THE EDUCATIONAL PROGRAM PROVIDED THE IAFANE$E AMERICANS DURING IHIE RELOCATION PERIOD 1942-1945 Thesis Ior the Degree of pI’I. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY William Dean ZeIler 1963 - _ a...-.;...-'-r-. ' -'- "' _' 'g'" " 551$ ;.-_"‘. EH mlLI-d'lez'lfl . ' Li LIBRARY Michigan State University This is to certifg that the thesis entitled THE EDUCATIONAL PROGRAM PROVIDED THE JAPANESE AMERICANS DURING THE RELOCATION PERIOD 19h2-19I45 presented by William Dean Zeller has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Pho Do degree in Ed‘lcation Major professor Date ‘ZL/lflfi-L—i 0-169 MSU LIBRARIES x. RETURNING MATERIALS: Place in book drop to remove this checkout from your record. FINES will be charged if book is returned after the date stamped below. ABSTRACT THE EDUCATIONAL PROGRAM PROVIDED THE JAPANESE AMERICANS DURING THE RELOCATION PERIOD 1942-1945 by William Dean Zeller This study is an historical account of the education— al program provided the Japanese Americans during the Relocation period. 1942-1945. The purpose has been to des- cribe both the philosophical framework and curriculum development of these schools which were established to educate the nearly 30,000 youngsters of Japanese descent. The general method used in this historical research consisted of a study of the educational and related acti— vities of the War Relocation Authority. The War Relocation Authority documentary records which have been deposited in the Library of the University of California at Berkeley Were used extensively. In addition, the War Relocation Anthority files were consulted at the University of California at Los Angeles and at Stanford University, Palo Alto; California. Also various books, studies, theses and ne'WSpaper and magazine articles dealing with the William Dean Zeller Relocation period were available. The final source of information was obtained from interviews conducted with former students, teachers and administrators of the Re— location Centers. The War Relocation Authority apparently had little conception of its task in establishing an educational program since the educational policy developed later than other War Relocation Authority policy. A 1942 summer graduate class at Stanford University working on an educational program for the Relocation Centers proposed that the democratic way of life was the essential element of an education and the best way to achieve this was through a community school. The War Relocation Authority accepted the community school concept as official policy. However, the educational program underwent two distinct phases. The schools opened with a dearth of buildings, supplies, materials and teachers. Students were apathetic and discouraged. But out of this dismal beginning came a pioneering spirit. Barracks became Schools, students shared books and staffs developed com— munity~centered programs. The best teaching occurred during this phase. By the end of the first school year, the pioneering sPirit died. Traditionalism returned. Building problems William Dean Zeller Relocation period were available. The final source of information was obtained from interviews conducted with former students, teachers and administrators of the Re— location Centers. The War Relocation Authority apparently had little conception of its task in establishing an educational program since the educational policy developed later than other War Relocation Authority policy. A 1942 summer graduate class at Stanford University working on an educational program for the Relocation Centers proposed that the democratic way of life was the essential element of an education and the best way to achieve this was through a community school. The War Relocation Authority accepted the community school concept as official policy. However, the educational program underwent two distinct phases. The schools opened with a dearth of buildings, supplies, materials and teachers. Students Were apathetic and discouraged. But out of this dismal beginning came a pioneering spirit. Barracks became schools, students shared books and staffs developed com— munity—centered programs. The best teaching occurred GUring this phase. By the end of the first school year, the pioneering sPirit died. Traditionalism returned. Building problems William Dean Zeller and an unusually high turnover of educational personnel plagued the centers. Maintaining the status ggg was emphasized. Curriculum proposals were disregarded and the faith in a community school concept was forgotten. The development of democratic behavior had to come from individual teachers. The educational program began with hopes of building a school where meaningful and worthwhile activities for youngsters were to be provided, where learning and living were to converge and where the community was to be a labor— atory for democratic living. The educational program ended conforming as closely as possible to the practices of a traditional school ignoring the peculiar conditions of the centers. In conclusion, the following findings are suggested by this study: 1- Even with the removal of all rules and regulations for curriculum design, the educators in the Reloca— tion Centers found it difficult to follow a new curriculum design for any length of time without inventing excuses in order to return to a more traditional school program. 2- The crucial problem in school program development lies in implementing the purposes which have been 30-3 65'. u. e 5. w” a a. L.“ .1 p. . u. r — . A n vs“. . ‘II"‘w haul role William Dean Zeller established by the school planners. The quality of the school staff is more important than the physical facilities. The federal government's role in education lies in the field of facilitation (providing resources, leadership and research). Graduate classes have great opportunity for community service by directly participating in program and curriculum design. Cooperative effort between school and community, although extremely difficult to obtain, could result in a higher quality of education. Many of the educators in the Relocation Centers seemed to lack a basic understanding of their role in dealing with a minority group and in their understanding of the democratic way of life. Copyright by WILLIAM ‘DEAN ZELLER i 1964 THE EDUCATIONAL PROGRAM PROVIDED THE JAPANESE AMERICANS DURING THE RELOCATION PERIOD 1942-1945 By William Dean Zeller A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY College of Education 1963 _"\ fl' .. .I. “751265 1 7Q q l "I Ad." ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The writer acknowledges his sincere appreciation to Dr. Charles A. Blackman, major advisor, and to Dr. Carl H. Gross for their understanding, encouragement and advice during the preparation for and the writing of this disser— tation. The writer is also grateful for the assistance and guidance given him by Dr. Elizabeth Rusk and Dr. Burton K. Thorn. ii ‘. ..... 311- saucy mavzc—c'pm THEE TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l The Purpose and Scope of the Study 3 Methodology 6 II. BACKGROUND MATERIAL ON EVACUATION AND RELOCATION . . . . . . . . 13 Introduction 13 Evacuation 21 Assembly Centers 24 Policy Formation 31 Relocation Centers 35 Registration 51 Relocation 55 III. EDUCATIONAL POLICIES BY GOVERNMENT DECREE . . 62 Early Policy ‘ 62 Policy After April, 194 63 July Meeting of WRA Education Staff 66 Memorandum with the States 68 Administrative Instruction No. 23 71 Final Organization 76 IV. THE EDUCATORS DREAM . 80 80 Stanford Graduate Class The Community School Concept 83 The Curriculum Design 87 WRA Accepts Community School Concept 95 Pre—School Conferences 99 V- THE FIRST PHASE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107 Dismal Beginning :3; Opening of Schools 131 Student Attitudes 139 Cooperative Programs Evolve iii ”A r: ”4 .HM u: I I. .5 w; .t\. L. S C uh D. _. Ce .L R C Ta E M a. .\ . . a: w v. . M . ... Chapter I 1 Summer Programs I Teacher Preparation I Nursery Schools Adult Education VI. THE SECOND PHASE Conference for Superintendents, April, 1943 l WRA Policy Change Physical Facilities Turnover of School Personnel Schools Revert to Traditionalism 'Education for Atypical Children Racial Bias Community School, In Name Only VII. EVALUATION Introduction Why the Schools Failed to Change Community School Concept Not Understood Conservative Attitude Limitation of Time Security for the Students State Regulations Little Democratic Teaching Outcomes of the Study Creation of a School Teacher"s Role Role of Graduate Classes Role of Buildings Cooperative Actions Role of the Federal Government Role of Racism in Education Summary Conclusions Recommendations for Further Study iv 175 175 182 184 193 203 218 221 234 239 239 242 242 246 247 248 253 254 260 260 262 264 267 269 270 275 281 283 284 Chapter GLOSSARY oooooooooooooooooooooo BIBLIOGRAPHY .................... Page "(1 Photograph 1. 10. ll. 12. LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHS Page Granada Relocation Center Twenty Years Later . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 Only Bare Essentials Were Provided . . . 38 The Central Utah Relocation Camp at Topaz, Utah . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 The Interior View of the Barracks . . . . 126 Outside School Assembly . . . . . . . . . 136 Landscaping The School Grounds . . . . . 141 Nursery Class . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162 An Adult Sewing Class . . . . .'. .7. . . 170 Manzanar Auditorium . . . . . . . .V. . . 187 A Poston School Building . .‘. . . . . . 188 The Remains of a Cornerstone . . . . . . 191 Poston Elementary Auditorium . . . . . . 192 vi s; .2 T E _. C E v. T. I I D. In .. . . C .1 3 .d e 3 I) r a a C. .3 r. v. .. a. ~.. H. .5 u. .y 3 A.. o. “In n» _. .. at n: . . . . l. ... ... LIST OF CHARTS Chart 1. War Relocation Centers For Japanese Americans During World War II . . . 2. Curriculum Design for Minidoka Schools 3. Total Number of Pupils Enrolled by Centers . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. Total Number of High School Graduates 5- Comparison Between Opening Dates of Centers and Opening Dates of Schools 6“ Student Enrollment and Number of Teachers at Relocation Center Schools on March 31, 1943 - Page 42 103 111 111 124 194 I .x. . a L . 2 MM C V. nu. v. a. ad. .5 .,u I.” .IH _ . _ . :. v - . .. - 2‘ h. .. . u._‘_ “nu. LIST OF MAPS, DIAGRAMS, AND GRAPHS Map 1. Approximate Location of Assembly Centers 2. War Relocation Centers Diagram 1- The Community School: Education Through Community Service . . . . . . . . . . Graph 1- Suggested Proportion of Time Spent on General Education and Selective Subjects at Different Maturity Levels viii Page 25 36 86 94 Y. C e a o O . v v _ 3. I LIST OF EXHIBITS Exhibit 1. Office Memorandum Concerning Cancellation of a Football Game 2. Letter Concerning Cancellation of a Basketball Game 3. Excerpt from a Coach's Report ix Page 223 225 227 LIST OF APPENDICES Appendix Page I. Administrative Instruction No. 23 . . . . . 323 II. Administrative Instruction No. 23 Supplement No. 2 . i I | I 7 I ‘ :5: newly co: PUPIIBIION f: Japanese Ame Pelocation A Created ager and carry 0L ““059 pattei LIN War ‘ W CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION In the history of American education, few oppor— tunities exist in which a school system can be placed under microscopic study from its inception to its completion. One historical episode does exist, however, which has been overlooked for its possibilities of such study. This episode was spawned out of the relocation of the Japanese Americans during the period of 1942—1945. During the spring and summer of 1942, the United States government carried out one of the largest migrations in history. This was the movement of 110,000 people of Japanese descent from their homes on the Pacific Coast to ten newly constructed barrack—type communities ranging in POPUlation from 8,000 to 20,000. At these centers the Japanese Americans became the responsibility of the War Relocation Authority (WRA), a wartime agency. This newly created agency was delegated the authority to formulate and carry out a program for the relocation of these people Whose pattern of life had been so suddenly shattered by the war. Within the ten centers, the War Relocation l-IIIPY' 'I' SOUgh - .I ..... ‘ " An» 5 s. E H '~ ‘ .. , r“ ....... >4 -Ctla ":2 obtained. Parental as ‘f it Within a Early 30,00( The 1 . “Eileen eva III SUQh WO rk her \ Authority sought to maintain in so far as possible all basic American institutions including schools. There is no comparable precedent in American edu- cation for the need of such rapid planning to create and maintain educational facilities. Schools were created against seemingly insurmountable odds: community and school mores were lacking; school faculty had to be recruited; supplies and equipment for complete new institutions had to be obtained; pupils came from many varied school badk— grounds; school buildings had to wait until semi—acceptable housing facilities were completed; in many cases students had left their previous schools without completing courses; new record systems had to be developed; state requirements had to be met; federal, state and local cooperation had to be obtained; library facilities had to be provided; and parental as well as student approval had to be developed. Yet within the next three years following the evacuation nearly 30,000 students attended Relocation schools. The sociological implications of the Japanese American evacuation and relocation have been well documented in such works as Carey McWilliams' Prejudice: Japanese-~ . 1 Americans, Symbol of Racial Intolerance; Morton Grodzins' ___‘_‘___~________g_ lCarey McWilliams, Prejudice: Japanese—Americans, Symbol of Racial Intolerance (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1944). .F,: .r - H... "' :1: a V ‘ .... .— -.--.. "A .......... a“ ' C -./ , ' = 'or. .n- —\.v - .. .. c : 5-53.88. n". '- a: -— .uS ...,: 1m: .: ~‘b‘ ‘.\_ h - ..,;y “‘v‘ has beer -' ‘ “'lu "22-2“.” W61 “‘5‘- Problems 1431mm an 3530015 . \ .. . Mort L31"’erSity ol 2 DON 3 II . DOI‘ mulersity 0 IV . “Ill 4 I?“ Ale Americans Betrayedl and Dorothy Thomas' two books: The Spoilage2 and The Salvage.3 Alexander Leighton's The Governing of Men4 tends to combine the sociological and psychological study of "the governing of men" as a social phenomenon. However, no study of the educational program has been attempted despite thefact that nearly one—third of the evacuees were of school age. The Purpose and Scope of the Study It has been, therefore, the intent of this study to describe the educational program provided the Japanese Americans in the Relocation Centers. The purpose of this study has been to describe how a school's philosophy and curriculum were conceived, how they were carried out and what problems were faced. Although this was a unique situation, many of the problems faced in determining ‘curriculum and school philosophy are common to most schools. \m lMorton Grodzins, Americans Betrayed (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1949). 2Dorothy Swaine Thomas, The Spoilage (Berkeley: Imiversity of California Press, 1946). ' 3Dorothy Swaine Thomas, The Salvage (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1946). 4Alexander H. Leighton, The Governing of Men (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1945). ,J-l ~V‘ ,. “5., _ .. era .; _, siren: has I task i: the 5 zine uniquene! :nlikelihood has often be :i value. F Phase of the \ 1 Dr. Apartment, liven the r: treatment 0: The scope of this study extends only to the educa- tional activities of the Relocation program and not to the entire process; hOWever, to understand fully the education— al program, one needs a good overview of the entire Relocation era. Although ten different school systems existed, this study examines the program provided generally. No specific educational program is detailed in this study, but it has been necessary to draw specific details from individual camps for purposes of illustration. An important element in this project has been to analyze the role that educators attempted to assign to the educational institution in the camp life and how this role was expressed in actual practice. Another important element has been to analyze the role the federal government took in the establishment of these schools. BecauSe of the uniqueness of this historical event and because of the unlikelihood of such an event being repeated.1 the writer has often been asked how can such a study produce anything Of value. First, from an historical point of view, this phase of the Relocation period should be presented. 1Dr. John H. Useem, Chairman of the Sociology Department, Michigan State University, maintains that given the right Set of conditions there could be similar treatment of a minority group. £33m, it won six; ntuatior :rzgnzable in is, that a so early dzscerna Lemma than Epiblic pres The dis T13 Introductil 13:1 of the s Etquound mat ”5 the educati MistoricaJ he role the ( UnaPter IV. l ”0015' deve developmental Elteynpts to 6 Chapters v at education in throughOIlt t: I he °°nVeni e Secondly, it would appear that in analyzing a highly unusual school situation, one may find patterns that are not recognizable in a somewhat more regulated school situation. Thus, what a society expects of its schools may be more easily discernable in a situation where public pressures are knOWn than in a normal school situation where community mm public pressures are often not recognizable. The dissertation is divided into seven chapters. The Introduction deals with the scope, purpose and method— ology of the study. The Second chapter deals with the background material necessary for an adequate understanding of the educational program. The third chapter discusses the historical development of the WRA educational policy. The role the educators saw for themselves is discussed in Chapter IV. Chapter V describes the first phase of the Schools' development, while Chapter VI describes the second developmental phase of the schools. Finally, Chapter VII attempts to evaluate the educational process described in Chapters V and VI as well as to provide implications for education in general. Because some terminology is repeated throughout the dissertation a glossary has been added for the convenience of the reader. . . .;~ "’ .- ...:--v " 5 . _ _:-~v~ C. U.“ 4.. __: ‘rni“ ...1- ‘ -5. - ,:.. :‘ 33' n ‘0 i' “v- its personal Student news; Irrespondem reports. teal Ettempt has ) r5 Erican Ev / a ll New Tittrlal is Methodology The general method used in this historical research consisted of a study of all educational and related activi- ties of the War Relocation Authority. A complete documen- tary record of the activities of WRA is found in the NatiOnal Archives and in the University of California Library at Berkeley. The latter, which the writer used, includes general manuscript histories of the various divisions, reports, center newspapers and magazines, scrap- books and other material from the general office of WRA and from each of the ten Relocation Centers. The educational material available includes the educational summaries—— monthly, yearly as well as final——of each Relocation Center Plus personal narratives of various educational personnel, student newspapers, yearbooks, various memos, letters of correspondence of personnel and evacuees, agenda, school reports, teacher reports and sundry other items. An attempt has been made by Edward N. Barnhart in Japanese American Evacuation and Resettlement: Catalog of Material in the General Library1 to catalog the material, yet some material is not well placed and duplications of materials M lEdward N. Barnhart, Japanese American Evacuation and Resettlement: Catalog of Material in the General £2££§£y (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1958). riff .. V ' '1 VV ‘ ”Ct-8.8 . . n‘ . .:C .335 VA . 1:5 1::‘ireCtly -.n'_‘ -x. 35.5 only wt: ‘5? String ti .:']n E‘CCBUOH Ce 13.: :;h SChOOl ( E‘ ‘ "Ally, Mi . “\ldc were found in various folders. Such cataloging was most helpful, however, in finding the material. Other extensive collections of manuscripts, documents and personal letters were available at the Hoover Library at Stanford University and at the Special Collections Library at the University of California at Los Angeles. Also various books, studies and newspaper and magazine articles dealing with the Relocation period were available. Three previous dissertations were available--two relating directly to the present study and one indirectly. Paul L. Christenson“s study, An Evaluation of Certain Phases of Heart Mountain Elementary Schools,1 deals only with the elementary school at Heart Mountain Camp during the year 1942—1943. Jerome Light's study, Eh; Development of a Junior—Senior High School Program in a Relocation Center for People of Japanese Ancestry During the War with Japan,2 discusses the program in the Hunt High School (Minidoka Camp) from 1942—1944. James Sakoda‘s Study, Minidoka: An Analysis of Changing Patterns of 1Paul L. Christensen, An Evaluation of Certain Phases of Heart Mountain Elementary Schools (unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of Wyoming, 1943). 2Jerome T. Light, The Development of a Junior— Senior High School Program in a Relocation Center for People of Japanese Ancestry During the War With Japan (unpublished Ed.D- Thesis, Stanford University, Palo Alto,. California, 1947)- ;- ,«w Tr‘Js ”:0: 7'55 - .- “.n" in”: “”4-- --re fLFE ::v :t ": F” l.--'_ V- ------ 7 ~' A _ S ‘ Bu. 1:5: come-719’ .;:;ractha Za;:as:an work Etc written Epiczfic areas 2355. such a] L315. regrets 3110f the in timing to le 553: hours. Wmons whicl Social Interaction,1 deals with the social processes of the Mnudoka Camp and touches only briefly on the school mtuation. Thus the basic factual material for this dissertation has been gleaned from records, personal letters, documents, published and unpublished materials. The final source of information was obtained from a series of interviews conducted with former students, teachers or administrators in the Relocation Centers. These interviews were conducted informally, without a standard— ized set of questions, in the person's home, office or other convenient place. A standardized set of questions was impractical since both former evacuees and former Caucasian workers were being interviewed. Although no basic written interview design was ever established, SPecific areas were covered in each interview. In most cases, such areas as philosophy, curriculum, problems, joys, regrets and personal feelings were discussed. Nearly all of the interviews were an hour in length, several running to lengths of two to three hours. A few ran over four hours. Three of the interviews were telephone conver— Sations which were much shorter. These were with people _______________-____ lJames Minoru Sakoda, Minidoka: An Analysis of SMEQging Patterns of Social Interaction (unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Psychology, University of California, Berkeley, 1949). ‘.-'-. -v‘rn >1-‘JH-Gv ' ~..~ ~ H _ .n*~ Eu n. : w-N“ v n-I “+er ’ .... ”#155 - "er- ,1 V‘ A 1.".‘5 w .‘z: ,. .0: 1 v‘ .- .~ 6-“ “- .': L2 ""55 ‘I‘E :2: 1.”. the I 22::eczed in 3 3. 3f course 3.5m"! years gerhaps does 1:119: hand, h the relocatic Slowed the bi thoughtful i! Sorgotten, y< 30“» lacking. in the human who could not, because of time schedule or illness, arrange a personal interview with the writer. Yet these conver- sations were of such value that they are listed in the bibliography. It will also be noted that several people were consulted more than once. In addition to these lengthy interviews, conversations were held with many Japanese Americans which are not included in the biblio- graphy. The purpose of these interviews and conversations was to aid in making evaluative judgments. The writer felt it was necessary to supplement the historical data found in the records with personal feelings of those perSOns connected in some way with the Relocation program. There is, of course, a disadvantage in doing such a study after twenty years have elapsed. That disadvantage of time perhaps does not aid the reliability of memory; but, on the other hand, because of the emotional feelings inherent in the relocation an advantage of such a time lapse has allowaithe'bitterness to be dissipated and replaced with, thoughtful insight. Details of the experience were often forgotten, yet the depth of understanding and feeling was not lacking. The writer found the interviews aided greatly in the human element of the historical study. u ‘ fl‘ ::.c5 "a _’ ,.»s€ .‘-' a. A-FA~ ::: its- "‘N‘ - .~ _ fl... : -w Vt” ::::9I3Videc n; . center Severa ‘:: “t Eh » x e wr1 3:: :‘ne most E they existed, urounded by the evacuees. ruins as a st 51111 stand 2 Cd ‘ 9 in Colo: exists at th lO . A bias may be inherent in the interviews since rmarly all those people contacted were the professional dement of the Japanese Americans or the more successful Caucasians. Also it will be noted that many of the Japanese Americans were from the Topaz Relocation Center. In addition to the interviews, the writer and his wife attended a Japanese Methodist Church meeting in Berkeley, California, where a film depicting the Topaz Camp life was shown. Since cameras were prohibited on the centers, this film Was taken by an evacuee against administrative orders. ,flw film depicted the life of the evacuees from their view- point. The film plus conversations with the members of the church provided an opportunity to gain a general impression of what center life had been like. Several former campsites were visited in order to assist the writer in gaining a feeling for the camp existence. For the most part, one can only visualize the camps as they existed, since all that remains are the cement slabs Surrounded by trees or shrubs which had been planted by the evacuees. Occasionally some building towers above thed ruins as a stark reminder of a previous city. Water towers Still stand at the Topaz Camp in Utah and at the Granada Camp in Colorado; a stone building uSed as a jail still exists at the Manzanar Camp in California; part of the adobe See ll bfick school building in the Poston Camp in Arizona is sail used as an Indian work camp. Some of the countryside Imar the camps is adorned by the various army barracks being Imed mainly for hen houses or other animal quarters. But fix the most part, nature has returned the former camp- fires to the desolate wastelands that they once were.-1 It is from this experience in reading, talking and feeling that this dissertation has been written. M lSee photograph, 9- 12~ Gra: only the Ce rounded by Still Exist Pe 12 Photograph No. l Granada Relocation Center Twenty Years Later Only the cement foundations of the barracks remain sur— rOunded by the trees planted by the evacuees. Roadways .still exist in the former center which is now used as grazing land. Source: Personal photograph, December, 1962. 14‘s:- ' ' BACK 6 RI r- . W- -‘ A - a!“ :—' 4.357.: were “a . . ‘ ~ 0 tn; 1, “ it: n; n "" \' CHAPTER II BACKGROUND MATERIAL ON EVACUATION AND RELOCATION Introduction At the time the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor Ikmember 7, 1941, about 127,000 persons of Japanese descent were living in the United States, of whom more than 112,000 were on the Pacific Coast.1 The Japanese fell into three general groups: (1) the Issei or immigrant Japanese born in Japan; (2) the Nisei, American— born and American-educated children of the Issei; and (3) the Kibei, American—born but educated wholly or partially in Japan. With some exceptions the Issei had come to this country during the period of 1890 to 1924. An act of Congress in 1924 virtually abolished any further Japanese migration. In addition the Japanese immigrant was not allowed to become a naturalized citizen. The _ 1For the best single source on the evacuation and relocation of the Japanese Americans during World War II see U.S. Department of the Interior, WRA: A Story of Human Sgnservation (Washington, D.c., 1946). This source has OI— keen used extensively in citing statistical material in Chapter II. 13 a. "yum-va-r . .yde..-A .. :....,. n,~: . .L..u u. w “L" :. "an r ........ u .. _-~--.— 71 -n, ....... . -du\ .-_:- A: ,. ._-.... - - u: -w.‘ - ~- _-.‘-L. "RE To .ady 1 l4 nmjority of Japanese men had come before 1908 and the majority of women had reached this country somewhat later—- {Hedominantly in the ten year period from 1910 to 1920. Having come to the United States for advancement, these people had to start at the very bottom of the American economic ladder-—as section workers on the railroads, domestics in homes of the well—tO—do and as harvest hands in the fruit orchards and vegetable fields. Most, by years of hard work and frugal living, had acquired a stake in the land, an equity in the wholesale or retail marketing of agricultural products or in other small business enter- prises. A few had risen to positions of wealth and prominence. Most of the Issei at the time of evacuation were a group who had reached the pinnacle of success and were ready to retire or were retired. (The average age of the Issei at the time of evacuation in 1942 was 58). Broadly speaking, the Issei retained a sentimental attachment for the Japan they had known as children or adolescents but wanted nothing more than to live out the rest of their lives in comfort and peace. Since many of the Issei men had arrived in this country before their wives or before marriages could be arranged, the men were on the average a much older group than the Issei women. This group comprised only 40,000 of the total 127,000 ...... .11-”; -'l -:v A...*... ‘-~Ap\‘¢v we . .-. u- v. ...,,. , ..... «:_: . : .L.- -‘ :. ' " #4 -" -— nuflzvl """" -C...-. ' *~ ’5 ‘1- .I , “1“! CS ‘— -‘ . ‘2»- r .' ..‘__ 94C :..; lbw“ {etc {path the C. 15 Japanese living in the United States. Most of the Issei had married and settled down to family responsibilities late in life; therefore, the age gap between them and their American-born children was Lumommonly pronounced. Over 95% of the Nisei (American- born) were under 35 years of age——the largest group falling kmtween 15 and 25 years of age. Only a few hundred were over 95 years of age. (The average age of the Nisei at the time of evacuation was 21.) This group gave every appearance of being more American than their elders. They had accepted American customs and manners: they had been educated in American public schools. In fact, they often were "two hundred percent” Americans in the sense they tended to re— ject all or many of the cultural traditions of their elders. The 70,000 American-born Japanese were a much larger group than the Issei, yet because of the odd age distribution the Issei adult outnumbered the American citizen adult group by a margin of almost four to three. The Japanese family had been highly traditional Math the elders retaining a high degree of control over the young. By tradition, leadership in the Japanese com— munity was with the elders. The family solidarity was high. There were virtually no Japanese on social welfare roles prior to evacuation. In addition, education was l6 highly regarded by the Issei as a means of advancement. Great stress had been laid upon a college education. For this reason the Japanese group in 1940 had a much higher percentage of college graduates than was the norm for the total population or for any other minority group. College education, however, had not always brought the advancement the Japanese had hoped for because many job opportunities were limited by West Coast discrimination. Doctors, lawyers and dentists found their practice limited to Japanese clientele. Some occupations such as teaching Were virtually closed to the Japanese Americans. Colleges on the West Coast had discouraged Japanese students getting teaching credentials because opportunities were too scarce. Those few who held credentials prior to the war found teaching positions extremely difficult to obtain. Many college trained personnel were forced to accept employment which did not require specific training. For example, it was not uncommon to find qualified and certified teaching personnel doing clerical or attendance work for school offices.l On the whole, the Nisei were an ambitious group h 1In a personal interview Mrs. Ernest Takahashi, Oakland, California, February 5, 1963, related that she held California teaching credentials prior to the war, but could not find a teaching position. She was, however, hired as a school attendance officer. - -2 a; _. ”H: M. 4:” . 73-53 La:gua< ::::rtzmlt 15‘ :35: part. 1fo 5162763 m“: S and re A ”in; ~"‘*». “We h l7 desiring to find a niche in the American way of life and often finding that niche only after being subjected to a great deal of discrimination. The third group—-the Kibei——composed of nearly 9,000 were the group of Japanese most highly suspected by the West Coast citizens. It can be easily seen that the Issei had had little contact with Japan except perhaps occasional visits since Uaelast immigrants had arrived in 1924. However, the Kibei were American—born Japanese who had been educated totally or partially in Japan. This group was early suspected by the government authorities, rejected by the Nisei and not understood by the Issei. Their language difficulty was quite noticeable and job Opportunities were limited to Japanese communities for the most part. Although each group has been depicted as having Common elements, there were wide ranges of individual atti— tudes and reactions within the three groups. Thus, no Stereotype has been intended. On December 8, 1941, close to 30,000 Americans of Japanese ancestry went to school and colleges, but not as usual. Once these students arrived at school they showed all the symptoms of profound shock. "They sat in empty Classrooms with tears streaming down their faces. They heSitated to approach their friends. They showed that 18 they were children caught in a painful dilemma."l For if they behaved too friendly, it might be attributed to fear; if on the other hand they remained by themselves, people might consider these acts a sure sign of plots and secret plans. "Their faces wore expressions of shame, despair, andanagonizing desire to be understood."2 Thus began a series of tragic incidents which were to lead to eventual internment of over 110,000 Japanese Americans. Some 1,500 "enemy aliens" who were thought to have connections with Japan were immediately arrested by the Department of Justice; their businesses were closed and their bank accounts "blocked." All Japanese were requested to register and carry identification cards. In addition, all contraband—— cameras, radios, binoculars and firearms—-were to be turned over to local police. All Japanese—~citizens and aliens alike——were required to stay within a five mile radius of their homes and a curfew of 8 P.M. was imposed Upon them. In the following weeks, as Japan continued her successful assaults against the Philippines, Thailand, and M.”— lOtis D. Richardson, "Nisei Evacuees -— Their Challenge to Education," Junior College Journal, Vol. XIII, No. 1 (September, 1942), pa 6- 2Ibid. 33" (actual tan Harbor “Edutionar West 19 Singapore, the American public became increasingly suspicious of persons of Japanese ancestry in the United States. Stirred by race baiters, the press carried on a continual campaign against the Japanese. Stirred by completely false rumors of sabotage and fifth-column activity in Hawaii in connection with the Pearl Harbor attack, attitudes of public opinion grew more and more anti— Japanese on the West Coast. Reports of enemy submarine activity off the coast of California added to the mounting sense of panic. California citizens, fearful of invasion, became increasingly conscious of widespread rumors of Japanese sabotage. Organized opposition to the Japanese grew (actually these organizations were active long before Pearl Harbor).1 The West Coast began to demand strong precautionary measures. Westbrook Pegler in a column in February, 1942, Criticized the government for not taking action against the "Japanese problem." Four days later, Walter Lippman wrote M‘— 1For a detailed account of such activities see: McWilliams, op. cit. See also Roger Daniels, The Politics of Prejudice: The Anti—Japanese Movement in California and the Struggle for Japanese Exclusion, Ph.D. Thesis, History, Uhiversity of California, Los Angeles, 1960 (reprinted as a Social Science Monograph in 1962). Roger Daniels traces the anti-Japanese feeling from 1860 to the Exclusion Act of 1924. - ‘p' rwf‘ .3 _4,-..~: LIE ».-"‘ ’Hn : u.‘ V“ ‘ 3.7. . :nfltv CONT. .:Sar Franc garmendatr tn, ‘ ‘ srsp;c h Lasvelt w aesed. h Se 20 the following for nation-wide distribution: The Pacific Coast is in imminent danger of a combined attack from within and from without. . It is [true] . . . that since the outbreak of the Japanese war there has been no important sabotage on the Pacific coast. From what we know about the fifth— column in Europe, this is not, as some have liked to think, a sign that there is nothing to be feared. It is a sign that the blow is well organized and that it is held back until it can be struck with maximum effect. . . . I am sure I understand fully and appreciate thoroughly the unwillingness of Washington to adopt a policy of mass evacuation and interment [sic] of all those who are technically enemy aliens. But I submit that Washington is not defining the problem on the Pacific coast correctly. . . . The Pacific coast is officially a combat zone: some part of it may at any moment be a battlefield. Nobody's constitutional rights include the right to reside and do business on a battlefield. And nobody ought to be on a battlefield who has no good reason for being there.1 Iime‘was ripe now for action; Lieutenant General John L. DeWitt, commanding general of the Western Defense Command in San Francisco, urged the War Department to follow his recommendation of complete evacuation. At the height of fear, suspicion and distrust, President Roosevelt acquiesced g lWalter Lippman, "Washington Fails to Cope with western Fifth Column," Salt Lake Tribune, February 20! 1942' 2Historians will have to decide whether President I{Oosevelt‘was pressured or whether he too was racially t>iased. See Stetson Conn, "The Decision to Evacuate the JaPanese from the Pacific Coast," in Cgmmand Decisions, edited by Kent Roberts Greenfield, Office of the Chief of lfilitary History, Department of the Army, Washington, D.c., 1960, pp. 125-49. Dr. Conn contends, ". . . That the only responsible commander who backed the War Department's plan as a measure required by military necessity was the PreSident himself, as Commander-in—Chief." “ signed the is my blank L205: imedia iteral DeWit' Cazfomia, 0 has announ uh as a ma ie 'hlitary for its annc 32' sabotage ; Further he 5 hit racial °5 race, cul thought by l: vulnerable t Plants , 1 21 and signed tima'unprecedented EXecutive Order 9066 which gave the Army blanket power to deal with the enemy alien problem. AJmost immediately Public Proclamation No. l was issued by Cmneral DeWitt designating the entire western half of California, Oregon and Washington as a "Military Area." It was announced that all persons of Japanese ancestry would as a matter of military necessity be removed from the "Military Area." General DeWitt advanced reasons for this announcement by stating that dispersal of the Japanese into the interior would eliminate the likelihood of sabotage and preparation for a full—scale attack. Further he saw the Japanese as a large unassimilated tightly— knit racial group bound to an enemy nation by strong ties Ci race, culture, custom and religion. In addition, it was thought by DeWitt that the Japanese had settled nearareas vulnerable to attack and near shore installations and war plants.l Evacuation At first the evacuation was voluntary: about 5,000 Hmved out of the strategic areas. Those moving were —; 1Leonard J. Arrington, The Price of Prejudice: The Qépanese-American Relocation Center in Utah During World EE$_ll (Logan, Utah: The Faculty Association, Utah State thiversity, 1962), p. 6. :Lversany me ES 3359 by th 4", E 'Ovement I :::ers were me me were cinerS we: still 0th' local Pea‘ gaps Want 35 31917 01’; th is :nterior/ Emir-e Civil I . 1e evacuati< contingent or hgeles to M ation was ha Washington, Arizona were who had left located outs themselves 1 22 universally met by general public antagonism. No attempt has made by the government or military staff to aid in tflfis movement. As a result those complying with government cuders were met by much harrassment. Some were turned back by Arizona border guards; others were met by armed posses in Nevada; still others were held "on suspicion" by panicky local peace officers. Many were greeted by "No Japs Wanted" signs or were threatened by nuclei of angry citizens.l On the basis of such anti~Japanese sentiments in . . ' . 2 . the interior, General DeWitt on March 11 established the wartime Civil Control Administration (WCCA) to carry out the evacuation program. By March 22 the first large contingent of Japanese Americans was moved from Los Angeles to Manzanar Reception Center. Voluntary evacu- ation was halted and in addition most of Oregon and -hhshington, all of California and the western portion of Arizona were declared a "critical area." Many Japanese Mme had left their homes in March voluntarily and who had located outside the first announced critical area found themselves under confinement. Some who had repurchased l . Ibid., p. 7. 2 . u I General DeWitt publicly announced A Jap s a Jap . It makes.no difference if he is an American Citizen." (Ibid., p. 6.) .. ; -H‘ 'I'” Jan ’ ..: “.5 I P7" 4... . ~'-o — :’ v4. . a: ....... (:5 p» . r~c . V .H ' v ...; -_ :‘ pierced by 1“,“. ,‘ ”realls C” February If, in 1 e‘iacUat: is a pr Nation, the nee on the release SurfaCe “Mr F frOm mC 23 land and planted spring crops felt the order to be vindic— tive. The Japanese in most cases were given short notices flnrdeparture. By and large, the evacuees were expected to dispose of their property quickly and individually. Each person was permitted to take with him only what he could carry in his hands; the government agreed to provide the storage of property only at the risk of the owner. Many here victimized by unscrupulous businessmen purchasing property for only a fraction of its cost. (Over—all estimation of personal property loss is estimated at $350 million.) Despite this outrage, the Japanese response to this order requiring the uprooting of a tenth of a million people was unbelievably restrained. Many were stunned and be- wildered by the action; however, most accepted their plight with "realistic resignation." The leaders of the Japanese American Citizens League, an organization of the Nisei, (niFebruary 23, 1942, announced: If, in the judgment of military and federal authorities, evacuation of Japanese residents from the west coast is a primary step toward assuring the safety of this Nation, we will have no hesitation in complying with the necessities implicit in that judgment. But, if, on the other hand, [this was not quoted in most press releases] such evacuation is primarily a measure whose surface urgency cloaks the desires of political and other pressure groups who want us to leave merely from motives of self interest, we feel we have every ....... halls 51555::v. T. v n. .. full imp :ECESSary. illltaIY car lamination, :Lnes walti and latrine \ l c: the Sela ‘J‘C‘USe RepOI 23£ 24 right to protest and to demand equitable judgment on our merits as American citizens.1 Vflmther this represented the majority feeling is questionable since it now appears from letters and testimony that most were far from psychologically prepared for the shock of evacuation. Assembly Centers When the evacuation order of March, 1942, was issued, the military began construction of fifteen "assembly centers" at racetracks, fairgrounds,rand livestock exhi— kfltion halls near the principal settlement of Japanese ancestry. These were chosen because electricity and running Water were available. Up to this time, no one had recognized the full impact of the vast migration of 110,000 people. The Army had directives to intern these people by force if necessary. Life at the assembly centers was full of nulitary camp irritations: frequent roll calls, wholesale vaccinations, censorship of mail, lack of privacy and long lines waiting in mess halls, movies, laundry, post offices and latrines. These temporary shelters-~made of the cheapest k National Defense Migration. Fourth interim Report of the Select Committee, . 4 . 77 Congress, 2nd Session, Ikmse Report 2124, Washington, 1942. 2 See map, p. 25. Approx 25 Map No. 1 Approximate Location of Assembly Centers fl “F ‘ . W ..... ‘H‘. 1' ‘-._~ .a”waflJupFW‘~—r v .I ‘ — - . I , — - _ .- .i [1 ‘ _""r°— —.._, _ _ - _ '— _'-':\_. I! (-’\ 9' > L' \ I."\'"~.. v-1 \ \:I ""1 I! ‘\ “"th ‘ z" a I \f'l I 1‘ .J’ 3 I . 5 g H i ............................ E WK; ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ J \--. i' i M! \i “ ------ - i i i i '7‘~~. ’ ! i ! I! ‘ "‘--.J m“ l, : : f ‘ "r — l -_ "g! : ........................ ‘ ._. ‘3“"" “ ' ' .I [I l! i x. ‘31,. I . flmuwsWUJe / (“‘~ 5 \ e,“ . ’ .l """ ‘ ~~~~~~~ -.-.i_.__ \ fifiahnmnnto ; ; —~7 ; Stbckton ; ; g. a; ....... ”M1001! j' ; ii --------------------- x? I ,' . F ““0'5flnaflflm it ................. .f g : .mm \f-V ‘V! --y~--._.-._. ................ I! ll -.’ ‘3‘“ ................................ ! ,1.-. __________ —. l-.- \ ‘2 :Santa\\ ;1ta &nuee: Robert o'Brien, The College Niesi (Palo Alto, California: Pacific BOoks, 1949), p. 36. ....... LS 22 GET; 3.--; n: .. .. v'. "(g-u: “M such a 1.23]: lite ra {k “Eras, phc recordings 2 The in the 3389.] directions- 1"" the JaEJ me Japanes \ 1 m1 cont: ‘9' 1942. ‘ 26 cflmainable materials—-were without ceilings or inner walls. Administration Notice No. 13 shows the Army's distrust of the evacuees: Procedure governing meetings held within ------ Assembly Center. Effective at once, all meetings within the ——————— Assembly Center may be held only in strict compliance with the following rules and regulations. Meeting,defined For the purpose of this bulletin, the term "meeting" is to denote an assemblage of residents for any length of time, for any purpose, held at any place within the center. Rules Governing Meeting No meeting shall be sponsored or held by residents of this center, having for its subject a discussion of: 1. International affairs, 2. National, state, country or city politics. 3. The present war With Japan.l Furthermore it was announced that no Japanese print of any kind, such as newspapers, books, pamphlets, periodicals or other literature would be tolerated at the assembly centers. Cameras, phonograph records and all other mechanical sound recordings and transcription in Japanese were forbidden. The Japanese did not know how long they would be in the assembly center. Center rumors ran in all directions—-the Japanese would be deported to Japan immediate— ly! the Japanese would be placed in concentration camps or the Japanese would all be sent East. From March to May, ; lWestern Defense Command and Fourth Army'wartime CiVil Control Administration, "Center RGQUlatlonSI July, 18, 1942. ”M I..: Jute - ‘942, the pet)? vz-ggfary cent ‘23‘. of time o Mszrv?“ was 1': the Sisei 1 L: school, an are created e :::e- .1 line“; future. The 1 Avon rule by government w 950m of th this Camp 6) were born 0‘ Pental aPpo were in the withdraWn f evacuees fe they might 27 1942, the people of Japanese ancestry were moved into these temporary centers. People found themselves with a great deal of time on their hands living within a guarded barbed vfire fence. "What is the future of the American of Japanese enmestry?" was an unanswered question. The people especial— ly the Nisei began to reflect on what they had been told in school, and what, in practical fact, had happened to them. The question "Do the Americans mean it when they say all men are created equal, or is that just another salesman's come-on line?" began to take on serious meaning as to their future. The Army with its philosophy of detention insisted Upon rule by authority in the assembly centers. Self— government was not to become a reality. However, the Emople of the centers began to realize the bareness of this camp existence. Recreational and educational activities were born overnight. The recreational program had govern— Hental appointed personnel, while the education activities Were in the hands of the evacuee leaders. Students had been Withdrawn from schools as early as March and some of the evacuees felt that by establishing a summer school program they might be able to offset some of the students' loss of School work. For example, at the Tanforan Assembly 15:2: in San } :5 educational 375:5: had no raged-mo p 1: zexzbooks, pencils c m requisii Were obtainel 9%:sons. Bo "ire establi Stud ihere was 1: attefld the 1 were free f anti\Iities. report card orSanizatic period a W 28 Center in San Bruno, California, a community—wide system of educational activities was organized. This school system had no official status: it was temporary; and its faculty had no experience. No buildings were available except for the hallways under the grandstand. Temporary permission was granted to use mess hall tables (combination bench—tables, picnic style, seating eight to a table). Classes were thrown into one large hall where confusion reigned~—no partitions between classes, no blackboards, no textbooks, no supplies were available. Finally paper and pencils came from private donations and some from the WCCA requisitions. Books for teachers and a few for students Were obtained from private organizations and interested Persons. Both elementary and secondary school programs were established. Students“ attendance was voluntary; however, since there was little else to do, the students were prompt to attend the morning session from 8:00 to 12:00. Afternoons were free for the student to spend in the recreational activities. Students insisted upon grade reports so that report cards, unplanned at first, were issued. The school organization was loose and free. Students devoted one Period a week to a general assembly. A simple program of ::ertainment, ::gs and yell: 1201 authori‘ 22:”: was org be: elected ;:es:dent. ye] class. Under 'I‘Lc'n conduct, itch tried d 3&1". as "traf Walking t? The 1 ”mittee, 1 on the Staff “What 100 college deg: three Years apleasing 1 area_ The during the anappreCia “make if The Sp: with t] ClasSe; 29 entertainment, announcements, and a speech or two, plus songs and yells ‘was featured. Though the basis of all school authority rested in the faculty, a student organi— zation was organized. The student organization was headed by an elected cabinet, including the president, vice— president, yell leaders and two representatives from each class. Under the cabinet, there developed a rally committee, which conducted the weekly assembly, and a student court, which tried discipline cases recommended by the faculty, as well as "traffic violators" (those who disturbed classes by walking through classrooms during authorized hours). The faculty at Tanforan was chosen by a school Committee. Since not one state—accredited teacher was on the staff, qualifications for teachers Were established somewhat loosely. In general, requirements included a college degree for the high school teachers and one to three years of college training for elementary teachers, a Pleasing personality and a general command of a subject area. The faculty made themselves available to students during the afternoons and much to their surprise, there was an appreciable number of students who came to study further and make inquiries on difficult items. The spirit of willingness on the part of the faculty, With the patience of the students combined to make classes possible in such an abnormal atmosphere for fully thre and lives more than inch wil. = éiarist, i“ Those who adequatel school te need very teachers- child we] educatior best tra: it is im] so that ‘ 0f group children rather t age grou One I landscape pa 5" 0f art 2 “Mt art 5( “Never pain- beY<>nd to t he OrganiZe inSthtorS \ 1 He 13' 1943, E 2Dt pp' 18~19. Profe I: Ss ‘ 1963 Or I 30 fully three months. It must have stabilized the minds and lives of these evacuated adolescents, and in more than a few cases, they received an "education" which will have added to their store. One diarist, however, disagreed: Those who did go into the education program were not adequately trained for it—-especially the grammar school teachers—~50 that the youngest children who need very careful schooling, don't have fully trained teachers——as those trained in child psychology and child welfare. Moreover many who had been trained in education, went into the nursery school, so that the best trained were used in other fields. Of course, it is important that the very young be well treated so that they will be introduced into the fundamentals of group work, but it is more important that these children be given something to occupy their time rather than very expert educational leaders (this age group covers 3—6).2 One Japanese art professor, famous for his landscape paintings and prior to the evacuation a profes- sor of art at the University of California, started an adult art school. His philOSOphy was always to look up—- “Never paint the guards, towers or barbed wire but look beyond to the mountains.”3 At one point, the art school he organized had six hundred students with sixteen different instructors. A music school was begun also. % In addition, lHenry Tani, “The Tanforan High School," February 13. 1943, p. 6 (unpublished report). 2Doris Hayashi, "A Progressive Group" (diary, 1942), PP. 18—19. 