saudi women are not allowed to act on television nor to show themselves in front of strangers (this is due to the country's strong religious orientation). Secondly, there is an absence of "good" and talented script and story writers who reflect the indiginous culture. Saudi private producers, thus, must take their projects to other countries, such as qupt, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Greece, Brittan, France, and Tunisia to film them. This process requires that the Saudi company pay for the empolyment of actresses and the use of facilities of the host country. Consequently, production costs are likely to be high and any profit possible is low. FIGURE (2): Saudi Television List Price. 96 PRICE BER. HQUB. MOW CATEGORY RANK Available Saudi Production A $ 8,000.00 Distiguished Saudi Production B $ 10,000.00 Private Production C $ 17,333.00 Available non-Saudi D - Programs produced by TV E - stations that have agreements with Saudi TV Plays F $ 8,000.00 Cultural Programs G - Songs H $ 66.67 - 133.33 per minute Children's Programs I $ 4,000.00 $ 3,866.67 $ 4,400.00 if supplier is a Saudi Company Same as category D $ 5,333.00 $ 4,866.00 if supplier is a Saudi Company $ 1,333.33 $ 1,600.00 same $ 3,200.00 Although Kuwaiti TV is in a position similar to that of Saudi TV, KTV1 limits its importation of TV programs to 54 percent of total transmission time. Such programs are imported from Egypt, England and the U.S.A. "Simon and Simon," "Night Rider," and "Magnum P.I." are well known American TV series in Kuwait. In contrast, locally produced TV programs incorporate a combination of government and private sponsors. The Kuwaiti government provides facilities (studio, technicians, and so forth) for private Kuwaiti companies to produce their programs. It is worth 97 mentioning that it was a private sector initiative to establish TV production companies. Such comapnies were developed and guided by a small group of actors who felt that there was a need for the theater arts to reflect indiginous culture and social problems in a dramatized forum. Hence, Kuwait is not as likely to spend as much on the purchase of foreign TV materials as is Saudi Arabia. Straubhaar (1 985) argues that "The ability to produce a major quantity of programming domestically is clearly related to resources, personnel, and supporting industries in theater, music, film, and publishing from which one may draw talent.19 This notion is true. In Kuwait, the theater is the major attribute of TV and its programming. Further, the government, represented in the Ministry of Information, encourges private companies to participate in the production process through government subsidies. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. FPS??? 98 ENDNQTES . Howel, W. Jr. "Broadcasting Spillover and National Culture: Shared Concerns of the Republic of Ireland and Canada." W Broadcasting Spring 1980 pp 225- 235 Samovar, Larry A. and Proter, Richard. ' W. Wadsworth Publishing Co. CA 1985. p. 19. Schiller. HerbertI WW ME. Sharpe, Inc. New York, 1976. p. 10. lsumslismfiuamu- P- 484- Schiller, H. Ibid. p. 9. Ibid. p. 46. Ibid. p. 54. Straubhaar, Joseph. "Estimating the Impact of Imported TV Programs Upon Audiences in. Brazil. " Sari Thomas (Editor). Shim .Abelx Press. Norwood, New Jersey, 1984. p. 34. Ibid. pp. 36-38. Ibid. pp. 39-40. Ibid. pp. 3-5. Al-Aamoudi, Khaled A. "Toward the Im lementation of Saudi Arabia's Information Policy." Unpublis ed Master Research Project. Michigan State University, 1984. p. 39. Varis, Tapio. WW? UNESCO. Paris. 1974. p. 145. Mattelart, Armand. ' 941110.115- Humanities, New York, 1979. Schiller, H. Ibid. p. 7. Varis, Tapio. Ibid. p. 149. Ibid. p. 150. 99 18. Tunstall, Jeremy. Wm. Columbia University Press. New York, 1977. pp. 260- 265. 19. Staubharr, Joseph. "Broadcasting as a Cultural Indust in Latin America. Entertainment and the Problem of ulture." Un ublished paper resented to the Panel on New Approaches to omparative An ysis of Broadcasting 1n Latin America. Latin American Studies Association. Albuquerque, New Mexico. April 19-21, 1985. p. 13. CHAPTER SIX INTERSTATE COOPERATION W The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) was established in and by the Gulf states to provide for cooperation between the countries in all sectors, such as economics, trade, customs, transportation, education, culture, health, military, communication, tourism, and administration. According to the Secretary General of the GCC, Abdulla Bishara, the adopted means for approaching the objective of the GCC -- the consensus for a confederated structure, in terms of society, culture, and education -- is approximation.1 This approximation has been used, because the coloration of the GCC is more conSpicuous than in any other area. Each country wants to keep its own unique characteristics. Bishara emphasizes that there are more colors in this field than in any other, colors that don't separate, but distinguish, especially in the educational and cultural spheres. Therefore, the GCC objective is not to bring integration, but approximation. The GCC was established on the 25th of May, 1981, when the Gulf Summit Conference approved the recommendation for forming the council submitted by the six Ministers of Foreign Affairs in the Gulf States of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, UAE, and Oman who met in Masquat (Oman) in February 1981. In the creation of the GCC, it was prescribed that the mass media in these Gulf states should support this Council and transmit this support to the citizen. As an important medium, television has 1 00 1 01 to provide particular programs that show the new relationships among the Gulf states. Such programming has largely been accomplished through the organization established under the umbrella of the GCC to promote cooperative (approximation) efforts in communication among these countries. Since its establishment in 1981 , the GCC has held different meetintgs among members in all sectors, excepting the Ministers of Information. Gulfvision and the Arabian Gulf States Joint Production Institute (AGSJPI) are the major organizations that are concerned with television and television programs. 01013081011 Gulfvision was established in 1977 among seven Gulf states (Bahrain, Iraq, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and UAE) as an independent organization, both financially and administratively. Gulfvision's main goal is to increase the exchange of news, programs, data, expertise, personnel, and television material which will be of general benefit to all member states.2 Through Gulfvision, each state could exchange programs with its neighbor. Since then, domestic program productions have increased in the Gulf and program exchanges have been developed, so that each country has an opportunity to see what the other countries produce. Gulfvision regularly sends to all members states a list which contains the names of programs and shows that each country has available for exchange. This procedure saves each country much time in looking for the specific productions to suite their area's needs. The cultural task of Gulfvision is very important to approximate between brothers in one area. Thus, a more 102 active role in television production is needed to increase production and develop personnel skills to meet these demands which grow every day. 434354.] 4U .lxl'iOl Oxlulllfl This organization was established in 1977 after a conference of the Ministers of Information in the Arabian Gulf states (not GCC) which addressed common problems that members encountered both then and now. Most of these problems cannot be handled within individual states, because all the states are in the developmental stage and lack experience. Therefore, authorities from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain, Iraq, and Oman agreed on the creation of AGSJPI as an independent organization comprised of all the Gulf states, and whose responsibility would be to initiate and produce programs for Gulf television stations. This joint institute is located in Kuwait, the heaviest production state in the Gulf, and has a Board of Directors composed of the Ministers of' Information of the Gulf states and financed by contributions from member states. AGSJPI has implimented the production of several films and episodes, such as "Life Development," "Arab Medicine," "Islamic Civilization," "Our Life," "Abukhalid House," "Oil and Water," "Gulf Stories," and "Your Safety," which is considered one of its most successful short programs. A five-minute show, produced by AGSJPI, addresses some of the following health problems and daily lifestyle hazards: electric shocks, smoking, child care, and nutrition.3 A notable program for children is "Iftah Ya Simsim," the Arabian adaption of "Sesame Street," the first 130 half-hour espsodes of which cost AGSJPI eight million dollars. The second 1 03 130 half-hour episodes have been finished in the same way as the first, along with several other educational programs for Arab youth. The AGSJPI has contributed a great deal to producing such programs, but continues to have major problems with standardization. This problem concerns the manner in which the institute will meet, simultaneously, the standards of all the Gulf States for the production of television programs, of which some standards are conservative, as are those of Saudi Arabia. W Kuwait is considered to be the major production state among the neighboring Gulf states and produces all its domestic TV programs locally in Kuwait. Kuwaiti television produces almost fifty percent of the programs presented via seven studios situated in a new building. Cinema production in Kuwait has contributed to increasing local production. The cinema industry, however, is relatively new in Kuwait, but ambitions motivate the hope that cinema will become an important characteristic of local information and artistic work. The theater movement in Kuwait has played a major role in the increase of television programs. The establishment of theater in Kuwait began in the 1960's with a small group of people who believed that Art could translate society's problems into dramatic works, and who presented their concept to the public in a dramatic play format. The theater movement in Kuwait, therefore, played a leading role in Kuwaiti television, which produces more programs than any other country in the area. 1 04 The content of