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Pease has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph . D. degree in Agricultural Economics .H’? W Major profes Date JUIL'”; I98L MS U is an Aflimau’vc Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771 MSU RETURNING MATERIALS: Place in book drop to remove this checkout from LIBRARIES _ ~ your record. FINES w1ll be charged if book is returned after the date stamped below. ém£1/;f‘jl p.193» . MULTIPLE OBJECTIVE DECISION SUPPORT FOR FARM mGERS BY James N . Pease A DI SSERTATI EN Submitted to ‘ Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Agricultural Economics 1986 ”8‘. 7 .5)‘ 1,7 , MUM MUTE} (var. ~‘7r‘ '“W'nf’ ml}! Kant _ . ,, HQWFKJ “’5 V) ‘ .. '3 m — .au. '4. ”NH I m“ o. T» "H‘CIDP U‘nx' "F'*f:*sc-:) ti meek-13 :5 w.» -.'.~.'.’(1:V.'.e' "ME for dosnp 9‘ .~ t’fll' t ‘r v_ I a in. (”I »‘K§"ul'._‘:l"$. 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I 7 g-fle‘mu cite «eunu- e0 “Rivera‘s” elm teteeecttve mmm “it M“ {M M ABSTRACT MULTIPLE OBJECTIVE DECISION SUPPORT FOR FARM MANAGERS BY James N. Pease The principal issue addressed in this study is the conceptual framework for design of effective decision aids for farm managers. The concept of decision support emphasizes the design of tools which extend human capacities, aiding documented weaknesses in decision making while supporting intuitive human abilities. Rationalist and Behavioraiist paradigms differ with respect to the role of human cognition, acceptable research context and procedures, and the operational objectives of decision research. Behavioral researchers have documented common violations of rationalist assumptions. These violations reflect the limited information processing capacity of the human cognitive system, which is characterized by selective perception, serial processing of data, limited computational capacity, limited short term memory and dependence on context variables. This study outlines certain areas of decision support which permit limited integration of the two perspectives, and the impact of characteristics of and interactions between decision situations, decision makers and decision tools. Behavioral research has emphasized the importance of multiple objectives in management decisions. Interactive multiple criteria decision making (MCDM) procedures offer the prospect for integrating optimization procedures with evaluation of decision prospects along multiple dimensions. interactive Multiple Goal Programming (IMGP) is James N. Pease selected as a technique promising such a synthesis, and a decision aid for support of land rental decisions of cash grain operators was designed and implemented. Risk and return objectives were modeled as competing objectives in the Goal-directed Search Model (GOALDIR). Elicitation procedures were designed to obtain data for farm-specific application of the aid, including probability elicitation. Preliminary field testing of the aid indicated that: i. Elicitation procedures to obtain farm-specific data may be unacceptable because they consume considerable amounts of the manager’s time. 2. The probability elicitation procedure used is feasible, but its reliability is untested. 3. Subjects found graphic representations easier to interpret than numeric data. 4. Subjects found explicit consideration of multiple objectives reasonable, but were confused by optimization procedures. A decision support research agenda is proposed to investigate elements of synthesis between behavioral and rationalist principles. Particular benefits are seen from integration with respect to probability elicitation, preference relationships, decision rules and graphical representations. Frameworks for evaluation must be developed to accelerate progress in decision aid design. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS For their guidance and assistance, I wish to thank the members of my thesis committee: Roy Black, Al Shapley, Ralph Hepp, Harold Riley and Carl Liedholm. I am especially grateful to my major professors: to Roy Black, who pushed and pulled and prompted throughout the whole research process, and to Al Shapley, who always gave good advice and friendship. Finally, the traditional acknowledgement to one’s spouse seems inadequate when the spouse has also gone through the same long process. Judy, we survived. TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES-IIIIOIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIlllllIIIllv LIST OF FIGURES-ee-Inlelolllleleulel'lllelllllleeeee-eeevi Chantal: PA: I. INTRODUCTION 1.1 Motivation of the Study........................1 1.2 An Evolutionary Approach to Decision Support Research and Design............................2 Ii. PARADIGMS OF DECISION MAKING 2.1 introduction...................................6 2 2 Management and Decision Making.................6 2 3 The Rationalist Perspective...................11 2.4 The Behavioralist Perspective.................15 2 5 Observed Errors in Decision Making............21 2 6 The Rationalist Reply.........................30 2 7 Some Elements of a Framework for Integration..38 2.7.1 Preferences............................4O 2.7.2 Probabilities..........................4i 2.7.3 The Limits of Logic....................42 2.7.4 Feedback and Learning..................43 III. DECISION AIDS 3.1 Introduction..................................45 Aids for the Decision Process.................46 Characteristics of Decisions..................51 Characteristics of Decision Makers............55 Characteristics of Decision Aids..............58 Consequences of Decision Aids.................69 @0000 . IV. E . A ”Nu-t 6‘]wa IPLE CRITERIA DECISICN TECiNIDUES Introduction..................................78 Multiple Objectives in Agricultural Research..79 Multiple Criteria Decision Making: History and Classification............................83 Mathematical Formulation of Multiple Objective Techniques..........................89 4.4.1 The Method of Geoffrion................97 4.4.2 The Method of Zionts and Halienius.....98 4.4.3 The Method of Steur...................100 & A... I. iii V. 4.5 4.4.4 The Method of Nijkamp and Spronk......102 Selection of a Multiobjective Technique......187 A MULTIPLE OBJECTIVE DECISION AID UIUIUI .1 .2 .3 .4 .5 6 UIUIUI 5.7 Introduction.................................111 Advantages of IMGP ..........................112 IMPG Consistency with Decision-theoretic Principles...................................118 An Example IMGP Formulation..................125 Land Rental Decisions........................131 Modeling the Decision Problem................136 5.6.1 Assumptions...........................136 6 2 The Mathematical Model................137 6 3 Data Elicitation......................144 .6.4 Matrix Generator......................150 6 5 6 6 LP So‘verllll III-III. ll IIII'III IIIIIII16° Goal-directed Solution Display PrograMeae II I II... II I I II III I l I ll IIIIII162 UIUIUIUIUI Preliminary Empirical Evaluation.............i67 5.7.1 Interview of First Agent..............168 5.7.2 Interview of Second Agent.............171 5.7.3 Interview of Third Agent..............173 5.7.4 Interview of First Operator...........175 5.7.5 Interview of Second Operator..........179 5.7.6 General Observations..................180 VI. CONCLUSIONS AND PROPOSED RESEARCH AGENDA 6.1 Introduction.................................183 6.2 Conclusions from the Literature..............183 6.3 Conclusions from Model Development...........186 6.4 Conclusions from Field Testing...............188 6.4.1 The Rental Decision...................188 6.4.2 Data Elicitation......................189 6.4.3 Multiple Objectives and Optimization..i92 6.4.4 Context of Management Assistance......196 6.5 Elements of a Decision Support Research Agenda.......................................197 6.5.1 Probability Elicitation...............198 6.5.2 Preferences...........................200 6.5.3 Solution Procedures...................203 6.5.4 Graphics..............................208 6.5.5 Evaluation............................210 Appendix A A. GOALDIR MODEL VARIABLES AND EOUATIONS.............213 8. SPREADSHEET TEMPLATES FOR GOALDIR DATA ELICITATION NTIH PROTOCOLS FOR YIELD AND PRICE ELICITATION....218 C. PASCAL PROGRAM LISTING--MULTIVARIATE NORMAL mom NmBER GmEmTORIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII229 iv LIST OF TABLES Lam Ban 5.1 Risk and Return Solutions, Kennedy/Francisco ProbIMIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII125 5.2 Estimated Yield Correlations, Major Crops.........139 5.3 Estimated Price Correlations, Major Crops.........140 5.4 Yield Penalty Matrix for Untimely Field omr‘tion’ IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII141 5.5 Percentage Points Required to Dry Corn for Different Planting/Harvest Periods................142 5.6 Estimated Field Hours Available for Planting and Harvesting Operations, East Lansing...........143 5.? Yield Penalty Matrix for Untimely Field M.ti°nslIllllIIIIIIII-IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII157 LIST OF FIGURES Email: 133 5.1 Functional Relationship Between a Preference Function (f) and One Objective Function (g).......113 5.2 Utility Function with cl-t Risk...................124 5.3 Risk-Return Efficient Solutions, Kennedy and Francisco PPODIMIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIllIIIIIIII127 5.4 Best (b) and Horse (w) Objective Function Values for Three Steps of the IMGP Solution Process, Kennedy and Francisco Problem...........138 5.5 Information Flow in Goaldir Decision Aid..........145 5.6 Monitor Displays of Hypothetical Conviction Heights and Implied Probabilites..................151 5.7 Best/Horst Solution Values of Risk and Return, Goal-Directed SEBPCI‘l Program.-...............-....I64 5.8 Activities Implied by Current Solution, Goal-Directed Search Program......................165 5.9 Summary of Risk/Return Values for Previous Steps, Goal-Directed Search Program...............166 8.1 Land Elicitation Template.........................222 8.2 Variable Cost Elicitation Template--Screen 1......223 3.3 Variable Cost Elicitation Template--Screen 2......224 8.4 Yield Probability Elicitation Template--Screen 1..225 B.5 Yield Probability Elicitation Template—-Screen 2..226 B.6 Yield Probability Elicitation Template--Screen 1..227 8.7 Yield Probability Elicitation Template--Screen 2..228 vi CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION I-IWQLUQ! This research has evolved from a concern that the apparently boundless optimism with which many agriculturalists view new developments in decision theory and computer technology ignores fundamental gaps in knowledge of management decision processes. The set of formal principles which economists have developed and utilized with some success for prediction of aggregate variables and for prescriptions for economic policy may be an insufficient basis for advice to individual farm managers. Although there is little concrete evidence to evaluate the impacts of training in decision-theoretic principles, such impacts are not immediately obvious to an observer of farm manager behavior. One reaction to managers’ slow adoption of sophisticated decision techniques is to impugn the vision and judgement of farm operators. Managers are ’stubborn’, 'fixed in their ways’, or ’don’t know what is in their best interest’. A contrasting perspective is adopted in this research. There is intelligence and purpose in most decisions of farm operators. The obstacles to better decisions are to be found principally in poor understanding of current decision processes and of managers’ perceived constraints and objectives. If more careful attention is paid to these factors, and conceptual frameworks and 2 operational techniques are modified accordingly, progress in decision support techniques for farm managers can be expected. A related motivation for the research is concern for the role of computer technology in support of farm management decision making. Automation of many management functions is currently feasible with extremely fast and powerful electronic technology, and some agriculturalists contend that computerization brings unambiguous benefits for farm businesses and families. The position taken here is that computers and humans each have relative advantages for some operations and types of decisions. Efforts should be devoted to description of decision processes, determination of relative strengths and weaknesses of humans and computers in different types of decisions and assistance for managers to extend their capabilities with decision tools which may or may not include computer technology. The overriding motivation of such a perspective is to support manager decision making, not displace it. 1.2 An v lut'onar A roach to D ' n Su r Re ea ch a d e i n The current study does not follow the traditional research pattern of problem definition, literature review, model development, empirical testing. The ’problem’ examined here is the design of effective decision tools for farm managers. The research approach is that variously described in the decision support literature as ’evolutionary’, ’adaptive’ or ’iterative’ design. The objective of this approach is not a polished, finished decision aid, but development of an aid which embodies promising concepts of decision support, and which can be expeditiously implemented, evaluated and reformulated on the basis of research experience. The principal 3 objective of aid development is not analysis of model solutions, but analysis of concepts and techniques which integrate conceptual frameworks of decision making, which may be isolated and more rigorously tested, and which open new avenues for applied decision research. The current orientation for decision research is not derived from a single theoretical perspective. No single discipline provides an adequate basis for management decision support research. Instead, a synthesis of elements from contrasting perspectives are sought. Two competing paradigms of decision making are defined and investigated in Chapter 2, and their relative advantages for supporting individual decision makers are discussed. The research literature of the two camps (not surprisingly) emphasizes the importance of different concepts and methodologies for describing decision processes. Issues which are particularly emphasized by the school defined as ’rationalist’ are optimization, quantification and the conceptual distinction between preferences and beliefs. Particularly emphasized by the contrasting ’behavioral’ school are limited cognitive information processing capacity, multiple preferences and aspirations in decisions, the practical limits of rational decision making and the importance of feedback and learning. Issues which are generally accepted as equally important in both paradigms include the assumption of fixed preferences (at least as an operational construct for research) and the quantification of beliefs as probabilities. Both decision paradigms are primarily concerned with unaided individual decision making. An applied research perspective of decision support has developed (concurrently with improvements in 4 computer technology) which contends that computer-based aids can improve decisions. Some researchers have focused their investigations on the computer tools themselves, with relatively little attention to individual characteristics of users. Other researchers contend that individual problem-solving style is an important determinant of success in decision aid usage. Chapter 3 examine the relatively new and unstructured literature on the interaction between characteristics of decisions, individuals and aids. To synthesize and operationalize the decision concepts of the contrasting paradigms, a third body of literature is examined in Chapter 4. Given the relative emphasis on optimization procedures by one school and on multiple objectives by the other, multiple objective mathematical models are examined that use conditional optimization for solution search. Interactive methods which iterate towards solutions preferred by the decision maker in response to articulated preference information are shown to operationalize many concepts from both paradigms of decision making. One multiple objective technique, the interactive Multiple Goal Programming (IMGP) method, promises considerable flexibility for such integration. To evaluate the feasibility of this technique for implementation as a real time microcomputer decision aid, a decision problem was sought which is perceived by farm operators as important to their business, for which many operators may desire assistance, and which is characterized by multiple attributes or objectives (see Chapter 4). The cropland rental decision for cash grain farms was indicated by operators at extension meetings as important, and was chosen for aid development. The consequences of financial stress in the cash grain 5 sector have included a more active land rental market (as some farmers have liquidated their holdings) and a desire for more careful consideration of existing and potential rental agreements. Many operators must improve their revenues to relieve debt burden or compensate for lower government support, but are hesitant to make risky rental decisions which could jeopardize their financial viability. The risk and return preferences of managers can be modeled as distinct objectives in a decision aid implementation of the IMGP technique. Although certain problems could be foreseen with this implementation (such as the effect of rotation cycles and the ’lumpiness’ of rental decisions), the principal characteristics desired for a case study of decision aid design were satisfied. Chapter 5 documents development and field testing of the goal-directed search (GOALDIR) decision aid. . The final chapter completes a cycle of the evolutionary approach to decision support research. Principal conclusions from the dispersed literature of decision theory, decision support and multiple criteria modeling, from the model development and from the field testing are discussed. The decision support research agenda described in the final section constitutes the last phase of the current research cycle (and the first phase of the next). CHAPTER II PARADIB‘tS OF DECISICN WING 2.1 intrgduction Kuhn defines a paradigm as a set of '. . . universally recognized scientific achievements that for a time provide model problems and solutions to a community of practioners.‘ (1970: viii) A paradigm is thus a professionally acceptable network of concepts, theories and methods used to investigate a certain body of phenomena. The following chapter first examines the empirical and conceptual relationship between management and decision making, and proceeds to describe and analyze two contrasting research paradigms with respect to the phenomenon of individual decision making. Each paradigm offers different evidence concerning decision making ability and particular approaches to aiding decision makers. The paradigms generally do not take into account the insights offered by the other perspective. The chapter concludes with a short discussion of some elements which may provide a basis for integration of the two perspectives at the level of individual decision support. 2.2 Managgment and Desision Making ‘ What is farm management? Initially, a clear distinction must be made between the ggactigg of farm management (as an empirical phenomenon) and the 352g! of farm management (as a conceptual perspective of the phenomenon). The former connotation pertains to the actual behavior of farm operators, while the latter pertains to 6 the analysis of empirical phenomena through the lens of a research paradigm. Researchers sometimes do not clearly distinguish between the practice of farm management (what is) and their particular disciplinary and logical perspective of ’correct’ management (what ghguld be). For example, textbooks on the subject often define farm management as '. . . the subdivision of economics which considers the allocation of limited resources within the individual farm..' (Heady and Jensen 1954: 6). A definition of farm management more closely corresponding to the practice of farm management is given by Dillon. Farm management is: The process by which resources and situations are manipulated by the farm manager in trying, with less than full information, to achieve his goals. (Dillon 1980: 258) Several important elements should be noted in this definition. First, farm management is clearly defined as a process, with no specified beginning or end. The definition emphasizes that managers act with incomplete information about the current state of the system managed, about functional relationships and possibly about the satisfaction which can be expected from actions. Finally, the indication that farm managers may attempt to achieve goals other than profit maximization illustrates that a multi-dimensional perspective may be necessary to model farmers’ decisions. This definition makes the generalization that a single person decides and executes managerial actions, an assumption which has become progressively less tenable as farm spouses and other family members provide more input to both routine and strategic management decisions. The goals sought by the management group may thus be a less than perfectly reconciled set of personal and interpersonal preferences. What distinguishes ’management’ from ’decision making’? Conceptually and empirically, management performs functions extending beyond the reflective and anticipatory role of making decisions. A typical conceptual framework of management functions is given by Johnson and Halter (1961): 1. Problem definition 2. Observation 3. Analysis 4. Decision 5. Execution 6. Responsibility bearing Decision making as conceptualized includes at least the analysis and decision functions, and may be defined to include as well the problem definition and observation functions. Many researchers equate ‘ management with decision making. Johnson states, 'Hhile all of the managerial functions depend on each other, the decision function is so crucial that management is sometimes referred to as decision-making.