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TIME ORIENTATION IN DELINQUENTS

By
Robert J. Barndt

A THESIS

Suhnnted to the School of Graeme.“ Studies of Michigan
State College of Agriculture and.1pp11ed Science
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Psycholoy

1953

ACKHOWLEDGMENTS

The author wiehee to expreee hie eincere appreciation to Dr.
Donald M. Johnson for hie aeeietance in the design, execution, and
reporting of thin study: to Mr. I. L. V. Shelley, Chief Paychologiet,
Boye Vocational School and Mr. Harold Barr. Superintendent of Schoole.
Bath, Michigan for making available the subject: used in the study:
and to Mr. Leo Gladin and Mr. Laurence Walker for aid in eetahliehing

the reliability of the scoring of the protocols.

TABLECFGOM‘EMS

Page

ACKNOWLEDGHETTS....................... i
TAIBLEOFCOWERTS...................... ii
LISTWTABLES ... iii
REPRODUCTION.........................
V’StatementoftheProhlan................
Revieeofthehiterature................

in I}IVBSTIGATION . O C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O C O .

Purpou........................

subject. . O O O O C O . O O O O O O .0 O I O O O O O O .

\oxoxoumv

Procedure.......................12
Jaesmrs...........................15
mscussmn.........................1s
SUM‘sz..21
armmcssze

APPENDIX 2!»

1.

2.

3.

LIST OF TABLES

Keane and Standard Deviations of
EquatedVariahlee..............

Number and Percent of Stories in
kahsoorlngGAtbgOryo 0 e e to e e e. e

Coefficiente of Correlation of Story
Scoree with Equated Yariablee . . . . . . . .

Page

12

15

16

INTROWCTIOH

The problem of personal, individual time perspectives and orien-
tations is one which has received relatively little attention from
psychologists to date, as evidenced by the paucity of published papers
in this area. Little is known reaming the temporal relationships
of the individual and his goals. The degree to shich the individual
relates hie behavior to the past, the present, the near future, and
the distant future: the length of the tine span into the future with
ehich the individual concerns himself: and the length of time the
individual is willing and able to postpone immediate gratification in
favor of future goals are questions which remain largely unansesred.

a number of workers have sheen that different individuals and groups
do differ in these respects. Bateeon (16, p. 730). for example. has
said,
The data can be arranged to give us information about such matters
as: native orientations in space and time, among obJecte and
among people . . . This has not yet been done systematically for
any culture . . . but from the crude survey work ehich has been
done. it is evident that marked differences among cultures can
be revealed by this approach.

In the literature to date, the terms 'time perspective' and 'time
orientation‘,“ seen to have been used more or less aynonymusly to re-
fer to the individual'e psychologically experienced relationships with

the time contixmum. The two terms will. therefore be considered

equivalent for the purposes of this paper.

Statement of the Problem

The general hypothesis investigated in this study is that delin-
quents differ from non-delinquents in terms of individual time orien-
tation. This study is a direct outgrowth of a paper by Le Shan (114)
in which he speculated that delinquents in general and psychopaths in
particular would show shorter personal time orientations than would
nomle.

With a short time orientation, behavior would be organized on
the basis of rapid or immediate sequences of tension and relief, of
need and gratification. There would be little or no tendency to plan
activities which would not reach fruition until the distant future.
The future would be vague and indefinite and, hence, be of little
importance in the motivation of the individual. The proverb, "a bird
in the hand is worth two in the bush". would typify such an orienta.
tion.

Longer time perspectives would result in lengthened sequences of
need and gratification. There would be a much greater likelihood of
making plans dating further into the future. Furthermore. there would
be increased ability to foresee the future consequences of present
actions.

One basic assumption of this study is that when presented with
a relatively unstructured situation, individuals tend to project their
own idiosyncratic interpretations and viewpoints onto the ambiguous
stimulus. Since this is the basis for all work with projective tech—

niques, it seems that this assumption is Justified in the present study.

Review of the Literature

Basic to the development of stable time perspectives is the prior
development of some degree of mastery of time concepts. As Friedman (12)
has pointed out,

it is impossible for’s child to comprehend plans for 'next week'
or 'next month' until he understands. at least in a general way.
the accepted meanings of these calendarbtime divisions.

