«Unity ABSTRACT THE URBAN GEOGRAPHY OF MORELIA, MICHOACAN, MEXICO by Carroll J. Schwartz This study is based on library research. and on field— work in MOrelia during the summer of 1965. Information used was obtained from five principal sources: (a) official Mex- ican government publications, (b) printed materials supplied by various businesses and organizations, (c) books written by private individuals, (d) numerous personal interviews in the field. and (e) an intensive block-by-block inventory of the city. While the central theme is the impact of improved trans- portation on the functions and morphology of the city, three objectives are of significance: (a) to contribute specific factual knowledge concerning the functional and structural character of Morelia and to analyze its interconnections with the immediate surrounding area and more distant places, (b) to deve10p a better understanding of the attributes of the tradi- tional Latin.American city by making a case study of a center which has as yet undergone relatively little modification, and (c) to establish methods, techniques, meaningful goals and other guidelines for comparable study of other Latin American cities. Morelia. the capital of Michoacan, has a population of 116,692 (in 1965), and is situated at an elevation of 6,900 feet in a small valley midway between Mexico City and Guada- lajara. Founded in 15#l as valladolid, the city early became -1- -2- Carroll J. Schwartz the provincial capital. seat of a bishopric and an important processing and distribution center for the rich agricultural and forest lands of hichoacan. The functions the city per- formed, as well as its internal character and structure. changed very little from colonial times to 1938 when the first paved highway reached it from Mexico City. The arrival of the highway. and its extension westward to Guadalajara. marked the beginning of a new era in the city's development. Improved transportation has resulted in the in- flux of large numbers of rural peOple, expanded and diversi- fied manufacturing, and growing retail, wholesale and service activities. In the 25-year period since l9ho. when the city's inhabitants numbered uh,30h, the population has increased by more than 70.000. representing an increment greater than that of the previous four centuries. The continuing high growth rate. involving primarily unskilled. lowbincome people, pre- sents the city with its major internal problems. Morelia's volume of manufacturing has grown substan- tially during the past quarter-century. but not at a pace sufficient to provide Jobs for the swelling population. The 20 plants established since l9h0 turn out a wide assortment of products. including some completely new kinds. This trend reflects the expansion of outside markets and sources of raw materials resulting largely from transportation improvements. Retail trade is restricted primarily to Morelia and neighbor- ing municipios. while wholesale activities extend into all parts of the state. Service businesses cater to the local -3- Carroll J. Schwartz pepulace and the increasing numbers of transients. Land-use mapping in Horelia was found to be more diffi- cult than in cities of equal size in the United States. and the results less reliable. The contiguity of many buildings. which necessitated classification on a frontage basis, and the com- plexity of functional relationships within individual struc- tures and neighborhoods. presented the basic problems. This has undoubtedly led to an underenumeration of some usages. but the writer feels that his survey depicts land utilization in Morelia more accurately than any completed here-to-fore. Of some 20,355 structures surveyed. l?.0#6. or 83.7 per- cent. are used primarily as residences. or these, some 69.3 percent are lower-class. l7.# percent middle-class, and the remaining 13.3 percent upper-class in quality of construction. Upper-class homes are found near the central plaza, and in several new peripheral locations. Middle-class dwellings are restricted almost exclusively to the zone surrounding the old upper-class area in the heart of the city. Lower-class resi- dences are situated on the outward margins of the middle-class zone and on the city's edge. Lower-class peripheral areas con- stitute Morelia's poorest neighborhoods. Buildings used primarily for business purposes (2.#13) comprise 11.9 percent of all structures. Most of the b.273 individual establishments are small and widely scattered, al- though 39.3 percent (1,679) are found in the thirty blocks delimited as the CBD (Central Business District). Four large public markets contain 1.366 businesses, while well over -h- Carroll J. Schwartz 2,000 are food related. Most of Morelia's 361 manufacturing establishments are small. widely distributed and residence-associated. Well over one-half supply tortillas or wheat bakery products to the lo- cal area. Only 22 plants employ 25 or more workers. Seasonal variations in employment among the largest manufacturers con- stitute a major urban problem. Land used for public and quasi-public purposes accounts for a significant proportion of the total built-up area. Gov- ernment agencies Operate or regulate the schools. churches, hospitals and public utilities. in addition to the parks, plazas and recreational areas. The advent of improved highways has already produced significant transformations in the functional organization and internal structure of Morelia. Continued rural-to-urban migration. expansion of markets and raw materials sources. and other trends already in motion will bring about even more profound changes in the years Just ahead. Morelia provides an excellent example of a Latin.American city which is fast losing its traditional character. For this reason. if no other. this study of Morelia is Justified. It provides a benchmark at a critical point in the city's evolution into the world of the future. in». -. ..4,. ,_, fififiktafi .. a»... a V .1 . . . .ro \ I“ f r.‘ THE URBAN GEOGRAPHY OF MORELIA. MICHOACAN. MEXICO By Carroll Jacob Schwartz A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Geography 196? é 4l177 .. 1- (,3 (5% Copyright by CARROLL JACOB SCHWARTZ 1968 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to acknowledge my indebtedness to the many peo- ple and organizations both in the United States and Mexico whose generous help made the completion of this study possible. I am very grateful for the financial assistance re- received in 1961-62 from Michigan State University (Graduate Council Fellowship) and the National Science Foundation (Sum- mer Fellowship) which provided the funds for completion of a large segment of my pro-dissertation work in residence. I am also appreciative of the loan granted in 1965 by Gamma Theta Upsilon--National Geography Fraternity--which helped to fi- nance my fieldwork in Mexico. In the Department of Geography. Michigan State Univer— sity. I am grateful to Dr. Lawrence M. Sommers and Dr. Clarence L. Vinge for their comments and words of encouragement. and particularly indebted to Dr. Paul C. Morrison. my advisor. for his thoughtfulness. patience and invaluable assistance during the preparation of this dissertation. His efforts in my be- half went far beyond those commonly given by an.advisor. and have very much enhanced both the quality of the product and the writer's learning experience in its preparation. Elsewhere in the United States my appreciation extends to: (a) Dr..Anne Marie Krause. Southern Illinois University. who was primarily responsible for nurturing my interests in -iii- Latin.America. and particularly Mexico. while I was an under- graduate student: (b) Dr. John M. Ball. University of Georgia. for his procedural suggestions; (c) Dr. Nettie Lee Benson, University of Texas Library, for her assistance in locating hard-to-find materials on Morelia's past: (d) Dr. Donald D. Brand. University of Texas. for sharing his extensive know- ledge of bibliographical sources on Michoacan with me; and (e) Dr. Robert K. Holz. University of Texas, for his friendly help while I completed my research in the Texas Library. I wish to express my sincere appreciation to the citi- zens of Morelia who.welcomed me with warmth. patience and un- derstanding. Many people contributed valuable information. both during formal interviews and in impromptu conversations Hon the street. Special thanks must go to the following indi- viduals: (a) Licenciado Fernando Ochoa Ponce de Leon. El Presidente Municipal. for his letter of introduction which proved to be invaluable: (b) Licenciado Miguel Angel Aguilar Ferreira. for numerous personal introductions and for relating much firsthand knowledge about Morelia; (c) Profesor Melesio Aguilar Ferreira. for making his personal library available to me; (d) Sr. Jaime O. Sandoval. for sharing his extensive knowledge of Morelia. past and present. with me in several lengthy interviews: (e) Sr. Francisco.Amaya de la Pena of the Junta de Planeacion y Urbanizacion del Estado de Michoacan, for his assistance in obtaining important maps and data con- cerning Morelia's morphology and recent progress: and (f) Mr. and Mrs. Albert Volkers of the Posada Vista Bella, for making my stay in Morelia so enjoyable. Others who contributed to this study in various ways are the following: Salvador Rayas Mora Ramon Aguilar Ferreira Benjamin Gutierrez Romero Benjamin Arriola T. Benigno Aguilar Javier Davila Martinez Javier Vaquero Arriaga Manuel Contreras Reyna Ricardo Perex Ch. Antonio Galvez C. Huberto Mercado M. Juan.Zamarron Felix Garcia de Leon Gustavo Michel Lepez Salvador Sanchez Ramirez Manuel Castaneda H. Pablo Villanueva Jesus Perea Manuel Perez Montana Felipe Torres Puente Jose Diaz Rafael J. Villalpando Pastor Castro Tinoco Eduardo Plaza Rubiano Emilio Fernandez Lopez Guillermo Cuevas Arturo Pastor Miguel Cortez Gomez Salvador Lopez M. Jose Lino Cortez Manuel Revuelta M. Norberto Canals y C. Fernando Voirol Samuel O. Johnson Alfredo Chavez Tomeli Salvador Tena Mendoza M. Felipe Saleme Francisco Barbosa Emilio Diaz Carreon -J; Modesto Esquivel S. Jose de la Fuente Eliseo Nino Alfonso Monge Mendez Jesus de la Mora y Alvarez Abelardo Lozoyo Godoy Teodoro Estrada Rabago Ricardo Contro Felix Garcia de Leon Prime Torres 3. Daniel Rubiano e Espinoza Francisco Ochoa V. Antonio Ballesteros Rafael Alarcon Mariano Flores O. Miguel Valencia Mora Jose Tocaven Josefina Cabrera Luis Rodriguez Sanchez Manuel Antunez Father John Manchino I also wish to express my thanks to Mr. Steven Ray Smith. advanced graduate student of the Spanish language at the University of Illinois. who accompanied me to Morelia as my field assistant, and contributed so much to the success of the personal interviews. Chicago. Illinois June. 1967 Carroll J. Schwartz TABLE OF ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . LIST OF TABLES . . . . . LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS . Chapter I. II. III. IV. INTRODUCTION . . Objectives Methods Used Organization of Materials THE PHYSICAL SETTING . . . . . The Situation The Valley of Morelia The Site of Morelia The Weather and Climate THE HISTORICAL SETTING . . . . The Colonial Period The Nineteenth Century La Porfiriata The Twentieth Century The Modern Era GROWTH OF MORELIA O O O O O O 0 Growth of Population Growth of Morelia and Major Mexican Cities Growth of Morelia and Other Michoacan Cities CONTENTS Page iii ix xi 18 “A 86 Growth of Morelia. the Municipio and Michoacan Place-of-Birth of Residents Spatial Expansion of Morelia EXTERNAL RELATIONS OF HORELIA . . Transportation The Railroad The Highways 121 Chapter Page Vehicle Registration Traffic Flow The Buses Air Service .Animate Transport Commercial Relations Relations With the Local Area Other Intra-State Relations The Retail Trade Area The Wholesale Distribution Area Collection and Precessing of Materials Inter-State and Foreign Relations Food-Related Manufacturing Canned Fruits Wheat Flour Edible Oils Coffee Manufacturing of Non-Food Products Forest Products Chemicals Roofing Materials Scales Matches Candles VI. LAND USE IN MORELIA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178 The Fractional Code Mapping System Residential Land Use in Morelia Upper-Class Residences Lower-Class Residences Middle-Class Residences Business Land in Morelia The Central Business District Distribution and Characteristics of Selected Businesses Food-Related Businesses Transportation-Related Businesses Miscellaneous Businesses Personal and Professional Services Wholesale Businesses Manufacturing Land Use Public and Quasi-Public Land Use The Schools The Churches The Hospitals Governmental Offices and Agencies Public Utilities Parks, Plazas and Recreational Areas Military Installations -vii- Chapter Page 'VII. SUMMARY.AND CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . 259 Prospect APPENDIXES O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 277 A. I. NOTES ON THE FIGURES II. NOTES ON THE PLATES B. PROCEDURAL SUGGESTIONS C. DAILY BUS.ARRIVALS AND DEPARTURES BI TERMINAL. CLASS OF SERVICE..AND CITY ENTRY POINTS USED. WITH PLACES OF ORIGIN OR DESTINATION AND INTER- MEDIATE STOPS, MORELIA. 1965 BI m mm?“ 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 2 86 -viii- LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. ,Average yearly maximum. minimum.and mean temper- atures. annual precipitation, and days with pre- cipitation per year. Morelia, 1925-1960 . . . . . 32 2. Mean monthly temperatures in Morelia, 1951-1958 . 33 3. Highest and lowest temperatures for each month 1nM0r9118.1951_58eeeeeeeeeeeeeee 36 4. Monthly rainfall in Morelia. 1951-1958 . . . . . . 38 5. Average monthly relative humidity in Morelia. 19u1-1960eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeuz 6. Number of railroad cars of various products leav- ing Morelia in 1938 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78 7. Manufacturing plants established in Morelia, 1950t01965eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeoe8a 8. Population of Morelia. 17u2-l965 . . . . . . . . . 88 9. Population growth of Morelia and other cities of ”8110091900‘1960eeeeeeeeeeeeeeee94 10. Population growth of Morelia and other cities of Michoacan919oo-19600eeeeeeeeeeeeee 96 11. Growth of Population in Morelia, the Municipio, the State of Michoacan and Mexico. 1895-1960 . . . 100 12. Place-of-Birth of residents in the Municipio of Morelia, 1900. and in the State of Michoacan. 1930 and 1960 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 102 13. Foreign-born pepulation of Michoacan from selec- ted countries, 19A0 and 1960 . . . . . . . . . . . 10a 1“. Vehicles registered in Michoacan in 1935. l9h0. 1950 and 19 0. and in Morelia in 1960 and 196A . . 130 15. Average daily arrivals and departures of auto- mobiles. buses and trucks. Morelia. November. 196heV‘eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee00132 Table 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. LIST or TABLES (Continued) Page The directional extent of retail-sales area for eight automobile. truck and agricultural machi- nery dealers. Morelia. 1965 . . . . . . . . . . . 153 Selected land use symbols from the fractional code system utilized in the functional survey of Homli‘elgéseeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeoe181 Number of residences by class in Morelia. 1965 . 18# Number and type of business establishments in More 1 1‘ O O O O O O O O l O O O O O O O O O O O O 2 00 Manufacturing establishments in Morelia. 1965 . . 232 Manufacturing plants with 25 or more employees, morali‘9196500eeeeeeeeeeeoeeee236 Schools in Morelia. 1965 . . . . . . . . . . . . 240 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 2152222 Figure l. The Situation of Morelia (map) . . . . . . . . . 2. The Site of Morelia (map) . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. Climatic Data. Morelia. 1951-1958 (chart) . . . . h. Map of Morelia. 1794 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5. Spatial Growth. Morelia. 1798-1958 (map) . . . . 6. Map of Morelia. 1869 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. Pictorial Map of Morelia, 193A . . . . . . . . . 8. Spatial Growth. Morelia. 1798-1965 (map) . . . . 9. Daily Bus Service, Morelia. 1965 (map) . . . . . 10. Manufactured Products. Markets and Raw Materials, Morelia. 1965 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11. Manufactured Products. Markets and Raw Materials. Morelia. 1965 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12. Residential Types. Morelia. 1965 (map) . . . . . 13. Quality of Building Construction. Morelia. 1965, (map) 1b. Residences Per Block. Morelia. 1965 (map) . . . . 15. Density of Population Per Hectare. Morelia, 1965. (map) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16. Buildings. Morelia, 1965 (map) . . . . . . . . . 17. Businesses Per Block, Morelia. 1965 (map) . . . . 18. The Central Business District. Morelia, 1965, (mp)...................... 19. Food Stores. Morelia, 1965 (map) . . . . . . . . Page 19 22 3A 109 110 112 115 119 137 168 169 185 186 187 188 189 204 208 213 Figure 20. 21. 22. 23. 2h. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. Plate II. III. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS (Continued) Page Feed Related Businesses. Morelia. 1965 (map) . . 215 Transportation Related Businesses. Morelia, 1965 (mp) O O O O O l O O O O O O O O O O O O O O C I 217 Miscellaneous Businesses. Morelia, 1965 (map) . . 220 Miscellaneous Businesses. Morelia, 1965 (map) . . 221 Miscellaneous Businesses, Morelia, 1965 (map) . . 222 Personal and Professional Services. Morelia, 1965(mp)eaeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeooZZh Wholesale Businesses. Morelia. 1965 (map) . . . . 227 Manufacturing Plants By Employment Size. Morelia. 1965 (mp) O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 229 Manufacturing Establishments. Morelia. 1965 (map) 230 Schools, Churches and Hospitals. Morelia, 1965 (up) 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 21.1 Generalized Land Use Map, Morelia, 1965 . . . . . 2A8 Plates Page Areal View of Morelia . . . . (Frontispiece) Fig. l Cerro Punguato at the eastern edge of the Valley of Morelia . . . . . . . . . 23 Fig. 2 Cerro Quinceo and the western parts of Morelia. from the southeast . . . . . . 23 Fig. 3 Cerro E1 Aguila and the southwestern ex- tension of the Valley of Morelia . . . . 23 Fig. A Western area of coalescence of lava flows from Cerro Quinceo and Cerro E1 Agni” O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 23 Fig. 1 Loma de Santa Maria de la Asuncion rising just south of Morelia . . . . . . . . . 25 Pig. 2 Overlooking Morelia and the low hills to the north from the Loma de Santa Maria de 1aAsuncion.............. 25 -xii- Plate IV. VII. VIII. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. F18. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS (Continued) Presa Cointzic. Reservoir which fur- nishes water supply to Morelia . Rio Chiquito is little more than a drainage ditch . . . Areal view of central portion of Morelia Railroad station at Morelia . . . . . . Main railroad line through the city . . New railroad station under construction on the west edge of Morelia . . . . . . Highway and west entry point into Morelia A first-01888 bus termlml . o o o o o o A large bus terminal for both first- and second-class vehicles . . . . . . . . , One of Morelia's bus terminal points. and three second-class buses . . . . . . A second-class bus and its terminal point in wholesale produce district near Mercado de la Revolucion . . . . . . . . Airfield and terminal building southwest Ofth301tyoeeeeeeeeeeeee New airfield and terminal building under construction west of Morelia in 1965 . . Arrieros driving their animals heavily- ladden with firewood from the mountains tOthesoutheeeeeeeeeeeeee View of Mercado de la Revolucion. with horse-drawn carts used by some campe- sinos in foreground . . . . . . . . . . Renault-Dina automobile dealership in Morelia . . . International Harvester truck dealership in "Ofelia e e e e The Petroleos Mexicanos storage plant in Morelia . Morelia's Pepsi-Cola bottling plant . . -xiii- Page 25 25 106 127 127 127 127 138 138 138 138 142 1h2 1&2 lh2 152 152 152 152 Plate XI. XII. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. F18. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS (Continued) Page Negociacion Industrial "Santa Lucia," S.A.. manufacturer of vegetable fats and 0118 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 162 Congeladora y Empacadora Nacional. S.A., a fruit processing plant . . . . . . . . 162 Harinera Michoacan. S.A.. the larger of two flour-milling plants in Morelia . . 162 Industrias Quimicas de Mexico, S.A. man- ufacturer of carbon sulfide and insecti- Cldes e e e e a 0 0‘s 0 e e e e e e e e 162 Old upper-class neighborhood near the center of the city . . . . . . . . . . . 191 Former upper-class dwellings converted to commercial usage . . . . . . . . . . 191 New upper-class residential area in southeastern Morelia . . . . . . . . . . 191 Upper-class residences on the Loma de Santa Maria de la Asuncion south of the city 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 191 New upper-class residence in south- eastern Morelia . . . . . . . . . . . . 192 Upper-class apartment building recently constructed in southeastern Morelia . . 192 Old lower-class neighborhood several blocks north of the central business district . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192 Lower-class dwellings in northeast Morelia. Original road to Mexico City on the left . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192 Extremely poor dwellings on the north- eastern periphery of the city . . . . . 