‘ (1977: 18) A prominent text on decision analysis (Anderson et al. 1977) does not mention management in its index. Management functions, however, include execution and control processes not generally considered within conceptual frameworks of decision making or decision research experiments. Although clearly acknowledging the critical importance of all management functions in the farm firm, this study is limited to analysis of individual decision making. The general conceptual scheme of decision functions accepted here is the widely recognized framework of Simon (1965), who identifies the following phases of decision making: 1. Problem identification. In this stage, the decision maker may progress from a vague sense of dissatisfaction concerning the present situation with respect to preferences, to an identification of the source of dissatisfaction and causal linkages to other elements of the current situation. 2. Qgsigg. In this stage, the decision maker is involved in generation of alternative actions which may be both feasible and promise to change the current state to another thought to better satisfy preferences. 3. fingigg. Alternative actions are compared either against each other or against some criteria, and an alternative may be chosen. ' There are several competing paradigms of decision research, each with differing theoretical foundations, research methods and research objectives. The two schools of thought examined here are alternative treatments of the same phenomena, and may be labeled the Rationalist and the figngvigralist schools of thought. Other terms used in the literature for the rationalist school include decision-theoretic, normative, prescriptive and axiomatic. The behavioralist school is also sometimes called empiricist or descriptive. Most of these terms carry more emotive than descriptive meaning, and the labels are used here without endorsing any such connotations. Both approaches examine the efficiency with which means are utilized to reach goals, and accept the positivist or conditionally 1B normative view that nothing scientific can be said about questions of intrinsic goodness or badness of goals. No intrinsic preference is attached to means, and both tend to regard goals or preferences as fixed for purposes of the research, although behavioral research is at least open to examinations of the dynamics of preference (March 1978). The contrasting perspectives are both theories of ’innocent’ decision making, disregarding any influence of other people’s preferences in the decision maker’s choice process. They attempt to extract individual decision makers from the social structures, organizations or groups within which most decisions are actually made. in general, the common research focus of these perspectives is goal-seeking behavior or means-ends analysis (Checkland 1985). The approaches differ principally with respect to the role of human cognition, acceptable research context and procedures, and the operational objectives of decision research. Behavioralist investigators place the structure and mechanisms of cognition at the center of decision research, while rationalist investigators do not attempt to probe unseen cognitive processes. Research methods encouraged and acceptable within one framework are unlikely to receive acceptance within the other. By describing actual decision processes in considerable contextual detail, behavioral research attempts to induce general principles of how decisions are made. Rationalist research, on the other hand, applies logical principles to a broad range of decision types and contexts with the objective of predicting or prescribing decisions. The following sections describe the two perspectives in more detail and examine issues of dispute. 2.3 The Rationalist Perspectivg Rationalist decision research seeks to describe, predict or prescribe the choice of an optimal alternative from a set of alternatives. Decision makers are assumed to have an internally consistent ordering of preferences whereby outcomes can be compared in terms of subjective value and a decision rule by which a preferred alternative-consequence can be selected. On the basis of known preferences and expectations, the decision maker examines alternatives and their consequences in view of perceived constraints, orders the consequences in terms of their subjective worth, and selects the best alternative. Choices which conform to a minimal set of logical assumptions are formally representable in a real-valued function of preference relations. There is no explicit treatment in the theory of a process whereby alternatives are developed or discovered and their consequences determined, how probabilities are formulated, or how preferences themselves are established or modified. The appeal of rationalist models of decision making is principally their consistency with rules of logic, their parsimony and generality in depicting decision situations, and their prescriptive value in generating solutions in accordance with the measured values and preferences of decision makers. Research is driven by what Blaug (1980) calls a ’hypothetico-deductive method’, in which theoretical implications generate hypotheses which are then tested empirically. Rationalist models are principally outcome-oriented, evaluated by their logical consistency and comparison of empirical results with the calculated ’best’ solution. The process of individual decision making consists of implementation of the logical process, with no explicit 12 regard for what might be called ’intuitive’ human decision processes. The primary purposes of rationalist research, therefore, are prediction of actions by assumedly rational decision makers and prescription of actions which gngglg be chosen by a decision maker with given preferences. Prediction may be limited to decisions of aggregate or of ’representative’ decision makers. There is relatively little emphasis on the descriptive validity of the theory; that is, whether the theory reasonably describes any particular decision making process and how actual decisions may conflict with those suggested by the theory. Indeed, one perspective within the rationalist school contends that it is irrelevant whether decision makers consciously follow the logical processes implied by rationalist assumptions, only that the decision is made ’as if’ they understood logical principles (Friedman and Savage 1948). Modern rationalist decision theory, with origins in the Bernoulli concept of utility, constitutes an attempt to formalize human decision processes in non-deterministic environments. If the environment is considered deterministic and preferences are fixed (as in the static theory of economics), there is no ’decision’ in the normal sense of the term. Instead, measurement of known alternative-outcome pairs and comparison against the individual’s preference structure suffices to predict actions. The first formal set of axioms linking probability and utility was developed by von Neumann and Morgenstern (1944) as the Expected Utility Hypothesis (EUH). The EUH is based upon the assumptions that: 1) individuals have a stable and consistent set of preferences (evaluative judgements about the world); 2) individuals have a consistent set of expectations about events (predictive 13 judgements); and 3) preferences and expectations are independent (no wishful thinking). (Hogarth 1980) The following are logical axioms underlying the Expected Utility Hypothesis: 1' Orgering: All pairs of alternatives can be compared by either a preference relation or an indifference relation. For any risky outcomes A and 8, individuals will consider A preferred to B, 8 preferred to A, or will be indifferent between A and B. Transitivitz: Preference relations are transitive across alternative-outcome pairs. If A is preferred to B, and B is preferred to C, then A is preferred to C. Continuity: If transitivity applies across three alternatives, then for some unique probability (p), an individual will be indifferent between choices of the intermediate outcome with probability p on the one hand, and an exhaustive probability mixture of the most and least preferred outcomes (weighted by p and i-p) on the other hand. If A is preferred to B, which is in turn preferred to C, then there exists some probability p such that the individual is indifferent between piB and (phA f (1-p)XC). lgggpgnggggg: Pairwise preference for risky outcomes is not affected by identical probability or outcome changes in the original outcomes. If A is preferred to 8, then (piA f (1- p)!C) is preferred to (pia f (1-p)!C), where C is some other outcome. (Schoemaker 1982) 14 The representation of beliefs or expectations for both repetitive and unique events in a manner consistent with mathematical probability is also presumed in EUH and in all of rationalist theory. The work of Ramsey (1931) and DeFinetti (1937) developed the concept of personal or subjective probability. These beliefs are purely subjective, based upon any experience, rules of thumb, historical data or other factors which the decision maker wishes to use to develop expectations. Such expectations expressed quantitatively as probabilities, however, are required to conform to the criterion of coherence (Savage 1954). This requires that the quantitative expression of beliefs (subjective probabilities) are mutually exclusive and exhaustive, and that assessments of disjunctive and conjunctive events conform to the addition, product and equivalence rules. Subjective probabilities are not required to agree with any external standards of likelihood or expectation, but they are expected to express the individuals’s degree of belief that particular events will occur. it bears repeating that subjective probabilities must be independent of preferences for outcomes. Although rationalist theory does not indicate how expectations are or should be formulated, it does state that dynamic revision of probability estimates upon receipt of new information should be carried out in a manner consistent with Bayes’ Theorem. This theorem presents a logical framework to predict or prescribe probability revision. Generally, it states that the new probability estimate (expectation or belief) that a particular outcome will occur should equal the product of the prior probability estimate times the likelihood that the new information is correct, the result being 15 normalized between 8 and 1. Bayes’ Theorem does not indicate how information of less than complete reliability should be treated, nor how information should be utilized which is not expressed as a probability. Although not strictly required by the EUH, utility functions are usually considered uni-dimensional, with the single argument of wealth or income. In some cases, however, a multi-argument utility function is assumed, but all arguments other than income or wealth are assumed to be held constant. In response to observed anomalies in decision making, the rationalist approach has been extended to Multiple Attribute Utility (MAU), functions with multiple, incommensurable preferences. This will be discussed below as one aspect of the response to behavioralist criticisms. 2.4 Thg Behgvigraligt Perspective Normative models gain their generality and power by ignoring content in favor of structure and thus treat problems out of context. However, content gives meaning to tasks and this should not be ignored in trying to predict and evaluate behavior. (Einhorn and Hogarth 1981: 61) The focus of behavioral decision research is the decision process itself, that is, the strategies used to select, combine or alter information and reach decisions within specific types of decision contexts. Since cognition is unobservable, research efforts center on the observable selection of information from the environment, which may reveal characteristics of the decision process. Principal issues investigated include assessment of uncertainty and expectations assessment of uncertainty and expectations (Hogarth 1988), decision rules (Svenson 1983), information search (Bettman and Jacoby 1975) and multiple attributes or objectives (Fishburn 1978). In addition, much 16 behavioral research has involved comparison of the performance of human decision makers against the implications of rationalist assumptions, and has raised important questions about observed discrepancies. Behavioral decision models stress the multiplicity and ambiguity of goals and the inconsistency of judgements resulting from inherent limitations on human ability to perceive, combine and evaluate information about the decision situation. Humans, it is argued, make frequent and systematic errors in assessment of expectations and logical operations, and apply rules which generate sub-optimal solutions. Behavioral decision theory is much less formalized and more empirically based than its rationalist counterpart. It is constructed rather more on the inferences of past research results than on the implications of a formal theoretical framework. Development of behavioral decision theory can reasonably be said to have occurred in parallel and in reaction to developments in rationalist theory. Most behavioral research attempts to construct a more realistic descriptive model of how limited human memory and computational capability interact with complexities of the decision problem and its context. The decision makers in behavioral models lack some of the relevant knowledge; they may, in addition, fail to make use of some of the knowledge which they do have, or to which they at least have access. Their problems are incompletely structured, and the variables of interest are incompletely specified. (Loasby, 1976) The behavioralist approach stems principally from the seminal work of Herbert Simon and his colleagues. Although the behavioralist argument has deepened and extended to areas not initially contemplated, the cornerstone of the framework is that humans are not 17 capable of the cognitive operations implied by the rationalist perspective. All decision making is behavior within cognitive constraints. Simon (1976) contends that humans can be viewed as limited capacity information processing systems. The cognitive processing equipment is basically serial in organization, that is, it can handle only one operation at a time, and solution requires a large number of operations. The analogy to a computer is made explicit: Man and computer can both recognize symbols (patterns), store symbols, copy symbols, compare symbols for identity, and output symbols. These processes seem to be the fundamental concepts of thinking as they are of computation. (Simon 1976: 71) The minimal components of a general information processing system are: 1. Memories containing discrete symbols 2. Receptors for sensing the environment 3. A set of primitive operators which interpret sensory input and transform memory contents 4. A set of rules which combine operators and memories to generate whole programs for information processing. Therefore, a valid explanation of an observed behavior consists of an external (to the individual) program of data, rules and operators which reproduces the observed behavior. (Newell et al. 1958) The principal functional characteristics of the human information processing system are: 1. Selective perception or limited attention. For example, Hogarth (1988) reports it has been estimated humans perceive only 1/78th of the contents of the visual field at a time. 18 2. Sequential processing of data. The mechanisms of the cognitive system operate serially, performing only one function at a time. 3. Limited computational capacity. The system has only limited capability to perform numerical functions. 4. Limited short term memory. Miller (1956) concludes that humans can retain in active memory only five to nine ’chunks’ of information. 5. Dependence on context variables. Through experience, humans construct mental patterns of co-occuring variables. They use these patterns to select information in decision situations characterized by little direct information about the decision variables. These information and computational restrictions limit both the number of alternatives that can be simultaneously considered and the amount and accuracy of information that is actually considered in the decision situation. As a response to cognitive information processing limitations and overwhelming information input from the environment, humans employ functional processes such as sequential and selective attention to stimuli and to one’s own goals, ’efficient forgetting’ of information, dependence on information from the context of a problem, and cognitively simple decision rules (’rules of thumb’ or heuristics).' Application of these procedures in many situations (even relatively simple ones) will result in decisions which are sub-optimal when compared to rationalist models. Simon points out the severe cognitive demands on the human decision maker or ’organism’ implied by rationalist models: 19 The organism must be able to attach definite payoffs (or at least a definite range of payoffs) to each possible outcome. This, of course, involves also the ability to specify the exact nature of the outcomes-~there is no room in the scheme for ’unanticipated consequences’. The payoffs must be completely ordered--it must always be possible to specify, in a consistent way, that one outcome is better than, as good as, or worse than any other. And, if the certainty or probabilistic rules are employed, either the outcomes of particular alternatives must be known with certainty or at least it must be possible to attach definite probabilities to outcomes. (Simon 1979: 10) Because of information processing constraints, decision makers seldom search all the possible alternatives for the optimal solution. Instead, alternatives are searched until one is found that is ’good enough’ according to the decision maker’s preferences. This ’satisfycing’ principle is probably the best known of the concepts associated with behavioral theory. Behavioral researchers do not attempt to depict the human decision maker as cognitively handicapped. Human decision making has many strengths which may never be matched by mechanical devices. Very complex problems can be solved even though they are not completely understood. Intuition and creativity are certainly strong points of cognition. Situations in which rational procedures are inappropriate also come to mind. If decisions are required quickly or if the decision is of limited importance, logical considerations may be too costly. Humans often do the best they can, forming interpretations based upon experience when faced with decisions in which preferences, information, constraints and possible alternatives all may be ill- defined. Further, simple rules of thumb may in many cases generate solutions which are not substantially different from optimizing solutions. 