such production in Kuwait deals mostly with daily life in Kuwait and/or with the surrounding areas. It may sometimes be critical of the government, but it deals primarily with social and cultural problems both within and without Kuwait, i.e. the social gap between the wealthy and poor Kuwaiti people and how they deal with each other. A description of how the rich become richer and the poor poorer may be an example. Another theme of these productions is the attempt to explain and/or criticize the Western cultural influence received through imported television programs. As a mater of fact, such Kuwaiti programs are appreciated by neighboring countries, because of their shows' reality and seriousness. The Kuwaiti government encourages improvement of the theater movement through theatrical scholarships awarded by the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Information to talented individuals to study either in Arabian countries, such as Egypt, or Western countries, such as England and the U.S.A. This kind of movement does not appear to be found in other countries in the Gulf, or may otherwise be very limited. AI T EVI I X The following list, covering just three months (from July 1 , 1982 to September 30, 1982), provides an example of the extent to which Kuwait provides cultural television programs to Saudi television: 105 TABLE (22): Kuwaiti Programs That Have Been Exchanged With Saudi Television July 1, 1982 to September 30, 1982 W W NO- OF TAPES 1. Drama Sons and Fathers 480.0 6.0 Badar Al-Zaman (episode) 1050.0 17.0 Son and Fathers 330.0 6.0 Seven Doors 360.0 5.0 The Taveler 240.0 3.0 The Wonderful Ring 90.0 1.0 2. Talk Shows A Bit of Thought 330.0 7.0 To the Viewer with Greeting 660.0 10.0 Understanding Islam 330.0 5.0 In Islamic light 360.0 6.0 Pages from Kuwait History 90.0 1.0 Navigation in the Gulf 30.0 1.0 Special Programs About: Cannes Film Festival 90.0 1.0 Late Night Variety 60.0 1.0 Variety for People 210.0 3.0 1 06 Table (22) Continued. 3. Children's Programs TemTec and Kids 240.0 4.0 TemTec and Kids 240.0 4.0 TOTAL 5160.0 minutes = 86 hours Source: Gulfvision, Vol. 3, No. 3: January 1983. During the same period, Kuwaiti television exported various programs to other countries in the following amounts: UAE (AbuDahbi TV), 12 hours; Oman, 28 hours; UAE (Dohbi TV), 41 hours; Bahrain, 32 hours; Qatar, 31 hours; Iraq, 26 hours; and Syria, 66 hours.4 W Communication satellites are the world's most advanced technological instrument for the promotion of a simultaneous high standard of communication in remote areas. They are a combination of space and communication technology. According to Rice, communication satellites "are based upon the fact that an object orbiting at 35.680 km above the earth revolves around it at the same rate the earth rotates, hanging above the equator, it appears stationary over the earth."5 Satelites have the capacity to carry television channels, phone lines, and information exchange, as well as to promote one- or two-way communication. Most developing countries developed "satellite fever" and were anxious to connect themselves with the world through this technology. The Arab nations, twenty-two member countries of the Arab League, created a "cultural curve" by launching the Arab Satellite System 1 07 (ArabSat I and II) in February and July 1985. These satelites will give the Arabs better communication channels over which they can exchange whatever they select - television programs, news, educational programs and information. The Arab Satellite Communication Organization (ASCO) is the organization, established in 1976, intended as a follow-up plan after ArabSat. ASCO is part of the Arab League Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (ALESCO), which is supervised by the Arab League. In communication terms, ArabSat covers a substantial area, stretching from the Atlantic Ocean on the far west to the Arabian Gulf in the east and that includes twenty-two sovereign, independent states, which have three basic aspects in common -- religion, language, and culture. Disparites erdst within these states, with almost everything else, in economics, politics, education, and society. Economically, these states range from GNP per capita of less than $75 - $155 in Somalia to as high as $14,420 in the UAE. Politically, these are disparities in terms of government ideology, philosophy, and type (i.e. pro-American or pro-Soviet). Educationally, disparities range from Oman, where secondary schools were first opened in the 1970's, to Lebanon which has several long-established institutions of high learning and a literacy rate of nearly 90 percent.5 Socially, liberalism and conservatism, moderates and radicals, have made differences in the social life of the pe0ple. The case of the Gulf states is different in terms of politics, economics, and, to some extent, culture and social life. Politically, disparities are obvious, although they have a similar government structure (monarchy), their philosophy differs. Economically, all Gulf states have a 108 similar economic structure based on the oil industry revenue. Culturally, they are the same, Arabians and tribes; however, social structure varies from state to state. That means that there is a tension between the conservative versus the moderate, tradition versus modernization, and the case of Saudi Arabia versus other Gulf states. In the Gulf area it is expected that ArabSat will play a very essential role in cultural integrations. Moreover, Arabs in the Gulf area subscribe to an ideal of belonging to one Arab World regardless of their citizenship. They argue that they share a language, religion, and culture, which supports the idea of nationalism, though in varied degrees. The Gulf states are trying to reach a consensus via the GCC which is trying to reach an "approximation" in the area, because there exist different political philosophies among the governments. Therefore, in this researcher's Opinion, ArabSat should not be attached to politics whatsoever. In addition, cultural integration cannot be promoted unless cultural dependency is avoided. This may be achieved by relying on their own programs, and technology for solutions to inter-Arab problems, and to those problems between Arabs and the rest of the world. A community channel is needed to freely broadcast cultural and social programs among the Gulf states. Such a channel should be studied very carefully in terms of its objectives and goals, its headquarters or place where transmission should take place, its participants, and its curriculum. This program, through the community channel via Arab Satellite, could be the first and strongest step toward enhancing "national culture" among the Arab world. 109 mums . Gulf C00perative Council. "Message from the Secretary General." Information Department. Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, 1985. p.2. . Gulfvision. WM. Dolphin Publishers. Italy, 1982. p. . . Al-Usman, Abdulrazak. "An Analytical Comparative study of Television Systems and Decision-Making Process 1n Four Arabian Gulf States. Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Qatar, and Kuwait. " Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation. University of Wisconsin-Madison. p. 229. . Gulfvision. Magazine. Vol. 3, No. 1, July 1982. (in Arabic). . Rice, ronald E. and others. andleshnglggy. Sage Publication. California, 1984. p. 43. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS This study has been focused on the foreign TV program penetration in the Arabian Gulf States with examples of Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. It has also compared the broadcasting systems in these states to pinpoint differences and similarities in terms of organization, philosophy (policy), and TV content. Other facts were compared and analyzed along with their association to broadcasting, particularly TV. These are politics, economics, and culture. Such aspects effect mass media (press, radio, and TV, ect.) in terms of control, ownership, operation, and so forth. Although there are some common characteristics between Kuwait and Saudi Arabia such as langauge, religion, and economic condition, yet differences among the two states are apparent. For example, Saudi politics resides within the Islamic Law (Sharia) which functions as a consitution for the country, whereas Kuwait has established its political system according to the state's consitution that allows a certain degree of freedom to mass media. Moreover, although Kuwait and Saudi Arabia both have a monarchial form of government, different levels of power reside in the hands of the Amir or King respectively. Kuwait, it must be noted, is the only state in the Gulf that allows democratic elections for Majlis al-Umma al-Kuwaiti (Kuwaiti National Assembly). Economically, the Gulf states are'oil producing countries and are financially secure among other Arab countries, particularly those with 1 10 111 severe economic conditions, i.e. Egypt, the Sudan, Syria, Morocco, and Algeria. Between 1973 and 1983 the Arabian Gulf States (AGS) transformed their traditional societies into modern ones in a surprisingly short time, with the exception of Saudi Arabia, where the Islamic religion is stronger than in any other Arab country. The Gross National Product (GNP) has increased to reach $ 46,110 million and $ 13,850 million in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait respectively. GNP per capita has also increased by $ 9,980 and $ 12,700 in both countries. This gave the people the purchasing power to consume mass media products such as TV sets, radios, newspapers, and VCRs. Furthermore, developmental projects were undertaken by local governments to meet the people's need for modernization, i.e. education, health care, social welfare, housing plans, and broadcasting systems. Radio and television (color) are givens in all Gulf states, and operate under government monopoly (Ministry of Information). However, the philosophy and standard of censorship of each system vary throughout Saudi Arabia and the rest of the Gulf states of Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, United Arab Emirates (UAE), and Oman. The Saudi Arabian broadcasting system's philosophy emphasizes the following two main areas: diffusing Islam and achieving political unity within the country. Thus,the Saudi standard of censorship has become well known as a conservative Islamic one. On the other