Certain workers believe there is a physiological basis for the
perception of time and, ultimately, time perspectives. hackensie,
Munsterberg, and'Hoagland, as reported by Bean (9), believe that time
perception is based on rhythmical physiological processes. with res-
piration as most important. Schilder (20) seems to agree with this
formulation. Another biologically oriented worker. Du Nouy (8) has
proposed that the acquisition of time concepts is nativistic and
primarily determined by the biological functioning of the individual.

Arieti (2) discusses the psychological future as composed of two
processes. expectancy and anticipation.

By (immediate) expectation is meant the capacity of the subject

to anticipate certain events while a certain external stimulue

is present . . . By (distant) anticipation. instead. the capacity

to foresee or predict future events, even when there are no ex-

ternal events.
He posits a neural basis for anticipation and believes this is a
frontal lobe function. He states that distant anticipation is found
only in humans while expectancy. awareness of the future in the pres-
ence of stimuli, is found as low on the phylogenetic scale as the
cryfish. In this regard, he seems to suggest that ontogenetic develop-

ment tends to parallel the phylogenetic sequence.

 

h

Freeman and Watts (11) also imply a physiological basis for the
development of time perspectives, stating that prefrontal lobotomy
frequently results in ”an apparent inability to foresee accurately
the results of a series of planned acts as they relate to the indi-
vidual himself.”

The psychoanalysts, as represented by Bergler and Roheim (5),
seem to consider both physiological functioning and the individual'e
experience as important in the development of time perception. The
physiological functioning provides the basis for the experience of
time. Perception of time is a function of the reality principal and
hence, is under the control of the ego. which in turn, is under the
influence of the super-ego. Since the super-ego develops with the
experiences of the individual. these experiences play a part in the
development of time perception.

host investigators in this area conceive of time concepts and
perceptions as resulting from the individual‘s experiences. Babcock (3)
states “time is a concept firived from experience." Friedman (12)
studied the development of time concepts in school children and he
believes that learning. not physiological functioning. is the basis
for the development of time perception as well as time concepts. In
regard to this learning he says

To a large extent the time concepts of the child develop inde-

pendently of organized school instruction. When the child starts

to school. he already possesses a fund of ideas. which develops
steadily with maturity.

tIarrisou (13) also found mastery of time concepts developing concur-

rently with increased maturity. Golden and Sturt (18) state that

5
knowledge of conventional time begins at approximately age four and
that concepts of time are mature at the age of thirteen. Piaget (19)
has integrated his findings regarding the development of time concepts
into the same framework Lwth which he explains the development of
thought, Judgsent and causality. He believes the child is at first
egocentric, but with added experience, the child acquires a more ~~
socialized and cooperative concept of time. Eson (9. p. 1h) reports
I'wide individual variations in this process of acquiring the broader
conceptions of time continuum."

In contrast to the above mentioned work on the mastery of con-
cepts of time and the perception of the passage of time. relatively
little has been done in the area of time perspectives. In a study
of children from one and ones-half to eidxt years of age, Amos (1)
found that between 18 and 2“ months. the child lives primarily in
the present but begins to develop a very small projection into the
future. By the age of three, he has developed perspectives of past,
present and future, with greater enphasis on future than past. At
the age of eight, the child is capable of dealing with extremes of
time span.

Lewin (15) feels that this developmental process is not concluded
as early as Amos indicates. He states, “The increase of life exper-
ience in regard to the time dimension contimes into adulthood. Plans
expand farther into the future. and activities of increasingly longer
duration are organized as one unit.” ‘l‘o Levin (16). the way the indi-

vidual views his future is important motivationally. He points out

6
that a positive future orientation tends to expand the individual's
felt life-space in a temporal dimension. while a negative orientation,
on the other hand. tends to have constricting effects. Levin main-
tains an individual is likely to be future-oriented if he feels that
a highly valued goal is accessible to him, while a belief that the
goal is beyond his reach will tend to produce a present-orientation.

The social milieu in which the individual lives will also in—
fluence his future perspective. Levin mentions that in an autocratic
group the future is decided and structured by the leader and a person
in this type of group tends to be oriented toward the present. being
concerned only with immediate actions to reach imnediate goals. In
a democratic group, however, the individual is instrumental in struc-
turing the future, hence tends to be future-oriented.