28 Decision researchers who investigate biases in human information processing argue that biases reveal much about the psychological processes that govern decision making. In addition, research on biases indicates which principles of rationalist decision making are counter-intuitive or ’unnatural’, and suggests procedures which might improve the quality of decision making. Recent developments in behavioral research have criticized the information processing approach as inadequately representing decision processes. Most of these developments have implications far beyond the limited problem solving orientation of Simon’s framework. Certain research suggests that choice may precede search and evaluation, that is, action and feedback are sometimes substituted for classical decision making (March and Olsen 1976). Personal decision habits have also been studied in a wide range of cognitive style studies. This research emphasizes inherent tendencies by individuals to approach decisions in a certain manner rather than the information processing emphasis on cognitive capacity (Keen 1978). Neisser (1963) contends that the sequential processing concept of the information processing framework is the result of an inappropriate analogy of human to computer processing. The concepts of short term and long term memory have also been challenged (Glass et al. 1979). Another broad area of behavioral research includes cognitive schemas or scripts, which are coherent sequences of events expected by the individual on the basis of past experience (Abelson 1976). Many of these developments do not imply willful choice or goal-seeking behavior in the same sense as 21 information processing or rational choice models, and will not be pursued here I. 2.5 Obgerveg Errors in Decision Making A primary issue of behavioral research has been evaluation of humans’ ability to estimate uncertainty in terms of probabilities. Subjective probabilities are quantitative expressions which reflect the individual’s degree of belief about an event (Ramsey 1931). Expression of beliefs as probabilities provides an interpersonal language for expressing uncertainty, and through the probability calculus allows analysis of the logical relationships between uncertain events. It is not appropriate to assume that individuals carry around a complete set of probability distributions in their minds. Instead, a set of vaguely formulated beliefs are combined with information from memory and information from the environment to give a probability estimate. Obviously issues of probability elicitation methods cannot be separated from issues of belief formation and use in decision making. Of particular concern is whether probability elicitation methods provide a valid representation of beliefs and whether probabilities are stable, consistent and in accord with the rules of probability. The principal objectives of most behavioralist studies of probabilistic judgements has been to compare behavior to that implied by logical axioms and to determine how underlying cognitive processes are affected by the interactions between the decision characteristics For a discussion of these developments in cognitive science, see Gardner 1985). 22 and cognitive limitations of the decision maker. Hundreds of experiments have been carried out with non-expert and experts in laboratory settingsl. The performance of non-expert subjects in laboratory settings tends to show that '. . . man is not a good statistician.I (Keen 1977: 45) In simple tasks, such as estimating repetitive series like drawing white or black balls from an urn, people seem to judge probabilities fairly well (Peterson and Beach 1967). However, in research involving unique events in which relative frequency has less meaning, people tend to perform very poorly (Lichtenstein et al. 1977). in particular, people tend to be overconfident in their probability assessments, ignoring such factors as sample size (Tversky and Kahneman 1971), regression towards the mean (Kahneman and Tversky 1973) and the reliability of their data base (Peterson 1973). People also seem to have a very poor intuitive sense of variation and covariation (Kahneman and Tversky 1972). Individuals tend to overestimate the probability of conjunctive events and underestimate the probability of disjunctive events (Bar-Hillel 1973). Individuals tend to recall their predictions as better than was the case (Fischoff and Beyth 1975) and seem to retain memory for successes while forgetting failures (Langer and Roth 1975). A substantial body of research has been dedicated to comparison between Bayesian probability estimates and estimates given by research subjects in experimental tasks. Edwards (1968) termed humans For reviews of this extensive literature, see Spetzler and Stael von Holstein 1975, Lichtenstein et al. 1982 or Nailsten 1983. 23 ‘conservative Bayesians’ from the results of his studies, which showed that individuals underweight new information. On the other hand, a considerable number of experiments have found that individuals often ignore prior probabilities in favor of new information (Tversky and Kahneman 1980). The errors in Bayesian tasks have led most behavioralist researchers to conclude that '. . . in his evaluation of evidence, man is apparently not a conservative Bayesian: he is not a Bayesian at all.‘' (Kahneman et al. 1982). The evidence is less pessimistic in studies with experts (persons who have substantive knowledge of the topic or with training in probability theory). These studies have included subjects such as weather forecasters (Murphy and Ninkler 1977), physicians (Lusten 1977), psychologists (Beenen 1970), security analysts (Bartos 1969) and military intelligence officers (Johnson 1977). Given outcome feedback, experience with probabilities, substantive knowledge about the topic and a reliable elicitation technique, experts can provide relatively accurate probability estimates (Nailsten and Budescu 1983). Performance in the absence of one or more of these elements may not be better than that of non-experts. Behavioral researchers have investigated the cognitive sources of biases in probabilistic judgements. Because of information processing limitations, decision makers use simple rules of thumb or heuristics to estimate likelihood. The three heuristics described by Tversky and Kahneman (1982) are the best known: 1. Rgpggsentgtivenesg. This concerns a judgement whether event A belongs to set 8. Using this heuristic, the degree to which the ‘essential’ characteristics of A are 24 representative of set B determines the degree of belief (probability) that A belongs to B. This rule can explain some errors in probability assessments such as Bayesian errors, insensitivity to sample size, misconceptions of randomness or of regressiveness, and overconfidence. Anderson et al. (1977) gives an example of a farmer who judges a current short dry spell as representative of the beginning of a past drought, ignoring the prior or historical probability of drought in the area. Avgilapilitz. Using this rule for judging uncertainty, the frequency of an event is estimated by how easily similar events can be recalled. If two events occur simultaneously, an illusory sense of correlation may develop due to this rule. For example, a farmer’s judgement of the incidence of mechanical failure among tractors of a particular brand could be unduly influenced by a neighbor’s bad experience with that brand. Anghorigg gpg Adjugtment. This heuristic concerns the tendency of individuals to make estimates based on some ‘natural’ anchor point. Subsequent adjustments from that point based on information from the decision environment is often insufficient from the perspective of rationalist choice. This rule may cause errors in revision of probabilities or of probabilities for disjunctive and conjunctive events. An example might be estimation of next year’s yield by taking this year’s figure and adjusting it by some percentage. 25 A second important area of behavioral research has been the choice rules used by subjects to edit the set of alternatives and choose a preferred solution. Considerable research and casual observation indicates that decision makers commonly make choices based upon processing of information about multiple dimensions of alternative actions. Choice rules can be categorized as compensatory or non-compensatory. Compensatory rules permit tradeoffs between dimensions or attributes of alternatives, while non-compensatory rules do not. Among non-compensatory rules are included: 1. Qppjunctive rules. Alternatives which do not have satisfactory levels of any attribute are eliminated. 2. Qigjgngtive rules. Alternatives are evaluated only on their best attribute. 3. Lgxicographic rples. Attributes are hierarchically ordered in importance, and alternatives are evaluated sequentially down the hierarchy, with choice being made as soon as one alternative has a better value than any other on a higher ordered attribute. 4. Elimination by aspects. Using this rule, attributes are selected randomly and alternatives that do not have the characteristic are eliminated. The process continues until only one alternative remains. (Hogarth 1980) Compensatory rules include simple linear formulations reflecting relative weights of importance and scale values of the attributes (Hogarth 1980). Another rule is the ’ideal point’ rule, in which alternatives are evaluated by their proximity to ideal values of the various attributes or dimensions (Zeleny 1982). A further choice rule 26 uses the principle of dominance to eliminate all alternatives except those which have better values of one attribute. Non-compensatory rules are much easier to apply in most choice situations characterized by incomplete data, incommensurable dimensions, information overload, time pressures and large numbers of alternatives (Slovic et al. 1977). However, choice may sub-optimal when evaluated in a utility context. Subjects may use many different rules in a multi-stage decision process, with non-compensatory rules at initial stages and compensatory rules for a reduced set of alternatives. Prediction of the type of decision problem and context which evoke a particular rule has been problematic. Schoemaker (1982) reviews some of the most notable experiments demonstrating violations of rationalist principles. In one of the first behavioralist experiments, Mosteller and Nogee (1951) found that subjects would change preferences during deterministic and stochastic repeated choice tests. Tversky (1969) also illustrated systematic violations of transitivity in deterministic and stochastic choice. Lichtenstein and Slovic (1971) conducted experiments in which subjects were asked to select a preferred gamble and to name certainty equivalents between gambles. In many cases, the preferred gamble was seen to have a lower certainty equivalent than other gambles. Kahneman and Tversky (1979) are among many behavioralist researchers who have replicated Allais’ paradox of the following form: 27 (2.1) Problem 1: p= .10 $5 million / A [J p= .89 $1 million 8 [1 pH 1.0 $1 million \ p- .01 80 Problem 2: p! .10 $5 million p- .11 $1 million / / C [I D [I \ \ p= .90 30 p. .89 S0 A large majority of subjects choose 8 over A, but C over D. Since the second problem is formulated by subtracting a $1 million outcome of probability= .89 from A and 8, the experiment clearly shows choice inconsistent with rationalist theory. Outcomes with certainty seem to be weighted more heavily than outcomes which are merely probable. The experiment has been replicated many times with probabilities and payoffs much less extreme than those above. Responding to the criticism that subjects would not commit such errors if they understood rational decision making principles, Slovic and Tversky (1974) explained the error to violators. A large proportion of such violators would not agree to change their choice. Subjects demonstrated persistent violations of continuity and transitivity in experiments conducted by Coombs (1975). In these tests of the EUH, nearly half the subjects incorrectly ordered three lotteries in which one was a probability mixture of the other two (implying that its preference should be intermediate). In addition, many researchers have documented examples of choice situations in which different representations of formally identical problems 28 affected choice. In these experiments (Kahneman and Tversky 1979), individuals demonstrated risk averse or risk preferring behavior depending whether identical options were presented as gains or losses. Regarding choices as either gains or losses seems to serve as an editing procedure for decision processes which operate in ways which violate rationalist axioms. Reported biases of EUH principles also result from unreliable elicitation procedures. Hershey et al. (1982) present a comprehensive review of utility assessment procedures and discussion of sources of bias observed in experiments. They conclude that confounding effects of the measurement process and the problem context cast doubt on practical applications of the EUH. Kahneman and Tversky (1979) have developed an alternative theory of individual decision making under risk, called prospect theory. This model describes two phases of decision processes, consisting of an initial editing phases and a subsequent phase of evaluation. The coding phase consists of coding (evaluating outcomes as gains or losses), combination (combining probabilities of identical outcomes), segregation (separating risky and riskless components) and cancellation (discarding components shared by alternatives). Many anomalies of preference can be satisfactorily represented with these editing procedures. The evaluative phase of prospect theory resembles utility theory, in that the components include a value function, an expectation, and a compensatory rule. The value function differs from a utility function in that it is defined on deviations from a reference point, it is concave for gains and convex for losses, and it is steeper for losses than gains. The expectation weights are based 29 on probabilities, but typically do not sum to unity and small probabilities are overweighted. Although this theory presents a significant attempt to reconcile rationalist theory and behavioralist observations, there has been little additional research using prospect theory as a conceptual framework. A critical and as yet unanswered question involves the ‘reasonableness’ of using probability and choice rules which violate rationalist principles. In most everyday situations, individuals would seem to be foolish to carry out an extensive rational decision process. Simple rules may also be necessary in decisions made under time pressures or when the situation itself is not well defined or understood. If these intuitive rules are functional in many circumstances, how could ‘switching rules’ be developed which indicate when the intuitive rules are likely to cause errors and when rationalist rules should be used? Another important question is whether utilization of particular decision rules is under the individual’s cognitive control. If the mechanism which calls these rules is sub-attentional or automatic, then the prospective for helping individuals recognize decisions in which these rules are likely to cause errors and to correct those errors is not bright. As noted above, a persistent finding of behavioral decision research is that individuals evaluate attributes (or characteristics) of alternatives rather than determining preference for each alternative in a holistic manner. Since values of attributes are often subjectively determined, this implies innumerable operational problems for uni-dimensional decision theory. Indeed, this single discovery has sparked the entire field of rationalist Multiple 30 Attribute Utility theory, with the expressed aim of determining utility preferences for incommensurable attributes. Behavioral researchers have indicated that adding more arguments to the individual utility function may resolve many of the preference inconsistencies observed in their decision experiments. 2.6 The Rationalist Rgply Rationalist researchers have strenuously defended their own perspective. One response to behavioral criticism by rationalist decision researchers has been to discount the quality of research which indicates violations of theoretical principles. After three decades of experiments, this argument no longer seems tenable. At least as careful attention to experimental methods has been demonstrated in behavioral research as in problem-oriented rationalist research. Many results have been replicated in various settings with different types of decision makers. For example, the Allais paradox has been replicated many times by researchers such as Kahneman and Tversky (1979) and Ellsberg (1961). A related criticism concerns the experimental subjects and controls of behavioral research, which is said to involve trivial, artificial choices with naive, disinterested subjects. It is the contention of rationalist researchers that savvy decision makers presented with realistic incentives would not commit such errors. However, this position is not substantiated by evidence from carefully designed experiments. As noted above, subjects sometimes refuse to change their ’irrational’ choices even after researchers explain their errors (Slovic and Tversky 1974). Grether (1980) found evidence supporting the representativeness heuristic and resulting biases in an 31 experiment testing Bayesian estimation, even though monetary incentives were provided to subjects. Grether and Plott replicated an experiment showing preference inconsistencies, controlling for a wide Variety of economic, psychological and experimental method effects. Despite their controls, they concluded '. . . the preference reversal phenomenon which is inconsistent with the traditional statement of preferences remains.‘ (1979: 634). Preference reversals and probability assessment errors have also been observed in laboratory environments with expert subjects. Slavic et al. (1977) cite several such research experiments. Trained psychologists were observed to disregard sample size in probability assessments (Tversky and Kahneman 1971). A naive strategy of predicting closing prices for selected stocks was better than predictions of stock market experts (Stael von Holstein 1972). Psychology graduate students made no better decisions in their areas of expertise than in areas of general knowledge (Lichtenstein and Fischoff 1976) . The validity of laboratory experiment results for predicting behavior in non-laboratory decisions is sometimes criticized. Ebbesen and Konecni (1980) contend that results are very specific to simple laboratory decision problems, pecauge of the observed use of sub- optimal strategies. They base this contention on results of their own study of decisions in real situations (eg. setting of bail, driving a car), which indicates that real-world decisions involve many more factors related in complex patterns than do laboratory problems. Ebbesen and Konecni contend that: 32 There is considerable evidence to suggest that the external validity of decision making research that relies on laboratory simulations of real world decision problems is low . . . Researchers should provide external validity evidence for claims that causal models derived from laboratory data apply to decisions in real-world settings. (1980: 42—43) There is also some non-laboratory collaboration of behavioralist results. Gamblers pursued sub-optimal strategies in on-site casino experiments (Bond 1974). Kunreuther et al. (1978) interviewed homeowners in flood plains and earthquake zones to determine whether their disaster insurance decisions were in accord with utility theory. One-half the samples had no knowledge of disaster insurance. They found that approximately one-third of the remaining homeowners did not act in conformity with expected utility optimization. Apparently homeowners did not perceive the hazard in the same manner as expected by policy makers. Researchers in psychology and education were seen to regularly design experiments with inadequate statistical power, reflecting the same errors as experts in laboratory experiments (Cohen 1962). A classic case of such bias was reported in Berkson et al. (1940), which showed that instructors of laboratory technicians demanded more accuracy in blood cell counts than was possible given sampling variation. Another response to the behavioralist critique has been to broaden the scope of rationalist theory. One argument includes the ‘cognitive costs’ of decisions (Shugan 1980). Observed ‘biases’ appear to violate rationality principles because the experiments do not consider the ‘cost of thinking’. This notion recognizes cognitive constraints and yet preserves the concept of rationality. It would appear, however, that the cognitive cost perspective runs counter to the concept of bounded rationality, since it imposes an additional 33 stage of cost/benefit analysis on decision making (marginal analysis of additional ‘decision investments’). In addition, it should be noted that this makes a substantial part of rationalist theory untestable and unfalsifiable, and does not suggest any feasible way to improve decisions. The cognitive cost position is also related to the principle of ‘meta-rationality’. Toda (1988) points out that people make ‘meta- decisions’ in order to avoid the necessity of making a unique decision in each future occasion. A cognitive control mechanism will monitor and adapt rules which are persistently dysfunctional. In other words, people are ‘global maximizers’ with local inconsistencies (Elster 1979). Also related are concepts of adaptive rationality (Day and Groves 1975) and evolutionary rationality (Nelson and Hinter 1973). If people are adaptively rational, plus preferences and the environment are stable over some period, then behavior will tend to approach the behavior postulated in individuai ‘calculated rationality’ models. Evolutionary rationality, like adaptive rationality, emphasizes the intelligence of decisions in relation to the social or economic system. Rules of behavior achieve intelligence not by virtue of conscious calculation of their rationality by current role players but by virtue of the survival and growth of social institutions in which such rules are followed and such roles are performed (March 1978: 593). However, such concepts as systemic and adaptive rationality or cognitive cost, unlike individual ‘calculated’ rationality, do not provide a basis for understanding behavior as a consequence of pre- established preferences. Such a re-definition of rationality also 34 '. . . pays the cost of destroying the practical relevance of normative prescriptions for choice.