AA/_ “—v—r PROTESTANT SECTARlANlSM IN MEXICO: THE CASE OF LOS JUDIOS ESPIRITUALES OF THE CITY OF VERACRUZ Thesis for the Degree of M. A. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSiTY JACOB JOSEPH CUMO 1968 INT/l (7777! 71777 7177/717777177771777 j 1. 3 1293 10 006 7574 w ABSTRACT PROTESTANT SECTARIANISM IN MEXICO: THE CASE OF LOS JUDIOS ESPIRITUALES OF THE CITY OF VERACRUZ by Jacob Joseph Climo The major purpose of this thesis is to present a very basic introduction to the study of Protestantism in Mexico by introducing the reader to a specific religious sect which I studied in Veracruz, Mexico, during the summer of 1967. In the first chapter I briefly explain some of the background to the theory of sectarianism, paying particular attention to the problem of the general theory of sectarian- ism and the uniquenesses of specific sects which results from the various cultural and historical contexts in which they are found. I also present Brian Wilson's typology of sects which emphasizes the sect's institutional organization and the relationship of l) the sect's circumstances of ori- gin, and 2) the sect's response to the world, to that or- ganization. In the second chapter I describe the general sec- tarian setting in Veracruz, briefly outline the economic condition of the sect's adherents, and then present a short history of the emergence of the Spiritual Jews. Next, I account for the highly syncretistic nature of this sect's Jacob Joseph Climo ideology by tracing its relationship to three major relige ions as seen through the eyes of its adherents. I also present a description of the beliefs and rituals practiced by this sect in which I attempt to illustrate implicitly the sort of organization which the sect has developed. Finally, I classify the Spiritual Jews into Wilson's ty- pology. In the third chapter I take cognizance of the proc- ess of sectarian development as the only real justification for the typology. I then predict the future course of the Spiritual Jews on the basis of the five major alternatives open to the developing sect and the various social factors which influence the development. In my final discussion I briefly review the argument presented and propose that Wilson's typology is operable for areas containing diverse sectarian forms. I also raise some important problems for future investigation of the problem of sectarianism. Finally, I assert that such study of sectarianism represents only an introduction to larger social processes in Mexico, which generated its development. I conclude by mentioning a number of reasons why the study of Protestantism can provide an excellent vehicle for ob- serving the evolution of Mexico's religious institutions and culture. PROTESTANT SECTARIANISM IN MEXICO: THE CASE OF LOS JUDIOS ESPIRITUALES OF THE CITY OF VERACRUZ BY Jacob Joseph Climo A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Anthropology 1968 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This study was supported financially by a grant from the Latin American Studies Center of Michigan State Univer- sity and a National Defense Education Act Fellowship Title IV which is presently on-going. My special thanks goes to Dr. Joseph Spielberg, who first introduced me to the Spiritual Jews, guided my field work in Mexico, and served on my committee. I am also greatly indebted to Dr. Leonard Kasdan, my committee chair- man, and Drs. Ralph Nicholas and Moreau Maxwell, committee members. J. J. C. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O 0 LIST OF TABLES O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 INTRODUCTION 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Chapter I. THE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK . . . . . . . . . . Background to the Study of Sectarianism . . Wilson's Typology of Sects. . . . . . . . . II. THE DESCRIPTION AND CLASSIFICATION OF THE SPIRITUAL JEWS O O O O O O C O O O O O O O O 0 Setting of Sectarianism in Veracruz Economic Condition of the Adherents Origin of the Spiritual Jews. . . . Syncretism of the Sect. . . . . . Beliefs and Rituals of the Sect . Classification of the Sect. . . . III. THE PROCESS OF SECTARIAN DEVELOPMENT AND THE FUTURE OF THE SPIRITUAL JEWS. . . . . . . . . Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Internal Structure of the Sect. . . . . . Degree of Separateness from the External World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Coherence of the Sect's Values. . . . Circumstances of the Sect's Origin. . . Important External Social Processes . IV. DISCUSSION. 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O summary 0 O O O O O O O O O O O I O O O O 0 Some Related Problems for Further Investiga- tion and the Value of Protestantism as a Vehicle for Further Study . . . . . . . . SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iii Page ii iv l9 19 25 31 38 46 73 75 75 76 79 82 85 9O 90 9O 97 Table 2a 2b LIST OF TABLES Page Relacion de los Templos Existentes en el Municipio de Veracruz. . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Employed Female Members. . . . . . . . . . . . 