3Interview with Professor Chiura Obata, retired Professor of Art at University of California, February 6, 1963. =-s xere l ~-=sse:nl 225:); e ' Ta" ...... At a fate in the Clhstitutio find a SOlu iESs eVaCua federal gm l Efforts in the Army a thOre eVa 31 adult classes in English, American history and current problems were held. Nursery schools had their inception at the assembly centers. It should be pointed out that Tanforan Assembly Center was unusual in that of the total population of 7,673 nearly eight hundred were college graduates. In addition, Tanforan was in existence longer than any other assembly center. Many assembly centers were way stations to the later Relocation Centers while one assembly center became a Relocation Center. However, nearly every assembly center tried some type of voluntary educational program but not as elaborate as at Tanforan. Policy Formation At any rate, while the Japanese puzzled over their fate in the assembly centers, the federal government on constitutional, humanitarian and economic grounds had to find a solution to the new problems being created by the mass evacuation of 110,000 men, women and children. The federal government was to be taxed in making the best efforts in this pioneering field. It was evident that the Army and War Department‘s view was detention even before evacuation, yet the Army did not have manpower to OPerate a complete organization of detention. The Army Timed that := organizati‘ that the Ar :::ary P01 ic 0n Mal Sréerllo. 910: assist person Grier 9066. his civiliar 1: the Presit ‘hat Mr. Eis1 hssible of I Community wo over the ent ’ trehendous 1 Veluntary e. held at Sal high offici outlined fj “l Public of raw lam Production on federal Such as v1" 32 requested that a civilian organization be created to handle Um organization and administration of the Japanese Americans So that the Army would need only to provide necessary military police to guarantee protection. On March 18, President Roosevelt signed Executive Order No. 9102 creating the War Relocation Authority to assist persons evacuated by the military under Executive Order 9066. Milton S. Eisenhower was named director of this civilian organization, which was directly responsible to the President. In the weeks following it became clear that Mr. Eisenhower had in mind as much of an absorption as possible of the Japanese into private employment and community work projects (similar to C.C.C. Camps) scattered over the entire nation. In order to eliminate some of the tremendous public resentment that had occurred in the voluntary evacuation in the interior states, a meeting was held at Salt Lake City, Utah, on April 7, 1942, with the high officials of fifteen Western states. Mr. Eisenhower outlined five types of work plans he had in mind: (1) public works, including such things as the development 0f raw lands for agricultural production; (2) food production, both for evacuee subsistence and for sale, on federally owned project lands; (3) manufacture of goods, Such as vitally needed camouflage nets and cartridge belts; g) orivate em! 5,2 managed l l garment. “rte was no i so to the ex is people St The r ;n;osals. 0 operation a later lost ix aiceiptance o JapaneSe que idesire for and Set Up E ' removed fror the militar, dispersion when, Whe “Ere Clear. ment °Pera \ l L 0 f Human c 33 (4) private employment; and (5) self-supporting cooperatives mate managed by the evacuees rather than by the federal government.1 In addition, he assured the representatiVes there‘was no intention on the part of the government to sell land to the evacuees and that no action would be taken to make people settle in one area. The representatives reacted critically to these Proposals. Only Governor Carr of Colorado spoke for cooperation and collaboration with such a program. (He later lost in a senatorial election over this vocal acceptance of cooperation with the government on the Japanese question.) Mbst of the representatives indicated a.desire for the federal government to intern the Japanese and set up a strict guarantee that all evacuees would be removed from their states following the war. In addition, the military authorities made it quite clear that such dispersion as Eisenhower called for would be out of the question. When the Salt Lake meeting Closed, tWO things Were Clear: mass detention would be necessary and govern— "Ent operated camps of large size would be needed. h l A Story U. S. Department of the Interior, WRA: 2£_Euman Conservation, op. cit., p. 29. wording 12.6 tell ::sider 34 Amxmdingly, WRA stepped up its process of selecting suit- afle relocation sites. In selecting these sites, four considerations we re paramount: l. WRA wanted sites which offered possibilities for extensive agricultural development or for year- round employment opportunities of other types. 2. The Army, concerned with national security and deeply distrustful of the evacuated people, in- sisted that all sites be located on "wide open" terrain from which escape would be nearly impossible and "at a safe distance" from strategic installations. The army also stipulated that no center be less than 5,000 so as to minimize the manpower required to guard them. 3. For fiscal reasons, it was desirable to locate the centers on lands which were in federal ownership or available for federal purchase, so that improve— ments made at federal expense would not be used to increase the value of private property. 4- The centers had to be located within a reasonable distance of a railroad with access to dependable and economical supplies of water and electric power. lArrington, op. cit., PP° 11‘12° 35 Relocation Centers As a result, ten barrack campsites were chosen by the WRA. Two sites were chosen in February and March of 1942 by the Wartime Civil Control Administration and turned cwer to WRA in June. One, Manzanar, located in the Owens valley of east—central California, was on land controlled by the city of Los Angeles. The other, Colorado River, was on 72,000 acres of unused Indian reservation lands in the extreme western part of Arizona. Of the remaining eight chosen by WRA, three were on undeveloped portions of federal reclamation projects: Tule Lake in the Klamath Falls basin of extreme northern California, Minidoka in the Gooding Reclamation Project of south central Idaho and Hearthountain in the reclamation project of the same name in.northwestern Wyoming. Rohwer and Jerome were located in Arkansas on land controlled by the Farm Security Administration and purchased originally for the rehabili— tation of low income families. The Gila River Center was a Sagebrush Indian reservation in Arizona. The Granada Center was on privately owned land purchased for WRA by the Army in Colorado. The Central Utah Center consisted of a mixture of public domain land and a number of tracts that had reverted to the county during the depression. ‘L L‘.‘ 1See map, p. 36: chart, p- 42' E ’ WIMP-(“c Icahtiakeil Kai “Ll-H. ‘ w Map No. 2 WAR RELOCATION CENTERS :53: H tCZSl Sistt and YEP. hon 37 Construction by the United States Corps of Engineers began almost immediately. An agreement between the WRA and the War Department called only for the construction of bare essentials—-housing, hospital, mess halls and latrines. No inclusion was made for educational buildings, churches or governmental or community service buildings. Construction was hasty and immediate. Theprojecta con- sisted of row after row of block barracks of frame and tar- paper construction. The residential area consistedof checkerboard blocks of which thirty-four were living quarters. The blocks were uniformly constructed to house and service two hundred and fifty to three hundred persons. Each block had twelve single-story resident barracks build- ings, a central mess or dining hall, a recreation hall and a combination washroom——toilet laundry room. One room, ranging from 16 X 20 feet to 20 X 25 feet in size, was home for a family with several children or for four or five unrelated individuals. Only bare essentials were Provided.l WRA provided potebellied stoves, cots, sacks or mattress covers and blankets. The evacuees were re~ quired to make their own partitions, chairs, benches, tables, shelves, closets, storage chests and other furniture. lSeephotograph, p. 38. Photograph No. 2 Only Bare Essentials Were Provided This photograph depicts the unloading of beds for evacuees 0f Japanese ancestry at the Colorado River Relocation Center, Poston, Arizona, just prior to their arrival. Source: War Relocation Authority photograph files, University of California, Berkeley. 39 This could be done by "borrowing” whatever lumber could be found. A barbed wire fence encompassed each campsite; watch- tower guard houses were equipped with searchlights. Guard- houses were built at each entrance to the camps and the military police checked the papers and credentials of every person coming and going. All buildings were of somber tar—’ paper construction, with exception of the administrative offices and hospitals which were usually painted white.1 By June, 1942, WRA was under new leadership. Mr. Eisenhower left WRA for a new appointment. Dillon 8. Myer, assistant administrator of the Agricultural Conser~ vation and Adjustment Administration, became the new director and remained so until the agency was dissolved in 1946. Within ten days after his appointment Mr. Myer made a quidk trip through some of the then operating centers to learn something of the task he had undertaken. His impres— sion of the camps was to make a change in WRA policy. Mr. Myer was depressed by the poor environment he saw for the evacuees and was determined as quickly as possible to change the "duration idea." By the time he reached washington in mid—Joly, he had serious misgivings not only about keeping people in centers but even about the ___ lSee photograph, p. 40. Hull. Ilii l i A 40 Photograph No. 3 The Central Utah Relocation Camp at Topaz, Utah In the background, the white buildings are the administration offices and housing. An obvious caste system was in effect. The appointed staff members enjoyed the convenience of good housing, electric stoves, refrigerators and furnace heat whereas residents lived in army barracks heated by pot-bellied stoves. Source: War Relocation Authority photograph files, University of California, Berkeley. 41 desirability of permitting them to remain there any longer than absolutely necessary.1 From then on the policy was to find some method whereby the evacuees could be resettled as quickly as possible; yet the relocation policy was to be overshadowed for many months by the mere necessity of getting 110,000 people located in new barrack homes. Many policies grew out of emergency situations and then, as rapidly as possible, they were made uniform On a national basis. Nearly all centers received their first occupants before the barracks or plumbing were completed. In many cases, hospital services were not available when the centers opened. No school buildings were available and WRA policy on education was still being formulated. Between May and October, the evacuees moved from assembly centers to Relocation Centers.2 Many evacuees had been led to believe better facilities would be awaiting them. Yet when they arrived they found conditions no better than the horse Stables they had left at the assembly centers and in some cases even worse. Relocation policies were not definite .k 1U. S. Department of the Interior, WRA: A Stogy Si Homan Conservation, op. cit., p. 37. 2See chart, po 42. Q 42 ..oflo .mo .GOHpm>HomGOU cmEom mo whoom d con—H om ..Mwmldmm..coomzflnhfi mom Omad .Efimmmm mm.hma .Q “mmz .HOHHouCH mo pcofionmmon mouspm pouHcD noonoom mmwcmth smc.m same .om mosh meme .o .poo moapcsoo nooaco com Bone..comamo oaocmo msc.m meme .om .>oz meme .mee.udom mmmcmxnr .socsoo memos .mmroous umsrom oma.m meme .Hm .uoo meme .HH .nomm rmpo .spcsoo oomaeas .Nmooe rmoo smoocmo mam.s mama .ma .uoo meme .sm .ms< oomnoaoo .sncsoo monsoon .mromea momcmno mcHEo>3 noe.oe meme .OH .>oz Name .ma .ocm sucsoo some .camocsos humor camocsos humor som.m meme .mm .ooo meme .oe .oc< oemcH .mocsoo msonmm .ocsm meccacas mem.ma meme .oa .>oz meme .om sacs accuses .socsoo emcee .mom>am om>am menu mos.ma meme .om rooms mama .sm was magnooaemo .suasqo oooos .Hsmamz arms have cam.ha moma .mm .>OZ Nome .m he: mcowflnd .wucooo mEow .cOpmom no>Hm oomnoHOO oco.oa mdma .HN .>Oz Ngma .HN conmz oHcMOMflHmu .wpcooo owcH .HmcoNCmE Hmcmmcmz coaumaomom , ucopflmom comm mchOHU comm mCHQoQO coapmooq Hoodoo mo oEmZ xmmm Aucoficmflaflmpmm Hflmnp mo HoUHO EH poumflqv HH Mdg QJHMO3 UZHMDQ mZfiUHmnm—Hfiw MmflZfimANb mom mMMEZMU ZOHBANUOQHM M43 a cameo 43 at the time of moving; thus evacuees could only view these new homes as ones for the duration. The complete wasteland appearance was disheartening to those who had envisioned a better existence. A May 29 policy stated that the objective of the Relocation program was to provide an equio able substitute for the life, work and homes given up and to facilitate participation in the productive life of America. One statement read: In the last analysis, each relocation community will be approximately what the evacuees choose to make it. The standards of living and the quality of community life will depend on their initiative, resourceful— ness and skill. Initially, the government will provide the minimum essentials of living——shelter, medical care, and sanitary facilities——together with Work opportunities for self—support. Many felt the government had not lived up to its promise, yet residents had little time for reflection. Now for the first time they had to deal with a new natural element——dust. In the beginning, there was dust everYWhere; the tracks of the bull—dozers and graders, which had leveled the earth for the erection of the barracks, were still visible. Dust seeped through every window and under every door. When rains came, the evacuees fought a sea Of mud rather than dust. Among the chief problems M— lWar Relocation Authority, Community Government in E§£_Béipcation Centers (Washington, D.C.), p. 4. (Not dated.) 44 faced by the people of the community was how to live as normal a life as possible in a large city which was con— stantly battling the elements of dust or mud. Learning to live in isolation was hard° For these were cities without the usual drug stores, department stores, grocery stores, hardware stores and other services of the kind even the smallest country town would have to offer. As in the Assembly Centers everyone had to stand in line for nearly everything. Evacuees stood in lines at mess halls, at the post offices and even at the latrines. When the cooperative stores opened, more lines appeared. In the beginning there was unbelievable activity. Everyone was working either for the community or in some way improving his surroundings. . Scrap lumber became porches, closets and furniture. The most irritating phase of camp life was the lack of privacy for family living including the lack of cooking facilities in the barracks. When cold weather came, the communities had new problems; Many of the barracks were not equipped for cold weather, and as the dust before had seeped in, the cold crept in through the doors, windows and cracks. The essential abnormality of life in the evacuee community is Perhaps best illustrated in the Topaz story of a small boy 45 who said to his parents: "I don't like it here. When are We going back to America?"1 In the centers the evacuees found themselves thrown together with strangers from all levels and all occupations. Social class lines tended not to exist. The few differential positions available were highly sought for prestige. Govern- mental policy decreed only three levels of pay: $12 per month for unskilled labor, $16 per month for skilled labor and $19 for professional workers such as doctors, lawyers and dentists. No degree of experience or ability altered the amount of pay given to any evacuee. The Army had felt that governmental decisions were to be made by the administration of the camps; the WRA policy called for self—government. Evacuees were soon to learn self—government did not have much meaning. A tendency developed in the community of "What's the use, the administration will make the rules."2 Issei Were by early regulation not allowed to be members of the community council. Thus the leadership of the Japanese long in the hands of the elders was upset by these regulations. Deep m lTaro Katayama, “Beyond the Gate," Trek, February, 1943, p. 2. 2 . . - . See War Relocation Authority, Communit Government, . op. cit., p. 5. 46 resentment was felt. Few project administrators were able to walk the tight rope between paternalism and self—government. Un— fortunately, as Masao Satow, National Director of the Japanese American League,1 points out too many used their pOWer for themselves rather than to establish Self-government. Thus, the community government became in actuality an adjunct of administration. Recreation and cultural acti— vities were partly financed and almost entirely Supervised and regulated by a non—evacuee staff. The other community Services became an adjunct of a managerial hierarchy with policy and supervision arising from outside the Relocation .Center community. It is true that many of the workers were drawn from the community, but the control rested in What came to be known as the "appointed staff." This managerial—administration combination was established in practice and policy early in the center management and Was never relaxed during the history of the Authority. There was almost complete dependence upon the managerial Control system of education as will be seen later. Each center had a project director appointed by the War Relocation Authority; he was responsible for all 1Interview with Masao Satow. San Francisco, California, January 16, 1963- ‘1 47 functions within the camp. He was served by one assistant project director and the heads of the following eight sub- divisions: 1. The Community Service Division was divided into four sections: community activities, welfare, education and health. There was one division head as well as a head for each section. The Community Enterprise Division was directly responsible for the cooperative activities such as the stores, beauty parlors and barber shops. The Public Work Division had four sections: design, construction, highway and irrigation and conser- vation. The War Works Division was responsible for the agricultural production, manufacturing and proces— sing the marketing sections. This division had charge of the activities which it had hoped would make the projects self—supporting. The Transportation and Supply Division was composed of mess management, motor pool and warehouse' sections. The Maintenance and Operation Division had charge of the garage and maintaining the buildings and grounds. 48 7. The Employment and Housing Division dealt with the occupational coding and the placement in occupa- tions for the training and retraining of the individual as well as to promote group welfare. The first assignment of quarters as well as the necessary later adjustments.in housing were under the jurisdiction of this division. 8. The Administrative Division touched directly or indirectly the entire life of the camp. All activities connected with buying, selling, pro— cessing, distributing, auditing, budgeting and payrolls, whether for the mess hall, garage, farm or school Were centralized under this division.1 The barbed Wire and watch tOWers served as constant reminders of the position of the evacuees. In addition, the staff housing was better built and better furnished, With private apartments with cooking facilities for each family. This only added to the feeling of inequality between Caucasians and Japanese. An obvious caste Society existed._ There was no mistaking the relative position of the evacuees in relationship to the administration. Freedom Of movement was restricted Within the isolated centers for M...— l . . ' . ‘ War Relocation Authority, Community Government, . op. cit., pp. 1—5. I“ 49 the evacuees and even in some centers barbed wire separated the administration quarters from the evacuees. Some adminis- ltrators openly objected to Caucasian personnel fraternizing with the evacuees. Then there was always the constant feeling of being paid such.a small amount ($12, $16, $19) where positions held by the "appointive staff" were on a more normal payscale. Largely, they were a bitter people who had been forced to flee from their homes and farms. They had left hundreds of friends and neighbors. Students had been snatched from playmates and made to feel different for the first time; Some, of course: had lived in areas Where prejudice had been high, but all now seemed confused. All, without trial, were gathered into crude camps and a new and rude life was forced upon them. This did not stop their being bitterly badgered and assailed from every side. The only good that was at first apparent about the camp was its relative security from the outside insults, assertions Hand criticisms. Constant press antagonists, as well as continual harassment by congressional investigations, tended to keep rumors alive. Legislative bills designed to keep aliens from purchasing land were passed in several states and State petitions were issued in other states when legislatures 50 failed to pass such laws or governors vetoed such bills. The state of Washington attempted to confiscate alien land. The LOWery Bill was passed in California to confis- cate the machinery, tractors and automobiles the Japanese had left in storage when they were evacuated. News stories charged WRA with pampering the evacuees by providing luxury items such as swimming pools (when this charge was investi— gated, it turned out to be a dirty irrigation ditch some boys had decided to use as a swimming hole). Many articles were flagrant lies or exaggerated half-truths. Some writers never bothered to visit the camps but wrote stories obtained from very questionable sources.l Congressional investi— gations stressed the un—American activities of the centers and were highly critical of the WRA administration. Any shooting, incident or upset within the centers made head— lines especially on the West Coast and assured the WRA administration of another investigation. The Poston Strike in November of 1942, the Manzanar Disturbance in December, 1942, and the "so-called riot" at Tule Lake in November, 1943, brought all the wrath possible upon the WRA. Thus- a great deal of the WRA's energy was devoted to combating _____~______________ 1 , . , See War Relocation Authority, 'Comment on Charges Made by the Denver Post in the issue of April 22H'Washington, D-COI 1943. 51 charges and denying neWs stories. Time and personnel which could have been devoted to making headway toward relocation were often spent in public relations. By late 1944, most newspapers Were more favorable; however, the Hearst papers, especially the Los Angeles papers,continued headlining anti— Japanese stories. Many anti—Japanese incidents were grossly exaggerated in an obvious attempt to keep the Japanese from re-entering California. These newspaper stories in many cases served to endorse the Japanese American's feeling of not being wanted and lengthened the stay for some in the Relocation Centers. Registration The most turbulent period of camp existence came in February, 1943.1 No more than had the communities begun functioning within a somewhat makeshift manner, than a new upsetting influence developed. Outside pressures brought on by the Poston strike and Manzanar disturbance forced the WRA to formulate a policy of segregation to be based on whether the evacuee answered a series of questions Concerning his loyalty. HDWever, in its haste, the WRA did nOt clarify its position to the residents, administration __________*_____~___ 1 See Arrington, op. cit., pp. 19—22. 52 of the centers or to the press. The wording of the policy itself left much to be desired. The basic problem lay in queStion 28 which read: Will you swear unqualified allegiance to the United States of America and forswear any form of allegiance or obedience to the Japanese Emperor, or an other foreign government, pOWer, or organization? To the vast majority of the Issei this was not only an unfair question but also an impossible one to answer in the affirmative. Answering it in the affirmative would have made them "men without a country" since they would be renouncing the only nationality they had, knowing they had no possibility to acquire citizenship in the United States. Many Nisei felt the government was imposing upon them questions that no other second generation had been forced to answer. When the WRA realized its poor planning, it Changed the wording to: Will you swear to abide by the laws of the United States and to take no action which Would in any way interfere with the war effort of the United States?2 Although the question in this form seemed acceptable to many Nisei and Issei, the confusion and bitterness resulting. from question 28 were never fully overcome. There Were _______~___________ lIbid., p. 19. 21bid., p. 20. 53 intense feelings on the issue and emotions were stirred to tremendous levels. In many camps those who were pro— administration leaders were assaulted or received threaten— ing letters. Some conflict between administration and evacuees stemmed from a crystallization of emotions re— sulting from the evacuation and relocation. To the evacuees the administration represented the power that had placed them there. Thus those Japanese leaders working closely with the administration were often called gnu (dogs or informers). Since the Caucasians had doubted and mistrusted the Japanese, the Japanese in return could only doubt the Caucasians and any one closely associated with them. The Nisei”s bitter anti—administration attitude was simply evidence that they were American and strongly resented their loss of liberty without trial.1 Decisions on the "loyalty question" were often not made in the light of loyalty, but in light of individual personal concerns. Many negative responses were on the basis of keeping the family together rather than on the concept of patriotism. As one fourth grader expressed it: "Teacher, my brother answered 'No' on the loyalty question so our family can go to Tule Lake (the M— l . . See GrodZins, op. Cit. 54 center for the non-loyal) together and not be separated. So, . l - I'm not an American any more." Then, too, many who owned property thought that by going to the segregation center, they would have a home until the end of the war when they could return to their own places of business. Often the decision to go to the segregation center was based on fear, hate and suspicion. Thus a college student wrote to a Caucasian friend: These are rather turbulent days for camp residents. The WRA is pushing the resettlement program very strongly, and the military service registration of men and women is going to break up many families again. There is nothing certain about anything now, so the people“s mind is somewhat troubled, especial— ly that of the parents.2 Consequently, Tule Lake became the Relocation Center for those considered "disloyal" according to their answering of questions at the mass registration and from past records. The Tule Lake transferrals were completed by the latter part of September and early part of October, 1943. Those from Tule Lake who Were considered loyal were Scattered among the nine remaining camps. The only other lGenevieve Carter, ”Child Care and Youth Problems in a Relocation Center," typed manuscript, p. 6. ReVised COPY published in Journal of Consulting Psychology, Vol. VII (July—August, 1944), pp. 219—25. 2Letter in the Alice Hayes Collection, HOOVer Library, Stanford University, Palo Alto, California, wr— 55 major mass transfer of evacuees occurred during the summer of 1944 when the Jerome Center in Arkansas was closed leaving 5,000 evacuees to be dispersed to the remaining camps. Relocation Following the spring of 1943, WRA urged relocation. The WRA had by now recognized that the best solution to this knotty problem was to get the Japanese out of these camps as quickly as possible. Their first task was to establish regional offices in the Midwest and East in order to facilitate the handling of the Japanese Americans who could be relocated. WRA policy made it easier for evacuees to leave the camps. Formerly clearance had to come from the national office which had required each evacuee to have FBI clearance, three letters from pre- evacuation Caucasians, certificate of clearance with the project internal security section, the project director‘s recommendations, proof of guarantee of employment or other means of livelihood, transportation and escort to Some point outside of the restricted area. Needed also was favorable sentiment in the community of the evacuee's choice plus military approval to travel through the re— stricted area. Clearance under such administration was 56 delayed for Weeks. The new leave clearances could be issued by the project director thus easing the way for evacuees to gain admittance into a normal community. How— ever, each evacuee still had to show proof of employment and go to a community which showed favorable sentiment toward the Japanese and report any change of address. Only those with adventuring spirit—-primarily single, skilled or professional persons or young married couples—— were the first to leave. Those with family responsibilities were reluctant to leave due to the uncertainties which they [might face on the outside.1 There were other reasons too that the evacuees were reluctant to relocate. The evacuee had been subjected to great feelings of insecurity resulting from evacuation. Decision for his being in the Relocation Center had been made for him by the government; thus fear of the future loomed great in the evacuee's mind. Then, as already indicated, there was a reluctance to relocate for fear of breaking up the family. The older parents Were reluctant to let their children leave them, especially their daughters. It Would have been against the Japanese tradition of lWar Relocation Authority, "Evacuee Resistances to Relocation," Community Analysis Report No. 5, Washington, D-C., June, 1943. 57 parental duty to let a daughter leave home before the day of her marriage. There was in the center, bad as it was in many Ways, a sense of companionship. The evacuee was one of a group of evacuees facing the same problems; he was {one of a majority. On the outside he was likely to be in the minority without any social position. Stories of discrimination, as mentioned earlier, came back to the centers via the press. This, too, delayed -relocation. Financial insecurity as well as uncertainties ‘in housing, job status and selective service all tended to prevent relocation. In addition most of the Japanese had Itheir roots on the West Coast and were reluctant to resettle elsewhere. Thus during 1943 and 1944, there was a slow )trickle out of the centers. Of course, the selective service and recruitment of the now famous 422 combat team had also drained off several thousand. In addition, the Japanese ,Student Relocation Program under the sponsorship of a Private organization had placed nearly 3,000 college Students in midwestern and eastern colleges.l Yet there was no mass movement out of the camps. As the younger leadership of the camp departed, the Issei again assumed the role of leadership. The camp populations consisted M 1For a detailed report of the Japanese college student during the Relocation period see O'Brien, op. cit. 58 more than ever of the very old and the very young. By January 1, 1945, well over 60,000 evacuees still remained in the camps. ‘ On December 18, 1944, Director Myer announced that all Relocation Centers would be closed before the end of 1945 and that the entire WRA Would be liquidated by June 30, 1946. All schools, with the exception of Tule Lake, were to close in June, 1945. Simultaneously, the War Department announced that the West Coast Exclusion Order ,would be lifted January 2, 1945. Evacuees were now free to return to any point on the West Coast. The news of the closing was received in a peculiar way. Instead of the wide— Spread jubilation which might have been expected, there came only confusion. Many of these people had no future Plans. The Relocation Centers had become their only home, now they learned they were to leave Within a year. By July 1, over 45,000 still remained. Each center established quotas for movement out of the center on a staggered schedule. If the quota of resettlers for a given period was not filled, the WRA notified individual center residents that they must move during that period. If the notified residents did not pack and make arrangements for resettlement, the center adminis— tration prepared their baggage for shipment, arranged for / 59 transportation back to the place from which they were evacuated and escorted them to the train. WRA provided 1 free transportation to the point of destination by day fCoach common carrier with subsistence enroute, plus $25.00 per family member for the non—indigent family. An indigent family received an additional grant to cover furniture, rent and subsistence for one month; this need was determined by social workers in the centers. "The final process of removing the evacuees from the center before it closed was . . . an orgy of inhumanity,” reported one sensitive employee.l Thus, paradoxically, the movement in and out was tainted by force. Two factors which have great bearing on the educa— tional program need to be mentioned. One is the odd age distribution presented earlier: 61% of the center population Was under.30, 9% from 30 to 40, 22% from 40 to 60, and 8% over 60. The age group known primarily for vigorous Community activities was nearly lacking in this group. This recognition of age distribution had to be considered in all WRA policy. Secondly, one should recognize the relative size Of these war cities. The Colorado River Center, with a M— lLight, op. cit., p. 27. 60 peak population of nearly 18,000, was the third largest city in Arizona; while the Gila River Relocation Center, with a peak population of nearly 14,000, was the fourth largest city in Arizona. The Heart Mountain Relocation Center, with almost 11,000 evacuees, was the third largest city in Wyoming. The Central Utah Relocation Center, with 8,100 evacuees, was fifth in the state of Utah; and the Minidoka Center, with over 9,000 evacuees, was seventh in the state of Idaho. Similarly, Manzanar was the largest city between Los Angeles and Reno. The combined total population of Jerome and Rohwer in Arkansas made a Japanese population second in size to Arkansas's largest city.1 Thus the relative size of these cities in virtually isolated areas had deep reprecussions on the neighboring villages and hamlets as well as on policy. Thus, in summary, the people had gone through several stages: first the hardships of the early months, then a period of intense organization toward the end of 1942, then confusion and conflict in early 1943 as a result of the stresses introduced by registration, then a period of constructive organization and preparation for Segregation (March to October, 1943). The winter of w lWar Relocation Authority, Administrative Highlights Of the WRA Program (not dated), pp- 8‘9- 61 1943-1944 saw the height of social and community organization. The year 1944 was one of relocation and the emergence of Issei leadership. In 1945 the fear of being once more driven out was dominant, and as more and more people moved out the organization broke down. By December 1, 1945, all camps had been closed except for Tule Lake. Such is the general backdrop within which an educational program was evolved and maintained. CHAPTER III EDUCATIONAL POLICIES BY GOVERNMENT DECREE Early Policy As was noted in Chapter II, over~a11 policy making came after the evacuation and in many cases as the result of emergency situations. The West Coast was only zealous in ridding itself of all Japanese; practical details of what should be done with more than 110,000 displaced people and the responsibility of a democratic government to a dispossessed segment of its population were not being very realistically considered in the early part of 1942. Early policy, as noted previously, indicated that WRA would serve three functions. First, it would provide financial aid for Japanese Who wanted to move but who were unable to do so for the lack of funds. Second, the idea Of small CCC—like work camps were envisioned with hundreds Scattered over the country, with the Working population in each camp being employed in the surrounding neighborhood. Thirdly, a group of way stations, perhaps as many as fifty, holding from 1,000 to 1,500 people were to be established as filter points from Which evacuees could proceed to jobs 62 EI_____________________________________I 63 in urban centers or to farm work, as individuals or as single families. Had this early policy been followed, educational facilities of surrounding neighborhoods would have absorbed the Japanese American children. In light of public opinion, this may not have been a realistic View. One report on attitudes concluded, “Obviously, no Japanese should be permitted to attend the school with the children of the settlers."1 Another observant recalled that general sentiment ran, "Maybe we'll have to pay to provide 'em with teachers . . . what harm will it do to let their kids miss a couple years of school? They're only going to be vegetable growers afterwards anyway."2 At any rate, in the beginning, WRA had given little thought to the establish— ment of educational facilities and policies. Policy After April, 1942 The first mention that the government Would provide educational facilities came in a late April directive which set forth that an Education Section would be under the \w 1George D. Dean, "Report on Attitudes of Citizens and Officials in Tule Lake Area and Klamath County, Oregon, tO Japanese Reception Center near Tule Lake, California," War Relocation Authority, San Francisco, California, April 26, 1942. 2Rudie Henderson, "Manzanar“ (unpublished article), Submitted to Life, January 25, 1944, not paged. 64 Community Management Division.1 No elaboration, however, was made. When WRA was forced by sentiment, Army pressure and lack of over—all planning to build Relocation Centers, its first thought was to make these centers "duration homes." Not much real thought was put into the function of education as can be witnessed in the agreement with the War Department which called for the building of housing, mess, latrine and hospital units for evacuees and administrative offices and housing for administration. No school buildings were called for in the agreements. However, when the policy of War Relocation Authority was based on the assumption that the Relocation Centers would be war duration homes for most of the evacuees, it began directing its activities toward the creation of self—contained economic and social units. "The hospitals, schools, police, fire, maintenance, and other activities would be largely evacuee staffed and directed."2 It is obvious that the planners at this point 9rOSSly misunderstood the number of Japanese American teachers available. A mere handful of the evacuees met Certification requirements since teaching had been virtually M l _ , War Relocation Authority, 'Informal Report of the War Relocation Authority," April 20, 1942. 2 . . War Relocation Authority, Community Government, . . . O ‘ Cit‘/ p. 3. 65 closed to them on the West Coast. Secondly, even though semi—permanent educational units were being considered, no educational buildings were placed on the drawing board. WRA was first confronted with the major task to locate personnel during the spring and summer of 1942 to adminis— ter ten cities ranging in population from 7,000 to 18,000. Consequently major policies relating to the administration of these cities were not drafted in detail until late August, 1942, a time when most Relocation Centers were receiving or had received large groups from the assembly centers. As of June 11, 1942, no educational staff member was listed on the Washington Staff.1 The Director of Recreation had assumed some responsibilities in the area of education. However, by June 26, 1942, in a letter to Joseph H. Smart, Regional Director of WRA in San Francisco, from Dillon S. Myer, Director of WRA, Mr. Myer called for the immediate hiring of Superintendents of Education for each camp. Mrs. Lucy Adams, also on the Regional Staff at San Francisco, assumed duties as educational consultant and director. A short time later Lester K. Ade, an edu— Cator from Pennsylvania, was named Director of Education M ,, lWar Relocation Authority, Administrative Notice: Washington Staff," June 11, 1942. ——— 66 in the national office of WRA. July Meeting of WRA Education Staff In late July, 1942, the Director of Recreation and Education (later the departments were separated) called a conference in San Francisco of all the educational adminis— trators who were on the staff up to that time. At this conference an effort was made to clarify the statement of purposes and to formulate plans for implementing this state— ment at the centers. WRA had earlier issued a statement of guiding principles with the following planks: l. The WRA recognizes that the foremost task before the people of this country is to win the war. This means concentrating on fighting the enemy-— rather than fighting among ourselves, and using all the available manpower where it can do the most good. 2. We have faith in the American democratic way of life, with equal rights, privileges, and responsi— bilities for all, regardless of race, creed, or national origin. 3. We assume that the great majority of people of Japanese ancestry now in this country will stay here during the war and afterward. 4- We have confidence in the ability of the armed forces to wage the war, and of the authorized intelligence agencies of the government to give proper surveillance to all suspected or potential enemies within our country. 5. We believe that it is possible to distinguish between the loyal and the disloyal people of Japanese ancestry, as well as with other national 67 and racial groups, to a degree which will insure the national security. 6. We believe loyalty grows and sustains itself only when it is given a chance. It cannot flourish in an atmosphere of suspicion and discrimination. 7.~ Steps which this government takes to suppress or discriminate against the people now in relocation centers give weight to the enemy's argument that the united nations are waging a race war. This argument is used in propaganda directed at the peoples of the Pacific area, and others whose collaboration with the united nations can help to speed up the day of victory. 8. Repressive or discriminatory treatment of people of Japanese ancestry in relocation centers will be used by the Japanese militarists as a pretext for reprisals against American prisoners of war and American civilians held by the Japanese government.1 In addition to the discussion centering on the above principles, the school administrators worked part of the time with a Stanford University graduate class which was working on the relocation curriculum. The point of view which prevailed at this conference was that each SChool staff should clarify its own thinking as to philOSOphy and formulate its OWn statements of aims and purposes as Well as provide an educational pattern to be carried out according to its own respective situation and the M lWar Relocation Authority, "A Statement of Guiding Principles of the War Relocation Authority," Washington, D-C-, not dated. .(However, it must have been sometime in June or early July, 1942, judging from earlier and later WRA material.) ' —+, 68 understandings of the personnel at hand. Accordingly, it was planned to hold a "workshop“ at each of these centers in which these tasks Would be undertaken by the educational personnel, including qualified evacuees, project administrators and evacuee leaders. To provide inspiration and leaders for these workshops, consultants were to be appointed by WRA and by the State Department' of Education in the state in which each center was located. Memorandum with the States Also in July, it was deemed necessary to obtain a memorandum of understanding concerning the operation of Schools at the Relocation Centers with the various states. The memorandum indicated the plans, policies and functions Of the War Relocation Authority and the State Departments, Of Education with respect to the Relocation Centers. The memorandum Set forth basic principles that were intended to govern the education program, but it also stipulated that minor changes and modifications might be made necessary by the Course of future events. The memorandum recognized‘. State and local responsibility for the creation, mainte— nance and government of the public school system. This recOgnition called for federal responsibility only in the area covered by the Relocation Center. The state and federal 69 agencies were to cooperate: a. The War Relocation Authority recognizes its obligation to create and operate the schools under federal authority but will have the cooperation and advice of state and local officials. b. The necessity of the separation of state and. federal control is recognized both by federal and state authorities. c. The state and federal authorities recognize that there is a possibility that the state may legis— late in the future if the legislature desires more of a cooperative effort than is at this time suggested.1 The memorandum suggested that the state legislature may Wish to recognize the Relocation Centers either as independent units similar to the Indian schools or create an independent district to be dissolved at the time when in the opinion of the State Board of Education the emergency had passed. State school laws would be followed by the Project schools. In addition no financial responsibility was to be undertaken by the state. The Authority promised to construct the necessary school buildings and provide the necessary facilities. The Authority also promised to eXpend funds only for kindergarten, elementary and high ‘ SChool education. Further, the Authority agreed to hire M I 1Taken from Memorandum of Understanding Concerning the Operation of Schools at the Granada War Relocation Center, July 16, 1942, p. 2. 7O teachers who had the credentials of the state where the camp was located. In addition, the memorandum suggested that the State Departments of Education recommend to local governing boards that leaves of absence be granted to teachers who wanted to be employed by the war Relocation Authority. No teacher was to lose existing rights if he were employed by the War Relocation Authority. The states were assured that citizens of JapaneSe ancestry would be used as teachers whenever possible. Evacuee teachers who could not meet state requirements, but who had sufficient college training would be eligible to serve as practice or cadet teachers under appropriate supervision. An advisory evacuee school board was to be estab— lished at each Relocation Center to advise and consult with appropriate school officials.1 This board was to consist of a chairman and four members who were to be either elected or appointed by the project director. Their qualifications and tenure were to be subject to the approval of the project director. The War Relocation Authority promised to keep all records and file them in the same manner in which public school district authorities keep and file such records. All curriculum proposals, building plans and w 1Ibid., p. 4. % 71 budget requests were to be shown to the State Department of Education for recommendation. The memorandum provided for two more state checks. Although the superintendent was to be appointed by WRA, he was subject to approval by the State Department of Education. Secondly, a board of five consultants was to be appointed by WRA subject to approval by the State Department of Education. This board was requested to visit semi-annually the Relocation school to advise on its educational program. Traveling expenses of the board of consultants were to be paid by the War Relocation Authority. This memorandum laid the basis for the federal government to assume full obligation for the educational program in keeping with state standards. Administrative Instruction No. 23 An August, 1942, policy meeting was held in San Francisco. At this time the entire gamut of politics was discussed including educational policies. Nearly all administrative instructions that were issued in the month and a half following August were evolved, at least in rough outline, at San Francisco. Following discussions with state educational authorities in states in which Relocation Centers were situated, and with representatives of the United States Office of Education and the Civil Service 72 Commission staff, Administrative Instruction No. 231 on the subject of "Organization and Staffing of Relocation Center School System" was issued on August 17, 1942. This directive called for the emplOyment of teachers, school superintendents and other members of the educational staffs as temporary war service appointments under Civil Service regulations. Teachers and other educational per— sonnel were to be on duty status the year around, with the same privileges of annual and sick leave as were accorded other federal employees. A maximum number of teaching positions was to be filled with qualified evacuees. In addition, the directive allowed an out for the critical teacher shortage. In any case, Where state professional requirements permit the employment of elementary teachers possessing qualifications below the minimum set forth in the instruction and where it is necessary to employ elementary teachers who do not meet these qualifications, apprentice teachers positions at CAF—l, $1260 per annum, may be substituted. . . .2 Otherwise qualified elementary teachers were to receive 5 $1650 while qualified secondary teachers were to receive $2,000. The directive, issued by E. M. Rowalt, Assistant MW 1See Appendix I. 2War Relocation Authority, "Administrative InStruction No. 23," August 17, 1942, p. 2. 73 WRA Director, further stated: Since the standard organization plan may not be suf- ficiently flexible to meet problems created by an unusual distribution of school population, special requirements of state law, etc., superintendents of schools are urged to examine their problems and the authorized organization, with a View to recommend— ing modifications where necessary. So long as the general principles outlined herein are followed and the budget permits, necessary modifications or organization will be authorized. Candidates for educational positions in Relocation Centers had to meet Civil Service requirements and state certification requirements. The directive, in addition, suggested prior consideration should be given to teachers already qualified in the states in which they were to be employed. Candidates were also asked to have a sympathetic understanding of the educational program in the Relocation Center and its relationship to the Welfare of the evacuees in the post-war period. In general, the following procedures were suggested as a basis for recruiting school teachers: 1- No recruiting activities for the filling of vacancies would be carried on except with the prior approval of the Civil Service Commission. 2. Lists of eligibles were to be prepared by the Civil Service Commission and upon receipt of the appropriate requisitions for personnel the Commission Would forward the list to the Regional Director of WRA through the proper Civil Service District Office. ~_____‘_______‘_____ lIbid. L_________________________________________i 74 3. If such lists were not available when needed, the Civil Service District Manager Would pro- ceed with a necessary recruiting program.l Ten days later, on August 24, 1942, Supplement No. 22 to Administrative Instruction 23 on the "Schools in Relocation Centers" was issued. This directive further clarified the position of the school to the states and also established a general organizational plan. The schools would meet state requirements for courses of study and for graduation from elementary school and from high school and should pro— vide the courses necessary for admission to state colleges and universities. Requirements for school attendance should conform to the laws of the state in which the project was located. Japanese language schools were not permitted to operate in the center, and no Japanese language used in the classroom. The schools were to operate throughout the year, With one month of summer vacation during each year. The school year was to be so organized as to provide one hundred and eighty days for classroom and vocational instruction. A modified summer program with work opportunities and SPecialized vocational experience was to be provided. Opportunity and encouragement were to be given to all ”— lIbid-I p. 3- 2See Appendix II. 75 students to take some vocational training before graduation from high school. At the discretion of the project director definite responsibilities could be assigned to schools for some part in the production, operation and maintenance pro— grams in the center. Schools were to be assigned the use of such land, machinery, equipment and other supplies as were necessary to carry out these responsibilities. High school students who were above the age of sixteen and who were specializing in vocational fields were to be given the opportunity to spend one—half of their day in apprentice training or work experience during the regular school year. The bulletin called for a major part of the vocational train— ing of students to be obtained through work experience in the enterprises, offices, institutions and services of the center. The vocational training program of the schools Was to be closely integrated with the employment and pro— duction program on the project. Project directors were called upon to make their own policy as to the formation and operation of the vocational and retraining program. In addition, the project directors Were to see that responsi— bility for this training was shared by all divisions and aCtivities on the pr0j90t° Supplement No. 2 also carried the notice of the Creation of two additional educational groups: day nurseries % 76 and adult education. Day nurseries were to be established to provide supervised play and rest periods for children. These nurseries were to be operated by center residents under the supervision of a qualified evacuee leader. An adult educational program was to be organized in all centers to meet the needs of the adult evacuees. Instructors were to be qualified evacuees, project employees or teachers employed in the elementary and secondary school program. The supervision of adult education was to be under either a qualified center resident or an appointed Caucasian night school principal. The establishment of chapters or groups of such organizations as 4—H Clubs, Future Farmers of America, Boy Scouts, Camp Fire Girls, Parent—Teacher Organizations, Red Cross and clubs of various kinds was to be encouraged in the center. Any religious denominations wishing to establish religious instruction were to be able to use the SChOol premises as long as this did not interfere with the general school program. Final Organization By late August a clear line of organizational educational responsibility had been determined. In chart form its chain of command becomes clear: % 77 WRA Office Project Director Assistant Project Director in charge of Community Management Superintendent of Education Elementary Supervisor Aduit Librarian Vocational Second- School of Student Education Training ary Principal Teachers Supervisor Supervisor School . Princi- pal Nursery School Supervisor It will be noted that the superintendent had to go through tWo channels before reaching the national office. The relationship with the assistant project director was to be one of clearance and facilitation; however, the super— intendent was to have the relationship to the project 78 director that a superintendent of schools normally has with the local school board. The main reason for the delay in providing a set of basic policies resulted from the fact that WRA had to start virtually from scratch. It is true, of course, that the Office of Indian Affairs had a considerable background of experience in supervising a minority population; but no agency—-government or private—~had ever been called upon to perform such a complex task of managing camps for a tenth of a million men, women and children who had so quickly been uprooted by widespread distrust. The problems of managing these camps were so unprecedented, so complex and so unpredictable that policy formation was to continue throughout the life of WRA. Nevertheless, the major outlines of policy had been made by the middle of August. However, major attention was devoted to details and organization instead of the fundamental issues. For example, the educational agenda for the August meeting read: 1. What provision, if any, should be made for higher education? How should they [policies of higher education] be carried out? 2- What provisions should be made for nursery school education? 