Various authors have described the behavioral differences be-
tween members of the different social classes. For example. they
point out that members of lower class groups are less likely to post-
pone gratifications in favor of future gain than are members of middle
class groups. In describing the socialization process. Davis (6) sug-
gests that the class culture largely determines the extent and kind
of future orientation for a given adolescent. He says, "With regard
to a great many goals, what is rewarding to a middle class adolescent
is not at all so to a lower class adolescent." Frank (10) also sug-
gests that

Whole social classes my be described by the time perspectives
that dominate their lives as revealed in the range of their plan-

ning. their prudential calculations. their forethought. their
abstinence. and so on.

7
Davis and Dollard (7, p. 267). speaking of the tendency of lower class
families to use physical force in discipline, state that
It seems clear . . . that a child cannot be trained in this fas-
hion to undergo the long periods of renunciation which the middle
class ideal of socialization demands of him. If a parent wishes
to teach a child to save money, he must not only try to prevent
him from buying candy or a toy whenever the impulse seizes him,
but he must also constantly tell him what more desirable object
he will‘be able to buy in the distant future with his savings.
This gratification.must not be postponed indefinitely but must occas-
ionally be reinforced by allowing the child to spend part of his
savings for something he wants. This training is not found in.the
lower classes. Therefore, the lower class adolescent. according to
Davis and Bollard (7. p. 268).
knows. by seeing and being a part of life in his position. that
he is not going to be rewarded if he is a 'good little boy', if
he leaves girls alone. or if he studies his lessons. The long.
range goals do not seem to be 'there' in his world; he does not
see other people in his class attaining them, or practicing the
behavior required of him, and.he feels his parents and teachers
are 'crazy’ when they demand it of him.

These sub-cultural differences in training methods miat result
in differences with regard to the felt importance of the future among
the various social classes. It was this question that Le Sham (1h)
attempted to investigate. His subjects were 7“ lower class and “3
middle class children. eight to ten years old. Stories were told in
response to the stimulus “Tell me a story”. The stories were scored
in terms of the length of time covered by the action of the stories.
Le Shan found statistically significant differences in the length of
time covered in the stories told by children of these to} social

classes, a chi-square test indicating that "the two groups were not

8
from the same population insofar as this variable was concerned.” Thus,
he substantiated his hypothesis that there are different time orien-

tations for different social classes.

THE IHVESTIGATION

Purpose

This study was designed to investigate the hypothesis that delin.
quanta would differ from non-delinquents in terms of their personal
time orientations. Hora specifically, it was believed that delinquents
would exhibit significantly'shorter projections into the future than
would non-delinquents. Since delinquency is characteristically ex-
pressed in behavior leading directly to immediate achievement of
desired goals. with little or no concern for the future consequences
of this behavior. the above hypothesis seamed reasonable. The number
of broad implications, to be discussed later. inherent in the problcs
of personal time orientations seemed to Justify the present investiga-

ti on.

Subjects

The experimental group in this study consisted of 26 delinquent
boys, ranging in age from 15 years 7 months to 17 years 11 months,
who had been committed to a state rehabilitational school by court
action. All had appeared before the courts at least four times and
21 had been committed previously. either to the state school or to
semi-private correctional schools. and were assigned to the living
unit reserved for recidivists. This group was chosen to avoid in-
cluding boys committed for very minor legal infractions or the few

non-delinquents included in the populations

10

The control group, consisting of 26 boys known to have no history
of court appearances. ranging in age from in years ten months to 18
years four months, were chosen from a small high school. They were
not chosen on the basis of individual matching with the experimental
group but by attempting to select subjects within both the IQ and
age ranges of the experimental group. Because the population from
which.the control group was chosen was not large enough to permit
the realization of both these aims. it was necessary to include a
someihat rider age range. Since this group included.all the members
of the population within these ranges, the possibility of biasing
the sample in terms of the other equating variables was reduced. The
other variables considered important to equate were academdc achieve-
ment and cools-economic status. Le Shan (1%) has already shown the
significance of socio—economic status as a variable. It was believed
that academic achievement mdght have a bearing on any verbal taskzand
should also be controlled in the present study. Therefore. the two
groups were approximately equated for age. sex, IQ, academic achieve-
ment, and socio-economic status.