27 Employed Male Members. . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 iv INTRODUCTION During the summer of 1967 I studied the Spiritual Jews, a religious sect which recently emerged in the port city of Veracruz, Mexico. From my initial understanding there were four characteristics which rendered this group a particularly appealing one for study. First, the sect was already free from alien Protestant missionary contact and therefore completely "native" in the sense that it emerged within a Mexican context and was being developed by and for Mexicans. Second, the highly syncretistic nature of the sect's rituals and beliefs implied contact, in some form or other, with other Jews as well as ProteStants. No Jew- ish missionaries were present, however, and this presented an interesting riddle regarding the origin of the Jewish elements. Third, Judaism itself is further removed from the dominant Catholicism when compared to other religions gaining converts in Mexico. This is evidenced by its gen- eral lack of emphasis on concepts such as life after death, its omission of original sin as a fundamental belief, and most important, its exclusion of Christ as a religious figure. Regarding religious change and the development of sectarian- ism, the fact that Judaism is so far removed from Catholi- cism implied that the emergent religious practices and be- liefs in this sect would be more obvious deviations from the Catholic Church. Better illumination with regard to secular adjustments of the adherents would be evident than if conversion to another religion were studied. This idea has been presented by E. Willems in his recent work on sec- tarianism in Chile and Brazil. Willems says, ". . . one would expect the relative success of a new religion or sect to be the greater the more its structure and ideology devi- ate from those of the traditional social order."1 A compari- son of different Protestant groups confirms this expectation. Finally, the newness of the group in Veracruz offered the possibility of tracing its roots clearly'and decisively to socio-cultural factors such as poverty, class suppression, or as a reaction to some specific historical event such as a recent migration of peasants to the city. Soon after I began my investigation it became appar- ent that only a small number of the issues I raised could be pursued in twelve weeks. A further limitation of my field work revolved around the fact that the Spiritual Jews lived dispersed throughout Veracruz rather than in a single neigh- borhood which I had naively assumed at the beginning. I established my own living quarters in a hotel within walk- ing distance of the synagogue but for the majority of my lE. Willems, "Culture Change and the Rise of Prot- estantism in Brazil and Chile,” in The Protestant Ethic and Modernization: A Comparative View, S. w. Eisenstadt, editor (New York, London: Basic Books, Inc., 1968), p. 195. interviews I utilized the local bus and taxi services. After being presented to the congregation by the minister, who endorsed my project, I was generally accepted by the members. Many of them invited me to their homes in the afternoons and evenings when they were not working. The informality of the "brothers" coupled with their will- ingness to help me greatly facilitated my interviewing. The information about the Spiritual Jews which I present in this essay results from those interviews and my continu- ous observations of the sect's religious activities. Certainly, I regret the short period of time allot- ted for my study. Some vital areas of anthropological in- quiry, like the economic circumstances of the group, have been presented very briefly and would undoubtedly expand in detail and theoretical significance with further study. Other related problems like the attitude of the Catholic Church toward such religious groups, the role of the charis- matic leader, the general significance of Protestantism and Protestant Sectarianism in changing Mexican culture, etc., etc., have not been attempted here since their proper elab- oration would have required far greater time for fieldwork and general research as well as a very comprehensive view of the evolution of Mexican culture. I conceive of this study as a preliminary investigation, however, and look for— ward to returning in a number of years to observe the Spir- itual Jews further, to note the changes in their ideology and organization, and to check the actual course of their development as a religious sect with the course I have pre- dicted in this essay. 