‘ (March 1978: 597). A positivist perspective concerning the behavioralist critique is to dispute the relevance of experiments to test the descriptive validity of rationalist axioms. it is only necessary that individuals act ‘as if’ they understood the actual principles (i.e. only predictive power Justifies a model) or that individual biases will average out in the aggregate (only macro-rationality matters). The predictive superiority of EUH models, however, has not been fully substantiated (Robison i982), and the notion that only predictive power matters is ‘epistemologically unappealing’ (Samuelson 1963). This perspective also allows no grounds for aiding management decision making. Some rationalist research has explored the possibility of modifying those requirements of rational decision theories which seem to be the cause of observed preference reversals. The independence axiom has received particular attention. Machina (1982) develops a version of the Expected Utility axioms without the independence axiom. As noted by Robison (1982), this reformulation explains some preference inconsistencies, but makes expected utility only a local measure of preference. Application of the EUH axioms is not theoretically restricted to single argument utility functions, although utility defined on the single argument of wealth or income has been the norm. Efforts have been directed during the past two decades to extend the rationalist approach to decision making with multiple preferences. Adapting the theory to account for multi-argument utility is relatively 35 straightforward, but formulation of testable hypotheses and operational elicitation techniques has proved extremely difficult. Theoretical and applied research has concentrated on conditions necessary for decomposition of a multiple argument utility function into a series of single dimension functions which can be assessed with uni-dimensional methods and then aggregated together to provide a global measure of utility. The most common approach is to assume that multiple argument utility functions are additively separable. Even if the separability conditions are not strictly satisfied, Yntema and Torgerson (1967) show that main effects are usually much more important than interaction effects. This indicates that the ordering of alternatives may not be affected by ignoring interactions. Operational techniques have been developed to test separability conditions and elicit utilities, but restriction to primarily riskless choice situations and the expense and complexity of elicitation have limited broader use of the techniques. Hultiattribute utility formulations are often developed as descriptions/explanations of behavioral inconsistencies with uni- dimensional utility models defined over income or wealth. Bell proposed a utility function formulation defined over two attributes, income or wealth and ex post decision regret. The latter attribute consists of '. . . the difference between the value of the outcome that occurred and the value of the outcome that would have occurred had the other alternative been selected.‘ (1980: 29-38) Bell shows how this formulation can be used to explain a wide range of observed preference reversal phenomena, such as the Allais and Ellsberg paradoxes. This formulation, it should be noted, makes utility 36 measurements much more bound to the context of any particular decision, as do formulations which regard preference as defined over gains and losses rather than over final asset position. The strong theoretical ties to utility theory and the committment to dealing with the realistic complexity of decision structure make multiattribute decision analysis very attractive, its operational problems notwithstanding. This type of analysis '. . . tend(s) to blur the distinction between descriptive and prescriptive theory.“ (Pitz, 1984: 157). The scope of its empirical applications includes complex problems with multiple objectives, alternatives with multiple attributes, intangible or incommensurable factors, extended time horizons and risk in various formulations. The operational base of multiple attribute formulations usually depends upon the decomposability of assessed utility functions, which introduces a level of complexity not found in single attribute utility models. A further response accepts the results which show that people commit systematic errors in decisions, and counters that behavioralist researchers should be in the forefront of developing educational techniques to correct observed errors and bring behavior into agreement with rationalist principles. However, if the cognitive limitations demonstrated by Simon and others are inherent in cognition, education efforts may not be effective. It also should be noted that decision makers recognize their decision procedures are not ’rational’ but persist in decision strategies which practically guarantee choices violating rationalist principles. March (1978) suggests that such persistent behavior suggests a form of intelligence. Actions can often be seen as reasonable if contextual 37 information about a decision is examined, even if logical procedures could not have generated the same decision. ’Reasonable’ decision practices require refinement (not replacement) by the techniques of choice theory. No alternative behaviorally-based theory exists which covers the broad range of phenomena treated in rationalist theory. As a ‘stalking horse’, the latter theory has been the focus of most behavioral research and has illuminated aspects of human decision making which have stimulated modifications in rationalist theory. Keen and Scott Morton state: Without the precision and formalism of rationalist theory, we would almost certainly have made less progress in developing descriptive insights; it has provided axioms to be challenged, hypotheses to be opposed by counterexamples, and a vocabulary that we need to use even to disagree with it. For example, the concept of consistent, absolute utility functions has been invaluable in all theories of decisionmaking, especially those that argue such functions are nonexistent. (1978: 65) Schoemaker (1982) notes that rationalist decision theory has been a ‘research heuristic’ which summarizes current scientific knowledge, encourages development of mathematical tools in ways which tend to have secondary benefits, and leads to unexpected hypotheses and applications. However, he also cautions that use of the closely related ‘rationality heuristic’ and ‘optimality heuristic’ leaves the scientist susceptible to biases of attribution (assuming that since optimality models fit natural data well that nature therefore optimizes), the illusion of explanation (allowing tautology to replace explanation), and the bias of searching for confirming rather than disconfirming evidence. 38 2.7 l t f P am k f nt r 'on This chapter has examined the issues of debate between two contrasting perspectives of individual decision making. Although many of their concepts and underlying purposes of research are similar, the perspectives have tended to develop as opposite poles of a dialectic, with little room for communication or compromise on issues of theory or operational methods. Yet a need exists for more coordinated development, using the results of one school for development of the other. As mentioned above, the behavioral school would certainly not have advanced so far if it had not used the rationalist model as a basis of its research. On the other hand, there seems little doubt that rationalist theory is partly inconsistent with what is known about real decision processes. Hultiattribute formulations form part of the rationalist response to new insights brought to light by behavioralist researchers, as do attempts to re-formulate utility theory in ways which explain preference inconsistencies. However, most concessions to the opposing perspective have been grudgingly made. The possibility for more active collaboration is not bright, due in some part to disciplinary intransigence. Each discipline tends to frame real world phenomena through its own conceptual lens, and with increasingly specialized tools and language. Thus there seems less possibility of integration at the disciplinary- theoretical level. However, as one moves to problems with empirical content, out of the constructed laboratory problems and out of the realm of hypothetical choices by naive subjects, there seems to be much more fruitful ground for integration. Researchers working with individual decision makers must help them to formulate problems from 39 what Ackoff (1974) calls ‘messes’, to focus and clarify their preferences and expectations, to generate alternatives and to select actions. Context, which has been shown to be critical in human decision making, cannot be reflected in axiomatic constructs. Therefore, in individual problem-oriented work, researchers seeking development of their discipline may find problems and solutions which do not correspond to the situation at hand. The complex and unique nature of individual problems requires concepts and techniques from many disciplinary perspectives, yet the very mechanism which drives disciplinary development may inhibit needed interdisciplinary research. The distinction made between prescriptive and descriptive research also inhibits development of processes to aid individual decision makers. A prescriptive model indicates what action ought to be taken only if the ‘small world’ of the model incorporates all the lcomplexity of the ‘large world’ of the decision maker. Few models can hope to capture more than a small part of the problem scope, the causal relationships or the preference/belief structure of particular individuals. we can hope that the optimal solution of the ‘small world’ model is a good solution to the ‘large world’ problem, but if the decision maker chooses not to follow such advice, the researcher should be more willing to question the model formulation that to impugn the intelligence of the decision maker. Such denigration of intelligence in real decision making is fostered by the ‘prescriptive research’ label. At the level of individual problem solving, the behavioralist perspective falters due to its tendency to see every situation as 40 unique, and its inability to categorize some decisions as better than others. The rationalist perspective falters due to its tendency to ignore context, to ignore human aspects of decision processes, and to make sharp distinctions between a single ‘optimal’ decision and all other ‘irrational’ decisions. A complete framework for integration of the opposing perspectives at this level is beyond the scope of the present research, but it seems possible to outline four areas where working agreement on principles and coordination of research could considerably increase our ability to improve decision making. They are: l) the structure of preferences, 2) the nature of expectations, 3) the limits of logic in human thought processes, and 4) improvement of decision making through feedback and learning. 2.7.1 Preferences The two perspectives tend to agree that the concept of a fixed preference structure is the only tractable framework for research on individual decision making (for an opposing viewpoint, see March 1978). However, it should be realized that in many situations preferences may be ill-defined and ambiguous, and that the decision maker may identify or refine preferences during the decision process. He should reflect the observed fact that decision makers desire multi- faceted outcomes from their actions, and that not all these outcomes are either easily measured or at all commensurable. Our models must reflect the observation that aspiration levels are formulated to avoid having to precisely define preferences, and that it is usually too difficult to evaluate choices in terms of final outcomes instead of gains and losses. And we must reflect that the most treasured preference of an individual is the desire for control over his/her own 41 decisions. There is intrinsic value in the decision process beyond the extrinsic value of outcomes. Therefore, the more control which the decisionmaker has in the solution of the ‘small world’ problem, the more likely that the corresponding action will be taken in the ‘large world’. 2.7.2 Probabilities This issue provides the best opportunity for collaboration between behavioralist and rationalist research. The logic of mathematical probability provides both a common language and an established set of operations with which we can express and evaluate our expectations about future events. Other than the requirement of coherence, however, the rationalist perspective considers probability formulation as an unobservable primitive. That is, there is no a priori basis for judging correctness of probability Judgements. Yet probability assessments can be wildly inaccurate even though they are precise expressions of belief. The most important factor which varies between individual choices in some situations may be differences in expectations rather than differences in preferences. Behavioralist research into the cognitive formulation of beliefs and the probability assessment errors to which humans are prone could aid the improvement of expectations. Nallsten and Budescu (1983) cite several examinations of probability elicitation techniques. As noted above, training, experience and feedback appear to be key elements in the ability of certain individuals to give accurate probability estimates. It appears that progress is being made to identify characteristics of 42 elicitation techniques which induce bias in probability encoding. Hogarth (1980) begins the difficult task of developing operational techniques to teach decision makers how to avoid bias in probability Judgements. He suggests that progress depends upon an understanding of the sources of biases and effective teaching of probability principles. Probability training methods could be developed with stress on those principles which are counter-intuitive. in many situations, improvements may be possible by confronting individuals with differences between their subjective probabilities and other ‘objective’ probability evidence. 2.7.3 The Limits of Logic A third area for integration is the recognition that there are bounds on the human ability to perform operations implied by rationalist decision theory, and yet humans make very good decisions in most circumstances. it should be recognized that '. . . human judgement is more limited than flawed..' (Hammond 1975: 76). There are significant limits to computational ability and short term memory retrieval and storage. But beings as limited as portrayed in many behavioralist experiments could not have built civilization and sent people to the moon. Humans have the ability to make judgements which are much too complex for computer models (imagine trying to program a robot to cross a busy street!). Our decision strategies serve us well, and we seem to recognize that in many cases too much rationality is unreasonable (Harschak 1975). Nonetheless, there are many situations in which our experiential or intuitive strategies fail us, and logical processes offer the best opportunity to improve decisions. Researchers and advisors should work with decision makers to identify 43 what are good but ‘irrational’ strategies, what are clearly identified reasoning errors, how to identify situations which are likely to stimulate these errors, and what reasoning mechanism can be substituted at acceptable cost to the decision maker. Rational choice researchers often attempt to replace the flawed judgement of the human decision maker with the ‘objective’ judgement of a dispassionate model. But only humans can attribute meaning and purpose to actions and consequences, and only they will have to bear responsibility for such actions. Therefore, we need to develop mechanisms to aid humans in overcoming systematic errors while complementing their strengths, such as integration of information of varying types and quality, long term memory associations, abstract reasoning, creativity and imagination. This decision support perspective points out the need for a people-tool conceptual approach to decision making. 2.7.4 Feedback and Learning People turn to outsiders for help when they don’t understand the ‘mess’ that is bothering them. The ambiguity of choice situations can mean that their preferences are not clearly defined, that the structure and causal relationships of the problem are not understood, or that they do not feel confident with their computational or comparison ability. Sophisticated decision makers do not want ready- made solutions (or at least don’t want jggt solutions), they want to learn how to better deal with the ambiguity and complexity of choice. Feedback can be distinguished by: 1) its potential to focus attention on unconfounded cause and effect relationships: 2) its frequency and 44 or rapidity of results after actions are taken: and 3) the amount of feedback from actions. When attention is focused on available feedback, learning may occur which will benefit the quality of decisions in future situations. Learning should be a central focus for integration of rationalist and behavioralist research at the individual level. Some decision models or aids provide a simulated decision structure within which the decision maker can receive clearly defined and rapid feedback from possible actions. This opportunity is unique, because in the ‘large world’ we don’t necessarily know there 13 something to learn, or what is to be learned, or whether we have learned anything (Einhorn and Hogarth 1981). Actions which would probably not be attempted in the ‘large world’ can be tried with the model and feedback evaluated. An awareness of the decision model structure can lead to new insights of the real problem or re- formulation of the model. The model can be seen as externalizing and structuring the ‘thought trials’ mentioned by Hogarth (1981) as crucial for feedback and learning. Ackoff states that '. . . to learn is to increase one’s efficiency or effectiveness over time under constant conditions.‘ (1974: xiii). Perhaps if we can improve our ability to design and develop decision models and aids that enable individuals to learn under the above definition, we can also improve our capacity to help decision makers adapt under changing conditions. CHAPTER III DECISION AIDS 3.1 [ntrgguction Decision aids are tools and techniques which extend the human intellect and externalize some cognitive functions. They may be as simple as a pencil and paper (to aid calculations or memory) or as complex as multi-million dollar combinations of hardware and software for managerial decision support. Decision aids may assist a single function of decision making (such as a memory aid) or automate all computational, memory and control functions of the decision process (such as might be expected in a nuclear plant). A set of decision tools may also be termed a decision support model if its scope includes a significant portion of the decision process. Aids to support programmable or fully structured decisions relieve the individual of all decision making functions (except possibly responsibility bearing). Other aids, such as probability elicitation techniques, may play a part in a larger decision aid system or function alone as a judgement aid for an otherwise unaided decision process. The person-tool combination accomplishes the functions of making a decision, and each has some degree of influence on the outcome. The principal issue for aid designers is the appropriate division of labor between man-made tool and human decision maker (Pitz 1983). 