3- Is a full—time Caucasian person required to lead the leisure—time program? 79 4. Should conscientious objectors be used in the school system? 5. Should the recreation program be a part of the school system or closely coordinated with it? 6. Is the existing plan for cooperation with state and local educational agencies satisfactory? 7. What part should the school play in preparing evacuees to make post—war adjustments?l Only question number seven denotes an interest in what any school should ask long before any policy is formulated: "What kind of education will best suit these students?" In summary then, the WRA laid down policies con— cerning state and federal relationships, policies covering hiring of personnel and policies dealing with organization. However, up to August, 1942, governmental policy had not been developed as to educational philosophy and curriculum planning. Some part of the organization implied a general educational approach, but at other phases it emphasized a specialized approach. The philosophy and curriculum planning had to wait for the outcome of a very important development among a small group of educators that was 90ing on simultaneously with the WRA policy formation- lWar Relocation Authority, Agenda of Conference, San Francisco, California, August 13 to 20’ p. 26' CHAPTER IV THE EDUCATORS DREAM Stanford Graduate Class While most governmental workers puzzled over details, organization and personnel, at least one educator had a dream which was to spread eventually into official WRA policy. In late June, 1942, Paul Hanna, a member of the Education staff at Stanford University offered the Regional Office of WRA in San Francisco the services of a Stanford summer session graduate class in Curriculum Development.1 The Regional Office, burdened with details of settling people in_the camps, more than welcomed help from an educational institution. Thus, early in July, the Curriculum Development class composed of twenty—five graduate students began their study of the problem. The class collected background materials in order to understand the problem of cultural absorption of a minority group. In addition, staff members from the WRA Regional Office explored with M- l . Proposed Curriculum Procedures for Japanese Relocation Centers, Stanford University, Palo Alto, California, 1942, Introduction. 80 81 the Stanford class the nature of the educational problems. Finally, seventeen members of the class visited the Tule , Lake Relocation Camp in northern California for tw0 days. Upon returning, the class attempted to sketch the type of curriculum which seemed to them suitable to the conditions found in the Relocation Centers. Scarcely had they begun, when it became apparent that some kind of philosophical framework had to be envisioned in order to complete a curriculum design. Crucial questions had to be answered as to goals and purposes. The group took their clues from the "Guiding Principles," eSpecially plank number two, listed in Chapter III. The second plank, it will be re— called, had placed faith in the democratic way of life. Similarly the class came to the conclusion that if the schools Were to be of value, they would have to teach democracy as a way of life. It became apparent, however, that to develop in an emergency an educational program which would meet the unknown characteristics and needs of an over— night community needed complex thinking and new vitality. wa could one educate for living in a democracy when child— ren were bewildered by the sudden uprooting that had placed them in barren camps? It was not simply a matter Of educating them for life, but for what kind of life Should they be prepared? Just where would the Japanese Americans ‘_, 82 fit into the post~war period? It became clear then that the educational program would have to equip these children for re—entering American society. In the late July meeting of educational personnel with the class, these leaders emphasized the need for edu— cation in ways of living together and for vocational train— ing which would give the individual a better chance to be economically independent. For these reasons many of the Regional WRA staff stated verbally to the class that the schools to be established in the Relocation Centers should be acutely aware of the need for working together demo— cratically if life in the camps were to be fruitful. Since the War Relocation Authority was to have the responsibility for enabling these Japanese Americans to return to normal communities eventually, these leaders also insisted that Whatever schools Were established they must take into con— Sideration the wholeness of the child's life. Having settled that the schools were to teach democracy as a way Of life, what kind of school would be most appropriate? Would the traditional school emphasis upon a body of know— ledge be sufficient in theSe pioneer camps? Dr. Paul Hanna and the graduate class did not think so. Thus it was agreed that the best schools to be established in the Relocation Centers were to be "Community Schools." l— 83 The Community School Concept A community school was defined as one which bases its curriculum on the life of the community in which it is located. It becomes an institution of service in community development as well as an insti— tution for developing the individual. The community school is an instrument to be used deliberately by the community in attacking its own problems. It also has a double effect upon the life of the children and youth since (a) it contributes to an improved set of environmental conditions through which they will be better nurtured, and (b) as they participate in the attack on community problems through the School, they further their own best development.l Furthermore, the school was to be looked upon as the one institution which could present the facts to all the people. In this way, the community was to be assured that its citizens would strive to understand their need for knowledge. If the community used its schools in the solution of problems, the environment in which its citizens lived would be im— proved. The community school should, of course, take into account its major responsibility for the education of the young. There seemed to be a great deal of opportunity in this type of school program for developing habits of scientific thought and democratic procedures because the Students must define their purposes, help carry out the Plan and then evaluate the results. While the pupils m lIbid., Part II, p. 1. 84 were going through this process of making the community a better place in which to live, they Would be reading to get information, writing because they needed to keep re— cords or because they needed help from other people and speaking clearly because they Were participating in group discussions. Thus the tool subjects would all become needed in order to plan and carry out the purposes of the group. When the learner had thus vigorously participated with a group of people in a plan of action, he would find himself stimulated keenly by his sharper insight into new meanings and new relationships. It was felt that a school which accepts such obligations as these from the Community and which develops its curriculum through the solution of these problems would assure its pupils of a superior education. It was recognized, of course, that some areas in a community would be too complex to become part of a School Project. Similarly, there would be some activities which would not add greatly to the education of the student. Navertheless, it was suggested that an understanding of all the activities of the community would serve for the bGSt development of an adequate citizen. For example, if the primary children wish to know about the various Community services, a part of their learning would come % 85 from visiting the various community activities. This kind of a school program called for everyone in the community to contribute to the solution of problems.1 The teacher who knows how learning takes place and who understands something about the contribution that students can make should be in a good position to help the leaders of the community who know a great deal about the nature of the job to be done. Together, students, teachers, leaders, workers unite to plan an attack ontfluaproblem and together they carry out the plan. Education, thus, was to become a process which would go on everywhere in the Relocation Center. It was hoped the school would lose its identification with a single group of buildings. The walls of the classroom were to cease being educational boundaries; therefore, the Schools were to become the vital spots for building effective, cooperative living. Few communities ever had such an opportunity to say for themselves just what they should be like. Usually the forces which call a community into being bring together a group of highly individualistic people who only gradually become aware of possibilities of community action. Both the Japanese Americans and the Caucasian staffs at the w lSee diagram, p. 86. %, 86 Diagram No. l (OMMUN w sasv I03 m MAtNVENANOE + OPIRATION 890RTAT‘ON PUBLIC. Lfichl'flfll'luutCATa ON WORK. 7 CIJPPLY } flex ::l i: 1 u ,, . ' Paooucmow OlwssON THE COMMUNITY SCHOOL _ EDUCATION THROUGH COMNUHHY SERVICE. Source: Ibid., Part II, P- 2- 87 Relocation Centers were acutely aware of the need for working together democratically, the class felt. There— fore, the class maintained that such a community offers an unparalleled curriculum opportunity to the community school. Japanese Relocation Centers probably offer the greatest opportunity in the United States for the kind of service that the community school can give.1 Consequently, in summary, the class proposed that the democratic way of life was the essential element of an education and the best way to achieve this was through a community school. The Curriculum Design } With this philosophical base, what kind of curricu— lum design did the class propose? The class agreed that the curriculum design for the Relocation Centers should have two major divisions: 1. There, first, should be experiences provided which were common to all youth. Common experiences should be provided throughout each of the twelve school years. 2- The curriculum should also provide opportunities for selective subject experiences which the learner felt he would need for satisfactory living either while in the camp or for future life.2 M lIbid., Part II, p. 5. 2Ibid-I Part III; pp- 1‘2. 88 The first of these divisions they called general education or the core of the curriculum. General education they de— fined as, . . An effort to give all children and youth the common understandings of the world in which we live, the attitude essential to democratic partici— pation in group life, and the skills necessary to satisfactory personal and social existence.1 The class hoped that textbooks or outlines of separate I subject matter would not be substituted for general edu- cation. The proposal as finally evolved suggested rather a "scope and sequence of major learnings." Obviously, this sequence of major learnings would take into account the motivational levels of students. The group suggested W that the sequential theme for the elementary and Secondary schools should be "Adoption of our Socio—Economic Arrange— ments to the Control and Direction of Technological Development." The elementary grades under such an inte— grative theme were to place emphasis on the profound shift which had taken place in the last century in tools and technology. The secondary students were to study the problems of modifying the human arrangements and institutions in order to solve the complex problems presented by the rapid development of science and technology. M lIbidoI Part III: p» 2. 89 The class then made subdivisions to fit the parti- cular grade levels. Naturally, the kindergarten child would have learning experiences related to the home and to family life. The first grade child would deal with experiences related to the school and the neighborhood, while the second grade child would extend his scope of interest to the entire community. A study of primitive times and other communities was to give the third and fourth grader a better understanding of the Relocation Center. The fifth and sixth grades were to use modern science techniques in handling topics of resources, production and marketing. The seventh grade would study the community as an organization devised by man to supply needs common to all members of the community group. Democracy as an orderly arrangement of human affairs was to be the main study for the eighth grade. The ninth Grade would center its attention on the chronological con— ception of human development and the importance of organizing human knowledge. The tenth grade would consider the indivi— dual as a part of the social world——his problems as an economic producer and consumer, his social and civic responsibilities, his personal, recreational and health needs. Eleventh and twelfth grade students would focus all previous learnings upon the problem of improving living 90 conditions in the immediate environment, the region, the nation and the world. If the school has succeeded, they [the students] should be able to attack social problems with understanding, with constructive habits of social thinking, and with ability to operate effectively in a system of social controls. It was assumed in the secondary school that the common experiences would comprise a core class consisting mainly of the social sciences and communicative skills. Through this course the school and the community were to constitute a social laboratory in which concepts of democracy were to become operative. English was to become functional as the tool of communication in social situations, instead of a body of subject matter compartmentalized and Segregated from all other bodies of special subject matter. History, literature, art, government, music, special skills, vocations, personality and character development, current events and problems local, national and international, relocation problems and minority group problems all were to be integrated in the social scene which students were experiencing. In addition, the "core studies" teacher was to have been a counselor for the students in his class. Such a curriculum, it was believed, had a scope _________________‘__ 1 Ibid., Part IV, p. 4. 91 as wide as all human activity; the theme was true to the ideals of education inzademocracy; the sequence seemed psychologically sound; the organization was in every way flexible and suitable to use in a community school. The group believed that there was flexibility in this type of general education curriculum——a flexibility missing, they thought, from traditional groupings of subject matter. Each teacher could adapt this curriculum to the needs of his class and to the best possible use of community facilities for augmenting learning experiences. The graduate class felt the teachers and pupils should become the makers of the curriculum. Subject matter was no longer to be confined between the covers of textbooks to be allotted out for consumption in mentally indigestible "page assignments." But rather, the proposal maintained: The subject matter of this curriculum is freely and attractively spread before the child or youth in all his life relationships. The baseball diamond, the motor pool, the cooperative store, his own stamp album - all these become a part of the subject matter of learning in the curriculum of the com— munity school. The individual learns, as he lives, as a unit in a social group. The school has the responsibility of seeing that learning experiences are provided, but the learning is not confined, in any sense, by the four walls of a school building.1 The second division of the curriculum was called __________“______*__ 1 Ibid., Part IV, p. 5. 92 selective education. Here the class felt that the com- munity school curriculum must go beyond providing the youth with common understandings of the world as emphasized by the core or general education division. The curriculum must also incorporate the selective subject education to fit individual needs and interests of all students. However, the class called attention to the danger of teaching certain selective subjects just because they were taught elsewhere. The courses taught should be worked out cooperatively to determine those selective experiences which were necessary for the individual. Thus the selection of various courses Should be determined by individual needs and desires, camp compositions, state requirements, college entrance requirements and job opportunities. The Relocation Center offered the possibility for a variety of work experience Which Would multiply the chances for an individual to obtain experience in a number of vocations. It was suggested that these selective subjects might be offered from time to time as the need became evident: 1- Agricultural Technics -— Animal Husbandry, Farm Management, Floriculture, Landscape Gardening, Nursery Practice, Pest Control. 2- Business Education -- Typing, Shorthand, Bookkeeping, Salesmanship, Everyday Business, Office Practice, Office Machines, Business Law, Business English. —¥—1 93 3. Health Services —- Nursing, Nursing Aid Training, Dentist Assistants, Dieticians, Laboratory Technicianship. 4. Homemaking —— Clothing, Foods, Home Crafts, Home Management, Home Nursing, Child Care. 5. Industrial Arts and Crafts —— Architectural Drafting, Mechanical Drafting, Auto Mechanics, Radio Mechanics, Electricity, General Metal Work, Carpentry, Building Construction, Cabinet— making, Bookbinding, Foundry Work, Welding. 6. Avocational Music —— Orchestra, Choral Singing, Instrumental Ensembles, Community Singing. 7. Applied Arts 4— Art Metal Work, Ceramics, Wood Carving, Photography, Leather Crafts. 8. College Preparatory —— Algebra (Elementary and Advanced), Plane Geometry, Trigonometry, Laboratory Sciences (Chemistry, Physics, Biology), Foreign Languages. 9. Communication —— Speech, Journalism. 10. Physical Education.1 It was proposed that in the first six years of schooling, at least one—half of the total school time be devoted to units of work connected with the sequence of major learnings in general education. During the junior high and senior high school years two hours each day should be devoted to such common experiences. In graph form the amount of time to be devoted to general and selective . 2 education becomes clear. _l_l__g____________‘ l , 2 Ibid., Part V, p. 3. See graph, p. 94. 94 Graph No. l SUGGESTED PROPORTION OF TIME SPENT ON GENERAL EDUCATION AND SELECTIVE SUBJECTS AT DIFFERENT MATURITY LEVELS 100%,llllllllll ll 5 E L E c T I v E E x P E R I E N c E s o R i .I N D I v I D U A L s U B J E c T s 75% s . / a 1 D § m 8 W 50% m E4 c o M M o N E x P E R I E N c E s o R 25% . G E N E R A L E D U c A T I o N S C H O O L Y E A R S Source: PropoSed Curriculum Procedures for Japanese Relocatigp~ Centers, Stanford University, Palo Alto, California, 1942, Part III, p. 4. " 95 The final product of the graduate class was not a mere outline, but the Proposed Curriculum Procedures for Japanese Relocation Centers was a single spaced typed manual consisting of approximately one hundred pages. True to the philoSOphy that the curriculum was composed of all the learning experiences which children have under the guidance of the school, the proposed guide dealt with other areas such as guidance and teacher in—service education. The guide was readable, comprehensive and well outlined. How— ever, the proposal gave no concrete definition of democracy, the democratic way of life, Americanization or curriculum. In addition, there were far too few examples of how a Community school operates. The class had failed to involve the evacuees in designing this curriculum. Although the class had consulted some school administrators, no meeting with prospective teachers was attempted. These defects were to have far reaching effects as will be shown later. WRA Accepts Community School Concept Despite these defects, the class's contribution was to result in official WRA policy. As indicated in Chapter III, the school administrators, who up to that time had joined the WRA staff, worked part time in their July meet— ing with this graduate class. At that time, although some % ' ,__ 96 of these educators were traditionally orientated as later developments show, they were highly stimulated by the active class discussion and the unique possibilities that a change in curriculum offered.l There seemed to be a general agreement among the educators at that conference to tenta- tively attempt a community school at each camp, although as pointed out in Chapter III each Relocation Center was to work out its own program. Nevertheless, the seed for a break with the traditional classroom was sown. Recruitment of teachers and administrators was often on the basis that a new type of school would be established. Teachers were told, for example: "A community school philosophy, a liberal prOgram allowing for the teacher's initiative, and the unique camp life situation brought about by war conditions, offers a real challenge.“2 By September all WRA Education Sections were being asked to gear their schools to this curriculum pattern by the national WRA office. Whether the national office believed in such an approach or whether this proposal was the only conveniently planned program ready is not known. _____~______________ 1 . . Light, 0 . Cit. 2 . . .. - War Relocation Authority, Information on Teaching POSitions in the Manzanar Japanese Relocation Center," Manzanar, California (not dated; not paged). 97 But the national office did not show any doubts by its actions. Paul Hanna, Robert Gibson, Theodore Waller and John Provinse were appointed as consultants to go from camp to camp to help plan the two week workshops which had been agreed upon earlier.1 In addition copies of the Proposed Curriculum Procedures for Japanese Centers were distributed to all school administrators and teachers at each workshop.2 For the first time a new administrative position was added to the required educational personnel of each camp—~a curriculum supervisor. Thus the national office carried into action the community school concept by providing consultants at the pre—school conferences, by providing community school material and by adding a curri— culum coordinator to each center's staff. H.“— 1 Personal letter from Dr. Paul R. Hanna, Acting Dean, College of Education, Stanford University, Palo Alto, California, March 21, 1963. 2Several of the former teachers and administrators with whom the writer discussed this topic Still have in their possession this booklet. Every copy shown the writer had one page partially clipped. Those interviewed were unable to tell What was missing. Upon investigation the writer found an original copy of the proposal in the University of California's Documents Department. In this original COPY there is a Series of three pictures. In the center stu— dents are studying and on either side stands a sentry with a bayoneted rifle held with the butt of the gun resting on the ground. It was these illustrations of the sentries that Were clipped from the proposals. It is the writer's assumption that these were clipped prior to distribution to the educational staff. _‘—_ I l 98 The community school concept thus became a part of the WRA official policy and in all public releases relating to education there usually appeared the following: The schools are being planned and will operate as .community schools, and develop a program enlisting active student participation in the social and economic development of the relocation centers, in- corporating these experiences as a basic part of the school curriculum.1 Final proof that the WRA office fully intended the schools to break with tradition can be found in the WRA Handbook for teachers: The WRA center schools shall be organized to operate as a part of the community life. They should provide a link between the present and the anticipated future and likewise between center life and the World outside the centers.2 Furthermore, the handbook called upon the school leaders to attempt to use all of the available facilities and to co- ordinate the out—of—school and in-school learning possi— bilities. The schools, according to the manual, were a definite part of the whole WRA program and could operate Successfully only if properly integrated and coordinated m lWar Relocation Authority, "The Educational Program for Evacuees of Japanese Ancestry at Ten Relocation Centers," P~ 6- (Mimeographed.) Identical wording may be found in a mimeographed WRA release, ”The Teacher and the War RElocation Project" (not dated), p. 13. 2 . War Relocation Authority, WRA Handbook, Washington, D~C-, Section 30.3. 99 with the work of other sections. Pre—school Conferences Whether the Japanese had been consulted concerning their views on the education of their children is doubtful; however, during the pre—school conference evacuee leaders were asked to address the workshop. One such leader said: The fact that we are here is, if not sad, a very very dieillusioning thing. In a sense, we who have been born and reared as Americans have had our very lives turned upside dOWn. I feel that you who are teachers in Manzanar have a very definite challenge. Added to your routine problems in the classroom will be an undercurrent of antagonism that will, I fear, put you to severe test. If your pupils are not going to scorn you outright, they will doubt you. The shattering disillusionment of discovering, in their own minds and from their parents, that democracy was for those of other races and color, but not for them, has left a scar, still tender and open, in these youngsters. I think that if you can develop some techniques whereby the American—born Japanese pupils whose lives you are now about to re—mold and re-shape can take full confidence in you, in your sincerity, and in your teaching, then, and only then, will you be able to even hope for success in your job. . . I feel that we at Manzanar, and in all these relocation centers, are in an island within. I feel that you teachers are faced with some sort of challenge to build those planks back to the main— land from this island - — — back into American life.1 Other evacuees Suggested strongly in these discussions with ~__~_______“____~__ lWar Relocation Authority, Memorandum, Washington, D.C , October 23, 1942, p. l. (The speaker was Frank Chuman now an attorney in Los Angeles, California.) 100 teachers that the prime responsibility was to know some- thing about the Japanese, to probe their background and to understand the inconsistencies that they had faced. Since students had not been in school since March, evacuees seemed more eager that school should begin that that a philosophi- cal or curriculum base be formulated. Nevertheless, the fact that these evacuee leaders did not stress in these talks a return to a formalized traditional classroom added to the already growing enthusiasm of the national WRA staff to move as quickly as possible into a community school organization. The consultants, meeting with the pre-school con- ferences, explained in detail a community school. For those who were not familiar or in sympathy with the concept, brief lectures, discussions and reading material were given. Such meetings often did not get the desired results. "The plan proposed by a Stanford university graduate class only added to the confusion in the thinking of the education personnel,"l explained the writer of the final report of the Gila River Relobation Center. Or per— haps, the underlying doubt and sarcasm is illustrated by lWar Relocation Authority, Education Programs 1942— lééé, Final Report Gila River Project, Rivers, Arizona, p' 160 101 an elementary teacher at the Topaz Center: On the morning of October 1, 1942, a small nucleus of appointive personnel and a large number of Japanese Americans who were interested in teaching assembled in dining hall 101. All the educational heads were there to discuss the new undertaking. No one in the room had ever started a school system. No one knew very well how to go about starting one. Everyone from the National WRA Advisor to the Topaz principal seemed to feel that if they talked long enough that even the most inexperienced person would be able to go ahead and make an ultraprogressive school in Topaz. Courses of study, book lists, and state requirements were "poof—poofed" as too traditional. . . . After hours of sitting on backless benches listening to someone tell about the great opportunity before us to make educational history, we unpacked books. These books were discards that the state of California graciously gave the evacuees. There were a few outspoken critics such as the high school principal at the Manzanar Relocation Center who in a memorandum to the superintendent wrote: There has been too much tendency to regard the Re— location school as chances for "experiment". . . Much of this tendency has been glamorized as a "unique experience," until it seems to be divorced from professional teaching on a sound basis in keeping with the philosophy of established and recognized authoritative educational agencies. Despite these apparent confusions, doubts and Critical comments, every Relocation Center accepted, at M‘W lWar Relocation Authority, Final Report for the EGUCation Section of the Central Utah Center, Topaz, Utah, P- 67. 2 . . Memo from Leon C. High and Myron A. Hesse, Manzanar High School Principal and Assistant Principal to Dr. Genevieve Carter, Superintendent, October 30, 1942, p. l. %‘ V g 102 least in writing, the community school concept. Some like Poston and Minidoka were greatly enthusiastic, while others like Rohwer and Gila River only superficially accepted the new WRA policy concerning schools. Minidoka's staff wrote out the most comprehensive plan as can be seen by the detailed scope and sequence chart.1 In addition, the Minidoka staff clearly stated their intent to make the H a community schools such that the lives touched by it . 2 , Will be made richer and fuller." The Superintendent of the Poston schools formulated two hypotheses: 1. That social theory is the basic, controlling factor in an educational program. In other words, that the kind of society toward which teachers are developing the habits of pupils is the most important factor or aspect of an education— al program. That is true whether the social aim of the teacher isimplicit or explicit. 2. That the basic, pervasive, unifying aim of our American (Poston) public schools should be that of promoting democratic—voluntary cooperation among pupils, teachers, and others affected by the schools.3 This was simply another way of proposing that the schools lSee chart, p. 103. 2War Relocation Authority, Curriculum Materials from the Minidoka Relocation Center, Hunt, Idaho. 3War Relocation Authority, "Poston‘s Administrative Circular #4," Miles E. Cary, Superintendent, subject: "Voluntary Cooperation: The Basic and Unifying Objective of the Public schools—-an Hypothesis," November 7, 1942, P. 5. 103 AND rangement to make better use of Scientific Continuous Im— provement of living Improvement of HUman ar- Techniques ABOUT A MORE HARMONIOUS ADJUST- OUR TECHNOLOGICAL PROGRESS: How Modern Man Uses Science and Inventions 2 INTEGRATIVE THEMES Chart No . Contrasting Communities Using Different Techniques SEQUENCE TO DEVELOP INDIVIDUALS WHO WILL BRING MENT OF OUR SOCIO-ECONOMIC PATTERNS: OUR VALUE SYSTEMS. whirlwind,18141011111212. Living in the Immediate Environment Within the complete Environment of each individual Within World Within Region and Nation The Community, a Human Invention to Satisfy Needs A Chronological Conception of Human Development Minidoka Individual planning for personal, social recreational and civic responsibility How modern Science and invention affect and influence man's living (Emphasis on Asia and Australia) Resources, producing and marketing in Europe, Africa and Antarctic Resources, Producing and marketing in region and western hemisphere Communities from which we came Children of other lands and cultures of Contrasting Techniques "Curriculum Materials, Our Community School and Neighborhood Home and Family Life Personal Habits (Emotional and Physical control) DESIGN FOR SC OPE AREAS CURRICULUM SCHOOLS War Relocation Authority, Ill 2 U) In 20 3:332 ataasstgfi 803% a O B HHOEg sapawaé E: ”a. ,5 swaggwatg Egg '3 tassrifiaaassass , ‘ SCOPE: BASIC HUMAN ACTIVITIES O Source 104 should be organized and managed as community schools. As a corollary of the foregoing he proposed that in a voluntary— cooperative social process are found optimal conditions for conserving and developing such democratic ends as indivi— duality, critical thinking, equality of opportunity, respect for personality and social sensitivity. He demanded that bold steps be taken to develop a suitable curriculum for the children of Poston based on these hypotheses. Apparently some of his staff agreed. The vocational director, writing in a national journal a month earlier, had stated a similar position: And, at the core of the education, there needs to be determined effort to clarify the deeper and greater meanings that place this troubled experience in the context of world revolution and humane purpose. These assertions are not mere theory; nor is this Project merely an experiment. Eighteen thousand people are here in these three tOWns (Poston); and most of them, born American citizens, have their productive careers still ahead of them. To train these people, not just to make a living or pass the time until the war ends, but to make them ready to hurl as projectiles of democracy into the maelstrom of postwar readjustment~—this is the sober demand of common sense, as well as the high demand of justice. Along with all that these people are doing goes education in the doing of it; and over and under everything must go the light of the human reaSOn in search of the moral purpose of the activity. To deny the evacuees the right to this search would be to make them permanently inert wards of a state to which they would be useless. To deny the opportunity to carry on this'search through education would be to deny that this is America. And to deny, any longer, that the aim of education is the search for 105 the methods of moral knowledge will cost education its strategic place in the process of reshaping an America whose commitments to democratic values can justify the sacrifices of the duration. The Manzanar Relocation Center's pre—school con— ference resulted in an evaluative technique whereby all school activities were to be measured. They proposed that three yardsticks could be used to measure every activity: (1) Does the activity lead to better adjustment in community living? (2) Does this activity have a wartime value? and (3) Does this activity promote better assimila— tion into our American society?2 More concrete plans were formulated at the Tule Lake Relocation Center to include community activities in the curriculum. The secondary school established a quarter system; one quarter the students Would work, thus giving students knowledge plus practical eXperience. Part—time work experience became a prerequisite for graduation. The schools at Tule Lake seemed to have Clear sailing for any curriculum change. The project director at the opening conference had called upon the teachers to do an outstanding job: __________*_______ 1John W. Powell, "Education Through Relocation," Adult Education Journal, Vol. 1, No. 4 (October, 1942), p~ 155. 2 . . . War Relocation Authority, Curriculum Materials from Manzanar Relocation Center, Manzanar, California (not dated). _‘—_i 106 No city in America has ever placed in the lap of the School Department every facility of the city to use in its training program. There is nothing in the cantonment that is not yours to use -— hospitals, kitchens, shops, factories —— all yours to use in any way that you can.1 The future never looked brighter for a break from traditionalism, but hardly had the community school concept been born than the dust of traditionalism began to dim the vision of a dream. In addition, physical problems of staggering proportions clouded the issue. As one sixth grade teacher succinctly stated: I came to the WRA November 1, 1942, and lived for a week in make believe world, called a pre—school conference. We were lifted to the heights by lectures, sermons, prayers, and dramatic presenta— tions from the Caucasian and Japanese residents of this evacuation city —— converted from a cotton field in 71 days. . . . We were told repeatedly, “This is teachers' heaven —— Do those many things you've always wanted to do and couldn't. No impedi— ment here. Do this or that. But get results." The following Monday, however, life again became real and settled into routine. What was the real world of education in the Relocation Centers? M lWar Relocation Authority, "Welcoming Address of Elmer L. Shirrell, Project Director, before the Teachers Institute,“ Tule Lake Project Newell, California, September 2, 1942. f 2 - fl ' War Relocation Authority, Personal Narrative of Lula Lauhan, Head Elementary Teacher," Rohwer Relocation Center, McGehee, Arkansas, p- 1- gfl . I -' CHAPTER V THE FIRST PHASE Dismal Beginning Came the trail blazer, the sextant, the bulldozer, the grader, the well driller, the power line, the trucks, the machines, the lumber, the builders. Higher and higher rose the pall of dust. Up, but not high, rose row after row of squat, black cheerless shacks in which only dust found a resting place. Came the director, the deputy director, the assistant directors, the overlords, and the underlords, their blueprints half drawn, their tasks half foreseen. The dust drifted lower, the sand devil which had snatched 110,000 souls from their earthy homes slowed its dizzy whirling, and with the dust, into the black shelters, settled the men, the women, the children of Japanese ancestry. This was the United States where for more than one hundred sixty-six years the supreme law of the land had maintained that "All men are created free and equal." This was the United States engaged in a war to guarantee freedom of speechl freedom from fearl freedom from wanti and freedom of worshipi But in the minds of the Nisei educated in American schools, these phrases settled—— Silenced into dust. This was democracy-~in war time—— ___i__________________ lWar Relocation Authority, grganized Education in POSton, 1942—1945, Final Report Education Section, Colorado River Relocation Camp, Poston, Arizona, p. 3. 107 _*—__, , 108 protecting-—what? Itself from them? Them, from itself? Families crowded into twenty feet by twenty—five feet rooms, two and three unrelated small families crowded into the same small-sized rooms. Single men and single women crowded into hundred foot barracks with no shades, no curtains, no furniture save the army cot, a mattress if lucky or an empty tick to be filled with straw from bales which had been dumped in the dirt. There was no floor covering to keep the dust, the insects or the spiders from coming through the cracks between the rapidly shrinking boards. Food, served to all alike in hot dusty-mess halls, was cooked by inexperienced volunteers. And from the outside came snarling accusations of pampering, luxury and soft treat— menti This was the reality into which an educational pro— gram had to be built in the fall of 1942. Coming as an afterthought, educational facilities, as indicated in Chapter III, were not provided in the original plan for the centers. Since movement into the camps occurred before the camps were finished, the first task confronting the administration was to house, feed and Care for the people. Thoughts of what to do educationally for the young were far removed from the local scenes. An official WRA flyer given the evacuees had simply stated: "Yes, one of the first jobs cf the War Relocation . 109 will be to build schools and school equipment at relocation centers."l But WRA did not realize the magnitude of its promise. There was a tendency to take for granted that given 10,000 people and the proper administration that any program such as education could be carried out automatically.2 After superintendents and principals were appointed in July and August of 1942, they arrived at the Relocation Centers to survey their needs. (No school personnel ever viewed a more dismal beginning. Not only were there no schools available, but confusion reigned as to chain of command, materials, supplies and organization. Some super— intendents were able to establish administrative offices in the camp (Manzanar, Tule Lake, Poston, Topaz and Heart Mountain), but some School officials were forced by lack of construction of administrative buildings to establish offices in nearby cities—~Granada at Denver, Jerome and Rohwer at Little Rock and Gila River at Phoenix. One of the first tasks was to analyze school needs. Up to this time a comprehensive census of school age students had —h—~______________ lWar Relocation Authority, "Questions and Answers for Evacuees" (flyer, not dated). 2John Embree, "The Human Equation in Relocation" (An Address read by Dr. John Provinse to the Denver Con- ference of Directors of Education), March, 1943. (Mimeo— graphed), p. l. 110 not been completed. Evacuee personnel were hired to take the census. As indicated in Chapter II, an odd age distri- bution was prevalent in the Relocation Centers. It was found that nearly twice as many secondary students had to be educated as there were elementary students. For example, the number of high school seniors was nearly double the number of those who would be entering kindergarten. In addition to assessing school size, school officials had to recruit teachers, establish a curriculum and develop a school organization. In short, they had to devise methods to create a school from absolutely nothing. Energies also were expended at conferences called in July and August at San Francisco. The few teachers who had arrived prior to September and October were pressed into services not technically associated with education. Their work was general rather than educational. They aesisted in the induction, housing and employment of arriving evacuees. Some were pressed into construction work, some "filled in" in other sections While that section's staff was being recruited, some helPed purchase supplies and some were "jacks of all trades." No time was available for comprehensive thought on school MW 1 . See charts, p. 111. 111 , Chart No. 3 Total Number of Pupils Enrolled by Centers Enrollment New Kdg. Pupils 1942-43 1942—44 1944—451 Total Central Utah 1783 ' 103 104 1990 Colorado River 4845 242 172 5259 Gila River 3445 160 180‘ 3785 Granada ' 1899 124 124 2147 Heart Mountain , 2583 100 138 2821 Jerome 2415 123 — 2538 Manzanar 2407 148 97 2652 Minidoka . 2136 90 95 2321 Rohwer 2093 119 113 2325 Tule Lake 2122 _43 $22 2294 Total 27,728 1,252 1,152 30,132 Chart No. 4 Total Number of High School Graduates 1942—43 1943-44 1944-45 Total Central Utah 196 179 183 558 Colorado River 499 406 303 1208 Gila River 385 .241 227 853 Granada 175 ‘ 192 212 579 Heart Mountain 249 310 262 821 Jerome 224 274 — 498 Manzanar 202 177 127 506 Minidoka 210 283 186 679 R-.0hWer 206 193 211 610 Tule Lake 19.1 12.3: 3.8.5 908 Total 2,743 2,378 2,099 7,220 Source: War Relocation Authority, Semi—Annual Report, January 1 to June 30, 1945, p. 39. 112 problems. Somehow everyone waited for a miracle to provide the material necessities to equip and launch a school program. One of the most unique extracurricular loads was handed to the educational director at the Manzanar Relocation Center—-the establishment of an orphanage. All people of one—fourth or more Japanese ancestry were to be evacuated. This included children as Well as adults. It was decided by authorities to locate all orphans in one camp rather than by area movement as was done in moving the mass popu— lation. Thus at Manzanar three black tar—paper barracks were set aside for What came to be known as ”Children's Village." On June 23, 1942, thirty—two children arrived in Manzanar Relocation Center as evacuees from the Japanese Children Home of Southern California. At the same time seven Catholic children arrived from the Maryknoll Home Of Los Angeles and one child from a convalescent home in San Diego. On June 30, from the Salvation Army Japanese Children Home of San Francisco, twenty—two children arrived making an initial total population of sixty—tWO "enemy aliens" and "potentially dangerous saboteurs" who ranged ' . 1 in age from ten months to fifteen years of age. A few W 1Dr. Ralph Merritt, former Project Director of Manzanar, in a personal interview with the writer related I1§E$E§§fifiI 113 several interesting sidelights about the Children's Village which although they do not deal directly with the study at hand do indicate the kind of atmosphere in which schools were established. In a sense, the orphanage, Dr. Merritt related, became a symbol for Manzanar. The Manzanar inci— dent in which three Japanese were killed by army personnel (all innocent bystanders—~one a high school youth and one youth just out of high school) occurred on December 6, 1942 Thereafter work on the camp came to a standstill. No evacuee left his barracks; only essentials were completed (children fed, sick cared for, etc.). Finally in a des— perate attempt to bring peace, Dr. Merritt who had taken over as Project Director on November 25, after a series of eight directors in the previous seven months, decided to celebrate Christmas by seeing that gifts sent by churches and organizations were delivered personally to the orphanage. Under armed guard he and his Wife walked to the orphanage, presented the gifts, sang songs and played with the children. By this time a group of high school students who had gathered on the outside began Singing Christmas Carols. Dr. Merritt decided to lead the Spontaneously grouped carolers throughout the mile square city. This he did, much to the protest of the Army per— sonnel. The next morning, everyone went quietly back to work —- the air was cleansed. From then on peace reigned at Manzanar. Dr. Merritt referred to that night at the orphanage as "America Reborn." (It is this theme he hopes eventually to present in a book by that title.) The orphanage also served as a reminder to the evacuees that they had service obligations to society. No matter how self—concerned they might become, they were always able to see service to the orphanage as their responsibility. In 1943, several applications came from other Relocation Centers, requesting long term care for young infants, born out of wedlock to "school—girl" mothers. Eleven such babies were accepted. In addition if parents Were ill in Manzanar, temporary shelter was given the children in the Children's Village. By the close of the unit in the fall of 1945, one hundred and one children had in some way been connected with the orphanage. Forty—eight were finally discharged to a parent or parent's family, two to other relatives, six to foster parents, five to wage homes, ten to boarding homes, twenty to institutions and fourteen to private—home placement agencies. An additional story related to Rudie Henderson's Unpublished article "Manzanar" points out rather candidly 114 additional orphans arrived from Washington and Oregon homes and one came from Alaska. By pure coincidence, the first Superintendent of Education hired by WRA was Dr. Genevieve Carter who had earlier visited Manzanar in connection with her work at the University of California. She became Superintendent of Education in late June, 1942, about the same time the "Children's Village" received its first group of residents. Her background in social work facilitated her first task, the organization of the orphanage.1 Her Work soon became easier with the addition to the staff of an evacuee and his wife who were former directors of an orphanage. Following the establishment of the welfare section, the "Children's Village" was transferred to it from the edu— cation section. However, the education section continued to work Closely with this enterprise. The children attended the the extreme hatred which had developed on the "outside." Mr. Henderson relates the story of a staunch Episcopalian, Mrs. Josephine Owen, wife of a seventy—year-old prospector. When Mrs. Owen, a resident of nearby Lone Pine, discovered the orphans at Manzanar, she began scurrying around for toys and juvenile apparel. When told that friends were looking askance at.her obvious display of "Jap" sympathies She retorted with an unchurchly "To hell with them!" and redoubled her soliciting. lPerSOnal interview with Dr. Genevieve Carter, Los Angeles, California, March 8, l963~ 115 public schools of Manzanar, although the nursery school and kindergarten groups had their classes at the orphanage during the first year. Each evening volunteers from the education department helped the older children with their homework. The school's library gave the Village reference books and other reading material for all ages. Not all tasks during the pre—school months were so unique. Some teachers arrived at the centers and left even before the superintendent or other school personnel knew they had arrived. Teacher recruitment became a tremendous headache. Since teachers were, in general, unfamiliar with placements in the federal service and since the WRA was a new agency, very few people were available through the federal Civil Service Commission. Yet the procedure, as outlined in Chapter III, did not provide for personal re— cruitment of teachers. When too few teachers were being appointed, immediate steps were taken whereby superin— tendents could recruit a staff. However, recruitment meant only that the superintendent or principal would find qualified applicants and see that their names were included on the list of eligibles submitted by the Commission. Since this process was slow and confusing, many applicants became discouraged and accepted other employment or they 116 were no longer interested. Actually, the Commission did little direct recruit— ing to fill positions. Thus it was necessary for the Superintendent of Education to engage in much direct recruiting of personnel. For every fifty letters or notices sent out, about twenty—five teachers expressed interest or curiosity in WRA employment. .Of these about fifteen would fill out the necessary forms for the position.. About ten would go through Civil Service and be processed before withdrawing. For the five who would accept, plans would be made to receive them; but only one or two ever actually arrived on the projects. The ratio of two out “ of every fifty contacts was disappointing. Some school officials in desperation used their own funds to travel out of state to recruit sinCe WRA did not provide funds for recruitment. A Topaz principal spent two weeks in Washington and Oregon to return with only six secondary teachers who would accept WRA positions.l Although the salary of $2,000 for secondary and $1,620 for elementary was higher than most states were Paying, it was on an eleven month basis. Thus the monthly _______~___~________~ lWar Relocation Authority, Final Report ... Eflsgation Section . . . Central Utah Center, Topaz, We] p. 20. 117 rate of the public school teacher based on the nine month contract equaled that of the monthly rate of the WRA teacher. Only in Arkansas was the salary greatly superior. Arkansas's annual salary of $600 to $900 for teachers seemed considerably less than what the government was offering. Despite this, the two camps in Arkansas fared no better than other camps in teacher recruitment; There was a scramble; however, for the administrative posts in the Arkansas camps. For example, there were twenty—eight applicants for the elementary school principalship at Rohwer.l One other disadvantage of the offered salary was that no differences in salary were allowed for r eXperience or excellence, so that it tended to favor those Without experience or those who Were not qualified. California, with its higher certification requirements and higher level of annual teacher's salary, was hard pressed until WRA changed its policy to accept teachers outside of the state in which the camp was located. Other factors added to the difficulty of recruit— ment. Nearly all recruitment began in August or September—— a time, even in normal situations, when teachers are not available. In this wartime shortage of teachers, recruitment ______~_____i.