7 The format of the essay is as follows: In the first chapter I briefly explain some of the academic background in the theory of sectarianism, paying particular attention to the problem of the general theory of sectarianism and the uniquenesses of specific sects which results from the various cultural and historical contexts in which they are found. I also present Brian Wilson's ty— pology of sects which emphasizes the sect's institutional organization and the relationship of l) the sect's circum- stances of origin, and 2) the sect's response to the world, to that organization. In the second chapter I describe the general sectar- ian setting in Veracruz, briefly outline the economic con- dition of the sect's adherents, and then present a short history of the emergence of the Spiritual Jews. Next, I account for the highly syncretistic nature of this sect's ideology by tracing its relationship to three major relig- ions as seen through the eyes of its adherents. I also pre- sent a description of the beliefs and rituals practiced by this sect in which I attempt to illustrate implicitly the sort of organization which the sect has developed. Finally, I classify the Spiritual Jews into Wilson's typology. In the third chapter I take cognizance of the process of sectarian development as the only real justification for the typology. I then predict the future course of the Spir- itual Jews on the basis of the five major alternatives open to the developing sect and the various social factors which influence the development. In my final discussion I briefly review the argument presented and propose that Wilson's typology is operable for areas containing diverse sectarian forms. I also raise some important problems for future investigation of the prob- lem of sectarianism. Finally, I assert that such study of sectarianism represents only an introduction to larger so- cial processes in Mexico, which generated its development. I conclude by mentioning a number of reasons why the study of Protestantism can provide an excellent vehicle for observ- ing the evolution of Mexico's religious institutions and culture. CHAPTER I THE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Background to the Study of Sectarianism Practically all modern work on sectarianism arose from Weber's usage of the term "sect“ in his original thesis, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. Many social scientists focused their attention on Weber's major theoretical proposition which, "attributed the rise of mod- ern, as distinct from pre-modern, types of capitalism to the influence of Protestantism and especially Calvinism.“l In Fischoff's view, The whole historical work of Weber has ultimately one primary object: the understanding of contem- porary European cultures, especially modern capital- ism. It presses forward to the underlying morale (geist) of capitalism and its pervasive attitudes to life: and beyond this to modern occidental ra- tionalism as such, which he came to regard as the crucial characteristic of the modern world.2 Scholars like Tawney, Luthy, Trevor-Roper and others were fundamentally interested in the role Protestantism and, by extension, Protestant sects, played in cultural and social 1S. w. Eisenstadt, "The Protestant Ethic Thesis in an Analytical and Comparative Framework," in The Protestant Ethic and Modernization, Eisenstadt, editor (New York, Lon- don: Basic Books, Inc., 1968), p. 3. 2Ephraim Fischoff, "The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism: The History of a Controversy," in Eisenstadt, op. cit., p. 72. change. They sought in the concept of the Protestant Ethic or some equivalent the key to an understanding of why some non-western cultures achieved modernization while others did not. One of the facets of their research included a long history of scholastic debate, mostly regarding the causal issue of whether the ethic provided impetus to eco- nomic and social change or the converse. Ernst Troeltsch, one of Weber's early defenders, developed a typology of sectarianism and was the first to contend that sectarians emerged from poorer classes, people who suffered from and were incensed by the economic dispar- ities existing in their churches. They attempted a return to the original Christianity of the Primitive Church which condemned such divisiveness among men. In so doing, they isolated themselves from society (sometimes physically but always ideologically) forming small sects. Troeltsch also provided an enumerative definition of sect which was widely accepted, . . . lay Christianity, personal achievement in eth- ics and in religion, the radical fellowship of love, religious equality and brotherly love, indifference toward the authority of the state and the ruling classes, dislike of technical law and of the oath, the separation of the religious life from the eco- nomic struggle by means of the ideal of poverty and frugality . . . the distinctness of the personal religious relationship, criticism of official spiritual 3A. F. C. Wallace, Religion: An Anthropoligical View (New York: Random House, Inc., 1966), pp. 188-189. guides and theologians, the appeal to the New Testa- ment and the Primitive Church. Troeltsch's typology, however, leaned heavily on the develop- ment of medieval Christian sects which were generally quite similar in circumstances of origin and institutional organi- zation.5 Although Troeltsch himself recognized the limita- tions of his typology within the sociology of religion, later scholars tended to extend the application of type-constructs to show that all sects were more or less similar in organi- zation, ideology, social composition, communal