hand, the Kuwaiti system's philosophy is that of Arab nationalism and gulfism, and its standard of censorship is Islamic, but moderate. These facts have contributed to the content of TV, hence, production. TV conent in Kuwait is much more diverse than in Saudi Arabia, and is distributed between locally produced programs and imported ones. In fact, Kuwait leads its neighbors in terms of TV program production 1 12 and in maintaining an acceptable balance between domestic and imported programs. KTV produces 45 percent of its programming locally, while importing 55 percent. However, Saudi TV produces 35 percent and imports 65 percent of its TV programming. (These figures were extracted from the month of September 1986 TV schedule that shows programs for Kuwaiti and Saudi Arabian television's two channels for each country. See Appendix A.) One can attribute Kuwaiti TV's program production to the theater movement which started in the 1960's. This movement was initiated by a private group (private sector) who later found support and encouragement from the government (public sector) to develop this "industry" in Kuwait. Thus Kuwait now is considered a major TV program producer along with Egypt, Syria and Lebanon. On the other hand, Saudi TV remains dependant upon importing its programs from other sources, for example, Lebanon, Egypt, Kuwait, and Iraq for Arabic programs, and the U.S.A. , Canada, England, and Australia for English programs. I The objective of this study was to examine the foreign TV programs penetration in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. It was found that both countries import TV programs, yet Saudi TV imports 65 percent. This finding does not support what Varis and Nordenstreng reported in 1974, that is that Saudi Arabian TV produces 69 percent and importes 31 percent. Thus, three specific hypotheses were tested and analyzed in order to examine the following areas: religious and cultural TV programs share of the industry and air time in both Kuwait and Saudi Arabia; the entertainment category and its significance, not only in Kuwait, but also in Saudi Arabia; and, finally, foreign TV program penetration in both countries. These hypotheses were as listed below: 1 13 1. Saudi Arabia televised more religious and cultural programs than Kuwait. 2. Kuwaiti television has more entertainment programs than Saudi television. 3. There is more foreign TV program penetration in Saudi TV than in Kuwaiti TV. As stated previously, the first hypothesis was derived from this researcher's ovservation of Saudi TV broadcasts of religious programs and from the assumption that Saudi Arabia is strongly attached to the Sharia, the Islamic Law, which is reflected in the content of particularly the TV medium. In fact, this hypothesis was not supported by this study on each of the countries, as the Islamic states produced and televised their own religious programs with almost equal percentages. However, Saudi TV imported more programs in this regard than Kuwait. Such materials were imported from only one source, i.e. Egypt. "Sheik Sha'rawi Specks" and "Science and Faith" were prepared in Egypt and sold in many other Arab countrties. The statistical significance showed that the mean of importation in Saudi TV was 12.85 while in Kuwait it was 3.21 , with a t-value of 1.90 and significance difference of .0325 (P_<_.05). The second hypothesis, on the other hand, was supported by this study. During the period under investigation (9-3-86 to 9-30-86) Kuwaiti TV televised an average of 11 .35 hours entertainment programming compared to 6.0 hours on Saudi TV. Further, KTV produced an average of 157.67 hours of its entertainment locally, versus 51.25 hours in Saudi Arabia. Thus, a one-tail probability test shows .000 significance (P505). This result supported this writer's assumption that entertainment programs have the 114 "lion share" on Kuwaiti TV air time. Such programs were domestically produced as well as imported. As a matter of fact, Kuwaiti TV imported Arabic TV series and motion pictures from Egypt and English programs from the U.S.A., England, and Canada. "Magnum, P.I.," "Simon & Simon," "The Nurse," "Twilight Zone," "Dallas," and "Dinasty," are shown on Kuwaiti TV. Whereas, there are more Arabic (Egyptian) entertainment programs on Saudi TV than on Kuwaiti TV. "The J effersons" and "Wrestling" are frequently shown on STV2. The third hypothesis was intended to provide a comparison of foreign TV penetration in these two Gulf states. Although it was not supported by this study, the findings are interesting to report. Foreign Religious and Cultural programs are emphasized more in Saudi Arabia (1? = 12.85) than in Kuwait (1’1: 3.21). The Education category is emphasized more on Saudi TV (1? = 69.64) than on Kuwaiti TV (71' = 54.28). Children's programs (cartoons and dubbed cartoons) are heavily imported by both states (5 = 250.71 on Saudi TV and i = 126.07 on Kuwaiti TV). Finally, Entertainment materials have the highest percentage (if = 375.71 on Saudi TV and i = 557.85 on Kuwaiti TV). During 9-3-86 to 9-30-86 Kuwaiti TV imported 261 hours worth of Entertainment materials, which included TV series and features films, while the state only produced 73.58 hours. On Saudi TV, however, the Children's program penetration was higher than in Kuwait (115 hours vs. 59.5 hours). Cultural and economical implications are major issues for Saudi Arabia, as well as for Kuwait. However, Kuwait is more vulnerable culturally, hence, the country is also more vulnerable to economic threats. Although Kuwait imported more programs than Saudi Arabia, in terms of 1 15 Entertainment, the last one is also vulnerable of the same implication, particularly the economical one. This student estimated that, during the month of September 1986, Saudi TV spent more than one million dollars on foreign programming. Culturally, TV programs are an important carier of ideology, regardless of international boundries. In fact, TV implementation, especially in the Third World countries were not ready to finance the process of programming. However, each country, including the Gulf states, had definate objectives to achieve through TV, such as integration and national identity. As a result, industrialized countries gave technology to new idependent states and, later, became a major supplier for TV software. This process has led some scholars, such as Schiller, Mattelart, and others to introduce the concept that cultural imperialsim implies a certain amount of power is exerted by Western transnational companies over those who cannot meet their TV production needs. Of course, TV production is a fairly expensive process, yet a joint production among countries that share common characteristics, such as language, religion, culture, and geographical boundaries, would help reduce the dependancy on imported TV programs. Although television systems in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait were initiated by the governments, and still remain under governmental control, each country professes different philosophies and contains different complexities through which TV becomes dependant upon state funding to operate. Again, although commercials were introduced in both countries, they yet respresent a low level. The fact is that most TV programming in both Kuwait and Saudi Arabia is concentrated in one category, i.e. Entertainment. This limits the other types of programs, such as those that are educational and 1 16 developmental, from expanding any further. The utilization of TV to promote developmental purposes has not been yet seriously considered. Based on this study's data, educational programs, particularly in the areas of health and nutrition, are not produced due to the lack of qualified professionals who can present such t0pics. In fact, educational programs, mostly shows advertized in the TV schedule as documentary and scientific, constitute only 10 percent of Saudi TV and 6.5 percent of Kuwaiti TV. RECOMMENDATIONS From the previous discussion, several recommendations have generated to increase the total production of Gulf television in general and Saudi Arabia, in particular: 1. Saudi television needs to give greater support and attention to increasing their own domestic program production, especially in drama, theater, and entertainment. This requires more support to the private sector and providing flexible guidelines for such production. 2. More compromise is needed to narrow differences between Saudi Arabia and other Gulf States in terms of the Standards of Censorship; hence flexibility. 3. A College of Communication Arts in the Arab Gulf States should be established in the area to promote a high standard of training for those who have the interest and talent to contribute in this area. Cultural drama should be given specific attention by establishing a facility or training center to narrow down the cultural dependency and provide identifiable culture among Arabians in general and the Gulf, in particular. 4. The case of ArabSat should be a key point in processing cultural integration by developing a program or procedure to broadcasting cultural and educational programs for rural areas as well as urban areas. This step allows for the reduction of differences between individuals and countries, hence, interaction between cultural centers and libraries. 117 118 5. More compromise is needed to narrow differences between Islamic and moderate systems by holding subjective meetings of the Ministry of Information to formulate a general guideline for communication policy that is acceptable to other Arab countries. This policy should be implemented and not forgotten among Arab and non-Arab countries. 6. The Gulf Cooperation Council's Ministers of Information have the great responsibility to create effective communication channels (television programs and co-production) among Gulf states. Since the establishment of the GCC in 1981 the Information Ministers have had one single meeting (1 986) in which they concentrated on general issues rather than specific issues such as the foreign culture distribution and TV production. 7. Co-production, either on the governmental level or in the private sector, which, by the way is highly recommended, should be encouraged and given the opportunity to develop the production industry among the Gulf states. 8. Exchanging broadcasting materials, especially TV programs, is also a good channel through which Gulf audiences may become more culturally integrated. 