196 Lower-class residential area just south of the Rio Chiquito . . . . . . . . . . 196 Middle-class residential area northwest of the University of Michoacan . . . . . 196 Middle-class residences three blocks northeast of the city's main intersection 196 -xiv- LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS (Continued) Plate Page XIII. Fig. Business district on.Avenida Morelos north of the central business district 206 Fig. Main building housing the old Mercado de la Revolucion northeast of the cen- ter of the city . . . . . . . . . . . . 206 Fig. New Mercado de la Revolucion under con- struction just east of the old market building................ 206 Fig. Fruit stalls on the street adjacent to the Mercado de la Revolucion . . . . . . 206 XIV. Fig. Looking eastward on Avenida Madero to- ”rd the cathedral o o e e o a e e e e e 210 Fig. Avenida Madero with edge of central plaza on the right . . . . . . . . . . . 210 Fig. A corner grocery with roof patio for residence of the proprietor which is back of the store . . . . . . . . . . . 210 Fig. One of the four U.S.-type supermarkets inflorellaOOOOOOOOOOOCOOO 210 XV. Fig. l A typical tortilleria located near Mer- cado Independencia . . . . . . . . . . . 233 Fig. 2 Pasteurizadora Valladolid. the only milk-processing plant (dairy) in Morelia 233 Fig. 3 The new.meat-packing plant (rastro) under construction southwest of Morelia . . . 233 Fig. A Refina.Sintetica. S.A.. manufacturer of Chemcalseeeeeeeeeeeeeee233 XVI. Fig. 1 Institute Valladolid (center), a school for both primary and secondary students 2A3 Fig. 2 Santuario de Guadalupe. one of the oldest churches in Morelia . . . . . . . 2M3 Fig. 3 New church under construction on west Avenida Madero . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243 Fig. A The largest hospital in Morelia . . . . 2A3 Plate XVII. Fig. 1 Fig. 2 Fig. 3 Fig. A LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS (Continued) Page Main building of the Municipal Water Plant 0 e e e e s e e e a o a a o e e e 252 Substation of Compania Electrics de Morella......o.....o.o.252 Jardin Morelos. a small park in eastern Morelia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 252 Administration building and barracks of the let Military Zone headquartered in Morelia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 252 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION A growing rural to urban population movement is cur- rently a significant trend in underdevelOped parts of the world. As a consequence. cities in these areas are under- going rapid changes in size, morphology, and functions performed. Nowhere is this better illustrated than in Latin America. There, many of the cities are experiencing growth rates seldom equaled anywhere in the world. Yet. a review of available literature reveals a dearth of research and writing concerning the traditional character of Latin American cities, knowledge basic to understanding the trans- formations underway. ) If not done seen. such investigations will be diffi- cult. if not impossible. to make. Because of the recency of change. or the small amount already completed. however. a number of urban centers still provide opportunity for studies of this kind. One of these, Morelia in the state of Mich- oacan. Mexico is the subject of this dissertation. Morelia was known as Valladolid until 1828. It has been the capital of Michoacan since 1580. As late as 19#0 the pepulation numbered only 44,30h. but by 1960 it had risen to 100,828. The city still retains much of its colo- nial character. however. particularly since industrialization -2- as yet plays a relatively minor role in its overall economic activity and the tremendous influx of "turistas" from the United States has had no great influence. The extensive areas Of suburban develOpment typical Of some other Mexican centers are still lacking. Newcomers have crowded into older established portions Of the city. thus affecting but not rad- ically changing the traditional internal structure. Thus, Morelia appears to provide opportunity for study Of a Spanish- type city on the threshold of metamorphosis. The city today Operates primarily as a distribution center. although its political function as capital Of Michoacan is also economically important. It is located in a small val- ley midway between Mexico City and Guadalajara to the north- west. Although situated some 75 miles south Of the main rail line between these two places. it is on the principal paved highway joining them and has rail connections with both. It is also connected by airline with Mexico City and Guadalajara. and by paved road with the major towns of Michoacan and many Of those outside the state. especially to the north. In fact. improvement of the tranSportation facilities serving Morelia appears to have been largely responsible for its re- cent growth. Consequently. investigation of the impact of improved transportation on the functions Of the city and its morpho- logy has been an important part Of this study. Dan Stanis- lawski has stated that "the advent Of the truck may prove to be the most revolutionary single factor in the alteration of -3- the urban pattern in Latin.America."1 The writer agrees in principle_with this idea, but preposes amending the state- ment to include the motorbus along with the truck. While the truck has made possible the increasing exchange of goods between cities and regions. thereby acting as a stimulus to economic development, the motorbus has been largely respon- sible for the transfer of large numbers Of the rural popula- tion into the urban centers, both on a temporary and a per- manent basis. The retail functions of Morelia and other cities Of Latin.America have been accelerated by these add- itions to their population. and by the country peOple who can now journey to the cities for their commodity purchases and the sale Of their wares. Morelia is by no means unique in many Of its attri- butes. Conditions prevalent in urban centers elsewhere in Mexico and Latin America. such as removal from isolation by tranSportation improvements. rapid growth, low purchasing power, lack of sufficient manufacturing. unemployment and underemployment, small-scale businesses, unskilled labor. widespread poverty. inadequate housing and generally unsan- itary living conditions are found here as in most other cities Of the area. This lack of uniqueness actually en- hances the contribution Of this study to the field Of urban geography. Since most cities Of Latin America are believed to have many similar characteristics, examination Of the 1Den Stanislawski, The Anato of Eleven Towns in Mich- oacan, Latin American Studies. PuE. NO. IO (Austin: UniversIty of Texas Press. 1950). p. 15. -1..- development of one leads to the possibility of inferences with respect to the others. A better understanding Of the evolution and problems of Latin American cities in general can thus be achieved. Objectives Principal Objectives in making this study were: (1) To contribute specific factual knowledge concerning the morphological and functional character of this particular Mexican city and to analyze its interconnections with the immediate surrounding area and more distant places. Such information will provide a benchmark for determining future change; (2) To develOp a better understanding of the physi- cal structure and functional nature of the traditional Latin American city by making this case study of a center which has as yet undergone relatively little modification; and (3) To establish methods. techniques, meaningful goals. and other guidelines for comparable study of other Latin American cities. The problem. then. has been to determine the physical and cultural factors that have been responsible for the de- velopment Of the present internal structure Of Morelia. and the city's functional relationships with its immediate hin- terland and other outside areas. both in Mexico and abroad. While primary emphasis was placed upon evolution during recent decades, a thorough study of the city from its found- ing by the Viceroy of New Spain in 1541 was undertaken. The -5— writer felt that an understanding of the present city can be obtained only through an analysis of its complete historical geography. It is hOped that this study will contribute to re- search in urban geography and encourage persons with in- terests in this field to similarly investigate other cities in Latin America. or elsewhere in less develOped parts of the world. When the fund Of knowledge has been sufficiently extended, valuable analyses and comparisons can be made that will lead to a better overall understanding Of these cities and will have the practical value of Offering vital new in- formation to the city planners and other officials concerned with their improvement and orderly develOpment. The results Of mistakes Of the past cannot be completely eradicated in most cases. but a better understanding Of the evolutionary processes leading to the present structural and functional patterns can help to prevent committing errors in the future. Methods Used Interests in urban. historical and economic geography. combined with a regional concern for Latin America. espec- ially Mexico. prompted the writer to select a Mexican city for study. The investigation of the evolution of the in- ternal structure and external relationships of Morelia has allowed ample Opportunity for the development and use of research techniques in each of the three systematic special- ties. while at the same time providing the writer field -6- experience in the particular area Of Latin America which in- terests him most. Any one of a number of cities in Mexico. or elsewhere in Latin America. offers fertile ground for a study of this kind. but the writer's interest specifically in Morelia was fostered first during a visit to that city in 1958 while on a quick tour of Mexico by automobile. and again in the sum- mer of 1963 while attending the summer session Of a Spanish language institute at the University of Michoacan in Morelia. During the latter summer. a preliminary field reconnaissance Of the city and its immediate area. as well as conversations with the local citizenry. interested the writer in the prob- lems and prospects of Morelia. and emphasized the need and possibilities for the type of study that could be done by one trained as a geographer. A number Of local acquain- tances were made and likely sources of published informa- tion were surveyed. including the university library. local bookstores and the private collection of Licenciado Melesio Aguilar Ferreira. Tentative arrangements were concluded for living quarters and for a native resident to act as field assistant and informant during the more intensive fieldwork to be undertaken upon the writer's return to Morelia. These preliminary preparations proved to be invaluable during the actual fieldwork which was completed in the summer of 1965. Not only were several books discussing historical activities in Morelia and the state Of Michoacan Obtained from friends and at the local bookstores. but a street map -7- Of the city (Plano de Morelia, Ultima Edicion. 1963-64) was acquired which later was employed in preparing a preliminary base map for making the land use portion of this study. The historical studies of Morelia and Michoacan provided much background information on the early phases of development, and contained bibliographies which served as leads to other materials. Maps of the state of Michoacan obtained that first summer. also provided valuable information. particu- larly regarding the transportation network connecting More- lia with other places in the state. Thus. the first summer spent in Morelia allowed the writer to get the "feel" of the city. and to become ac- quainted with some of the problems to be faced once serious fieldwork was begun. Probably one of the most significant results was the revelation that many types of essential in- formation would have to be Obtained elsewhere and that cer- tain types of information would not be available at all. Between the summer Of 1963 and that Of 1965, when the fieldwork was actually completed. a great deal of pre- fieldwork preparation was accomplished. A dissertation proposal was prepared and submitted to the doctoral commit- tee. Once this was approved. an extensive bibliography was compiled utilizing the libraries of Michigan State univer- sity and Southern Illinois University. Publications listed in this bibliography were then reviewed for possible rele- vance to the contemplated study. Although many of these items provided incidental information and procedural ideas. -8- few were found to be directly related to the urban geo- graphy Of Morelia. Thus. the necessity for the securing of relevant information in other places soon became apparent. Inquiry in Morelia and research in the University of Texas Library later proved to be the major sources of knowledge. Probably the best studies of a similar nature pre- viously completed were written by Mary Megee at the univer- 1 sity of Chicago and John M. Ball at Michigan State Uhiver- 2 Dr. Megee's dissertation on Monterrey forms the ba- sity. sis for comparable studies Of other Latin American cities and has furnished a number of working ideas for this study of Morelia. Dr. Ball's dissertation on Tepic also provides valuable guidelines to further research and has been very influential in the develOpment Of this study. In addition, Martin E. Brigham's study of Monterrey. which was completed at the University Of Michigan in 1951, has offered a number Of suggestions, while several shorter studies have also been quite helpful.3 Even with these models available, however. 1Mary Megee. Monterre Mexico: Internal Patterns and External Relations (Pu ished P . . D ssertat on. Department of GeOgraphy. university Of Chicago. 1958). Pub. NO. 59. 2John a. Ball. The Urban Geo ra n of Te 10 Na arit. Mexico: A Study Of ChgngIgg FunctIons (unpuBIisfied Ph.%. ssertat on. Department of Geography, Michigan State Uhi- versity. 1961). 3Martin E. Brigham. Monterre Mexico: A Stud in Urban Geo ra h (unpublished Ph.D. dissertatIon, Department of GeograpHy. university of Michigan. 1951). Studies in the form Of published papers that have been helpful are the following: Donald D. Brand. "Quiroga. A Mexican Municipio.” Smithsonian Institution Institute of Social Anthro Olo . PuB. NO. II. WasRIngton. I95I; SamueI N. DIcEen, "MonEerrey -9- the writer found himself constantly confronted with the necessity of developing additional research procedures. Following the initial library research. a plan Of field Operation was drawn up. and base maps to be used in recording land use were drafted from the street map obtained in Morelia earlier. The city was, for convenience. divided arbitrarily into four sections--northwest. southwest. north- east. and southeast--using the major north-south and east- west streets Of the city for this purpose. These areas were then subdivided further and a page-Size map of each subsec- tion was drafted and placed in a loose-leaf notebook. The sheets were designed for use with a clipboard in the field. and proved to be quite adequate for inventorying land use. Each was drawn to a scale sufficiently large to permit easy application of descriptive land-use symbols which were de- velOped in the field. The rather exhaustive preparation Of these base maps proved to be time well spent when the actual land-use mapping began. The Source map, although relatively accurate. did contain some errors. but these were easily and Northeastern Mexico." Annals of the Association of Amer- ican Geo ra hers. XXIX (June, I959), pp. 127-138; KIIce FOS- ter. "OrIzaba, A.Community in the Sierra Madre Oriental." Economic GeOgraphy. I (October. 1925). pp. 356-372: Preston E. James, "Belo Horizonte and Ouro PretO: A Comparative Study of Two Brazilian Cities." Pa ers of the Michi an Aca- dem of Science Arts and Letters, XVIII (1932), pp. 239- 258: Preston E. James, "RIO de Janeiro and Sao Paulo." Egg- ra hical Review. XXIII (April. 1933). pp. 271-298; Dan StanIsIawsEi. "The Origin and Spread Of the Grid-Pattern Town." Geo ra hical Review. XXXVI (January, 19h6), pp. 105- 120: Dan StanisIawskI, "Early Spanish Town Planning in the. New World." Geo ra hical Review, XXXVII (January, 19h?) pp. 94-105; Dan StanIsIawsEI. The Anatom Of Eleven Towns in Michoacan. Latin American StudIes, PuB. NO. 10. (AustIn: University of Texas Press, 1950). -10- corrected in recording field Observations on the page-size base maps. Eventually. an up-tO-date composite map of the City Of Morelia was drafted by the writer. incorporating changes noted on the field maps. It served as the base for the distributional maps illustrating this dissertation. The first two weeks Of June. 1965 were spent at the University of Texas Library working in the Latin American Collection. Research here proved to be quite fruitful as an abundance of information about Morelia was found. parti- cularly for the period since 1800 A.D. Although most his- torical publications on Morelia, and as a matter of fact on all of Mexico and Latin America, deal primarily with reli- gious or military affairs, it was possible to glean some facts concerning other aspects Of the city's develOpment from their pages. Statistical information for the period since 1895 was Obtained from the various national censuses which are well represented in the Texas Library. Several Old city maps (PlanOS de Moreli§_or de Valladolid) were available in the rare map collection. including the very first known map Of Valladolid (Morelia) drawn in 1794.1 Photostatic copies of these maps were obtained and are re- produced in Chapter IV. The materials available at the Texas Library have certainly enhanced the quality of this study. The Latin American Collection there is probably the outstanding 1The 1794 map in the University of Texas Collection is a reproduction of an original held in the Museo Michoa- cano in Morelia. -11- assemblage of publications and manuscripts on Mexico and Latin America generally to be found in the united States. and possibly in the world. The fact that scholars from all over Latin America come to Austin for research purposes is evidence in support of this statement. The writer resided in Morelia from mid-June to mid- September. 1965. The first two weeks were spent primarily in becoming familiarized with the city and in compiling a pre- liminary interview list. This list proved to be useful later. but was subject to constant revision once the land- use survey began. During the months of July and August. a very detailed land-use study of the city was made and num- erous persons familiar with the problems Of the city and with its past were interviewed. These included manufacturing plant owners and officials. businessmen. civic leaders. news- paper editors. hotel managers. religious leaders. bank exec- utives and transportation supervisors. as well as peOple on the street. Interviews were integrated with the land-use survey. It was very soon found that most people in positions Of auth- ority tended to be in their Offices only at certain times of the day and from Monday through Friday only. Generally speaking. these hours were from 9:00 A.M. to 12:00 Noon. and again from about “:30 P.M. to 6:00 P.M. The afternoon "siesta" is still very much in vogue in Morelia. Land-use mapping was. therefore. accomplished primarily in the early mornings. early afternoons, and late evenings. Some was -12. also done on Saturdays and Sundays when interviewing was virtually impossible. The interview procedure involved five basic steps: (1) the interview listing. (2) securing an appointment, (3) prior preparation of an individualized questionnaire. (4) the interview. and (5) arrangement and preliminary anal- ysis Of information obtained. As mentioned. an interview list was compiled during the preliminary survey of the city. Other names were added to the original group as the study progressed. Each individual or firm was then contacted and arrangements were made for a meeting date. This phase of the work proved to be necessary due to the differences in hours of availability and also due to the personal policies of the interviewees. It was not uncommon to have to appear for an interview three or four times before the actual con- ference took place. In several instances it was necessary to write formal letters requesting time and stating purposes for the interview before a meeting could be arranged. Prior to the interview a question sheet was prepared covering the types Of information desired. These question sheets varied considerably. although certain types of infor- mation were generally common to each one. For example, all Of those pertaining to manufacturing establishments contained such questions as number Of employees. date of establishment. area of market, source of raw materials. products manufac- tured. and means of transportation Of raw materials and finished goods. As an interview proceeded. it was sometimes -13- possible to expand previously develOped lists due to the cooperation of the interviewee, but in other cases it was necessary to delete questions of a personal or financial nature when the informant showed signs of reluctance to answer them. The writer feels. however. that the prepara- tion Of a tentative question sheet geared to each specific situation was quite beneficial in conducting the interviews. After each interview was completed. the material Ob- tained was organized and analyzed for its basic content. A 5" by 8" record card was then prepared. and a file of these cards was maintained. It was later found that