character, and circumstance of origin--a proposition of little warrant since it failed to account for the great diversity among sects and also confused the concept of sect with those of church and denomination.6 In 1924 H. Richard Niebuhr proposed a thesis of sect development and employed the same concept although his empir- ical cases were the conversionist sects arising from the very different context of 19th century evangelical American Prot- estantism. Niebuhr recognized that the denominations in the United States in the 19205 . . . corresponded broadly to the social divisions which prevailed among men. In extending his thesis he suggested that there 4John M. Yinger, Religion in the Struggle for Power (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1946), p. 31. 5Wilson calls these "adventist" sects. Bryan Wilson (editor), Patterns of Sectarianism: Organization and Ideol- ogy in Social and Religious Movements (London: Heinemanse, 1967), p. 4. 61bid., p. 3. was a dynamic relationship between sect and denomina- tion . . . broadly that every sect which did not wither away, might be expected to develop into a denomination. He went further in suggesting a basic circumstance which promoted this development; as each narrow and exclusive sect, emphasizing voluntary adherence, recruited its own second generation—-the children of its founders--so, it became a denomina- tion. Once there were inborn members, the sect, he held, had ceased to be a sect. It moved from an early exclusiveness to an acceptance of the legiti- macy of other religious movements.7 The movements treated by Troeltsch and Niebuhr re- spectively, may certainly be regarded as sects in a broad sense, but it must also be recognized that sects differ from one another, and more especially in different historical periods and cultural contexts. Wilson makes this point clearly, The search for uniformities and convergences of so- \3 cial phenomena and processes must not supercede the . proper regard for the differences and distinctiveness ./ of historical periods. Reified ideal types may some- ’ times promote this particular sociological error. What is hoped is established here, is that a guarded use of types can be shown to facilitate sociological explanation. The types, however, must always be of use in application to empirical data. Typologies are not explanations in themselves, although they are sometimes mistaken for such; they are not meant to provide the student with a neatly parcelled set of categories that catch truth by the forelock. Only as types are usable to explain processes are they really justifiable.8 7Bryan Wilson (editor), Religion in Secular Society (London: Watts, 1966), p. 200. 8Wilson, Patterns of Sectarianism, p. 4. lO Wilson's Typology of Sects The following includes Wilson's characterization of sect and denomination and his typology which has been adopted in somewhat condensed form for purposes of this paper: Typically a sect may be identified by the following characteristics: it is a voluntary association; membership is by proof to sect authorities of some claim to personal merit--such as knowledge of doctrine, affirmation of the conversion experience, or recommendation of members in good standing; exclusiveness is emphasized, and expulsion exer- cised against those who contravene doctrinal, moral, or or- ganizational precepts; its self-conception is of an elect, a gathered remnant, possessing special enlightenment; per- sonal perfection is the expected standard of aspiration, in whatever terms this is judged; it accepts, at least as an ideal, the priesthood of all believers; there is a high level of lay participation; there is opportunity for the member spontaneously to express his commitment; the sect is hostile or indifferent to the secular society and to the state. The denomination in contrast shows the following features: formally a voluntary association; it accepts adherents without imposition of traditional prerequisites of entry, and employs purely formalized procedures of ad— mission; breadth and tolerance are emphasized; since ll membership is laxly enrolled expulsion is not a common de— vice for dealing with the apathetic and the wayward; its self conception is unclear and its doctrinal position un- stressed; content to be a movement among others, all of which are thought to be acceptable in the sight of God; it accepts the standards and values of the prevailing culture and con— ventional morality, though the conceptions it entertains of these may be those of a particular social class; there is a trained professional ministry; lay participation occurs but is typically restricted to particular sectiOns of the laity and to particular areas of activity; services are for- malized and spontaneity is absent; education of the young is of greater concern than the evangelism of the outsider; additional activities are largely non-religious in character; individual commitment is not very intensive; the denomina- tion accepts values of the secular society and the state; members are drawn from any section of the community, but within one church, or any one religion, membership will tend to limit itself to those who are socially compatible. These particular characteristics-~ultimate voluntarism of sect allegiance, the distinctiveness and apartness from the wider society, and especially from its religious organi- zation; the inappropriateness of rational criteria to its operations; and the interim nature of the sect's conception of its mission--all affect the type of organization which sects evolve. 