9. Although TV and its developmental role are recognized in the Gulf region, yet, programs that reflect these issues are not being implemented. Gulfvision should play a more active role and address the relationship between mass media and development, rather than focusing on exchanging TV programs among its memebers. 10. This researcher believes that the cinema industry (production) should be carefully initiated between Saudi Arabia and those countries who 119 have the potentials, capacity, and financial resources, for example, Kuwait. In fact, Kuwait has the facility, yet, production is still very limited. 11. Research on TV series, as well as other types of programs, is highly recommended in order to enlighten decision-makers on the essential information concerning local production and its economical, as well as cultural, implications. APPENDIX A ASHARQ AL-AWSAT MAGAZINE“ Wednesday 9-3—86 Saudi TV Channel 1 10: 10: 10: 10: 12 t0~l®0|UI~bJ> 00 a.m. 10 25 50 :00 - 4: :15 p.m. :30 :30 :40 :15 :30 :00 :00 :40 :45 :45 a.m. :50 00 Opening and Quran Cartoon Children Program Arabic Series Break Press Review Cartoon Children Program Iftah Ya Simsim (open seasame) Local Programs (Religious) Arabic Series Religious Program News (in Arabic) Daily Arabic Series Arabic Movie or Play News Summary Conclusion Saudi TV Chennai 2 ®©m~l®®® :00 :08 :15 :00 :30 :00 :30 :00 :25 :20 :25 Issue No. Issue No. Opening and Quran Press Review Cartoon Children Program Documentary Movie News (in French) Scientific Movie News in English Foreign Series (to be selected) News Summary Conclusion 10/3—9, Sept. 1986; Issue No. 11/10-16, Sept. 1986; 12/17—23, Sept. 1986; Issue No. 13/24-30, Sept. 1986. 120 Thursday 9-4-86 Saudi TV Channel 1 10: 10: 11: 12: :30 :00 :10 :40 :30 :30 :45 :15 :30 :00 10: :40 :40 :40 :45 (ONGUIUICONNNo—t 00 10 10 30 00 a.m. Channel 2 9: 9: 9: 10: :15 :35 :00 :00 :08 :15 :00 :30 :00 :30 :00 :25 :50 :05 ll 11 00 08 4O 50 8.111. p.m. Opening and Quran Cartoon Children Program Weekly Arabic Series Documantary Movie News The Kingdom in a Week (news) Variety Arabic Play Press Review Cartoon Children Program Arabic Series Religious Program News (prime) The Daily Series Arabic Movie or Play News Summary Conclusion Opening and Quran Cartoon Children Program Lights on Islam (Religious, local) Foreign Series From Islamic Library (Religious) Break Press Review Cartoon Children Program Documantary Movie News (in French) Scientific Movie News (in English) Foreign Series News Summary Conclusion 121 Friday 9-5-86 10: 10: 10: :45 :00 p.m. :30 :00 :10 :40 :30 :30 :00 :20 :30 :00 10: :45 :45 :00 a.m. :05 11 (D‘r-IGGOIWNNNHI—t 00 a.m. 10 35 00 Channel 2 CDLCLD :00 a.m. :08 :40 :15 :30 :00 — :00 p.m. :08 :30 :30 :00 :30 :00 :30 :00 :25 :50 :50 :55 Opening and Quran Cartoon Children Program Friday Prayer Documantary Movie Religious Talk Show News World in a Week (news) Variety Arabic Play Press Review Cartoon Children Program Arabic Series Egyption Religious talk show News Daily Arabic Series Variety Show or Arabic Movie News Summary Conclusion Opening and Quran Cartoon Children Program Concept of Islam Movie (Comedy and Adventure) Break Cartoon Children Program The World in a Week (news) Religious Symposium Documantary Program News (in French) Scientific Movie News (in English) Foreign Series Wratsling News Summary Conclusion 122 Saturday 9-6-86 Channel 1 10:00 a.m. Opening and Quran 10:10 Cartoon 10:25 Children Program 10:50 Arabic Series 12:00 — 6:00 p.m. Break 4:15 Press Review 4:30 Cartoon 5:30 Children Program 5:40 Iftah Ya Simsim (Open Sesame) 6:45 Cultural Program 7:30 Arabic Series 9:00 Science and Faith 10:00 News 10:45 Daily Arabic Series 11:45 Musical Variety 12:45 a.m. News Summary 12:50 Conclusion Channel 2 6:00 Opening and Quran 6:08 Press Review (English) 6:15 Cartoon 7:00 Children Program 8:00 Documantary Program (local) 9:00 News (in French) 9:30 Scientific Movie 10:00 News (in English) 10:25 Foreign Series 11:50 News Summary 11:55 Conclusion 123 Sunday 9-7—86 Channel 1 10: 10: :25 10: 10 12 (DOOQCDCDOI-h-hb 00 a.m. 10 50 :00 - :00 p.m. :15 :30 :30 :15 :45 :30 :20 :00 :00 :45 :45 :30 :35 Channel 2 cocooo-qozovc: :00 pm :08 :15 :00 :30 :00 :30 :00 :25 :50 :55 Opening and Quran Cartoon Children Program Arabic Series Break Press Review Cartoon Iftah ya Simsim (Open Sesame) Reading Light (Religious) Documantary Movie Arabic Series Documantary Program (local) Selected Program News Arabic Series Local Program News Summary Conclusion Opening and Quran Press Review Cartoon Children Program Documentary Movie News in French Scientific Movie News in English Foreign Series News Summary Conclusion 124 Monday 9-8-86 Channel 1 10:00 am Opening and Quran 10:10 Cartoon 10:25 Children Program 10:50 Arabic Series 12:00 4:00 pm Break 4:15 Press Review 4:30 Cartoon 5:20 Children Program 5:40 Iftah Ya Simsim 6:15 Islam and Science 6:45 Documentary Movie 7:30 Arabic Series 8:20 Documentary Program 9:00 The Week’s Symposium 10:00 News 10:40 Arabic Series 11:30 Wrastling 12:30 am News Summary 12:35 Conclusion Channel 2 6:00 pm Opening and Quran 6:08 Press Review 6:15 Cartoon 7:00 Children Program 8:00 Religious Program 8:30 Documentary Movie 9:00 News in French 9:30 Scientific Movie 10:00 News in English 10:25 Foreign Series 11:50 News Summary 12:00 Conclusion 125 Tuesday Channel 10: 10: 10: 10 12: 4 00am 10 25 :50 00pm :15 4:30 5 5 6 6 7 9 10: 10 11 12 :30 :40 :15 :40 :30 :00 00 :40 :40 :40 9-9—86 Channel 2 :00 :08 :15 :00 :30 :00 :30 :OO :25 :00 :10 Opening and Quaran Cartoon Childrens shows Arabic series Press Review Cartoon Childrens shows Iftah Ya Simsim Religious program Documentary movie Arabic series Religious programs News Arabic series Variety show News summary/12:45 conclusion Opening and Quran Press Review Cartoon Childrens show Documentary movie News in French Scientific movie News in English Foreign series News Summary Conclusion 126 Tuesday Channel 10: 10: 10: 10 12: 4 00am 10 25 :50 00pm :15 4:30 5 5 6 6 7 9 10: 10 11 12 :30 :40 :15 :40 :30 :00 00 :40 :40 :40 9—9-86 Channel 2 :00 :08 :15 :00 :30 :00 :30 :00 :25 :00 :10 Opening and Quaran Cartoon Childrens shows Arabic series Press Review Cartoon Childrens shows Iftah Ya Simsim Religious program Documentary movie Arabic series Religious programs News Arabic series Variety show News summary/12:45 conclusion Opening and Quran Press Review Cartoon Childrens show Documentary movie News in French Scientific movie News in English Foreign series News Summary Conclusion 126 Wednesday 9-10—86 Channel 1 10: 10: 10: 10: 12: (0‘1070101-5-5 11 Channel 2 00am 10 25 50 00pm :15 :30 :30 :40 :15 :30 :00 10: :40 :45 :45 :50 00 .00 :08 :15 :00 :30 :00 :30 :00 :25 :20 :25 Opening and Quran Cartoon Childrens show Morning Arabic series Press Review Cartoon Childrens show Iftah Ya Simsim Religion Programs Arabic series Religious programs Prime News Daily Arabic Series Arabic movie or play News summary Conclusion Opening and Quran Press Review Cartoon Childrens show Documentary movie News in French Scientific movie News in English Foreign series News summary Conclusion 127 Thursday 9-11-86 Channel 1 10:00am 10:10 11:10 12:30pm 11300 mummmwwmw .00 :10 :40 :00 :30 :45 10: Channel 2 :15 :30 :00 00 :40 :40 :40 :45 :00am :08 :40 :50 :15 :35 :OOpm :08 :15 :00 :30 :00 :30 :00 :25 :50 :55 Opening and Quran Cartoon Childrens show Weekly Arabic series Documentary movie News Kingdom Events in a week Variety Arabic play Press Review Cartoon Children show Arabic series Religious programs Prime News Daily Arabic series Arabic movie or play News summary Conclusion Opening and Quran Cartoon Childrens program Lights on Islam Foreign series From Islamic Library Press Review Cartoon Childrens program Documentary movie News in French Scientific movie News in English Foreign series News summary Conclusion 128 Friday 9—12-86 Channel 1 10:00am Opening and Quran 10:10 Cartoon 10:35 Childrens program 11:45 Friday prayer 1:00 Documentary movie 1:30 Religious Talk show 2:00 News 2:10 World Events in a week 2:40 Variety 3:30 Arabic play 5:30 Press Review 6:00 Cartoon 6:20 Childrens program 7:30 Arabic series 9:00 Sheik Shaarawie program 10:00 Prime News 10:45 Daily Arabic series 11:45 Variety program 1:00 News summary 1:05 Conclusion Channel 2 9:OOam Opening and Quran 9:08 Cartoon 9:40 Childrens program 10:15 Concept of Islam 10:30 Adventure and Comedy 12:00pm 6:08 Cartoon 7:30 World’s events in a week 8:00 Religious program 9:00 News in French 9:30 Scientific movie 10:00 News in English 10:25 Foreign series 10:50 Wrestling 11:50 News summary 11:55 Conclusion 129 Saturday 9-13-86 Channel 1 10: 10: 10: 10: 12: CO-IO'DUIUIJEJJ-a 10: 10: 11 12 12: Channel 2 cameo—1:620:01 00am 10 25 50 00pm :15 :30 :30 :40 :45 :30 :00 00 45 :45 :45 50 :00 :08 :15 :00 :00 :00 :30 :00 :25 :50 :55 Opening and Quran Cartoon Childrens programs Morning Arabic series Press Review Cartoon Childrens program Iftah Ya Simsim Cultural program Arabic series Science and Faith Prime News Arabic series Musical variety News summary Conclusion Opening and Qu ran Press Review Cartoon Childrens program Religious program News in French Scientific movie News in English Foreign series News summary Conclusion 130 Sunday 9-14—86 Channel 1 10:00am 10:10 10:25 10:50 12:00pm 4:15 4:30 5:40 6:15 6:45 7:30 8:20 9:00 10:00 10:45 11:45 12:30 12:35 Channel 2 :00 :08 :15 :00 :30 :00 :30 :00 :25 11:50 11:55 HH OOQOCDmNCDCDUE Opening and Quran Cartoon Children program Morning Arabic series Press Review Cartoon Iftah Ya Simsim Readings light Documentary movie Arabic series Documentary program Religious program Prime News Daily Arabic series Local poem story News summary Conclusion Opening and Quran Press Review Cartoon Childrens program Documentary movie News in French Scientific movie News in English Foreign series News summary Conclusion 131 Monday Channel 1 10: 10: 10: 10: 12: 4: 00 10 25 50 00pm 15 4:30 cooosnoicnoum Channel 2 cocooooosloacno: :20 :40 :15 :45 :30 :20 :00 :00 :40 :30 :30 :35 :OO :08 :15 :00 :00 :30 :00 :30 :00 :25 :50 :55 9-15-86 Opening and Quran Cartoon Childrens program Morning Arabic series Press Review Cartoon Childrens program Iftah Ya Simsim Islam and science Documentary movie Arabic series Religious program Weeks symposium Prime News Daily Arabic series Wrestling News summary Conclusion Opening and Quran Press Review Cartoon Childrens program Religious program Documentary