this procedure facilitated the organization of materials for the writing Of this thesis. and aided in the expeditious handling of a great amount of information. The land-use portion of the study involved a block- by-block and building-by-building inventory. utilizing the page-size maps prepared prior to the writer's arrival in Morelia. The city blocks On each Of these sheets were suf- ficiently large to allow the rough drafting Of building sizes. with additional floors indicated by the tiering method. and to allow the use Of a fractional code system. Each block. then. when completed showed the number of buildings. their relative sizes. and their basic functions. Each one-story structure was classified according to its basic function, even where two or more functions were Obvious. In cases of buildings with two or more floors the function performed on each floor was determined where possible. -14- Quality or condition of a building was recorded only in the case Of its being used for residential purposes. Such structures were broadly categorized as upper. middle. or lower class according to previously determined criteria (and cri- teria developed in the field) which are discussed in Chap- ter VI. A fractional code system, tailored to the local condi- tions. was devised as the survey was carried out. It was felt that this would be the best way to inventory land use in Morelia. rather than try to utilize a system set up for some other city or country. The initial mapping of land use was accomplished along the principal east-west commercial street (Avenida Francisco I. Madero). beginning at the major intersection at the northeast corner of the cathedral and moving first eastward and then westward to the respective boundaries of the city. As each new type Of function was en- countered. a fractional symbol was given to it. and this was used in recording all subsequently encountered cases of per- formance Of this function. The method was found to be highly satisfactory. both because of its inclusive nature and be- cause of the ease with which it could be used. A legend sheet was permanently attached to the clipboard used in the mapping and facilitated quick reference to the established symbolization. A more detailed discussion of the procedure followed is included in the land-use chapter (Chapter VI). In order to gain a better comprehension of Morelia's hinterland and its transportation network. a number of trips -15- were made to neighboring towns and cities. These excursions included one by second-class bus, several by automobile. and a final one by four-wheel drive jeep into the roadless moun- tains just south of the city. An awareness of the general characteristics of Morelia's "neighborhood." as well as Of the quality of transportation facilities and the problems involved in moving people and goods into and out of the city proper was gained by these brief journeys. The relative isolation of area villages to the south of Morelia. for example. was made apparent by the jeep trip to one Of these. San Miguel del Monte. The trip to this place. located approximately fifteen kilometers southeast of the city, required one and one-half hours of travel and would have been impossible by any ordinary type of motor vehicle. An afternoon trip to Charo and other villages located east Of Morelia on the unpaved former main road leading to Mexico City revealed some of the transportational problems Morelia had to cope with prior to the arrival of the paved highway from Mexico City in the late 1930's, Maximum speed possible on the rocky road to Charo (it could not be called a gravel road by any stretch of the imagination) was about thirty miles per hour, and even this was somewhat excessive con- sidering road conditions. It is fairly certain that the con- dition Of this route hasn't been improved much in the past three decades. Organization Of Materials The organization of materials in each succeeding -16- chapter has been designed to emphasize method and procedure. while at the same time dealing with factual information re- garding the City Of Morelia and with conclusions arrived at through analysis Of knowledge accumulated. Chapter II discusses the physical setting of Morelia. Emphasis is placed on those physical factors Of site and situation which have affected the past growth Of the city. and which will play an important role in its future expan- sion. Chapter III is a rather detailed account of the impor- tant historical events which have influenced the present structure and functional organization Of the city. and of the sequent occupance of Morelia from its beginning in 1541 to the present time. The presentation of the city's historical background is then followed in Chapter IV by a discussion of its growth of population and accompanying spatial expansion. In the first part of the chapter. Morelia is compared to cities throughout Mexico and to other urban places in Michoacan as to the rate Of growth and relative position within the res- pective political units. A brief consideration of the rela- tive growth Of population in the city. the municipio. and the state follows in an attempt to demonstrate some of the basic differences in rate of urban and rural increases. A small section is devoted to the place-of-birth of Morelia's residents in an attempt to determine the origin of the city's population, for which purpose census data are inadequate. The second portion Of Chapter IV deals with the actual spatial or areal expansion of the city during the past two -17- and one-half centuries, and in so doing utilizes (1) Old city maps found in the Texas Library. (2) maps made avail- able by the Junta de Planeacion y Urbanizacion del Estado de Michoacan in Morelia. and (3) the final field map prepared by the writer from information gathered in the field. Chapter V is an analysis Of the external relations of Morelia at the present time. The focus Of this chapter is on the transportation facilities that serve the city. and the commercial relationships existing between Morelia. its immed- iate hinterland. the rest of the state Of Michoacan. and elsewhere in Mexico and in foreign lands. A very detailed examination of the present use of land in Morelia is presented in Chapter VI. Changes that have been brought about in recent decades are discussed in rela- tion to transportation improvements and the massive increase in the city's population.» An analysis Of the major internal problems is given. and proposals are made for implementing and guiding future expansion of the city. Chapter VII summarizes the findings Of the previous chapters and elucidates the conclusions the writer reached in analyzing the information contained in those chapters. A brief section is devoted to an evaluation of the future pros- pects Of Morelia and to recommendations for their enhance- ment. CHAPTER II THE PHYSICAL SETTING The Situation Morelia is the capital of the state of Michoacan and the seventeenth largest city of Mexico. The Census Of 1960 recorded its pOpulation as 100,828. but that figure had in- creased to an estimated 116.692 by the end or 1965.1 The city is situated at an elevation of 6,368 feet2 in a small. picturesque valley within the densely pOpulated central pla- teau region (Mesa Central or Mesa de Anahuac) Of Mexico, about midway between Mexico City and Guadalajara (Fig. l). The highway distance eastward to Mexico City is approximately 200 miles, while that westward to Guadalajara is 230 miles. although straight-line distances to the two cities are 120 and 150 miles. respectively. The differential in land and air distances attests to the ruggedness of the terrain both east and west Of the city. Due to the elevational changes 1Estimated by the writer based on a 1963 estimate Of 109.144 by the Direccion General de Estadistica and the national increase rate of 3.4 percent in 1964 and 1965. 2The elevation of Morelia (Valladolid) was first cal- culated by Baron.Alexander von Humboldt as 1950 meters when he visited the city in 1803 on his famous expedition across Mexico. For a discussion Of this see Manuel Padilla. "More- lia." Boletin de la Sociedad Mexicans de geOgrafia y esta- distica. III. 5 (1908). p. 458. -18- -19- H chowdm .2: a... 93.. 3-6 s...- =: cos... .8.- g .2... p:- coef-ood E lus- zo=<>u= Su- oeodue U o 2 m 0w ._ “—0 ZOE-Em LE - i. O a ' - Ova-sabfl 3‘.!. Nb..‘ . I. — .I-l.I-'n ’- I s .‘c‘ * ) n02 any on: g 08-0.. 0 M. «o. /.. VIEW... . 2.... . a... . 3 . . ,. /(/ > w. 28.3 . 39.: O 4, . O 98.3- - 39.8 . wwii OKMMMNDO \ C 98.8.- . .362 . .d. O\ ,_ I‘\ mz-so- e: meu r? r . 0 Seize-.- eu>l .I.I.l , (Li/\l in < O ... / To. 83-...1- it «:1- g I I .I-“o‘e’ \- . .l.|.e .... 53555 0(035 ._3 .1 QONII. -20- and the extremely winding character Of the highway from Mexico City to Guadalajara. two days of auto driving time are required for the trip. a condition which makes Morelia's midway location a convenient overnight stopping point along the way. This position has been of significant economic consequence to Morelia. particularly since the hard-surfacing of the highway in the late 1930's. although it was important prior to that event. The Valley of Morelia The Valley of Morelia (first named the Valle de Guay- angareo) is a southerly extension of the great Basin of Gua- najuato. which is more commonly known as the Bajio (E1 Bajio). Its elevation. however. averages 500 to 1,000 feet higher than that Of the Bajio.1 For centuries Morelia (called 221137 gglig prior to 1828) has been the gateway city leading from the fertile intermontane valleys of western and northern Michoacan, and the "hot lands" Of southern Michoacan. into the densely populated Basin of Guanajuato and to the famous mining communities in the highlands north and west of the basin. It has also served as the collection point for live- stock and agricultural products destined for Mexico City and its heavily populated surrounding region. This small valley is but one of many situated in northern Michoacan. In fact. northern Michoacan is known as the Region of the Valleys in 1Preston E. James. Latin America (3rd ed.: New York: The Odyssey Press. 1959). p. 539 and p. 643. -21- Mexican geographical literature and well deserves the name. The major axis of the Valley Of Morelia extends in an east-to—west direction for about twelve miles. while the north-tO-south width varies from four to six miles (Fig. 2). The approximate area of the valley. then. is about sixty square miles. Morelia is located near its eastern end on a gently rising basaltic lepe (1225) formed by the extrusive flow of material from the collapsed west side of Cerro Pun- guatO--one Of several surrounding volcanic peaks (Pl. II. Fig. 1). These extinct volcanoes rim the valley on the north- west. west. south and east. while gently-leping uplands re- sulting from the extrusive activity of the volcanoes border it on the north and northeast. Cerro Quinceo. rising to an elevation Of 9,000 feet, overloOks the valley on the north- west (Pl. II. Fig. 2). Lava flows and ashes from this cone have created a steady lepe of the land from its base toward the center of the valley. facilitating drainage and providing a relatively smooth surface for agricultural pursuits. Cerro El Aguila (8,500 feet) lies at the southwestern end of the valley (Pl. II. Fig. 3). Its flows Of lava have created a slope situation similar to that at the base Of Quinceo. 0n the west the Valley Of Morelia is terminated by tongues of lava from Quinceo and E1 Aguila which have coa- lesced forming a rather rugged terrain, but one at a much lower elevation than the crests of the volcanic cones on either side (P1. II, Fig. 4). The major highway connecting -22- ~ seam-a ._ Omens-u: ,@ omH do do aoaas> or» do :ofimcmpxo :Lmnmsc,u;,, ducmnwmamoo do some :aoumoziln .mdm on» com maasm< Hm oppOmulm .mfim -23- 0 undo Igusom or» some .mafimho: do puma Chooses .maaOhor do moaam> or» do owns camummd emu ecu oven-:7 OthUiIN .mam 0:» pm cummmcsd OLAOUIIH .mam -24- Morelia to the western part of the state and to Guadalajara traverses this relatively low passageway between the two peaks. The south rim Of the valley is formed by lava flows from Cerro Azul (8,400 feet). Cerro Verde (8,250 feet) and Cerro Las Animas (8.250 feet)(Pl. III. Fig. 1). These vol- canoes are more closely spaced than those previously men- tioned and their combined activity. along with severe ero- sion. has resulted in a very complex surface configuration. Actually. these peaks are associated with the Sierra Ozu- matlan and the Sierra Curucupaseo which are highly-complex. rugged mountain chains that effectively isolate the Valley of Morelia from the regions to the south. The barrier effect of this terrain is emphasized by the fact that g2 roadway Of any kind links Morelia to the lands in the south along the slopes of the mountains and beyond in the Tierra Caliente of the Balsas Lowland (Depresion Austral). Access to the Bal- sas Lowland from Morelia requires following circuitous routes around the eastern and western ends Of these mountains. The steepest Of the slopes rimming the valley are found a short distance south of Morelia along the Loma de Santa Maria de la Asuncion which was formed by the outflow of lava from Cerro Verde (Pl. III. Fig. 1). To the northeast. lava flows from Punguato and eastward from Quinceo have formed low hills that separate the Valley Of Morelia from the Basin Of Lake Cuitzeo in the Bajio (P1. III. Fig. 2). SlOpes of these hills are sufficiently gentle to permit the cultivation of grains and in years of adequate .WCHmzo: mmmao ubdzCfi emu ouoz .roufic owns-she m can» .mfiaoaoz Op madden Loom: worm-cazu soars mLcE cfiuu-H w- Opasoaco admin: .wfim hao>hmmom .o-Nucdoo smohmllm .wfim - 5 J .ecsOhmxosn :- puoa on» :0 oepo> .soHo:=m< SA on says; spasm chemo cos houses a“ mmaac< mug oaaou me maoq on» some some: or» on mHHd: 30H .maaouoz ho mason meow madman soaocsm< or» was THHoao: madxooaho>0|nm .wam OH so mans: spasm we TBOQIIH .wdm HHH mB02 900 new ws< fish can as: na< - was. pom ssh Ommdm use» -o-ossonsnme d8moananoa .s-Howoz es homeschooaoo assumes sdozu.« canoe -34- F—h' A.C_I.|,MATIC DATA _- ”.9011- 1951-1958 L J F M A M J J A S O N D MORELIA ..- PRECIPITATION AVIIAOI .' ' i/ aowrwu 5 nun: ‘Wm ....... . ....._ m JAN FEB MN! APR MAY JUN JUI. AUG 5" OCT NOV DEC Figure 3 -35- the month. Table 3 shows the absolute maximum and mini- mum temperatures reached during each month Of the year. while Figure 3 shows the average of highest and lowest tem- peratures recorded for each month during the 1951-58 period. During these eight years. the highest temperature exper- ienced was 88.20 in May. 1957. The lowest was 31.10 in Jan- uary. 1956. Freezing temperatures are almost unknown in Morelia.1 although night temperatures do consistently dip into the upper thirties in December and January. Day tem- peratures reach into the upper seventies during the same months. On the other extreme. temperatures above 900 are rarely if ever experienced. The average maximum for the warmest months is between 80° and 85? while their average minimum is around 500 (Fig. 3). The diurnal range Of tem- perature. therefore, is greater than the annual range. The statement that "night is the winter Of the tropics" applies well in the Valley Of Morelia. The precipitation regime Of Morelia is somewhat less stable than that of temperature. but a relatively well defined seasonal and daily pattern does exist. As is shown by Table l. the average annual precipitation or rainfall (with res- pect tO Morelia. the two terms are practically synonymous) for the period 1925-60 was 29.64 inches. and the average 1Apparently snowfall has occurred in Morelia in the past. This is indicated by the following quotation: "...the mean temperature Of the winter is 56 degrees [in Mexico Citi]. and sometimes, though rarely. the thermometer descends to the freezing point. and a small quantity of snow falls. This last phenomenon is also Observed at Valladolid Dioreliaj . which is several hundred feet lower." George Folsom. Mexico en 1842 (New York: C. J. Folsom, 1842). p. 43. Table 3.-Highest and lowest temperatures for each month in Morelia. 1951-58a (Fahrenheit) O ‘00 SW (\co \0-3' NO\ ON “\0 O‘CD e a e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 8 \OH (“0‘ d“ “N "‘5 (\N 1‘“ no > e e e e a e e e e e e e e e e e 0 mm “N n: [\o (\N ‘1‘ O‘m “N D e e e e e e e e e e e a e e e e 0 0‘0 we (\H “\O {\N 0‘“ on (\N O 5:? [\«3' (\‘n [\d’ 5:? [\d' (ID-'2' [\W 0““ mo\ NN (\N 00\ “0 (DB \Oh D. e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e a (\N (”N “m (\N (\N \00 NO we on 0‘“ Ho mm (Din \ON :0 no a e e e e e e a e e e a e e e 0 ¢ (\n (\m com (\W mm B“ (\m (\V‘ mm (NC!) O\O\ an HO‘ 00 00‘ {\H H e o e e e e e e o e e e e e e e 5 mm 1‘“ Our “-1" H3 {\0 on “\O '7 (\W (\n (\n {\V‘ min B“ Q“ [\‘n Nm \ON MN 00 (NW om 00 34" e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 5 3“ on (“B 0“ mm HO \O‘A mm "3 CD“ mm m“ mm mm mm mm a)“ >5 e e «4 e e e e e e e e e e e e \O\O CO\ H“ O‘M O0 mm (\CD :1” H e e e e e e O o e e o e e e e e 9. #3 30 mo \Ol\ \00 mm on I‘m Ch@ 50 \OO 00 in \ON (“\H max ‘4 a e e e e e e e a o e e e e e a g HI". M“ NW “N N5 NW 001 Hm (I): 00:} CID-:7 (I): 00: (D: (I): 00:) M“ “M [\H NM NM 0“ :0 mm ,0 e e e e e e e e e o e e e a e a Q H‘O Hm Oxo (\m cm H“) (\n mm ‘34 (on com [\d‘ [\3’ COM COM {\3 {\m N“ 3CD 0"“ HF M—‘I’ HH HO‘ 3% e a e e e e a e e e e e e e e a 5 u\CD mN 3'0 \00\ :TN \OH 0!" mu 0 e e e e e a e e e a e e a 'a a 5‘: as 5:: at: a: 3:: as: 5!: «Fl 1". H H H H H H E: E: Z S E: 53 S s: a H N m a ‘1‘ \O I‘- m V‘ m m m m ‘1‘ ‘n V‘ 0 (a 0‘ 0‘ O\ O\ O\ 0‘ 0‘ >4 H H H H H H H H Fahrenheit temperatures calculated from centigrade temperatures published a Source: by Servicio MeteorolOgicO Mexicano and appearing in Gabriel Ortiz Santos. "Agua potable O." Ingenieria Hidraulica en Mexico. Encro- Ciudad de Morelia. Michoacan. 196 para la 1960. p. 78. Febre ro- Marzo . bNO data given. -37- number Of days Of occurrence was 116. The largest annual amount recorded was 44.92 inches in 1958. while the smallest was probably in 1949 and totaled 21.05 inches.1 NO year had less than 92 days with rain or more than 146. Most Of the rain in Morelia is concentrated in the four-month period of June through September, although May and October sometimes receive significant amounts (Table 4 and Fig. 3). There is. then. a pronounced wet season and a sea- son Of drought. This regime is rather typical throughout all of highland Mexico and is directly related to the seasonal movement of the subtropical high pressure system. The Valley of Morelia is dominated by this high pressure from November through April. Descending air currents and winds blowing from the land seaward (a modified monsoon situation) create a situation in which very little convectional activity takes place and in which moisture-bearing winds from the Caribbean Sea and Gulf of Mexico (northeast tradewinds) or from the Pacific Ocean cannot reach the valley. As the high pressure belt starts moving northward with the advance of the sun's vertical rays in early May. convectional activity becomes more prominent and warm. moist winds begin to blow inland. By June Morelia is deluged by rains carried inland by the trades and to a lesser extent by winds from the Pacific. 1The Anuario estadistico for 1943-45 gives a figure of 5.90 inches Of precipitation for the year 1942. The wri- ter feels that this figure is a printing error. both because it is completely inconsistent with the other data shown and because there were 105 days with rainfall in 1942. Other years.with approximately the same number of days of rainfall indicate annual amounts from 24 to 29 inches. .spso cansaasps some oopsasoaso moweao>s manusozo .soaaw some 029 .88 .a .owma .ONHOEIOHOapomnanmm .Ooawoz so OOHHSOHOHm manoaaommm =.omma .sdososoaz .sdaoaoz so ososao OH when sandman msw<= .mOpmsm uapno defiance ma mmdwsoaas use case-Ho: Ocamoa -38- :anouoz and>hom an dormaansa muouoaaaaaa seam Oousasoaso mososH “condoms 8«.8 «8.8 88.« 8«.8 88.8 88.8 8«.8 88.« 88.8 88.8 88.8 88.8 oomdsc>< 8«.8 88.8 88.« 88.8 88.8 88.8 8e.e 88.8 8«.8 s<\z 88.8 «8.8 8888 88.8 n<\z 88.« 88.« 88.8 «8.8 88.8 8H.H nsxz 88.8 88.8 88.8 8888 «8.8 88.8 88.8 88.« 88.8 88.8 88.8 88.8 «8.« 88.8 nsxz n<\z 8888 n<\z «8.8 88.8 88.8 88.«H 88.8 88.8 88.8 «8.« o<\z nsxz 88.8 8888 s<\z «8.8 88.8 8«.8 88.8 88.8 88.8 88.« 8a.- n<\z 88.8 8«.8 8888 8«.8 88.8 88.« «8.8 88.8 «8.8 88.8 88.8 88.8 «8.8 88.8 88.8 8888 88.8 88.« ns\z 88.8 «8.8 8«.8 88.8 88.8 88.8 n<\z oexz «8.8 «888 88.8 88.8 88.« 8«.8 88.8 88.8 88.8 88.« 88.8 88.8 ne\z pe\z 8888 con aoz poo new 85¢ How saw as: na< as: pom ssh MOON Anemoch 88888-8888 .s-aonoz as Hades-ch essence-.8 canoe -39- This condition continues until late September or early Octo- ber when. once again. the high pressure belt becomes dominant as a result Of the sun's southward migration. The tradewinds are increasingly blocked by this high pressure ridge and by early November are almost completely ineffective. Onshore winds from the Pacific shift to Offshore. also in response to the pressure build-up over the land. During the years 1951-58 the rainy-season months of June. July and August each averaged well over 6 inches Of precipitation. while the average for September exceeded 5 inches (Fig. 3). During these same months. the highest amount received was 12.08 inches in August. 