45 46 Development of effective decision aid techniques has been an important concern for centuries. The simple technique of listing pro and con reasons for a decision was described by Benjamin Franklin in a letter to Joseph Priestley in 1772 (Bigelow 1887). The potential of decision tools has increased dramatically in recent years due to the revolution in electronics and subsequent software development. Yet the success of decision aids in improving decisions depends upon complex and little understood interactions between the characteristics of: 1) decision situations or tasks, 2) the individuals who use the tools, and 3) the tools themselves. This chapter describes the functions and purposes of decision aids from the decision theory perspectives discussed in the previous chapter. The critical characteristics and interactions of decision task, decision makers and decision aids are examined, and the chapter concludes with a discussion of evaluation issues for decision aids. 3.2 Aids for the Dggision Process A decision aid is a set of tools and techniques designed to help humans make decisions. This may entail support for elementary information processing functions such as memory or computation, or assistance for complex routines such as problem structuring, generation of alternatives or choice of the best alternative. it can be seen that an important (but not the only) purpose of decision aids is to help the decision maker avoid information processing biases described above. Some decision aids are developed to support personal decisions, in which the individual will take primary or full responsibility for the consequences. Other aids attempt to provide objective support for decisions within an organizational context, 4? where individuals must communicate and justify their decisions to peers, superiors or outsiders. Although decision aids are obviously designed to support the decision maker to solve the problem at hand, they may have significant secondary effects. By externalizing the cognitive decision process, the decision maker may gain a greater understanding of personal preferences, beliefs and causal relationships (Hammond 1975). This may lead in turn to improved general problem solving ability in related or dissimilar decisions. However, few aid designers have attempted to tap this potential. The development of a decision aid presupposes that individuals have difficulty reaching ‘good’ decisions (according to some criteria) and can be assisted to improve their decisions. Somewhat tritely, it could be said that people use decision aids when they are sure that they don’t know what or how to decide. People use decision aids when: 1. they feel unable to make a decision; 2. they want to better understand a decision they must make; 3. the problem is complex or uncertain; or 4. the stakes are high. (Jungermann 1980) Simon (1965) conceptualizes phases of the decision making process as identification, design and choice. Nith respect to the identification phase, decision aids may perform certain intelligence functions of problem finding. Davis (1985) describes these functions as the ability to search internal and external data resources. Decision aids for these functions are distinguished by the type of search permitted, such as structured continuous search, structured ad hoc search and unstructured search. Aids for problem finding include 48 the traditional report generators used to compare performance with historical data, past projections and extra-organizational data. Aids for the intelligence phase may also include problem structuring functions, such as description and clarification of objectives. Decision aids may also support the design phase by developing and comparing alternatives. Davis (1985) proposes that support for this phase should provide iterative procedures to assist the decision maker to understand the problem and generate non-obvious alternatives. Finally, aids for the choice phase of decision include the range of computational and choice rules embodied in optimization procedures, statistical inference, dominance analysis or even ad hoc rules. Issues of rationality with respect to unaided decision making have been examined above. The behavioralist evidence indicates that in many contexts individual decisions fall short of that predicted by rationalist principles, but many researchers argue that criticism of unaided decisions begs a more important issue. Pondy contends that '. . . what is needed is a theory of decision tools that improve the performance of person-tool combinations, not merely a descriptive theory of how humans unaided by tool extensions perform less than optimally.’ (1982: 311) The focus of decision support is on improving decisions with tools or extensions to human capabilities, rather than the behavioral/rationalist issue of rationality. The primary issues of decision research are the focus, techniques and application of decision aids in real problem situations and real decision makers. Rationalist and behavioralist researchers whose concern is to improve decisions thus meet on the common ground of decision aid technology, 49 and must both deal with design, implementation and evaluation of decision aids. Decision aid models may be similar to any other research model except that the principal purpose is to generate possible solutions to problems faced by specific decision makers and thus must incorporate to some extent the person’s participation. In development and application of decision aids, both rationalist and behavioralist researchers attempt to improve problem solving behavior. A somewhat apocryphal examination of decision aids developed according to the research orientation of these perspectives may help identify significant differences in their purposes and techniques. Rationalist decision aids presume, in general, that the decision maker can unambiguously state personal preferences and expectations if requested in the correct manner and that preferences and expectations can be represented numerically. They do not generally assume that the decision maker has all the relevant information about the problem prior to use of the aid, but do assume that new information is integrated with prior beliefs in a consistent fashion. Once preferences and probabilities (expressed numerically as utilities and probabilities) are elicited, the decision tool is often constructed so as to calculate a unique optimal solution for a uni-dimensional problem. In the uni-dimensional problem, the decision maker may function something like a data input device to the analytical model. If the individual accepts the rational decision axioms, accurately verbalizes personal preferences and beliefs, and the ‘small world’ model sufficiently corresponds to the real world problem, then the model solution gives the most preferred action for that individual. 50 If the decision maker does not accept the model solution, errors may have occurred in model specification, measurement of preferences or of beliefs; or the decision maker is making a choice in a manner inconsistent with self-interest. Computational errors which might be committed by the unaided individual are avoided by passing that responsibility to the numerical model. Behavioral decision aids are also developed to help individuals avoid biases in important decisions. They do not necessarily assume that a problem has been identified, but usually assume that an underlying preference structure exists. The principal focus of a behavioralist aid is usually assistance for the decision maker to avoid the information processing errors identified in behavioralist decision research. The aid thus places particular emphasis on sequential display of limited amounts of data, retrieval of information from long term memory, integration of information in short term memory, explicit consideration of multiple consequences or attributes and utilization of a series of decision rules. Behavioral aids have benefitted from behavioral experiments demonstrating weaknesses of individual probability assessments, and methods of probability elicitation are chosen to minimize errors. Some behavioral decision aids go beyond assistance for information processing to reflect the effects of personality or cognitive style on decision making. The contention is not only that all cognitive capability is limited, but that individuals exhibit considerable differences in their preferred problem solving style, and that better decisions may result from the congruence of the representation techniques of the aid and the decision style of the individual. 51 3.3 thragtgristigs 9f Qgcigiggs There is no accepted, well-defined taxonomy of decision types. Even within restricted subject domains, there have been few attempts to categorize decisions. Generally, researchers have attempted to delineate some of the characteristics which distinguish individual problems. Castle et al. (1972) gives five major characteristics: 1. Importance of the decision 2. Frequency of recurrence of the decision 3. Time pressure when a decision is required 4. Revocability of the decision 5. Number of available alternatives Decision aids are more likely to be used for important decisions, in which the additional time and cost can be justified, although some types of aids may be of_great benefit for frequently recurring ’smaller’ decisions. However, once the rules used by the aid are learned by the decision maker, an aid is often no longer necessary. Time pressure is an important characteristic of most decisions. Jungermann notes, however, that '. . . time pressure, as perceived by the decision maker, is a function not only of the actual or perceived time available, but also of the complexity and significance of the decision to be made.‘' (1980: 12) Decisions that must be made under perceived time pressure are not as likely to stimulate use of decision tools. Revocable decisions usually indicate less need for aids, since decision makers can try a possible solution, observe its consequences and decide whether to make a second choice. Similarly, the presence of few alternatives may also reduce the usefulness of decision aids, 52 since the lower ‘cost’ of evaluating a few alternatives may induce individuals to make unaided decisions. However, the presence of few alternatives in a given decision situation may be more a result of restrictions which the decision maker has placed on the scope of the problem and the reduced effort invested in generating alternatives than a characteristic of the decision type. Other researchers have included further important characteristics of decisions which affect the benefits of aids. Jungermann (1980) distinguishes decisions in which the status quo is a viable alternative from those in which a new action must be chosen. The decision arises because new alternatives become available, or because the status quo has not fulfilled current aspirations. Also critical is the time horizon of decision consequences. Since more uncertainty is associated with long time horizon decisions, aids may be more fruitfully employed in decisions with long range effects. Hogarth (1988) emphasizes characteristics of decisions which combined with psychological factors may influence receptiveness to decision aids: 1. Prgplem cgmplgxity may stimulate consideration of decision aids. Large amounts of information or lack of knowledge of solution techniques may affect use of decision aids. 2. Prgggggral gncggtainty implies that decision makers are not sure of the procedures necessary to solve a problem. In the presence of procedural uncertainty, individuals may be more likely to utilize aids: 53 3. Psyghglggicgl regret: An individual is more likely to resort to an aid when care in judgement is necessary to avoid psychological ‘costs’ of regret from making mistakes. In other words, a valid use of an aid is to corroborate judgement. 4. gmgtignal stress: Problems which have important consequences for which the individual must bear responsibility, or which must be made under time pressure, or which are characterized by substantial uncertainty are likely to be associated with significant emotional stress. Decision tools may contribute to lowering stress levels in such situations. Beach and Mitchell (1978) group decision characteristics as inherent in the decision or in the environment (context). Inherent characteristics are unfamiliarity, ambiguity, complexity and instability, while characteristics of the environment include irreversability, significance, accountability and time/resource constraints. If the decision maker perceives these characteristics, the situation would be more likely to initiate demand for decision aids. In a managerial context, Simon and Hayes (1976: 121) distinguish characteristics of ‘structured’ versus ‘unstructured’ problems. They consider problems to be well structured or ‘programmable’ if: 1) the conditions which define the existence and structure of the problem are well known, 2) the procedures necessary to generate or identify alternatives are feasible, and 3) unambiguous criteria exist for choosing a best solution. Completely structured decisions can be automated, and the decision maker’s judgement replaced by that of a 54 numerical algorithm. An example of such an aid might be a ration formulation programming model. Less structured problems which are nevertheless partially programmable are those in which individual preferences are regarded as important, or characterized by features such as novelty, time pressures, lack of knowledge, or non- quantifiable factors. As more ill-structured problems are encountered, the individual may find that the nature of the problem itself, the information or procedures required, or the criteria for selecting an action are not well understood. Several of the most important managerial problems have these ill-structured characteristics, such as significant expansion of the business, inter- generational transfer or a decision to disband the business. Sorry and Scott Norton (1971) combine the structured-unstructured dimension of managerial decisions with the operational level at which decision making takes place. 1. Operational performance decisions can be made while performing the operation 2. Operational control decisions result from monitoring effectiveness of operations 3. Hanagement control decisions relate to the acquisition and efficient use of resources 4. Strategic planning decisions involve setting policies and choosing objectives Problems which are both well-structured and related to operational performance are most likely to be automated, with humans primarily performing an information input function. If problem characteristics are more similar to the unstructured strategic 55 decisions such as product planning, decisions must rely more extensively on judgement. A further extension of this framework is presented by Gordon et al. (1975). Management decision types can be classified by process (structured-unstructured), by level (strategic- tactical-operational), by functional area (production, marketing, finance, etc.), or by decision output (discrete choice, scale, schedule, allocation, design or plan). Again, each factor can be seen to influence the receptiveness to a decision aid. 3.4 Chgracteristicg of Decisign Makers Extending well beyond human information processing limitations discussed above, many psychology researchers consider how individual personality, motivational and stress-related differences interact with problem characteristics to affect decision making and the use of decision tools. According to the cognitive style perspective, the problem solving habits of the individual is consequence of psychological characteristics. Cognitive style examines the approach to decision making, not the person’s ability. Keen and Bronsema (1981) contend that systematic differences between individuals significantly influence their use of information and decision aids in a manner quite distinct from the cognitive information processing limitations. Cognitive style refers to the process behavior that individuals exhibit in the formulation or acquisition, analysis, and interpretation of information or data of presumed value for decision making. (Sage 1981: 64B) Motivational characteristics such as ego-involvement may also affect the utilization of decision aids (Jungermann 1980). Other motivational features include whether the individual considers a 56 formal technique appropriate for the decision (who considers a rational technique appropriate for choice of a spouse?) and why some people are paralyzed when faced with decisions. Stressful decisions affect problem solving behavior in ways which often result in dysfunctional decisions (Janis and Mann 1977). Whether decision makers under stress are more or less likely to utilize decision aids is unclear. Huber (1983) has criticized research emphasis on cognitive and motivational types as a basis for decision tool or system design. He contends that there is insufficient evidence to support cognitive style research results as guidelines for designing decision tools, and that the effort is both unwise and unlikely to bear fruit. Progress in aiding individuals to make better decisions is, according to Huber, more likely within the context of complementing human decision strengths and in alleviating fairly well understood information processing limitations. Pitz (1983) examines three general strengths of humans over automated procedures: 1) ability to rapidly encode, store and retrieve complex patterns of information from memory: 2) extremely rapid evaluation and classification of complex perceptual information; and 3) ability to make creative inferences in ill-structured decisions. Even within narrowly defined subject areas, there is no mechanical substitute for human ability in these functions. The automatic integration of perceptual information with other information stored in memory is extremely fast and usually quite accurate. Computerized simulations of perception and integration are as yet limited to very structured and simplified tasks (i.e. robot sensing on assembly 57 lines). The human ability to integrate perceptual data with information from memory and to develop non-obvious insights is far beyond the capacity of current computer models, and is likely to remain so for the foreseeable future, despite progress in artificial intelligence experiments in well-defined problem areas. Decision tools should complement these human strengths, while at the same time mechanically assist humans to transcend known limitations of short term memory, inconsistency in judgement and errors in learning. In addition, a good decision aid might help the individual to retrieve information from long term memory, or to recognize connections between previously unassociated items in ways that are conducive to creative decision making. However, since meaning, purpose and responsibility are essential ingredients in most decisions, there will almost always be advantages to having human perceptual skills and creative problem solving skills to evaluate information, just as there are advantages in reliance on mechanical aids for computational operations. The difficult task for decision support designers is thus design of optimal person-tool combinations. Integrating what he states are the most important characteristics of decision makers with respect to the design of decision tools and systems, Bennett (1983) makes four relevant observations: 1. Decision makers use conceptualizations such as diagrams or graphs much more readily than written or numerical information. Tools should utilize such representations. 2. Decision makers need short-term (and in some cases, long- term) memory aids. Decision tools and systems should incorporate more efficient and easily used memory aids. 58 3. Decision makers have different styles and skills. A decision tool or system should not enforce a particular style or skill level. The additional cost of flexibility, Bennett points out, will be balanced by the benefits from utilization by more decision makers. 4. Decision makers require personal control over decision tools and systems. This does not necessarily imply personal operations, but decision maker understanding of the support process should be sufficient for the decision maker to evaluate and direct operation. 