movie News in French Scientific movie News in English Foreign series News summary Conclusion 132 Tuesday 9-16-86 Channel 1 10:00am 10:10 10:25 10:50 12:00pm 4:15 4:30 5:30 6:15 6:40 7:30 9:00 10:00 10:40 11:40 12:40 12:45 Channel 2 6:00pm 6:08 6:15 7:00 8:30 9:00 9:30 10:00 10:25 12:00 12:10 Opening and Quran Cartoon Childrens program Morning Arabic series Press Review Cartoon Childrens program Religious program Documentary movie Arabic series Religious program Prime News Daily Arabic series Variety program News summary Conclusion Opening and Quran Press review Cartoon Childrens program Documentary movie News in French Scientific movie News in English Foreign series News summary Conclusion 133 Wednesday 9-17—86 Channel 1 10:00 Opening and Quran 10:10 Cartoon 10:25 Childrens program 10:50 Morning Arabic series 12:00pm 4:15 Press Review 4:30 Cartoon 5:30 Childrens program 5:40 Iftah Ya Simsim 6:15 Religious program 7:30 Arabic series 9:00 Religious program 10:00 Prime News 10:40 Daily Arabic series 11:45 Arabic movie or play 1:45 News summary 1:50 Conclusion Channel 2 6:00 Opening and Quran 6:08 Press Review 6:15 Cartoon 7:00 Childrens program 8:30 Documentary movie 9:00 News in French 9:30 Scientific movie 10:00 News in English 10:25 Foreign series 12:20 News summary 12:25 Conclusion 134 Thursday 9-18-86 Channel 1 10:00am Opening and Quran 10:10 Cartoon 11:10 Childrens program 12:30 Arabic Weekly series 1:30 Documentary movie 2:00 News 2:10 Kingdom’s events in a week 2:40 Variety 3:30 Arabic play 5:30 Press Review 5:45 Cartoon 6:15 Childrens program 7:30 Arabic series 9:00 Religious program 10:00 Prime News 10:40 Daily Arabic series 11:40 Arabic movie or play 1:40 News summary 1:45 Conclusion Channel 2 9:00am Opening and Quran 9:08 Cartoon 9:40 Childrens program 10:50 Lights on Islam 11:15 Foreign series 11:35 From Islamic Library 12:00pm 6:08 Press Review 6:15 Cartoon 7:00 Childrens program 8:30 Documentary movie 9:00 News in French 9:30 Scientific movie 10:00 News in English 10:25 Foreign series 12:50 News summary 12:55 Conclusion 135 Friday 9-19-86 Channel 1 10:00am Opening and Quran 10:10 Cartoon 10:35 Childrens program 11:45 Friday prayer 1:00pm Documentary movie 1:30 Sheik Tantawi show 2:00 News 2:10 World’s events in a week 2:40 Musical variety 3:30 Arabic play 5:30 Press review 6:00 Cartoon 6:20 Childrens program 7:30 Arabic series 9:00 Sheik Shairawi program 20:00 Prime news 10:45 Daily Arabic series 11:45 Variety program 1:00 News summary 1:05 Conclusion Channel 2 9:00 Opening and Quran 9:08 Cartoon 9:40 Children program 10:15 Concept of Islam 10:30 Comedy and Adventures movie 12:00pm 6:08 Cartoon 6:30 Childrens program 7:30 World events in a week 8:00 Religious program 8:30 Documentary program 9:00 News in French 9:30 Scientific movie 10:00 News in English 10:25 Foreign series 10:50 Wrestling 11:50 News summary 11:55 Conclusion 136 Saturday 9-20-86 Channel 1 10:00am 10:10 10:25 10:50 12:00- 4:00pm 4:15 4:30 5:30 5:40 6:45 7:30 9:00 10:00 10:45 11:45 12:45 12:50 Channel 2 :00pm :08 :15 :00 :00 :00 9:30 10:00 10:25 11:50 11:55 (OGD'HOO‘JO') Opening and Quran Cartoon Children Program Morning Arabic Series Break Press Review Cartoon Children Program Iftah Ya Simsim Cultural Program Arabic Series Faith & Science Prime News Daily Arabic Series Musical Variety News Summary Conclusion Opening and Quran Press Review Cartoon Children Programs Religious Program News in French Scientific Movie News in English Foreign Series News Summary Conclusion 137 Sunday 9-21-86 Channel 1 10:00am Opening and Quran 10:10 Cartoon 10:25 Children Program 10:50 Morning Arabic Series 12:00- 4:00pm Break 4:15 Press Review 4:30 Cartoon 5:40 Iftah Ya Simsim 6:15 Reading’s Light 6:45 Documentary Movie 7:30 Arabic Series 8:20 Documentary Program 9:00 Religious Program 10:00 Prime News 10:45 Daily Arabic Series 11:45 (Poem Story) Local 12:30 News Summary 12:35 Conclusion Channel 2 6:00pm Opening and Quran 6:08 Press Review 6:15 Cartoon 7:00 Children Programs 8:30 Documentary Movie 9:00 News in French 9:30 Scientific Movie 10:00 News in English 10:25 Foreign Series 11:50 News Summary 11:55 Conclusion 138 Monday 9-22-86 Channel 1 10:00am 10:10 10:25 :50 :00- 4:00pm 4:15 :30 :20 :40 :15 :45 :30 :20 :00 :00 :40 :30 :30 :35 Channel 2 6:00pm 6:08 6:15 7:00 8:00 8:30 9:00 9:30 :00 :25 :50 :55 Opening and Quran Cartoon Children Programs Morning Arabic Series Break Press Review Cartoon Children Programs Iftah Ya Simsim Islam and Science Documentary Movie Arabic Series Documentary Program Week’s Symposium Prime News Daily Arabic Series Wrestling News Summary Conclusion Opening and Quran Press Review Cartoon Children Program Religious Program Documentary Movie News in French Scientific Movie News in English Foreign Episodes News Summary Conclusion 139 ____dII-!-IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII-IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIEW Tuesday 9—23-86 Channel 1 10:00 Opening and Quran 10:10 Cartoon 10:25 Children Program 10:50 Morning Arabic Series 12:00- 4:00pm Break 4:15 Press Review 4:30 Cartoon 5:30 Children Programs 5:40 Iftah Ya Simsim 6:15 Religious Program 6:40 Documentary Movie 7:30 Arabic Series 9:00 Religious Program 10:00 Prime News 10:40 Daily Arabic Series 11:40 Variety Program 12:40 News Summary 12:45 Conclusion Channel 2 6:00pm Opening and Quran 6:08 Press Review 6:15 Cartoon 7:00 Children Program 8:30 Documentary Movie 9:00 News in French 9:30 Scientific Movie 10:00 News in English 10:25 Foreign Series 12:00 News Summary 12:10 Conclusion 140 Wednesday 9—24—86 Channel 1 10:00am Opening and Quran 10:10 Cartoon 10:25 Children Programs 11:00 News Brief 11:05 Health Corner 11:30 Morning Arabic Series 12:15 Press Review 12:30- 5:00pm Break 5:10 Cartoon 5:30 Children Programs 5:45 Iftah Ya Simsim 6:30 Maghrib Prayer "Live from Medina" 7:00 News Brief 7:05 Arabic Series 7:55 Isha Prayer from Makkah 8:30 News Coverage 9:00 Variety of Songs 9:30 Prime New’s 10:10 Daily Arabic Series 11:00 Arabic Play or Movie 1:00am News Summary 1:30 Conclusion Channel 2 6:00pm Opening and Quran 6:08 Press Review 6:15 Cartoon 6:35 Religious Program 7:00 Children Program 7:30 Pits and Pieces Program 8:00 Documentary Program 8:30 News in French 9:00 Scientific Movie 9:30 News in English 10:00 Foreign Series 12:30 News Summary 12:35 Conclusion 141 Thursday 9-25—96 Channel 1 10: 10: 11: 11: 11: 12: 12: b—‘b—A HHHOCDCOW-fl-QGUIUINN Channel 2 9: 9: 9: 10: 11: :45 :00— :00pm :08 :15 :45 :10 :30 :00 :30 :00 :30 :00 :10 :40 :45 5.: H H (.OQOCDCD‘J-JOJOSCDQN 00am 10 00 05 30 15pm 30 :00 :30 :30 :45 :30 :00 :55 :30 :00 :30 :10 :00 :00am :30 00am 08 40 30 00 Opening and Quran Cartoon News Brief Children World Morning Arabic Series Press Review Telematch (Sport Games) News Arabic Play Cartoon Iftah Ya Simsim Maghrib Prayer from Medina News Brief Isha Prayer from Medina "From You and to You" Religious Program Smile Prime News Daily Arabic Series Arabic Movie or Play News Brief Conclusion Opening and Quran Cartoon Children Program Lights on Islam Foreign Episode From Islamic Library Break Press Review Cartoon Around the Kingdom (French) Children Program Lights on... Documentary Program News in French Scientific Movie News in English Foreign Series Late Night Movie News Summary Conclusion 142 Friday 9-26—86 Channel 1 10:00am Opening and Quran 10:10 Cartoon 10:35 Children Program 11:00 News Brief 11:05 "Your Health" Program 11:30 Morning Arabic Series 12:15 Press Review 12:20 Friday Prayer 1:00 Light and Guidance 2:00 News 2:10 Music Variety 2:30 World Events in a week 3:00 Arabic Play 5:30 Cartoon 6:30 Maghrib Prayer 7:00 News Brief 7:05 Arabic Series 8:30 Religious Program 9:00 The Voyager 9:30 Prime News 10:10 Daily Arabic Series 11:00 End of the week Program (Variety) 11:45 News Summary 12:15 Conclusion Channel 2 9:00 Opening and Quran 9:08 Cartoon 9:40 Children Program 10:10 Concept of Islam 10:40 Comedy and Adventure Movie 11:45 Quran and Science 12:00- 6:00pm Break 6:08 Cartoon 6:30 Documentary Program 7:00 Children Program 7:30 World Events in a week (News) 8:00 Religious Program 8:30 News in French 9:00 Scientific Movie 9:30 News in English 10:00 Foreign Series 11:00 Wrestling 12:00 News Summary 12:05 Conclusion 143 Saturday 9—27—86 Channel 1 10:00am 10:10 10:25 11:00 11:05 11:30 12:15pm 12:30- :00pm :10 :30 :45 :30 :00 :05 :55 :30 :30 10:10 11:00 11:45 12:15 (DmKIK'I-‘JCDCHUIUIU‘ Channel 2 :00 :08 :15 :30 :00 :00 :30 :00 :30 10:00 10:50 11:40 11:45 cocoooooxioaoucno: Opening and Quran Cartoon Children Program News Brief Children World Morning Arabic Series Press Review Break Cartoon Children Program Iftah Ya Simsim Maghrib Prayer News Brief Arabic Series Isha Prayer From Literature Shadow Prime News Daily Arabic Series With Audiances News Summary Conclusion Opening and Quran Press Review Cartoon Religious Program Children Program Documentary Program News in French Scientific Movie News in English Foreign Series Sport Program News Summary Conclusion 144 Sunday 9-28-86 Channel 1 10:00 Opening and Quran 10:10 Cartoon 10:25 Children Program 11:00 News Summary 11:05 Woman’s World 11:30 Morning Arabic Series 12:15pm Press Review 12:30- 5:00 Break 5:30 Cartoon 5:45 Iftah Ya Simsim 6:30 Maghrib Prayer 7:00 News Brief 7:05 Arabic Series 7:55 Isha Prayer 8:30 News Coverage 9:00 Variety of Songs 9:30 Prime News 10:10 Daily Arabic Series 11:00 Poem Story 11:45 Late News 12:15 Conclusion Channel 2 6:00 Opening and Quran 6:08 Press Review 6:15 Cartoon 6:30 Religious Program 7:00 Children Programs 7:30 Ideas and Opinions Symposium 8:00 Documentary Program 8:30 News in French 9:00 Scientific Movie 9:30 News in English 10:00 Foreign Series 11:30 News Summary 11:35 Conclusion 145 Monday 9-29-86 Channel 1 10:00 Opening and Quran 10:10 Cartoon 10:25 Children Program 11:00 News Brief 11:05 Health Corner 11:30 Morning Arabic Series 12:15 Press Review 12:30- 5:00pm Break 5:10 Cartoon 5:30 Children Program 5:45 Iftah Ya Simsim 6:30 Maghrib Prayer 7:00 News Brief 7:05 Arabic Series 7:55 Isha Prayer 8:30 From Sunna Guidance (Religious) 9:00 Hidden Camara 9:30 Prime News 10:10 Daily Arabic Series 11:00 Wrestling 11:45 Late News 12:15 Conclusion Channel 2 6:00 Opening and Quran 6:08 Press Review 6:15 Cartoon 7:00 Children Program 7:30 Around the Kingdom 8:00 Week’s Symposium 8:30 News in French 9:00 Scientific Movie 9:30 News in English 10:00 Foreign Series 11:40 News Summary 11:45 Conclusion 146 Tuesday 9-30-86 Channel 1 10:00am