1955. while the lowest was 4.15 inches in June Of the same year (Table 4). In a typical year approximately 75 percent of the total precipi- tation occurs during these four months. If May and October are added. and usually they are sufficiently rainy to warrant such inclusion. approximately 90 percent of the total annual precipitation is accounted for. There is no doubt. then. that Morelia possesses a decided wet season and a season Of water deficiency. The least rainy month is usually either February or March. although December and January are also dry. The average precipitation in March during the years 1951-58 was 0.08 inches. while February with 0.11 inches had only a little more. The daily pattern of rainfall is rather distinctive. Rain usually occurs during the late afternoon or early even- ing hours and only occasionally at night or in the morning. -40- The early morning hours are commonly clear. but by late morning or early afternoon huge cumulus clouds are forming and become more and more threatening because of increasing convectional activity as the afternoon prOgresses. When the rain finally begins. it is usually in a downpour of one hour or less duration. but occasionally it continues into the evening hours.1 The seasonal rainfall regime in the Valley of Morelia causes some basic problems. Insufficient water for half of the year limits natural vegetation growth. ruling out the maturation Of those trees which require quantities of water on a continuing basis. Exceptions Occur in low-lying portions of the valley where sufficient groundwater is available to carry such trees through the dry months. Also. it is neces- sary to store water during the wet season to supply dry sea- son needs for domestic and agricultural purposes. On occa- sion. however. the overabundance Of rain received during the wet months causes serious flooding and because of this ex- pensive flood control projects are a necessity. As was previously mentioned. the City of Morelia has been hampered in its areal expansion by the prevalence Of flooding along the Rio Grande do Morelia and the Rio Chiquita. Considerable agricultural land in the valley and in the nearby Basin of Cuitzeo is also subject to inundation. and suffers damage 1Discussion of the daily rainfall pattern is based upon field Observations during the summer of 1965 and upon information supplied by a number of residents of Morelia. -41- to crops. especially when heavy downpours occur in a short period.1 The concentration of rainfall in the warmer half of the year does. however. constitute an asset in terms of its effectiveness on crops. And. because of the amount of pre- cipitation received. the valley is far better Off than much of Mexico with respect to the availability of water for agri- cultural. domestic and other uses. In fact. with the develOp- ment of storage facilities. Michoacan as a whole is one of the best watered parts of highland Mexico. Large irrigation projects have been develOped in the northern part Of the state. including those in the Valley Of Morelia and the Que- rendaro Plain. Huge combined hydroelectric-irrigation pro- jects are planned for southern Michoacan. One big dam. known as El Infiernillo, was recently completed in the Bal- sas Lowland south Of Morelia and is now supplying large quan- tities Of electrical power to various parts of central Mex- ico. particularly Mexico City. The potential for develop- ment of extensive irrigation districts in the Tierra Caliente of Michoacan. and the affect of these on the City of Morelia. is tremendous. The possibility of large quantities of water and hydroelectricity being available for Morelia in the fu- ture is a prime factor in plans for economic development of the O1 tye 1During the summer of 1965. the writer witnessed two week-long periods of flooding Of farmlands. especially in the Querendaro Plain. Crop losses resulting from such disas- ters have had a profound affect on the economic well-being of Morelia. -142- The average annual relative humidity in the valley is a moderate 62.6 percent. Monthly averages range from a low of 47.0 percent in April to a high of 74.0 percent in August and September (Table 5). These percentages. along with the Table 5.-Average monthly relative humidity in Morelia, 1941-1960 Month Percent January 59.0 February 53.0 March 48.0 April 47.0 May 55.0 June 68.0 July 71.0 August 74.0 September 74.0 October 71.0 November 67.0 December 64.0 Annual 62.6 *Source: Junta de Planeacion y Urbanizacion del Estado de Michoacan. Morelia. 1963. mild temperatures. provide a quite comfortable "sensible temperature" throughout much Of the year. Lower tempera- tures in the evening and early morning hours. however. accompanied by the usual increase in the relative humidity at these times, do make the wearing of additional clothing and the use of blankets for sleeping necessary for comfort. Wood-burning fireplaces are used during these hours. even in the months Of highest average temperatures. by those who -43- 1 Unfortunately. the lower-income can afford this luxury. groups of the city cannot afford fireplaces or the purchase of wood to burn in them. Chimneys. therefore. are very rare on the Skyline of Morelia. Although the statement that highlands in the trOpics are "lands of eternal springtime" is not entirely apprOpriate for the Valley Of Morelia. the climatic regime does approach that condition. The climate of Morelia represents one Of the major assets of the city and is almost certain to be an in- 'fluential factor in the future develOpment of a lucrative tourist industry. It may also play a vital role in attract- ing additional manufacturing industries. especially those utilizing large quantities of water and electrical energy. 1During the summer of 1965. the writer found it neces- sary to utilize the fireplace almost every night for maximum comfort. This situation from June through September in Mor- elia is very similar to that Of the mid-latitudes in the Mid- west Of the United States during early spring and late fall. CHAPTER III THE HISTORICAL SETTING A part of the extensive Tarascan Kingdom. the Valley Of Morelia was nearly empty at the time of the Spanish Con- quest. It had been occupied only two generations before by 1 These a group of Otomi Indians known as Matlaltzincas. people were not Of Tarascan stock. but had been given per- mission tO live here because the Tarascans avoided settling in large Open valleys with heavy. compacted soils and drain- age problems. preferring instead the forested lepes of smal- ler valleys where the moist. loose volcanic soils favored the 2 simple digging-stick agriculture which they practiced. The Matlaltzincas called the valley Guaygngareo and located their settlement on the present site of Morelia. The Colonial Period Shortly after the conquest of the Aztecs at Tenoch- 1Dan Stanislawski. "Tarascan Political Geography." American Anthro olo ist. XLIX (January-March. 1947). p. 48. ThIs Is a good discussion Of the Tarascan Kingdom and the methods used by the Tarascans for extending and holding their domain. 2Dan Stanislawski, "The Political Rivalry of Patz- cuaro and Morelia. An Item in the Sixteenth Century Geo- graphy Of Mexico." Annals Of the Association of American Geo ra hers. XXXVII (Septemser. 19E”). P. 141. This article compares tRe site and situation of Morelia and Patzcuaro and evaluates the reasons for the eventual dominance of Morelia. 44- -45- titlan (later Mexico City) in August. 1521. Spanish explorers entered what is now the northern part of the state Of Michoa- can.1 In the summer of 1522 Cristobal de Olid. envoy of Her- nan Cortez. completed a nearly bloodless conquest of the Tarascan state by accepting the surrender of its chieftain. Caltzontzin.2 This took place on the Llanos de Guazangareo (Valley of Morelia).3 Occupation of the valley by the Span- iards did not begin. however, until almost a decade later. In 1531 Fray Juan de San Miguel and Fray Antonio de Lisboa came as missionaries to the pueblo Of Guayangareo. They were the valley's first residents Of Spanish birth.“ Fray Antonio supervised the construction of the first church (Convento de San Francisco) on the site of present-day More- lia. a structure that still stands.5 These priests converted the Matlaltzincas to the Roman Catholic faith and established 1Donald D. Brand et a1.. Coalcoman and Motines del Org, An Ex-Distrito Of Michoacan Mexico (The Institute Of Latin American SEudies. UnIversity 0? Texas. Austin. Published. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff. 1960). p. 56. 2Ibid. 3Jesus Amaya T.. Cedulas Reales de légz I 160% rela- tivas a la fundacion de Va a O O ore a ore a: VII FerIa MexIcana deI LiErO. Mexico. 1956). p. 7. 1+Jesus Romero Flores. Diccionario Michoacano de his- toria eo rafia- Edicion deI GOSIernO deI Estado (MorelIa: Talleres Tipograficos de Ia EscueIa Tecnica Industrial "Al- varo Obregon." 1960). p. 179. 5Secretaria de Hacienda y Credits Publico. Direccion General de Inspeccion Fiscal. Estudios historico. economics. fiscales sobre los Estados'de a Re ublica. II . Michoacan. Primer Tome (MexIco: T.I.E.V.. 1940). p. 107. -46- Guayangareo (Morelia) as one of the earliest important reli- gious centers in Michoacan. a position that the city has continued to enjoy to the present time. A number Of Spaniards. both transients and settlers. reached the valley in the 1530's. Among the transients was the notorious Nuns do Guzman. who is famous in colonial his- tory for his extremely cruel treatment of the Indians. His activities in Michoacan converted the condition of the Taras- can state from one of prosperity and friendly submission. to virtually a shambles, with rebellious tribal remnants.1 As a consequence. the Audiencia Of Mexico dispatched one of its members. Don Vasco de Quiroga. to Michoacan in the late 1530's to assess the problems of the region and to make spec- ific recommendations for restoration of the political and social order present prior to Nuno de Guzman's invasion.2 Don Vasco soon returned to Michoacan as resident bishop of the newly-formed Bishopric of Michoacan. Although, thoroughly familiar with Guayangareo and its'valley. he chose Patzcuaro. a suburb of Tzintzuntzan the former Tarascan cap- ital. as the seat of the bishopric. This was primarily be- cause Of his interest in the greater number of Indians in that area.3 Tzintzuntzan. tOgether with Patzcuaro and other smaller adjacent settlements. had been the administrative 1 2Ibid. 3Ibid.. p. 140. StanislawSki. Op, cit.. p. 139. -47- center Of the Tarascan Kingdom long before the arrival of the Spaniards. Tzintzuntzan prOper did not allow ample space for the development of a compact. orderly city Of Spanish design, however. so it gave way to Patzcuaro.1 The choice of Patzcuaro as the seat of the bishopric gave that city initial advantages for growth over Guayanga- reo, but these were to be outweighed several decades later with the discovery of rich mineral ores in the rugged moun- tains north of Michoacan. As the mining communities grew. they provided expanded markets for the agricultural products and livestock raised in valleys such as Guayangareo and the Bajio. As a consequence, Valladolid (Morelia) became an im- portant supply point. In 1540 Viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza passed through the Valley of Guayangareo. while enroute to put down an in- surrection in Nueva Galicia (Jalisco) west of Michoacan. He was very much impressed with the potentialities of the val- ley for future Spanish settlement. particularly with the loma (site of Morelia) on which the pueblo of Guayangareo was lo- cated.2 Acting under prior authorization. he founded the 1Ibid. 21h fact. he considered Vasco de Quiroga's choice Of Patzcuaro rather than Guayangareo as the seat of the bishOpric to be unreasonable. since the latter had many square miles of flat. fertile. well-watered land that were magnificent for the pasturing of animals. for plow cultivation. for the plant- -ing Of European small grains. for irrigation and for surplus crOp production. See Stanislawski. Op. cit.. p. 141. -48- Villa de Valladolid which he named in honor of his birth- place in Spain.1 The royal decree (Cedula Real) authorizing this action had been issued in Spain on October 27, 1537 and specifically stated that a settlement was to be established on land be-. tween the two rivers (the present Rio Grande do Morelia and the Rio Chiquito) in order to assure. among other things. the security of the roads between the various settlements.2 It further stipulated that all lands within one lggg§.(league)3 of the villa in each direction were to belong to it, and auth- orized the use of trees and other materials from the sur- rounding mountains fer the construction of buildings. and the use of waters necessary for the sustenance of its inhabitants.“ The first official function of Morelia as a Spanish settle- ment. then. was to provide protection for travelers moving through the area. The decree undoubtedly was primarily fostered by the desire of the crown to insure the free move- ment of people and goods between Mexico City and places in the west, although this was not specifically stated. The settlement was. however. to serve this purpose equally well 1Juan Jose Martinez de Lejarza. Analisis estadistico de la Provincia de Michuacan [Sid] en 1822 (MexIco: Imprenta NacIonaI deI Supreme GoBierno de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos en palacie. 1824). p. 5. 2Amaya T.. op. cit.. pp. 27-29. 3A la ua as delineated by the Spaniards in the colo- nial period was a linear distance of approximately four miles. “Amaya T.. op. cit.. pp. 27-29. -49- for later movements from Michoacan to the mining districts developed in the north. On May 18, 1541 a charter formally recegnizing the establishment of Valladolid was issued in Mexico City by the 1 This is considered by most historians as the Offi- viceroy. cial date of the city's founding. although Don Antonio de Mendoza had proclaimed it as being the previous year. The pOpulation of Valladolid about this time was comprised of sixty Spanish families, nine clergyman and numerous Indians.2 The settlement retained the title of villa until Feb- ruary 6. 1545 when it was elevated by royal decree to the status of a city (Ciudad)3 and received the new designation of Ciudad de Valladolid de Michoacan. Eighty to one-hundred Spanish houses were here in 1545. indicating that the white population had not increased much since establishment of the 1Juan de la Torre. Bosguejo historice z estadistico de la Ciudad de Morelia ca ital e sta O e c oacan e Ocampo (Mexico: Imprenta 3e Ignacio CumpIIdo. 1885). p. 264. 2Gabriel Ortiz Santos. "Agua potable para la Ciudad de Morelia. Michoacan. 1960." In enieria Ridraulica en Mex- ico. (enere. febrero. marze. 1960). p. 72. The Original source for this information was not given. 3During the colonial period. three general types of titles were given to settlements depending upon the make-up of the population and the importance of the settlement. These titles were ueble. villa and Ciudad. The title ueblo was original y applied to Indian settlements: the titIe villa was given to settlements founded by the Span- iards. But Of little importance: while the title Ciudad was given to settlements of considerable consequence either politically. commercially. or both. Apparently the impor- tance. or at least the potential importance of Valladolid was early recognized by Spanish authorities. For a discus- sion of this system see Nathan L. Whetten. Rural Mexico (Chicago: The university of Chicago Press. 1948). pp. 40-43. -50- villa four years before.1 During the 1540's. large numbers of Indians from the surrounding pueblos were brought to Val- ladolid under the repartimiente system to furnish the labor necessary for the construction of houses and public build- ings.2 Some of these people remained. thereby augmenting the pOpulation. but most of them returned to their villages once their required work had been completed.3 By the mid-1500's most of the lands in the valley' were in the hands of Spaniards who resided in Valladolid. These landholdings (encomiendas) resulted from special grants, and were established primarily for the production of wheat and the grazing of cattle.“ The climate. the soils and the terrain of the valley proved to be almost ideal for both activities. which began to flourish. Very early. then. Valladolid became oriented toward agriculture as a basic industry. acting both as a supply center for the encomiendas and as a market concentration point for their products. Performance of the latter function was hampered initially by the great distances and difficulties 1Ortiz Santos. Op. cit.. p. 72. 2Jose Bravo Ugarte. Historia sucinta de Michoacan II. Erovincia mafior e intendencia (MexIco: EdIEorIal Jus. S.A.. 0p. 0 3Ibid. “Grants of land for the production of crops were usually called Caballerias and each contained about 43 hec- tares. while these for cattle-grazing were called Estancias and were much larger. -51- of terrain involved in the transfer of products to the mar- kets to the east. but this situation was radically changed with the development of markets in the great mining dis- tricts in the desert region of Zacatecas and the rugged moun- tains of Guanajuato to the north. Valladolid soon found it- self to be in a position of advantage with respect to these centers. The rich silver deposits of Zacatecas were discovered in 1546 and within a short time a sizeable community had de- veloped which could not support itself with food. weed and other needed materials because of the dry climate. Within two years Zacatecas was a booming city. With several thou- sand peeple. five churches and fifty refineries. it ranked 1 The demands as the second most important city in New Spain. for bread and meat were tremendous and the nearest Spanish settlements with surplus foodstuffs were hundreds of kilo- meters away.2 These were, of course. places in the Bajio prOper and in northern Michoacan. Valladolid. therefore. found itself sharing in a large. rich. new market and efforts began immediately to supply its demands. Although the agricultural activities of Valladolid's immediate hinterland benefited greatly from the developments in Zacatecas. the city profited in other respects. The opening of the mines in the north created a new economic 1Francois Chevalier. Land and Seciet in Colonial Mex- ico (Berkeley: The University of CaIIfornIa Press. I963). p. 39. . 2Ibid.. p. 38. system in the area of New Spain stretching from Mexico City to the mines. and northern Michoacan was a functioning part of it.1 Valladolid became an important way-station along the the main avenues of traffic. developing a service function to travelers which it still performs today. Then. too, the over- -all economic develOpment of northern Michoacan insured the increasing importance of Valladolid as a marketing and supply center for the region. and was a dominant factor several de- cades later in its selection as the capital of Michoacan and the seat of the bishOpric. In the mid-1550's gold and silver deposits were dis- covered in the mountains of Guanajuato. Communities that sprang up in response to mining Operations in this region (notable among them was Guanajuato) faced many of the same shortages of food supply and raw materials as did these far- ther north in Zacatecas. but were much closer to Valladolid. Therefore, not only did their need for food provide a fur- ther stimulus to agricultural and livestock production in the Valladolid area, but the demand for charcoal. lumber. and wood products created a market for a new industry. The forested mountain slepes Of central and northern Michoacan became a prime source of supply. Small woodworking estab- lishments developed in Valladolid. as well as in other com- munities of Michoacan for the production of lumber. furni- ture. etc.. adding another activity which has persisted down to the present time. The mining boom in Guanajuato enhanced 1Stanislawski. op, cit.. p. 143. -53- the economic development of northern Michoacan to even a greater extent than had the earlier one in Zacatecas and fur- -_ ther expanded the importance of the lines of transportation passing through Valladolid from Mexico City and from the cen- tral region of Michoacan northward. The growing prosperity of ValladOIid. resulting from its location and interaction with other parts of the economic heart of New Spain stretching from Mexico City to Zacatecas. elevated the city to a position of prominence in Michoacan. This was recognized by the Viceroy. Don Martin Enriquez de Almanza. who on December 25. 1575 issued the most important document in the city's history.1 It authorized the transfer of the capital of Michoacan from Patzcuaro to Valladolid. Addition of this political function established Valladolid as the focal point of the province and further accelerated its growth. Four years later. on November 6. 1579. the Bishop of Michoacan. Don Juan de Medina Rincon. issued a decree trans- ferring the Episcopal See from Patzcuaro to Valladolid.2 This action further consolidated Valladolid's position of focality in the province and virtually assured its dominance over other settlements in the area.3 Several months later 1Estudios historice economico fiscales sobre los Estados de la Repuinca. Op, cit.. p. 37. 2 Jesus Romero Flores. Historia de la ciudad do More- lia (Morelia: Imprenta de la EscueIa do Artes. 1928). p. 46. 3Jose Bravo Ugarte has said that "e1 traslado de la sede episcopal a Valladolid en 1580 fue el factor decisive para el progreso de esta ciudad." See Bravo Ugarte. op. cit.. P. 99. -5'+- the first institution of higher learning in Hichoacan. the Colegio de San Nicolas. which had been established in Patz- cuaro in 15#0 by Don Vasco de Quiroga, was also relocated in Valladolid.1 Thus. in the five-year period. 