___1__. ,lPersonal interview with Dr. Merrill H.Zieg1er, Enid,_ Oklahoma, March 18, 1963. % 118 in such a period was extremely difficult. Added to the problem of teacher scarcity, administrators could never be sure as to how much liberty they were allowed in re— cruiting teachers. Some college placement bureaus, primarily the University of California, advised students not to accept positions in the Japanese centers.l Regulations denied contact through private teacher agencies. WRA personnel were also associated in the mind of the general public with something that was unpatriotic. In addition, the Authority was frequently criticized by the press and the general public for luring teachers from the public schools during a teacher shortage by offering higher salaries (often exaggerated) to "teach the Japs." Despite such shortages, administrators at Granada, Heart Mountain and Minidoka were able to obtain a hand— picked staff. In the case of Minidoka the secondary school Staff was composed of only Master's degree holders. This was the result of an energetic principal who had training under Dr. Paul Hanna. Stanford University Education staff M lLetters betWeen Ralph P. Merritt and Herman A. Spindt of August 9 and August 18, 1943, indicate the role the University of California Placement Bureau played. Also in a personal interview Mrs. Emil Sekerak, Castro Valley, California, February 9, 1963, related that the University of California Placement Bureau's staff sug— gested she reflect seriously her decision to teach in a War Relocation Center. 119 also helped him recruit such a handpicked staff.1 The personal magnetisni of Paul T. Terry, Superintendent at Granada, and of Clifford D. Carter, Superintendent of Heart Mountain, resulted in fairly competent staffs. For example, eighteen teachers out of a staff of twenty applied for WRA positions when Superintendent Carter announced his decision_ to lead the Heart Mountain school.2 By WRA regulations as many evacuee teachers should be used in the schools as possible. A call went out for all evacuees interested in teaching. Relatively few could qualify for state teaching certificates.3 Nevertheless there were several college graduates and near college graduates willing to try. Immediate plans for teacher lIn personal interviews Dr. Jerome T. Light, former principal at Minidoka's high School, and Dr. Helen Amerman, former counselor and vice principal at Minidoka‘s high School both related that Stanford University's Education Staff was responsible for a great deal of interest in such a school. Dr. Amerman who was studying at Stanford made her decision to join the WRA staff because so many of her friends were going from Stanford. According to her Comments, the interest in the Relocation Centers apparently ran high during the summer of 1942 on the Stanford campus. 2In a personal interview Dr. Carter related that he was also able to recruit some staff members for other Relocation Centers. Later in the program, he, too, had his troubles with teacher recruitment. 3Records are incomplete, but three were certified at Poston, one in Topaz and one in Minidoka. It is quite PrObable a few were able to get certification at other camps but the records do not include this information. 120 preparation were instituted, but only Poston and Tule Lake were able to do any active promotion of teacher preparation prior to the opening of school. For example, Poston carried on a six-weeks' course for seventy—five evacuees. But it was evident at the other camps that evacuee teachers would have to be used regardless of teacher preparation if schools were to open with a working staff. Thus, in addition to recruiting teachers, administrators had to screen evacuee applicants. Administrators also had to formulate plans whereby evacuee teachers could get assistance. The need to classify students also delayed the Opening of schools. very few students had brought_progress reports from their previously attended schools. Grade placement for many had to be made in personal consultation. Statement of parents, chronological age, physical develop— ment and sometimes informal examinations served as data for preliminary placement. Previous schools were contacted bUt some schools answered that transcripts had been sent to "some center."1 "A few schools wrote 'records lost' 2 and one said, 'destroyed.'" Some students conqued the . . 1So many Schools noted this information, that pro— bably Some transcripts were sent to the WCCA which were never transferred to WRA files. What happened to these trans- cripts is a matter of opinion. 2War Relocation Authority, "Personal Narrative of M- H. Ziegler, Elementary School Principal," Rohwer Reloc— ation Center, McGehee, Arkansas, July 1, 1945, p. l. I”' .Added to the confusion of registering students some 121 summer activities in the assembly centers and advanced themselves to grades for which they were not yet ready. . California schools refused to grant credit for work com— pleted prior to evacuation and other schools had given questionable credit for work completed before March. At any rate, a considerable number of students, high school especially, were one—half year short of credits necessi— tating a great degree of extra programming. To blend a sensible program for students coming from as many as tw0 hundred different schOols needed time and thought. i \ A larger problem still faced the school personnel. By late August it became apparent that no miracles were to happen. No school buildings were to be available for the fall term; in fact, no buildings were yet on the drawing boards. Somewhere temporary school space had to be obtained if schools were to open. Thus, school officials requested the use of unused barracks or recreation halls; other school officials requested space, not hoping for anything in particular. A few camps like Granada asked for a complete block unit; others only hoped for space. In general, elementary schools were assigned barracks in Widely scattered areas, while moSt secondary schools were assigned Several barracks and recreation halls which were 122 more or less conveniently located. The assignment of build— ings did not automatically assure school officials that ' these buildings would not be reassigned for other purposes. As more evacuees arrived, building needs had to be readjusted. Time tables for school opening kept shifting as did the building assignments. Some barracks assigned to the educational section were already homes for evacuees. Forcing evacuees to move to new quarters, after they had begun some improvements, did not help educational personnel's prestige. "These problems were desperate ones with no one apparently armed with the authority to open up avenues along which the school plans could proceed."1 Even with barracks available, it was hard to visual— ize an educational institution being built; Attempts to convert these buildings into schools would have taken time and material——both of which were lacking at the Relocation Centers. The pressure to get schools underway mounted. After all, here was a society composed of educationally oriented individuals, with 30,000 students scattered in ten centers who had not attended school since March (with the exception of the summer activities provided by volunteer _‘_~______________ 1 , . . . ' . War Relocation Authority,.Education.§gction, Final BEEQ£_, Manzanar Relocation Center, Manzanar, California, p- 210. ' 123 workers in the assembly centers). With two to three thousand students without schooling within a square mile, pressures to open the school despite the lack of adequate supplies, materials and buildings increased daily. The chart on page 124 indicates the discrepancy between the opening dates of the centers and the opening dates of the schools. And even the dates are misleading (indicated by the explanation on the chart) as the schools were early marked by closures due to cold weather, harvest requests and internal strife. At the pre—school workshop, the questions dealing with materials and buildings were vaguely answered. The school staff was usually told not to expect too much too soon. The same project director who had said to his teachers, "Everything is yours to use," had felt strongly that a teacher conference was not the first of Priorities. Writing to the Regional Director, he earlier had stated, "We feel that it is more important that we get the furniture, books, and school supplies for the opening VOf schools, than to have this wait while we are trying to Conduct teacher training courses." M 1War Relocation Authority, "Memorandum to E. R. Fryer, Regional Director from Elmer L. Shirrell, Project Director," Tule Lake Project, Newell, California, August 15! 19420 124 Chart No. 5 Comparison between Opening dates of Centers and Opening dates of Schools* Center Opened School Began Manzanar March 21, 1942 September 15, 1942 Colorado River May 8, 1942 October 10, 1942 Tule Lake May 27, 1942 September 14, 1942 Gila River July 20, 1942 October 15, 1942 Minidoka August 10, 1942 October 19, 1942 Heart Mountain August 12, 1942 September 30, 1942 Granada August 27, 1942 October 15, 1942 Central Utah September 11, 1942 October 26, 1942 Rohwer September 18, 1942 November 20, 1942 Jerome October 6, 1942 January 4, 1943 *The school opening dates are not totally accurate. Two days after opening, Manzanar schools were closed because of cold weather and were not reopened until October 15. They were reclosed on December 8, 1942, because of internal strife and were reopened January 8, 1943. Tule Lake schools closed in October in order to help in the harvest. Central Utah, Poston and Heart Mountain schools were forced to close temporarily because of cold weather until some modi- fications in heating Were completed. Elementary schools began first. For example, Minidoka's high school did not open until November 19, whereas its elementary school OPened October 19. In order to make up lost days, the schools ran late into the summer. Jerome, for example, ran until early September, 1943, then after a tWo—weeks' break began the Second school year. Source: The opening dates of schools are given in each center's final report of the education section. The opening dates of thecamps are from the previous chart on page 42. 125 Opening of Schools Considering the confusion resulting from the lack of buildings, lack of adequate sewers and water lines, lack of adequate office space and lack of transportation, supplies and other materials, it is perhaps remarkable that the schools were able to effect their unit organi— zation and get underway as early as they did. The opening of school in any established school system requires much work and preparation, even when there are already suitable buildings, a full teaching staff, pupils with transcripts, a supply of equipment and books and a previous curriculum and philosophy on which to build. These Relocation Centers, as already indicated, had none of these. Schools opened with four or five classes crowded into a bare unpartitioned barrack.l There were no student seats, no teachers' desks Save a few orange crates salvaged by some resourceful teacher, no blackboards, no textbooks and no equipment. The windows were loose and oddly placed for classroom use, uncovered electric light bulbs dangled loosely from the ceiling, dust filtered through the cracks. No salvage items such as boxes, cans, barrels, scrap lumber, paper Cartons and other odds and ends that might have been used M lSee photograph, p. 126. Photograph No. 4 The Interior This photograph indicates in which classes began in Source: of California, 126 View of the Barracks the interior view of the barracks the War Relocation Centers. War Relocation Authority photograph files, University Berkeley. 127 in setting up the school were available in these vast wastelands. Adding to the confusion, teachers faced a sea of from forty to seventy-five students, since only half of the Caucasian staff had been appointed. Cadet evacuee teachers were forced to handle sections; one system, Rohwer, instituted the master teacher technique whereby one Caucasian teacher would have seventy to one hundred students with two evacuee teachers to assist. Without the aid of the Japanese teachers, it would have been necessary to operate school for half of the children or else to operate on a half—day staggered system. At least with the help of the inexperienced evacuee teachers, schools could stay in 0 operation. The first hectic week was spent in attempting to bring order out of chaos. Children rolled logs or rocks into the bare rooms for seats; some brought seats from home. One teacher recalled, "I think one of the most touching memories of Poston is the remembering of early morning School time —— seeing each child on his way to school Carrying a chair or stool of some kind."1 Rough lumber bench-tables were builtA—bench—tables of the backless picnic Iiii_______________ l . Naomi Wood, "Education" (unpublished article), April 24, 1944, p. 2. 128 yle seating tw0 on each side and easily upset if weight re unevenly distributed. Only at Granada were regular hool desks purchased, but these arrived after the opening school. All other camps were forced to use the self- de benches; later rough lumber desks which had been made Tule Lake arrived. By the end of the first few weeks, st schools had solved, at least temporarily, their seat— g problem. Partitions between classrooms took three eks to become reality. A familiar story at Manzanar in e early elementary classroom days was that of a little boy in the kindergarten at the north end of the barrack, who rode his tricycle through the third grade spelling class, around the fourth grade art class, and into the sixth grade arithmetic recitation. -th each group having to compete with the next group to ake itself heard, concentrated study or quiet work was Lmost impossible. "The authority for direct purchase of essential :hool needs was so bogged down and buried in red tape that ttempt after attempt ended only in a blind alley."2 verYthing had to be requisitioned; often requisitions lay n desks days before action was taken. The solution to M l . . . . War Relocation Authority, Education Section, Final £22£_, Manzanar, op. cit., p. 215. 2 Ibid. L_ 129 a lack of books, tools and materials faded as Weeks passed thout even a trickle of materials. Always the same excuse esented itself: other divisional needs were more essential an those of the educational division. No arguments ever esented by the school convinced the administration of e fallacy of this kind of thinking. Even after long lays and long waiting, the orders when received were usually such a muddle as to render a large part of the shipment eless. Personnel, not accustomed to ordering school pplies, often substituted a cheaper quality than that dered. For example, one art instructor received a ship— ent of inexpensive pigments for tinting house paints as a lbstitute for artist's oil colors. Frequently the school arsonnel would wait months for an order only to discover lat it was already somewhere on the project buried in some arehouse. By this time, re—orders had been made. A survival of the fittest“ policy existed among the teachers or supplies. For example, a former teacher related the allowing: In those hustle, bustle days, we were never above using what today would be considered very shady methods. There was, for instance, the time I Walked up to a group of men putting partitions in the barrack which was the central administration building then in Canal. The men who were putting in the partitions had a large pile of new 4' by 8' celotex Wall boards. Pretending to be in a tremendous hurry, an action which fitted in with the general 130 attitude of the camp, I demanded that they send a truck up to the school with four sheets of celotex as soon as possible. Sometimes these bluffs worked. This was one of those times and so on that Saturday, we put up the first bulletin boards of the new school.1 Central heating was an impossibility, thus coal or stoves were placed in each classroom. When the stoves ived in one camp, the necessary stove pipe had not yet n secured. When the stoves were fitted with the stove as, there was no oil. The school rooms were never quately heated; temperature control was an impossibility. asbestos shields, installed to protect the walls, did add to the attractiveness of the rooms.2 With the eption, however, of oil shortage, coal shortages or ns putting fires out, the rooms had some heat. Never— less, on cold days students sat as near the stoves as sible. The textbook supply was critical. The scarcity of ks was alleviated somewhat by the arrival of discarded tbooks from California. A seventh grade teacher wrote: lRobert Slate, ”Art Takes a Hand in Education“ [published report of art at the Canal High School), Gila .ocation Center, Rivers, Arizona, p. 19. 2Fire was a constant danger in the crowded barrack :ies. The only large fire occurred at Poston where several Tehouses storing evacuees personal belongings were des- >Yed. Paradoxically, the only school buildings damaged storms also occured at Poston. A violent wind storm 3trOYed'the roof of one of the school buildings the Eton residents were building. 131 I wish every educator could have seen (and I wish our youngsters could remember) the pleasure and excitement of our first books. They were old, outmoded arithmetic—-enough for every two people to share one. I was near tears as we passed them out for the youngsters reached so hungrily for them.1 eachers wrote to their homes, to colleges and to friends . . 2 sking for books and reference material. The government's rder of textbooks was not to arrive at most camps for everal more months. Student Attitudes The black tar—papered barrack schools were indis— inguishable from all other units. It was not a school as :tudents had remembered School, but the elementary school :tudents and junior high school students for the most part are willing to try their "new schoolsf" It was, at least, [change of pace in the daily routine of camp life. For any it was fun building a pioneer school. Curiosity Seemed to be the keynote. The very nature of the new and strange environment appealed to the students who had been _.~_____‘________~___ l . Naomi Wood, op. Cit., p. 3. 2In personal interviews, the former teachers com— nented on this urgency to send for books. Several even VrOte to the school where they had taught just prior to :0ming to the WRA Center. Donation of books through Teligious organizations also helped out in the emergency. 132 i to the sound of the ocean, the hum and bustle of cities the thrill and beauty of farms, parks and gardens. art plants, desert animals, heat and snow became first— i experiences. The excursions to community coal piles, oer yards, motor pools and the administration buildings a a different kind of experience for the children. its to excavating, building, painting and plumbing details ed to their knowledge of construction. The agricultural ision with its hogs, cattle and poultry centers pro— ad knowledge about food production. Nearby mountains rock formations stimulated enthusiastic studies of the th. Past cultural artifacts such as arrowheads and ther student ended his theme, "Before I was going to an engineer, but now I decided to be a farmer because of . . . . . . . 3 . . a lack pf education faCilities [italics his]." Similarly, student editorial explained the student's point of view: It is hard to think objectively in camp, with barbed wire sparkling in the searchlight. It is hard to think about the future; about prejudice and the Japanese Amer.; about post war and federal unions; about what am I going to do next. One center's lack of attention to education had grave sequences. The Manzanar project report for December, lIbid., p. 9. 2"Why I Would and Don't Like to Stay Here." (Eighth ade student composition) Central Utah Relocation Center, Paz,Utah, February 3, 1943. 3George Kanimoto, "What This Camp Life is Doing to and What I am Going to Do About It," (Student essay, glish 10) Heart Mountain Relocation Center, Heart Mountain, oming, December 30, 1942, p. 2. 4Editorial, Heart Mountain Echoes (high school blication), Vol. 11, No. 10, Heart Mountain Relocation HtEI, Heart Mountain, Wyoming, May 7, 1943. 138 2, states, "Undoubtedly, one of the causes of the Manzanar :turbance was the failure of the WRA to show any evidence fulfilling its school building program promises."l 10015 in Manzanar had been the first to reflect the rising isions in the community prior to the violent outbreak on :ember 6, 1942. Discipline trouble, gangs and intimi— tions were increasingly evident during the weeks before e general outbreak. Children had Walked out of study ll without permission. Hysterical outbursts of pupils Ld occurred at every grade level. "A child in the fourth fade had burst into tears, screaming, 'I hate you, I hate .1 Caucasians'.“"2 High school students had kicked in ors and torn tar paper off buildings. One of the early tes indicated this attitude: "Was absence [sic] acause he hates school. He hates school because there 3 Ce no chairs, and says it is an ugly place to go." However, by January, 1943, the project reports 1dicated a new hopefulness in the secondary schools. As 1e material aspect of the schools improved, the confidence M l ' ll ' II War Relocation Authority, Pr0ject Report, nzanar Relocation Center, Manzanar, California, December, 42, p. l. 2War‘Re‘location Authority, Education Section, Final ort, Manzanar, op. cit., p. 220. 3Ibid., p. 223. 139 the pupils in their teachers began to improve. As the 1ndry room turned into a science laboratory, as books and )plies trickled in, as the rooms improved in appearance, a bitterness lessened. Student organizations, clubs, semblies and social events found their way into school fe after the morale lifted. Near the end of the school ar, the hatred toward the guard towers so plainly Visible am the classroom windows ceased to be the great driving :ce. A high school student speaking at the commencement 1943 expressed this new attitude: The events of the past year have shocked us beyond comprehension. We were all going on with life as usual, when suddenly we were swept from our home, and regemented into an existence none of us had dreamed of before. We had hoped to graduate in a beautiful paneled auditorium. Here we have only bare barracks around us and the sky for a ceiling. But all of us can take the same pride in this graduation we would in any other kind. We have finished our high school education under heaVy odds, but we have had the courage and persistent [sic] to carry on. Let that spirit continue to dominate and strangthen [sic] us in the future. Cooperative Programs Evolve While the student attitude was improving, several :Standing programs were developing at various Relocation lWar Relocation Authority, "Graduation at Jerome ocation Center," DenSOn, Arkansas, September, 1943. 140 ters. Generally speaking, during the first few months, elementary classes were engaged in enterprises comprising .y facets of community life. Thrown into an arena without :tbooks and organized course outlines, teachers called {n their own creativity and imagination to carry the l dents into interesting projects. Nearly all elementary fools combined their science study with beautification the school grounds. Children attacked the problem of ] ldscaping with vigor; they called in landscaping experts >m the center's population for advice. Then the children >ceeded with the digging, transplanting and planting.1 story gardens and flower gardens flourished under their rervising hands. "Needless to say, the children respected product of their labors and no policing was necessary keep them from trampling on their protective landscaping.“2 originality, the individuality and the personality of teachers were the strongest factors in creating a rning experience out of chaotic conditions. Teachers, be successful, had to adjust constructively to the sit— ion and show leadership and understanding beyond the 1 See photograph, p. 141. 2 Enoch Dumas and Margaret Walther, "Landscape for Jty and Health," The School Executive, May, l944, p. 41. 141 { Photograph No. 6 Landscaping the School Grdunds mudents landscaped the area by planting rye grass at Wanada Relocation Center, Amache, Colorado. The stones Ere placed in the area to serve as sidewalks. In the a"mground is an elementary school. ource: Files of Dr. Enoch Dumas, University of California, Berkeley. WWI l42 requirements of a normal situation. The principles of Iemocratic living were stressed in many activities. For .nstance, at Topaz the second grade class sponsored a scrap mtal drive. Assistance of other children and adults was ;ought through posters and letters. Other classes helped .n salvage and paper drives, helped to decorate hospital. rooms, drew murals on school walls, and produced various group assemblies. A more elaborate plan\of cooperation as established at Granada where the elementary students formed a co—op store, owned and operated by the students :hemselves. Experience was given in store operation, elementary procedures in bookkeeping, making change and ther business problems. Profits from the store went to In elementary student body fund to aid in the improvement )f the school. Dividends were declared twice a year to all :wenty-five cent stockholders.l (The Granada secondary school developed a similar co—op store in which all depart— mnts of the school cooperated: the art department provided ittractive signs to advertise, the English department com~ >osed announcements and speeches which were given in classa rooms to aid the sale of memberships and the mathematics iepartment aided in dividend computations-~a feat the _~____-______~__ War Relocation Authority, Handbook, Amache Elementary ¥E22lz Granada Relocation Center, Amache, Colorado, 1943 .not paged) ‘ 143 elementary students were unable to do.) Sometimes the Relocation Centers provided a nearly perfect teaching and learning situation. Probably no greater need could be found on the Relocation Centers than to find some way to make the "home" barracks livable enough to provide afamily of six space to work, play, sleep, entertain their friends and perhaps even have some privacy in their allotted number of square feet. Two homemaking iepartments, Manzanar and Granada, accepted the challenge.1 Since the homemaking classes were given barrack space equal to the space given to each family, it became the goal of the homemaking classes to decorate the one—room apartment in such a way as to help solve the problem of inadequate housing. No materials were used except those found in the Relocation Centers. With the cooperation of the wood- Working departments, suitable furniture was made. The Students transformed the classrooms into model apartments having comfort, convenience, compactness and "eye appeal." Upon completion of the project, the classes invited the residents of the community to View their efforts. Nearly M lLottie E. More, "Homemaking in a Relocation Center," Granada Relocation Center, Amache, Colorado (not dated) and War Relocation Authority,"A Barrack Becomes a Home," Manazanar Relocation Center, Manzanar, California, May 1, 1945. 144 if the populationaflzGranada, 3,000, viewed the "barrack" me; and judging from the questions and requests for etches and blueprints, many of the ideas worked out by e homemaking classes were later utilized in the homes of e community. Here in the creation of these model apartments was e opportunity for the students to learn skills which they eded at the very time they needed to know them: surely a rfect learning and teaching situation. Later, when more equate space could be provided for the home economics asses in mess halls (no barracks had running water or ,tchen facilities), the model apartments became workshops 1r a number of courses in the school curriculum. In them, Le homemaking classes taught correct methods of home care; 1d, in addition, the apartments were used for small seminar .asses and discussions by other teachers and students.2 Other needs of the community resulted in the creation several activities in Manzanar which added greatly to e educational program. Since large families were crowded lMore, op. cit., p. 7. 21h a personal interview Mrs. Lottie E. More, Denver lorado, December 18, 1962, related that the home economics partment at the Granada Center developed several programs ich are still considered unique even in homemaking classes day. She specifically referred to the enrollment of boys the home economic classes and the establishment of a rriage and family course for high school students. 145 o a single room, the child's play life was limited be- se of physical space. The small salary per month earned the family ($12, $16, or $19) could not be used to pur— se play equipment and material for the younger children. addition, there were many things that children in a mal community could do in the way of recreation that ldren in a Relocation Center could not. An evacuee 1d could not, for example, go to a circus, ride in an omobile or in street cars, go to the beach or play on -l—equipped playgrounds. There was no money in the lcation budget that could be spent for improvement of the 1001 playgrounds or for the purchase of play equipment. : the school felt responsible for providing some creative pplements for the child's out—of—school life. Some toys 3 play equipment had been donated by outside agencies to nildren's Village." Some surplus materials were donated om other sources. In addition outside religious groups e willing to donate some play materials. How to dis— ibute the play materials became a problem. The school aders decided an exchange plan might work best; there— re, a "Toy Loan Library" was established in an elementary hool. ”The Toy Loan Library provided an opportunity for ildren to borrow toys, play with them, and return the 146 :oys as they would library books."1 No Sooner had the Toy Loan Library been established :han a new development was sponsored by the Manzanar schools. En late May, 1943, an organizational meeting was held to form a museum in the Relocation Center. The museum was :0 have two goals: "First, to have exhibits of current interest and events and second, to develop permanent exhibits and visual aid material. It should serve all age groups in the community as well as the schools."2 An empty barrack was provided. A staff composed of a director, an artist, a photographer and a clerk (all evacuees) developed a museum based on every type of visual material. They prepared exhibit cases of insects, minerals and wild flowers from the area. The staff members collected Samples of wood, minerals, soils and relics of Indian and early pioneer days. Letters were sent to manufacturers and industries for other visual materials. An enthusiastic response came from the center residents who brought their hobbies, collections and Rh”.— 1 _ . . . War Relocation Authority, 'Toy Loan Library," Manzanar Relocation Center, Manzanar, California (not dated; not paged). 2War Relocation Authority, VOrganizational Meeting Of the Board of Directors Manzanar Visual Education and MUSeum," Manzanar Relocation Center, Manzanar, California, May 28, 1943, p. l. 147 landicrafts. Teachers took their classes on excursions in the surrounding areas to find materials for the museum. Eventually, there was permanent material displayed along :ables which ran the full length of the barrack. Teachers abtained help from the museum staff on poster displays and other visual aids as well as checked out exhibits of butter— flies, other insects and minerals. Special exhibits Were scheduled twice a month. During the museum's history, exhi— bits Were displayed dealing with flower arrangement, fine arts, transportation, rationing during war time, youth, thrift, photography, Hollywood movie studio, Chrysanthemums, arts and crafts, hobbies, dolls, embroidery and woodcraft, relocation and education. (Attendance at the school dis— Plays seldom exceeded 2,000, While the Hollywood movie Studio exhibit drew 3,000 and the Chrysanthemum exhibit drew over 4,000.)1 The second part of the museum program was the visual aids rooms which were especially for the teachers. Two rooms were attractively furnished With curtains, rugs, work tables and couches made from government cots. Good lighting was supplied for study and reading. In these two rooms were kept the phonograph, public address system, M lWar Relocation Authority, Education Section, Final B§E2£_, Manzanar, op. cit., p. 270. 148 ,tion picture projector, slide lantern,maps, globes, charts, 1d material for making slides. Two file cases filled with 'oject units, educational pamphlets and other classroom .ds Were available for teachers to use in their lesson reparation. According to the final report, "Teachers aent many hours in the attractive visual aids rooms. Its tterial proved to be of great value in enriching the school rogram."l Added to the variety of services offered by the inzanar Museum was one which had not been contemplated 1ead of time——the Manzanar zoo. The director of the museum >nceived the plan for a zoo when an order came from the ealth department which prevented the keeping of birds and 1imals as pets in the blocks. Nearly every block had an :cumulation of cages of rabbits, chipmunks, squirrels, lickens, barn owls and bantam hens. The museum staff ecured permission to keep the animals at the edge of the Lle square city. The churches of the community helped inance the building of shelters for the animals. A year ater, the museum staff completed the zoo area as a re— reational park, attractively landscaped and equipped with icnic tables near a stone barbecue pit. Because of the "W lIbid., p. 274. 149 keep problem the education department turned the project ver to the public works section during the last year. While the Manzanar staff directed its attention to nrichment programs, the Minidoka secondary staff directed ts attention to the more direct needs of the students.1 he staff recognized that the bitterness of the students ad to be greatly reduced before learning was to be effective. herefore, the core classes chose for their study the roblem of the JapaneSe in America from the early immi— ration to evacuation. This choice of initial topic llowed the students to indulge in an emotional catharsis nd at the same time gave the teachers an opportunity to earn something about the pupils and their views. This opic also served to demonstrate the teachers' sincerity nd desire to understand the Japanese student. The Hnidoka secondary staff initially planned a rather elaborate lrading system comparable to ones used in the early grades. 10 grades were to be given, but rather progress on various >hases of the student's work was to receive comment. How— “Ver, due to faulty translations to the parents plus dif— iculty in explaining the program to parents, the idea was rOpped and a new and more practical solution was reached l . Light, op. Cit. 150 cerning student evaluation. The issuance of report cards to be utilized as an opportunity for counseling. The .001 schedule was arranged so that two days were devoted this kind of counseling each time reports were issued. : core teachers (Who were counselors in actual practice) :ued blank report cards to all pupils the day before Lnseling was to begin. When the pupils attended their isses, they were individually counseled in turn by the Lcher who, after discussing the pupil's work with the Ldent, entered the grade on the report card. The fact It the grade was not recorded until the student had a lnce to understand how the grade was determined aided :atly in counseling the student regarding future actions. .le these brief counseling sessions were in process, the ler pupils busied themselves with reading or other indi— iual projects. It was found that the pupils so appreciated this method of informing them about the quality of their Work that they cooperated with the teachers very well in maintaining a classroom atmosphere that made it possible to do good counseling. The lack of privacy in the home dictated the :essity of another development at Topaz. It was believed the beginning that no homework would be possible because 151 of the inadequate facilities for studying in the homes. HOWever, neither teachers nor students, dictated by tradition, survived long without the need of giving and doing homeWork. Thus, a schoolroom designated as the library was opened during the evenings as a quiet study place. The library at first was stocked with few books——mainly discards from city, county or university libraries. Later donations and additions purchased through the use of governmental funds enlarged the library so that it was necessary to provide additional space. Therefore, "the high school library occupied a Whole barrack which was kept attractive and clean and could seat one hundred students. The tables, although homemade, were highly polished and well suited to their needs."1 In addition to the evening study hours, the School library also served as a convenient meeting place. "During teacher illness or shortage, Whole classes spent their hour in the library with specific assignments."2 Being the center for study, the library also provided close— ness to reading material. The students, largely cut off from the outside world, were eager to read; thus the m l . . War Relocation Authority, Final Report Education Section . . . Central Utah Center, Topaz, op. cit., P.200. - 2Ibid. 152 tudy-library combination stimulated reading beyond . l SSignments. Several other camps (Granada, Rohwer, Poston) lso instituted a place for outside reading and study. Summer Programs All Relocation Centers instituted a summer program 0 supplement the normal school year.2 Of all the education— 1 activities, the summer program came the closest to chieving a full community relationship; nearly all divisions .ollaborated to bring about an effective program. Most :ummer school programs were established on a cafeteria >asis allowing each child to choose the activities he liked Lnder the teacher who had a special interest or skill in hat particular activity. In order to be effective the lummer program had to differ from the every—day program :arried on during the normal school year. However, to >rovide for those who were behind in credit or had failed luring the school year, compulsory classes were held and lSeveral former students from Topaz felt that many students had spent a great deal of time reading in :he library. Several felt that their wide reading helped :hem bridge the deficiencies of the school. 2Jerome Relocation Camp never had a summer program Since Jerome schools operated their normal school year luring the summer of 1943. Then the camp was closed the Eollowing summer so that no time was allowed for an adequate 5Ummer program to develop. 153 endance required. All other classes and activities were untary as was regular attendance. In addition, acceler— on courses were given for those who wanted to finish h school early. For the most part, however, the summer ool offered a Voluntary enrichment program plus planned reational activities. Planning for the summer school had occurred during spring.1 Both evacuee and non—evacuee were asked to icate What activities could be most easily handled during summer. Resource personnel volunteered their skills 3 knowledge. School personnel meanwhile questioned 3 elementary and secondary students as to their summer 1001 preferences. The replies were summarized and a Dup of activities organized to fit the interests of the idents. However, two interest areas could not be provided—— meing and hunting——because of regulations and lack of :ilities. Nevertheless, tWenty—tWO interest areas were presented in nearly all camps. Such areas as health, iletics, music, band, dance, commercial, homemaking, tan twirling, current events, arts and crafts, work 1For a detailed report of summer school planning 3 activities See War Relocation Authority,“A Report of e Summer Leisure Time Program for Boys and Girls," hwer Relocation Center, McGehee, Arkansas (not dated). go 154 perience and camping were represented, as well as more ademic classes. Rohwer and Heart Mountain were able to tablish a week's camping experience outside the cities ut within the confines of the center) for most junior gh students. In addition, day camping was also popular most summer programs. Classes were generally held in e mornings, so that afternoons were free for individual tivities. Governmental directions for the summer program d called upon the summer school planners to 7 . avoid too direct representation of the pro— gram as "summer school." It may be hard to present it With a real "Terry and the Pirates“ twist but certain immediately attractive features, set apart from the rest of the school program, can be pro— fitably emphasized.l r the most part, the directive was followed. The summer ogram, therefore, emphasized student participation in anning, experience in job sampling, use of leisure time, lf—expression in class work and successful individual rformance in activities. Teacher Preparation The fact that nearly half of the educational staff :re evacuees who had no previous teaching preparation or lWar Relocation Authority, “Outline for a Summer :tivity Program," Washington, D.c., May, 1943, p. 13. % 155 )erience necessitated an in—service education program. a evacuee teachers were in a peculiar position. Whereas = Caucasian teachers had been scorned by the students, a evacuee teachers were rejected both by students and by rents. Shortly after the opening of school, evidence of :h rejection became open and critical. One project :ector recommended all evacuee teachers be used only as sistants to the Caucasians because numerous complaints are coming in from the residents of the colony due to the fact that colonist teachers are being employed to be in full charge of classes in the high school and of grades in the elementary schools.1 a camp's newspaper summed up the situation in an editorial, lpport the Japanese Teachers“: Students unanimously prefer Caucasian teachers and show great reluctance in signing up for classes conducted by Japanese teachers; this despite the fact that many of these Japanese teachers are ad— mittedly superior to some in the Caucasion teaching personnel. . . . The Superintendent expresses full confidence in these Japanese pedagogues, even to the extent of entrusting her own youngster to a Japanese teacher. . . . This [parental and student criticism] works an unnecessary hardship on the Japanese teachers who are Willing to face the petty criticisms that accompany the job, to do their share.2 m lWar Relocation Authority, “Memorandum to E. M. Malt, Assistant Director of WRA from Elmer L. Shirrell, Dject Director," Tule Lake Center, Newell, California, tober 2, I942, p. l. 2 "Support the Japanese Teachers," Editorial, Manzanar ee Press, October 10, 1942. 156 or a group who had been subjected to racial discrimination, his seemed to present a strange conflict in practice and heory. Perhaps their rejection of the evacuee teachers as not so much a rejection of individuals as it was a ejection of the whole educational system. They wanted ood education for their youngsters; this use of inexper- enced teachers did not to them represent a true education. hen, too, to be shut off completely from the American ociety composed mainly of Caucasians seemed to be a final low to their belief they would one day be able to return 0 American society.1 An evacuee teacher expressed this dea: Each day we were growing more conscious of our scant training and background for the job we were expected to do, and even more conscious of the questioning looks of the parents Who shook their heads and said, evasively, "It is difficult for you, is it not?" When they really meant that these poor children were being taught by fumbling, inexperienced teachers who would not be allowed to teach anywhere but in a JapaneSe evacuee center. Despite this criticism and rejection, Caucasian achers could not be found in ample supply to man all 1This attitude is not difficult to understand when e Witnesses the desire of the Negro parent of today to have iS children attend schools under Caucasian teachers. It is t a rejection of Negro teachers as it is a rejection of segregated society which has not allowed the Negro teacher 5 good an education as his Caucasian counterpart. 2Kate Watanabe, "From a Relocation Center," Progres— ive Education, Vol. 20, No. 5 (May, 1943), p. 233. 157 assrooms. It was, therefore, necessary to use evacuees en against the wishes of the community. The educational rsonnel realized that if additional preparation could be ven to evacuee teachers so that some could qualify for rtification much of the criticism would subside. The -service education, then, had to take two avenues. It d to allow those college degree evacuees an opportunity meet state requirements for certification and at the me time had to provide practical and stimulating ex— riences to those evacuee teachers who could not qualify r certification yet wished to serve as teaching assistants Ithe Caucasian teachers. The point of view was different; e approach was nearly the same. Classes were organized the local teaching staff to meet state requirements. itable arrangements were made through the various iversities whereby the evacuee could receive credit for e classes as long as the universities received a fee ortunately the fee covered only registration and transcript Penses) and the universities cleared the teaching person— 1 1- No university personnel were to be used thereby 1The University of Arizona refused to cooperate; e President of the University gave as the reason, “These ople stabbed us in the back at Pearl Harbor." (Leighton, - cit., p. 144.) 158 ing the arrangement one of paper work rather than one of ose cooperation. Those teaching the courses had to come om the local school which in most instances meant the pervising teacher would conduct the classes. For those tually teaching, "practice teaching" credits were given on successful completion of work as deemed successful the supervising teacher. Those who were assistant achers worked closely with their critic teachers for ractice teaching” credit. In addition, both assistant achers and regular teachers were to attend three classes r week. An attempt was made to organize the Work SO at the evacuee teachers Would study educational principles d methods, observe classroom practices, organize and plan its of work and develop an attitude of self analysis in eir teaching. For classroom observations, usually three ssrooms were established as demonstration rooms. The cuee teachers as well as the assistants could observe least once a week in these demonstration rooms. The rentice teachers Were scheduled for one—half day of ervation. The other half—day they served as substitutes, S permitting the regular evacuee teachers to observe other classrooms. In a sense the Relocation Centers were excellent oratories for practice teaching. Here each student 159 icher had a chance to take the theory and philosophy from 5 classes and test them under actual school room conditions. 2 supervisor met in the evacuee teacher's classroom for iferences, for planning, for testing and for experiment— ions. Since the Caucasian staff was on a forty—eight 1r week schedule, it was necessary for teachers to meet Saturday mornings to plan, evaluate and discuss phases their work. These Saturday morning sessions became sellent workshops not only for the evacuee personnel but r the Caucasian staff as well.1 The evacuee personnel re especially helpful in assisting the Caucasian teacher understand his pupils as well as conveying the problems the school to the parents. The Saturday morning sessions s became a tWO-way channel of in—service education. However, the heavy load of the evacuee teacher somewhat unrealistic. Each evacuee teacher had to meet three hours per week with the supervisor, attend three sses, teach from four to six classes per day, plus spend itional time with faculty conferences. Needless to , many evening hours were spent in correcting papers, 1 _ . In a personal interView Dr. Enoch Dumas, Berkeley, ifornia, January 3, 1963, related that as an elementary 'ncipal he used the Saturday morning sessions for curri— -um development. It was his belief that the Saturday ning sessions aided greatly in the orientation of the casian and evacuee teachers. 160 inning work and studying lessons. Added to this over— id was the constant criticism from the parents. There s also the knowledge that in all probability the carry— er of this experience into the outside World Would be ight. We evacuee teachers, no matter how skilled we might become as a result of our experience here, will probably turn to some other means of livelihood when We return to Caucasian, American society. The fact is accepted without comment by the evacuee teachers. Nursery Schools In spite of these needling drawbacks, many of the acuee teachers were devoted to their tasks of educating e young. No group of teachers showed more devotion than d those evacuee teachers who established the pre—school rseries. The experience in the assembly centers had Invinced WRA officials that nursery schools needed to be veloped in the Relocation Centers.2 Thus Supplement No. in August, l942, declared that nurseries were to be tablished to provide supervised play and rest periods r children.3 The forced evacuation from a familiar to a lWatanabe, op. cit., p. 233. 2For detailed nursery program in an assembly center e Kay Ushida and Grace Fugii, "The Pre—School Program at nforan" (unpublished report; not dated). 3See Appendix II. 161 strange environment--involving loss of positions, income, homes and often, too, faith and ideals——left adults with feelings of insecurity and emotional tenseness that were reflected in the behavior of their young children. Crowded living conditions, limited play space and lack of play materials for normal child development further contributed to the need of some kind of pre—school program. Unlike the normal school program, the nursery program was to be established Without governmental support, although technically it was under the supervision and budget (each nursery evacuee teacher was to receive $16 a month salary) of the elementary school. Building space was to be provided as well as teacher preparation personnel, but no government funds were to be expended on equipment or materials. Since the nursery program began with absolutely no equipment, arrangements were made with nearby mess halls to obtain orange crates which were used for temporary tables and cupboards. Camp maintenance could not provide furniture for the nurseries, thus it became a community responsibility to provide the furniture. Fathers of small children volun— teered their time to construct benches and stools.l In addition, they built outside fences and some outdoor play M.“- 1 See photograph, p. 162. 162 ' - Photograph No. 7 Nursery Class e story flour was a favorite time in the nursery class. te the homemade seats and lack of insulation. urce: Dr. Enoch Dumas, University of California, Berkeley. 163 equipment such as see—saws. The supply of toys and materials had to come from various outside friends and organizations. To supplement the stock on hand, the teachers met one afternoon a week to make such items as bean bags, doll dresses, aprons, quilts, scrap books and blocks. Army mattresses and blankets were provided for the rest periods. When material could be found, curtains Were added.1 The nurseries had several physical problems to over— come. The terrific dust storms complicated the problem of the upkeep of the schools, making a thorough daily mopping of the floors imperative. When the rains came, nursery school teachers continued to spend much time in cleaning the rooms. Eventually the children were instructed to take off their shoes as they entered the classroom and to wear a clean pair Which were kept in the room for that pUrpose. The distance to the latrines presented many difficulties, especially when the weather was cold or When the roads were muddy. Most of the nurseries were forced to close until winterization could be completed by the fathers M 1For a description of the nursery school program see Kay Uchida, l"Donald Goes to School," All Aboard, Spring, 1944, pp. 40—41. Also each Center's final report describes the nursery school program. 164 / who volunteered to help. Notwithstanding, "the greatest resourcefulness and flexibility was found in the nursery centers. . . . These teachers were ingenious in salvaging scraps of lumber and linoleunn writing friends for toys, and making something out of nothing.”1 The evacuee teachers were also ingenious in develop— ing a program fitted to the needs of the pre—SChool child. Nurseries were developed with two organizational approaches: one, the all—day nursery and the other, the afternoon or morning sessions. Oftentimes these two organizational plans were fused. The most common plan, however, was the half—day session, usually with the two and three-year-olds attending in the morning and the four and five—year-olds attending in the afternoon. The parents were drawn into the nursery program as much as possible. Prior to the child's enrollment, the parents were asked to fill out a request for admission. This procedure provided background information about the Child, gave an opportunity for the teachers to become acquainted with the parents and provided an opportunity to eXplain the nursery school program. After the request was ______~___~__”______ 1 , . . . . War Relocation Authority, "Education Pioneering in Wartime," Manzanar Relocation Center, Manzanar, California, March, 1943, p. 5. 