3.5 r r' ' f De ' ' A' Decision aids, like problems and decisions makers, can be examined by appraisal of their characteristics. Tools are constructed for different purposes, with different foci, and with different techniques, each of which interacts with the problem and decision maker characteristics to have considerable impact on the quality of the decision. The implicit purpose of a decision tool is often very difficult to assess. Often a decision ‘aid’ may be constructed to accept input of probabilities and utilities and replace the cognitive decision process of the individual with the logical process of a computer model. Other aids attempt to explicitly complement the aforementioned strengths of humans and provide support for known limitations. These might be called the ’narrow’ and ’broad’ perspectives, respectively. Mechanisms to complement decision making may consist of data representations which stimulate non-obvious inferences or suggest new alternatives, memory aids which allow consideration of many 59 information ‘chunks’ and which can be arranged in ways which may evoke pattern or trend recognition, or output representations which facilitate comparisons of multi-dimensional consequences. Portions of the decision process which are externalized (extracted from the unobservable cognitive process) may include systematic assessment of preferences and beliefs, extensive data computations, or application of complex decision rules. ’Narrow’ decision tools which attempt to externalize most of the decision process run the risk of committing what Mittroff and Featheringham (1974) call ‘Type III error’. That is, if the structure, decision elements and operations imposed by the aid differ substantially from the real world problem as perceived by the decision maker, the model may generate a solution for the wrong real world problem. A subtle but not very operational distinction might be made between decision aids which facilitate better, consistent decisions and those which achieve those results while fostering creative approaches to the problem. The potential of a decision tool to stimulate new approaches to the problem, to highlight problem structure and causal relationships, and to thus create benefits which extend beyond the current decision is an important (but neglected) area of research. In terms of decision aid purpose, one could also distinguish decision tools in terms of their consistency with rationalist decision theory. Decision analysts can provide aids with different types of decision rules, assumptions about problem structure, and data requirements. The ‘best’ aid is useless if it requires rules, problem structure, or data that do not exist or cannot be effectively generated. A ‘good enough’ decision aid uses unaided judgements as a 60 benchmark in generating solutions which should be on the average better than unaided decisions (Keen 1977). Other aids might stimulate ‘better’ decisions, but have characteristics which are not complementary to characteristics of the problem or of the decision maker. A ‘good enough’ aid might then be considered as an automated rule of thumb or an efficient approximation to a more complex model. Decision tools can also be examined according to their focus. Jungermann (1980) classifies existing aids for personal decision into three general categories: 1) aids for reaching a decision: 2) aids for sticking to a decision; and 3) aids for improving general problem solving behavior. General knowledge of decision skills could improve individuals’ sense of control over their lives and their confidence in decisions, but only a few aids have been developed which specifically attempt to improve decision making ability. Instruction in rationalist decision procedures and rules is the usual focus of this type of aid. Unsystematic application and evaluation has restricted ability to draw conclusions regarding effectiveness in improving subsequent decisions. Jungermann notes that '. . . it might be more effective to teach people, as early in their lives as possible, tolerance of uncertainty and ambiguity, cognitive flexibility and avoidance of biases that influence judgment or hinder learning from experience.‘I (1988: 22) Another focus of decision aids is the volitional problem of following decision (a behavioral intention) with action (actual behavior). Most literature on problem solving ignores the distinction between the principally intellectual exercise of making a decision and the sometimes emotionally charged atmosphere surrounding actions to 61 carry out the decision. Lack of confidence and anticipations of regret are important emotional factors which undermine decisions reached through logical processes, but logical principles are not particularly useful in dealing with such feelings. Research on behavior modification and cognitive therapy (Fischoff 1983) might be of some use in designing aids which foster confidence and show how anticipated regret can affect the quality of a decision. The principal focus of existing decision aids in managerial contexts is usually the static framework of problem structuring and solving. Within this framework, decision aids may concentrate on: 1) problem structure, 2) assessment of probabilities, 3) assessment of preferences, or 4) generation of one or more solutions. Any particular aid may exhibit a mixture of these foci. The principal objective of problem structuring aids is to '. . . provide some better understanding of the interrelationships among elements of the problem . . .' (Pitz 1983: 210), in particular the decision maker’s perspective of which problem characteristics, alternatives, future events, and consequences should be taken into consideration. Examination of resources (including data resources) can also be viewed as an aid to problem structuring. Few decision aids integrate problem structuring with problem solving tools. Jungermann (1980) states that focussing only on structure might be appropriate when better understanding of structure provides a sufficient basis for decision makers to make an otherwise unaided decision, or when the individual is particularly receptive to an analyst’s suggested solution. It may also be a good focus when rational procedures are not seen as appropriate by the decision maker. 62 Pitz states that this '. . . may be the most critical stage in the decision analysis [and is) . . . far more important than the small amount of research devoted to the topic might imply.‘ (1983: 210) There are several reasons why more management research effort has not been carried out in this area: 1. Such an aid is more a behavioral analysis procedure than a computerized decision aid. It is unclear how the advantages of computers (rapid computation, mass data storage, etc.) can be fruitfully used in this area. Thus, such an aid would probably suggest analyst-decision maker interaction, with the computer as a facilitating memory or graphical aid. 2. The amount of analyst input is usually too great for all but the most important decisions. Also, if the ‘problem’ is to structure a decision situation, the range of skills required of the analyst is consequently broadened. 3. It is unclear how the benefits of a problem structuring aid could be evaluated. The second concentration area of problem structuring and solving aids is evaluation of consequences or preference assessment. This must, of course, be kept quite separate from the predictive Judgements of probability assessments. In single attribute decision making, methods are well developed for eliciting measurement of von Neumann- Morgenstern utility functions (Hershey 1982), although few attempts have been made to automate the process. The individual is not required to comprehend the measurement process. Decisions with multiple consequences of importance to the decision maker may require multi-dimensional utility assessment. The actual measurement 63 procedures in these cases are much the same as uni-dimensional procedures (Keeney and Raiffa 1976), but also usually involve assessment of relative weights of importance for the various attributes, scaling of attributes and tests to validate separability conditions of the multi-attribute utility functions. The time required for verification of the latter conditions tends to make MAU approaches unmanageable as decision aids in all but the most important decisions. Aids for assessment of probabilities are likely to be a major area of development in the coming decade. A wide variety of encoding techniques have been developed, and efforts have been made to devise reliable testing procedures to ensure that bias is not introduced by the encoding method itself (Nallsten and Budescu 1983). Unlike utility assessment, much stricter conditions for internal consistency can be placed on subjective probability statements. Also, behavioral decision research (as discussed above) has identified common errors in subjective probability estimation which aids should help individuals to avoid. In some situations, the external validity of probability estimates (correspondence with historical or known frequencies) can be determined and discrepancies displayed to the decision maker. Estimates may be improved by providing relevant external probability data before assessing subjective probabilities, provided that care is taken to avoid reported biases in Bayesian processes. 'Graphic computer representations may significantly improve the individual’s ability to integrate probabilistic information and state probability estimates in accord with personal beliefs. 64 Evaluation of alternatives is another focus of problem solving aids, particularly decision-theoretic aids. Preconditions include that problem structure has been well defined, both preferences and probabilities have been assessed, a suitable decision rule chosen, and alternatives have been identified (either implicitly or explicitly). Then a computerized aid can be used to compare alternatives and select a set of preferred actions or a unique best solution. The power of an automated procedure is most evident in aids with this focus, as the search, memory and computational capability of computers are well suited to these actions. It should be noted, however, that the above prior problem conditions require that the individual’s problem conception is veridically represented by the analytical model. Even if these conditions exist, however, a danger exists that the decision maker may reject the model solutions because cognitive control of decision making has been abdicated to the analytical model. The cognitive control element may be critical to the success of aids with this focus. Decision tools can also be characterized by the techniques utilized. The principal characteristics (not mutually exclusive) which distinguish aids are: 1. degree of quantification; 2. context-flexibility: 3. representation of problem structure; 4. type of analytical model (optimization/simulation or deterministic/stochastic); 5. numerical/graphical input or output; 65 6. interactive or batch processing; or 7. operation by the decision maker or by an intermediary. Complete quantification of monetary and non-monetary values is usually necessary for analytical decision aids. The ‘fuzziness’ of human language seems to serve decision makers well in normal instances, and it is clear that added precision may be traded off against significance in decision modeling. In some decision aids dealing wholly with decision structure, quantification is kept to a minimum as the focus is on providing clarity of relationships between problem elements. Fuzzy set theory, in which transition from membership to non-membership of objects in sets is gradual rather than abrupt, can represent the ambiguity of natural language. Its application to decision support has been proposed by Bellman and Zadeh (1978) as an alternative to the precise definition of values and probabilities, but no implementations have as yet been reported. Techniques can also be characterized by the flexibility of application to a range of problem environments. Although it is normally infeasible to develop a unique decision aid for each situation, an aid may promise sufficient payoff to warrant such development. Certainly a decision tool for a major corporation would have to be made highly specific to the corporate environment and probably to the specific problem. As mentioned above, individuals have different educational characteristics and problem solving style which affect the effectiveness of aids (Keen and Scott Norton 1978). Development of a single standardized model or aid for a wide range of decision makers is certainly cost-efficient for the designer, but 66 standard models may be inappropriate to any specific problem and thus may be considered unsatisfactory by decision makers. If one objective of an aid is to assist the individual to better understand problem structure, the techniques used to represent analytical model structure are of considerable importance. Such a representation may be as simple as a decision tree, or as complex as CPH charts or influence diagrams (Bodily 1985). Even though problem solution rather than structuring may be the principal objective of the aid, suitable representation of structure may increase the decision maker’s confidence in model solutions, or may initiate an interactive process of model reformulation. whether such reformulation is feasible depends on the flexibility of the aid. Techniques for choice of decision rule are not currently incorporated in decision aids, although concepts proposed by some decision analysts include flexible, user-controlled application of a range of decision rules to specific problems (Keen and Scott Norton 1978). Normally, rules for selection of a subset of actions (or a single alternative) from the set of feasible alternatives are pre- defined by the tool developer. Simulation models, as opposed to optimization models, do not impose decision rules and allow individuals to select alternatives according to personal decision rules. The deterministic or probabilistic nature of the analytical model base of the aid is another distinguishing technique. Of course, the problem itself usually is affected by probabilistic factors to some extent, but the tool designer chooses to represent the problem with or without probabilistic elements. A decision maker with minimal 67 training in probability theory might feel more confident with a deterministic model if this more closely accords with his/her perception of the problem, but it is seldom obvious whether such a solution is better or worse than that produced by a more complex (but possibly less understood) probabilistic model. Application of different decision rules in various stages of the decision process is proposed by Keen and Scott Norton (1978). Simple strategies such as conjunctive rules may first be used to reduce the set of alternatives, followed by a detailed optimization procedure applied to the reduced set. Application of heuristic rules is probably most justified in problems where structure, elements and causal relationships are less clearly defined. Techniques for input and output representations distinguish decision aids, and the type of representation interacts with the individual’s decision style to affect usefulness and learning from the aid. Spatial representations such as graphical output tap the perceptual resources of humans and greatly increase information integration. As Davis notes, 'A graph is a ‘chunk’, yet it may provide the same input of data as a large number of data items that would each use one chunk of (cognitive) capacity.‘ (1985 : 246) The interactive technology necessary to generate high quality, flexible and fast graphical output in a field environment is now becoming available. Techniques for model input through non-traditional media have also been developed. Digitizers, touch screens and voice synthesizers have the possibility to facilitate user input (Johnson and Loucks i980). 68 Decision aids may be operated in either interactive or batch mode. With a batch process, the complete input for model computation is collected and later processed by the computer (although ‘later’ may only be a few minutes). Presentation of model output is then made to the decision maker at a later time. Interactive operation, on the other hand, entails input and output between the computer model and its human operators throughout at least some portion of the solution process. With microcomputer processing of decision aids, the above distinction becomes less obvious than with centralized computer processing, both in terms of time necessary for solution and user dialogue with the model. A further technique which has become possible with faster microcomputer technology is iterative solution of decision models. If operation of the model is sufficiently rapid, the output from one complete cycle of the model can be used as information input to the decision maker, who may revise his expectations, modify the problem or experiment with different goals and solve the model with these modifications. This input/output iterative process may continue as long as the decision maker wishes to explore different formulations and solutions. Finally, decision aids differ according to the principal operator of the computer model. If the decision maker is well associated with the hardware and software operation of the aid, the aid may be used without further assistance. It is generally felt that decision makers will reap more benefits from aids which they can operate without analyst mediation. However, formulation of the analytical problem and operation of the model often must be mediated by a trained analyst. 69 This increases the costs of tool utilization, but may permit a broader learning experience than with solo operation. 3.6 Qggggggenggs 9f Qgcisign Aigs Although computerized decision tools have been developed and disseminated for more than a decade, there is a dearth of evidence examining impacts of aid utilization on management decision behavior. One problem is the non-experimental environment of real business decisions. It is difficult to derive experimental controls which allow determination of decision tool impacts. Also, most managers are not (for obvious reasons) willing to devote enough time to carefully controlled experiments and much prefer their own intuitive evaluation of the tool. A further problem relates to the intellectual perspectives of the previous chapter. From the behavioral perspective, the purpose of a decision aid is somewhat ambiguous. If the principal purpose of behavioral research is development of models to describe actual decisions (what Hobbs I985 calls ‘imitative validity’), there is no reasonable basis for development of decision aids. Standards for ‘better’ decisions or decision procedures do not necessarily exist. Many behavioral researchers (including some of those who have contributed most to our knowledge of judgemental biases) contend that consistent choice in similar contexts is a minimal basis for improving overall quality of decisions, and that a decision aid should provide both a structure and procedures to encourage such consistency. Further, if consistency is extended to include consistency with the rules of logic and probability, the rationalist perspective is 70 reached. At the extreme of this perspective, researchers contend implicitly that aids prescribe ‘best’ solutions which decision makers should accept if they are ‘rational’. Evaluation of such aids may be primarily a priori determination of logical coherence of the underlying analytical model. A more pragmatic approach accepts that each perspective has some validity. Certainly decision tools should be compatible in some sense with existing decision procedures. They should establish structure and procedures which encourage consistent decisions for similar settings, and they should be internally consistent with rules of logic and probability. The principal dispute is an issue of emphasis rather than substance. Yet all involved should recognize that the principal purpose of a decision tool is to assist real decision makers and suggest ‘better’ decisions, however defined. Two orientations to evaluation of decision tools can be discerned from these perspectives. An ogtsgmg-orignted approach focuses on the consequences of the decision made using the aid. Three general evaluation issues can be identified: 1. Are solutions logical? An a priori evaluation of the aid’s consistency with logical operations based on its assumptions can be carried out. 2. was the model solution a reasonable problem solution? Are solutions within the range of observed real world actions? Do decision makers think the solutions are reasonable? How do the model solutions compare with those of alternative models? Essentially, one asks whether the problem has been modeled in a realistic (veridical) fashion. Both the 71 researcher and the user will have points of view on the adequacy of the model. 