1575-80. Valladolid added three new functions-~governmental. religious. and edu- cationa1--to those already extant. These new activities. particularly those of government and church. actually Justi— fied the title of ciudad for the first time and have con- tinued to play significant roles in development of the city up to the present. At the beginning of the 17th Century northern Mich- oacan and the £3119 of southern Guanajuato constituted one of the major wheat-producing areas of New Spain. In fact, only one other region, that of Puebla-Atlixco-Tepeaca, ex- ceeded it in importance.2 Valladolid and other settlements acted as milling centers for this wheat, and flour-milling became the city's first large-scale manufacturing industry. The manufacture of textiles and cloth had also begun by this time. however. and Valladolid possessed several mills pro- ducing these items.3 Undoubtedly the bulk of the wheat flour and cloth was manufactured for sale in the mining centers to the north. but no precise confirmation of this supposition 1Amaya T.. op. cit.. p. 19. 2Chevalier, on. cit.. p. 65. 3Ibid., p. 108. A list drawn up in 160“ by Viceroy Nontesclaros stated that Celaya had four mills. and that many others were located in Queretaro. Guatzindeo and Valla- dolid, but the exact number in each of the latter three ci- ties was not reported. -55- could be found. Certainly Valladolid and the other settle- ments of the £2112 region were in a location that gave them a distinct advantage over producers farther east for supply- ing this wealthy market. The grazing of cattle also was a significant industry in Valladolid's hinterland. While the lowerblying valley lands were utilized primarily for the cultivation of crops. the higher sIOpes and more inaccessible areas were relegated to cattle. By the middle of the 17th Century Michoacan was one of the principal livestock producing regions of Mexico.1 A lively trade in animals had been built up with Mexico City. as well as with the mines to the north. The price of a steer in Michoacan averaged five or six pesos. while the same ani- mal brought as much as ten or twelve pesos at the markets mentioned.2 Then. too. the exportation of hides to Spain helped create a market. Many head which originated on the estancias of northern Michoacan. were collected at Valladolid. and then driven to Mexico City. There they were slaughtered for their meat. which was consumed locally. and hides. which were exported to Spain. As early as 1598 over 150.000 hides annually were shipped from Veracruz to Spain.3 Specific information on the economic activity and de- velOpment of Michoacan and Valladolid during the 17th Century 11bid. 21bid.. p. 10a. 31bid.. p. 107. -55- and much of the 18th Century is lacking. One leading scho- lar recently wrote that "the seventeenth century is well- known to students of Mexican history for its relative lack of documentation."1 Apparently. however. increased activity in agriculture and the cattle industry in its tributary area. as well as its growing importance as a governmental and religious center. continued to bring prosperity to Valladolid. This is evidenced by the fact that many of the most prominent and imposing buildings in the city today were con- structed during the latter half of the 17th Century or the first half of the 18th Century. The great cathedral on the central plaza. which is exceeded in size and grandeur only by the one in Mexico City. was begun in 1640 under BishOp Marcos Ramirez del Prado. and completed 104 years later during the tenure of Bishop Don Francisco Matos Coronado.2 The imposing building on the east side of the main plaza. today a hotel (Hotel Osequera). was constructed in the late 1600's as the episcopal palace.3 The erection of other religious edifices in Valladolid was such that by 1750 the city possessed at least nine major convents. monasteries. and churches.“ be- 1 2Romero Flores. Diccionario Michoacano de historia_z geografia. p. 79. Brand. 02. Cit., p. 73. 3Estudios historico economico fiscales sobre los Estados de la RepuBlIca. Op. cit.. p. I55. u The following is a list of convents. monasteries and churches in Valladolid at the middle of the 18th Century. according to Romero Flores. Each is named and the date of construction is indicated: Convento de San Francisco. 1531: Convento de San Agustin. 1550: Colegio y Templo de la Com- -57- sides the cathedral. The importance of the religious func- tion of Valladolid at that time is verified by this impres- sive array of religious properties. Then. too. the wealth necessary for their construction and maintenance is an indi- cation of the relative prosperity of the city. These churches. along with many others. still stand in Morelia and constitute one of the city's major tourist attractions. In addition. many of the elegant residences located on or near the main plaza. and along the east-west Mexico City-Guadalajara highway. were built during the late 1600's and early 1700's.1 Often these were the homes of wealthy landowners who chose to reside in Valladolid and leave the management of their estates to overseers. The population of Valladolid in 1750 numbered about 18.000 and placed the city among the largest in New Spain.2 Although the wealthy markets in the mining districts to the north had by this time declined in importance. others were Opening up with even greater potential. The rapid growth of Mexico City and other places in the east created almost in- satiable demands for the products of Valladolid's hinterland. pania. 1581: Convento de Santa Catarina de Sena. 1590; Con- vento del Carmen. 1596; Convento de la Merced. 1613: Convento y Templo de San Diego. 1716: Convento de Capuchinas. 1737; Colegio y Templo de las Rosas. 1738. See Romero Flores. gig- cionario Michoacano de historia y geografia. various pages. 1Hudson Strode. Now in Mexico (New York: Harcourt. Brace and Company. 19“? . p. l . 'ZManuel Padilla. "Morelia." Boletin de la Sociedad Mexicans de geografia y estadistica. III II§585. p. 553. -58- And developments in the hinterland itself were also significant. New lands were occupied in the vast interior Tierra Caliente of central and southern Michoacan. and in the coastal section as well. Agricultural products from these areas were funneled to Valladolid for processing and transfer eastward. Among them was tobacco. which made possible the establishment of a tobacco factory in 1781. This operated until 182” in the building now occupied by the municipal government.1 The increasing production of crops and live- stock throughout the Bajio also was significant. since large portions of both found their way to Valladolid for distribu- tion elsewhere. At the end of the century Valladolid was commercially aligned with Mexico City and abroad. and re- tained its ranking as the most important processing and dis- tribution center in Michoacan.2 The development of Valladolid and its hinterland during the colonial period had been influenced by both phys- ical and cultural factors. The many square miles of vir- tually unoccupied land endowed with moderate temperatures. abundant seasonal rainfall. fertile volcanic soils and gentle slopes presented the Spaniards with an almost ideal milieu for the development of small-grain agriculture and livestock grazing. and was a physical factor of primary importance. Valladolid's geographical location became one of great advan- 1Romero Flores. Diccionario Michoacano de historia z geOgrafia. p. 151. ZBmVO Ugarte. 02: 0113.. p. 118e -59- tage with the rise of the mining districts in the north and the resultant orientation of the economy of New Spain to the zone extending from Mexico City to Guanajuato and Zacatecas. Also. the city's position at the midway point on the main road connecting Mexico City and Guadalajara in Nueva Galicia was significant in creating a service function which is still imp portant today. Then. too. with the economic development of western and southern Michoacan. and the subsequent increase in trade between these regions and others to the north and east. Valladolid became a focal point for the assemblying. processing. and distribution of products shipped in both di- rections. Surface configuration was largely responsible for this focality. The cultural factors of greatest significance for the growth of Valladolid during colonial times involved primarily personal decisions made by officials in positions of impor- tance. Certainly the decisions to transfer the seats of governmental and ecclesiastical authority had a profound affect on the maturation of the city then. and have played a decisive role in its primacy to the present. The impact of a background of Spanish culture also influenced the de- velopment of Valladolid. especially with respect to its in- ternal structure. The rectangular-grid pattern of narrow streets. the massive buildings constructed immediately ad- jacent to the sidewalks. the absence of trees except in the parks and plazas. and the overall orientation of city life toward the central plaza and the cathedral were results of this influence. still very much in evidence. Valladolid was -60- and i§,a Spanish city with practically no influence of In- dian culture visible. The Nineteenth Century At the turn of the century. then. Valladolid was a city of consequence due to its administrative. ecclesiastical and commercial functions. Although the controlled economic system imposed upon New Spain by the mother country had tended to stifle trade and prevent maximum economic develop- ment. the city's excellent physical endowment and location had been sufficient to bring relative prosperity. By 1803 1 the population numbered 18.000. and had increased to a high of 20.000 at the outset of the War for Independence in 1810.2 Because of its importance and its strategic location within the major zone of hostilities. valladolid was a prime target for contending forces throughout the war period (1810- '1821). and therefore experienced a great deal of turmoil and a general decadence. In 1814 the pOpulation was only 3.000 3 persons. according to Juan de la Torre. Many. especially those of Spanish birth. had fled to Mexico City. while others had taken refuge in the mountains to the south and west.“ By the close of hostilities. however. many of those who had left 1Martinez de Lejarza. op, cit.. p. 33. 2Romero Flores. Historia de_la ciudad de Morelia. p. 11. 31bid. 1+ Brand.op2 cit.. p. 87. -61- earlier had returned. but the population numbered only 14.000 in 1822.1 With the achievement of independence in 1821. and the overthrow of the pseudocempire of Iturbide (a native of Valla- dolid) in 1823. a constitutional republic was established in Mexico in 1824 and Valladolid became the capital of the newly- formed state of Michoacan. In 1828 the state legislature changed the name of Valladolid to Morelia in honor of Don Jose Maria Morelos y Pavon. a native of the city and one of the major heroes of the War for Independence.2 The five decades that followed independence constituted a period during which anarchy. civil wars. internal revolu- tions and foreign intervention almost continually plagued the newly-formed country.3 These conditions stifled economic progress and are reflected in the slow growth of Morelia during the period. The city did not regain its pre-war popu- L. lation until 1842. and had increased to only 25.000 at the lMartinez de Lejarza. opI cit.. p. 30. 2Jesus Romero Flores. Michoacan historico le en- dario (Mexico: Talleres Graficos de la Nacion. 19365. pp. 362-363. The name was first prOposed by Don Jose Maria Silva. a deputy to the state legislature. who suggested that More- los should be honored in the same manner as Simon Bolivar had been in the naming of Bolivia. His proposal was adopted on September 12. 1828. 3Brand. op. cit.. p. 93. “George Folsom. Mexico en 1842 (New York: C. J. Fol- 80m. 18u2)s P. 920 -62- . outset of the regime of General Porfirio Diaz in 1876.1 Conditions in Morelia at the end of the revolutionary war were bad. to say the least. The mills which had produced large quantities of cotton and woolen cloth and hats for sale in the Tierra Caliente. the coastal region to the south. and elsewhere in central Mexico were abandoned for lack of raw materials and markets.2 The tobacco factory. established in 1781. was closed and the building confiscated for use as a governmental office.3 The city itself was in great disrepair. Most of the streets contained gullies and holes which made travel on them almost impossible. Many of the houses were in a state of deterioration. while the use of open ditches for the drainage of sewage created a pestilential situation.“ Apparently. however. much of this internal decay had been rectified a few years later. A British captain. George Francis Lyons. writing in 1826. gave the following as his impression of the city: I was much struck on entering Valladolid [Morelia] by the width and airy appearance of its streets. the goodness of the houses. and its magnificent cathe- dral. The city of Valladolid pleased me more than any I had hitherto seen. It has indeed but one prin- 1Secretaria de Economia. Direccion General de Esta- distica. gstadistica sociales del Porfiriato - 1877-1910 (Mexico: 1956). 2Martinez de Lejarza. op. cit.. p. 29. 3Romero Flores. Diccionario Michoacano_y geografico. p. 151. “Romero Flores. Michoacan historico y legendario. pp 0 359-3600 cipal street Evenida Francisco I. Maderé']: but this is broad. clean. and cheerful: so that a stranger escapes all the filth. misery. and crowds with which most other Mexican cities abound.1 During the next four decades. many of the pre-revolu- tionary war functions of Morelia were restored as the war- ravaged areas of its hinterland recovered. In 1844. despite the internal turmoil. a silk factory (Fabrica de la Seda) was Opened in Morelia. but Operated only a short time due to in- 2 The cotton textile efficiencies and a lack of raw silk. industry. with a surer supply of raw materials. fared some- what better. In 1846 a variety of cotton products were be- ing produced in small establishments in Morelia and else- where in Michoacan.3 Cotton for the industry was grown in the Tierra Caliente. and was brought to Morelia by arrieros.“ The lack of good roads connecting Morelia with the other cities and towns was a decided disadvantage throughout the period. Trails suitable for mule. horse and burro trains 1Statement of Captain George Francis Lyons in Strode. Op. cit.. p. 146. 2Several years before the Opening of the factory over a million and a half mulberry trees had been planted in var- ious municipios of the state (Los Reyes. Uruapan. Cotija. Ecuandureo. and Tacambaro) to supply the raw material. but these perished as a result of unexpected frosts a short time after the factory's initial Operations. See Bravo Ugarte. op. cit.. p. 138. 31bid. #Arrieros were men who possessed mules. horses or bur- ros used to carry goods from one place to another on a fee basis. Many arrieros still function in Michoacan. -64- comparable to those of the colonial period existed. but road- ways adequate for movement of wagons and stagecoaches were slow to develop. By 1861. however. Morelia was connected by stagecoach road with Mexico City to the east and three coaches arrived and departed each week. The trip required three days. and was dangerous and expensive. costing 39 pesos.1 The same trip for cargo-wagons was much slower and freight rates were very high. Roads in 1861 also connected Morelia with Celaya. Guanajuato and Leon to the north. and with Patzcuaro. Zamora. Jiquilpan and La Barca to the west. Although these were equally time-consuming and costly to negotiate. they were an improvement over the earlier trails. Thus. Morelia's way- station function. which had been initiated during the early colonial period. continued to be significant. In 1862 the city possessed a hotel. a stagecoach house. seven inns (me- sones). a theater and other establishments catering primarily to the traveler.2 The French Intervention under Maximilian from 1863 to 1867 caused a temporary loss of the city's basic govern- mental function and a corresponding setback in its growth and economic development. Prior to the occupation of Mor- elia by imperialist forces in 1863. the constitutional gov- ernment was moved to Uruapan in southwest Michoacan. where 1Bravo Ugarte. Op. cit.. p. 138. 2Jose Guadalupe Romero. Noticias ara formar 1a his- _ toria la estadistica del Obis ado de Mic oacan Mex co: 3 VI 1862) I Imprenta e cente Garcia Torres. . p. 5 . -55- it functioned throughout the hectic period that followed.1 The French installed provisional military governors in the state palace. but these men governed only with the support of the imperialist troops. so Michoacan remained in a state of siege and political disorder until 1867. That year. with the expulsion of the French. and the execution Of Maximilian. republican government returned and the state capital reverted to Morelia from Uruapan. During the next decade. the progress of Morelia was greatly hampered by the political disorders rampant through- out Mexico following the ouster of Maximilian. These pre- vented orderly economic development.2 The city was sorely in need of improved transportation facilities. internal im- provements. and employment for its peOple. but had to wait until the regime of Porfirio Diaz for the realization of most of these goals. Two new factories were Opened. however. which helped. One. a mill (Fabrica "La Paz“) utilizing steamppower for the production of cotton cloth (peppg). be- gan Operations in 1868 and provided jobs for two-hundred day workers and a similar number at night.3 This employment of 400 peOple was of great economic benefit to the city. In 1871 a second cotton textile factory (Fabrica "La Union") 1Brand. Op. cit.. p. 97. 2Bravo Ugarte. op. cit.. p. 166. 3Romero Flores. Historia de la ciudad de Morelia. pp. 162-163. -66- was opened. and. although somewhat smaller than Fabrica "La Paz." was also of great significance to Morelia.1 These were the first two highly mechanized. steam-powered factories Oper- ating in the city. Both functioned until shortly before the downfall of Diaz in 1910. Morelia's other manufacturing activities during this time included the milling of wheat. the preparation of meats. and the making of candy. The latter industry was carried on primarily in small individual establishments with only a few workers each. but in total engaged a relatively large number of persons. and was certainly one of the most important of the city.2 The making of candy called guapabate or gpg is still an enterprise of consequence in Morelia today. In fact. the city is known throughout Mexico as the "Candy Cap- ital of the Republic." and many residents gain their liveli- hood from its manufacture and sale. La Porfiriata The rise of Porfirio Diaz to power in 1876 ushered in a dictatorship which lasted until 1910. This period of Mex- ican history. commonly referred to as the Pax Porfiriana or La Porfiriata. was one of relative internal tranquillity and made possible for the first time a situation in which economic 1Ibid.. p. 163. 2E. C. Justo Mendoza. "Morelia en 1873. su historia. su topografia y su estadistica." Boletin de la Sociedad de geografia l estadistica. III. I (I873). p. 659. -67- advancement could be made on a grand scale. The half cen- tury from independence to Diaz had been characterized by great turmoil. This had restricted both the growth of the basic industries of the country and expansion of its cities. Thus. the economic foundations of modern Morelia were largely laid during the Porfiriata. Since poor transportation had been a major factor in restricting development. its improvement was high on the list of priorities needed for progress. Mexico had only one rail- road when Diaz came to power. one completed in 1872 connecting 1 Vehicular roads were more num- Veracruz and Mexico City. erous. of course. but were entirely inadequate and in ill- repair due to a half-century of neglect. The construction of railroads. with the aid of foreign capital. began almost im- mediately after Diaz took office. with the goal of connect- ing the state capitals and major ports of the country with Mexico City. The road network of Michoacan and all of cen- tral Mexico was also extended and improved during the 2237 firiata. but hard-surfacing of roadways awaited the coming of the motor vehicle and did not take place until long after Diaz' regime had ended. A railroad westward from Mexico City. via Toluca. Maravatio and Acambaro. reached Morelia in September. 1883. thereby connecting Morelia to the national capital and to 1Mary Wilhelmine Williams et al.. The Peo 1e and Pol- itics of Latin America (3rd ed.: Boston: Ginn ans Company. 0p. 0 ' -68- 1 By 1886 this line Veracruz. the major port of the country. had been extended to Patzcuaro and in 1889 it reached Urua- pan.2 During the 1880's. other lines were laid from Mexico City northward to Ciudad Juarez (El Paso del Norte) via Que- retaro. Celaya. Leon..Aguascalientes. Zacatecas and Chihuahua. and to Nuevo Laredo via San Luis Potosi. Saltillo and Monter- rey. A branch constructed from.Acambaro northward to Celaya. gave Morelia and Michoacan access to the major north-south line of the country (Fig. 1). Another branch extended from the latter westward to Guadalajara. Thus. by 1891 Morelia possessed rail connections with the major cities of the re- public. although some of these were circuitous indeed. Rail- road connections between Morelia and the Pacific northwest coast via Guadalajara. however. were not completed until 1928.3 - Communications were also improved during the 1880's and 1890's. Although a telegraph line had been extended from Mexico City through Celaya to Morelia as early as 1870. connections with the other urban places of Michoacan had not been developed.