Opening and Quran 10:10 Cartoon 10:25 Children Program 11:00 News Brief 11:05 Woman’s World 11:30 Morning Arabic Series 12:15 Press Review 12:30— 5:00 Break 5:10 Cartoon 5:30 Children Program 5:45 Iftah Ya Simsim 6:30 Maghrib Prayer 7:00 News Brief 7:05 Arabic Series 7:55 Isha Prayer 8:30 Nomadic Program 9:00 Your Health (Salamatic) 9:30 Prime News 10:10 Daily Arabic Series 11:00 Musical Variety 11:45 Late News 12:15 Conclusion Channel 2 6:00 Opening and Quran 6:08 Press Review 6:15 Cartoon 6:30 Religious Program 7:00 Children Program 7:30 Local Program Zoom Inn 8:00 Documentary Program 8:30 News in French 9:00 Scientific Movie 9:30 News in English 10:00 Foreign Series 11:40 News Summary 11:45 Conclusion 147 KUWAIT TV (KTV) Wednesday 9-3—86 KTV 1 9:00am 9:15 9:30 9:45 10:45 11:15 12:05pm 12:30 1:00 1:20 2:20 4:00 5:00 6:00 7:00 7:15 8:30 9:00 9:45 10:45 11:00 12:00 12:30 ICTV 2 :00pm :10 :30 :00 :30 :30 Hme'Q-Q Opening Cartoon Morning Variety Arabic Series Documentary Movie Kuwaiti Series Religious Program Cartoon News Arabic Series Foreign Movie Historic Series Cartoon Children Program News Brief Arabic Series Local Program Prime News Arabic Series Selected Song Magnum PI Series News Summary Conclusion Opening Cartoon Concept of Islam News in English Foreign Series Conclusion 148 Thursday 9-4-86 KTV 1 9:00 Opening 9:15 Cartoon 9:30 Morning Variety 9:55 Arabic Series 10:50 Variety 11:10 Kuwaiti Series 12:05 Religious Program 1:00 News 1:25 World’s Today 2:10 Cartoon 2:30 Arabic Play 5:30 Thursday’s Interview 6:30 Gulf Series 7:30 Documentary Program 8:30 With Islam 9:00 Prime News 9:45 Late Night Variety 10:30 Late Night Arabic Movie 12:30 Variety Songs 1:00 News Summary 1:30 Conclusion KTV 2 7:00 Opening 7:10 Cartoon 7:30 Foreign Series 8:00 News in English 8:30 Foreign Series 9:20 Foreign Variety 9:45 Comedy Series 10:30 Late Night Foreign Movie 12:20 Conclusion 149 Friday 9-5-86 KTV 1 9:00am Opening and Quran 9:20 Cartoon 9:45 Morning’s Variety 10:10 Local Children Program 11:00 Religious Program 11:15 Friday Prayer 12:30pm Iftah Ya Simsim 1:25 Variety Program 2:00 News Brief 2:05 The World’s Today 2:30 Sheik Sha’rawi Speech (Religious) 3:00 Arabic or Indian Movie 5:30 Weekly Arabic Series 7:00 Kuwait in a Week 7:30 "All Arts" Local Program 9:00 Prime News 9:30 Wrestling 10:30 Arabic Play or Movie 12:30 News Summary 12:40 Conclusion KTV 2 7:00pm Opening and Quran 7:10 Cartoon 7:30 Foreign Series 8:00 News in English 8:30 Night Rider 9:20 Cultural Series 10:10 Late Night Foreign Movie 11:30 Conclusion 150 Saturday 9-6—86 KTV 1 9:00am Opeining 9:15 Cartoon 9:30 Morning Varieties 9:45 Arabic Series 10:45 Summar Clubs 11:15 Kuwaiti Series 12:05pm Religious Program 12:30 Cartoon 1:00 News 1:20 Arabic Series 2:20 Varieties 3:00 Cartoon 4:00 Children Program 6:30 Religious Program 7:00 News Brief 7:10 Varieties 7:15 Arabic Series 8:15 Religious Program 9:00 Prime News 9:45 Arabic Series 10:45 Variety Program 12:00 News Summary 12:30 Conclusion KTV 2 7:00 Opening 7:10 Cartoon 7:30 Foreign Series 8:00 News in English 8:30 Foreign Series 9:30 Documentary Movie 10:30 Police Series 11:30 Conclusion 151 Sunday 9-7-86 KTV 1 9:00 9:15 9:30 9:45 10:45 11:15 12:05pm 12:30 1:00 1:20 2:30 5:30 6:20 7:00 7:15 8:15 9:00 9:45 10:45 11:45 12:15 :00 :10 :30 :00 :30 :30 :30 :00 NOQmm-Q‘lx] HH Opening Cartoon Morning’s Varieties Arabic Series Comedy Series Kuwaiti Series Religious Program Cartoon News Arabic Series Arabic Movie Historic Series Cartoon News Briefs Arabic Series Cultural Program Prime News Arabic Series Varieties Program News Summary Conclusion Opening Cartoon Foreign Series News in English Cagney and Lacey Twilight Zone Series Foreign Movie Conclusion 152 Monday 9-8-86 KTV 1 9:00am Opening and Quran 9:15 Cartoon 9:30 Morning’s Varieties 9:45 Arabic Series 10:45 Youth and Sports 11:15 Kuwaiti Series 12:05 Religious Program 12:30 Cartoon 1:00 News 1:20 Arabic Series 2:20 Varieties 3:30 Simon and Simon 4:30 Cartoon 6:00 Documentary Movie 6:30 Religious Program 7:00 News Brief 7:15 Arabic Series 8:15 Quran and Science 9:00 Prime News 9:45 Arabic Series 10:45 Arabic Movie 12:45 News Summary 12:50 Conclusion KTV 2 7:00pm Opening 7:10 Cartoon 7:30 Documentary Movie 8:00 News in English 8:30 Transferred Reports 9:40 Foreign Series 11:30 Conclusion 153 Tuesday 9-9-86 KTV 1 9:00 Opening 9:15 Cartoon 9:30 Morning’s Varieties 9:45 Arabic Series 10:45 Foreign Comedy Series 11:15 Kuwaiti Series 12:05 Religious Program 12:30 Cartoon 1:00 News 1:20 Arabic Series 2:20 Weekly Arabic Series 4:00 Historic Series 6:00 Cartoon 6:20 Scientific and Cultural Program 7:00 News Brief 7:15 Arabic Series 8:15 Folk Arts 8:45 Religious Program 9:00 Prime News 9:45 Arabic Series 10:45 Local Variety Late Night Show 11:45 News Summary 12:15 Conclusion KTV 2 7:00pm Opening 7:10 Cartoon 7:30 Foreign Series 8:00 News in English 8:30 The Baby Sitter 9:30 Adventure Series 10:30 Foreign Series 11:30 Conclusion 154 Wednesday 9-10-86 KTV 1 9:00am 9:15 9:30 9:45 10:45 11:15 12:05pm 12:30 1:00 1:20 2:20 4:00 5:00 6:00 7:00 7:15 8:30 9:00 9:45 10:45 11:00 12:00 12:30 K TV 2 :00 :10 :30 :00 :30 :30 Hmm~1~l~l Opening Cartoon Morning’s Varieties Arabic Series Documentary Movie Kuwaiti Series Religious Program Cartoon News Arabic Series Foreign Movie Historical Series Cartoon Children Program News Brief Arabic Series Religious Program Prime News Arabic Series Selected Song Magnum P.I. News Summary Conclusion Opening Cartoon Concept of Islam News in English Foreign Series Conclusion 155 Thursday 9-11-86 KTV 1 9:00am 9:15 9:30 9:55 10:50 11:10 12:05pm :00 :25 :10 :30 :30 :30 :30 :30 :00 :45 :30 :30am :00 :30 HH waommmdmmNNs-‘H KTV 2 :00 :10 :30 :00 :30 :20 :45 :30 :20 NOCOlommxl-ilxl HI—l Opening Cartoon Morning’s Varieties Arabic Series Varieties Kuwaiti Series Religious Program News The World’s Today Cartoon Arabic Play Thursday’s Interview Gulf Series Documentary Program With Islam Prime News Late Varieties Arabic Songs Musical Varieties News Summary Conclusion Opening Cartoon Foreign Series News in English Foreign Series Foreign Varieties (Music) Comedy Series Foreign Late Night Movie Conclusion 156 Friday 9-12—86 KTV 1 9:00am Opening 9:20 Cartoon 9:45 Morning’s Varieties 10:10 Local Children Show 11:00 Religious Program 11:15 Friday Prayer 12:30pm Iftah Ya Simsim 1:25 Varieties Program 2:00 News Brief 2:05 The World’s Today 2:30 Sheik Sha’rawi Speech 3:00 Arabic or Indian Movie 5:30 Weekly Arabic Series 7:00 Kuwait in a week 7:30 "All Arts" Program 9:00 Prime News 9:30 Wrastling 10:30 Arabic Play or Scean 12:30 News Summary 12:40 Conclusion KTV 2 7:00 Opening 7:10 Cartoon 7:30 Foreign Series 8:00 News in English 8:30 Night Rider 9:20 Cultural Series 10:10 Late Movie (Foreign) 11:30 Conclusion 157 Saturday 9-13-86 KTV 1 9:00 9:15 9:30 9:45 10:45 11:15 12:05 12:30 1:00 1:20 2:20 3:00 4:00 6:30 7:00 7:10 7:15 8:15 9:00 9:45 10:45 12:00 12:30 KTV 2 :00 :10 :30 :00 :30 :30 :30 :30 Hotpooooqqq Hp—l Opening Cartoon Morning’s Varieties Arabic Series Summer Clubs Kuwaiti Series Religious Program Cartoon News Arabic Series Varieties Cartoon Children Program Religious Program News Brief Varieties Arabic Series Religious Program Prime News Arabic Series Varieties Program News Summary Conclusion Opening Cartoon Foreign Series News in English Foreign Series Documentary Movie Adventure Series Conclusion 158 Sunday 9-14-86 KTV 1 9:00 Opening 9:15 Cartoon 9:30 Morning’s Varieties 9:45 Arabic Series 10:40 Comedy Series 11:15 Kuwaiti Series 12:05 Religious Program 12:30 Cartoon 1:00 News 1:20 Arabic Series 2:30 Arabic Movie 5:30 Historic Series 6:20 Cartoon 7:00 News Brief 7:15 Arabic Series 8:15 Cultural Program 9:00 Prime News 9:45 Arabic Series 10:45 Varieties Program 11:45 News Summary 12:15 Conclusion KTW7 2 7:00 Opening 7:10 Cartoon 7:30 Foreign Series 8:00 News in English 8:30 Cagney and Lacey Series 9:30 Twilight Zone 10:30 Foreign Movie 12:00 Conclusion 159 Monday 9-15—86 KTV 1 9:00am Opening 9:15 Cartoon 9:30 Morning’s Varieties 9:45 Arabic Series 10:45 Youth and Sports 11:15 Kuwaiti Series 12:05pm Religious Program 12:30 Cartoon 1:00 News 1:20 Arabic Series 2:20 Varieties 3:30 Simon and Simon 4:30 Cartoon 6:00 Documentary Movie 6:30 Religious Program 7:00 News Brief 7:15 Arabic Series 8:15 Quran and Science 9:00 Prime News 9:45 Arabic Series 10:45 Arabic Movie 12:45am News Summary 12:50 Conclusion KIN? 2 7:00pm Opening 7:10 Cartoon 7:30 Documentary Movie 8:00 News (English) 8:30 Coverage Reports 9:40 Foreign Series 11:30 Conclusion 160 Tuesday 9-16-86 KTV 1 9:00am Opening 9:15 Cartoon 9:30 Morning’s Varieties 9:45 Arabic Series 10:45 Foreign Comedy Series 11:15 Kuwaiti Series 12:05pm Religious Program 12:30 Cartoon 1:00 News 1:20 Arabic Series 2:20 Weekly Arabic Series 4:00 Historical Series 6:00 Cartoon 6:20 Scientific and Cultural Program 7:00 News Brief 7:15 Arabic Series 8:15 Folk Arts 8:45 Religious Talk Show 9:00 Prime News 9:45 Arabic Series 10:45 Local Late Varieties 11:45 News Summary 12:15am Conclusion KTV 2 7:00pm Opening 7:10 Cartoon 7:30 Foreign Series 8:00 News (English) 8:30 Babysitter Series 9:30 Adventure Series 10:30 Foreign Series 11:30 Conclusion 161 Wednesday 9-17-86 KTV l H OCOCOCDCO 11 12 :00am :15 :30 :45 :45 :15 :05 :30 :00 1:20 COleflNCDUI-fi-N :20 :00 :00 :00 :00 :15 :30 :00 :45 :45 :00 :00am :30 KTV 2 Hmmfl\l\l :00pm :10 :30 :00 :30 :30 Opening Cartoon Mornings Varieties Arabic Series Documentary Movie Kuwaiti Series Religious Program Cartoon News Arabic Series Foreign Movie Historical Series Cartoon Children’s Program News Brief Arabic Series Local Program Prime News Arabic Series Selected Song Magnum PI News Summary Conclusion Opening Cartoon Concept of Islam News in English Foreign Series Conclusion 162 Thursday 9-18—86 KTV 1 :00am :15 :30 :55 :50 :10 :05pm :00 :25 :10 :30 :30 :30 :30 :30 :00 :45 :30 :30am :OO :30 HHl—i HNHOCOCDtOCO HH meococooowmoimmw KTV 2 :00pm :10 :30 :00 :30 :20 :45 :30 :20am monocoooooq‘iq HI—l Opening Cartoon Mornings Varieties Arabic Series Varieties Kuwaiti Series Religious Program News The World Today Cartoon Arabic Play Thursday Interview Gulf Series Documentary Program With Islam Prime News Late Varieties Arabic Late Movie Music Varieties News Summary Conclusion Opening Cartoon Foreign Series News in English Foreign Series Foreign Varieties Comedy Series Foreign Late Movie Conclusion 163 Friday 9-19—86 KTV 1 9:00am Opening 9:20 Cartoon 9:45 Mornings Varieties 10:10 Local Childrens