3. Has the solution implemented? Here the consequences sufficient to justify use of the aid? An ex post evaluation of the decision outcome can also be carried out, although the often lengthy period between decision, action and consequences and the effects of uncontrollable or unforeseeable intervening factors usually makes experimental verification of the aid’s value extremely difficult. A second evaluation orientation is process-grientgg. This type of evaluation attempts to assess the consequences of the decision tool with respect to changes in the decision process, regardless of the actual solution or its realized consequences. Some justification for the aid, it is argued, can be determined by evaluating whether the decision is made correctly, apart from whether the correct decision is made. However, evidence for improved decisions can only be indirect. Three aproaches can be identified: I. Before/after changes in procedures with respect to the phases of decision processes can be evaluated. Information search, generation of alternatives, computations, and assessments of preferences or of expectations are all factors which would indicate whether the tool has affected the decision process. 2. Comparison of the procedures of the aid with those of alternative aids. Both this approach and the previous approach can include evaluation in terms of time and resources. This may include a range of factors from the 72 difference in time spent on the decision to cost- effectiveness evaluation. 3. The manager’s conception of the decision process is also a critical factor influencing adoption and utilization of the aid. This includes several factors. The decision maker’s subjective evaluation of the aid’s value is the overall determining variable. Several other elements can influence that evaluation. The manager’s confidence in the model solution, consideration (or understanding) of the appropriateness and complexity of the analytical formulation, and decision benefits from alternative procedures will reflect on his/her determination of the benefits. Evaluation of the aid’s ease of use will indicate estimates of time, skill and resource costs necessary for the procedure. Finally, a process-oriented evaluation should investigate changes in the decision process with respect to understanding and learning about the decision problem specifically and problem solving methods in general. Here both theory and methods fail in evaluation. Considerable evidence exists that a major benefit of decision aids is the improvement in understanding gained by examining the problem in the perspective of the decision model (Humphreys and McFadden 1980). A good decision aid can create considerable benefits to the decision maker through learning effects by highlighting problem structure, causal relationships, preferences, expectations, decision procedures, resource constraints, and even simply by displaying formerly disaggregated data in exploratory aggregate formulations. Yet little 73 theory guides the researcher to design decision tools to facilitate such learning while solving complex decision problems (Keen and Scott Norton 1978). The ‘silver lining’ approach to the issue is to regard any such benefit as coincidental, but to utilize this in facilitating adoption of the technique. The ‘bitter pill’ approach regards the logical decision procedure as difficult but necessary for individuals to master. Given time, decision makers will ‘learn’ that the value of correctly made decisions outweighs the cost of learning complex skills. Evaluation of learning effects is particularly complicated by the absence of a clear definition of learning. Even from the behavioralist perspective, there are multiple interpretations of the concept. The simplest definition is derived from the operant conditioning research tradition of psychology. Learning is operant conditioning, or in other terms the conditioning of a response to a particular stimulus, rather like a Pavlovian dog. With the demise of this research approach, it was recognized that human learning involved motivational and memory factors in combination with complex patterns of stimuli. Until the last decade, human learning research was still limited primarily to memory and motor skill or simple problem solving performance in laboratory experiments (Langley and Simon 1981), and succeeded to some extent in distinguishing characteristics of ‘expert’ performance. The resulting research area of artificial intelligence has focused on expert performance with suprisingly little attention to the learning processes either of the experts or of ordinary humans (Simon 1981). It is widely accepted, however, that learning involves at least three somewhat distinct processes (Rumelhart 1981): 74 I) accretion, or the process of accumulating knowledge (facts, beliefs) in memory: 2) restgugturing, the process whereby whole new knowledge structures and procedures are created; and 3) tggigg, a process involving modification of existing structures and procedures. How these principles can be used to form a basis for experiential learning in complex problems has received little attention, primarily due to the lack of methodological framework. Langley and Simon (1981) hypothesize that although researchers are unsure how cognitive processes are affected in learning, certain principles define the conditions within which learning can take place. I. Kggwledgg gf rggult : Change in performance must be detectable 2. Qggeratign gf altggngtivgg: The individual must be able to attempt alternative behaviors 3. Qaggal attriggtion: Results must be attributable to specific components of the decision environment 4. Hindsight: Past performance must be re-evaluated in terms of subsequent results and causal attributions 5. ngrnigg frgm iggtructign: The quality and content of examples, decision rules, and causal relationships suggested by an instructor affects both what is learned and how rapidly learning takes place 6. Agtgmatizatiog: Continued practice causes improvement in speed and accuracy of performance The rationalist perspective of learning is regretably quite barren. This is attributable principally to the static nature of rationalist decision models and the lack of interest in descriptive 75 modeling of decision processes. A prominent decision-theoretic text in agriculture (Anderson et al. 1977) mentions learning only twice, in bibliographic references to changing subjective probability distributions by Bayesian probability revision. ‘Learning’ from a rationalist decision theory perspective thus indicates incorporation of new information into expectations expressed as probabilities. Rationalist decision theory has no clear perspective on formulation or reformulation of knowledge about procedures for arriving at decisions. The only recognized procedural knowledge comes from the rules of mathematical logic, and the research carried out to investigate ‘learning curves’ for adoption rates of innovations generally does not extend beyond the correlational analysis of static factors associated with adoption data. Procedural ‘learning’ is assumed to be the adoption of formal decision procedures by the decision maker as he/she realizes that such procedures generate results most likely to satisfy decision objectives. What is learned and how is such learning facilitated by utilization of a decision aid? Generalizable answers to these questions are scarce. Certainly much depends upon interactions between characteristics of the decision problem, the decision maker and the tool, but how these characteristics interact to stimulate (or inhibit) learning is unclear. Perhaps the best approach to evaluation of learning within the constraints of current knowledge is to examine the most common claims for possible learning effects of decision aids. i. Pr l tru r : The decision maker may re-formulate his/her perception of this and similar problems by exposure to the parsimonious analytical model of the decision aid. 76 The relative importance of objectives, the critical nature of certain constraints, and other causal relationships between elements of the problem may stimulate a better quality decision in the present instance or a broader knowledge base for similar or repeated future decisions. Finally, knowledge of the model structure serves as an evaluative mechanism for the decision maker to determine whether such a structure is considered appropriate for this type of decision. Prgglgg ‘gnfglding’: Through utilization of the decision aid, the individual may learn general problemesolving techniques such as decomposing complex problems into smaller ones more amenable to analysis. The critical decomposition between what is desired (preferences or utilities) and what is believed (beliefs or probabilities) forms the basis for more consistent, reasonable decisions. Similarly, the aid may facilitate learning the implications of different decision assumptions and of conflicting decision objectives. Intggggtive grogessing and/or simulation: Interactive processing is felt to greatly facilitate learning of problem structure and decomposition through relatively immediate communication between aid and user. It also facilitates simulation-based aids to stimulate learning of action- outcome relationships by allowing the user to define and test numerous strategies in a real-time environment. figaghigal ggtgut: Two related aspects are claimed to affect learning through graphical representation of output. First, 77 graphs summarize data in a spatial perspective. Learning may be facilitated by decreasing information processing requirements through ‘chunking’ (Newell and Rosenbloom I981), thus allowing limited attention resources to be focused on learning model structure and causal relationships. Second, graphs may be remembered better than tables, allowing more accurate comparison of model solutions. Because graphs can also be comprehended faster than tabular data, the time necessary to make decisions may decrease in repeated decisions. Since learning necessarily refers to changes in knowledge structures, procedures and cognitive strategies over time, evidence supporting the above claims can only be obtained through long term testing and evaluation of repeated utilization of decision aids. The short term learning effects of changes in decision makers’ conception of the problem, knowledge of causal relationships and confidence in their ability to make better decisions are helpful, but not conclusive, evidence of learning applicable to future decisions. Nevertheless, even the short term learning effects of aided decision making have not been examined in either laboratory or field environments (Keen and Scott Norton 1978). Methodological problems are the principal cause of this dearth of research. It is unclear what is learned, how it is learned, and what are the relative costs and benefits of different aspects of learning through decision aids. Whatever evidence that can shed light on these issues is likely to bring us closer to Pondy’s ideal of a theory of decision tools. CHAPTER IU MULTIPLE CRITERIA DECISION TECHNIQUES 4.1 Intrgguction Behavioral decision research has emphasized the importance of such factors as aspiration levels, sequential attention to multiple goals and action/feedback as functional mechanisms to compensate for information processing limitations in decision making. Rationalist research emphasizes consistency with respect to decision postulates. It has been suggested above that the design of decision aids may benefit from a synthesis of the two perspectives on decision making. This chapter will investigate a class of techniques which offers promise for development of aids. In many decisions, individuals weigh alternatives along multiple dimensions or seek multiple objectives from a single decision or choice. Often a decision aid and underlying model may be constructed as a one dimensional problem to take advantage of powerful optimization techniques without substantially misrepresenting the decision from the perspective of the decision maker. However, explicit consideration and modeling of multiple criteria perceived by the decision maker as important to problem structure, analysis and solutions may provide potential for greater benefits from an aid than would be the case with a uni-dimensional model. This might be the case if the decision maker considers the situation to be characterized by multiple criteria and may respond negatively to less realistic 78 79 formulations, or if the problem requires clarification of the decision maker’s objectives and tradeoffs between objectives. Multiple criteria techniques, developed principally by operations researchers, offer the power of optimization procedures with the flexibility to handle such multiple criteria problems. This chapter first briefly discusses research on multiple objectives of farm operators within the agricultural economics literature. Then the wide range of multi-criteria computational procedures is discussed, with particular attention to multiple objective programming techniques and interactive approaches which might be operational within a farm management context. The Interactive Multiple Goal Programming (IMGP) technique developed by Nijkamp and Spronk (I981) receives particular scrutiny for its relatively flexible data requirements, interaction with the decision maker, adaptability to group decision processes, and potential for decision maker learning with respect to the impacts of conflicting objectives. 4.2 Mgltiglg ijectivgg in Agricultural Rgsearch Although neo-classical economic theory is primarily based on the assumption of uni-dimensional preference, management researchers in agriculture have always recognized the importance of multiple objectives to farm managers. Many objectives are poorly formulated by the manager, are conflictive and/or incommensurable and are of varying importance in any particular decision. However abstract and poorly articulated, multiple objectives have been shown to be important to farm managers. In fact, the suspicion has been voiced by some farm management researchers that at least in part '. . . differences in the 88 financial performance of farm firms (growth, profitability, leverage, liquidity) may be attributed to differences in the composition, ordering and weighting of farmers’ goals, rather than to shortcomings in management ability or to attitudes towards risk.“ (Robison et al. 1984: 28) Smith and Martin (1972) utilized factor analysis techniques to identify significant goals of Arizona ranchers. Although no attempt is made to determine the comparative importance of these objectives in business decisions, it is shown that social ties to the community along with monetary goals emerge as significant objectives for managers. Gasson (1971) showed that British farmers are strongly motivated by objectives intrinsic to farm work rather than by economic goals. Also, managers were seen to re-order goal priorities depending upon the type of decision under consideration. Studies by Cary and Holmes (1982), Hatch et al. (1974), Smith and Capstick (1976), Harper and Eastman (1988), and others elicited farm managers’ relative rankings of goals such as profit, consumption, risk, credit borrowing, leisure and esteem. Although relative rankings vary widely between individuals, most of these studies indicated risk and security goals as most important, followed by firm growth, living standard and income objectives. For example, Fernandez (1982) used conjoint analysis to rank order combinations of objectives, and found 56 percent of surveyed farm managers to consider risk, defined as the probability of bankruptcy, as the most important factor motivating decisions, while income and leisure objectives were considered most important by 36 percent and 8 percent of managers. 81 Some researchers have attempted to model management decisions on the basis of multiple objectives of representative firms. Problems arise in determining the level of abstraction necessary to adequately operationalize multiple objectives. Some objectives are hierarchical (Georgescu-Roegen 1954), with no tradeoffs between levels of the hierarchy, while others are directly competitive and can be traded off against one another. The most appropriate computational technique for such multi-criteria analysis is not well understood in agricultural research. Wheeler and Russell(1977) applied goal programmingHeomsmo mzo gz< Acv zoaeozsa muzwmmuuea < zmmzemm aaxmzooh 8 Deviations are counted from the target level t, while a indicates the decision maker’s attitude towards below-target deviations. If t = E(x) and o = 2, the result is a mean-variance model, while if t = E(x) and a = 1, then a mean absolute deviation (MAD or MOTAD) model ensues. If t is fixed across distributions, then the result is a target semivariance model for o = 2 and target MOTAD for o= 1. Risk is thus a non-decreasing function of returns, and is equal to zero at or above the target level. According to this type of risk- return model, individuals are risk-neutral for returns above the target level, and have risk preferences for returns below target determined by the parameter a. Risk averse behavior is implied by 121 a ) 1, risk neutral behavior by o= 1, and risk preferring behavior by a < 1. The class of o-t risk models has been generalized from the specific mean-variance and mean-MAD models because of both theoretical and empirical criticisms of those formulations. Mean- variance models require that the utility function be of quadratic form or that return distributions be normally distributed and utility functions be of exponential form (Goldberger 1964). Mean-variance efficient sets may not be consistent with second degree stochastic dominant (SSD) sets (Levy and Hancock 1978), and have been shown to perform poorly in rankings of alternative distributions (Pope and Ziemer 1984). The same criticisms (and more) apply to the MOTAD model. More generally, a behavioral assumption of any risk formulation based on a parameter which varies between distributions is that the individual considers variability of returns to be risk and consequently to be avoided, regardless of whether such variability is below or above the expected value and regardless of the resulting wealth position or obligations of the individual. Empirical concerns were expressed by Mao (1978) and others that managers in investment decisions often associate risk with failure to achieve some target return. Fishburn summarizes these observations, '. . . most individuals in investment contexts do indeed exhibit a target return - which can be above, at, or below the point of no gain and no loss - at which there is a pronounced change in the shape of their utility functions.‘I (1977: 122) He concludes, “The idea of a mean-risk dominance model in which risk is measured by probability- weighted dispersions below a target seems rather appealing since it recognizes the desire to come out well in the long run while avoiding 122 potentially disastrous setbacks or embarassing failures to perform up to standard in the short run.‘ (Fishburn 1977: 118) Porter (1974) developed the concept of target semivariance and showed solutions derived by this criterion to form a subset of the SSD set. Fishburn (1977), as noted, extends Porter’s results to the more general o~t class of models. He proves that a-t efficient sets are implied by (subsets of) first degree stochastic dominant sets (FSD) for all o'; 8, second degree stochastic dominant sets for all a 2 1, and third degree dominant sets (TSD) for all a 2 2, except when means and risk are identical. Tauer (1983) proves the specific case that target MOTAD is implied by the 880 set. With respect to preference functions, Fishburn (1977) states that a decision maker’s preferences satisfy a mean-risk utility model if and only if there exists a real-valued function U in mean and risk such that for all distributions F and G: (5.7) F --> G iff U(fl(F), R(F)) > u< X c . x. + dfp 2 T r= 1....s Calculate the implied values of the other objective in each formulation. Call the optimal values Hband Rb (for ’best’), and the corresponding values of the other variables “w and Rw(for ’worst’). Formulate the potential matrix P as follows: 8 . b b. P8 3 1 “a Re 1 :11” R'”' 1400 1200 1000 800 600 400 200 r I I I I I 10000 10400 10800 11200 11600 12000 FIGURE 5.3 RISK-RETURN EFFICIENT SOLUTIONS, KENNEDY AND FRANCISCO PROBLEM 128 Present the values to the decision maker as (flab,R b) and 8 we”,R0“). The latter is the worst solution that need be accepted, while the former represents an unattainable ideal solution of best return and lowest risk. Ask the decision maker: Given the worst and best values implied by the problem constraints, which objective should be improved? Using the response, improve the worst value of the objective indicated by the decision maker by one-half the amount between the current worst and the current best value. Append the adjusted value as a constraint to the optimization model of the other objective, and re-solve. The best value of the objective not indicated to be improved has now been altered (worsened) because of the more restrictive constraint imposed by the improved objective. Formulate the second matrix as: P 3 Two diagonal elements will have been changed, one by halving the amount between the previous worst and best values, the other because of tradeoffs imposed by the improved objective. Present the decision maker with the current and previous solutions and the same question as step 2. a. If the decreased potential of the unimproved objective is too great, the decision maker may indicate the solution is unacceptable. If so, reduce the current worst value of the improved objective to one-half the 129 amount between the current worst and the previous worst value. Return to step 4. b. If the solution is acceptable, return to step 4. 