“ By 1890. however. lines united Morelia l p. 175. 2Brand. Op. cit.. p. 106. 3John M. Ball. The U ban Geo ra h of Te ic Na arit. Mexico: A Stud of Cha 1 Functions (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. %epartment 0% Geography. Michigan State Uni- versity. 1961). p. 28. u Romero Flores. Historia de la ciudad de Morelia. Bravo Ugarte. op: cit.. p. 174. -69- with Ario. Tacambaro. Uruapan. Taretan. Patzcuaro. Zamora. Zacapu. La Piedad and Puruandiro. the major settlements of the state.1 During the 1890's. telephones were installed in Morelia and lines were constructed between the city and most of the state's major centers.2 By 1908 Morelia was served by two private companies which had approximately 400 customers each.3 Internal improvements in the city were also realized during this period. Shortly after the arrival of the rail- road. streetcar tracks were laid along the major east-west thoroughfare connecting the railroad station with both the heart of the city and its eastern edge.“ During the several years that followed. tracks were added to connect the plaza with northern and southern extremities of the city as well. Jesus Romero Flores has described the advent of the street- cars (tranvias) as being a major step in the internal pro- gress and modernization of the city.5 Bettering of the city's lighting system was accom- plished in 1888 when an electrical street-lighting network replaced the petroleum lamps (faroles 22 petroleo) which had 6 been used since the 1820's. Two private companies operated 3Padilla. op, cit.. p. #75 “Romero Flores. Historia de la ciudad de Morelia. p. 175. 51bid. 6Romero Flores. Michoacan historico p legendario. p. 434. It is significant that Morelia possessed such a system prior to Mexico City. -70- in the city by 1908 providing electricity to an undetermined number of customers.1 Improvements in the city's water supply were also made toward the end of Diaz' government. In 1904-05 a fil- tration plant was constructed southeast of the city to pro- 2 This was the first oess the waters of the Rio Chiquito. plant of its kind in Mexico. Water lines were laid and both public and private outlets were installed. These modern fa- cilities replaced the aqueduct system which had been supply- ing the city with spring water from the mountains since its construction in the 1780's.3 The installation of under- ground sewer drainage did not take place until after the fall of Diaz. however. while major improvements of the city's streets were similarly delayed. The functions performed by Morelia throughout the Porfiriata (1876-1910) were very similar to those of previous times. but in some instances were on a much larger scale. The governmental function naturally increased with the rising levels of population in the state. The religious function. although somewhat downgraded by restrictive legislation lPadilla. op, cit.. p. 478. 2Ortiz Santos. Op, cit.. p. 73. 3Ibid.. pp. 72-73. The aqueduct was constructed as a relief measure by Fray Antonio de San Miguel. after sever- al years of bad harvests had brought great suffering to the peOples of Valladolid. It was built between 1785 and 1789 and contained 253 arches. Water was brought to the city from the springs (manantiales) in the mountains to the south- east and was distributed by a series of public fountains. -71- against the church in the second half of the 19th Century. was still important. The city's function as a service cen- ter and way-station along the major route connecting Mexico City and Guadalajara grew in importance as those two centers expanded. The number of hotels reflects this growth. In 1862 Morelia possessed one hotel. in 1883 it had three.1 and there were five in 1899.2 Morelia's function as a processing and supply center. as well as a marketing and distributional point for the rich farm and grazing lands of Michoacan and southern Guanajuato. was enhanced by the arrival of the railroad. It made possi- ble the rapid and economic transfer of bulky agricultural products and livestock to the cities in the east. while at the same time providing an improved means for moving manu- factured goods back to Morelia on the return trip. Wheat flour. wood products. vegetable oils and livestock were some of the major items shipped from Morelia. The rich pasture- 1ands of Michoacan were still supplying Mexico City with thousands of steers in 1888. and probably represented the most important source of beef for the capital at that time.3 1Manuel Rivera Cambas. Mexico intoresco artistico p monumental (Mexico: Imprenta de la Reforma. I883}. p. 440. 2J. Figueroa Domenech. Guia eneral descriptiva de la Re ublica Mexicana: Estados Territorios Federales (Barcelona. Spain: Imprenta 3e Henricfi y Compania. 1899). 11. P. 350. 3The following statement was taken from Bureau of the American Re ublics. "Mexico." Bulletin No. 9 (July. 18915. p. 47: “The rich pasture lands of the latter state ichoacad] feed the thousands of cattle slaughtered for t e sustenance Of the residents of the capital of the Mex- ican Republic. which is by no means an inconsiderable num- -72- The function of manufacturing in Morelia during the Diaz era was dominated by the processing of agricultural and forestry products. Even the small establishments operating in 1899. such as those producing soap. candles. leather goods. beer. candy and tobacco. depended upon agricultural raw materb ials. These came from the immediate hinterland or from the expanding activities in the Tierra Caliente to the south. Extension of the railroad to Uruapan in 1889 facilitated the procurement of raw materials from the south since Druapan was situated in the zone of contact between these hot lands and the more temperate ones of the north. By 1900 the population of Morelia had increased to 2 There had been an 37.278.1 and it reached no.042 by 1910. increase of 62.5 percent during the thirty-five years of the Diaz dictatorship. Despite this growth. and although much progress had been made. Morelia still had many of the char- acteristics of a small town. Jesus Romero Flores summed up the situation nicely when he wrote. "Morelia and the prin- cipal cities of the state. until the year 1910. were nothing more than 'grand pueblos.‘ lacking most of the elemental serb vices of hygiene."3 ber. for during the year 1888 there were 83,228 beeves and 130.263 sheep slaughtered in the abbatoirs of the City of Mex- ico. l Censo general de la Republica Mexicana verificado e; 28 de octu re e 19 . zTercer censo de oblacion de los Estados Uhidos Mex- icanos verificaEOQIQT fie octupre de 1919. 3Jesus Romero Flores. Historia de Michoacan (Mexico: El Nacional. 1941). p. 184. The Twentieth Century The regime of Porfirio Diaz was waning at the begin- . ning of the 20th Century. Although great economic progress had been made in the previous quarter-century. much of this had been at the expense of increasing foreign economic dom- ination. and the living standards of the majority had im- proved but little. Most of the lands and industries of Mexico were in the hands of a few wealthy Mexicans. or of foreign interests. The common man was landless and virtually at the mercy of these groups. Growing discontent with this situation presaged the coming disorder that culminated in The Revolution1 of the masses against the established system. Mexico was thrown into civil war in 1910 and internal disorder continued for the next decade. Morelia again was a center of strife and suffered because of it. By 1921 the pOpulation had decreased to 31.148.2 Much of the city's prOgress which had begun under Diaz. was halted or severely curtailed. Programs of internal improvement that had been approved by the state legislature as late as 1909. such as asphalting of streets. construction of underground sewers. and enlargement of the water system. were delayed.3 The 1The term The Revolution is used in Mexico to denote the overthrow of the Diaz regime egg the changes in the economic. social and political systems of the country which have been carried out under the provisions of the Constitu- tion of 1917. The Revolution is still in progress. 2censo general de habitantes. 30 de noviembre de 122 . 3Romero Flores. gistoria de la ciudad de Morelig. P- 237. -74- railroad system of the country as a whole suffered greatly from war damage and general neglect. resulting in a dimin- ished exchange of goods so vital to the progress of cities. Uhder these conditions a decline in the pOpulation of More- lia was inevitable. With the election of Alvaro Obregon as constitutional president in 1920. Mexico returned to a semblance of inter- nal order. Obregon was committed to the provisions of the liberal constitution of 1917.1 and proceeded to implement them. Since the election of Obregon. Mexico has experienced relative harmony in internal affairs and progress has con- tinued at an accelerating rate to the present time. Morelia's 1The Constitution of 1917 embodied many of the provi- sions of previously issued decrees. constitutions and plans. and particularly the liberal provisions of the Constitution of 1857 promulgated under Benito Juarez. It was truly a doc- ument of the masses and continues in force to the present time. The articles of greatest social and economic signifi- cance are: Article 3. providing for mass public education by the state only: Article 123. guaranteeing the rights of labor and commonly referred to as the "Magna Carta" of la- bor: Article 130. depriving the church of privileges. and particularly of property ownership: and Article 27. provi- ding for the ownership of land by the people and the nation as a whole. Article 27 was probably the most important one in the constitution. because of the following provisions: (1) only peOple of Mexican birth. naturalized citizens. or foreigners who will accept the Mexican laws as supreme are eligible to own land: (2) foreign companies can own land in Mexico only on concession from the government of Mexico: (3) the church cannot own property of any kind: (4) lands taken from the people before 1857. and also during Diaz' regime. were to be restored to the rightful owners: (5) large haciendas were to be purchased by the government for distribution to the common people at a nominal price: and (6) all underground minerals are the prOperty of the na- tion. -75- growth from 1921 to 1965 is ample evidence of this trend (see Chapter IV). Internal improvements postponed during the 1910's were implemented in the 1920's and included the paving of most of the streets in the central part of the city. the construction of a sewage system and the extension of the water system to include the installation of faucets in indi- vidual homes. By 1928 most of the buildings of the city had water service and many possessed sewage facilities also.1 Public faucets were provided in portions of the city lacking individual water service. Health and sanitation measures were stressed. and apparently were successful for in 1931 one official visitor wrote. "Morelia is the cleanest city I have ever seen. It is absolutely spotless. It has one long. magnificent street. which once seen will be never for- gotten."2 Economic activity in Morelia increased during the 1920's and 1930's. especially in the realm of manufacturing. This was possibly partly a result of the worldwide depres- sion which restricted the importation of manufactured goods. Early in this period probably the largest manufacturing firm in the city was Negociacion Industrial "Santa Lucia." S.A.. established in 1915. which specialized in the milling of wheat and the processing of sesame and cottonseed oils. In 1Romero Flores. Historia de la ciudad de Morelia. p. 248. 2A statement by a Mr. Harry Carr of California. made while on an official road-commission inspection tour in 1931. appearing in Strode. op, cit.. p. 147. ~76- 1924 a large firm specializing in the manufacture of wooden products. La Compania Industrial Madereria "El carmen." S.A.. went into production. An additional wheat-milling firm. Har- inera Michoacan. S.A.. was opened in 1929. During the 1930's. a number of new plants began opera- ting. These included El Pino. S.A. (1934). Industria “OKEN." S.A. (1935). Comercial Maderera. S.A. (1935). and Tron Her- manos y Compania. S.A. (1936). established respectively for the production of resin and turpentine. metal scales. wood products. and vegetable oils.1 The Operations of El Pino. S.A.. initiated a new phase in the external commercial rela- tions of Morelia since its products were manufactured pri- marily for foreign markets. The first two plants named rep- resented entirely new types Of industries for Morelia. The success of all four is verified by the fact that each is still functioning today and has undergone considerable expan- sion. With the exception of Industria "OKEN." S.A.. these plants were located adjacent to the railroad station and yards at the northwest edge of the city. indicating the im- portance of that transportation facility. Each of the plants Opened between 1915 and 1936 rep- resented an addition to Morelia's basic industpy.2 and pro- 1Information on these plants was obtained by personal interviews with plant officials during the summer of 1965. 2For a discussion of the basic-nonbasic concept. see John W. Alexander. "The Basic-Nonbasic Concept of Urban Economic Functions." Economip Geographp. III (July. 1954). pp. 246-261. r -77- vided much-needed outside income as well as employment posi- tions. The introduction of these plants marked the beginning of an upward trend in the modern manufacturing function of the city which has continued at an increasing rate to the present. During the 1930's. Morelia still functioned as a major retail marketing and processing center for nearby towns and farms. and its trade with areas outside the immediate hinter- land was considerable. The extent of the retail trade was greatly limited. however. by poor transportation connections within much of the state. although the railroad system pro- vided facilities for the transfer of large quantities of pro- ducts to other parts of the country. Agricultural and forest products dominated the city's commercial activities in 1938. as is shown by Table 6 which lists the number of railroad cars of various products leaving Morelia that year. Since the railroad was the only form of transportation allowing the mass transfer of products in 1938. the figures in Table 6 give a good indication of the relative importance of the various activities at that time. As can be seen. agricultural. livestock and forest products represented the major items of manufacturing and commerce. 0f the 998 railroad cars departing Morelia that year. 552. or well over one-half. contained agricultural products or livestock. while 338 were loaded with lumber and other wood products. Lumber alone accounted for over 25 per. cent of all cars. while wheat and flour comprised an addi- tional 20 percent. Vegetable and animal fats. oils and pastes -78. Table 6.-Number of railroad cars of various pro- ducts leaving Morelia in 1938* Number Number Products of Products of Cars Cars Agricultural Wood and Products Flour 185 Lumber 253 Wheat 16 Charcoal 30 Bran 73 Sawdust 1 Corn 40 Wood Chips 2 Beans 17 Wooden Posts 2 Chickpeas 6 Wooden Beams 1 Rice 2 Barrel Staves 2 Sugar 11 Furniture 1 Potatoes 1 Turpentine 12 Ray 1 Tar and Pitch 34 Vegetable and Animal Fats 106 Total 338 Sesame Oil 32 Sesame Paste 24 Miscellaneous Sesame Seed 3 Peanut 011 3 §a°hinery g Peanut Butter 3 Aizghol 1 Linseed Paste 3 Paraffin 1 Concrete Pipes 1 W Crackers 1 Beef Cattle 12 Scrap Iron 3 Dairy Cattle 1 Scrap Paper 3 Swine 7 Rags 2 Coats 4 Empty Bottles 47 Hides 1 Metal 2 Bones 1 Stone 2 Cement 4 Total 552 unclassified 28 Total 108 Total Cars 998 *source: Secretaria de Hacienda y Credito Publico. Direccion General de Inspeccion Fiscal. Estudios historico. conomico fiscales sobre los Estados de ia Re ublica. III. M choacan. Pr mer Tomo Mex co: T. Inc. 0 . pp. 138- -79- occupied 174 cars. or approximately 17 percent of the total. The small number of cars involved in transporting livestock probably indicates a decline in the relative importance of the livestock trade from earlier times. but verification of this is not entirely possible because of the lack of other data. By 1940 the population of Morelia had risen to 44.304.1 and the city was on the verge of a population explosion. The asphalted highway westward from Mexico City had just reached it (1938) and many tributary paved roads were being planned and develOped. The modern period of Morelia can be said to have begun when the highway arrived. In the quarter- century since then the city has ceased to be a "grand pueblo" and has become a "grand ciudad." The Modern Era Completion of the asphalted all-weather highway to Morelia from Mexico City in 1938.2 and the subsequent ex- tension of it westward to Guadalajara. marked the beginning of a new era in the city's development and functional struc- ture. This highway and the many tributary highways subse- quently constructed have provided all-weather routes between Morelia and most of the urban places of Michoacan. and have 1Sexto censo general de poblacion. 6 de junio de 1940. 2For a discussion of the completion of this highway see Pablo C. De Gante. La ruta de occidente las ciudades de Toluca p Morelia (Mexico: DLK.P.P.. 1959). p. 3. -80- been directly responsible for the increased movements of peOple and commodities within the state and to other parts of Mexico. Morelia's hinterland was greatly expanded by the addition of this highway network and the city has grown in response to it. Although the arrival of the railroad in 1883 was the first step in the modernization of transportation facilities. the advent of trucks and buses with their increased versatil- ity has been the primary factor in the dynamic change in the city's character. The truck has made possible the rapid and relatively efficient transfer of products to and from regions inaccessible to Morelia prior to establishment of the highway system. The bus has performed a similar function with res- pect to people and has been significant in the transfer of products as well. Journeys that previously required days or even weeks were shortened to a matter of only hours or a day at most. There is. however. room for considerable improve- ment in the highway system. since many areas of the state still have very poor facilities or none at all. but progress is being made and plans exist for further expansion in the immediate future. One of the most immediate affects on Morelia of the improved transportation system has been the influx of large numbers of peOple from the rural areas. These folk have come to Morelia not only to sell their wares. to shop and to -enjoy the entertainment of the "big city.” but in many cases to seek employment and take up residence. A rising population in rural areas. coupled with the increasing amenities of the -31- city. encouraged many to remain as permanent inhabitants. The population explosion. so typical of urban centers through- out Latin America. began here in the 1940's and by 1950 the pOpulation of Morelia had increased to 63.245.1- Economic activity also expanded during the 1940's. but not at a rate sufficient to provide suitable employment for the large increment in population. Then. too. many of those who came to the city were illiterate and unprepared to par- ticipate in modern economic activities. Most of the new- comers sought employment in the services. in petty businesses. or in construction. but even these possibilities were quite limited. In most cases those who had left the country. be- cause of the supposedly greater opportunity in the city. found themselves in conditions of poverty very similar to those from which they had come. and in some cases even worse. They had merely transferred their indigence from the rural to the urban area. Morelia possesses a number of peripheral "colonias" today made up largely of people in this classifi- cation. These poverty-stricken neighborhoods constitute one of the major problems of the city. The retail function of Morelia. which has been so sig- nificant throughout the city's history. naturally expanded with the improvement of transportation facilities and with the increase in pOpulation. New types of retail businesses also came into being. such as those selling cars and trucks. as well as the parts and accessories for them. Shortly after 1Septimo censo general de poblacionI 6 de junio de 1250. -82- the completion of the highway in 1938. a Ford dealership was established-~Morelia Automotriz. S.A..--and at the end of World War II in 1945 two additional dealerships located in Morelian-Motores de Morelia. S.A.. and Autos y Camiones de Michoacan. S.A..