12 Doctrine cannot be openly changed because of the absoluteness of the religious ideology. This being so, since some doctrine relates to ecclesiastical organization, the organizational pattern of the sect is alterable only in ex- ceptional circumstances, and then reform occurs as "restora- tion" of pristine principles and practices. Sects do change in organizational structure and even in their teachings, but such changes can be accomplished only under certain circumstances like a charismatic leader who innovates or the introduction of particular sorts of action like recruiting methods, or the gradual relaxing of sect stringency over time in the classical denominationaliz— ing pattern.- If sect organization does change, it tends, new revelations apart, to change by a slow process of shift- ing emphasis; by slow accumulation of informal power; by gradual acceptance of new procedures borrowed from outside society. The preceding includes most of the loose generaliza- tion which may be made about sects. There is evidence that older sects, sects that perpetuate in the present a pattern of sectarian organization, from the past display relatively low articulation of distinctly religious organization. Such sects tend to have arisen in rural communities, the life and patterns of which were not formally organized. They tend to subsume religious organization in community structure, employing religious sanctions merely as boundary-maintaining 13 devices. Hence, the essential difference between the Amish and the Mennonites, for example, is not found in religious doctrine but in community organization. Sects lacking strong community allegiance (whether it be the product of ethnicity, heredity recruitment, or segregated communitarian settlements) as a basis of solidar— ity and persistence, must necessarily rely on some form of derived organizational structure. Here a distinction is made between movements which place more reliance on common doctrinal commitment (which, if moral precepts are emphasized, can lead to a distinctive way of life) and those which rely more on an authoritarian structure to determine the arrangements of association.9 Organization may be examined in relation to two other variable characteristics; response to the world, and circumstance of origin. Significant patterns can be shown to occur between organization and each of these factors. By organization, Wilson means a pattern of institutionalized procedures which regulate the activities of a movement. As a minimum, sect organization must include procedures for the following ends: 9Other patterns like that of the Plymouth Brethren can avoid both subscription and elaborate organizational structure, and tolerate some diversity in doctrine and lo- .cal practice although these cases are rare. For elaboration of this point see Wilson, Patterns of Sectarianism, p. 14. l4 1) There must be agencies which determine the places of meeting and the activities which occur once members are met, or which make other arrangements for the dissemination of teaching. 2) Some person must be invested with the right to call meetings and some to preside over them. 3) There must be arrangements for decision making about purely administrative and instrumental concerns such as ownership or hire of property, and the maintenance of premises. 4) There must be agencies to maintain essential agree— ment of belief and practice, no matter how minimal is the basis of consensus. 5) Arrangements must be evolved for accepting new members (even if they are drawn from those who conform to specific criteria of eligibility, such as ethnicity, age, freedom from other allegiances). 6) Procedures must exist for determining the worthi- ness of new entrants and for disciplining transgressions and deviations of the old. 7) The socialization of new members must be the specific concern of someone, and these duties must be both allocated and undertaken. 