6. If the decision maker cannot indicate which objective should be improved, display the activity values of the current solutions. This may initiate further iterations. Otherwise, the individual is indifferent between solutions. As the difference between best and worst values narrows, at some point the problem may be collapsed to the current best value of one objective. Figure 5.4 shows a hypothetical session with the Kennedy- Francisco problem. The decision maker has improved minimally acceptable expected returns in steps 1 and 3 and risk in step 2, and has accepted as a final solution the plan with expected returns of $11445 and mean deviation below target of $855. In other words, the decision maker has discovered a solution which is only three percent less than the profit-maximizing (best return objective) solution, but which is characterized by forty percent less risk. Sensitivity analysis of an accepted solution can be presented to the decision maker to investigate the effect of changes in net return coefficients and right hand side constraints. For example, sensitivity analysis of the crop land constraint of the above solution shows that basis changes occur if crop land increases by more than 188 acres or decreases by 78 acres. If the potential crop land base is not certain, sensitivity analysis may indicate the need for an additional session with other projected values. '130 zubmomm cummuz<¢m oz< >amzzmx .mmuuozm zo_h:46m max_ mo mauhm mmmzp mom mu24<> zo~Huzzm m>-umamo sz Raga: az< any hmum e.m manual now now nno “KN mmv— mum mmvn no . 3 . a xn_¢ x.c.ae .a.~co.om nee.— nvv—— owe—— nee—— ova.— own—u some. can.— a a: ccouom pogo: .nom um aoam .N doom u. aoaw no no.m ooow— com?— com.— comm. oovmp on pg cow coo com com comp coe— 131 Given the described potential of IMGP as a multiobjective decision support technique and the formal equivalence of a two objective risk-return IMGP formulation to a linear MOTAD or Target MOTAD model, an initial test of the empirical usefulness of IMGP can be carried out by constructing a risk/target return decision support aid. If severe problems are discovered in testing a relatively simple implementation, it is unlikely that the technique would prove useful in a broader context of more objectives, different functional forms or larger problems. The following sections document the goal-directed search aid (GOALDIR) developed in this research for supporting land rental/crop mix decisions for cash grain operators. 5.5 Lgng Renial Qgcipigns Within constraints of current labor, machinery and financial resources and longer term committments for crop rotations and leasing, cash grain operators must evaluate each year the set of land rental opportunities and select cropping activities for both owned and rented land. In the current economic environment, a careful decision may mean the difference between failure or continuation of the business. Contraction or failure of farm businesses has fostered a more active than usual land rental market in many locations of Michigan. A wide variety of rental arrangements are utilized, including cash and share rent with various obligations for landlord and tenant, dates of payment and adjustments for realized yields and prices. Often the rental decision is a decision with multi-year consequences, the operator knowing that if land available this year is not rented, it may well not be available again for the foreseeable future. If a neighbor rents the land, the implicit right to continue renting the 132 tract as long as desired may have been granted by the landlord. Therefore, decisions made this year may affect resource utilization and growth possibilities for years to come. Crop rotations also instill a multi-year character to the rental decision. If rotation requirements were to completely determine what crops must be planted on a specific tract, the only flexibility in determining overall crop mix would be the decision to rent or not rent the land. At the other extreme, if any potential crop can be planted on each land tract, then the decision involves both whether to rent a tract and how much of each crop should be planted. With several land tracts and only a few potential crops, the possible permutations quickly multiply. Real decisions usually are not characterized by either extreme. Rotation requirements are extremely important for some tracts (particularly for owned land), while crops on other tracts may depend almost entirely on economic prospects. Rental and crop mix decisions are also strongly affected in the current economic environment by government feed grain programs. Given massive stocks, continued high production and expected low prices for most cash grains over the next several years, there is considerable incentive to participate in government price support programs, which limits acreage for program crops. A common decision procedure then involves consideration of machinery and labor resources, crop rotations, government price support programs, potential yields and prices (in the short or longer run) in the selection of a preferred crop and rental mix with owned cropland. The set of activities actually selected is considered to be the best compromise between the business objectives, which may be (and I33 usually are) competing to some degree. The abstract objective with highest priority is usually ’to secure the highest possible current period profits’. It is an abstract objective in many cases because operators have only the vaguest notion of their variable and fixed costs and poorly formed expectation of crop prices, and thus can make only ’seat of the pants’ conjectures of crop mix and rental impacts on profits. Operators also usually attempt to avoid risk, perhaps conceived as ’to avoid disaster level losses’. Although avoidance of risk can be incorporated as an attitude towards profit distributions as in the expected utility framework, it is often more realistic and useful for decision analysis purposes to consider risk as a second I (and competing) objective in the decision process. Indeed, operators seem to distinguish these as separate goals (Harper and Eastman 1988). A more precise definition of these objectives will be given below as the decision model is described. Other objectives, possibly of lesser importance in this decision context, might be ’to provide adequate opportunity for business growth’, or ’to maintain high soil fertility’. Given the natural fixed supply of land within reasonable distance from the home, access to land resources has great influence on the growth potential of the business. Rejection of rental opportunities this year may force the operator to rent land in more distant locations in later years in order to accomplish growth objectives. In addition, if land becomes available for sale, it may well be the current rentor who is given first chance to purchase the land. Soil fertility objectives are accomplished through multi-year programs of crop rotations and fertilization plans. Conceptually, these objectives can be 134 incorporated into a multi-period model. The current decision model, however, assumes that the current period objectives of returns and risk are predominant and does not attempt to model other objectives. Selecting activities which are hoped to result in the most preferred level of the objectives is particularly prone to error because of the lack of 1) accurate cost, yield and price data, and 2) a solution procedure or algorithm to search for the best solution. Without farm-specific data, the best intentions and solution algorithms may be of little benefit. Thus, an argument can be made that establishment of farm level record keeping systems is a precondition for any substantial improvement in decision making. On the other hand, careful introspection or elicitation procedures might provide sufficiently accurate data on which to base a solution procedure promising a better result in terms of the objectives. Even though data may be available for cost and price expectations, operators may not use procedures which are likely to indicate ’good’ solutions. ’Back-of-the-envelope’ calculations are prone to error, and a simple static partial budgeting procedure in itself can cause dramatic mistakes in a dynamic whole-farm context for several reasons. First, revenue-cost partial budgeting of land tracts ignores the importance of other objectives for the operator, principally risk avoidance but also other objectives such as long term growth. Setting data parameters at expected levels does not consider variability in those parameters or the covariation between yields of potential crops for a particular location or between locations, nor is price covariation between crops considered. Even when variability of crops and yields is considered, evaluation of individual tracts can indicate 135_ rental and crop mix choices which are not preferred with respect to objectives because the solution procedure fails to to consider the whole business context. For example, rental of one high net revenue- high variability land tract may imply unacceptable risk for the enterprise taken as a whole. A number of potential stategies may be calculated by farm operators, limited by the time and effort necessary to estimate returns. Even if a proposed whole set of alternative crop acreages and rental opportunities are considered simultaneously, risk avoidance and other objectives are usually not considered formally. This ’hunt and peck’ solution process offers no assurance that other strategies not contemplated might offer better results at no additional cost. Nevertheless, it is probable that the perspective, experience and knowledge of the operator compensates for lack of adequate solution procedures. Although research as discussed in section 4.2 has shown that multiple objectives are clearly important in farm decisions, the manner in which individual operators formulate their objectives is unclear. Growth and security objectives, for example, can be formulated in several a priori valid ways. One formulation of a growth objective might be an increase in the resource base of the business, while another might be an increase in revenues through more intensive use of existing resources. The formulation of a risk or security objective is particularly critical for the operation. Extension agents and directors interviewed for this research generally considered that farm operators view the likelihood of net cash flow from cropping activities falling below some critical value (usually 136 related to family living and other cash obligations) as an intuitive measure of risk. 5.6 Modeling theLQecision Problem 5.6.1 Assumptions Modeling of such a planning decision involves consideration of the preference structure of the individual or individuals making the decisions, the resource base and other constraints on actions, the activities possible with the resource base, the relevant technical and economic parameters and the particular mathematical formulation used to solve the problem in a decision aiding context. Boundaries must be placed on the real problem so that a mathematical model may be constructed. In the end, it is hoped that the solutions generated by the mathematical model will assist the decision maker to deal with the real problem. It is assumed that the only objectives sought by the operator are I) to obtain the highest possible expected net return and 2) to obtain the lowest possible risk mixture of cropping activities on owned and rented land. Risk is defined as probability-weighted deviations below some situation-determined minimally adequate level of net returns, as in Target MOTAD (Tauer 1983). Farm operators are assumed to accurately describe their beliefs and expectations for yields for possible crop on owned and rentable land tracts and for prices at harvest for each crop in terms of probability distributions. An assessment procedure was implemented to elicit those distributions as part of this research. The rental decision is made after determining the landlord’s asking price (either in cash or share) for a particular property and after determining 137 whether the property would be included (if eligible) in the government feed grain program. Variable costs for each crop considered possible to plant on the property are assumed known with certainty before rental. Consistent with the assumption of known probability for yields, this assumption implies that fertilizer and related costs are estimated in a manner consistent with yield potential of the land. Machinery resources are fixed for the relevant decision horizon. Own and hired labor are assumed sufficient so as always to be less restrictive than the machinery capacity. 5.6.2 The Mathematical Model The model utilizes the efficiency principle, in that no solution indicated by the model is dominated in terms of the objectives. Given the optimization framework, and given that a decision aid must operate in real time, all functional relationships are assumed adequately represented by a linear programming (LP) formulation. Principal among the relevant limitations of LP in the current problem is the divisibility assumption. An LP model does not distinguish between renting 8.1 or 188 acres, even though rental agreements must be made for an entire tract. This issue will be discussed below with respect to preliminary testing of the model. Also relevant is the necessary condition of proportionality, which assumes that a fixed amount of output is produced by a particular amount of input, no matter what the level of the activity. The mathematical formulation consists of optimization of a two- objective IMGP model, with the objectives: 1) maximize expected net cash revenue from cropping activities, and 2) minimize expected 138 deviations below a subjectively determined net cash revenue target, subject to constraints on: 1) total tillable acres available on each potential tract, 2) chance-constrained field hours available for each planting and harvest period, 4) possible maximum acres for each crop, and 5) wheat acres already planted the previous fall. In addition, acreage of certain crops is restricted for tracts entered in government feed grain programs. Since optimization of more than one objective function is an ambiguous mathematical formulation, the decision aid is formulated to sequentially solve single objective models which differ only in the objective row and iteratively redefined constraints on minimal/maximal levels of the other objective. The relevant variables and model equations are listed in Appendix 1. Certain variables and parameters are elicited from the particular farm operator, while others are imposed on the problem as reasonable estimates for data which is otherwise difficult or impossible to elicit. Elicited data includes price and yield distributions, land acreages, rents and government program status, variable costs of production, planting and harvesting machinery capacity and the target net revenue level. The decision aid components used to elicit this data will be described below. External data which is imposed for any farm operation includes the correlation matrices of price and yield, yield penalties for untimely field operations, corn moisture and related drying costs, and estimated field hours for planting and harvest operations. Sources for the external data are included in Tables 5.2 through 5.6. 139 TABLE 5.2 ESTIMATED YIELD CORRELATIONS, MAJOR CROPSx Corn Soy Navy Wheat Corn 1.8 .4 .3 .1 Soy .4 1.8 .6 .2 Navy .3 .6 1.8 .1 Wheat .1 .2 .1 1.8 SOURCEs: USDA, Wheat Situation, Various Issues. USDA, Feed Outlook and Situation Report, Various Issues. X Yield correlations are estimated from detrended national average yields, except navy beans for which Michigan yields were used. 148 TABLE 5.3 ESTIMATED PRICE CORRELATIONS, MAJOR CROPSx Corn Soy Navy Wheat Corn 1.8 .7 .3 .8 Soy .7 1.8 .4 .4 . Navy .3 .4 1.8 .3 Wheat .8 .4 .3 1.8 SOURCES: USDA, Whegt Situgtion, Various Issues. USDA, Feeg Outlook gggrSitugtion Report, Various Issues. Price correlations are estimated from national average annual prices, deflated to 1967=188, except navy beans for which Michigan prices were used. 141 TABLE 5.4 YIELD PENALTY MATRIX FOR UNTIMELY FIELD OPERATIONS PENALTY FOR UNTIMELY FIELD OPERATIONS--CORNx Harvest Period Planting Period 9/1-9/15 9/16-9/38 18/1-18/31 11/1-11/38 4/21-5/18 8 1.88 8.99 8.95 5/11-5/28 8 8.95 8.94 8.98 5/21-5/38 8 8.82 8.85 8.81 6/1-6/38 8 8 8 8 PENALTY FOR UNTIMELY FIELD OPERATIONS--SOY BEANS Harvest Period Planting Period 9/1-9/15 9/16-9/38 18/1-18/31 11/1-11/38 4/21-5/18 8 8.98 8.94 8.86 5/11-5/28 8 8.98 8.93 8.86 5/21-5/38 8 8.96 8.91 8.83 6/1-6/38 8 8.76 8.71 8.69 PENALTY FOR UNTIMELY FIELD OPERATIONS--NAVY BEANS Harvest Period Planting Period 9/1-9/15 9/16-9/38 18/1-18/31 11/1-11/38 4/21-5/18 8 8 8 8 5/11-5/28 8 8 8 8 5/21-5/38 8 8 8 8 6/1-6/38 8.99 8.95 8 8 SOURCE: Estimated from Black, J. (1974) and Rotz and Black (1985) X Yields are penalized by the indicated factor for field operations carried out in the indicated planting/harvesting period. 142 TABLE 5.5 PERCENTAGE POINTS REQUIRED TO DRY CORN FOR DIFFERENT PLANTING/HARVEST PERIODS Harvest Period Planting Period 9/1-9/15 9/16-9/38 18/1-18/31 _ 11/1-11/38 4/21-5/18 8 15 9 6 5/11-5/28 8 19 13 18 5/21-5/38 8 21 15 12 6/1-6/38 8 8 8 8 SOURCE: Estimated from 'Corn-Soybeans Planning Guide", TELPLAN User’s Guide No. 18. Department of Agricultural Economics, Michigan State University, 1976. X For corn planted and harvested in the indicated periods, the table displays the number of percentage points that corn must be dried. Cost of drying is calculated at $.825 per bushel. 143 ESTIMATED FIELD HOURS AVA£LABLE FOR PLANTING AND HARVESTING OPERATIONS, EAST LANSING Estimated field hours at 88% probability level for East Lansing Planting operatons field time appropriate for all major crops. Harvest operations field time appropriate for soy, wheat and navy. Planting Operations Clay loam WD PD 124 63 74 64 85 81 249 225 Sandy loam WD 148 73 89 268 Harvesting Operations 86 81 167 133 TABLE 5.6 Clay Planting X! Period WD PD 4/21-5/18 188 48 5/1145/20 73 52 5/21-5/38 88 89 6/1 -6/38 247 228 9/1 -9/15 83 74 9/16-9/38 77 68 18/1-18/31 168 148 11/1-11/38 124 181 SOURCE: X area for various major soil XX PD = Poorly Drained, 78 72 149 118 types. WD = Well Drained 96 91 189 159 Estimated from Rosenberg, et al. (1982). PD 125 76 95 238 89 84 173 148 Sandy WD 162 84 98 237 185 182 211 188 PD 139 74 81 251 99 95 197 171 144 Before discussing the data elicitation, it is convenient to describe in more detail the software components of the decision aid. Commercial microcomputer applications software was utilized to the extent possible in order to hold down development costs and time. Other components were developed in the Pascal programming language on a microcomputer. The components are: 1) data elicitation spreadsheet templates, 2) a matrix generator program which creates the LP tableau according to the deterministic and probabilistic data input, and 3) a linear program solver, and 4) a solution display program for iterative reformulation of objective function levels. The farm operator interacts with the decision aid through the analyst for the data elicitation and solution display software, and not at all with the matrix generator and LP solver. The model decision process can be depicted as in Figure 5.5. 5.6.3 Data Elicitation It was considered that response of operators to data and probability elicitation would be better if they could see questions and responses displayed on a computer monitor. Spreadsheet templates (See appendix 2 for templates) were prepared for elicitation of: 1. land information 2. crop budget data 3. yield probability distributions 4. harvest price probability distributions For each owned or rented tract, information is requested concerning total and tillable acres, soil type (each tract is classified according to its prevailing soil type), government program 11:5 QH< onmHUMQ mHQQaom +1 m59