165 received by the nursery school, one of the teachers called at the home of the child to discuss with the parents the arrangements provided for the child in the nursery school. Not more than one or two new children were admitted at a time thereby giving the teachers an opportunity to help each child make his adjustment to the school situation and develop a Sense of security. The daily program centered around the child's major activities of eating, sleeping and toileting. Time was allowed for adjustment to the school environment when the child arrived at nursery. Outdoor and indoor free play followed, then rest, toileting, refreshments and a short period of organized play (stories, games, painting, songs, rhythms). The schedule was intended to indicate the approximate time divisions for each type of activity in which the child engaged. The schedule was also flexible enough to respond to the child“s needs as they varied from day to day. It included the experiences consistently so that the physical, emotional and intellectual growth of children was fostered during the school day and so that the particular needs of each level of maturity were adequately met. Each Child's progress was recorded and parents received short prOgress reports each semester. These reports were passed t0 the kindergarten teachers the following year. 166 Particular attention was paid to teaching the children to understand and to speak the English language. A few children could speak English, some spoke a mixture of Japanese and English, and a great many spoke only Japanese when they entered nursery.l (There was a tendency in the camps to use the Japanese language more than probably was true in pre-evacuation days because contacts with Caucasians were so sharply curtailed.) Various techniques were employed by the teachers to stress English. During free play periods children were encouraged to converse in English. Songs, rhymes, and games contributed to vocabulary development. In addition, stress was placed on an appreciation of the home, a greater interest in and care of toys and a variety of play activities. It was hoped that the child's knowledge and social development could be improved by providing a richer environment. Also, the proper social and emotional responses to others were stressed. The elementary principal appointed a head evacuee teacher for each nursery school. The supervising teacher and the health nurse constantly provided a pre—school teacher education program. The requirements for a nursery ____________________ lWar Relocation Authority, "Educational Report of the Program and Procedures of the Pre—School Department," Central Utah Project, Topaz, Utah, March, 1943 (not paged). 167 :eacher were a genuine love of children, a desire to help :hildren and a knowledge of children. Nearly all nursery :eachers had some college training. Prior to working with :he children, the new nursery teacher observed for several veeks. In addition, the new nursery teacher attended classes in personality adjustment and child care. This orientation period was a testing ground for the capabilities of a potential candidate. Because the need for workers was stressed in the beginning a rather large staff was recruited vhich allowed a teacher for every seven to ten children. Such a large staff allowed a great deal of individual attention. Other sections at the projects were most cooperative in facilitating operation of the nursery schools. The chief iurse at the center hospital at Heart Mountain conducted Periodic health examinations. The mess supply sections at iearly all camps provided milk and crackers for mid—session nourishment every day. The Welfare section helped in deter- mining needs and referring special information relative to a child or parent that might help in the developmental growth of the child. With the exception of some teacher Qreparation aspects, the evacuees carried on practically all 3f the nursery work. Even without a budget to purchase naterials, extremely creative nurseries were maintained by 168 :he ingenuity of the evacuee teachers and community workers. Adult Education Adult education groups formed early in the restricted vorld of the center without direct supervision from the administration. Like the nursery school, no governmental funds were available for the purchase of supplies and materials. Great reliance had to be placed upon the co— >peration of other departments for the use of materials and Supplies. As in the assembly centers, leadership for adult Education came from the most highly skilled and trained evacuee personnel. Classes in arts and crafts,1 sewing, zostume design, dressmaking, current events, commercial subjects, flower arranging, Americanization, history, English and child care were the most popular. The adult rlasses in the beginning Were conducted by the evacuees Jithout compensation; however, after the appointment of an idult education supervisor, evacuees could be assigned as 1dult instructors and receive the $16 per month compensation. .ike the elementary and secondary schools, finding space 10 hold classes Was extremely difficult. Classes Without 1For a detailed pictorial review of the art work in :he Relocation Centers see Allen A. Eaton, Beauty)Behind 3arbed Wire (New York: Harper and Brothers, 195 . ~——...________._ 169 seats, rooms so cold that the classes huddled near the stoves, rooms Without blackboards, sewing classes cutting their patterns on the floor due to lack of table space were all a picture of the early "pioneering" days of the adult education program. Lighting was an extreme problem since adequate Wiring had not been installed.1 Eventually space was provided, generally in the secondary school quarters. Some day classes were held, but night classes were the rule. An unusually large number of adults attended classes. For example, at Topaz the adult classes had a total attendance of 3,591 (nearly half of the population) with eighty—seven adult leaders. The program in its early existence was not one of training as much as it was one of sharing and cooperating. Mainly adults were seeking release of tensions and some means of solidarity. The adults in Poston have enjoyed one of the finest cooperative experiences in . , . 2 their lives through adult education programs," stated an adult education bulletin. Another center called its adult program a People's School—-”a School Where people go to ____________________ 1 See photograph, p. 170. 2 . . . War Relocation Authority, "The Light of Learning," Adult and VocatiOnal Training, Education Department, COlorado Rivers Relocation Center, Poston, Arizona, p. 5. 170 Photograph No. 8 An Adult Sewing Class This photograph depicts an adult sewing class working in the barrack's classroom. Note the inferior lighting, lack of Partitions and style of seating. Source: War Relocation Authority.photograph files, University of California, Berkeley. 171 learn What they Wish or need to know, to become able to do what they Wish to do."1 The program varied from center to center, of course, but the general train of thought seemed to be upon finding some means of releasing tensions. As a result discussion groups were extremely important, especially discussion groups on current affairs. Many of the evening classes were organized to meet an immediate need. As soon as this need had been satisfied, new classes appeared. Surprisingly enough, English classes and "Americanization“ classes were well attended. These latter classes attempted to review American history and governmental practices. The ingenuity of the evacuee teachers in using lantern slides, charts, maps, mimeographed story outlines, recorded music and puppet shows undoubtedly aided in the drawing of attendance. The basic English Classes found some difficulty in obtaining suitable text— books since children's books were not suited to the mature adult. A solution was found by reproducing carefully selected materials in mimeograph form. In order to curb the formalized class situation, English clubs were Organized in each resident block. The members of these __n__________________ l . . n . . . War Relocation Authority, Night School Bulletin, NO- 1," Adult Education, Heart Mountain Relocation Center, Heart Mountain, Wyoming, p. l. 172 clubs met once or twice a week to speak and study English. Although a paid English instructor was available to help , any group which had a special problem, for the most part these groups operated under their own power as semi—social, semi-educational, semi—improvement groups. Few formalized vocational classes existed due to the extreme lack of avail- able materials. A few apprentice programs in carpentry, agriculture and mechanics were, however, in operation. The evacuees, by and large, operated their adult program inde— pendently of the administration relying on the adult edu— cation supervisor to make necessary arrangements (class arrangements, building rooms and materials). Registration1 in the early part of 1943 so split the adult population that the attendance at adult classes fell off sharply. For example, at Manzanar prior to Registration, more than 3,000 adults were enrolled in more than thirty courses. By March, this number had dropped to 1,500 and several courses were discontinued.2 Similar reductions were found in all adult classes following iRegistration. Adult education, once so much evacuee managed, Was to undergo a second phase in the Relocation Centers. —————______.______ 1 See glossary. 2 . . . . War Relocation Authority, Education Section, Final BEES£_, Manzanar, op. cit., p. 240. 173 Indeed, by the time that school closed in the summer of 1943, a second phase had begun in all educational facilities. In summary, the first educational phase began dismally with the dearth of buildings, supplies, materials and teachers. Students were apathetic and discouraged. Out of this dismal beginning, a pioneering spirit developed among teachers and students. Schools were fashioned out of empty barracks, books were shared, and programs were developed within a community context. StudentsI attitudes turned to hope and challenge. The peculiar nature of the camp dic- tated several unusual programs and some staffs were Willing to devise new educational programs within a new school set- up. Perhaps the best teaching had occurred during this period. According to one project report, Some of the principals and other school officials think that teaching in some of the rooms is superior to What it will be when 1 n textbooks are out." Similarly a teacher wrote, Teach— ers probably did the best teaching of their lives in those first months."2 The same school teacher wrote that some— what later the educators put away their dreams and "so we ——————_____________ l . - n - War Relocation Authority, PrOJect Report No. 19," Minidoka Relocation Center, Hunt, Idaho, December 17, 1942, P- 2. 2 Naomi Wood, op. cit., p. 3. 174 have five grade report cards, intricate attendance checking, compulsory study halls, teacher domination in all situations, etc. 2g commonum.”l Thus the dreams built in the real world of this pioneer education were to topple in the second educational phase. 1 Ibid., p. 4. CHAPTER VI THE SECOND PHASE Conference for Superintendents April, 1943 The War Relocation Authority had just passed its first birthday when a conference for the Superintendents of Education was held in Denver in April, 1943.1 This was to be a time for the superintendents to look back and take stock of what had occurred during the past year, and in the light of what had preceded, to plan what should be accomplished. Looking back, the superintendents could see ' a nightmarish eight months filled with every conceivable Problem from a lack of a physical plant to a secondary School student body not yet ready to accept a "pioneer" SChool, from congressional investigators who were interested only in the number of conscientious objectors and Quakers On the teaching staff to administrative tangles over priority of materials and supplies, and from a shortage of teachers to a shortage of textbooks. Yet in this past_year, much w lWar Relocation Authority, "Highlights and Brief summary Of the Denver Conference of WRA Superintendents of Education," Denver, Colorado, April 5—9, 1943. 175 176 had been accomplished. Classes had beeniJloperation for most of the school year. A meager supply of textbooks was available. The possibility of hiring teachers seemed some- what brighter, at least recruitment could begin earlier. School staffs had ironed out organizational difficulties and had established teacher preparation for the evacuee teachers. Most of all, WRA had definitely established a policy of relocation whereby the evacuees could leave the centers to obtain permanent residence anywhere in the United States with the exception of the West Coast. They needed clearance from the project director and employment in an area which Was favorable to Japanese Americans. They needed also ’ to agree to inform the Authority of any change of address. The relocation plan clarified the educator's purpose as well as Clarified the evacuee's future. The educator's task was to return the evacuee to the "outside“ as quickly as possible. It was, therefore, significant that the conference based its theme on "Relocation."l How would educators prepare students for the world "outside?" Was there any Kw— 1Ibid., p. l. 177 difference between this approach and the earlier concept advocated by the Stanford graduate class's proposal? Could the community school concept be effective in promoting the kind of behavior necessary in the 'outside" world? Per— haps there should be a different approach. The main speaker at the conference did not think so. Dr. William L. Wrinkle, a professor at Colorado State College of Education at Greeley, challenged the group not to be too complacent, not to accept alternatives without knowing or at least questioning their meanings. The questions he posed to the group were What is the purpose of WRA schools? Should it [the school] provide an experience comparable to the experience the youngster should have outSide the center? Or should it [the school] meet the needs, interests, and purposes of the people who are to be educated in the center? He Suggested if the superintendents wanted only the §E§EE§ 929, then a good public school program should be adopted for the centers. On the other hand, he argued, perhaps some— thing unique should be done because of the uniqueness of the Situation. Always, he focused the thinking of the group upon the question that seemed fundamental to him: l - . War Relocation Authority, "WrinkLe'S Second Meeting With Superintendents at the Denver Conference," April, 1943, p‘ l. 178 ”What is the function of the schools in the Relocation l . . Centers?" He contended that these youngsters inSide the centers had needs and problems far different from those of students on the outside: Dr. No conventional course in World History will help the Japanese youngster understand why he is in a center and what he can do about it. What is being done to help these Japanese youngsters think ahead? What is their possible future? What can they do to help make their future better? This problem is not being studied. You can't meet the needs, the purposes, and problems of boys and girls at the same time that you meet the requirements of universities and state departments. There is no possibility of an algebra course being taught in such a way as to help a Japanese boy to live a better life in the center and to have better ideas and better plans concerning his future.2 Wrinkle called, therefore, upon the group to break away from the traditional organization: You people could break away from the traditional organization. Why should We monkey with a pattern? You people are in a position to do away with patterns. All the colleges want you to do is write down some— thing that satisfies them regarding courses the youngster has had. All you have to do is to say the student has had What the college wants. You can‘t make a student ready for college by labeling courses. You can say that if he is not equipped and ready to go to college you Won't recommend him. You shouldn't recommend him until he is ready. lIbid. 2Ibid. 3Ibid., p. 2. 179 He begged them to consider the meaning of a community school. WRA, he charged, was not living up to its promise to develop a community school concept. The superintendents, Dr. Wrinkle alleged, were allowing their schools to be typical public schools. "Nowhere in practice do we approxi— mate the community school, this is especially true on the secondary level."1 It was necessary to produce an environment in which democracy could be practiced, he asserted, since the superintendents had made a commitment to the democratic way of life. The most important thing is to figure out your purpose, decide What education is for and then adjust your curriculum, patterns, requirements and organization so that your school program is meeting the needs of these youngsters. His message apparently did not fall on deaf ears as the curriculum committee composed of Superintendents Kenneth Harkness (Tule Lake Project), Clifford Carter (Heart Mountain Relocation Center) and Genevieve Carter (Manzanar Relocation Center) recommended in their report that the Schools develop an educational program which would emphasize understanding of and loyalty to American living. Secondly, lWar Relocation Authority, "Highlights of Wrinkle‘s Talk Opening the Conference of Superintendents at Denver,“ Momflay, April 5, 1943, p. 1. 2Ibid., p. 2. 180 they recommended, as had the Stanford graduate class in its proposal, that a part of the school day from kinder— garten through high school be set aside for opportunities to engage in common experiences of pupil sharing and participating, purposing, planning, executing and evaluat— ing. These experiences, they proposed, should be related as far as possible to the needs, interests and problems of actual living in the community. The community should serve as a laboratory where social processes and skills could be studied and learned. The curriculum committee wanted the school to serve also as an effective instrument of planning and building every phase of community life. They further indicated that the community should be expanded from the Relocation Center to the one in which the student would relocate. Emphasis should be placed on a broader concept of community. Thus the schools were to be society—centered as Well as community—centered. In this latter concept, the committee differed somewhat from the graduate class's proposal. When the graduate class had written the proposal, the Relocation Centers had been thought of as duration homes. However, the proposal clearly stated that the emphasis should be in finding means for the Japanese Americans to re—enter the American stream of life. Thus the committee's report, in essence, reaffirmed the earlier 181 commitment made to a community school concept. Secondly, the committee suggested that more voca- tional experiences should be provided. Specifically, the report urged that students study vocational information and current trends in employment to aid in vocational decisions. Also the report suggested that the school encourage the students to study several geographical areas of the United States in order to facilitate an appropriate selection for relocation° Finally, the committee recom— mended that preparation for assimilation in the American society include intercultural and international understanding. The committee called for a school curriculum that would be responsive to the needs and interests of the community. "With war time tempo affecting policy, objectives, and organizations within the War Relocation Centers the school curriculum must keep flexible to absorb these changes."1 Yet the committee allowed one statement to creep into the recommendation that perhaps nullified the previous view: "WRA schools are to approximate the public schools . 2 . . in the adjacent area." Despite this, the recommendation lWar Relocation Authority, “Report of Curriculum Committee," WRA Superintendents Conference, Denver, Colorado, April 5-9, 1943, p. 1. 21bid. 182 was so Worded that there could be no doubt but that a faith in the community school concept had been reaffirmed. How— ever, the atmosphere of the conference in which this faith was reaffirmed, at least to one participant, was not one of contributing to creative thought. The Denver conference threatens to run itself into the ground because of Dr. Ade's idea that the purpose to [sic] a conference is to get a few defenseless people together and fire speeches by outsiders at them all day long, plague their free hours with committee meetings and individual conferences, and embalm the whole in bad air, bad light, and boredom.1 WRA Policy Changes At any rate, as the participants at the conference sped back to their respective camps, the burning urge to be creative lessened and by the time they reached their destinations the glow was gone.2 Camp problems were too time consuming to think about the continual development of 1Letter from Mrs. Lucy Adams to Ralph P. Merritt, Project Director at Manzanar Relocation Center, written at Hotel Albany, Denver, Colorado, April 7, 1943, p. 7. (Mrs. Lucy Adams was former Director of Education from WRA prior to Dr. Ade‘s appointment and in 1943 was the head of the Community Management Division at Manzanar. The letter was Written two days before the end of the Conference.) 2None of the monthly project reports indicate any Change following the Superintendents' Conference. It is interesting to note that nearly all articles written for publication dealing with educational practices in the Relocation Centers were written during the first school Year 1942—1943. Most curriculum materials were also written during the first school year. 183 a community school. Within a month, three of the super- intendents resigned. (Paul Terry of Granada Relocation Center left for the service, R. A. Pomeroy of Minidoka Relocation Center moved into another WRA position at Minidoka and John C. Carlisle of Central Utah Project returned to his position at Utah State University.) In addition, four high school principals resigned; and every camp experienced some school administrative change. Further- more, nearly fifty percent of the teaching staff had decided that the Herculean task was too much. To make matters worse the WRA national office announced that no additional build- ings would be built unless they Were already in the process of construction in April, 1943. The final blow came in August when the Community SChool Forum carried news of a nature that must have re— minded the superintendents of Dr. Wrinkle's charge that WRA had no intention of establishing community schools: Last year, the position of Director of Curriculum was placed on the administrative charts in the edu— cation section. In an attempt to reduce adminis— trative costs this title has been eliminated this Year, although it is still possible for the work to be carried on.1 Paradoxically, in the very next paragraph the emphasis \_____________ lWar Relocation Authority, Community School Forum, VOl- 1: No. 4, Washington, D.c., August, 1943, p. 2. 184 upon curriculum planning was made imperative. "The person responsible for such planning in the project schools should have ample time, free from other obligations, for such duties."1 Who would be free for curriculum planning? Cer- tainly the superintendent who had teacher replacement worries and building problems would not have time. Certainly no staff member could be freed to coordinate the program when the staff was far below minimum numbers. The situation was clear: there would be no further emphasis upon CUrri- culum planning as such. The emphasis would have to be on holding the status gug; the curriculum proposals were filed to collect dust; the reaffirmation of faith in a community School concept was forgotten; the development of democratic behavior would have to come as individual teachers saw fit. The second phase of the educational program was in full bloom. Physical Facilities Physical facilities plagued the Relocation Centers until the end. Dillon Myer, Director of WRA, admitted that the initial mistake had been made in planning. at these Centers, We made one mistake, for examplel . We promised and that was in regard to the schools. w lIbid. 185 to build special school houses. When the time came to build the schools, there were no materials. . . .1 - The excuse was not always materials. Dillon Myer speaking at the San Francisco Directors Conference in January of 1943, stated: We put out a letter or wire asking that in setting up your construction plans that that portion of the high school that involved the essential things other than school room space would be constructed first. That if we had room enough by using barracks that we continue to use barracks for school rooms as classrooms. We have done that for a number of reasons. In Colorado we let a contract for schools, and it got in the newspapers that we were spending hundreds and thousands of dollars for schools. We are finding that at a number of projects it does look now that we will not get as many schools as we thought possible.2 Construction of school buildings concentrated on those areas where barracks were not suitable (shops, laboratories, auditoriums and gymnasiums). Complete high School buildings, including most classroom facilities, Were finished in the summer of 1943 at Granada and Heart Mountain ‘ Relocation Centers. Gila River, Colorado River and Tule Lake Projects all had high school auditoriums and some shop facilities finished by late 1943. Manzanar, Jerome and 1Japanese American Citizens League, "Minutes of the sPecial Emergency National Conference," Salt Lake City, Utah, November 17—24, 1942, Supplement No. 9, p. 2. 2War Relocation Authority, "Notes on the San . Francisco Directors Conference," San FranCisco, California, January 22-24, 1943, p. 32. 186 Rohwer Projects had auditoriums finished in the middle of 1944.1 (Paradoxically Jerome's finished auditorium was used only a few months after it was completed in April since the camp closed in June, 1944.) An uncompleted auditorium at Topaz was used only for assemblies and at Minidoka a gymnasium remained only partially constructed when the camp closed. Poston was the only camp where evacuees were solely responsible for construction of the school buildings. All other projects contracted the jobs through private contractors. The Poston school buildings were to be constructed of adobe instead of lumber. This was believed necessary for several reasons: (1) the evacuees could do the labor, (2) materials , Were at hand to make adobe bricks thereby cutting costs, (3) the adobe buildings would be cool and have a more permanent appearance, (4) the buildings would remain after— wards for use by the Indians.2 Construction on schools was begun in the summer of 1942; however, the extreme heat (1150 to 1240 in the shade) plus the lack of materials Slowed the progress of work. Consequently, little building had occurred before the fall of 1942. By late 1943 the lSee photograph, p. 187. 2See photograph, p. 188. 187 Photograph No. 9 Manzanar Auditorium This photograph of the Manzanar Auditorium was taken May 1, 1944. The auditorium was in usa only the final school year. However, because the floor was of soft pine, it could not be used for basketball or other heavy traffic. Source: War Relocation Authority photograph files, University of California, Los Angeles. 188 Photograph No. 10 A Poston School Building Buildings of the adobe construction at Poston are slowly deteriorating as this picture indicates. The interiors of most buildings are bare except for a few buildings Which are used by an Indian work camp and the library which is used by the Bureau of Indian Affairs. In some cases only a single wall of a building remain. Source: Personal photograph, March, 1963. 189 adobe process had been perfected, and the adobe buildings were completed for high school facilities, however, not in time for school opening. "Due largely to the segregation program, work on the school buildings slowed appreciably, and as a result, the opening of schools was delayed beyond the date set originally."l Most facilities were adequate with the exception of those for the homemaking classes. Through some error the sewer line, water line, sinks and cabinets for the foods laboratory were deleted from the building plans and the error was not discovered until the foundations, cement floors and walls were completed. The food classes were assigned a science laboratory. Homemaking classes were never adequate in Poston-— no modern stoves to heat water, no linoleum on the cement floor, no screens on the windows, and no refrigerators or coolers. Shop and science laboratories in other centers were never fully equipped. Auto mechanics classes were hardest hit. Tule Lake, Rohwer and Manzanar Relocation Centers had to cancel auto mechanics because of fire regulations. Adequate facilities for indoor physical edu— cation were never realized, although some centers did have lWar Relocation Authority, "Monthly Report of the POSton Center," Colorado River Project, Poston, Arizona, September, 1943, p. l. 190 basketball courts the last year. Some classes were plagued by a lack of supplies. When Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt visited the Poston schools in April, 1943, she remarked upon the ingenuity of the students in the commercial classes for using cardboard boxes as mock typewriters in order to learn key placement.l Since no typewriters were available for class use, evening typing classes were held using typewriters from various offices. Poston was the only center where any elementary buildings Were constructed. These, too, were evacuee-built of adobe.2 Begun in 1943 in one unit of Poston, these buildings were completed for use only during the last year. Building materials for elementary schools had arrived at Heart Mountain Relocation Center just prior to the cancellation of all elementary school construction. The materials were never used for school purposes. All other camps continued to use the barrack buildings as classrooms. Much remodeling was done. Buildings were lined with celotex and some entrances were built. Blackboards, shelving and cupboards were added. Window shades were added and lWar Relocation Authority, "Monthly Project Report,“ Colorado River Relocation Center, Poston, Arizona, April, 1943, p. 2. 2 See photographs, pp. 191—192. 191 Photograph No. 11 The Remains of a Cornerstone This cornerstone still stands twenty years later as a monument of the JapaneSe efforts to build a school at Poston. Source: Personal photograph, March, 1963. 192 Photograph No. 12 .Poston'Elementary Auditorium This building at Poston was an elementary auditorium and still is used by an Indian work camp. Source: Personal phOtograph, March, 1933. 193 more electric lights were installed. It was never found practical to alter the windows or find better means of lighting. Despite all the remodeling the center schools never approached the normal school physical facilities. As a result costs per pupil were less than the national norms. The schooling provided for their children is not equal to that available to the children of other American citizens——$59l per pupil is the national average, while in the centers the figure is only a few cents more than $98. However, WRA insisted that the ". . . supply costs would 2 continue to be higher than under normal conditions," since all new facilities had to be completed at once. Turnover of School Personnel Never in the history of the projects did the 'schools have a full complement of teachers. The difficulty of obtaining teachers never diminished. Chart 6 indicates that few appointed teachers were on the staffs as of March 3 31, 1943. The chart clearly indicates that the Central Utah, Colorado River, Gila River and Jerome projects were lViolet Wood, "Future Indefinite," Pilgrim Highroad‘ (March, 1944), p. 9. 2War Relocation Authority, "Semi-Annual Report, JUly l to December 31, 1943," p. 75. 3See chart, p. 194. 194 Chart No. 6 Student Enrollment and Number of Teachers at Relocation Center Schools on March 31, 1943. Enrollment Center Elem High Appointed Teachers Central Utah ,649 1,051 37 Colorado River 2,047 2,824 76 Gila River 1,381 1,595 70 Granada 681 983 45 . Heart Mountain 909 1,319 54 Jerome 930 1,251 40 Manzanar 1,024 1,080 63 Minidoka 770 1,309 44 RohWer 894 1,123 63 Tule Lake 1,608 2,157 llé 10,893 14,692 557 Source: War Relocation Authority, "Semi-Annual Report, January 1 to June 30, 1943,' p. 31. 195 Granada, Heart Mountain or Tule Lake. Had the teachers been divided equally there would have been a teacher load of fifty students. However, because of the discrepancy some classes averaged from fifty to seventy and in some cases even higher. Evacuee help did reduce the load some— what. Since teachers were not under contracts, they resigned whenever they wished. For instance, forty new teachers were added in the course of the first teaching year at Poston, while twenty-six departed during the same period. At another center, of one hundred and thirteen hired from October 1, 1942, to June 30, 1943, only fifty— five served the entire year. It was not uncommon for teachers to stay only a few months or even a few days. For example, on the average, teachers stayed 4.8 months at Poston during the first year.1 Central Utah had only eight returning teachers out of forty-five the first year. Due to the unusually high turnover of teachers, class loads remained high. Classes were greatly disrupted by the constant change of teachers. Speaking of this problem, one principal wrote, "Our philosophy had to be the lWar Relocation Authority, Organized Education . . . Poston, . . . op. cit., p. 11. 196 greatest good for the greatest number."1 Sometimes classes had as high as seven or eight teachers per year. One teacher wrote, "I found the children were very noisy, but after all, I was the seventh teacher for that group."2 In a personal interview, one former teacher claimed she was the tenth teacher within one year for a second grade class.3 The 1944 Annual School Term Report stated: It was not possible at any one time during the year to fill all appointive personnel positions. Some positions were vacant most of the year. During much of the year some of the schools operated with not more than 75 percent of the authoriZed personnel. Resident or evacuee certified teachers were used where available. Assistant evacuee teachers were used to supplement the work of and to relieve the load of the regular teachers, and for nursery school and adult education classes.4 Because of the rapidity of turnover, teacher orientation into the centers was brief and ineffective. Sometimes teachers were charged with the responsibility of conducting two classes at the same time. Students often were dis— Charged to the libraries or study halls when teachers were lWar Relocation Authority, Personal Narrative . M. H. Ziegler, . . ." op. cit., p. 4. 2War Relocation Authority, Final Report . Education Section . . . Central Utah Center, op. cit.,‘p° 77, 3Personal'interview with Emily Light, Berkeley, California, February 12, 1963- . 4War.‘Relocation Authority, "1944 Annual School Term Report, "1944, p. 8. 197 not available. A monthly report tells how students reacted: Present and impending vacancies amount to more than half of the secondary school staff. . . . The morale of the school is extremely difficult to maintain when from ten to twenty percent of all classes in secondary division involving well over fifty percent of the student body have no teacher in charge of the classroom. The students are always concerned . . The scarcity of teachers resulted in half—day sessions at Central Utah and at Gila River. The anxiety to fill the appointive positions re— sulted in selection of many applicants who were unsuited to the teaching situation. Several teachers were forced to resign because of ill health, several died in the service of teaching, and in Poston two were sent to mental hospitals and three were asked to resign because of idiosyncrasies which made them unacceptable to pupils and other staff 2 . members. Neurotic teachers cropped up at all camps. One teacher required a size of paper that did not exist in the camp;3 one teacher reportedly told his class he was there to see that no spying occurred; one teacher reportedly informed his class they would all become farmers lWar Relocation Authority, "Monthly Report of the Poston Center," Colorado River Project, Poston, Arizona, December, 1944, p. 1. 2 . . . War Relocation Authority, Organized Education Poston, . . . op. cit., p. 11. 3Light, op. cit., p. 107. 198 so there was no use doing any work in his class;1 one teacher, who departed without formalities, was sought by the FBI for posing as an Air Force Colonel and falsifying his educational records.2 The presence of such neurotics did not help student—teacher morale. Broadly speaking, there were three general types of teachers. Those known as the "do—gooders” were overly sympathetic. Secondly, there were those teaching solely for the money or who could not find a position in the public schools. Finally, the third group, the dedicated teachers, maintained a balance between reason and sympathetic attitude toward the students. Many of the teachers were wives of WRA employees on the projects, others were widows or had husbands in the Service. Some had re—entered teaching after a number of years of absence from the profession. There were many reasons for the high turnover of teachers. Many were not emotionally prepared for the isolated country. Then, too, the lack of facilities and the lack of job certainty were frustrating to many. Not until May, 1943, did the Manzanar teaching staff receive official notice that their 1 . . O'Brien, op. Cit., p. 41. 2War Relocation Authority, "Monthly Reports of the Poston Center," Colorado River Relocation Center, Poston, Arizona, March 31, 1945, p. 20. 199 teaching experience would be counted toward renewal of a California State Certificate.l Pressures from the public and press, the congressional investigators and the adminis— tration forced many to leave. Constant daily interruptions and interferences caused by change of policy, blocking of priorities, procurements, warehouse blunders and personnel changes disturbed even the most dedicated teacher. Salaries were another factor. Although WRA salaries were higher in the beginning, they remained constant whereas "outside" teacher shortages had forced salaries up. Some WRA teachers were lured away by surrounding cities with better facilities and higher salaries. One such community hired four WRA teachers within one month's time.2 However, those teachers who stayed were flexible, challenging and creative; the more routine—minded left.3 But too few stayed. In Manzanar only fifteen teachers remained longer than tw0 years, while at Gila River only sixteen remained for more than two years. Only a handful remained from the opening of school in 1942 to the close of school in 1945. ____________________ 1 . - u War Relocation Authority, Monthly Reports of the Education Section," Manzanar Relocation Center, Manzanar, California, May, 1943, p. 2- 2 . . ' - War Relocation Authority, Education Section, Final Re 0r , Manzanar, op. cit., p. 284. 3 Ibid., p. 265. 200 The turnover did not confine itself solely to teachers. Some high schools and elementary schools had four or five principals during the three year period. The centers experienced a similar high turnover in other ad— ministrative positions, and some positions were unfilled for long periods of time. For example, a full time adult education supervisor was never hired at Granada.l Of the original ten superintendents only three remained for the three years. Of these three, one departed two months before the close of the school, and one had a military leave of absence for a time. One superintendent, however, served three years but at two different camps. Nor was the leader— ship at the National Office permanent. Three Directors of ' Education served during the three years——Mrs. Lucy Adams, Lester K. Ade and N. E. Viles.2 After the first year, relocation was urged by WRA. The single, young, adventuresome evacuees departed first. The college—trained evacuees who had served as teachers during the first year began to depart in great numbers l . . . . War Relocation Authority, Final Report, Education Section, Granada Project, Amache, Colorado, 1945, p. 146. 2Taken from.War Relocation Authority, Community Management Division, Education Section, "Enrollment, Attendance, Teachers Employed," Washington, D.c., summaries, 1942—1945. 201 0" leaving the centers in a desperate teaching situation. Without sufficient appointed staff, the evacuee relocation was a severe blow to the school system. Since few of the remaining evacuees could qualify for certification because of insufficient college credits, teacher education for credit was cancelled.1 An in—service education program was established to meet the crisis. The evacuees were given as much help as the staffs could give, but such a method was not too effective. Classrooms had to stay open and as the more qualified left, less qualified had to be chosen. One center limited the class size to twenty—five students in February, 1944, because a) Two thirds of the resident.teachers had no a previous training experience. b) None of this group had any training outside of the in—service education program. c) Half of the elementary school resident teaching staff Were recent high school graduates. In this same camp, according to a personal interview, one authoritarian principal devised a means of securing evacuee 1It is doubtful that the teacher education for credits was ever very popular. For example, out of sixty volunteers at Manzanar only twenty—three remained to complete Some training and of those twenty—three only five ever received certification. Certificates received by evacuees at Heart Mountain Were marked "valid only at Heart Mountain." According to personal interviews, apparently very few of these evacuee teachers ever went into public school teaching. 2War Relocation Center, Final Report . . . Education §ection . . . Central Utah Center, op. cit., p. 7. 202 teachers. When a class was without a teacher, the students would be sent home and told not to return until their . 1 block supplied a teacher. Some evacuee teachers taught only a few months before relocating. Constant shifts had to be made, thus a comprehensive teacher education program was impossible. Had the student enrollment decreased proportionally to the Relocation program, many problems would have been solved. However, since families were one of the last groups to leave, the student enrollment did not decrease correspondingly. In 1943-1944 the enrollment had decreased to approximately 24,000, yet the enrollment in 1944—1945 only dropped to 20,000.2 Nursery school enroll— ments decreased even less. For example, 1,965 were enrolled ' in nursery school during 1944—1945 representing a decrease of only 170 over the previous year.3 Post—high school and adult classes for the final six months actually increased by about five hundred. Thus, teacher scarcity and the rate of turnover was alarmingly high in relation to the student enrollment. The problem seemed insoluble as one teacher eXplained: lPersonal interview with Emily Light, op. cit. 2War Relocation Authority, ”Semi-Annual Report, January 1 to June 30, 1945," p- 38- 3Ibid. 203 This rightfully is a dying community and instead of getting bigger and better (whatever that means) will become littler and worse. Our problem is to re501ve the conflict of "moving on" with the desire to settle oneself. Our children are learning that "change is the only constant" and there are several teacherless classes. Aside from the problem of what to do to keep these children busy the question of credit comes in again. For senior and junior students especially this is a grave problem and, so far, is unsolved. We are just too short handed—-and yet we cannot keep the evacuee teachers here——at $16.00 or $19.00 a month.1 Schools Revert to Traditionalism Indeed, what could be done? For most schools the answer seemed to lie in eliminating as many "frill" courses as possible and giving just the solid, Sound courses. . . ."2 By reducing vocational courses and electives, less personnel would be needed. All camps experienced a sharp reduction in vocational and elective courses. For example, at Gila River's Canal High School in 1942, out of a student body of 400 students, 359 parti— cipated in the vocational and elective subjects offered. The following year, with an enrollment of 380 pupils, 104 Students were enrolled in these subjects.3 Even more lNaomi Wood, op. cit., pp. 8—9. 2War Relocation Authority, "Personal Narrative of William M. Beasley, Junior-Senior High School'Principal," Rohwer Relocation Center, McGehee, Arkansas (not dated; not paged). 3Slate, op. cit., p. 22. 204 strikingly, Rohwer, with a high school enrollment of over 1,000 students, had only 194 students in vocational courses.1 Programs designed to give selective experiences were dis— continued. Tule Lake which had inaugurated the quarter system to allow each student Work experience returned to the semester system and eliminated work experience as a requirement of graduation. Other schools relegated the work experience program to the summer schedule. There was a belief that solid subjects were absolutely necessary for the existence of a normal return to the "outside" world. Little has been done to provide high school students an opportunity to benefit from well—organized activity in Industrial Arts, Homemaking and Agriculture. Says Dr. Bane [principal], "Our teachers urge students to take solid courses first, and leave the frills 0 till later."2 Few worried about the change that was occurring to the teachers: As conditions in the center improve some teachers tend to revert to the traditional emphasis in secondary education, to regard the emphasis on re— location as "extra—curricula." They cannot "deprive" the students of the "essentials" of a high school education by devoting time to something which doesn't Kb“... lWar Relocation Authority, Historical Statistical Rohwer Relocation, . . . op. Cit., p. 48. 2Letter from Richard B. Johnson to Dr. Lester K. Ade concerning visit to Central Utah Relocation Center, February 28, 1945, p. 2. 205 appear in the curricula of the past.1 It was for this reason that core courses dis— appeared. Some centers retained the core, in name only. Minidoka practiced core for two years faithfully. Manzanar, Gila River and Rohwer eliminated the name entirely. Although the final report listed Gila River as having a community school, it had departed from the core at the very beginning and had added tw0 credits to those already required for high school graduation. Graduation requirements from the high schools at Gila were considerably higher than generally found among Arizona high schools.’ Sixteen units of "solids” were required, plus one unit in Health and Physical Education, making a total of 17 units.2 For those who retained core classes, it was in name only. For example, outlines of curriculum materials and summary reports for core classes indicated the following: We completed the spelling notebook by taking the daily lessons and sectional reviews. The classes completed and graded fifty—three language exercises this year We completed reading unit 6, "Making a New Nation" and wrote a review quiz over that material. ___________________ lWar Relocation Authority, "Contributions of the Education Section to the Relocation Program," Colorado River ProleCtrPoston, Arizona, p. 2 (not dated). 2War Relocation Authority, Education Program, Final Report, Gila River, op. cit., pp. 27—28. 206 A unit of spelling covered each week. This period was spent almost entirely on an intensive review and drill in grammar fundamentals. In grammar we used dittoed drills The time schedule for history is let week, Chapter I, 2nd week, Chapter II, etc.l Occasionally a rare core achievement is found: A chance remark on the heores of the second world war brought about a desire to read hero stories. Thus the sections were launched on a story unit "The Spirit of Heroism." . . . We read stories about heroes, past and present, we criticized the stories orally and then wrote individual criticisms of at least one story. In connection with this we decided to write imaginary stories with ourselves as the hero of a tall tale. While learning to criticize stories, we also learned to write book reports and learned how to make interesting review of books. . . . We had no special spelling and word usage unit, but from our2 readings we made lists of new and difficult words. A perusal of the course outlines presented by the members of the Topaz Center in December, 1942, indicated almost a complete lack of appreciation of the educational , 3 . materials available in the community. Almost Without exception, teachers of core Subjects stressed grammar and lWar Relocation Authority, Curriculum Materials and Teacher Reports from Granada, Heart Mountain and Colorado River Relocation Centers, variously paged. 2War Relocation Authority, "Curriculum Materials," Granada Relocation Center, Amache, Colorado, variously paged. . , 3War Relocation Authority, "Curriculum Materials," Central Utah Relocation Center, Topaz, Utah, December, 1942, variously paged. 207 parts of speech. A speech teacher handed in a list of chapter titles from a high school speech text as his contribution to curriculum planning. The chronological approach was recommended by the teachers of the social sciences; with only one exception their plans called for leading the class chapter by chapter in time sequence in a standardized history text. In the June, 1943, Community School Forum, it was suggested that materials which are valuable and suggestive can be collected here (Washington, D.C.) and shared with interested teachers. Groups of teachers can do no more profitable curriculum development than that of working out a good resource unit on relocation. The Washington office would like to receive such material in order to circulate it to other project schools.l No circulation of such materials was ever made. A few items did appear, however, in the final revision of the handbook in 1945. By then the second phase was far too heavily engrained for any change to occur. The cutting across subject matter lines became rather rare after the first year. For the most part teachers . 2 . followed texts closely, tested objectively and relied , lWar Relocation Authority, Community School Forum, VOl- 1, No. 2, Washington, D.C., June, 1943, p. 3. 2One student's theme carried this information on Objective testing: "One teacher gave us a test that had so 208 heavily upon standardized testing as a guide for grade placements. Tests served as a means of placing students in homogeneous groups. "Teachers often consulted the scores of these tests as a gauge of what kind of work might be expected from a student."1 Schools became extremely test and grade conscious. Students were expected to attain test scores comparable to national norms. Schools stressed the fact that their students were receiving fewer pr than they had previously obtained. Elaborate graphs were pre— pared at Heart Mountain to show the comparison of all grades of the seniors at Heart Mountain with those of seniors from the West Coast: ". . . but the number of §L§ was [a] third higher on the Coast than at Heart Mountain."2 Manzanar reported a similar study: "Also, apparently many blanks to fill in that we couldn't make heads or tails out of it. Example: causes Try to figure that out, I can't. That is only one teacher's way of giving a test, but all the years I went to school I never had a test like that." In a personal interview Dr. Victor Goertzel, Camarillo, California, March 1, 1963, related a similar anecdote: One teacher had asked On a quiz a question such as There is a amount. The answer wanted was known amount since the textbook had not given the specified amount. An inquiring student who had, from another source, found the exact amount was refused credit for his answer. lWar Relocation Authority, Final Education Report With Appendix, Heart Mountain Relocation Center, Heart Mountain, Wyoming, October, 1945, p- 124- 2Ibid. 209 students were able to make higher grades in their former schools—-as shown on their transcripts than they Were able to make at Manzanar."l Officials were dismayed at the fact that reading levels were not up to national norms; thereafter, nearly every camp stressed reading. Somehow the solid subjects, stress on grades and better reading habits were going to solve the students' adjustment into a society which was very hostile to them. "The work is quite the same as it would be in similar courses in other schools, "2 the emphasis on relocation being incidental. Schools believed that however, for the most part students retained their faith in the American formula that hard work and conscientious study would overcome all obstacles and lead to ultimate success. The elementary schools which had developed an activity type program in the early “pioneer days“ did not remain activity centered. The community school concept for the last two years never surpassed the stage of visiting the nearby hospital, vegetable farm, cattle ranch, water system, fire department and other phases of the Relocation lWar Relocation Authority, Education Section, Final BEE2£_, Manzanar, op. cit., p. 239. 2War Relocation Authority, "Notes from Faculty Committee," Minidoka Relocation Center, HMnt, Idaho (not dated; not paged). 3War Relocation Center, Final Report ; . . Education Section . . . Central Utah Center, op. cit., p. 170. 210 a system. ” . . They [school personnel] tended toward the fundamentalist point of view in education for the last school years of the center, believing that it would be more helpful in readjusting the pupils at the schools where they would be relocated."1 There was a definite trend toward the teaching of subject matter areas such as arithmetic, spelling, reading, social studies, music and health as separate subjects. No emphasis was put on cross—sections of subject matter in the same class period. In other words, the three BLp were stressed. Perhaps the most Severe criticism was that teachers, as a whole, followed the textbooks too clOSely. Their attention should have been centered upon problems or questions which were of real concern to the child as he participated in activities of home, school, and community. Not all elementary teachers were aware of the place of social studies in the curriculum. In fact Some were unaware of how community life was reflected in their students. For example, an elementary supervisor described one experience: When I tried to elicit names of additional furniture by asking where they kept their clothes in bedrooms (dressers, chests, wardrobes, etc.), they made M lIbid., p. 26- 2 . Christensen, op. Clt., p. 80. 