Program 11:00 Religious Program 11:15 Friday Prayer 12:30pm Open Sesame 1:25 Varieties Program 2:00 News Brief 2:05 The World Today 2:30 Sheik Sha’Rawi Speech 3:00 Arabic or Indian Movie 5:30 Weekly Arabic Series 7:00 Kuwait in a Week 7:30 (All Arts) Program 9:00 Prime News 9:30 Wrestling 10:30 Arabic Play 12:30am News Summary 12:40 Conclusion KTV 2 7:00pm Opening 7:10 Cartoon 7:30 Foreign Series 8:00 News (English) 8:30 Night Rider 9:20 Cultural Series 10:10 Foeign Late Movie 11:30 Conclusion 164 Saturday 9-20-86 KTV 1 9:00am 9:15 9:30 9:45 10:45 11:15 12:05pm 12:30 1:00 1:20 2:20 3:00 4:00 6:30 7:00 7:10 7:15 8:15 9:00 9:45 10:45 12:00am 12:30 KTV 2 :00pm :10 :30 :00 :30 :30 :30 :30 HOCDWCD‘I'NN Hp—a Opening Cartoon Morning’s Varieties Arabic Series Summer Clubs Kuwaiti Series Religious Program Cartoon News Arabic Series Varieties Cartoon Children Program Religious Program News Brief Variety Arabic Series Religious Program Prime News Arabic Series Variety Program News Summary Conclusion Opening Cartoon Foreign Series News in English Foreign Series Documentary Movie Police Series Conclusion 165 Sunday 9-21—86 KTV 1 9:00am Opening 9:15 Cartoon 9:30 Morning’s Varieties 9:45 Arabic Series 10:45 Comedy Series 11:15 Kuwaiti Series 12:05 Religious Program 12:30pm Cartoon 1:00 News 1:20 Arabic Series 2:30 Arabic Movie 5:30 Historic Series 6:20 Cartoon 7:00 News Brief 7:15 Arabic Series 8:15 Cultural Program 9:00 Prime News 9:45 Arabic Series 10:45 Variety Program 11:45 News Summary 12:15am Conclusion KTV 2 7:00pm Opening 7:10 Cartoon 7:30 Foreign Series 8:00 News (English) 8:30 Cagney and Lacey 9:30 Twilight Zone 10:30 Foreign Movie 12:00am Conclusion 166 Monday 9-22-86 KTV 1 9:00am Opening 9:15 Cartoon 9:30 Morning Varieties 9:45 Arabic Series 10:45 Youth and Sport 11:15 Kuwaiti Series 12:05pm Religious Program 12:30 Cartoon 1:00 News 1:20 Arabic Series 2:20 Varieties 3:30 Simon and Simon 4:30 Cartoon 6:00 Documentary Movie 6:30 Religious Program 7:00 News Brief 7:15 Arabic Series 8:15 Quran and Science 9:00 Prime News 9:45 Arabic Series 10:45 Arabic Movie 12:45 News Summary 12:50 Conclusion KTV 2 7:00pm Opening 7:10 Cartoon 7:30 Documentary Movie 8:00 News (English) 8:30 Coverage Reports 9:40 Foreign Series 11:30 Conclusion 167 Tuesday 9-23-86 KTV 1 9:00am Opening 9:15 Cartoon 9:30 Morning’s Varieties 9:45 Arabic Series 10:45 Foreign Comedy Series 11:15 Kuwaiti Series 12:05pm Religious Program 12:30 Cartoon 1:00 News 1:20 Arabic Series 2:20 Weekly Arabic Series 4:00 Historical Series 6:00 Cartoon 6:20 Scientific and Cultural Program 7:00 News Brief 7:15 Arabic Series 8:15 Folk Art 8:45 Religious Talk Show 9:00 Prime News 9:45 Arabic Series 10:45 Late Local Varieties 11:45 News Summary 12:15 Conclusion KTV 2 7:00pm Opening 7:10 Cartoon 7:30 Foreign Series 8:00 News (English) 8:30 Babysitter Series 9:30 Adventure Series 10:30 Foreign Series 11:30 Conclusion 168 Wednesday 9-24-86 KTV 1 9:00am 9:15 9:30 9:45 10:45 11:15 12:05pm 12:30 1:00 1:20 2:20 4:00 5:00 6:00 7:00 7:15 8:30 9:00 9:45 10:45 11:00 12:00am 12:30 KTV 2 :00pm :10 :30 :00 :30 :30 Hmmflflfl Opening Cartoon Morning’s Varieties Arabic Series Documentary Movie Kuwaiti Series Religious Program Cartoon News Arabic Series Foreign Movie Historical Series Cartoon Childrens Program] News Brief Arabic Series Local Program News Arabic Arabic Series Selected Song Magnum PI News Summary Conclusion Opening Cartoon Concepts of Islam News (English) Foreign Series Conclusion Thursday 9-25-86 KTV 1 9:00am 9:15 9:30 9:55 10:50 11:10 12:05pm 1:00 1:25 :10 :30 :30 :30 :30 :30 :00 :45 :30 :30am :00 :30 HH O-‘HNOCDCDCDKIOSUINN KTV 2 :00pm :10 :30 :00 :30 :20 :45 :30 :20am NOCDCOCD@~1\1~1 Hl—A Opening Cartoon Morning’s Varieties Arabic Series Varieties Kuwaiti Series Religious Program News The World Today Cartoon Arabic Play Thursday Interview Gulf Series Documentary Program With Islam Prime News Late Night Varieties Arabic Night Movie Musical Variety News Summary Conclusion Opening Cartoon Foreign Series News English Foreign Series Foreign Varieties Comedy Series Foreign Late Movie Conclusion 170 Friday 9-26-86 KTV 1 9:00am Opening 9:20 Cartoon 9:45 Morning’s Varities 10:10 Local Children’s Program 11:00 Religious Program 11:15 Friday Prayer 12:30pm Open Sesame 1:25 Variety Program 2:00 News Brief 2:05 The World Today 2:30 Sheik Sha’Rawi Speech 3:00 Arabic or Indian Movie 5:30 Weekly Arabic Series 7:00 Kuwait in a Week 7:30 All Arts Program 9:00 News in Arabic 9:30 Wrestling 10:30 Arabic Play 12:30am News Summary 12:40 Conclusion KTV 2 7:00pm Opening 7:10 Cartoon 7:30 Foreign Series 8:00 News (English) 8:30 Night Rider 9:20 Cultural Series 10:10 Late Foreign Movie 11:30 Conclusion 171 Saturday 9-27-86 KTV 1 9:00am 9:15 9:30 9:45 10:45 11:15 12:05pm 12:30 1:00 1:20 2:20 3:00 4:00 6:30 7:00 7:10 7:15 8:15 9:00 9:45 10:45 12:00am 12:30 KTV 2 :00pm :10 :30 :00 :30 :30 :30 :30 Hommm~l~l~J l—ib—A Opening Cartoon Cartoon Arabic Series Summer Clubs Kuwaiti Series Religious Program Cartoon News in Arabic Arabic Series Varieties Cartoon Children’s Program Religious Program News Brief Varieties Arabic Series Religious Program Prime News Arabic Series Variety Program News Summary Conclusion Opening Cartoon Foreign Series News in English Foreign Series Documentary Movie Police Series Conclusion 172 Sunday 9-28-86 KTV 1 9:00am Opening 9:15 Cartoon 9:30 Morning’s Varieties 9:45 Arabic Series 10:45 Comedy Series 11:15 Kuwaiti Series 12:05pm Religious Program 12:30 Cartoon 1:00 News 1:20 Arabic Series 2:30 Arabic Movie 5:30 Historical Series 6:20 Cartoon 7:00 News Brief 7:15 Arabic Series 8:15 Cultural Program 9:00 Prime News 9:45 Arabic Series 10:45 Varieties Program 11:45 News Summary 12:15 Conclusion KTV 2 7:00pm Opening 7:10 Cartoon 7:30 Foreign Series 8:00 News (English) 8:30 Cagney and Lacey 9:30 Twilight Zone 10:30 Foreign Movie 12:00am Conclusion 173 Monday 9-29-86 KTV 1 9:00am Opening 9:15 Cartoon 9:30 Morning’s Varieties 9:45 Arabic Series 10:45 Youth and Sports 11:15 Kuwaiti Series 12:05pm Religious Program 12:30 Cartoon 1:00 News 1:20 Arabic Series 2:20 Varieties 3:30 Simon and Simon 4:30 Cartoon 6:00 Documentary Movie 6:30 Religious Program 7:00 News Brief 7:15 Arabic Series 8:15 Quran and Science 9:00 Prime News 9:45 Arabic Series 10:45 Arabic Movie 12:45 News Summary 12:50 Conclusion KTV 2 7:00pm Opening 7:10 Cartoon 7:30 Documentary Movie 8:00 News (English) 8:30 Report Coverage 9:40 Foreign Series 11:30 Conclusion 174 Tuesday 9-30—86 KTV 1 9:00am Opening 9:15 Cartoon 9:30 Morning’s Varieties 9:45 Arabic Series 10:45 Foreign Comedy Series 11:15 Kuwaiti Series 12:05pm Religious Program 12:30 Cartoon 1:00 News 1:20 Arabic Series 2:20 Arabic Weekly Series 4:00 Historical Series 6:00 Cartoon 6:20 Scientific and Cultural Program 7:00 News Brief 7:15 Arabic Series 8:15 Folk Arts 8:45 Religious Talk Show 9:00 Prime News 9:45 Arabic Series 10:45 Local Late Varieties 11:45 News Summary 12:15 Conclusion KTV 2 7:00pm Opening 7:10 Cartoon 7:30 Foreign Series 8:00 News (English) 8:30 Babysitter Series 9:30 Adventure Series 10:30 Foreign Series 11:30 Conclusion 175 APPENDK B APPENDD{ B TELEVISION PROGRAM PRICES HEI] D IMHI [IE |° Em. According to what His Excellency, the Ministry Assistant Deputy for radio and television, has said in his letter No. 1083, dated 21/8/1401 H. (7/1981), regarding the revision of television program prices, the following is approved: E'I'QI [illdllSl’Eif The sum of (30,000) thirty thousand Saudi riyals will be paid for one televized hour, if the following conditions have been met: 1) The work presented is the product of a Saudi Company or establishment. 2) The production must be in compliance with the censorship rules and conditions applied to Saudi television. 3) The Saudi company or establishment will stipulate in a written contract, and acknowlege therein, that the work in question is actually theirs. The company should guarantee their ownership of any artistic, literary or financial rights which may be contested by a third party. A penalty condition must be included in the contract stating that, in case it is subsequently proven that the work is not the property of this company, calculations for adjustments may be made, based on current prices for non-Saudi production, and that, in addition, a fine may be inflicted in the amount of 1 76 1 77 10% of the original contract value and all transactions with this company will cease for a period not to exceed one year for the first offence, and to cease indefinately in the event of any further infraction of such copyright laws. S l'QI [BlDI' 'l is 1.2 l I' The sum of (40,000) forty thousand Saudi riyals will be paid for each television hour, if the following conditions are met: 1) The work submitted should be the product of a Saudi Company or establishment. 2) The work submitted should be in compliance with the censor's conditions and mles applied to Saudi Television. 3) The company or establishment will stipulate in a written contract, and acknowlege therein, that the work in question is actually theirs. The company should guarantee their ownership of any artistic, literary or financial rights which may be contested by a third party. A penalty condition must be included in the contract stating that, in case it is subsequently proven that the work is not the property of this company, calculations for adjustments may be made, based on current prices for non-Saudi production, and that, in addition, a fine may be inflicted in the amount of 10% of the original contract value and all transactions with this company will cease for a period not to exceed one year for the first offence, and to cease indefinately in the event of any further infraction of such copyright laws. 4) The consent of any concerned individuals represented in the television production should be secured, in writing, prior to submitting the summary of the story. This will not lessen the responsibility of the producer to ensure the proper production standards in all artistic or censoring aspects. 1 78 5) The Ministry of Information (for television production) must give its prior consent to the names of all participants in major roles. 6) The work should be of good quality in general, as far as the components of production are concerned. However, if the Department concerned with examining and controlling production reports that the production is of average standard and can be accepted, it will be dealt with according to category (A) prices based on average current prices for Saudi production. 