8) Agencies must sooner or later come into being to regulate the sect's movement with external authorities, to treat with secular agencies on matters of mutual concern 15 (exemptions claimed by the sect from, for example, medical care, state subsidiary, war service, education, etc.). Wilson's typology revolves mainly around the two variables of response to the world, and circumstances of origin, and their relationship to the sect's organization. The "conversionist“ sects, because of their preoc- cupation with the prospect of changing this world by chang- ing the hearts of men, are dominated by the desire to con- vert people and involve them in their way of life and wor— ship. This has distinct consequences for the sect organi- zation. It tends to mean that there must be a hierarchy of offices in which some officials direct campaigns of recruit- ment and others concern themselves with the proper social- ization and maintenance of the converted. It is not sur- prising then, to find that this type of sect tends to model its organization, either at once, or increasingly as its activities demand, on that of a non-conformist denomination. It is this type of sect which displays most proclivity to- wards becoming a denomination. Pentacostalism and Salva— tionists typify this pattern.10 The “adventist” sects put organization at a dis- count. They are, at least initially, inclined to suppose the advent to be imminent and to regard time, energy and resources expended on organization as deflected from more 10Wilson, Religion in Secular Society, p. 201. l6 urgent purposes. Minimal organization is then often the ideal of such a sect. The absence of organization sometimes makes such movements particularly subject to dissipation or schism. Where elaborate organization does evolve it is, as among Jehovah Witnesses, largely for the activity for promulgating the message. It may, in these circumstances, be regarded as less important than the truth itself; as an efficient means of obeying the injunction to preach to all the world. Seventh Day Adventists, Christophelians, and Jehovah Witnesses are examples of this type.11 The "introversionist" sects are again frequently disposed to accept minimal organization. Since they are concerned with direct inspiration, heir organizational struc- ture is often merely an attempt to regulate the operation of the Spirit. Alternatively where such sects are the sec- ondary development of originally adventist movements, they have very often become preoccupied with the cultivation of piety and perhaps with devotional practices. The Exclusive Brethren typify this pattern.12 The "gnostic" sects of modern times represent a more complete assimilation of religious activity to the goals accepted in modern society and typically these movements adapt procedures and structures more fully in keeping with llIbid. lzIbid. l7 modern rationally conducted enterprises than with traditional ecclesiastical patterns. Christian Science, as one of the first of this type movement, has an interestingly mixed pat- tern of secular and religious organization-~a lay ministry and a separate system, modeled on more secular lines of therapists and teachers. Supreme over all is a board of directors which resembles the board of a company more than a bench of bishops. Gnostic movements have tended increas- ingly to adopt secular models of organization and to employ their techniques of publicity. Some have abandoned congre- gational worship altogether. Not all of these responses are necessarily the pris- tine responses of sects, since their orientation to the world often undergoes modification over the years. Circumstances of origin is the second element that may be closely associ- ated with sect organization. Wilson proposes five distinc- tive ways in which sects may be said to originate: l) Sects may arise when a charismatic figure presents a new teaching, and recruits from any or all other religious movements and from the population generally. The charismatic figure may be a new prophet, a man or a woman, who offers a new interpretation or who seeks to restore an old one, who, in short, tells men what they shall do to be saved. 2) Sects may also begin as a consequence of internal schism within existing sects. 3) They may arise more or less spontaneously by the 18 coming together of a group of "seekers" who evolve as a group experience, new patterns of worship, and new state- ments of belief. 4) Sects may arise from the attempts to revitalize the beliefs and practices within a major religious movement, as old groups are called to intensify their commitment or new groups called to express it for the first time. These developments may be associated with attempts to de-institu- tionalize and de-ritualize church organization and practice. 5) Non-denominational revivalism may, as an unin- tended consequence, bring new sects into being, as those who undergo similar enthusiastic conversion find assimila- tion into existing denominations difficult. The foregoing attempts no more than to suggest that some sect organization can be associated with other vari- ables. There are recurrent tendencies, but they are far from being invariable. Wilson's typology based on the ori- gins of the sect's emergence and the sect's response to the world will be emphasized in my classification of the Spir- itual Jews. CHAPTER II THE DESCRIPTION AND CLASSIFICATION OF THE SPIRITUAL JEWS It is now possible to describe the Spiritual Jews and then classify the sect within the broad typology pre- sented by Wilson. We must also take note of the sect's uniquenesses which resulted from its particular circumstances of development but these will be elaborated more fully in Chapter Three. Setting of Sectarianism in Veracruz Over the past century and more obviously within the past forty years a variety of religious