211 such surprising [italics mine] statements as ”suitcases," "trunks.“ It was a chance to teach where clothes are kept (closets, dressers, etc.,). Certainly, bedrooms with dressers were not an experience to which the children were currently exposed. Quiet, neat classrooms were most desirable: They [children] lined up at the door without any disturbance, and came in an orderly way, work was on the board. The classes began immediately without any exchanges of ideas, news, assembly, etc. This is an especially fine workable class. . . . This little third grade was quiet, industrious, very bright, and happy and polite.2 Some teachers even attributed the noisy classrooms to a racial characteristic: The thing I found difficult to accomplish with these children was a "quiet Working" room. If they had one minute between activities they wanted to talk and soon the room could be likened to a bee hive. However, I have found it to be a racial character— istic since I have observed the adult classes in session and found the same condition existed there.3 Whereas the beginning was dominated by thoughts of creative Work, the second phase seemed to be filled with making everything as routine as possible. Detailed lesson plans had to be turned in weekly, weekly progress reports War Relocation Authority, "Supervisory Visitations,” Elementary Level, Manzanar Relocation Center, Manzanar, California, April 12—16, 1943, pp- 3-4~ 2Ibid., Nbrch 3-Apri1 3, 1943, p. 2. 3War Relocation Authority, Final Report . Eggpation Section . . . Central Utah Center, op.'cit., p. 73, 212 had to be filed and an elaborate system of signing in and out each day was initiated. The extra time provided by the forty—eight hour week had resulted in good in—service education the first year. Later, resentment against this additional time became quite noticeable. With the addition— al class loads, constant shifting and necessity for signing in and out of the schools, more and more teaching became just a job to most teachers. For most being traditional was more convenient; for administrators it “simplified program—making in the high school; also it made it easier to evaluate credits. ."1 Adult education for the final two years shifted into an administrative quarrel between the purpose of vocational and general education.2 Early in the Relocation Centers many evacuees had established activities in which they were most interested, but as time went on, there was a tendency to foster courses that did not appeal to them. Near the end of 1943, it was thought necessary to place more efforts on vocational training and retraining. Some Camps split the adult education into tWo groups: vocational k“— l . . . War Relocation Authority, Educational Section, Final 3&22£_, Manzanar, op. cit., pp. 215—16. 2War Relocation Authority, "Objectives in Adult Education," Washington, D.C., May 29, 1944, p. l. 213 and adult education. Vocational education floundered from the very beginning because of the temporary nature of the camps. The greatest stress was laid on apprenticeships. The theory involved a twofold purpose: (1) As the regular workers resettled, the apprentice would take over the activity so the camp Would function smoothly and (2) such training would lead him to resettle into a trade or vocation when his skills had become proficient.l The failure to operate a comprehensive vocational program was the result of the lack of basic understanding and agreement at all levels from the Washington staff down to the project perSOnnel.2 The Relocation Division stressed movement to the "outside“ and contended that vocational courses deterred this movement. Some supervisors even l . . . When interVieWing, nearly all former students replied, "Do you mean there were vocational courses offered? I don't remember that." 2War Relocation Authority, "A Summary Report of the Closing of the Adult Education Unit of the Education Section," Gila River Project, Rivers, Arizona, 1945. See also War Relocation Authority, "Personal Narrative Report of Adult Vocational Education Supervisor" by Richard A. Niver, Minidoka Project, HMnt, Idaho, September 1, 1945; War Relocation Authority, "Justification for Additional Staff in the Adult Education," Central Utah Project, Topaz, Utah, November 5, ‘1943; War Relocation Authority, "Recommendation for the Further Development of the Program of Vocational Education at the.Poston Relocation Center," Colorado River Relocation Center, Poston, Arizona (not dated); or War Relocation Authority, "Highlights and Brief Summary of the Washington Conference of WRA.Superintendents of Education," Washington, D-C., March 20—25, 1944. 214 went so far as to advocate the discontinuance of the entire vocational and adult program in the Winter of 1943. Many heads of the operating sections were more concerned with "production" in the camps than they were with training personnel for "outside" employment. Then, too, foremen and supervisors were often not qualified to carry through any training program. The Education Sections which were charged with the area of vocational education were never able to get full cooperation of other sections to fulfill the vocational training aims which had been set up by the WRA. Then, too, financial assistance for such training programs was difficult to obtain. Both the National Youth Administration (NYA) and Out-of—School Youth Administration (OSYA)~—administrative organizations to aid in vocational training during the Second World War——were to be cooper— atively operated by a federal—state sponsorship.l The NYA program was established with approximately two hundred and seventy—five youths from the Relocation Centers re— cruited for the training. About two hundred and fifteen had been sent to NYA Centers in various locations in the 1For a description of the OSYA and NYA programs see War Relocation Authority, Final ngort Education Section Granada Project, Granada Relocation Center, Amache, Colorado, pp. 170—174. 215 ‘ United States for the purpose of training when this opportunity for evacuees was withdrawn. This was done after an agreement for the training had been reached through the NYA administration in Washington. No reasons were available; the enthusiasm which had been engendered for those wishing vocational training soon died. Later the OSYA planned various courses—-auto and truck repair, and farm work-—to be completed in the centers through a state—federal cooperative agreement. Arizona and Idaho both requed to allow state funds to be used in the Relocation Centers.l Heart Mountain was able to get funds, but had to use the facilities of a nearby town. The pro— gram there collapsed after six weeks. Several courses were ' established at Granada, but the program was cancelled. Al— though several hundred Japanese were trained for various vocations in the centers—eprimarily through apprenticeships and actual wor -—”. . . generally speaking, the training 2 prOgram was not successful among the evacuees." 1In a letter from E. D. Ring, Superintendent of Public Instruction of Arizona, to L. L. Nelson, Acting Pro— ject Director, Colorado River Relocation Center, Poston, Arizona, May 10, 1944, Mr. Ring wrote: ”Inasmuch as the Japanese located at Poston are not eligible for employment in Arizona, it certainly seems inadvisable to require our Supervisors to spend their time in approving budgets and Organizing or assisting in organizing classes for these Japanese Relocation Centers." . , 2War Relocation Authority, Administrative Highlights, . 35. ' ° - OE. Cite] p ' ' 216 Adult education had dwindled following Registrationr however, as the communities began to heal differences, the adult classes in art, music, sewing and handicraft again became popular. However, courses in English and "American— ization" (the term was avoided in the camps), once so popular, were very poorly attended. Several factors in— fluenced this continual apathy toward such courses. First, the relocation drew off the Japanese American college instructors and highly trained students who were bilingual. The Issei objected to the younger Nisei who did not know how to speak "good Japanese."l Then, too, a major policy change from the standpoint of adult instruction occurred in the spring of 1944. A directive was issued stating that ' the language of instruction was to be English. One analyst wrote: With broken plans and fortunes, there is a certain fear, a certain canny manner of approach toward "White official doctrine." The emotional effect in all of this is far from the norms of political— ized thinking. It is a part of the cultural reaction, emotionally felt and psychologically evidenced. . . . Since both "understanding America" and relocation—resettlement topics are moot points for crystallizing latent fears in the community, I suggest a constructive approach which begins with less "official" points and at the same time points lWar Relocation Authority, "Factors Influencing Low Enrollment in Certain Adult Education Courses," Project Analysis Series No. 8, July 1943, p. 6. L____ 217 to deeply rooted interests, over which the Issei feel they exercise real control.l Yet the administration continually offered adult courses which had little appeal. Nor did the administration always support wholeheartedly the sewing, handicrafts and arts and crafts classes which gained wide popularity under Issei leadership. Just prior to the closing of the Centers, adults became greatly interested again in English classes and relocation courses.2 When the need was felt, they were Willing to organize and attend classes. The point is that adult education gathered its greatest momentum under the direct leadership of the evacuees. This was not general— ly understood by an administration dominated by a managerial concept of camp existence. Nursery schools continued to be staffed and operated by the evacuees. Probably more enthusiasm was engendered for the nursery program than any other education unit; never during the three years of nursery existence did the com— munity fail to cooperate with the nurseries. No other educational unit involved the parents more. The parents of all children enrolled in the pre—schools became members of 1Ibid., p. 9. 2War Relocation Authority, "Semi—Annual Report, January 1 to June 30, 1945," pp. 37-38. 218 ' parents clubs which functioned to provide specific nursery school supplies and needs. In addition to financing the nursery school program, the parents also contributed many hours of service in maintaining the equipment and beautify— ing the play environment. Fathers continued to build cupboards, shelves, toys, cabinets and large hollow blocks; mothers continued to make curtains, doll clothes and mis— cellaneous cloth toys. Several nursery school groups launched successful bazaars and quilting bees to finance equipment needs. Usually a monthly fee of ten cents per parent provided funds for social parties. When relocation threatened to streamline the program out of existence, mothers volunteered to teach to keep the program alive. o Education for Atypical Children Virtually overlooked in this educational enterprise Were the atypical children (physically or mentally deficient). Spurred by the needs of children at "Children's Village" and one teacher's interest in four deaf children, the only extensive program for atypical children was conducted at Manzanar Relocation Center. A barrack room was rebuilt to allow for bed patients as well as other physically handi— Capped children. The educational staff provided a full—time Special education teacher and evacuee staff; the hospital 219 staff provided nursing and medical care. Approximately twenty physically and mentally handicapped children were cared for on a full school day basis. "Close and constant cooperation between the Hospital Staff and Education Depart- ment have made it possible to gain remarkable results with many children."1 Other atypical children were not so fortunate. A dozen deaf children whose legal residence by law still re- mained in Oregon were denied admission to Oregon's School for the Deaf.2 Another four deaf children were denied admittance to Arkansas's state institution.3 No state in which the centers operated allowed state funds to be used for any atypical child in the centers. Although a WRA o policy in the fall of 1943——one whole year after the first school year began-—had suggested that atypical children should be provided an educational program, few camps com— plied. Again it was a question of the greatest good for the greatest number. Dr. Ade, National WRA Director of Education, lWar Relocation Authority, "Classes for the Physical— ly Handicapped," Manzanar Relocation Center, Manzanar, California (not dated; not paged). 2War Relocation Authority, Project Director's Repor , Ralph P. Merritt, Manzanar Relocation Center, Manzanar, California, 1945, p. A31. 3War Relocation Authority, Historical Statistical Rohwer Relocation . . . op. cit., p. 47. 220 outlined this feeling in a letter in 1943: The first professional problem I raised at the Granada Relocation Project in Colorado was the provision for the education of the exceptional or atypical children. At this center this responsibility as nearly as I could learn is in the hands of Dr. Dumas and Mr. Walther, the elementary and secondary school principals respectively. I raised the question of the possibility of the appointment of a special teacher for this work at Amache and they now have this important provision under advisement. I feel confident that if they do not appoint a special teacher for atypical children, that they are now more conscious of the need and I believe Dr. Dumas and all others concerned will continue to improve the provisions for this work. With respect to the employment of a special teacher, I learned they would be enthusiastic to appoint such a person if the teacher were not counted in determining pupil—teacher ratios for our Colorado center. If, however, the teacher is counted in determining ratios then they very decidely feel that it would be a question of relative values. I informed them that all head teachers, including the special teacher of exceptional children, are counted in determining pupil—teacher ratios for the authorized educational personnel and further— more that teachers of atypical children are classified as head teachers. Most atypical children received whatever education could be given on a voluntary basis by either teachers or students. At Rohwer, high school students did the teaching; at Minidoka, forty—five known exceptional cases were given inStruction on a voluntary basis by high school instructors. M...— 1 ' . Letters from Dr. Lester K. Ade, Director of Education, to Dr. John H. Provinse, Chief Community Manage- ment Division, from Little Rock, Arkansas, December 11, 1943, p. 1. 221 Topaz had a special education teacher briefly during the school year 1944-45. But, by and large, the human equation was somehow lost in this phase of the educational program. Racial Bias Racial bias cropped up in strange places. The Manzanar Parent Teacher Association was not invited to join with neighboring PTA's because of ill feeling in adjoining districts. This feeling was communicated to the state officials, who accordingly hesitated to bring Manzanar‘s PTA into affiliation with California's state organization. Later, the problem was solved by aligning Manzanar PTA members directly with the National Congress of Parent Teacher Association.1 The Future Farmers of America denied branch membership to the Granada Relocation Center. The superintendent in his reply to the state director Stated: It would seem to me that a very dangerous precedent is being established if you fail to recognize this chapter. We have met every standard required for chapter recognition and we have an enthusiastic group of boys interested in contributing to the agricultural future of the United States; yet they are denied the right to membership in a national organization for reasons that may be undemocratic. One of the main objectives of this war is that all M l . ' I I . War Relocation Authority, Education Section, Final BSEQ£_, Manzanar, op. cit., pp. 276—277. 222 people shall be given, as nearly as possible, equal opportunity. This would seem to be an excellent place to start implementing a few of the ideals to which we glibly pay lip service. 1 Fortunately, the superintendent's efforts brought results. Later in the camp's existence several young farmers were able to visit an FFA conference in Denver. Racial bias also restricted "outside contacts" for most students.2 Far too few contacts with other schools developed. Minidoka and Central Utah had several exchange assemblies with surrounding schools. Heart Mountain had several interscholastic sports, but nearly all were played in the center.3 Granada had some interscholastic events and exchange programs especially the first year; however, following the press's criticism of Granada entering a musical group in a spring festival and the loss of Granada's energetic first superintendent, few outside contacts were 1Letter from Paul J. Terry, Superintendent of Education at Amache, Colorado, to Mr. H. A. Tiemann, State Director for Vocational Education, Denver, Colorado, July 13, 1943, p. 2. 2See Exhibits 1 and 2, pp. 223 and 225. 3In a personal interview Mary Pagano, Manual High School, Denver, Colorado, December 18, 1962, stated that among the most disheartening experiences she had were thQSe following these games. The Heart Mountain students would Spend hours preparing refreshments for an after—game affair, only to be rebuffed by the visiting team's refusal to eat any of the refreshments. 223 EXHIBIT 1 Office Memorandum Concerning Cancellation of a Football Game War Relocation Authority Granada Relocation Center . Amache, Colorado Office Memorandum of Superintendent of Schools November 30, 1944 The superintendent of Schools, Wiley, Colorado in a telephone call October 31 requested the scheduling of a high school football game to be played on November 10. After discussion with the Project Director, Director of Community Activities and the high school staff it was decided that the game would be worth while if it could be played on Nevember 11 instead of November 10. By telephone an agreement was reached to play the game at Amache on Saturday, November 11. We agreed to pay a guarantee of $30.00 and to pay for all officials and other costs. Following this agreement 22 boys were selected from those who had been playing intra-mural football. These boys Went to work under the direction of Mr. Anderson and Mr. Drummond. Plans were alSO made for the sale of "Booster Tickets," for a special drill by pep squad girls and a number of other activities. ' Wednesday morning, November 8, Wiley called to say that it would be impossible to play the game. The reasons given were: 1. The Wiley squad was made up of 15 boys. Several were injured and would not be able to play. School officials felt that it would be unwise to take a chance upon additional injuries in view of the championship game in which they were to play on November 17. 2. Five squad members had reported that their parents would not permit them to play against the Amache team. 224 The morning of Nbvember 9 I talked to two assembly groups, the senior high school and the junior high school. I outlined the details of arrangements and told the students of the reasons for the cancellation. I tried to make some constructive comments by (l) calling attention to the working of the democratic process of elections even in war time. (2) Pointing out that the President in his address to Boston on November 4 had pointedly discussed the elimination of religious and racial discriminations. (3) That the President and the Congress elected appeared to favor more liberal national and international relationships. (4) That even Prowers County had voted down Amendment Number Three. (5) That the majority of the American people were, as demon- strated through elections, strongly opposed to any discrimin- atory actions. These points were apparently understood and appreciated by the student groups. I am happy to report that two intra—mural teams played a very good football game Saturday afternoon before a rather large crowd and that the pep squad and band per- formed as scheduled. The students and staff demonstrated their ability to rise to meet a difficult situation which might well have caused serious difficulty and resentment. lAmendment Number Three would have denied the Japanese the right to ownership of land in Colorado [foot— note not in original quote]. 225 EXHIBIT 2 Letter ConCerning Cancellation of a Basketball Game Bishop, California January 23, 1945 Student Body Manzanar Secondary School Manzanar, California Dear Students: We Were glad to receive the understanding letter sent us by your principal, Mr. Rollin Fox. When we were informed that the game with your basketball team had been cancelled we did our utmost to change the School Board's decision through a petition signed by the entire student body. It has been taught us in school that a democracy and constitution such as ours guarantees every American equal treatment. Certain members of the Board, however, refused to acknowledge our efforts. We sincerely hope arrangements can be made for another game with your team. Sincerely yours, Signed Student Body President This letter was prompted by the following: A basketball game had been scheduled by the Bishop, California, high school students through their princ1pal in November, 1944. A few hours before the Manzanar boys were to leave for Bishop, and after proper clearance With the Western Defense Command had been effected, the Bishop High School Board cancelled the game explaining that they were concerned leSt there be some community protest over it. . 226 made. Schools rarely tried to make outside contacts be— cause of transportation problems and public resentment. Gila River did, nevertheless, sponsor a Teen Girls Con~ ference in which one hundred and forty—five girls from surrounding communities attended. It was one of the few times the Phoenix newspaper complimented that Relocation Center: At Rivers today these high school girls, all Americans and proud that they are, but of different racial descents, will meet in a spirit of good fellowship to discuss their mutual problems, which the nation must face when this war is over, but which adults have been dodging and evading, but the spirit of friendli— ness'shown in meeting with the girls of Butte High School should be helpful as a guide in postwar America. Exhibit 3 also indicates that outside contacts were possible.2 ' However, fear and suspicion did not allow too much oppor— tunity for exploration. Nor were students the only group to be rebuffed. The 1943 summer teacher training and curriculum workshop session of the Colorado River Project scheduled for Fort Apache, Arizona, was held instead at Poston due to the opposition of the government of Arizona . . 3 . . to the movement of evacuees outSide the pr0ject. Similarly, l"Teen—Age Mission of Goodwill," Editorial, ArizOna Republic, Phoenix,Arizona, April 15, 1944- 2See Exhibit 3, p. 227. 3War Relocation Authority, "Monthly Report of the Poston Center," Colorado River Relocation Center, Poston, Arizona, August 31, 1943: p- l- 227 EXHIBIT 3 Excerpt from a Coach's Report The next day we [Topaz basketball team] motored to Monore arriving there at 2 P.M. we were met by the social science teacher, Mr. Melville, who persuaded the entire team to attend his class and answer questions asked by his Social Science Students. So in about ten minutes after arrival we found ourselves standing in front of about one hundred wide—eyed high school students. Then the fire Works began. During the 45 minutes period our Topaz boys were asked 50 to 75 questions to which ready and frank answers were given. These questions were varied and generally quite personal, dealing mostly with Japanese—American partici— pation in war effort and attitudes and personal feelings arising from the treatment received from the U.S. War Department, life in Relocation Centers, and dealing mostly with evacuation experiences. One of the Topaz boys asked how they as students felt about the Japanese—Americans, and if they would be willing to accept Japanese—Americans into their school on an equal par with any other American. The answer was a loud affirmative. This answer made our boys feel very fine. At this point we thanked Mr. Melville and the students for the opportunity of meeting with them in such a discussion; and excused ourselves and proceeded to our dressing room where we prepared for our game. (I per— sonally feel that this classroom experience was of far more value to the boys and public relations in general than winning the game, or any other aspect of the trip.) I'm sure that good public relations was [sic] raised to a "new high" between the students and citizens of Monore and Japanese—Americans in general. Excerpt taken from a basketball coach's monthly report to department head: Central Utah Project, Topaz, Utah. 228 i -’ the Manzanar evacuee teachers were denied the opportunity to attend the Inyo, California, County Teacher Institute.l Racial bias also figured heavily in one school's accreditation. All schools, with the exception of Tule Lake and Colorado River, Were given accreditation during the first year by the respective states. Following segregation, Tule Lake was never able to get accreditation. Colorado River presented a Strange paradox to the leniency with which the other school systems were given accreditation. (Actually accreditation in California, Arizona, Utah and Idaho meant that graduating students could attend state colleges upon the principal's recommendation; however, no state colleges in those states would accept Japanese a American students until very late in the war.) Gila River, also located in Arizona, received accreditation the first year—-main1y because its curriculum was based on an Arizona model. Colorado River Project, on the other hand, had received unfavorable publicity during the strike of 1942 and had based its curriculum on a California model. In addition, the Arizona State Superintendent of Education refused to visit the Poston schools because Poston had lWar Relocation Authority, "Teachers Bulletin," No. 11, Manzanar Relocation Center, Manzanar, California, October 27, 1944, p. l. 229 seventy—seven men who refused to either enlist or be drafted. He openly suggested until the Poston schools taught more Americanization the schools would not be ac— . l . credited. Thus several excuses were given to deny accreditation. The core program was one reason: I believe at the time of my visit I requested that you let me have additional information relative to your program of studies particularly with reference to the core set—up. It is sufficient to say at this time it is definitely different from that generally used and recommended for schools in Arizona, although as a result of my observation I am inclined to think that the difference may be more a matter of terminology than of fact.2 The schools complied by changing the names of the core courses to the more conventional course names. Then the State Department refused to accept the credentials of evacuee teachers: "To be quite frank some of the [teacher] assignments are such that if the schools were to continue 3 I would not recommend approval." However, the schools were accredited on April 28, 1945—~only one month before closing and after much pleading by the superintendent: There are times when I lose patience with the situation here, —— times when I want to blow up and tell the lWar Relocation Authority, "Monthly Report of the Poston Center," Colorado River Relocation Center, Poston, Arizona, May, 1943, p. 2. 2Letter from O. K. Garretson, High School Visitor, to Arthur L. Harris, Superintendent, November 29, 1943. 3Letter from O. K. Garretson, High School Visitor, to Arthur L. Harris, Superintendent, February 26, 1945. whole project to "go to hell." Then I remember that the kids we have and have had in the Poston schools know no country but ours and that almost three years of their lives have been spent in assembly and re— location centers. . . . I am sure that the educational prestige of the state of Arizona will not suffer through the accreditation of the Poston High Schools. While outside racial bias dominated the scene, it did not altogether bypass the administrative leaders of the camps. Those teachers who expressed interest and sympathy with the resident children in their abnormal and unnatural situation were condemned as anti—adminis— tration, pro—Japanese, which label served its purpose well in making their life miserable upon occasion.2 A good case in point concerns the principal of the Minidoka 5 High School who had employed an extremely competent staff. The staff, under the leadership of the principal, had main— ’ tained a democratic atmosphere and had instituted several outstanding programs: core courses, counseling reports and free and open student government. Just prior to the close of the second year, the superintendent recommended that the principal be dismissed. His reason was simply n . . "3 . . our philosophies do not agree. The pr1nc1pal appealed 1Letter from Arthur L. Harris, Superintendent, to E. D. Ring, Superintendent of Public Instruction, Phoenix, Arizona, February, 1945. 2War Relocation Authority, Final Report . Education Section . . . Central Utah Center, pp. cit., p. 88. 3"Hunt Teacher Reinstated by WRA, Given Arizona Position," Times News, Twin Falls, Idaho, August 13, 1944. 231 to the local administration pointing out that there were discrepancies in the charges resulting in his dismissal. The superintendent had declared him weak in Item 6 (attention to pertinent detail). Yet he had been told earlier he had spent too much time in his office working on detail. In addition, the principal pointed out he was charged with not consulting the superintendent enough and also charged with spending too much time in the superintendent's office—— charges which seemed strangely incompatible. Finally, he had been marked on his rating sheet as "outstanding in professional growth" but "recommended for dismissal.“1 Due to the administrative organization of Civil Service, no direct information concerning the affair was released to the evacuees. At the same time an assistant project director who had been active among the young people of the Federated Christian Church was also dismissed. Because of these two dismissals an atmosphere of uneasiness and dis— Satisfaction, nurtured by the feelings of both faculty and students, developed throughout the school. Rumors, suspicions and animosity toward the administration flourished: When the Student Body Spontaneously organized a petition to the Project Director requesting that the principal be retained, the delegates who lIbid. 232 presented it were told that they were un-American and that it was none of their business. Such reception was disillusioning and frustrating to a group of students who, for two years at least, had been urged to develop the qualities of good American citizenship. The students then appealed to the Community Council who also went on record for retaining the principal. Despite this, the local administration rebuffed the principal's appeal and confined him to his quarters in an order from the administration office dated July 20, 1944. His appeal to Washington was only vaguely answered, but a telephone call to Washington prompted immediate action by Dillon Myer when alerted to the situation.2 The principal was re— instated, but realizing the difficulty his presence in the camp would make, he transferred to a principalship at one of the Poston schools. However, the hurt had run too deep. The faith in the WRA staff was shattered. The following school year, the students chafed under a more authoritarian School setting with a return to a traditional organizational pattern. Delinquency became a problem for the first time. Following a dance in which windows were broken, the faculty, in an effort to determine the guilty party, Were willing to 90 to great lengths if necessary to finger print the entire 1Light, op. cit., p. 106. 2 _ . . Personal interview With Dr. Jerome T. Light, Stockton, California, February 9, 1963. student body. Teachers were to turn in lists of trouble— some students to form a nucleus of suspects. At this same faculty meeting, the faculty expressed themselves strongly against the "soft guidance" point of view which had domi— nated the school policy in the first two years.1 Similarly teachers at Tule Lake and Central Utah were reprimanded by the administration for fraternization with the evacuees.2 One of the difficulties between admin— istration and the teaching staff was the lack of cooperation between the tWo. Where the administration understood and respected education such as Granada and Manzanar, education— al personnel were able to move more freely in their tasks. However, by and large, the educational section did not rank high in the minds of most administrative units as evidenced by the distribution of supplies and personnel. In 1944, a ceiling was placed on the number of evacuees that could be used by the schools, which in some cases nearly cut the evacuee staffs in half. Teacher recruitment was never effectively handled as was other divisional employment. Often supplies Were distributed to more favored units even when prior commitments had been made. On the R...— -lPersonal interview with Dr. Helen E. Amerman, Oakland, California, January 23, 1963. 2Personal interview with Emily Light, op. cit. 234 other hand, not all the fault was with the administrators. The most significant failure to obtain a close and adequate relationship within the overall administra— tive staff in general involved the teachers and the balance of the staff. From soon after the beginnings of operations it became apparent that a gap was develop— ing. The teaching staff began to consolidate as a group apart more and more disassociated with other personnel or workings of the center. Community School, In Name Only Despite this overwhelming evidence of a return to a traditional, teacher—dominated school Situation, most schools retained the word "community" in their title. The Washington office still maintained that the schools of the Relocation Centers Were community oriented. In the longest WRA publication on the educational program, a twenty—three page pamphlet published on February 1, 1945, the following description was given: The relocation center schools were organized as community schools and as such had a stabilizing effect on center life and served as centers around which many people, some of whom were perturbed by the disruption of their normal living plans, could organize for cooperation along lines of common interest. . . . Parents who never before had felt free to participate in planning for and in open discussions of the school program and of the educational outlook for their children with school l - - 'u' War Relocation Authority, .Final Report of the Assistant Project Director's Office," Heart Mountain Relocation Center, Heart Mountain, Wyoming, 1945, p. 2. 235 leaders and with each other now took advantage of this opportunity.1 Little of the schools' efforts justified this description. Although an advisory board similar to a school board was to be established by the evacuees, no schools were greatly affected by such a board. The board was appointed in all cases by the project director for varying lengths of service, usually six months to a year. The board never met in Rohwer until July, 1943. After three meetings at Manzanar, it became ". . . evident that as a board, it did not have power and purpose to justify its existence.”2 The Tule Lake and Central Utah boards became fund—raising boards for college scholarships. The superintendent of Jerome failed to call meetings of the advisory board, al- though one was appointed. "This Advisory Board was never appointed and did not function in this center [Heart Mountain]. There was an education committee of the Community Council which served this purpose. However, they were not very active."3 Only at Granada did the advisory l - u ' - War Relocation Authority, Education Program in War Relocation Centers," Washington, D.C., February 1, 1945, pp. 1—2. 2 . ' . . . War'Relocation Authority, Education Section, Final 3222£_, Manzanar, op. cit., p. 278. 3 . . . War Relocation Authority, Final Education Report With A endix, Heart Mountain, op. cit., p. 7. 236 board meet with any regularity. And even here the final report stated: In some respects the work and attitudes of the group were disappointing. An examination of the minutes will show that as a Board they failed to assume any great responsibility. They were, as the name implies, purely advisory. This deficiency is probably the result of the inherent nature of the situation in which they worked. The activities of the section were well—defined by administrative policies and procedures beyond their control. were not responsible for financial controls, employ— ment, or general administration. Without responsi— bility they refused to take a definite position on most issues. They The axion of the government that "Where rests responsibility there must rest authority” was especially true in this instance. There are no indications that the advisory boards were active in the other camps. The school staff at Gila River apparently found the PTA a more reliable organization, but even the results of the PTA were disappointing. Only at the nursery and early elementary levels did the PTA function with any degree of consistency. Many of the PTA organi— zations were headed by a Caucasian teacher or principal. Following segregation there was no PTA activity at Tule Lake. The PTA was so weak at Heart Mountain it disbanded during the school year 1944—45. No PTA was organized in Miniddka until late in the final year. Although Granada had an active elementary PTA organization, the PTA for the ___________________ lWar Relocation Authority, Final Report . Granada Project, op. cit., p- l0- 237 Amache High School ". was so short lived that no great benefits were noticeable."l Central Utah had a large PTA membership (over eight hundred); nevertheless, its inactive nature is evidenced by the fact that it was the Community Analysis Section which alerted the school administration to the great dissatisfaction of the community over the authori— tarian manner of the high school principal and the retention of several anti—Japanese teachers in late 1944. The PTA neither brought the charge nor involved itself in this case. Many of the schools held open houses, fairs, exhibits and other affairs aimed at acquainting the parents with the activities of the schools; but, in general, the evacuees were not involved in educational policies or decisions con- trary to what the last WRA publication on education indi— cated. The prediction of a Poston teacher had come true: "As long as both sides withdraw to their own side of the fence, all talk about democratic participation will be a farce.“2 The farce was in its final phase. The last major emphasis was on closing. The staffs dwindled, the supplies 1Ibid. > War Relocation Authority, "Constructive Suggestions" (Suggestions“for improving the school made by the teachers at Dr. Cary's request), January, 1943, p. 2. 238 were readied for storage, the buildings were emptied and the school records were sent to Washington. On June 1, 1945, the school doors closed, never to be opened again, at all projects except Tule Lake where the school limped along (on a half—day schedule) until December 21, 1945. School textbooks, library books and school supplies, once so scarce in the projects, were now declared "governmental surplus" and were stored in warehouses. Where once 30,000 students had attended school-—of these over 3,000 youngsters had begun their education and over 7,000 had completed their high school education——now stood only empty barracks, soon to be destroyed. So the strange interlude had ended. The educational program had begun with hopes of building a school program Where meaningful and worthwhile activities for youngsters were to be provided, where learning and living were to con— verge and Where the community was to be a laboratory for democratic living. It ended as a school program conforming as closely as possible to the practices of the "outside" schools, ignoring the peculiar conditions of the camp and concentrating on the transmission of knowledge as the school's primary goal. CHAPTER VII EVALUATION Introduction In years to come, when the war is over, and peace has returned to the world, people may say to you "What was Manzanar?" Then I hope you may say that Manzanar was a war time city that sprang up from the sands of the desert of Inyo and returned to desert with the end of the war. . . . It was a city serving a war time purpose Where people lived in peace and good will, where there was a school system that taught young citizens the ideals of American citizen- ship. . . . I hope you may say that Manzanar was an experience worth living, where the important realities of life were made clear and where there was time and opportunity to prepare for participation in the work of winning the peace based on tolerance, understanding, and good will. This was the dream, hope and wish of the educators as they had planned for the education of the Japanese Americans in the Relocation Camps. Here was to be a true education——an education which combined social, physical, mental and spiritual growth into an integrative whole. The emphasis was to be upon knowing the yppr and pgpr rather than only the facts. The teacher was to serve as a guide lYearbook, "Our World," 1944, Manzanar High SchOOl, Manzanar Relocation Center, Manzanar, California (Comment Written by Ralph P. Merritt, Project Director). 239 240 and counselor in both the school and the community. The democratic way of life was to become a reality even in a hostile setting. The child was to recognize the dignity and worth of every human being; he was to recognize the meaning of equality; he was to see the value of human de— cisions being made by free interplay in discussion; and finally he was to feel the social responsibility necessary in a free Society. Thus, the education he received would not only prepare him for camp life but would also prepare him for the easiest adjustment possible when he returned to a normal community. More specifically these goals were spelled out in nearly every camp as the following aims: 1. To facilitate adjustment to the immediate environment. 2. To develop a program which would preserve and improve individual and community relationships. 3. To develop loyal, democratic citizenship both through instruction and cultural practice in the school and the community. 4. To create learning experiences that would result in the development of attitudes and appreCiations which would lead to an integrated personality. 5. To educate in the use of leisure time. 6- To foster moral and Spiritual growth of each individual. 7- To educate for post—war adjustment, as individuals and as part of the family of nations. 241 8. To cultivate both fundamental and specialized knowledge and skills. During the first year attempts were made to put these aims into practice. The emphasis for the most part was placed on the adjustment necessary because of the unexpected uprooting. With no textbooks for a guide, teachers were forced to use their own ingenuity in order to soothe and calm the hurt. In the early days, the need to help was so great that the response from the teaching staff was overwhelmingly in the direction of teaching democratical— ly. But traditional courses, homework, workbooks, and an emphasis upon grades, facts and knowledge became dominant before the year was over. The teacher—dominated class— room had, in fact, returned. How did it happen that shorn 'of all rules and regulations, change did not occur? Why was it necessary to revert to a teacher-dominated class- room situation when the Relocation Camps called for patience, understanding and above all a faith in democratic action? When such creative experiences could have been provided, Why did it only result in a barren school existence for most? "Life in camp becomes something unreal in the past, once We reach the outside world. You lUSt carry on as lWar Relocation Authority, "Curriculum Materials," Various Relocation Centers. 242 though that camp episode was a two—day rest in the country." Why the Schools Failed to Change Community School Concept Not Understood The school administrators and teachers had their reasons for not changing. Foremost, they argued, the project administrative staffs, suddenly thrust into an entirely new governmental operation, were not able to comprehend or apply any new conceptions of school operations and pro— cedures even if they did have time from pressing duties to permit them to do so. ". Its successful citizens were much too 'busy' to give attention to the training of youth . , , _ 2 . . in the fine art of liVing," contended one administrator. The community school concept had envisioned the assistance and cooperation of all project personnel; lacking their cooperation, the school personnel contended they had to depart from the dream and return to what was a normal school situation. Fallacies in this argument are immediately present. First, a community school should help the 1 . . Yearbook, "Our World," op. Cit., Introduction (taken from a letter written by a relocated Japanese American). War Relocation Authority, Final Report . . . Education Section . p. 104. . Central Utah Center, op. cit., 243 administrative personnel solve their problems——it is not just the use of administrative personnel as resource people. It calls for actual involvement of students, teachers and community in searching for solutions to problems. For the most part, the educators failed to understand how a com— munity school operates. They were never able to see beyond the visit and resource stage of the community school concept. Perhaps part of this fault lay with the Stanford's graduate class's proposal. The proposal was extremely vague in how the school could involve itself in the actual solution of community problems. However, the way in which the educators treated the problem of delinquency shows very clearly a complete lack of understanding of the community school concept. Time and time again, the Community Analysis Offices wrote reports that closer cooperation between parents and school personnel would greatly improve students' attitudes.1 But each side withdrew, leaving the problem unsolved: The camp curse in a word is environment. Lacking are the facilities and means of using constructively their abundant energies. Mass living has caused a breakdown in the normal family ways. The make— shift schools are inadequate to hold the interest and the undivided attention of their students. The inescapable, congested living quarters and the “M lWar Relocation Authority, "Project Analysis Series" (variously dated). 244 necessary block system with their dominant Issei beliefs, ways, and desires add a complex learning ' pattern for the young to follow. Seeds of doubt, bitterness, and racial consciousness are planted in young minds by reminders of confinement such as barbed wire fences, roll call, MP's, etc. During their most impressionable years the young students sing "America," salute the flag, and democracy in the classrooms and then dingy barrack "homes" and wonder why go back to their America. A student sums up his impression of camp life as follows: "In camp we are learning new R's in the place of the traditional reading, 'riting, and 'rithmetic. We learn now to be ruder, rougher and rowdier."l learn about return to their they can't How did the educators propose to deal with the problem? It was explained that for several successive nights, boys had maliciously broken out window panes in the school block . . cut up two new tennis nets showed rude behavior at the USO picture shows. . . . 1 Mr. Gilkey was questioned about the amount of police supervision that might be expected. Mr. Gilkey explained that he had arranged the schedule so that there would be sufficient Caucasians to police these affairs as long as there were not too many going on at one time.2 Community planning would have been more effective than police supervision. Yet educators seemed to withdraw from their obligations to help solve such problems by simply Stating that education could not exert influence: There are attitudes on the part of students in the schools regarding disrespect of property, indifference . Katayoma, Hiro, "Our Younger Generation," All Aboard, Spring, 1944, p. 44- War Relocation Authority, "Minutes of the Co- ordinating Council Meeting,“ Mr. Merritt's Office, Manzanar Relocation Center, Manzanar, California, November 28, 1944, p-l. 245 to supervision, indifference in intellectual standards, and conduct that present problems that the schools themselves are unable to handle. I say that the schools themselves are unable to handle them because in our opinion they are only parts of a larger pattern, a pattern that has more influence and exerts more direction over the students than can the schools ever hope to achieve. To say that the community leaders and workers have no time to train the young makes a farce of the democratic way of life. Community leadership must recognize that no one agency in a democracy can be solely responsible for the education of the young. It was, therefore, the duty of the educators to challenge the community leadership for effective participation in all phases of educating the less mature. If the administration were hostile, as they may well have been, it was the educator's task to correct and modify this hostility. Yet educators tended to avoid those associations where the level of interchange might be possible: The administrative staff at once held my interest because, immediately, I could see a type of "caste" psychology among them as applied to themselves. The school teachers considered themselves and were considered by others as being more—or—less apart. This division was noticeable in social activities, and especially at meal times.2 lWar Relocation Authority, "Memorandum to Mr. . Charles F. Ernest, Project Director from Dr. L. G. Noble, Superintendent of Education," Central Utah Project, Topaz, Utah! May 16, 1944! PP. 1‘2. 2War Relocation Authority, "Historical Sketch of Analysis Section," Minidoka Relocation Center, Hunt, Idaho, OCtOber 251 1945! p. 5. 246 The few community-motivated projects such as the Manzanar zoo, museum, "Children's Village" and nearly all nursery schools stand out in sharp contrast to the notion that democratic action was not possible. Had the educator kept his vision, democratic action might have provided for a richer experience. Conservative Attitude Another factor that forced the educational program into a traditional mold, argued the educators, was the belief that the Japanese were very conservative and tradi— tional. The Japanese, according to this argument, had great respect for the traditional American school and a great horror of anything that "smacked" of experimental education. According to the educators, the Japanese did not consider a study of community problems, education in the true sense of the term. The Japanese were motivated toward education as a means of social mobility. No other minority group respected education more. The population was not so much desirous of the philosophy behind the education as they were anxious that schools should begin without delay. They looked to the educators for guidance and leadership. when this came, they were willing to help. The community-operated nursery 247 and adult education did not suggest that the Japanese were uncooperative and desired a formalized education. The interest that the residents showed in arts and crafts, sewing and handiwork did not indicate a highly tradition- alized population. The Japanese only wanted assurance that the education their children Would receive would be adequate. There was nothing in the proposal that denied opportunity for the most ardent believer in formalized training. On the secondary level little structural change was even sought beyond the core courses, thus the proposal allowed for specialization. Many educators argued that students wanted schools just like "back home." To attempt to make schools like those "back home" was out of the question when in some cases two hundred and forty former schools were represented. Apparently, it was not so much a matter of Japanese traditionalism as it was of educators inventing an excuse to retain the formalized educational media. Limitation of Time Time was another road block, pleaded the educators. It would take time to establish a community school in such a chaotic society. It was true that time was necessary to develop a smooth—flowing organization, but using time as an 248 excuse can be a death knell to progress. Action was needed7 it was not a time to retreat. Here was a struggling community: the schools needed only to move forward with the necessities of camp existence. Time to develop a program was not lacking; only the drive and energy to act were lacking. Security for the Students The educators argued that it was necessary to retain a formalized educational setting in order to give the students a sense of security. Democratic procedures have been conspicuous by their absence in many school situations. How— ever, young people of adolescent age were affected by evacuation in a way which resulted in complete disintegration of group morale and a tendency toward anarchy in several groups. . . . To re—establish a sense of security for these young people it was necessary first to parallel the type of school situation in which they had achieved that sense of security in the past. Security, however, is not derived from authority but develops gradually from within. Certainly such dictatorial rules do not lead to security: All pupils must be active in their school work and not sit in class with a detached sulking attitude. They must do serious school work with the definite idea of earning a creditable citizenship record. m.