-~for the sale of Chevrolet and Buick cars. and Chrysler cars and trucks. respectively.1 Dealerships were also set up for the marketing of products of well-known foreign manufacturers. such as Du Pont. Goodyear. Sherwin- Williams. Zenith. etc. Many of these agencies included ex- clusive franchises covering large segments of the state. and in some instances the entire state. Some have opened branches (sucursales) elsewhere in the state. or have granted sub- dealerships. thereby becoming distributors themselves. The increase in retail activity also had the affect of creating greater demands for services since many of those who came to shop remained in Morelia for several days. re- quiring lodging and boarding facilities. as well as enter- tainment places. Many of these establishments were congre- gated near the bus terminals that were located on the peri- phery of the central business district. and thus distinct "service districts" evolved which have persisted to the pre- sent time. Manufacturing also expanded during the 1940's. as eight new plants were built representing several new lines of products. Two were Opened shortly before World War II. Mex- 1Information concerning these businesses was obtained by interview with company officials during the summer of 1965. -83- Clareol. S.A.. for the production of clarifying compounds for oils. paraffin and insecticides. and Industrial "Trini- dad." S.A.. for the preparation of coffee. During the war. two bottling plants were established. Embotelladora Peri- Soda. S.A.. and Embotelladora de Morelia (Coca-Cola). S.A. In the postwar period from 1947 to 1949 Cartonera de More- lia. S.A.. La Voz de Michoacan. Industrias Quimicas de Mex- ico. S.A.. and Lux Perpetua de Occidente. S.A.. began the production of roofing materials and cardboard boxes. news- 1 It is in- papers. chemicals and candles. respectively. teresting to note that the plants constructed in the 1940's were not primarily for processing of the agricultural and forest resources of Michoacan. but were largely dependent on raw materials from outside the state. a condition which emphasized the growing importance of the truck and improved highway transportation facilities. The trends that were established in the 1940's have continued to the present time. In-migration of peoples from the rural areas is still swelling the city's pOpulation and adding to the already severe problems of unemployment and inadequate urban facilities. The migrants generally settle in new colonias on the periphery of the city. but some fur- ther crowding of previously existing colonias is occurring. The city has. however. escaped the crowding of these poor people into the inner city which is so common in the large 1Information concerning these eight plants was ob- tains: by interview with company officials during the summer of 19 5. -84- cities of the united States.1 As a result. slum areas have not developed in the center of the city. but they are cer- tainly prevalent in the outelying portions of it. The period since 1950 has been one of increased manu- facturing activity. a substantial gain in the tourist indus- try. and continued expansion in retail and wholesale trade. Twelve manufacturing plants (distinguished here from the small ubiquitous hand-craft industries) have begun Operations. These are listed in Table 7. along with their dates of estab- lishment and major products. Each will be more fully discussed Table 7.-Manufacturing plants established in Morelia. 1950 to 1965 Name of Company Basing? Product (8) Congeladora Morelia. S.A. 1952 Frozen Straw- berries. Ice Heraldo Michoacano. S.A. 1953 Newspapers Cia. Cerillera Moreliana. S.A. 1953 Matches Bebidas Purificadas de Michoa- can. S.A. 1953 Pepsi-Cola Refina Sintetica. S.A. 1954 Chemicals Fabrica "Alfa." S.A. 1957 Tile-Ironwork Embotelladora Jarritos. S.A. 1958 Jarritos Congeladora y Empacadora Nacional. Canned and S.A. 1959 Frozen Fruits Oleaginosos de Morelia. S.A. 1960 Coconut Oil Embotelladora Valle de Guayan- gareo. S.A. 1961 Grapette Quimica Michoacana. S.A. 1962 Fatty Acids Cartonera Duratecho. S.A. 1963 Roofing M- Sources: Interviews with company officials. Morelia. during the summer of 1965. 1 Interview with Jaime O. Sandoval. August 21. 1965. who said that at least 75 percent of the newcomers in recent decades have settled in the peripheral areas. and that very few older buildings in the center of the city have been sub- -35. in Chapter V. but it can be seen that new types of indus- tries have developed since 1950. particularly in chemicals and food processing. Although Morelia has not as yet been deluged by the flood of turistas that is sweeping over much of Mexico. their numbers are considerable and support a significant new basic industry which is certain to become a major economic factor in the years ahead. Morelia does not at the present time possess sufficient facilities to handle a large influx of tourists. Large capital investments will be necessary soon to provide adequately for the expected guests. Retail and wholesale functions in Morelia have ex- panded tremendously in the past fifteen years. The adding of over 50.000 inhabitants since 1950 has in itself pre- sented a sizeable new market for business. while improved transportation facilities. with the resultant increase in pOp- ulation mobility. have been influential in bringing large num- bers of buyers and sellers to the city. The rapidly rising numbers of automobiles. trucks and buses are carrying the city into the automotive age. and have resulted in the inauguration of new service functions and ex- pansion of the old ones. Traffic problems are already in evidence and promise to become acute in the near future. Their presence indicates that Morelia has finally become a part of the modern era with all of its assets and liabilities. divided into slum tenements. as is the case in the cities of the United States. CHAPTER IV GROWTH OF MORELIA Growth of Population Although Morelia (Valladolid) was founded in 1541. population statistics for the first two centuries of its history are very scarce. In fact. it was not until 1895 that a fairly reliable census was taken. Thus. figures utilized in this chapter for the period prior to that year are primarily estimates. These have of necessity been used to approximate pOpulation trends. since no better informa- tion is available. The royal decree issued in 1537 by Princess Dona Juana la Loca. daughter of Queen Isabella of Castilla'(Castile). which authorized the founding of a settlement in the Valley of Guayangareo. mentioned that there were more than sixty Spanish families residing in the vicinity. as well as nine 1 religious men and numerous Indians. Cook and Borah believe that the size of the Indian community at Guayangareo in 1568 1A good discussion of the royal decree authorizing the establishment of Valladolid can be found in Jesus Amaya T.. Cedulas Reales de 1?}: p 1602 relativas a la fundacion de Valladolid ho More a Mex co: VII Feria Mexicana del LiErO. i955). -86- -87- was about 310 persons.1 It can. therefore. be concluded that several hundred people occupied the site in the valley when Valladolid was established in 1541. By 1742 Valladolid possessed 4.000 families. according to Jose Bravo Ugarte2 (Table 8). Ugarte also gives the 1793 population as 18.000.3 the same number as Manuel Padilla. writing in 1908. estimated were here in 1750.“ If these estimates are anywhere near accurate. Valladolid remained a city of around 18,000 persons during the latter half of the 18th Century. At the beginning of the 19th Century there were still only 18.000 inhabitants. according to Juan Jose Martinez de Lejarza.5 but the total had increased to 20.000 by the start of the War for Independence.6 The fighting. which lasted for over a decade. was largely in central Mexico. and Valladolid became a prize for both the revolutionary and Spanish for- ces. The city changed hands numerous times. and the citizenry was subjected to terrible cruelties on several occasions. By 1814. as a consequence. only 3.000 persons resided in the 1Sherburne F. Cook and Woodrow Borah. The Indian POpu- lation of Central Mexico 1 l -l610 (Berkeley: The University of Caiifornia Press. I956). P. 97. 2Bravo Ugarte. opa cit.. p. 99. 3Ibid.. p. 172. “Padilla. op. cit.. p. 468. 5Martinez de Lejarza. op, cit.. p. 33. 6Romero Flores. Historia de la ciudad de Morelia. p. 11. -88- Table 8.-Population of Morelia. 1742-1965a Ref. Ref. No. Year Total No. Year Total (b) 1742 4.000 (n) 1877 25,000 (families) (o) 1882 23.835 (c) 1750 18.000 (p) 1895 33.890 (d) 1793 18.000 (q) 1900 37.278 (e) 1803 18,000 (r) 1910 40.042 (r) 1810 20.000 (3) 1921 31.148 (5) 1814 3.000 (t) 1930 39.916 (h) 1822 14.000 (u) 1940 44,304 (i) 1828 11,000 (V) 1950 63,245 (J) 1842 18.000 (w) 1960 100.828 (k) 1867 25.000 (x) 1963 109.144 (1) 1868 30.000 (y) 1965 116.692 (m) 1873 30.000 aSources: (b) Jose Bravo Ugarte. Historia sucinta de Michoacan II rovincia ma or e intendencia. p. 99: (05 Manuel Padilla. "Morelia," Boletin de la Sociedad Mex- icana de geografia estadistica. P. 553: (3) Jose Bravo Ugarte. op. cip.. p. 172: (e) Juan Jose Martinez de Lejarza. Analisis estadistico defile Provincia de Michuacan.Ei§lgp . p. : f) Jesus Romero Flores. Historia de la ciudad as Morelia. p. 11: (g) Ibid.: (h) Martinez de Lejarza. 2p. p_p.. p. 30: (i) Romero Flores. Michoacan historico le- gendario. p. 359: (j) George Folsom. Mex co en . p. 92: k Gran a ue Mexicano directorio de comercio a1 uso del Im erio Mex cano Ano 1 : l E. C. Justo Mendoza, "More a en 1 7 . su historia. su tOpOgrafia y su estadis- tica." p. 620: (m) Ibid.: (n) Secretaria de Economia. Direc- cion General de Estadistica. Estadistigg sociales del Por- firiato. 1877-1910: (0) Juan de la Torre. Bosguejo histor- ico y espggistico de la ciudad de Morelia ca ital de Es- 5530 de Michbacan EE’OOam o. p. 22; (p) Censo eneral de la Re uBiica Mexicans verifiggdo e1 20 de octubre de 1895: (q) Censo general de la Republica Mexicana verificado e1 28 de octu re de 1200: (57 Tercer censo de pobiacion de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos verifiggdo e1 27 de octubre g3 1210: (s) Censo eneral de habitantes.430 de noviembre de l: (t) Quinta censo 3e poBlucion 1 de ma 0 e - u Sexto censo de poblacion. 0 de marzo de 19 0: v Se - timo censo general de poblacionl 6 de flppio de 12§0: (w Octavo censo e po lacionI de junio e 19 0: x Esti- mate y t e Direcc on Genera e Esta istica: (y) Esti- mated by the writer based on the national increase rate of 3.4 percent since 1960. -39- 1 In 1822. shortly after independence had been achieved. 2 city. the number had risen. reaching 14.000. but it fell to 11.000 by 1828.3 No explanation for this decrease could be found. The pOpulation level established in the late 1700's and early 1800's had been regained by 1842. however. when the total was listed as 18.000 by George Folsom.“ A substantial increase in the city's population occur- red during the next few decades. despite the turbulence of the Maximilian era. In 1867. the last year of Maximilian's rule. the official almanac of the empire5 shows Morelia to have been a city of 25.000 persons. Justo Mendoza though lists the number as 30.000 in 1868.6 and gives the same fig- ure for 1873.7 It is likely. therefore. that the population of Morelia during the late 1860's and early 1870's was be- tween 25.000 and 30.000 inhabitants. A governmental report issued in 1956 covering the era of Porfirio Diaz indicated the pOpulation of Morelia at the beginning of this period as 1 2 Ibid.. p. 11 Martinez de Lejarza. op. cit.. p. 30. 3Romero Flores. Michoacan historico z legendario. p. 359. “Folsom. Op. cit.. p. 92. 5Gran a ue Mexicano directorio de comercio a1 uso de Imper o Mexicano.Ano IEEZ. 6 Justo Mendoza. op, cit.. p. 620. 71bid. -90- 25.000.1 Historian Juan de la Torre. in his book on More- lia written in 1883. states the number in 1882 as 23.835.2 The preciseness of the figure implies an accurate count of the city's residents. although the author does not indicate how the figure was attained. The first official census ever taken of Mexico was in 1895 by the Direccion General de Estadistica. and re- corded Morelia's pOpulation as 33.890.3 This figure indi- cates that the estimates of the various writers in the late 1800's were relatively accurate. when a reasonable natural increase during several decades is taken into account. The second official national census. made in 1900. gave Morelia a total of 37.278 persons indicating a considerable increase during the previous five-year period.“ In 1910. at the beginning of The Revolution against Porfirio Diaz. the third national census listed Morelia as a city of 40.042. the largest figure recorded for the city up to that date.5 The decade that followed was a turbulent one. Many cities of Mexico lost population. including More- lia. as is shown by the results of the fourth national census 1Estadistica sociales del Porfiriato, 1822-1210 (1956). 2Juan de la Torre. op, cit.. p. 22. 3C nso eneral de la Re ublica Mexicana verificado plPZO de octuBre 5e 1893. L. Censo eneral de la Re ublica Mexicana verificado e1 28 de octuBre 3e i900. STercer censo de oblacion de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos verificaao el 57 de octuEre 3e 12i5. -91- conducted in 1921. At that time Morelia's population had fallen to 31.148.1 Morelia's importance as a strategic point within the transportation system of central Mexico during the War for Independence from Spain. and during the revolution against Diaz. is attested to by the marked de- crease in population in both of these violent periods of Mexican history. The fifth national census. the one in 1930. was the most accurate up to that time.2 It showed 39.916 peOple in Morelia.3 indicating a recovery to the 1910 figure. During the 1930's there was further increase to 44.304 registered in the sixth national census.“ The completion of the all- weather road from Mexico City to Morelia in 1938 was the major event of the period. and can be used to mark the start of an accelerating growth rate during the next two decades. Between 1940 and 1950 the population of Morelia in- creased by almost 20.000 persons. to 63.245.5 and another 37.583 persons were added the following decade. raising the 6 total to 100.828 in 1960. In other words. Morelia more 1Censo general de habitantesI 20 de noviembre de 1221. 2Fora discussion of the accuracy of Mexican censuses see General Census and Vital Statistics in the Americas (Wash- ington. D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. I943). p. 56. and Brand. op. cit.. pp. 142-143. 3Quinto censo de poblacionI 12 de mazo de 123 . “Sexto censo de poblacionI 6 de marzo de 1240. 5Septimo censo general de poblacion. 6 de junio de 122 . 6Octavo censo general de poblacionI 6 de junio de 1260. -92- than doubled its population in the twenty-year period from 1940 to 1960. This represented a greater increment than in the previous four centuries of the city's history: By 1963 the population was 109.144.1 and it had reached an estimated 116.692 by 1965.2 In summary. Morelia was a city of between 15.000 and 20.000 inhabitants for most of the hundred-year period ending in 1850. with a major slump in size occurring as a result of the War for Independence. During the next ninety years. the total fluctuated between 20.000 and 44.000. In the twenty- five years following that (1940-65). the city's population grew about 70.000. or almost three times the total gain of the previous two-hundred years. This great growth in recent decades is part of the massive urbanization that has been. and is. taking place throughout Mexico and all of Latin America. A comparison of the growth of Morelia with other major cities of Mexico is discussed next. growth of Morelia and Major Mexican Cities The pattern of urban development elsewhere in Mexico has been similar to that of Morelia during the present cen- tury. The greatest increases in pOpulation have occurred since 1940. with the decade of the 1950's showing the most 1Estimated by the Direccion General de Estadistica. 2Estimated by the writer based on the 3.4 percent annual increase rate. This method is also used by the Di- reccion General de Estadistica to estimate pOpulation on a local or national basis. -93- significant absolute and percentage increases in Mexican history. A number of Mexican cities. however. have had in- crements far larger than those of Morelia (Table 9). In 1900 Morelia was the tenth largest city in Mexico. and it retained that position through 1910. But during the subse- quent decade of The Revolution. Morelia's population dimin- ished. while a number of cities actually had substantial in- creases. Although several other large cities also lost pop- ulation. notably Puebla. Leon. San Luis Potosi. and Chihuahua. their size remained greater than that of Morelia. As a con- sequence. Morelia was Mexico's 16th largest city in 1921 and by 1960 it had fallen to 17th place. The major reason for Morelia's lower ranking in 1960 was the phenomenal growth of the two major ports of the coun- try--Tampico and Veracruz--and of some of the cities in northern Mexico (Table 9). In central Mexico only Aguascal- ientes and Gustavo A. Madero have moved ahead of Morelia since 1900. In the case of Aguascalientes this can be attri- buted to the establishment there of major repair shops for the National Railways of Mexico. while Gustavo A. Madero. a suburb of Mexico City. is a part of the rapidly expanding industrial complex of the Valley of Mexico. The increase in the size of Veracruz has resulted from its greater importance as a port as the Mexican economy and foreign trade expanded. Tampico's growth has been due primarily to the development of oil production and refining activities. although its port function has also become increasingly significant. The most phenomenal growth. both relative to Morelia -94- .osnossspu aos sauna .mhdo» esosssp .oospmsodpme Osamss< «moonaomm mm a- es en a m N se\z m uoosaum am mm mm or mm as es as as accesses mm as me as an em su sm em couscous as me no we as es 6 «\z m conceded: se mes as em as me as me\z a ceases epeez em as am mm mm on an an sn changes as as a as as «\2 ms ms ss osssuoaaom ms sm 6 ea me an: e: mm as osssoscm as es sos no e: 0: sm an an essmmoz as a- nos oe em e<\z nexz sexz mexz caucus .< opspmsu ms as mus mm mm No we we mm mopmosdmomosm< es ms ans Hos mm or an n: mm ussosao> as as was am an as an an on assuresso us a- ems or es m s a<\z s<\z ecussse ss mm «as em up we we as as oosasue es . «as me as as a «\z «\z ssucsuoz m 9w ems ems an 35 mm pnm nso seepom uses sum m a ans mes mm no as we as meshes a an sms ems on be sn mexz es accuses e e mum mus as me an an no sous n m new ssm mms nss em ses em ossoam a mm :mm «NH me 0: ma n<\z m sundae unease m m see man ems nms mm. sr me sensuous: m m ems can mum ems mes ass sos sad-osocose s s mum.m mm~.~ mee.s mmo.s use on: men .m.a .oossoz oems ooms oems ones secs ones sums osas ooms acso Heumumsz Aeossmsone coossom as moasmsm- mommauoomd .oosuoz ho moauso honuo can dadohoz no sprhw aespddsaoml.m canoe -95- and percentage-wise. however. has taken place in the "gate- way" cities Of northern Mexico. namely Ciudad Juarez. Mexi- cali and Tijuana. Each of these cities was relatively in- significant in 1900. but has expanded tremendously. particu- larly since 1950.1 Other cities smaller than Morelia in 1960 in northern Mexico such as Saltillo. Hermosillo. Nuevo Laredo. Matamoros and Reynosa have also shown great increases in re- cent decades. In summary. Morelials growth in population. particu- larly since 1940. has been significant. and has followed a pattern similar to that of most other cities of central Mex- ico. The city's relative size rank in Mexico. however. has declined primarily due to the phenomenal growth of the nor- thern border cities. An increase of over 100 percent in a twenty-year period (1940-1960) is noteworthy. even if it is overshadowed by increases in cities in other parts of the country. Growth of Morelia and Other Michoacan Cities Morelia is the "primate city"2 of the state of Mich- oacan. as is shown by Table 10. In 1900. at the time of the second national census. Morelia's population (37.278) was approximately three times that of the next largest city. 1For a discussion of population changes in Mexico be- tween 1950 and 1960 see Paul C. Morrison. "Population Changes in Mexico. 1950-1960." Pa ers of the Michi an Acade of Sci- enceI Apts and pgtters. XLIX (1964). pp. 351-366. 2 For a discussion of the primate city concept see Mark Jefferson. "The Law of the Primate City." Geogpaphical Review. XXIX (1939). pp. 226-232. -96- .owaslooms .:Osumssacm ho mommmsou smaospmz «mocsaows moo.os mo.m ~ms.a mms.s som.m ass. a ems.e onenessm omeuss sa.m nee.m mos.m sem.m com. m mma. a oasesusssm New ss mme.os oen.a am .m sm .m mes. m fim e soassssse smoums www.cs mmm.w mm .m wms.w en~.m chansons» sos ms mes.m osm.m eaa.m nmm.e o ~.e memfi usocoe mm.es amn.os amm.m oms.m was.s m m.e sme. a causcunem msuas mmo.a eon.a meo.e ns~.m mmm.m mam.m ensuesm eoesso www.ms mmm.m omo.~ mam.s omm.s ana.s mam.~ sewasuoeas com «a eem.es ces.e nae.m mme.m ces.: ces.: sauces nmm.m~ nem.ms eme.ss asa.m ~m:.a nus.“ ~mo.e causccasu anm.e~ nem.as oem.~s moe.ms mss.~s eoe.os ~mm.m euecsm cs see.m~ ssm.~s mee.os one.w -a.m mom.m mos.a cadence mam” m aom.m~ as .ms ao~.ms mem.ms ess.ms swa.