As mentioned.ahove, the control group had a somewhat wider age
range than did the experimental group. However, the means were ap-
proximately equal, the mean age of the delinquent group being 16 years
eight months and the control group 16 years nine months. Hean IQ of
the experimental group was 91.9 with a standard deviation of 3.33.
while the mean IQ of the control group was 92.1 with a standard de-

viation of 3.27.

11

To control for academic achievement, Stanford Achievement Test
(Intermediate Form D) scores were obtained from the records of the
delinquent boys and the same test was administered to the control
group. The experimental group mean was 6.07 and the control group
mean was 6.3“, in terms of grade scores. Standard deviations were
2.35 and 2.20 respectively. These differences were not statistically
significant.

The Index of Status Characteristics. as developed by Warner.
Escher and Belle (21). was used,despite certain criticisms of the
method, to equate for socio-economic status. Rith this technique.
occupation. source of income, type of dwelling and dwelling area are
assigned weighted scores. The weighted scores are added and the
total is used to determine socio-economic status. In both.groups,
this information.was obtained from the school records and checked‘by
direct interviewing of the subjects. Mean total status score values
for the experimental and control groups were 62.2 and 61.6 respectively
and the standard deviations were 3.2 and h.0. This difference is
statistically insignificant. the ratio of the difference to its stand-
ard error being only 0.58. To the extent to which the Earner scale
is an adequate measure. the two groups were essentially the same inso-
far as socio-economic status is concerned. the average of both being
approximately at the dividing line between upper-lower and lower-lower
social class. Therefore, there were no significant differences be-
tween the groups on the equated variables, age, IQ, academic achieve-
ment, and socio-economic status. The results of the iuated variables

are summarized in Table 1 following.

12

Table l

VEAHS LFD STANDARD DEVIATIOHS
OF EQUA'I‘ED VARIABLES

W

 

 

 

Delinquents fi fi Control s
u so u so t
Age 16-8 6.75 mo. 16.9 10.3 mo. .3h
IQ 91.9 3.33 92.1 3.27 .21
Achiev't. 6.07 2.35 6.144 2.20 .57
Status 62.2 3.2 61.6 the .58m
Procedure

To investigate the span of future time orientation, a projective
method was utilized, similar to that used by Le Shan (1h). This form
of test was selected because of the absence of any standardized test
purporting to measure this variable and because it was believed that
only in a projective device is the subject completely free to exhibit
his own orientation. Since the stimulus in this sort of a procedure
is relatively unstructured. the subject. by necessity. must project
onto it his own personal view of the world.

a preliminary trial. with other subjects, showed that the members
of the delinquent population were unable, or at least unwilling. to
respond to the instructions given by Le Shem. “Tell me a story”. There-
fore, it was necessary to use a stimulus which was somewhat more
structured than that of Le Shan. After considerable trial. a stimlus
was adopted which was ambiguous enough to allow a marked degree of
personal projection, while making it easier for the subjects to respond.

As finally adopted. the standard instructions were as follows:

13
I want to see wlmt kind of a story you can tell. I'll start a
story and then let you finish it any way you want to. You can
make it any find of story you wish. Let's see how good a story
you can tell. I'll start it now. 'About 3:00 o'clock one bright,
sunny afternoon in May, two boys were walking along a street
near the edge of town.' 240w you start there and finish the story
any way you want to.

In response to these verbal instructions, stories were obtained
from all subjects of both groups. The stories were recorded stenc-
graphically or on a sound-disk recorder. from which they were written
out in full.

In the many instances in which a specific time interval was men-
tioned by the subject in telling the story. no inquiry was made. If
no definite time or time interval was included in the verbalisation,
an inquiry was made following the end of the story. The standard
question asked was “Bow long was this from the start of the story?“
In this way it was possible to score the stories in terms of specific
time intervals dating from 3:00 o'clock, since this time was included
in the stimulus as given by the examiner.

After all were collected, the stories were assigned score values
depending on the length of time covered by the action of the story.
To avoid the overlapping categories reported by Le Sham, somewhat
different classes were chosen. The scoring categories used were as
follows:

1 -- Under one hour

2 .. One hour or more but less than five hours
.- Five hours or more but less than twelve hours
-- Twelve hours or more but less than one week

5 .- One week or more but less than three months
6 -- Three months or more.