— l . , War Relocation Authority, "Development of Demo— cratic Procedures," Colorado River Project, Poston, Arizona, p. 1 (not dated). 249 Individual pupils must accept the school program most feasible for that particular student. No pupils are to manifest evidences of lingering tension over recent disturbances.l In a democratic society a philosophy that security comes from being told what to do leads to dangerous assumptions. Yet this philosophy seemed to have marked most educators' efforts in the Relocation Centers. Most educators felt that by establishing goals for the student, the student would feel secure. But there is little security in a dictatorial setting even under the guise of a benevolent authority. The more dependent one becomes upon authority, ‘ . (.\ the more difficult it is to solve one's own problems. In a society dedicated to democratic principles, security can only come as each individual seeks solutions to his problems using all relevant information. A democracy requires an informed citizenry, but an informed citizenry must be one that is able to act intelligently in decision-making. Yet in the Relocation Centers, the philosophy of placing students in pre—established slots Without concern for individual differences does not indicate any attempt at uSing resources at hand to lead to problem solving for __.______~_‘_________ 1 . , . , . War Relocation Authority, 'Essential Understanding as a Basis for the Re—opening of School," Manzanar Relocation Center, Manzanar, California, December 19, 1942, p. 2. 250 either the students or the community. In connection with security for the students, too great an emphasis was placed on chauvinistic Americanization. Instead of accepting the children as Americans, most staffs attempted Americanization programs which must have left grave doubts in the young minds. Special activities of Americanization included flag ceremonies with flag salute and singing of patriotic songs, motion pictures of American institutions and ways of living and presentation of plays designed to promote a greater loyalty to America. One Staff took a much more sane approach: In keeping with these assumptions and recognized facts, the faculty agreed to make no issue about Americanism in the school but to act as though there were no question about it. In this spirit no issue was made over the Flag Salute or Pledge of Allegiance to the Flag. When it was appropriate to the nature of the assembly or meeting it was used, but many occasions which undoubtedly would have brought forth a flag salute in many schools, especially during wartime, were ignored by the faculty.1 Americanization was seldom understood. Most administrators felt that manners and tastes that fit the Caucasian middle class were American. Any deviation from the norm was un- American. Americanization and assimilation were confused and when most educators talked of Americanization they really meant that the Japanese should adopt a Judo—Christian lLight, op. cit., p. 496. 251 outlook on life, have the same value system as the middle class Caucasian and practice no Oriental customs. Few recognized the fact that the American Way of life values the cultural traditions of its various members: This practice (joining in Japanese holiday obser- vations) was followed because the faculty believed that the American tradition respects the contri— butions of all other cultures to our great melting pot, wherein they do not clash, and believes that this is a method whereby the essential tract of self—respect can be nurtured. But for most educators, Americanization meant that the evacuees' entertainment, manners, customs, education and recreation must be American. This meant no Japanese drama, no Japanese recreation or nothing that dealt with Japanese culture. Few recognized that the Americanization process is a very natural one: To say to people born and reared in a foreign country that they are to divorce themselves from that country is like saying that a person must divorce himself from the air that he breathed the first fifteen or twenty years of his life. To ask them to repudiate their cultural traditions complete— ly is to say to their children that they must be ashamed of the heritage of their birth. I do not believe that American Citizenship can be built upon shame. But to say to the Issei that even though they were born in another country, the country of their adoption values their presence here and wishes them to contribute whatever is best in their past to make a new and more beautiful way of life, is to arouse in them loyalty and devotion for their adopted libi_d_., pp. 501—502. 252 country. Furthermore, it is to say to their youth, "Do not be ashamed of the accident of your birth, do not be ashamed of the ways of your fathers. There have been and are now men and women of Japanese origin who have contributed much to humanity. Ybu, too, may make your contribution. Preserve these things of beauty and goodness which have been passed down to you by your fathers, and offer them that they may be woven into a new pattern of life which because of similar contributions from many peoples is colorful and exciting and satisfying beyond the dreams even of the founders of this country or of all the peoples from the old World who have helped make it great."1 Some school personnel argued that the aims of Americanization could be met only by getting an accredited school program. Great stress was placed on the English language as the first prerequisite for Americanization. Some felt the WRA had before it an almost unparalleled opportunity to inaugurate a Vigorous education program for "positive Americanism." Actually nothing could have been further from the truth. Loyalty to a country cannot be accomplished behind barbed wire with an outside society constantly referring to a group as un-American. Only by the continuous day—by-day relationship and mingling with the American people can Americanism be taught——no formal educational course in Americanism can make Americans. The more isolated the group, the less likely the Americanization 1John J. 0. Moore, "Attitudes Toward Programs Within the Granada Center Which Consist of Japanese Art (unpublished article; not dated), p- 8- 253 5 process. Despite the evacuation and the lack of under— standing and hostility to which the Japanese were exposed, the overwhelming majority remained loyal and steadfast to the United States. This may well be the miracle of the ages. State Regulations A final argument for maintaining a traditional school involved state regulations. Yet, each state accredited the schools. It seems inconceivable that the states would have given accreditation to schools Without adequate facilities and still required that a program of traditional courses be followed. In fact, only one case was reported where the state objected to the core courses (Arizona). In addition it will be recalled, the memorandum between the state and federal government concerning the schools directed a consultant board of lay citizens within the state to visit the schools. Although the boards were appointed, they seldom visited; and if they visited, their visits were so perfunctory as to make the observation ineffective.l States gave little supervision or assistance to the Relocation Centers. It is highly unlikely that 1Final Reports of the education Sections make only brief references to these boards. 254 state officials would have objected to the most progressive system possible in these camps. The educators lived under a delusion that accreditation could be gained only by emulating surrounding school programs. The Relocation Centers, because of size alone, should have been able to have better school programs than the small villages and hamlets that surrounded the isolated camps. To say that facilities and curricula were similar to the surrounding schools was to compare school systems of two thousand students to schools of less than three or four hundred . . . 1 students. The comparison itself was ludicrous. Little Democratic Teaching In doing an historical Study, it is extremely dif— ficult not to evaluate it in the light of the present. However, what has been intended in this study has been a close look at the recorded history in order to seek relevant answers to What happens when educators are given the opportunity to choose a new direction. What thus far has been revealed is that the educators dreamed of a school situation where the Japanese Americans could see democracy lIn a personal interview Henry Hirose, Granada, Colorado, December 16, 1962, gave the impression that the' Granada Relocation High School was better than the Granada High School. His reason seemed to be based on size alone. 255 in action and where the schools were to become the com- pelling force in the lives of all the people. But after a brief attempt, the dream was forgotten. The schools reverted to traditional formalized school programs with complete isolation of their facilities from the community. Even recognizing the tremendous problems (buildings, teacher and administrative turnover, administrative non— cooperation, etc.), it cannot be assumed by any measure of the imagination that a real attempt was made by either teachers or administrators to effect a change. But instead a host of excuses were formulated as to why education must be textbook-oriented and teacher-dominated. It is, indeed, unfortunate that in the face of these problems, the educators were not Willing to stand against all pressures to build a school system on democratic principles. No group of teachers was ever given a more difficult task, but this group seemed to have failed in its interpretation of a teacher's role in a democratic setting. It would be exceedingly difficult to ascertain good teaching from the artifacts at hand. Nor would it have been possible during the life of the camps to ascertain completely the quality of teaching. Teaching is a highly individualized matter and what one may consider good is far different from What another may consider excellent. 256 For example, students and adult evacuees at one center were extremely impressed by a former Japanese missionary who spoke fluent Japanese, yet the administration rated her only fair. Other examples of the difficulty of determining excellence can be illustrated by the number of former Students Who commented in personal interviews of the excellence of one teacher; yet in interviewing a co—worker of this teacher, the impression was given as to her inadequacy. One former administrator, in commenting on a former teacher, described her as an ineffective teacher; yet students' comments about her effectiveness were unsurpassed. Undoubtedly democracy was practiced in some class— rooms in the way in which teachers and pupils treated one another. There were some who saw their responsibility to help each child become a better citizen by giving him a Sense of his OWn personal worth, by encouraging habits of sustained work, by helping him understand why society ap- proves a certain type of behavior, by leading him to question the reasonableness of conditions and by urging him to investigate, weigh the evidence, and then endeavor to reach a fair decision. But there were too few. ThOSe Who taught democratically came to acquire the confidence, respect and affection of students. This confidence was 257 probably more permanent than in the usual school situation. Some contacts were made with students that were far deeper than might be evident in a normal three-year public school teaching position. Many former students commented that they still correspond with some Relocation teachers. Former teachers interviewed commented that they correspond with an unusually high number of former students.1 A former teacher at Heart Mountain corresponds with one hundred and fifty former students and recently went to Japan with a mother of one of her Heart Mountain students.2 A former Topaz teacher is attempting to organize a twenty—year reunion of the Topaz High School graduates of 1943 and 1944.3 A former superintendent organized and promoted the Manzanar High School reunions for five years following the close of the school.4 One elementary teacher who taught at three different Relocation Centers has invitations to many of the Japanese affairs within the San Francisco Bay 1Nearly all Caucasian teachers interviewed were those suggested by the former students. However, former Students tended to rename the same teachers. For example, two Topaz teachers Were consistently renamed; the rest of the teachers' names apparently had been forgotten. 2 . . . . Personal interView With Mary Pagano, o . Cit. 3Personal interview with Mrs. Emil Sekerak, op. cit. 4 . . . . Personal interView With Dr. Genev1eve Carter, Op. cit. 258 Area.1 However, it must be remembered, these are exceptions and for most former students the names and memories of former teachers remain a blur. Former students were reluctant to discuss the school situation except in extremely vague terms until pressed by the interviewer. Their perception of other camp life and the Relocation experience was far greater than their perception of the school situation. One former elementary student could not remember even in outline form any of the school conditions; her only memory of her Relocation school— ing was that it was fun. Another former student could remember nothing of the experience. Most senior high students only vaguely remember those days, but they do remember the friends and some teachers more vividly than do the elementary students. Because of their immaturity at the time, their perception of the school is often not consistent with records and other information. Those who intended to enter college selected challenging courses and Stimulating teachers; thus if relocation had hindered their education, they could not say. But for most of the former Students the school did not stand out as particularly important. Many mentioned the greater variety of leadership lPersonal interview with Emily Light, op. cit. 259 i open to them in the new school situation, but several felt they might have had similar chances even in their pre— evacuation schools.l If students remembered little, even more alarming was the fact that members of the community who were not connected directly to the schools knew very little about the educational program. Even former evacuee newspaper editors found the schools not newsworthy and as a result had no information of the educational program. In a series of letters to a friend, a mother of a ten—year-old boy never in a two—year period of correspondence mentioned her son's school activities; yet she described vividly other aspects of camp life including her son's Boy Scout activities. a Only when She had relocated, do her letters mention school activities.2 Letter collections were so vague about the school situation, one would have had a hard time telling whether there was even a school system in existence. lO‘Brien, op. cit., points out that of the first three hundred JapaneSe American students accepted into Midwestern and Eastern colleges during the student Relocation movement 6.7 percent had been student government officers; 7.3 percent, class officers; 8.7 percent, club officers exclusive of Japanese student clubs; and 2.5 percent, editors of newspapers and yearbooks. These students had been graduated from West Coast high schools prior to evacuation. It seems very likely that had the evacuation not occurred some of the Japanese would have continued to hold leadership roles in their respective high schools.‘ 2 Letters in the Alice Hayes Collection, op. cit. 260 o Apparently to describe the school experience in the camp life as a "two day rest in the country" is fairly accurate. Fortunately, the camp experience was brief and the resilience of youth is strong. Little in camp existence fostered a faith in the democratic way of life. Abnormal as camp existence was, surely it should have had more influence than that of a "tw0 day rest." Certainly the educational program should have provided more than that. Outcomes of the Study Creation of a School What, then is the value of this study? First, it has broad implications for the creation of a school. One of the difficulties in the creation of this school program seemed to lie in the development of purpose. There was no clear-cut purpose of the school as far as the teachers and administrators were concerned because they had not been involved directly in the planning. Although the WRA official policy stated purposes, teachers and administrators tended to follow purposes as they saw them rather than those imposed from above. Thus, in the establishment of any school program, the purpose of education must be developed by joint planning. And if that purpOSe is to be 261 . the achievement of democratic living then the organization and policies of that school cannot be dictatorially handled. Once the purpose is conceived, then every effort should be made to implement that purpose by cooperative action. It cannot be conceived from the study that sub— scribing to a particular philosophy assures that philosophy will continue long unless that philosophy is carried into action. The most difficult task is to see that the philos0phy is implemented. A new school program is con— fronted with the problem of maintaining that action over a period of years in the face of leadership and teacher turn— over. Time and time again, schools introduce an innovation but revert to an earlier process when those responsible for the innovation depart. This was true also of the Relocation schools. The study indicates that a much deeper and broader orientation program needs to be introduced for incoming staff. Secondly, a continuous in-service education program should be instituted to keep the group aware of the purposes. Too often, the purposes are only seen briefly in an introductory session and are not made part of the eVeryday operation of the school. A school with a particu— lar purpose should screen its teacher applicants more Closely. A danger inherent in this latter suggestion lies in stifling the staff since no criticism may emerge from 262 4 those deeply imbued with a similar philosophy. However, constant revision and evaluation must occur as the purposes are carried into practice. Teacher's Role This study indicates the difficulty in breaking with traditionalism. Teachers are still tied to the concept that their role in society is to teach knowledge. Few realize that their function, in addition, must be to guide and counsel students. In the Relocation schools, rules and regulations which might have been barriers to curriculum experimentation were removed. Yet within a short time, there was the return to the knowledge—giving situation. The excuses that are prevalent today (parents expect this role, students have to know so much by a certain age, etc.) are probably just as artificial as the excuses invented by the Relocation teachers. This study indicates the reluctance of many teachers to change. Unfortunately, so imbued by their past teachings, many teachers found it difficult to depart from textbook teaching. It is, therefore, important that teachers and administrators recognize that the role of the teacher is not fixed by external excuses, but by the insecurity of teachers. Until teachers can feel free Of this insecurity and this dependence upon knowledge as 263 their stock and trade, little change can occur. The teacher's role, that is guide, counselor and purveyor of knowledge, needs to be understood by all participants in a school situation. Only a handful of teachers were able to see their role or place in the WRA scheme. Likewise the com— munity should recognize the teacher‘s role in the local community and in the larger society. Another difficulty is that more energy is expended in being creative than in following routine. It is diffi— cult for a teacher to expend his total self for long. Interestingly enough, some of the former teachers admitted] that the experience of teaching in the Relocation Centers was the most satisfying experience of their lives. Many felt that for some time following their Relocation experiences they had a difficult time adjusting to the less self—giving role demanded by the American society. This strange paradox should have implications for those who now are expending total energies in the Peace Corps. Their remaining lives may be unsatisfying unless they are able to realize that their future activities will not in all probability be as stimulating as their present ex— periences. To give one‘s self implies that the whole emotional life of the person becomes engrossed in the daily movement and thoughts of the group for whom the 264 service is performed. Much of our school life does not allow this involvement; indeed, not much of American society allows such human involvement. Yet if democracy as a way of life is to be practiced, the involvement of people must become more pronounced. Lives cannot be changed, as this Study indicates, unless real involvement is attained and maintained. Role of Graduate Classes One of the most provocative outcomes of this study deals with the use of the graduate class in curriculum development as outlined in Chapter IV. Here a class planned and developed a curriculum which became official policy. Few graduate classes have ever had this opportunity to influence the forces of human interplay. This graduate class effectively shows how practical experience can be obtained in graduate education seminars. Frequently, graduate classes in education are criticized for being too theory orientated. Yet this class had the opportunity not only to theorize but to act as well. Many possibilities exist whereby graduate classes could effect change. Graduate classes could be used to determine curriculum and teaching methods for slums or other culturally deprived areas. Suburban areas are in constant 265 need of development of new school programs. With the trend toward urbanization, rural areas are in great need of curriculum readjustments. Graduate classes under able leadership could give valuable service to the communities involved, and at the same time the graduate classes could gain immeasurable experience and knowledge. This study offers several suggestions in this area. The graduate class should be composed of students from the area under study as well as students who are not directly connected with the area. For example, had the Stanford graduate class used members from the Japanese population and had several of the teachers in the graduate class been contemplating teaching in the Relocation Centers, the problems of translating the proposals into action might not have occurred. The graduate class, then, should be so compOSed as to allow for continuous carry—over into the project. In addition, an evaluative process should be built into the system. If the experience of the Relocation Centers is not to be repeated, the proposal must provide concrete eXamples and clarify all definitions of words which are emotionally laden. According to this study, teachers will need much more stimulation than speeches or talks can provide. Graduate classes must, therefore, diacover ways to introduce the new proposals in a climate of good will. 266 Greater use of workshops, consultants and demonstrations might bring more rewarding results. Graduate classes could easily work with whole staffs or just partial staffs in order to facilitate a new design. The use of such class participation in community problems would reduce the animosity that sometimes exists between the university and the local community. Graduate classes could exert influence upon curriculum change as well as upon community relationships. Such use of graduate classes need not be limited to summer sessions. During the regular school terms a class could participate with curri— culum development in a particular community with the assistance of the entire staff. Many schools might be able to incorporate changes with assistance and guidance from able graduate classes. In addition to the benefits the community might receive, the students Should more likely be able to take roles of leadership upon completion of their degrees having had both practical and theoretical eXperience. Involvement mentioned earlier is an important key to progress. Such use of graduate classes would assure involvement between colleges and communities, students and staff and professors and students. Role of Buildings The failure of the Relocation Schools cannot be blamed on insufficint supplies or inadequate buildings. Although supplies and buildings facilitate an environment where learning may be fostered more easily, it does not follow that in this case the buildings were the primary reason for a lack of adequate education. Actually, as already indicated, the best teaching occurred during the period when buildings were nothing more than bare barracks. In fact, such buildings had obvious advantages. Students could be called upon to turn them into suitable school rooms. Students could change the rooms by painting murals or redecorating without damage to the temporary structures as was true of the Relocation schools. A teacher at Rohwer painted murals along one wall to illustrate historical events and as the events changed, the murals changed. Students at Rohwer were commissioned to paint the murals in the newly—constructed gymnasium. Beautifying the grounds became a basis for science and laboratory experi— ments. If students are to become responsible citizens, perhaps they should have some responsibility in the planning, Changing and maintaining of a school system including its 268 physical appearance. Temporary structures do have possi- bilities.l Administrators could feel freer and more at ease about allowing pupils to carry out their own ideas and plans in such temporary buildings, especially when this involves decorating or slightly altering the rooms. Pro- jects such as beautifying the school campus could be carried out each year at no expense other than what would seem appropriate for many educational enterprises but should result in increased student morale and enthusiasm. Temporary buildings also have advantages other than providing opportunities for student participation and care. With shifts in population, increasing urbanization and annexation, permanent school structures are often out of the populated area before the schools are permanently organized. Many schools in Slum areas have been abandoned in the wake of urban renewal projects. With the emphasis on open schools,2 neighborhood schools may become a thing of the past. Efforts of foreign countries to increase school facilities could be on less permanent type structures. lTemporary school structures do not imply substandard construction, but rather structures that can be converted into other community uses when schools are no longer neces- sary in that area. 2The use of the term "open school" implies that' Students may attend any school of their desire instead of their being assigned to schools by district lines. 269 Less emphasis should be placed on the building and more emphasis should be placed on the needs of the students and communities. Adequate school buildings are a factor in community morale, but more important is the quality of the staff employed. Cooperative Actions Students in today's schools have little opportunity to provide community services. Few cooperative class efforts are ever expended toward the solution of either a school or community problem. Yet vocational classes could provide many possible improvements to the school and com- munity by cooperative efforts. Such efforts in Manzanar and Granada resulted in the interior decorating of the barracks as an example of home improvement for the communi— ties. In the same connection, there is a need for com— munity understanding and participation in determining goals, purposes and principles. Even today schools serve little Community purpose aside from education (knowledge pp; pg). Other institutions tend to be isolated from the school. Little united force is attempted on any one problem, i.e., juvenile delinquency. The School calls for police super— vision as did the Relocation Center When in actuality 270 perhaps the uniting of several cooperating agencies could solve many of the problems. When each works at cross purposes accusations are made that each institution is failing. When the home security is threatened, the community must provide for the education, play and supervision of the pre—schoolers. This was plainly shown by the growth of the nursery school program in the Relocation Centers. Today, communities are beginning to provide more adequate experiences for the pre—schooler who has been subjected to a poor home environment. Nearly all Great Cities Projects call for a nursery school program to aid in strengthening the child's security. The nursery program in the Relocation Centers indicates that a community through cooperation can salvage those children who have become emotionally upset. Role of the Federal Government In some ways this study would please the most ardent Opponent of federal aid to education. A bungling bureau— cratic mess can be easily painted of the unpreparedness Of the government to carry into action an educational System. Teacher recruitment was badly handled since such a large number of teachers had never been needed before by governmental agencies. Then, too, the government's 271 lack of accepting the teachers on a professional level was detrimental to the recruitment of teachers. Many other civil service employees, without any college training and doing detailed work requiring little special Skills, received higher salaries than did teachers whose preparation and number of hours of service were much greater. Since experience was not considered in the salary schedule, all elementary teachers received $1,620 while all secondary teachers received $2,000. Such a system resulted in jealousies between teachers and tended to separate secondary teachers from elementary teachers. No teacher contracts were signed, which allowed teachers to resign at any time they desired. The system of annual efficiency ratings required of all civil service employees had little bearing on efficiency ratings of teachers. Teachers were rated on such items as maintenance of equipment, tools and instru- ments, mechanical skills, skill in application of technique and problems, presentability of work, attention to broad phases of assignments, attention to pertinent detail, in— dustry, amount of acceptable work produced, cooperative— ness, initiative, resourcefulness, dependability and physical fitness for work. Such items, however dependable for other civil service employees, did not measure the effectiveness Of teachers. Teacher loads were determined at thirty—five 272 and forty for secondary and elementary teachers respectively. No allowances were made for Specialized classes such as vocational and atypical. The government required many copies of each request, report and letter be filed. Reports for purchases had to be justified, thus necessitating great delay in ordering of supplies and materials. Sometimes even when a request was granted, the number to be ordered was ludicrous.1 Thus when Granada ordered coolers for the high school, they could not order three but had to order a dozen. An example of the ineffectiveness of bureaucracy can be noted in the Jerome 1Interestingly enough, a visit to the Chinle Indian Reservation Boarding School (grades 1-7) at Chinle, Arizona, in March, 1963, indicated that the government has not yet solved many of the same problems. Teachers do not Sign contracts and teacher turnover at the boarding school is constant. Transfers to other governmental agencies are brought about by higher pay in less taxing positions. Salaries of teachers are not based so much on experience as on college training. In addition, the government does not require specific training in education, but declares only that the teacher hold a college degree. Delivery of materials is slow despite the fact that the Department of Interior's warehouse is nearby. However, the school does not lack for supplies. In fact, if anything, they Suffer from oversupplies. For example, in the home economics room, a silver tea set can be foundi One cup— board contained enough chalk for several years' use. In addition, yard goods for sewing classes is over— Supplied Since again, it is purchased in larger quantities than necessary for normal classroom uSe. As for purpose Of the school, there seemed to be conflicting thoughtsz‘ one group maintained that the Indians are wards, While the other group maintained that the Indians should be encouraged to leave the reservation. 273 . library card incident: The Library of Congress printed cards was another instance of the inability to use the best, quickest, and most economical method of procedure. Library of Congress prints catalog cards at cost for distri— bution to libraries. Since these are distributed at cost, of course, they could not undertake to itemize and bid on a list. The purchasing unit of the center was not able to purchase these cards because they could not first get an itemized estimate on the list, even though the whole bill Would have come to less than $10.00 Despite the inefficiency, the government's role in facilitating the curriculum design should allay the fears of those who feel that governmental control is inevitable in federal assistance to schools. Although the government supported the community school concept by giving consultant aid, there was no attempt to dominate or control school thought. And even the consultant's work was one of facili— tating the efforts of the community. The government's main role became one of facilitator. The Washington office developed very helpful language teaching materials, sent out special bulletins and established an adequate student record system to facilitate proper student records being sent to receiving schools and colleges. The materials devised by the Washington office stated: lWar Relocation Authority, Final Education Report With Supplement, Jerome Relocation Center, Denson, Arkansas 1945 (not paged). 274 This is the fourth of a series of monthly bulletins the purpose of which is to serve as a medium for the exchanging of ideas and experiences concerning the various problems which constantly emerge in the schools on projects. The suggestion has been made, and is reiterated here, that the materials in these bulletins be discussed in your curriculum workshops, and that they form the basis of discussion at some of your teachers' meetings. It is not proposed that these materials be accepted as blue prints for procedure. If they can motivate discussion and pro— voke evaluation of present practices, I and help to point the way to a continuous program of curriculum revision, they will have served a worthy purpose. It is hoped that this bulletin may help school systems on projects to protect themselves from the dry—rot which has undermined too many school systems in the past. This office is interested in having school curriculum on projects play more than a passive role. It is desirable that they adjust to new intel— lectual and material forces generated by a dynamic civilization. Continuous evaluation and revision is the price of such adjustment. There was no attempt to make each school follow a pre— conceived pattern. Neither did the government criticize any school for its program. Each school was allowed to maintain its own local character. Attempts by the education— al office to have the ten schools share experiences failed because the local schools themselves failed to provide the information. At least two unfortunate mistakes were made. First, the position of curriculum advisor was not retained. Secondly, sufficient leadership was not provided for atypical War Relocation Authority, Community School Forum, Vol. I, No. 4, Washington, D.C., August, 1943, p. l. programs. At any rate, the government's involvement in this educational enterprise indicates that local governmental agencies could probably do a more efficient job of supply— ing adequate materials. Nevertheless, there is nothing that indicates that the federal government attempted to control thought. Clearly, the government's role in education might well be more in the field of facilitation (providing resources, research and leadership) rather than concerning itself with such procedures as recruiting teachers or purchasing supplies. Role of Racism in Education While this study was not designed to contribute to an understanding of racism, the most disturbing outcome of the study concerns the relationship of racism to education. Despite the often-repeated stereotype that the Japanese American students were preferred by teachers because of their "ideal“ qualities——that is, quiet, studious and industrious—- only a few teachers dared to take a stand in support of their evacuee pupils. Some teachers volunteered to go to the aSSembly centers to help high school seniors finish course Work. Seattle schools graduated two hundred and thirty—three in exercises held at the Puyallup Assembly Center JUne lO, 276 1942. The Portland schools also graduated a group of students at the Portland Assembly Center June l2, 1942.1 Community pressures were tense and antipathy toward all people of Japanese ancestry developed fast as the war news brought increasing anxiety. Principals, superintendents, university instructors and state officials were afraid to come forward and actively assist in the educational problems created by the dislocation of approximately 30,000 school children.2 The faculty senates at the University of California at Berkeley and Los Angeles did not pass any resolutions in defense of the Japanese students. The West Coast states' teachers organizations ignored public debate on the issue. Nor did the National Education Association take action. The only organized educational group to take a stand was the American Federation of Teachers. Meeting in Chicago during the week of August 16, 1942, the American Federation of Teachers passed a resolution which stressed that discrimination against loyal Americans and aliens is contrary to American principles and beliefs. The AFT called for immediate relocation of all loyal Americans of Japanese l . Light, op. cit., p. 55. 2SeeWar Relocation Authority, Education Section Final Report, Manzanar, op. cit., pp. 202—203. 277 ancestry as well as loyal alien Japanese.l Nor were the educators willing to take a stand later when the exclusion order was removed. The only defender of the Japanese on the West Coast during their return was the Pacific Coast Committee on American Principles and Fair Play. Only two educators were active in this organization: Robert Gordon Sproul, President of the University of California, and Roy Lyman Wilbur, former President of Stanford University.2 The West Coast was not the only area caught up in the racial discrimination. Universities of such stature as Western Reserve, Pennsylvania and Harvard at first refused Japanese American students. Universities in Idaho, Utah, Arizona and other western states were also . closed to the Japanese Americans. Other schools attempted such closures, but were somewhat wiser in their decisions. Even late in the war, when many of the universities had opened their doors to the Japanese student, discrimination was still evident. For example, the University of Idaho allowed a community demonstration to force the withdrawal . 3 of Six Japanese students. l"News Note," Resettlement Bulletin, Vol. 1, No. 3 (December, 1942), p. 7° 2Henderson, op. cit. (not paged). 3For a detailed account of the actions taken by the' universities during the Relocation period see O'Brien, op. cit. 278 Nor did the racial bias affect only the universities. Cases of discriminatory actions against students were numerous. In 1943, a superintendent in Kansas refused the entry of a seven—year—old Japanese American child on grounds that other children might be prejudiced and rude toward him. Friends in the Council of Churches and the office of the WRA interceded, and the ban was removed two months later. The action by the superintendent in permitting the Japanese child to enter the schools was described by Vernon R. Kennedy, WRA official, as a ". truly democratic gesture and deserving of the highest compliments."l A California high school principal advised a Poston High School girl not to return to his school citing the Bataan death march, the murder of the Tokyo fliers and the attack on Pearl Harbor as reasons. The case was carried to the State Superintendent of EducatiOn of California before the girl Was accepted.2 One Japanese mother, desirous to know how the Japanese were being accepted in a California community, received the following information: So far there has been no adverse reaction to Allen and Teddy. One thing that I believe contri— butes to the cordiality is the fact that Teddy and _ 1“Toshi Sano —— A Story," Resettlement Bulletin, Vol. 1, No. 7 (December, 1943), p. 7. War Relocation Authority, Or anized Education . . . Poston, . . . op. cit., p. 140. .(\ 279 Allen are rather quiet youngsters and are quite young. If one of the youngsters had been older and had a tendency to be rather forward, I do not believe that the reaction Would have been as favor— able. This statement is illustrated by the fact that in a certain high school two boys of Japanese ancestry were registered and were very well received. ‘One of the boys later became somewhat forward and apparently took advantage of the fact that he had been received so well. The reaction to him changed and we heard threats that if he didn't calm down he Would find himself in trouble. I hope you can see the point I am trying to make clear.1 As pointed out in Chapter VI, even school personnel in the Relocation Centers were unable to bypass their racial biases: Within the school system were administrators who went on record time and time in statement, action, policies, and in their contacts with the students, as having attitudes toward the residents which were unbecoming in any liberal, thoughtful, and sensitive American, particularly in anyone associated with education.2 In addition to such open discrimination, many student actions were ascribed to racial characteristics. The Japanese Students were attributed to have such racial characteristics as being overly noisy, overly emotional, overly shy, extremely good at mathematics and unable to take initiative. 1Letter from Laurence C. Curtis, District Supera intendent, Santa Clara, California, to Mrs. Mae Chikama, April 6, 1945, p.-l. 2War Relocation Authority, Final.R§p9rt . , . Edu— cation Section . . . Central Utah Center, op. cit., p. 88. 280 What is so frightening in this finding is that educators, assigned by this society to be the chief agents for teaching democracy to the young, should be so unable to express publicly their disapproval of such discrimination The educators were the most likely group to have understood the Japanese, but they did not defend them. Their silent voices in public made a mockery of their teachings in schools. In addition to being silent in public matters per- taining to racial discrimination, teachers as a whole, as indicated by this study, lack a basic understanding of minority groups. Teachers in the Relocation Centers were unable to understand a minority‘s feelings and actions. It will be recalled that those teachers displaying overly Sympathetic tendencies were rejected as much as those displaying authoritarian methods. Teachers were sometimes unaware of their own biases and prejudices. This implies that greater attention needs be given to the screening of teacher candidates. More inter—cultural and inter—racial relationships and experiences and a searching analysis of personal stereotypes should be part of the education for the teacher—in—training= Finally, this study supports the belief that animosities and hatreds grow more quickly in a segregated society. The only solution lies in an integrated society 281 where mutual understanding can be reached. Summary Of the 110,000 persons of Japanese descent evacuated from the West Coast during 1942, nearly 30,000 were of school age. At the time of evacuation, however, no policies had been established concerning the education of these youths. It was not until June, 1942, that the War Relocation Authority appointed a National Director of Education. In July and August, 1942, administrators met in San Francisco to discuss educational policies. Nearly all of these policies dealt with details rather than funda— mental issues. While the WRA wrestled with these policies, a 1942 summer graduate class at Stanford University developed a curriculum for the Relocation schools. This class propOSed that the essential element of an educational program was to teach the democratic way of life. The only way to achieve this goal, the class maintained, would be through a community school concept. The community school con— cept became official WRA policy as a result of the graduate class's proposal. Despite this official policy, the edu— cational program was to undergo two distinct phases. 282 The schools opened with a dearth of buildings, supplies, materials and teachers. Students were discouraged and apathetic. Nevertheless out of this dismal beginning, a pioneering spirit developed among the teachers and students. Empty barracks became schools, students shared textbooks, and staffs developed community—centered pro— grams. The peculiar nature of camp life dictated some unusual programs and several staffs devised a few outstanding educational programs. The pioneering spirit, however, was not maintained for long. By the end of the first school year, signs that a unique school situation would develop disappeared. Traditional classroom procedures returned. Teachers stressed the academic subjects, tested objectively and maintained order by dominance. Building problems and an unusually high turnover of educational personnel plagued the centers. The emphasis was on maintaining the status gpg. The curriculum proposals were disregarded and the faith in a Community school concept was forgotten. Educators tended to believe that a return to traditionalism would give security to the students. In addition, the educators believed, the Japanese community desired a formalized education. Apparently, the project 283 administrators as well as the school personnel misunder— stood the community school concept. Although the school program was designed to provide meaningful and worthwhile experiences for the students, the school program reverted to a traditional pattern, ignoring the peculiar nature of the centers. by this Conclusions In conclusion, the following findings are suggested study: Even with the removal of all rules and regulations for curriculum design, the educators in the Relocation Centers found it difficult to follow a new curriculum design for any length of time without inventing excuses in order to return to a more traditional school program. The crucial problem in school program development lies in implementing the purposes which have been established by the school planners. The quality of the School staff is more important than the physical facilities. The federal government's role in education lies in the field of facilitation (providing resources, leadership and research). 284 5. Graduate classes have great opportunity for community service by directly participating in program and curriculum design. 6. Cooperative effort between school and community, although extremely difficult to obtain, could result in a higher quality of education. 7. Many of the educators in the Relocation Centers seemed to lack a basic understanding of their role in dealing with a minority group and in their under- standing of the democratic way of life. Recommendations for Further Study The study indicates that further research might be valuable in the following areas: 1. The educational programs provided other minority groups. 2. The introduction of cross—cultural experiences in teacher education programs. 3. The school's commitment to the democratic way of life. 4. The use of graduate classes in community planning. 5. The use of the community schools in an undemocratic setting. 6. 285 The relative value of educational institutions as compared to other institutions. GLOSSARY Appointed Personnel - The appointed personnel were all Caucasians hired by the War Relocation Authority. The term Caucasian was used first, but later this Was changed to appointed personnel to fit a less stereotyped racial image. ' ' Assembly Centers — The Assembly Centers were the places of detention for the Japanese Americans while more permanent housing could be arranged. Generally, they were at race tracks, fair grounds, and other areas wherefielectricity and water were available. The length of stay varied from a few weeks to seven months depending which Relocation Center the people were sent. ” Cadet Teacher or Student Teacher or Assistant Teacher - These terms applied to those evacuees who did not have sufficient college credits to qualify for teaching certification. They served as assistants to the ' Caucasian teachers, often substituting.for the regular teachersSGuring the severe teacher short- ages in the campsl They received $16.00 a month. Colonist or Resident Teacher — These terms apply generally Evacuee Issei — Kibei — Nisei - to those-evacuee teachers who qualified for teachers' certificates and who had charge of classes. They received $19.00 a month. - The term.”evacuee" is used synonymdusly_for Japanese or Japanese American. The Issei were those born in Japan -— primarily they were the older population in the camps. The Kibei were the American-born, but partially or totally educated in Japan. The second generation Japanese born in the united States are known as Nisei. 287 Registration - Registration occurred in January, February and March, 1943. Each evacuee,seventeen years old or over,was requiredto sign a loyalty oath. If they did not, they were assigned to the Tule Lake Center with other so-called "disloyal." ' Relocation - The word "Relocation" referred originally to the removal of the evacuees from the restricted areas to Relocation Centers. From early in 1943 onward, it denoted the voluntary resettlement of the evacuees in other parts of the country. Relocation Centers - Relocation Centers denote the ten barrack cities provided the Japanese Americans during the Second World War. These centers and their locations are listed below: Project Location Central Utah Topaz, Utah — Central Utah (Topaz) Colorado River Poston, Arizona — Extreme Western part of (Poston) Arizona Gila River Rivers, Arizona - South central Arizona Granada Amache, Colorado — Southeastern Colorado Heart Mountain Heart Mountain, - Northwestern Wyoming Wyoming Jerome Denson, Arkansas — Southeastern Arkansas Manzanar Manzanar, — East-central California California Minidoka Huntb.Idaho — South-central Idaho Rohwer McGehee, Arkansas - Southeastern Arkansas Tule Lake Newell, — Northern California California 288 Segregation - This term applied to the separation of the loyal from the "disloyal" by means of questioning at the registration period. The latter group were sent to the Tule Lake Relocation Camp. WCCA — The Wartime Civil Control Administration was a temporary government agency which administered the evacuees from the period from March, 1942, to June, 1942, before WRA took over. WRA — The War Relocation Authority was the agency directly responsible for the administration of the ten War Relocation Centers. The term WRA or Authority is used for the full title War Relocation Authority throughout the dissertation. BIBLIOGRAPHY Books Adams, Ansel. Born Free and Equal. New York: U. S. Camera, 1944. Barnhart, Edward N. Japanese American Evacuation and Resettlement. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1958. Broom, Leonard. Removal and Return. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1949. The Managed Casualty. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1956. Eaton, Allen H. Beauty Behind Barbed Wire. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1952. Greenfield, Kent Roberts (ed.). Command Decision. Washington, D. C.: Office of the Chief of Military History, Department of the Army, 1960. Grodzins, Morton. Americans Betrayed. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1949. Larson, T. A. Wyoming's War Years 1941—1945. Laramie: The University of Wyoming, 1954. LaViolette, Forrest. The Canadian Japanese and World War II. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1948. Leighton, Alexander H. The Governing of Men. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1945. McWilliams, Carey. Prejudice: Japanese Americans, Symbol of Racial Intolerance. Boston: Little, Brown and _____________________ Company, 1944. O'Brien, Robert W. The College Nisei. Palo Alto, California: Pacific Books, 1949. 290 a Okubo, Mine. Citizen 13660. New York: Columbia University Press, 1946. ' Smith, Bradford. Americans from Japan. New York: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1948. TenBrock, Jacobus, Barnhart, Edward N., and Matson, Floyd W. Prejudice, War and the Constitution. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1954. Thomas, Dorothy Swaine. The Salvage. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1946. The Spoilage. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1946. All materials listed under these headings are found in the University of California Library at Berkeley unless otherwise noted: War Relocation Authority Publications and Documents War Relocation Authority Materials by Centers Other Government Documents ' Letters Recorded Speeches and Transcribed Interviews Theses and Other Unpublished Material War Relocation Authority Publications and Documents War Relocation Authority. "A Guidebook for the Residents of Relocation Centers," Washington, D. C., May, 1943. "A Statement of Guiding Principles of the War Relocation Authority" (not dated). "A Statement of the Present Policies of the War Relocation Authority," Washington, D. C., May 15, 1945. Administrative Highlights of the WRA Program (not dated). , ‘ Administrative Instruction No. 1—104, Washington, D. C., 1942—43. 