7) The first production copy is to be forwarded to the Ministry of Information, the Department of Saudi Television, and the Department will assume the priviledge of showing the materials for a duration of six months subsequent to the submission date of the work. 1110) [CHTIEII' The sum of (65,000) sixty five thousand Saudi riyals will be paid for each television hour, if the following conditions have been met: - 1) The program must be Saudi in context, and contain the appropriate religious, moral, social and psychological constructs which will be compatable with Saudi society. The program may be historic or Arabic, must exhibit high moral values, and, on certain occasions, the Department of Saudi Television may request a company to make a special production of the above type. 2) Written approval must be obtained from the Department of Saudi Television reagarding the context and dialogue of possible television productions. This will not lessen the responsibility of the producer to ensure the proper production standards in all artistic or censoring aspects. 1 79 3) A number of Saudi actors should participate in the performance, however, the individuals, their appropriateness for the roles will be reviewed by the Ministry, and assignments will be subject to its approval. 4) A number of distinguished Arabian actors should participate in the performance, especially those who have been recognized significantly as most excellent and unequalled in the field; however, the Department of Saudi Television must give prior written approval to the names and the number of Arabian candidates. 5) Production should be made outside the the Department of Saudi Television; however, if the Department provides the studio, equipment and production instruments, 25% of the stated price for one television hour will be deducted. 6) The production will become the property of Saudi Television; the producer has no right to market it for others, nor to dispose of in any way. The Department of Saudi Television shall have the right to dispose of the production in any manner that it deems is appropriate. The company or establishment will stipulate in a written contract, and acknowlege therein, that the work in question is actually theirs. The company should guarantee their ownership of any artistic, literary or financial rights which may be contested by a third party. A penalty condition must be included in the contract stating that, in case it is subsequently proven that the work is not the property of this company, calculations for adjustments may be made, based on current prices for non-Saudi production, and that, in addition, a fine may be inflicted in the amount of 10% of the original contract value and all transactions with this company will cease for a period not to exceed one year for the first offence, and to cease indefinately in the event of any further 1 80 infraction of such copyright laws. A further condition must be inserted in the contract, sipulating the penalties to be inflicted, if the producer disregards the copyright perogatives of the Department without having first obtained the written permission of the Ministry of Information, regardless of whether or not any monitary value was received, and the calculation of the production value shall be revised in accordance with the average current prices of Saudi production (A), or the distinguished Saudi production prices of category (B), according to individual circumstances. The Department of Saudi Television will charge to the producer the value of the difference in price, and alltransactions with the offending company will terminated for a year. This is the type of production which may be carried out by a non-Saudi company or establishment. A maximum sum of (14,500) fourteen thousand and five hundred Saudi riyals will be paid for each television hour, if the supplier is non-Saudi, and the sum of (16,500) sixteen thousand and five hundred Saudi riyals will be paid, if the supplier is Saudi. “if as”; howzoq.’uo_'c.o .zauzlhooz ' Programs, which will be produced by foreign T.V. stations having agreements with the Department of Saudi Television governing their direct marketing without interference from other production companies or distributors, will be subject to the above two-party agreements, which will stipulate that the maximum price for each television hour will not exceed the 1 81 average production price previously referred to in category (D), i.e. to a Saudi supplier, unless the production is private or a joint venture, in which case the agreement will stipulate its price. sum-.2132: 1) If the play is a Saudi production, the price will be (30,000) thirty thousand Saudi riyals for each television hour, provided that the duration of the play does not exceed two and a halfhours. 2) Ifthe play is a non-Saudi production the maximum price will be (20,000) twenty thousand Saudi riyals for one television hour, if the supplier is non-Saudi, and (22,000) twenty-two thousand Saudi riyals, if the supplier is Saudi, provided that the duration of the play does not exceed two and a half hours. 3) The Assistant Deputy of the Ministry of Information will fix the price of those which are considered distinguished plays and which include the acting talent of famous stars within the Arabian theatrical profession, after having come to a prior agreement with the producing company or the company which holds the right of distribution. Washes 1) This category includes films and programs which contain subtitles or commentaries in Arabic. The maximum television hour price will be (5000) five thousand Saudi riyals. 2) T.V. discussions and talks which will be recorded outside the Department of Saudi Television studios will be given a maximum of (6000) six thousand Saudi riyals per television hour. 182 Programs in this category will be treated in the same manner as those programs which require other acting skills, with the possible incorporation of an additional percentage in the price, which will be stipulated by the Assistant Deputy of the Ministry of Information, in acordance with the importance of the work and the professional standards of participants. This percentage should not exceed 25%. Any further amount should be submitted to the Minister of Information for review. H. ”.11”: l E .1” 1|. The price of each minute will be between 250 - 500 Saudi riyals. The T.V. will determine the rpice within these limits according to the singers popularity and the excellence of his work provided that it is abiding by the rules of sensorship. I ”.01.“ ,2 .G 121'. 1) This category includes educational programs for children. The price of one television hour will be (12,000) twelve thousand Saudi riyals, and a percentage of 25% will be added, if it is produced by a Saudi Company. 2) The price of children's cartoon programs, which are either dubbed in Arabic and or which provide commentary via ventriloquists' dummies, will be (8000) eight thousand Saudi riyals per television hour. If the program is produced by a Saudi company, the price per television hour will be increased by 25%. 1 83 W In accordance with the recommendations of Gulfvision, and as an encouragement to Gulf production, the price of one television hour for series and plays produced by Gulf companies will be determined at (18,000) eighteen thousand Saudi riyals if the supplier is non-Saudi, and (20,000) twenty thousand Saudi riyals, if the supplier is Saudi. The Assistant Deputy of the Ministry of Information may increase the price of any distinguished works to a maximum of (22,000) twenty-two thousand Saudi riyals per television hour, if the supplier is non-Saudi, and (24,000) twenty-four thousand Saudi riyals, if the supplier is Saudi. Any further amount should be submitted to the Minister of Information for review. I l I] . G l E . . 1) Without violating the contents of the two previous items (the First and Second provisions), if a company or an establishment submits a production and claims that they possess the exclusive right to market it, and it is subsequently discovered by the the Department of Saudi Television that it is actually the production of another company, or that the marketing company has no right to do so, that company's entitlements will immediately cease and the value given will be recharged to the offending company. N o transactions will be conducted with this company for the period of one year. If this infraction is repeated, all transactions whatsoever with this company will cease. 2) If the production standard is less than that which is required, and if the Department of Saudi Television believes this can be proven, the price will be reduced to a percentage which will be determined by the Department and, 1 84 additionally, written consent will be taken from the establishment or company concerned in acceptance of the reduction percentage before the materials may be shown on the screen. 3) Ifthe above television material can be made acceptable after some of the contents have been eliminated, these portions will be deducted from the original quoted price. Thirteenth: The above instructions will be in effect from the date of their issuance, and they will replace the previous instructions, issued in the Minister of Information's letter No. M/W/576, dated 12/4/1401 . Minister of Information MOHEMED ABDU YAMAN I His Excellency, The Assistant Deputy, Radio and Television, regarding necessary action. * Translated from the Arabic. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY Al-Aamoudi, K. "The Impact ofE Egyptian Episodes on Saudi Arabian Viewers." Unpublishe Term Paper for Telecommunications 498. Michigan State University, East Lansing, 1983. Al-Aamoudi, Khaled A. "Toward the Im lementation of Saudi Arabia's Information Poli Master search Project. Michigan State University, East ansing, 1984. Al-Awasat, Asharaq. WMrabic). London, April 30, 1985. Al-Mubarak, Masoumah. "Internal Factors and Their Im act on the Levels and Trends of Interactions Between the Arab ulf States and Advanced N ations." Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation. University of Denver, 1982. Al- Oofy, Abdellatif. "The Implact of the Video Cassette Recorder on Young Saudi Television 1ewing Habits and Life Styles." Master Research Project. Michigan State University, East Lansing, 1986. Al- Usmani, Abdulrazak. 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