1%

Thus each story was given a score from one to six, as determined by
the length of time covered by the action of the story.

To establish the reliability of the scoring, the stories were
scored independently by the experimenter and two other judges, both
of whom were graduate students in psychology. The percentage of
agreement of the three independent judgnents was used as mindice-

tion of the degree of reliability of scoring.

RESULTS

Before computing the significance of the difference obtained in
the stories of the two groups. the reliability of the scoring of the
stories was checked. This was done, as was mentioned above, by com-
puting the percentage of agreement of three independent judgnents.
Since an inquiry was made immediately following any story that did not
include reference to a specific time interval or time of ending. it
was expected that there would be a high degree of easement among the
three judges. When computed, the results showed one hmdred percent
agreement, indicating a high degee of reliability of scoring the
stories.

The two groups did differ as to the number of stories in each of

the scoring categories. The distributions are summarised in Table 2.

Table 2

NUHBER AND PERCENT OF STORIES
Iii RAGE SGOBIIIG CATEGORY

 

-——_V v ,1

 

 

 

 

 

‘ Delinquents _ W Controls
fiScore W ho. t N . 1

1 6 23.0 o ‘0

2 6 23.0 6 23.0

a 11 15.14 9 3 .6
s 30.8 3 11.6

5 l 3.9 b 23.0

6 1 3.9 2 7-8

W W Total 26 100.0% 26 100.0%

 

The experimental group had a mean story score of 2.81 and a

standard deviation of 1.37. The control group mean was 3.58 and the

16

standard deviation was 1.27. The t-ratio of the difference between
the means was 2.08, which shows significance beyond the five percent
level of confidence on a two-tail test, with 23+ degrees of freedom.
This indicates that differences between means of the magnitude of 0.77,
as obtained here. could occur by chance less than five times in one
hundred similar samples. This probability justifies the belief that
the two groups are actually different in their respective time orien-
tations.

Since means are subject to distortion by extreme scores, it was
felt that a t-ratio of differences between means would not adequately
represent the actual differences between the two groups. Therefore,

'_ a chi-square test was also applied to the data. With five degrees

of freedom, the obtained chi-square of 1h.10 was significant beyond
the two percent level of confidence. Thus the two groups were not

from the same population insofar as the variable in question. time

orientation. is concerned.

The variables used to equate the two groups, age, 10, and achieve-
ment, were correlated with the story scores. None of these correla.

tions differed significantly from zero. as is shown in Table 3.

Tabl e 3

COEFFICIENTS OP CORRELATION 0? STORY
SCORES WITH EQUATED VARIABLES

 

 

Delinquents Controls
‘86 -s 0 e02
IQ e03 e05

Achiev't. -.06 .ot

 

17
lI'hese statistically insignificant correlation coefficients indicate
that there is little or no relationship between age, IQ or academic
achievement and time orientation as measured by the projective method
used in this study.

Gontent differences in the stories of the two groups were marked.
Of the 26 members of the delinquent group. 15 presented stories with
crime themes or unhappy endings. In the control group. on the other
hand, there was only one story regarding crime and three others with
unhappy outcomes. A

Both groups included a few stories that indicated a high degree
of personal projection. These particular stories started with the
heroes referred to in the third person. but as the stories progressed
there was a shift from the third person to the first person. Instead
of continuing to speak of "they" or I'he". the terms 'we" or 'I“ were
used. A few samples of these stories are included in the Appendix.
Although these stories were few in number. their occurrence seems to
indicate that it is possible to obtain considerable personal projec-

tion in response to a stimulus like that used in the present study.

DISCUSSIOH

The content differences and the shifts from third to first per-
son, as mentioned above, were considered important in showing that the
story completion technique used here was actually a projective device
as the term is currently employed. in Murray (17. p. xii) points out,
in regard to projective tests.