291 Administrative Manual, Washington, D. C., 1943—45. Administrative Notice: "Washington Staff," Washington, D. C., June 11, 1942. . Administrative Notice No. 1—105, 107-343, Washington, D. C., 1943—46. . Administrative Notice (Unnumbered Series), Washington, D. C., May 28, 1942—November 8, 1945. "Adult Education and Orientation Bulletin No. 5," Washington, D. C., March 16, 1943. "After WRA . . . What? A Pre—Liquidation Inventory," Washington, D. C., April, 1946. "Agenda of Policy Conference, August 13 to 20, 1942," Whitcomb-Hotel, San Francisco, California, August, 1942 [University of California Library, Los Angeles]. "Background for the Relocation Program," (Prepared for information of the staff of the WRA, not for publication; not dated). "Comment on Charges Made by the Denver Post in the Issue of April 23," Washington, D. C., 1943. - Community Government in War Relocation Centers, Washington, D. C., 1946. Community Management Division, Education Section, "1944 Annual School Term Report for Fiscal Year July 1, 1943, to June 30, 1944," Washington, D. C., 1944. Community Management Division, Education "Directive to All Project Directors from Section, . " Education AdVisor, March 1, 1944. N. E. VileS, Community Management Division, Education "Enrollment, Attendance, Teachers Employed,' summaries, 1942—1945. I Section, Washington, D. C., 292 Community Management Division, Education Section, Manual Handbook, Special Instructions and Procedure Covering the Development and Maintenance of Various Educational Activities, Washington, D.C., July 1, 1945. Community Management Division, Education Section, "Nursery Schools," Washington, D.C., March 1, 1944. . Community School Forum, Vol. 1, No. 1, Washington, D.c., November 20, 1942. Community School Forum, Vol. 1, No. 2, Washington, D.C., June, 1943. . Community School Forum, Vol. 1, No. 3, Washington, D.C., July, 1943. . Community School Forum, Vol. 1, No. 4, Washington, D.C., August, 1943. Dean, George D. "Report on Attitudes of Citizens and Officials in Tule Lake Area and Klamath County, Oregon, to Japanese Reception Center Near Tule Lake, California," San Francisco, California, April 26, 1942. "Education Program in War Relocation Centers," Washington, D.C., February 1, 1945. Embree, John F. ”Dealing with Japanese Americans,” Washington, D.C., October, 1942. Embree, John F."Causes of Unrest at Relocation Centers," Community Analysis Report No. 2, Washington, D.C., February, 1943. Embree, John F. "Project Analysis Series, No. 1," Community Analysis Section, Washington, D.C., February, 1943. "Evacuee Resistances to Relocation," . Community Analysis Report No. 5, Washington, D.C., June, 1943. 293 "Factors Influencing Low Enrollment in Certain Adult Education Courses," Project Analysis Series No. 8, Washington, D. C., July, 1943. "False Statements of Harold H. Townsend before the House of Representatives Sub— —Committee of the Special Committee on Un—American Activities, Los Angeles, California, May 26, .1943, 2:00 P.M. as presented before Costello Sub—Committee of House Committee on Un— American ActiVities," Washington, D. C. July 7, 1943. "First Quarterly Report, March 18 to June 30, 1942," Washington, D. C. "Functions by Organizational Unit," Washington, D. C. (not dated). "Highlights and Brief Summary of the Washington Conference of WRA Superintendents of Education," Washington, D. C., March 20—25, 1944. "Highlights of Wrinkle's Talk Opening the Conference of Superintendents at Denver," Monday, April 5, 1943. "Housing of Persons from War Relocation Centers," Washington, D. C , June 28, 1943. "Informal Report of the War Relocation Authority," Washington, D. C., April 20, 1942. . Impounded People: Japanese Americans in the Relocation Centers, Washington, D. C.(not dated). "Japanese—Americans in Relocation Centers," Washington, D. C., March, 1943. "Keeping Faith with America," Washington, D. C. (not dated). "Legal and Constitutional Phases of the WRA Program," Washington, D. C., 1946. “Library Services at Relocation Centers," Washington, D. C., June 8, 1943. 294 . . McKee, Ruth. "By~Products of War," . ashington, D. C. (not dated). . Memorandum from Dillon Myer to the Secretary of Interior Harold L. Ickes, "Subject: Major Problems of the War Relocation Authority —— Past, Present, and Future," Washington, D- C., 1944. "Memorandum from John H. Province, Chief Community Management Division," Washington, D. C., October 23, 1942. ."Myths and Facts about the Japanese Americans," Washington, D. C., June 1, 1945. . "Notes on the San Francisco Directors Conference," January 22—24, 1943 [University of California Library, Los Angeles]. "Objective in Adult Education," D. C., May 29, 1944. Washington, "Outline for a Summer Activity Program," Washington, D. C., May, 1943. "Outline of Dr. Addicott's Address at the Denver Conference," April 7, 1943. "Pertinent Facts About Relocation Centers and Japanese Americans," Washington, D. C., 1943. "Positive Achievements on WRA," Washington, D. C. (not dated). "Questions and Answers for Evacuees," Washington, D. C. (not dated). "Questions and Answers for Governing Administration and Policy of the Segregation Center," Washington, D. Cr (not dated). "Relocation.Communities for Wartime Evacuees," Washington, D- C-, September, 1942. 295 "Relocation of Japanese Americans," Washington, D. C., May, 1943. . ."Relocating Japanese Americans," Washington, Do Cu 1 May: 1945 ., "Report of Curriculum Committee," WRA} Superintendents Conference, Denver, Colorado, April 5—9p 1943. "Reprint of the Minority Report of the Honorable Herman P. Eberharter," Washington, D. C. (not dated). "School Program in War Relocation Centers," Washington, D. C. (not dated). "Second Quarterly Report, July 1 to September 30,-l942," Washington, D. C. "Segregation of Persons of Japanese Ancestry in Relocation Centers," Washington, D. C., August, 1943. . "Semi-Annual Report, January 1 to June 30, 1943," Washington, D. C. "Semi—Annual Report, July 1.to December 31,1943," Washington, D. C. . "Semi-Annual Report, January 1 to JUne-30, 1944," Washington, D. C. "Semi-Annual Report, July 1 to December 31, 1944," Washington, D. C. "Semi—Annual Report, January 1 to JUne 30, 1945," Washington, D. C. . "Semi—Annual Report, July 1 to December 31, 1945," Washington, D. C. . "Semi—Annual Report, January 1 to June 30, 1946," Washingt-on, D. C 296 "Some Problems Facing a Community Dealing with Americans of Japanese Ancestry and Japanese Aliens After WRA Terminates," Washington, D. C. (not dated). . "Standard Position Description for Adult and Vocational Education Supervisor," Washington, D. C., January 15, 1945 "Statement by Dillon S. Myer, Constitutional Principles Involved in the Relocation Program," Washington, D. C. (not dated). "Statement of Dillon S. Myer, Director of the War Relocation Authority, before the Costello Committee of the House Committee on Un-American Activities,"’Washington, D. C., July 6, 1943. "Suggestions: For the Use of Saturdays by Project Faculty," Washington, D. C. (not dated). "Summary Report on the WRA Educational Program," Community Management Division,:Educstion Section, Washington, D. C., March 1, 1944. "Supplementary Statement by Mr. D. S. Myer Before the Sub—Committee of the Military Affairs Committee of the U. S. Senate," Washington, D. C., January 20, 1943. Teacher's Handbook on Education for Relocation, Washington, D. C., April 27, 1944. "The Educational Program for Evacuees Ancestry of Japanese at Ten War Relocation Centers," Washington, D. C. (not dated). _n . The Evacuated People A Quantitative Description, Washington, D. C. , 1946. ._______________. "The Japanese Question in the United States, A Compilation of Memoranda by Lt. Com. K. D. Ringle (produced for circulation exclusively among employees of the War Relocation Authority), Washington, D. C. (not dated). 297 . The Relocation Program, Washington, D. C. (not dated). "The Segregation Program: A Statement for Appointed Personnel in WRA Centers," Washington,, D. C. (not dated). . "The Teacher and the War Relocation Project," Washington, D. C. (not dated). The Wartime Handling of Evacuee Property, Washington, D. C. (not dated). "Third Quarterly Report, October 1 to December 31, 1942," Washington, D. C. "Uprooted Americans in Your Community," ‘ Washington, D. C., May, 1945. j Wartime Exile: The Exclusion of the Japanese Americans From the West Coast, Washington, “ D. C., 1946. "Wrinkle's Second Meeting with Superintendents at the Denver Conference," April 5, 1943. "Your Job in WRA," Washington, D. C. (not dated). War Relocation Materials by Centers Central Utah Project, Topaz, Utah: "Brief Outline of Education Interest and Activities of the Residents of the Central Utah ReloCation Center as Reflected Through the Education Program" (not dated). "Closing Report Community Analysis Section,” 1945. "Community Education Section Operations Unit, Operations Manual," September 1, 1943. "Curriculum Materials" (variously dated). 298 "Educational Report of the Program and Procedures of the Pre-School Department," March, 1943. Final Report for the Education Section of the Central Utah Center, 1945. "Justification for Additional Staff in the Adult Education," November 5, 1943. "Memorandum to Mrs. Charles F. Ernest, Project Director from Dr. L. G. Noble, Superintendent of Education," May 16, 1944. "Memorandum to Mr. L. G. Noble, Superintendent of Education from D. B. Nuttall, High School Principal," May 4, 1944. Monthly and Semi—Monthly Reports, 1942—1945. Summary Curriculum Report of Topaz City Education Program 1942—1945, August, 1945. Teacher's Handbook, March, 1944. The Education Prggram Appendix, August 31, 1945. Yearbooks, "Ramblings," 1943, 1944, 1945. Colorado River Project, Poston, Arizona: Adult Education Forum: "Are the Students Getting a Proper Education in Poston?" February 4, 1943, 7:30 P.M. "Annual Report of the Homemaking Department," 1944. Cary, Miles E. "Voluntary Cooperation:. The Basic and Unifying Objective of the Public Schools—-an Hypothesis," Poston's Administrative Circular No. 4, November 7, 1942. "Community Analysis Reports," 1942—1945. "Constructive Suggestions," (Suggestions for Improving the School Made by the Teachers at Dr. Cary's Request) January, 1943. ' 299 "Curriculum Materials" (variously dated). Directive from Retha E. Breeze to Dr. Cary concerning "Special Observation Program for March," March 23, 1943. Directive from Retha E. Breeze to Dr. Cary, Director of Education, Poston schools concerning "Plans for Relocating the Elementary School of Poston I for 1943-1944," March 19, 1943. "Development of Democratic Procedures" (not dated). "Faculty Meeting, April 24, 1944 at 3:30 P.M." Final Report of Education Section: Organized Education Section: Organized Education in Poston 1942—1945, 1945. "Memorandum on Summer Activity Program from Mary Wiseman and Donna Lapinskas to Dr. Balderston, Dr. A. L. Harris," August 31, 1944. "Meeting held in Block 35, Mess Hall, July 10, 1942, 8:30 P.M." "Miscellaneous Report of Teachers," 1942—1945. "Monthly Reports of the Poston Center," July 31, 1943 — August 31, 1945. Poston's Administrative Circulars (Nos. l~86). "Poston's Pre—School Teachers Bulletins," (Nos. 1—6). Program of Studies, 1942-1945. "Recommendations for the Further Development of the Program of Vocational Education at the Poston Relocation Center" (not dated). "The Light of Learning," Adult and Vocational Training, Education Department (not dated). "The Poston III High School Associated Student Body History 1942—1943." .L.|.I.| .. .l .nlllaull . 300 "The Contribution of the Education Section to the Relocation Program" (not dated). Gila River Project, Rivers, Arizona: "A Summary Report of the Closing of the Adult Education Unit of the Education Section," 1945. "Closing of School Summary Report on Teacher Training," June 30, 1945. "Curriculum Materials" (variously dated). Education Program 1942—1945 Appendix, 1945. Education Program 1942—1945, Final Report, 1945. "Monthly Statistical Reports," 1942—1945. "Monthly Statistical Reports on Vocational Training," 1944—1945. Yearbooks "Rivelet," 1943-1945; "Year's Fight," 1943—1945. Granada Relocation Center, Amache, Colorado: Amaghe High School Handbook. ‘ "Appointive Personnel in the Education Section" (not dated). "Education at Amache" (not dated). "Curriculum Materials" (variously paged). Final Report, Education Section, Granada Project, 1945. "Final Teachers“ Reports" (not dated). Handbook, Amache Elementary School, 1944—1945. "Memorandum on Summer School program," March 13' 1944' "Memorandum on Summer School program," March 17' 1944‘ 301 "Memorandum of Understanding Concerning the Operation of Schools at the Granada War Relocation Center," ‘ July 16, 1942. "Office Memorandum," Nbvember 30, 1944. "Program of School Events," 1942—1945. "Report on Emergency Instruction," January 3, 1944. "Report on Summer Activities" (not dated). "The Final Report of the Amache Elementary School" (not dated). Yearbooks, "Onlooker," 1944—1945. Heart Mountain Relocation Center, Heart Mountain, Wyoming: "Curriculum Materials" (variously dated). Final Education Report With Appendix, October, 1945. "Final Report of the Assistant Project Director's Office," 1945. Handbook for the Elementary School Teacher (not dated). Night School Bulletin, No. 1, Adult Education (not dated). Summary Report of the School Program, April, 1945. Jerome Relocation Center, Denson, Arkansas: "Curriculum Materials” (variously dated). Final Education Report with Supplement, 1945. "Graduation at Jerome Relocation Center," September, 1943. Yearbooks, "Victoria," 1943—1944. 302 Manzanar Relocation Centeg, Manzanar, Californig: "A Barrack Becomes A Home," Manzanar, California, May 1, 1945. "Child Care and Youth Problems in a Relocation Center," Manzanar, California (not dated). "Classes for the Physically Handicapped" (not dated). "Educational Pioneering in Wartime," March, 1943. Education Section Summary, May 31, 1945. "Essential Understanding as a Basis for the Re—opening of School," December 19, 1942. Final Education Report, 1945 [University of California Library, Los Angeles]. "Information on Teaching Positions in the Manzanar Japanese Relocation Center" (not dated). "Minutes of the Coordinating Council Meeting,“ 1944. November 28, "Memo to Genevieve W. Carter from Leon C. High, High School Principal," October 5, 1942. "Memorandum to Dillon S. Myer from Ralph P. Merritt," May 14, 1943 [University of California Library, Los AngeleS]. "Memos from Leon C. High and Myron A. Hesse, Manzanar High School Principal and Assistant Principal to Dr. Genevieve Carter," October 30, 1942, September 10, 1942. "Memorandum to Mr. Ralph P. Merritt from Genevieve W. Carter," February 24, 1944 [University of California Library, Los Angeles]. Memorandum to Mr. Ralph P. Merritt from Robert E. Gibson .and F. W. Thunberg on the subject: "Report of Building Requirements at Manzanar Relocation Center," April 22, 1943. 303 "Minutes of a Meeting with Education Department," September 2, 1942. "Organizational Meeting of the Board of Directors Manzanar Visual Education and Museum," May 28, 1943. ."Our World," 1944 annual of Manzanar High School [University of California Library, Los Angeles]. "Personal Narrative of Rollin C. Fox, Principal, Manzanar Secondary School," (not dated) [University of California Library, Los Angeles]. "Project Report No. 76," October 20, 1942. Project Director's Report, Ralph P. Merritt, 1945 [University of California Library, Los Angeles]. ' "Report on Education for Relocation" (not dated). "Summary of Survey of College Graduates," Based on Statistics Collected by Statistical Department, Employment Division, January 16, 1943. "Supervisory Visitations," Elementary Level, dated by week, 1943. "Teachers Bulletin," No. 11, October 27, 1944. "Toy Loan Library" (not dated) [University of California Library, Los Angeles]. "Valediction," 1945 Annual of Manzanar High School [University of California Library, Los Angeles]. Minidoka Relocation Center, Hunt Idaho: "A Report on School Progress and Needs," December 17, 1942, "Curriculum Materials" (variously dated). "Curriculum Report," August 22, 1945. "Historical Narrative Report of the Education Section," December 15, 1945. 304 “Historical Sketch of Analysis Section," October 25, 1945. "Minidoka Adult Education Bulletin," March, 1943. "Minidoka Reports 1 — 74," 1942—1945. "Personal Narrative Report of Acting Elementary School Principal," by Nannie Lee Bauman, December 15, 1945. "Personal Narrative Report of Adult Vocational Education Supervisor," by Richard A. Niver, September 1, 1945. "Personal Narrative Report of Supervisor of Student Teachersf by Bernice A. Batchelder, December 21, 1945. "Teacher's Reports," 1942—1945. "Teacher Training," July, 1943. Rohwer Relocation Center, McGehee, Arkansas: "A Report of the Summer Leisure Time Program for Boys and Girls" (not dated). Historical Statistical Functional Report of the Education Section, 1945. "Personal Narrative of Helen Frasien Curriculum Director and Adult Education Supervisor," June 30, 1945. "Personal Narrative of William M. Beasley, Junior— Senior High School Principal," July 9, 1945. "Personal Narrative of Lola Lauhan, Head Teacher, Elementary Education," July 1, 1945. "Personal Narrative of Vance Martin, Assistant Junior— Senior High School Principal," July 1, 1945. "Personal Narrative of Ben D. Ramsdell, Head Teacher, Shop Education,” July 4, 1945. "Personal Narrative of A. G. Thompson, Supt. of Education,“ July 31, 1945. . 305 ' "Personal Narrative of M. H. Ziegler, Elementary School Principal," July 1, 1945. “Summary Reports of the School Curricula" (variously dated). Yearbook, "ReSume," 1944. Tule Lake Project Newell, California: "Curriculum Materials" (variously dated). "Memorandum to E. M. Rowalt, Assistant Director of’WRA from Elmer L. Shirrell, Project Director," October 2, 1942. ”Memorandum to Harry M. Coverley, Project Director from Kenneth M. Harkness, Superintendent of Schools," January 29, 1943. "Memorandum to E. R. Fryer, Regional Director fronglmer L. Shirrell, Project Director, Tule Lake Project," August 15, 1942. ."Reports on Programs and Progress" (not dated). "Summary Report of the School Program," April, 1946. "Welcoming Address of Elmer L. Shirrell, Project Director, before the Teachers Institute," September 2, 1942. Yearbook, ”Aquila,” 1943. Other Governmental Documents Congressional Record: No. 61, April 3, 1943. No. 64, April 8, 1943. No. 70, April 15, 1943. No. 72, April 17, 1943. No. 79, May 3, 1943. No. 81, May 5, 1943. No. 82, May 6, 1943. No. 99, June 1, 1943. 306 National Defense Migration, Fourth Interim Report of the Select Committee, . . . 77 Congress, Second Session House Report 2124, Washington, D. C., 1942. President's Office, "Citation to Accompany the Award of the Medal for Merit to Dillon S. Myer," May 8, 1946. Western Defense Command and Fourth Army Wartime Civil Control Administration, "Supplement No. l to WCCA Center Regulations," August 24, 1942. Western Defense Command and Fourth Army Wartime Civil Control Administration, "Education At Tanforan Assembly Center," San Bruno, California, July 1, 1942. Western Defense Command and Fourth Army Wartime Civil Control Administration, "Center Regulations," July 18, 1942._ U. S. Department of Interior, War Agency Liquidation Unit formerly War Relocation Authority, People in Motion: The Postwar Adjustment of the Evacuated Japanese Americans. WRA, The Story of Human Conservation. —_ Washington, D. C., 1946. Letters Adams, Lucy., Director Community Management, Manzanar, to Ralph P. Merritt, Project Director, April 7, 1943 [University of California Library, Los Angeles]. Ade, Lester K., Director of Education, to Raymond P. Best, Project Director at Tule Lake, September 1, 1944. Ade, Lester K., Director of Education, to Dr. John H. Provinse, Chief Community Management Division, December 1, 1943. Barrows, Leland, WRA Executive Officer, to Elmer M. Rowalt, Assistant to the WRA Director, July 30, 1942. Best, Raymond P., Project Director, Tule Lake, to Dillon S. Myer, WRA Director, February 14, 1945. 307 Black, Harry L., Acting Project Director, Tule Lake, to Dillon S. Myer, WRA Director, March 28, 1945. Curtis, Lawrence C., District Superintendent, Santa Clara, California, to Mrs. Mae Chikuma, April 6, 1945. Eisenhower, Milton to E. R. Fryer, WRA Regional Director, June 15, 1942. Former Student to Mrs. Peddy, Teacher, Gila River, July, 1943. Hayes, J. 0., Acting Project Director, Tule Lake, to Dillon S. Myer, WRA Director, May 31, 1943. Johnson, Richard B., to Dr. Lester K. Ade, Director of Education, February 28, 1945. Kimball, Solon T., to John H. Provinse, Chief Community Management Division, September 23, 1944. Merritt, Ralph P., Project Director, Manzanar, to Edmund T. Gleary, July 9, 1943 [University of California Library, Los Angeles]. Merritt, Ralph P., Project Director, Manzanar, to Herman A. Spindt, Office of the Appointive Secretary, University of California, Berkeley, August 18, 1943 [University of California Library, Los Angeles]. Myer, Dillon 8., WRA Director, to Joseph H. Smart, Regional Director, June 26, 1942. Provinse, John H., Chief Community Management Division, to Lester K. Ade, Director of Education, January 18, 1943. Rademaker, John, Community Analyst, to Dr. Edward H. Spicer, Head Community Analysis Section, Granada, Apr11 20, 1944. Ring, E. D., Superintendent of Public Instruction of Arizona to L. L. Nelson, Acting Pr0ject Director, Poston, May 10, 1944. Ringle, Commander K. D., to Colonel E. F. Cress, June 4, 1942. 308 Spindt, Herman.A., Office of the Appointive Secretary, University of CalifOrnia, Berkeley, to Ralph Merritt, Project Director, Manzanar, August 9, I943 [University of California Library, Los Angeles]. Stafford, H. L., Project Director, Minidoka Project, to Dillon S. Myer, WRA Director, November 3, 1943. TeacherLto friend, Poston, December 20, 1942. Terry, Paul J., Superintendent of Education, Amache, to , H. A. Tiemann, State Director for Vocational Education, Colorado, July 13, 1943.\ Wrinkle, William L., Field Service Extension Division,' Colorado State College of Education, Greeley to ,Paul J. Terry, Superintendent of Education, Granada, November 17, 1942. Collection of Letters, Hoover Library, Stanford University, Palq Alto, California: Duveneck, F. B. Collection ‘Pearson, Grace Nicolas, Collection Hays, Alice, Collection Von Blon, John L., Collection Recorded Speeches and Transcribed Interviews Embree, John. “The Human Equation in Relocation"(read by Dr. ’ John Provinse to the Denver Conference of Directors of Education), March, 1943. Myer, Dillon S. "A Tenth of a Million People" (An'address before the Des Moines Adult Education Forum), Des Moines, Iowa, Thursday evening, October 26, 1944. "Comments by the War Relocation Authority on Remarks of Representative John M. Costello made in the House of Representatives, June 28, 1943, Congressional Record, Vol. 89, No. 121, pp. 670—77. —__..‘ 309 . "Obligation of Our Heritage" (Speech glven before Rotary Club), Lawrence, Kansas, October 18, 1943. "One Thousandth of the Nation" (An address presented before a joint meeting of Civil Organizations) Salt Lake City, March 23, 1944. "Problems of Evacuee Resettlement in California" (Address), Eagles Rock, California, June.19, 1945. "Problems in the Rehabilitation of our Japanese American Citizens" (An address delivered at the National Conference of Social Work), Cleveland, Ohio, May, 1944. "Racism and Reason" (An address delivered at an interfaith meeting sponsored by the Pacific Coast Committee on American Principles and Fair Play), Los Angeles, California, October 2, 1944. Radio Interview, KPOW, April 28, 1943. "Relocation Problems and Policies" (An address before the Tuesday Evening Club), Pasadena, California, March 14, 1944. "The Facts About the War Relocation Authority" (An address before a luncheon meeting of the Los Angeles Town Hall), Los Angeles, California, January 21, 1944. "The Relocation Program" (A speech given before American LegiOn), Indianapolis, Indiana, November 16, 1943. ' "The Truth About Relocation" (Address before the Commonwealth Club), San Francisco, California, August 6, 1943. NaSh, Roy. "Manzanar from the Inside" (An address delivered before the Commonwealth Club of California), San Francisco, California, July 31,1942. 310 Smart,-Joseph H. "Democracy in Relocation Centers" (Remarks before the Education Conference, Heart Mountain Center), Heart Mountain, Wyoming, October 8, 1942. Terry, Paul J. Superintendent of Education, "Schools at the Granada Relocation Center" (An address ‘ presented before the Retail Businessmen's Division of the LaMar Chamber of Commerce), LaMar, Colorado, January 21, 1943. TranSCribed Interview, Morton Grodzins with Dillon Myer, September 29, 1943. Transcribed Interview, Morton Grodzins with Dillon Myer, Philip Glick and Elmer Rowalt, September 13, 1943. Transcribed Interview, Morton Grodzins with John Provinse, ‘ October 7, 1943. Wolfe, Justice James H. "The Dawn of a New Day" (An address to the residents of Topaz Relocation Center), March 10, 1945. Theses and Other Unpublished Materials Cary, Miles E. "Teaching Democracy in the Poston Schools." Unpublished article, April 5, 1943.‘ Christensen, Paul L. An Evaluation of Certain Phases of Heart Mountain Elementary Schools. Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of Wyoming, Laramie, Wyoming, 1943 [University of Wyoming Library, Laramie]. Daniels, Roger. The Politics of Prejudice: The Anti- Japanese Movement in Californ1a and the Struggle for Japanese Exclusion. Ph.D. Thesis, H1story, University of California, Los Angeles, 1960. ' Reprinted as a Social Science Monograph 1n 1962 [University of California Library, Los Angeles]. Dumas, Enoch, "Japanese American Children Welcome Newcomers." Unpublished article (not dated). 311 Friedman, Lucille. "Training Japanese Americans for Tomorrow.” Unpublished article, Granada Relocation Center, Amache, Colorado (not dated). Hayashi, Doris. "A Progressive Group" (Diary), 1942. Henderson, Rudie. "Manzanar." Unpublished article. Submitted to Life, January 25, 1944 [University of California Library, Los Angeles]. Kodani, Kimiko. "Butte High School." Term paper, Gila Rivers Relocation Center, Rivers, Arizona, 1943. Kunimoto, George. "What This Camp Life is Doing to Me and What I am Going to Do About It. " Student Essay,.English 10, Heart Mountain Relocation Center, Heart Mountain, Wyoming, December 30,1942. Light, Jerome T. The Development of a Junior—Senior High School Program in a Relocation Center for People of Japanese Ancestry During the War With Japan. Unpublished D.Ed. Thesis, Stanford University, Palo Alto, California, 1947 [Cubberly Library, Stanford University, Palo Alto, California]. Markley, Allan. "Notes on Relocation Center Libraries." ' Unpublished report (not dated). "Minutes, Japanese American Citizens League, Special Emergency National Conference," Salt Lake City, Utah, November 17—24, 1942 [University of California Library, Los Angeles]. More, Lottie, E. "Homemaking in a Relocation Center." Granada Relocation Center, Amache, Colorado (not dated). ‘ ' Moore, John J. O. "Attitudes Toward Programs Within the Granada Center Which Consists of Japanese Art." Unpublished article (not dated). Pomeroy, Richard A. Superintendent ofI Education. "Education for Future Victory. Unpublished article. Minidoka Relocation Center, Hunt, Idaho (not dated). urriculum Procedures for Japanese Relocation Centers, Pr p O osed C Palo Alto, California, 1942. Stanford University, 312 , Ramey, Arthur C. "Student Activities in a Japanese Relocation High School." Unpublished report.’ Tule Lake Project, Newell, California, July 9, 1943. » Sakoda, James Minoru. Minidoka: An Analysis of Changing Patterns of Social Interaction. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Psychology, University of California, Berkeley, 1949. ' . Slate, Robert. "Art Takes a Hand in Education." Unpublished report.on Art in Canal High School, Gila Relocation Center, Rivers, Arizona (not dated). Smith, Bradford. The Japanese in America. Unpublished manuscript, Spring, 1943 [University of California Library, Los Angeles]. Tani, Henry. "The Tanforan High School." Unpublished report, February 13, 1943. Ushida, Kay, and Fujii, Grace. "The Pre—School Program at Tanforan." Unpublished‘report (not dated). 4f "Why I Would and Don't Like to Stay Here," Eighth Grade Student Composition, Central Utah Relocation Center, Topaz, Utah,‘February 3, 1943. Wood, Naomi. "Education." Unpublished article, April 24, 1944. Magazine and Newspaper Articles "A Cooperative Community Program at Manzanar," Education for Victory, Vol. 2, No. 10 (November 15, 1943), ,30-31. Adams, Lucy W. "Education in the Relocation Centers," California Journal of Secondary Education (December, 1942) 477-79. "An Exceedingly Tough Job," Editorial, Arizona Republic, Phoenix, Arizona, May 5, 1944. Beattie, R. Priscilla. "Injustice in California," Freedom, Vol. III, No. 3 (May—July, 1944), 168-73. VJ H t.) Carter, Genevieve. "Child Care and Youth Problems in a, Relocation Center," Journal of Consulting Psychology, Vol. VII (July—August, 1944), 219—25. "Democracy Behind Barbed Wire," Nation's Schools, Vol. 3, No. 6 (June, 1943), 18-20. Dierlam, Robert and Lewis, Grace. "Schools for Japanese Evacuees," Clearing House, Vol. 17, No. 5 (January, 1943), 280. Douglass, Aubrey A. "Education of Japanese at War Relocation Center," California Schools, December, 1942, 261—62. Dumas, Enoch and Walter, Margaret. "Landscaping for . Beauty and Health," The School Executive, May, 1944, 40-41. Editorial, Heart Mountain Echoes (High School Publication), VOlo III NOo 10 (May 71 1943). mi Editorial, Manzanar Free Press, October 10, 1942. Hashimoto, Dick and Oshima, Fred. “School Life in a . War Relocation Center," Student Life, Decemben 1944, 23. Havighurst, Robert J. "Educating Japanese Americans," School Review, Vol. 51 (February, 1943), 73. "Hunt Teacher Reinstated by WRA, Given Arizona Position," Times News, Twin Falls, Idaho, August 13, 1944. "Issei, Nisei, Kibei," Fortune, April, 1944. "Japanese Student Relocation," Education for Victory, Vol. 1, No. 10 (July 15, 1942), 14. "Job Well Done," Editorial, The Washington Post, March 28, 1946. Katayoma, Hiro. "Our Younger Generation," All Aboard, Spring, 1944, 42—45. Katayama, Taro- "Beyond the Gate," Trek, February: 1943] 2‘6. 314 "State of the City," Trek, Vol. I, No. 1 (December, 1942), 4—11. Kitano, Harry H. L. "Changing Achievement Patterns of the Japanese in the United States," The Journal of Social Psychology, Vol. 58 (July, 1962), 257-64. Kyogoku, Marii. "Adult Education," Trek, Vol. 1, No. 2 (February, 1943), 25—28. ” Light, Jerome T. "Relocation Centers — Hunt Idaho," Library Journal, Vol. 68, No. 1 (April 1, 1943) 281—82. Lindley, James G. and Barber, Philip W. “Relocation Centers," Lip£a£y_gpg£pgl, Vol. 68, No. 4 (February 15, 1943), 174—75. Lippmann, Walter. "Washington Fails to Cope with Western- I' Fifth Column," Salt Lake Tribune, February 20, 1942. Morimitsu, George. ""These Are Our Parents." Reprinted by the War Relocation Authority from Asia and thg Americans, October, 1943. Myer, Dillon S. "Democracy in Relocation." Reprinted by the War Relocation Authority from Common Ground, Winter, 1943. Nakaji, Chizuri. "Relocation Centers — Manzanar, California," Library Journal, Vol. 68, No. 5 (March 1, 1943), 204. O'Brien, Robert W. "Selective Dispersion as a Factor in the Solution of the Nisei Problem," Social Forces,Vol. 23, No. 2 (December, 1944), 140—47. Phinney, Milton C. "The Story of the Nittas." Reprinted from Now by the Reports Division of the War Relocation Authority, Los Angeles, July, 1945. Powell, John W. "Education Through Relocation," Adult Education Journal, Vol. I, No. 4 (October, 1942), 154-57. "Preparing Evacuees for Relocation," Education for Victopy, ' Vol. 2, No. 20 (April 20, 1944), 24; 32. 315 "Preparing for American Citizenship," Education for Victory, Vol. 2, No. 1 (July 1, 1943), 29. ' "Psychology of Education," Editorial, U—Namet (Hunt High School Publication),‘Minidoka, Idaho, Vol. 1, No. 1 (December 23, 1942). Pusey, Harriet C. "Counseling in a Japanese Relocation Center," Clearing House, December, 1944, 252e54; "Readjustment of Nisei Into American School Systems," ‘ Education for Victory, Vol. 3, No. 14 (January 20, 1945), 9—10. "Relocating Japanese American Students," Education for Victory,_Vol. 1, No. 14 (September 15, 1942), 2; 24. Richardson, Otis D. "Nisei Evacuees —- Their Challenge to Education,” The Junior College Journal, Vol. XIII, No. 1 (September, 1942), 6—12. C" RobertSQn, Wanda. "Developing World Citizens in a Japanese Relocation Center," Childhood Education (October, 1943), 66-71. Rostow, Eugene V. "Our Worst Wartime Mistake," Harpers, September, 1945, 193—201. "School for All in Topaz," The Desert News, Salt Lake City, Utah, December 30, 1942. "Schools Good at Jap Center," Arizona Daily Star, Tucson, Arizona, April 15, 1944. Syemoto, Toyo. "Mr. and Mrs. Issei," All Aboard, Spring, 1944, 15—18. ‘ "Teen-age Mission of Goodwill," Editorial, Arizona Republic, Phoenix, Arizona, April 15, 1944. "Topaz Residents Study Religion and Education." The Desert .News, Salt Lake City, Utah, December 30, 1942. "Toshi Sano — A Story," Resettlement Bulletin, Vol. 1, No. 7 (December, 1943), 7. 1 316 ,"Tule Lake," Life, Vol. 16, No. 12' (March-20, 1944), 25435. Uchida, Kay. "Donald Goes to School," All Aboard, Spring, 1944, 40—41. "War Relocation Centers," Education for Victory, Vol. 1, No. 18 (November 16, 1942), 7—9. "War Relocation Centers," Education for Victory, Vol. 1, No. 19 (December 1, 1942), 17e18.‘ "War Relocation Centers," Education for Victory, Vol. 1, No. 23 (February 1, 1943), 27—29. "War Relocation Centers," Education for Victory, Vol. 1, No. 30 (May 15, 1943), 25. "War Relocation Centers Activities," Education for Victory, Vol. 1, NO. 30 (May 15, 1943), 21—22. ,. Watanabe, Kate. "From a Relocation Center," Progressive Education, Vol. 20, No. 5 (May, 1943), 232-34. Wood, Violet.. "Future Indefinite,” Pilgrim Highroad, March, 1944, 8—9, 44-45. Pamphlets A Touchstone of'Democracy, The Japanese in America, Council for Social Action of the Congregational Christian Churches, New York, June, 1943. Arrington, Leonard J. The Price of Prejudice: The Japanese- American Relocation Center in Utah During World War 5;, The Faculty Association, Utah State University, Logan,Utah, 1962. ‘ J Douglas, Truman B. 70,000 American Refugees Made in U.S.A., Citizens Committee for Resettlement (not dated). Facts about Japanese Americans, American Council on Race Relations, Chicago, Illinois (not dated). 317 Foote, Caleb. Outcastpi Publisher unknown (not dated). McWilliams, Carey. What About Our Japanese-Americans?, Public Affairs Committee, Inc., New York, 19441 The Displaced Japanese- Americans, American Council on Public Affairs, Washington, D. C. 1944. \ Thomas, Norman. Democracy and Japanese Americans. The Post War World Council, New York, July, 1942. ‘ Personal Letters Received Arrington, Dr. Leonard, Professor of Economics, Utah State University and Author of Price of Prejudice, January 22, 1963. Broom, Dr. Leonard, Chairman, Department of Sociology, Texas University, October 30, 1962. . r\ Chuman, Frank F., Attorney, Los Angeles, California, January 22, 1963. Hanna, Dr. Paul R., Acting Dean,College of Education, Stanford University, Palo Alto, California, March 21, 1963. - Light, Dr. Jerome T., ProfeSSOr of Psychology, Stockton College, Stockton, California, February 6, 1963. Merritt, Dr. Ralph P., Retired Administrator of University of California, Los Angeles, February 9, 1963. Miyakawa. Dr. Scott T., Professor of Sociology, University of California, Los Angeles, December 3, 1962, January 3, 1963, January 5, 1963. Myer, Dillon 8., Former Director of War Relocation Authority, * Washington, D. C., October 7, 1962. Satow, Masao W., National Director of Japanese American ' Citizens League, San FrancisCo, California, November 211 1962. . . \. ‘ 318 Sekerak, Emil, Educational Consultant of CO—OP, Berkeley, California, February 3, 1963. Yakataske, Mrs. S., housewife, Los Angeles, California, January 27, 1963.. Personal Interviews Amerman, Dr. Helen E., Relocation Officer, Redevelopment Agency Of the City of Oakland, California (Former Guidance Director at Minidoka Relocation Center), January 23, 1963. Araki, Dr. James T., Professor of Oriental Language, University of California, Los Angeles, California (Gila River), March 4, 1963,_March 8, 1963. Baba, Mrs. Seiko, Chief of Bureau of Laboratory, Alameda County Health Department, Oakland, California (Central Utah), January 31, 1963. Backman, Mrs. Ralph, Second Grade Teacher in LaMar, Colorado " (Former teacher at Granada Relocation Center)? December 16, 1962. Berkeley Methodist United Church Men's Meeting (Open to both Issei and Nisei men and women), February 8, 1963. Carter, Dr. Clifford D., Assistant Manager of Veterans': ’ Administration, Denver, Colorado (Former Superintendent of Schools at Heart Mountain Relocation Center), December 18, 1962. ' Carter, Dr. Genevieve, Acting Director Welfare Planning Council, Los Angeles, California Region (Former Superintendent of Schools at Manzanar Relocation Center), March 8, 1963. Chuman, Frank, Attorney and former President of Japanese American Citizens League, Los Angeles,.California (Manzanar Relocation Center), March 12, 1963. 319 Dumas, Dr. Enoch, Assistant Head of Student Teaching, University of California, Berkeley, California (Former Principal of Elementary School, Granada Relocation Center), January 3, 1963, February 5, 1963, February 12, 1963, February 15, 1963. ' Ehara, Mrs. Midori, Secretary at University of California, Berkeley, Richmond,California (Central Utah), February 5, 1963. Fujii, Maisyi, Insurance Agent, Oakland, California (Central Utah), January 27, 1963. Fjuita, Tad, Importer, Oakland, California (Central Utah), February 8, 1963. Fujita, William,.Accountant, University of California,‘ Berkeley, California (Central Utah), January 29, 1963. Goertzel, Mrs. Mildred G., Housewife and Co-Author of Cradels of Eminence, Ventura, California (housewife at Central Utah), March 1, 1963. Goertzel, Dr. Victor, Research Psychologist, Camarillo State Hospital, Camarillo, California and Co— author of Cradels of Eminence (Former Guidance Director at Central Utah), March 1, 1963. Hirama, Taro, Farmer, Granada, Colorado, December 16, 1962. Hirose, Henry, Farmer, Granada, Colorado, December 16, 1962. Hirota, Tad, Sales Representative, Securities Trust Fund, Berkeley, California (Central Utah), January 24, 1963, February 15, 1963. Hosokawa, William, Associate Editor of Denver Post, Denver, Colorado (Former Editor of Heart Mountain Sentinel, Heart Mountain Relocation Camp), December 18, 1962. Ishino, Dr. Iwao, Professor of Sociology, Michigan State University, East Lansing, November 7, 1962. Kagiwada, George, Graduate Sociology Student, University.of California, Los Angeles (Colorado River Project), February 26, 1963. ' —_—\ Katayama, Mrs. Hiro (via telephone) Housewife, Berkeley, California (Central Utah), January 30, 1963. Kitano, Dr. Harry H. L., Professor, School of Social Welfare, University of California, Los Angeles (Central Utah), February 26, 1963. Kumata, Dr. Hideya, Associate Professor of Communications, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan (Minidoka Relocation Center), March, 1963. Lee, Dr. Edwin, Coordinator of International Student Affairs, University of California, Los Angeles (Visitor and Personal Friend of Ralph P. Merritt), March 7, 1963. Light, Emily, Elementary Teacher, San Pablo, California (Former Teacher at Tule Lake, one and one-half years; Jerome, six months: and Central Utah, one year), February 12, 1963. Light, Dr. Jerome T., Professor, PSychology, Stockton College, Stockton, California (Former Principal at Minidoka for two years and former Principal at Colorado River for one year), February 9, l963. Merritt, Dr. Ralph P., Retired, formerly Administrator, University of California, Berkeley and Los Angeles, California (Former Project Director at Manzanar Relocation Center), February 27, 1963. Miyakawa, Dr. T. Scott, Professor, Department of Anthropology and Sociology, University of California, Los Angeles (Visiting Professor from Boston University now directing the Japanese American Citizens League's Five Year Research Project), February 26, 1963, March 10, 1963, March 13, 1963. More, Mrs. Lottie, Staff Department of Education, Denver, Colorado (Former Homemaking Teacher, Granada Relocation Center), December 18, 1962. Naturma, Joan, Laboratory Assistant, Alameda County Health Department Oakland, California (Central Utah), January 31, 1963. C’ 321 Nemoto, Dr. Mabel, Assistant Professor of Art, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan (Central Utah), November, 1962. Obato, Chiura, Artist and Retired Professor of Art, University of California, Berkeley, California (Central Utah), February 6, 1963.' Pagano, Mary, History Teacher, Manual High SChool, Denver, Colorado (Former History Teacher, Heart Mountain Relocation Center), December 18, 1962. Satow, Masao W., National Director, JapaneSe American Citizens League, San Francisco, California, January 16, 1963. Sekerak, Mrs. Emil, Social Studies Teacher, Castro Valley, California (Former Social Studies Teacher, Central Utah), February 9, 1963. Tajiri, Larry (via telephone), Reporter, Denver Post, Denver, Colorado, December 17, 1962. Takahashi, Dr. Ernest, Optometrist, Oakland, California (Central Utah), February 5, 1963. Takahashi, Mrs° Ernest, Substitute Teacher, Oakland,v California (Central Utah), February 5, 1963. Tatsuno, David, National Board of YMCA, San Jose, California (Central Utah), February 8, I963. ‘ Uchida, Yoshiko (via telephone), Writer of Children Books, Berkeley, California (Central Utah), February 4, 1963. Umemoto, Yasuko, Secretary, University of California, Berkeley, California (Jerome and Tule Lake), “January 29, 1963. Wada, Mrs. Fumi, Housewife, San Leandro, California (Central Utah), February 5, 1963. Ziegler, Dr. Merrill, Registrar at Phillips University, Enid, Oklahoma (Former Elementary Principal at Rohwer Relocation Camp), March 18, 1963. APPENDICES APPENDIX I WAR RELOCATION AUTHORITY WASHINGTON .August 17, 1942 2. ADMINISTRATIVE INSTRUCTION NO. 23 Subject: Organization and staffing of Relocation Center School Systems. On the basis of careful study, involving conferences with state,educational authorities in states in which Relocation Centers are situated and discussions with repre-. sentatives of the United.States Office of Education'and the Civil Service Commission, the followi.ng general policies governing organization and st.affing of schools on Relocation Centers have been formulated: ,(\ 1. Teachers, school superintendents, and other members of the educational staffs of Relocation Centers will be employed on the same basis as other administrative person— nel of the Centers; i.e., they will be given regular War Service appointments under current Civil Service regulations. However, this paragraph does not apply to qualified evacuees, who will be assigned to positions as hereinafter provided. 2. Educational positions will be established in accordance with the same classification standards and pro— cedure as are used in establishing other administrative positions at the Centers. 3. Teachers and other educational personnel will be in duty status the year round, with the same privileges of annual and sick leave as are accorded other Federal employees. Memoranda of Understanding with the States It is anticipated that in each state in which Centers will be operated, a memorandum of understanding will be 323 —¥— 324 negotiated with the state educational authorities. In general, it is contemplated that full financial responsibility for and administrative authority over the schools in the centers will be exercised by the War Relocation Authority: and that the states will be consulted in the selection of key educational personnel, in determining professional standards for teachers, in planning a school.construction and in planning curricula. Each Project Director will be provided with detailed information concerning the agreement with the state authorities governing educational activities in the Centers under his direction, as soon as such agree— ment is reached. Organization of School Systems The authorized educational organization for a center with a population ofl0,000 is set forth in the attached organization Chart and standard class specifications. This chart and specifications supercede any previous authorization, organization chart, or class sheets. Within the framework :of this authorization, such positions as are necessary may be filled on each project, but it should be understood that the number of teaching positions here indicated should be considered maximums with as many positions as possible filled with qualified evacuees. Centers having a population of more than 10,000 are authorized to employ a proportionately larger number of teachers of each category than are shown on the authoriZed chart for a 10,000 population center. In any case, where state professional requirements permit the employment of elementary teachers possessing qualifications below the minimum set forth in the instruction and where it is necessary to employ elementary teachers who do not meet theée qualifications, apprentice teachers positions at ‘CAF-l, $1260 per annum, may be substituted for those shown at CAF—3 on the authorized chart. This authorized chart has been approved by the Classification Section of the Office for Emergency Manage— ment. Regional offices of the OEM are authorized to “allocate individual positions in accordance with the ‘chart without prior approval from the Washington office. [When it is desired to modify the basic organization out— _lined herein, a specific organization chart with a justi— fication for the center concerned should be prepared, 325 by the Regional director, and transmitted to the Director in Washington for prior approval. Classification recom- mendation should be secured from the Regional OEM Classification Analyst. Since the Standard organization plan may not be sufficiently flexible to meet problems created by an unusual distribution of school population, special requirements of state laws, etc., superintendents of schools are urged to examine their problems and the authorized organization, with a View to recommending modifications where necessary. 80 long as the general principles outlined herein are followed and the budget permits, necessary modifications of organization will be authorized. Recruitment of Educational Personnel Candidates for educational positions in Relocation Centers will be required to meet: 1. Civil Service requirements for the positions to which they are appointed. 2. State educational requirements for certifications for positions of the character and scope to which they are appointed. In selecting educational personnel, prior consideration should be given to teachers already qualified in the states in which they are to be employed. All states with which agree- ments have been made, however, have agreed to permit certi— fications of qualified teachers from outside the state, where necessary. In general, the following procedure is suggested as a basis for recruiting school teachers: 1. No recruiting activities for the filling of Vacancies shall be carried on except with the prior approval of the Civil Service Commission, and under its direction as provided for in War Service regulations, Executive Orders No. 9063 and No. 9067. 2. Lists of eligibles are being prepared by the Civil Service Commission and will upon receipt of the appro- priate requisitions for personnel be forwarded to the Regional Director of the WRA through the proper Civil Service 326 District Offices. State residence will be taken into account in the preparation of such lists. 3. If such lists are not available when needed, the Civil Service District Manager will proceed immediately with the necessary recruiting programs, making use of such sources as are deemed suitable and most.likely to meet the need by the time required. Employment of Evacuees All possible positions should be filled by the assign— ment of qualified evacuees who will work under the employment policies of the Authority. To serve in the place of appointed 'personnel, evacuees must meet the same requirements, including state certification, required of appointed educational personnel. They need not, however, be certified through Civil Service and will not be appointed employees of the Government. Organization Chart and Position Specifications Attached as integral parts of these instructions are the following materials: A. Authorized class specifications, including qualification requirements for educational positions. B. Approved organization chart for project of 10,000 population. /s/ E. M. Rowalt Acting Director APPENDIX II WAR RELOCATION AUTHORITY WASHINGTON, D. C. August 24, 1942 2. ADMINISTRATIVE INSTRUCTION NO. 23 Supplement No. 2 Subject: Schools in Relocation Centers I. General Memoranda of Understanding concluded between State Departments of EdUcation and the War Relocation Authority outline the general plan of operation of schools in Relocation Centers, and their relationship to the public school system of the state in which the Center is located. The following general policies define and govern the scope of educational activities within the Center. II. Conformity to State Educational Requirements A. The School shall meet state requirements for'courses of study and for graduation from elementary school and from high school, and Shall provide the courses necessary for admission to state colleges and universities. B. Requirements for School attendance shall conform to the laws of the state in which the project is located. III. Language of Instruction The language of instruction in all schools of all types within the center shall be English. Japanese language schools shall not be permitted to operate in any center. 327 C 328 IV. Length of School Year Schools shall operate throughout the year, with one month of summer vacation during each year. The school year shall be organized to provide 180 days for classroom and vocational instruction leading toward elementary and high school graduation, and a modified summer program with work opportunities and specialized vocational experience. V. Vocational Training A. Opportunity and encouragements shall be given to all students to take some vocational training be- fore graduation from high school. At the discretion of the Project Director definite responsibilities should be assigned to schools for some part in the production operations and maintenance programs in the Center and the schools should be assigned the use of such land, machinery, equipment and other supplies as are necessary to carry out these responsibilities. C” B. High School students above the age of siXteen specializing in vocational fields may, under the direction of the superintendent of education, spend one—half their time in apprentice training or work experience during the regular school year. C. The major part of the vocational training of students in high school must be obtained through work experience in the enterprises, offices, institutions and services in the Center, and shall be carried on as apprentice training. The placement and vocational training program of the schools shall be closely integrated with the employment and production program on the project. Project Directors shall make the formulation and operation of the vocational and retraining program a responsibility to be shared by all divisions and activities on the project. 329 VI. Day NUrseries Day nurseries to provide supervised play and rest periods for children shall be carried on in all Centers and operated by Center residents under the supervision of a qualified evacuee leader. VII. Adult Education An adult education program to meet the needs of adult evacuees shall be organized on all projects. Instruction shall be carried on by qualified evacuees, project employees and teachers employed in the elementary and secondary school program. Where there is not a Center resident with the training and experience necessary to organize and supervise this work, a Caucasian night school principal may be appointed. VIII. Post—graduate and Collegiate Training A. Qualified evacuees may obtain leave for the purpose of attending approved institutions for post—graduate and collegiate training under the applicable regulations of the War Relocation Authority. IX. Relations with Outside Organizations Establishment of chapters or groups of such organiZations as 4—H Clubs, Future Farmers of America, Boy Scouts, Girl Scouts, Camp Fire Girls, Parent Teacher Associations, Red Cross and clubs of various kinds in the Centers shall be encouraged. X. Religious Instruction Religious denominations within the Centers may with the approval of the Community Council be permitted the use of school premises for religious instruction at times and under conditions which will not inter— fere with the general school program. Hours and regulations regarding such use of school premises shall be determined by the superintendent of schools. XI. 330 Schools Operated by Religious Organizations A. Religious denominations with the Centers may be permitted to organize full-time schools with the approval of the Community Council and the Project Director. Such schools shall meet all requirements for attendance, courses of study, and standards required by the state in which the Center is located, and shall be inspected periodically by the War Relocation Authority to insure con- formity to such standards. Full-Time schools operated by religious organizations shall be required to provide buildings for School purposes under the same conditions as apply to the erection of church buildings. (See Administrative Instruction No. 32.) All costs of instruction and operation of full-time schools operated by religious organizations shall be borne by the denomination conducting such schools. s/s D. S. Myer Director I “4;; " ”Emlyn—_- _ _qu , _ __ _.__..'.— __ ._ . . - RBUM USE 0va ROM! USE. ONLY - nIa1111111111111ES