movements have emerged throughout Mexico. All of them share at least two important features: first, they represent the introduction of some form of Protestantism from the United States, and second, they consciously offer themselves as alternatives to the predominant and influential religious institution in Mexico, the Catholic Church. Such movements have already penetrated into Mexico's rural areas but, their centers of activity are, inevitably, located in the highly populated and more heterogeneous urban areas where the "major processes of social change tend to focus."1 lM. Weber, Sociology of Religion (Introduction by Talcott Parsons) (Boston: Beacon Press, 1963), p. xii. l9 20 To shed light on the variety of sectarian movements in Mexico, I will briefly describe, on the basis of their recent historical origins only, three kinds of movements which I have observed in the port city of Veracruz. First, and not at all uncommon, are indigenous prophetic movements. In this kind of movement, for example, a prophet may emerge from an impoverished barrio, foresee the destruction of the world and proceed to baptize a following until the appointed doomsday when disillusionment usually disperses the fold. Such movements are generally short-lived in cities and per- haps for this reason no studies of urban prophetic movements have been done in Mexico. Second, and most obviously active in the modern city are organized missionary movements, im- posed and sponsored by large alien (usually U.S.) religious denominations. Outstanding among these groups in Mexico are the Jehovah's Witnesses, Mormons, Baptists, Presbyter- ians, and Lutherans. Because of the obvious importation of ideology and leadership from the United States (not to men— tion the vast sums of money invested) this type of movement is clearly distinguishable from that of the indigenous prophet. A third kind of movement now appearing in Mexican cities seems to have emerged from recent schisms within the organized missionary movements. Neither prophetic in the sense of indigenous inception nor missionary in the sense of alien sponsorship, these movements represent a rather interesting combination of the two. Many of these sects, 21 it seems, have developed after large missionary movements have presumably succeeded in forming a viable local outlet. As the religion adapts to institutionalization in its Mex- ican environment inevitable doctrinal or organizational dis- putes develop among its local adherents.2 Such internal dissent often terminates in complete fission resulting in the formation of two somewhat different sects--each claim- ing on the one hand, to be the "true" denominational outlet, while on the other hand, being forced to differentiate it- self from and condemn its counterpart. Thus, by stressing local and sectarian allegiance each new sect emphasizes its uniquenesses. At the same time larger denominational loyal- ties are underplayed since these loyalties would call atten- tion to similarities with the sect's counterpart. Usually this phenomenon emerges among the smaller denominations or "non-historical churches"3 whose grasp on their outlets is not so powerful as is that of the larger missionary denominations or "historical churches." Sects 2The inevitability of such disputes has been asserted by Weber, Niebuhr, Wilson and many others. For a particu- larly clear discussion see Thomas O'Dea, The Sociology of Religion (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1966), pp. 90-97. 3"Historical church" is used to differentiate the older, better known and established denominations such as Methodist, Baptist, Lutheran, etc., from the more recently established denominations ("non-historical church") such as Jehovah Witness, Seventh Day Adventist, etc. See, for example, Land of Eldorado by Sante Uberto Barbieri and Kenneth Strachan. 22 of these smaller denominations sub-divide more frequently maintaining a greater number of smaller churches while the larger and better established denominations demonstrate greater cohesion and consequently fewer churches. To illustrate this point for Veracruz, one need only glance at the list of that city's churches (on the follow- ing pages) which I obtained from the department of statis- tics. It is apparent that historical churches like Baptist, Methodist, and Presbyterian have been able to maintain the greatest hold on their outlets. These denominations together only support six churches in Veracruz. Certain non-histor- ical denominations which are well-established in Mexico be— cause of their early entry and appeal to the impoverished masses also contain themselves well. The Jehovah's Witnesses and the Mormons, for example, support only one congregation each in Veracruz.4 Regarding the smaller denominations in Mexico the table lists nine Pentecostal sects in Veracruz alone. In addition to the Pentecosts, however, there are 4It is interesting that neither of these groups is registered in Veracruz. They may, however, be registered with the government in Mexico City (although I have not had access to those statistics) or they may have placed their buildings in the names of private persons, trying to avoid the government law requiring that all church property belong to and be registered with the government. Many small denom- inations hold their services in the homes of one of the mem- bers. These are called "houses of God" ("casas de Dios") and often sects continue this way until they can afford to build a chapel. 