Thus we are dealing. in most cases, not with a real coggitive
projection (of the Freudian type). or even with a pseudo-cogni-
tive projection, but with an igginative projection . . . Thus
comon practice has extended the Freudian concept so that it now
includes imaginative, make-believe projections of constituents
that are unrepressed and conscious, and of constituents that are
acceptable or even admirable to the subject . . . A simplifica-
tion that has clarified the problem of definition for me is
this: Projective techniques are ways of stimulating the imagine-
tion. of evoking and exposing single images. fantasies or inter-
actions. and dramatic improvisations.
According to this formulation, the story completion method, as used
in the present study, is a true projective technique. The readiness
with which the subjects of this study responded to this sort of pro-
cedure and the degree of projection evoked suggest that further work

with the method might be fruitful.

i'he degree of projection evoked also tends to justify the use of
the technique to investigate time orientations. Since the subject is
forced to structure the situation in terms of his own perception of
the world. and since his perception of the world is inevitably influ-
enced to some extent by his time orientation. it seems very likely
that his orientation will be reflected in his projections: the stories
he tells.

19

The results obtained in this study indicate that delinquents
tend to have a shorter span of future orientation then do comparable
non.delinquents. Generalization of this difference to dllinquents in
general depends. of course. on the adequacy of the matching. ‘Enis
finding offers no evidence of causality. 0n the basis of findings to
date, one would not be justified in stating that a short personal time
orientation is important in the direct causation of delinquent behavior.
However, the concomitance does suggest certain speculations in this
regard. in individual with a particularly short future orientation
would not have learned to act in terms of more distant future rewards.
As he Sham mentioned. "this orientation in a world that is primarily
run on longer sequences might well produce conflicts, failures and re-
sulting hostility.“ It seems possible that the conflicts and hostility
might, in turn, result in delinquent and antic-social behavior. Such
an individual might be thought of as rebelling against a social milieu
which is organised on a basis different from that on which his own
life is organised. This study does not establish this causal connec-
tion but further work on this question might prove fruitful.

Another implication of differences in time orientations in de-
linquents and non-delinquents concerns the area of prevention. is Le
Shan said. “It my well be that in order to control delinquency it
will be necessary first to change the time orientation of the delin.
quents.” To the author's knowledge, little is known regarding methods
of changing time perspectives. It might be possible to effect changes
in time orientations during the formal education of the child. Teach.

ers and parents might achieve this through some system of progressively

20
delayed rewards. However, much work.mnst be done before this would
be practical. It would be necessary first to ascertain the extent of
future orientation optimal for adequate social adjustment. The degree
to which an individual’s orientation is amenable to change would also
need to be investigated.

A number of other topics for research in.the area of time orien—
tations might prove fruitful. For example, cross-sectional studies,
testing different age groups, to determine the course of development
of time perspectives might provide information now lacking. The
stability of an individual'e orientation.might be investigated by
longitudinal methods, such as repeated testing. The implications of
tune perspectives in the area of prognosis in psychotherapy have not
been investigated experimentally. c. R. Rogers, according to Eson.
(9. p. 128), believes that, “the effectiveness of therapy.may be
measured in tonne of the cutest to which the subJect ceases to empha-
size the past and show an interest in the future." Ruralfiurban and
race differences are other questions which might be investigated.

Certain criticisms of the present study might be made. For in.
stance. the possibility of rural-urban differences was not considered
at the beginning of the study. hence no attempt was made to control
this factor. However. when checked later the two groups were found
to be quite similar in.this respect. The delinquent group included
1‘ boys from urban and 10 from rural areas while the control group was
composed of 1% from urban and 12 from rural homes. Since the two groups
were so similar, any rural-urban differences would probably influence

the two groups approximately equally. Hence, this does not seem to be

a -‘ m““fi-‘ 'AA‘A‘ ‘_ fit- ‘I f’A-‘A- ‘---—.I ‘_ LL. - -L-- 3--

"mm 1-. ____ A ..._ 5 J... 4.4.. *1‘4 Aax._u—A-_.a- A

Ah-l- Ah ‘— Ls‘L-AIM. AAA-‘-

 

SUMMARY

A group of 26 delinquent boys was equated with 26 non-delinquents
in terms of age, IQ, acaduoic achievanent and socio-econcmic status.
Stories were obtained from all subjects in response to verbal instruc-
tions which included the beginning of the story. The stories were
recorded and then scored in six categories in terms of the length of
time covered by the action of the stories. The reliability of the
scoring was checked by computing the percent of agreement of three
independent Judgnents and found to be very high. A two-tail t-test of
the difference between story score means showed significance at the
five percent level of confidence. It chi-square test showed differences
statistically significant at the two percent level of confidence.
Thus, the delinquent group in this study showed shorter spans of

future time orientation than did the non-delinquent group.