23 TABLE 1 RELACION DE LOS TEMPLOS EXISTENTES EN EL MUNICIPIO DE VERACRUZ NOMBRE DEL TEMPLO RELIGION DOMICILIO Nuestra Sra. de la Asuncion Catolica Ave. Independencia y M. Molina Nuestra Sra. de los Dolores " Constitucion No 63 (La Divina Pastora) La Virgen de Guadalupe " Ave. Pino Suarez No 159 La Divina Providencia " J. P. Silva y Jimenez Norte Nuestra Sra. de la Luz " Juan Soto No 234 Nuestra Sra. de la Merced " V. de la Cadena y Calle 4 Santo Cristo del Buen Viaje " Doblado y 20 de Noviembre La Gran Madre de Dios " Jalapa No 83 Santa Rita de Casia “ Espana y Cristobal Colon Sagrado Corazon de Jesus " Venustiano Carranza No 185 Stella Maris " Ave. Flores Magon No 185 San Jose " Jimenez y Cordoba Divino Salvador Evangelica Ave. 16 de Septiem- Pentacostes bre No 327 Getsemani " Juan Soto No 120 Bethania " Ave. Constituyentes Bethel No 47 Azueta No 91 24 TABLE 1 (continued) NOMBRE DEL TEMPLO RELIGION DOMICILIO Monte de los Olivos Evangelica Calle 4 Lote 153 Pentacostes Fco. Canal y Hernan Cortes el M.I.E.P.I. " Campero Esquina Revillagigedo El Nazareno " Netzahualcoyotl y E. Morales Iglesia Carpinteros " Callejuela Peru No 2 Iglesia de Dios " Venezuela No 36 "Emmanuel" Primera Iglesia Evangelica Gral. Prim No 33 Bautista Bautista Iglesia Bautista " Simon Bolivar y "Beren" 2 de Abril Tabernaculo Bautista " Ave. Pensamiento Biblico No 16 la Iglesia Presb. Presbiteriana Ave. Hidalgo No 50 "E1 Sinai” 2a Iglesia Presb. " Ave. 20 de Noviem- "El Buen Pastor" bre No 71 Iglesia Metodista Metodista Ave. Flores Magnon “Emmanuel" No 112 La Luz del Mundo Cristiana Francisco Canal Monte Horeb Evangelica de la Iglesia de Dios del Septimo dia No 507 Diaz Aragon y 1 de Mayo 25 innumerable independent sects and sects which belong to very small denominations. The denominational hold on these sects is either non—existent or so minimal that the majority of them are not even registered with the government.5 Given this brief historical background of sectarian- ism in Veracruz I can now turn to the description and typo- logical classification of the Spiritual Jews--a religious sect of the third kind of movement discussed. Economic Condition of the Adherents The most recent literature explaining Protestant Sectarianism has defined it partly as a class phenomenon. Wilson, for example, states that, . . . religious movements, as essentially social movements can be expected to stand in specific re- lation to social class, to their prevailing socio— economic and social conditions, and to the cultural and social ethos obtaining within such social group- ings. My preliminary data on the Spiritual Jews indicate that the adherents to this sect clearly represented a middle to lower—middle class or proletariat (wage-earners employed . . . 7 in non-agricultural occupations ) phenomenon. Seventeen 5Later on I mention that getting enough money to construct or buy a building is doubtless an important stage in the development of Mexican religious sects. 6Wilson, Religion in Secular Society, p. 4. 7Scott Cook, The Prophets: A Revivalistic Folk Religious Movement in Puerto Rico, Caribbean Studies, Vol. 4, No. 4, 1962, p. 7. 26 of twenty-eight active adult adherents8 were employed in Veracruz and the surrounding area. The remaining eleven were either married women supported by husbands or elderly widows supported by children. The tables on the following pages include statistics on place of birth, age, years of education, type of employment at the present time, and pres- ent income of the employed male and female adherents. The tables also include known information on the years of school- ing and occupation of their parents. I have not included tables for the remaining eleven unemployed women who are supported by husbands or children. My information, however, indicates that their supporters maintain similar proletariat occupations, i.e., slaughterer, sailor, secretary, etc. A comparison of education level from the tables re- veals a clear improvement from the parental generation. In addition to this upward trend there are indications for its continuance. Many of the members' children anticipate or presently pursue higher levels of education aspiring to skilled or professional occupations. There are a number of school-aged girls and boys in secondary and preparatory schools studying business and/or secretarial skills. Two girls, both of the wealthiest family, are studying law and medicine, respectively. A few of the adherents' children 81 define "adult" as over twenty-two years of age. "Active" denotes, loosely, those members whom I saw regular- ly at religious services. 27 .Hoorum pcmsmu nonpoe mmor3 m# mo coaudmuxm mm» suds mm>wzmmzor mum3 mumnuoe HH<. 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