1.

10.

ll.

12.

13e

. 1b..

,. 15.

F. HERB}! CBS

Amos, Louise. The development of the sense of time in the young
child. g, Genetic szcho;.. 19kb, 68. 97-125.

Arieti, S. The processes of expectation and anticipation. .1.
nerv. meat. 323?. l9h7, 106, “71-981.

Babcock, Harriet. Time and the Mind. Cambridge: Sci-Art Pub-
lishers. 19h1.

Batesdn, G. Cultural determinants of personality. In Hunt, J.
McV. (Ed.), Personality and the Behavior Disorders. New York:
Ronald Press, 19%“, vol. 2. pp. 719-735.

Bergler, E. and Hoheim G. Psychology of time perception.
Pszchoanal. Quart., 19h6. 15. 190-206.

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Bavis, A. and Bollard, J. Children of Bondage. Washington:
American Council on Education, 1990.

du Bony, P. L. Biological Time. Kev York: Macmillan 00., 1937.

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Unpublished Ph. D. Thesis, University of Chicago, 1951.

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23

16. Levin, K. Resolving Social Conflicts. New York: Harper and
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»—--17. Hurray. H. A. Forward. In Anderson, R. H. and Anderson, 9. L.
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APPENDIX
Sample Stories

Sublect 1: “Well, one's name was Bill and the other was Bob. They
were going to a track meet. They were making a bet as to which team
would win, Central or North. Bob said his team would win 'cus they
were all varsity -- all seniors - while Central had some sophomores
on their squad. Bill said age didn't matter - size and endurance are
what count and North outsised Central. They arrived at the stadium
Just in time to meet the rest of the guys as they pulled up in a hot
red. as had a discussion as to whether to pay or go in the usual way
-- over the wall. Bill figured they better pay while the rest figured
they'd go over the wall. He held Jiggers while the rest went over so
nobody got caught. Later as the meet got started I found Bob to be
right .. that Horth was better than Central. But as the meet ended
about two hours later. Bill stuck to the argument that it was their

capabilities, not the ages, which made them.the better team.“

SubJect gg. ”Walking aling'when suddenly they seen a sudden car '
crash. These two cars were going along and one had craehed into the
other. A man was laying on.the street, so quickly they ran to the
nearest phone booth across the street and called the police and told
them what happened. Then I went back to see what I could do. There
was nothing for me to do so I Just waited till the police came. They
thanked me and congratulated me. Then about two weeks later after the

man who was injured got out of the hospital. he gave the two boys a

“in. rnrnpa-”

25
Subject iggg ”The two boys were walking along the street and picked
up six other guys and went to the soft ball field and had a game.
They played all afternoon and then went home and got cleaned up.
They all made an agreement to go to a show that night. So we all met
after supper and we all went to a show and didn‘t get home till about

9:30."

Subgect ll, "They was wanted by the cops and Just then a cop car
spotted 'em. The cops Jumqed out and tbld the boys to stop shore they
were. But the boys thought they could get away and started to run and

the cops shot 'sm both. 50 crime doesn't pay."

. Subject lg, “They spot a nice car and take it and go to the next town.
They meet some girls and things. About three hours later they run out
of money so Jim said. 'Jee, we gotta get some money to finish the night
with these girls and get this car hack.' So Joe said, 'That's right -
let's go to that next store and rob it.’ So they went in the store and
there was three ladies and one man in there buying groceries. One of
the ladies pulled out a big roll of money to pay for her groceries and
Jim spotted it. He told Joe. 'We'll snatch her purse when she leaves.‘
One boy bought a candy bar and they both left the store to wait for the
lady. The lady lived about four blocks from.the store and in about
five minutes she come by wdth her groceries. They snatched.her purse
and ran around the corner and Jumped in the car. The lady told the
police and they were picked up ten minutes later in the stolen car.

That's the end of that sad story."

CIH GAN STnTE UNIV.

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