~s chosen ems e owe.sm mm .om msa.es eme.ms mes.ms mom.a accuses mmm.oos mn~.ne eom.ee esm.cm mes.sn «so.oe ma~.am assume: owes ones oess ones sums osas ooos arse sowadloora .Gdo¢0£0sz «0 mosuso Honpo dam msHOHOz ho SPSOHw nodaoaanoml.oa OHDOB -97- Zamora (12.721). and no other place had as many as 10,000 persons. By 1910 two other centers. Uruapan (13.149) and La Piedad (10.604). had reached the 10.000 level. The Revo- lution caused a decrease in the pOpulation of Morelia. Za- mora and a number of other places. but Morelia was still the state's major city. However. substantial increases occurred in some communities. indicating that their role in the con- flict was minor or that they had actually profited by its activities. The 1930 census showed there were still only four cities in Michoacan with over 10,000 inhabitants. Morelia (39.916) had practically recovered its size of 1910. howb ever. and was well ahead of the second largest city. now Uruapan (16.713) rather than Zamora (13.207). During the 1930's. Morelia's pOpulation increased to 44.304: Uruapan. the second city. grew to 20.583. making it slightly less than one-half as large as the capital. During the same decade. two more cities passed the 10.000 level for the first time. namely Sahuayo (10.465) and Zitacuaro (11.434). It was dur- ing this period that the asphalted highway traversing Mich- oacan via Morelia from Mexico City to Guadalajara was com- pleted. No doubt the growth of Zitacuaro. situated on the new highway at the eastern boundary of Michoacan. and of Sa- huayo. on the highway at the state's western boundary. re- flects the influence of the improved transportation facilities. During the 1940's. Morelia and most other large urban places of Michoacan experienced substantial increases in pOp- ulation. following the trend throughout Mexico. Morelia's -93- population reached 63.245 by 1950. well above the 31.420 persons in the second largest city. Uruapan. Four additional cities. meanwhile. passed the 10.000 mark--Zacapu. Patzcuaro. Yurecuaro. and Jiquilpanp-making a total of ten in this class. Zacapu and Jiquilpan were no doubt aided by their location on the paved highway connecting Morelia and Guadalajara. while improved roads to Patzcuaro and Yurecuaro helped their growth. Rapid urbanization continued during the 1950's. with five more cities reaching the 10(000 level. and with substan- tial increments in the cities already this large. In fact. all of the centers of any consequence in the state increased in pOpulation with the exception of Angangueo. a mining town east of Morelia. This place declined from 7,401 inhabitants in 1950 to 5.019 in 1960. Although Morelia's percentage in- crease was exceeded by that of a number of other cities. its absolute growth of over 37.000 persons was largest. The 1960 census showed fifteen cities in the state to have pOp- ulation totals in excess of 10.000. with Morelia remaining in first place. In summary. Morelia has prevailed as the dominant center of Michoacan during the 20th Century. Most of the urban places of the state have shown considerable population increments since 1900. with the major increases occurring since 1940 following improvement in transportation facilities. Hard-surfaced highways now connect most of the cities. while expanding cross-country use of the highway connecting Mexico City and Guadalajara has been responsible for new economic activity in the cities along its route. The political func- _ -99- tion of Morelia. coupled with the amenities of the large city. have tended to preserve Morelia's "primate" status. Growth of Morelia;_the Municipio and Michoacan Since 1940. the pOpulation of Morelia has been in- creasing at a greater rate than the population of the muni- cipio. the state and all of Mexico. thus presenting an out- standing example of the movement of peOple from the rural areas into the larger cities. The state of Michoacan. al- though showing a pOpulation increase in all but one decade since 1900. has steadily decreased in relative size in the republic as is shown by Table 11. In 1895 Michoacan pos- sessed 7.2 percent of the Mexican pOpulation. By 1960 the figure had drOpped to 5.3 percent. although the number of persons in the state had more than doubled during the in. terim. Morelia's pOpulation. however. tripled during the same period. as did that of all Mexico. By 1960. also. approximately two-thirds of the municipio's residents lived in Morelia. Barely more than half of them lived there in 1900. The first decade of The Revolution (1910-1920) brought about a 22.2 percent decrease in Morelia's pOpulation. while that of Michoacan and of the nation decreased 5.2 and 5.4 per- cent. respectively. The city did. however. recover most of its loss in the 1920's. experiencing a growth rate more than twice that of the state and almost twice that of the repub- lic. Since 1940. Morelia's growth rate has been considerably greater than that of either of these units. Then. too. the .suse no mess sou osnsmmca so: macspssscsso .osnssssps pom mossmsmo .soussw on» an copsssosso momsosoosom .mssOh usosasp sou momsmsco smsospmz ”moossomw e.mm mms.m~a.em ~.om m.m .e.oe mam.smm.j m.ne m.m sme.mms e.mm e.m m.me mmm.oos oems ~.sn aso.soa.m~ m.e~ m.m s.~m asa.-e.4 n.am m.a -a.eos m.~e e.e «.mm me~.me ones o.os ~mm.mme.os m.~s o.e s.o~ moo.~ms.s e.ms e.e mme.aa o.ss a.m s.am eon.ee oems m.ms -a.mmm.es m.ss m.e m.e~ smm.meo.J m.e- m.e mem.me o.m~ m.n m.oe esm.mm ones e.m- ems.emm.es «.m- m.e m.e~ mam.ona a--- m.a see.me ~.-- m.n e.me mes.sm sums e.ss cen.oes.ms 6.6 m.e a--- omm.smm a--- c--- o--- e.a o.e m--- ~eo.oe osms 5.5 mm~.sow.ms e.m a.e a--- mom.mmm a--- ~.a nme.ae o.os 6.: «.mm ma~.an ooms Pp--- ame.mne.~s m--- ~.a a--- meo.amm a--- a--- c--- a--- m.m a--- omm.nm moms .smss .acm .amss hue“ some: .aom .smas memw .aom .amss MNWMW mnwme .aom 1 so a co a so u sees oeswo: anemones: csascssm: sssosoz W l' mommalmmma .oosNo: dam_amomo:osz co couch or» .esascsssz one .ossosoz as scscessaoa ec saxosou.ss ossea -lOl- percentage of pOpulation in the state that is urban has risen to 40.6 percent. These facts indicate increasing migration from rural areas to the city. a common demographic phenomenon throughout Mexico and Latin America. Place-Of-Birth of Residents The national censuses of Mexico do not record the place-of—birth of persons on a city basis. but do show it by states. It is. therefore. possible to make only an approxi- mate determination concerning the origin of Morelia's popu- lation. The 1900 census did give the information by munici- pio. so that information for the Municipio of Morelia along with Michoacan data for 1930 and 1960 are shown in Table 12. The data for the Municipio of Morelia in 1900 reveal that 92.6 percent of the population had been born within the state reflecting the greater stability of the Mexican pOpu- lace at that time. Only 5.7 percent of the municipio's resi- dents had been born elsewhere in Mexico. and the great major- ity of these had come from neighboring Guanajuato to the north. and from other states within the central region of the coun- try. Poor transportation facilities evidently played a key role in maintaining a native-born Michoacan population in the Municipio of Morelia. The 154 foreign-born persons repre- sented only 0.2 percent Of the total. In 1930. figures for the entire state. rather than for 1For a discussion of the general divisions of Mexico used by the Mexican Government for statistical purposes see Jorge A. Vivo. Geografia de Mexico (Mexico. 1958). -102- Table 12.-Place-of-Birth of residents in the Munici- pio of Morelia. 1900. and i of Michoacan. 1930 and 1960 p the State f Bi th Municipio Michoacan P1a°° ° r 1900 1930 1960 HICHOACAN 62.742 1.007.121 1.772.433 Jalisco 215 9.394 19.716 Guanajuato 2.613 15.635 15.9 Mexico (State) 179 6.420 7.7 Distrito Federal 31 891 4.347 Guerrero 40 2.096 3.537 Colima 38 201 3.165 Durango 121 286 2.863 Hidalgo 22 426 1.636 Sonora l 121 1.427 Nuevo Leon 7 * 192 1.337 Veracruz 38 437 1.212 San Luis Potosi 63 270 848 Puebla 57 294 784 Aguascalientes 10 124 771 Zacatecas 29 236 759 Queretaro 144 1.271 679 Baja California (N & S) 0 29 669 Morelos 8 222 666 Oaxaca 29 231 627 Coahuila 1 133 612 Chiapas 1 44 0 Tamaulipas 11 138 71 Yucatan 0 30 437 Nayarit 19 78 374 Chihuahua 68 117 272 Sinaloa 4 164 264 Tlaxcala 1 28 128 Campeche 0 5 106 Tabasco l 39 101 Quintana Roo O 6 31 Foreign Countries 154 1.458 2.184- Birthplace Unknown 1.036 1.458 5.184 TOTALS 67.683 1.048.381 1.851.876 Percent born in Michoacan 92.6 96.1 95.7 Percent born other states 5.? 3.74 3.9 Percent foreign-born 0.2 0.14 0.12 Percent birthplace unknown 1.5 0.02 0.28 *Sources: National Censuses for various years. Per- centages calculated by the writer. -103- the municipio. revealed a very similar situation. In fact. an even greater percentage of those residing in Michoacan in 1930 were born in the state than had been the case in the municipio thirty years earlier. Of the state's population 96.1 percent had been born within Michoacan. while 3.74 per- cent had come from other states (Table 12). Adjoining states. namely Jalisco. Guanajuato. Mexico. Queretaro and Guerrero. furnished most of these people. which emphasizes the impor- tance of proximity for migration within a region possessing poor or inadequate transportation facilities. The foreign, born segment of the pOpulation remained insignificant (0.14 percent). The 1960 census showed the situation very little changed. That year. 95.7 percent of the state's population had been born within the state and 3.9 percent in other states (Table 12). Again. the largest non-native groups had come from the bordering states. even though means of trans- portation had been greatly improved by this time. These fig- ures reveal the relative lack of movement of people into Mich- oacan. especially so from any great distance. It can be concluded. therefore. that the City of More- lia has been. and still is. populated primarily by persons born within the state. Most of the rest of its inhabitants are from nearby states. Inhabitants of foreign extraction are relatively few. although it is probable that the major- ity of Michoacan's foreign-born reside in Morelia. Table 13 shows the origin of the state's foreign-born population for two census years. 1940 and 1960. The table reveals that well -104- over one-half of these people originated in Spain and the United States. Those of Spanish birth comprised over one- Table 13.-Foreign-born population of Michoacan , from selected countries. 1940 and 1960 Country 1940 1960 Spain 408 197 United States 126 1.430 Lebanon 36 34 France 29 43 China 13 14 Italy 10 17 Saudi Arabia 10 33 Great Britain -- 30 Cuba -- 26 Germany 6 49 Japan 3 12 Syria 5 -- Turkey 5 -- Others 52 299 Totals 703 2.184 *Sources: National Censuses. 1940 and 1960. half of the total in 1940. By 1960. however. the Spanish- born had dropped to less than one-half the number in 1940. On the other hand. foreign-born from the United States had increased from 126 in 1940. to 1.430 by 1960. representing almost two-thirds of the residents from outside Mexico the later year. The increasing inter-relationships between the United States and Mexico are illustrated by this figure. It is possible that this increase in the United States-born por- tion of the population was due to the birth of children to Mexican migrant workers (braceros) from Michoacan while re- siding temporarily in the United States. Hundreds of workers leave the state each year for work during the harvest periods -105- in the United States. This trend in Michoacan began during World war II and has continued to the present. No doubt many technicians and supervisory personnel from the United States residing in Michoacan have also increased the foreign- born total from the United States. Spatial Expansion of Morelia The present areal structure of Morelia is quite simi- lar to that of other cities throughout Mexico and all Spanish America. Although variations in surface configuration have been primarily responsible for some differences that exist from city to city today. the basic internal structures of Mexican cities follow the rectangular-grid pattern system used by the Spaniards in the planning of urban places (P1. IV). This system was explicitly outlined as a portion of the Laws of the Indies and in subsequent decrees which were drawn up to insure standardization in the develOpment of colonial cities.1 In most cases the cardinal directions were utilized for the orientation of the streets. while the cathedral and the ubiquitous central plaza (plaza central, laza rinci l. or plaza mayor) on which it was located 1For a discussion of these laws and their implementa- tion see Dan Stanislawski. "Early Spanish Town Planning in the New World." Geographical Review. XXXVII (January. 1947). pp. 94-105: Dan Stanislawski. "The Origin and Spread of the Grid-Pattern Town." Geographical Review. XLVI (January. 1946). pp. 105-120: and Zelia Nuttall. "Royal Ordinances Concerning the Laying Out of New Towns." His nic American Historical Review. IV (November. 1921). pp. 6%3-733. and V (Hay. I922). pp. 2E9"‘25'+o -107- marked the center of the city. Streets were generally nar- row. with abutting buildings of stone or adobe construction forming continuous walls immediately along their edges. or behind narrow bordering sidewalks. Compactness was a rule as it afforded a maximum util- ization of available land. ease of social communication.and superior conditions for mutual defense of the community.1 The choice of a hill or some other elevated site for a city's location was commonplace also. and undoubtedly was fostered by the defense motive. although adequate drainage was a fac- tor as well. Morelia's structure and site reflect these earlier considerations. but changes that have taken place since the end of colonialism. particularly in recent years. have brought about significant alterations in the internal structure of the city. Even greater changes appear certain to occur in the near future. The cathedral and the central plaza still mark the 1Martin E. Brigham. in his dissertation on Monterrey. makes the following statement which is applicable likewise to Morelia: "It is interesting to note the absence of numerous suburbs or satellite towns in the immediate vicinity of Mon- terrey [here Morelia could be substituted] . This is char- acteristic of many Latin.American cities. in contrast with those of North America. A lack of pOpulation is an obvious explanation. but this is not entirely correct. There are two other reasons. The traditional Spanish settlement pattern favored the compact town. where peOple congregated in groups. for common defense and social life. Suburban living is also frequently associated with. and a result of. the middle class. Latin America has never had a large middle class." Martin E. Brigham. Monterrey. Mexico: A 3 ud in U ban Geo h (une published Ph.D. dissertation. Department of Geograpfiy. Uni- versity of Michigan. 1951). p. 30. -108- focus of activity in Morelia. but modern transportation fa- cilities. and the extension of domestic conveniences (elec- tricity. telephone service. water and sewage lines) to out- lying zones. are reducing the advantages of the center. Prox- imity to the main plaza is still a prestige factor. but is diminishing rapidly under the influence of improved transpor- tation facilities and the general increase in economic well- being. The first known plan (plgpg) or map of Morelia was drafted in 1794 under the auspices of Don Miguel la Grua Talamanca y Branciforte. Viceroy of New Spain (Fig. 4).1 This plan divides the city into four principal sectors and shows the orientation of streets (they are not named) away from the cathedral and central plaza to be essentially the same then as today. Some street-pattern changes have taken place in the peripheral areas. but not many in the core of the city. It is impossible to determine from this map which blocks were actually occupied by buildings and people in 1794. and the same problem exists for other maps issued since 1794. A map of the built-up area in 1798 is available. howb ever. and shows the blocks that were at least partially occu- pied at that time (Fig. 5).2 Although precise verification 1The original copy of this map is preserved in the Museo Michoacano in Morelia and was viewed by the writer in the summer of 1965. The map appearing in this study was re- produced from.a photostatic cOpy of a reproduction of the original map in the University of Texas Library. 2This map and the other three maps depicted in Figure 5 were made available to the writer by Sr. Francisco Amaya de -109- ‘ \ O RIFN'I‘E. ‘ ' ' I :1; N}UNOd§ -110- m oasmum \ no: :0 Ono— ./ {50:0 ._<_._. .. I . (yam/1m, a ‘fuhd, r/e Inna-numb u/wm» “.../m f t? I." ' ‘ ~ :1 W-.." {...-M 1 L M. 0.“, ‘, ”My”, 'W/‘" .. M .43. ammv n,” 17 :4 ,‘“'~ Aw "Jpn-Xv l ‘ ‘ . Figure 6 -113- production of the map was to change the nomenclature of the city which had been officially designated in 1840.1 Streets on the new map were named in honor of various inde- pendence war heroes. while the names of several plazas were also changed in a similar manner. A comparison of the 1869 map with that of 1794 (Fig. 4) indicates that the general pattern of organization was retained. although a number of blocks had been subdivided and. of course. some were added on the new plan. It is interesting to note on the 1869 map that sentry-houses (garitas) were located at each of the ma- Jor entry points into the city from the north. east. south and west. indicating that the necessity for defense remained a factor in encouraging compact settlement. This practice was still followed in Morelia in 1965. but the functions of the sentries had changed decidedly. By the year 1898 Morelia had almost doubled its popu- lation of a century earlier (Table 8). but spatial expansion during the same years did not keep pace with this increase. as is shown in Figure 5. Although some develOpment occurred in the northwest toward the railroad that had arrived in 1883. the major spread was toward the southwest and north- east. The city added 33 new blocks during the period for a total of 150. and its area increased to about one square mile.2 1Rafael Morelos Zapien states that Morelia has had three nomenclature changes since 1794 and that these appeared in 1840. 1869 and 1929. The writer was unable to find nomen- clatures for 1794 and 1840. See Rafael Morelos Zapien. Guia ra visitar la ciudad de Morelia (Morelia: Impreso en los Ta leres Gra icos. 1 . p. 1 . 2Calculated by the writer. -ll4- The density of population was now about 233 persons per block.1 These figures indicate rather conclusively that the built-up portion of the city had become considerably more crowded by the end of the 19th Century and that compact settle- ment was still characteristic. Growth of the city outward to compensate for the increased population was hampered by flood- ing and drainage problems on three sides. but no reason is readily discernible for the lack of expansion to the higher land on the east. Increasing distance from the main plaza could have been a factor. Possibly lands there were in the hands of wealthy landowners who were reluctant to relinquish them for urban development. but verification of this premise could not be found. Although the population of Morelia increased very little from 1898 to 1930. and actually there was one period of decline (Table 8). the spatial growth of the city was con- sideraole (Fig. 5). For the first time streets. at least. were laid out on low-lying land both northwest of the rail- road and on either side of the Rio Chiquito despite the spor- adic flooding in these areas. Some develOpment also took place between the aqueduct and the road to Mexico City on the eastern edge of the city. as well as to the northwest. It is doubtful. however. whether much settlement had actually taken place in these new colonias by 1930. A pictorial map issued in 1934 by Justina Fernandez (Fig. 7)2 shows that very 1 2This map was photostated at the University of Texas Library from.a pictorial map contained in Justino Fernandez. Calculated by the writer. -115- m shaman IIIIC 1') IF lipid? dun-lira. mums-t when 2: l I ' I. .. 4 n. H. .. I v. 3 m m M I M D ..II V. M. it v‘ n . I J M .5 ‘_ '. ...l U «fl . Wan—mam. T .1 tI v H s‘ H .mmmw. {re (p d. s i . . nun-n "runners k 'A'l [CHI4331~ill01n|=ll1filfllION). '4! | -ll6- few buildings existed in the low-lying areas which were shown as being occupied on the 1930 map (Fig. 5). Even much of the indicated develOpment in the northeast was not depicted on Fernandez' map. If the 1930 map is accepted as authentic. the area of the city then was about two and one-half square miles. but there is considerable room for doubting that it was this large. The important fact. however. is that for the first time in Morelia's history the compactness of settlement was broken. with the beginning of a trend of radial spread away from the center of the city. This has continued to the present. By 1930 the groundwork had been laid for the devel- opment of the lower lands along the Rio Chiquito and north of the railroad. In the period from 1930 to 1958. and particularly in the post-World War II years. Morelia's spatial expansion was phenomenal (Fig. 5) and was accompanied by a similar growth in population (Table 8). Canalization of the Rio Chiquito and the Rio Grande de Morelia in the late 1930's finally opened up lands along their courses for occupance. although the problem of flooding was not completely eradicated. The major expansion in residential area resulting took place on either side of the old channel of the Rio Chiquito. but there was considerable extension south of the new channel. Growth also occurred between the railroad and the Rio Grande de Mor- elia largely in response to the establishment there of a num- Morelia su situacion historia caracteristicas monumentos. nomenclaturas. con un pIano pictorio He Is ciudad (Mexico: Talleres de Impresion de Estampillas y Valores. 1936). -117- ber of manufacturing plants in the new industrial colony (Colonia Industrial). Similarly. settlement took place far- ther southwestward along the railroad. although this develOp- ment came later than that Just mentioned. The total area of Morelia by 1958 had increased to approximately four square miles.1 It seems apparent. then. that the excessive increase in population in recent decades has not been accompanied by an overcrowding of the older es- tablished part of the city. but has been.absorbed largely by the development of new colonias on the periphery. Sr. Jaime 0. Sandoval. a leading citizen of Morelia and an authority on the growth of the city since the 1930's. made the follow- ing statement. which has already been partially quoted pre- viously (footnote p. 84). in an interview with the writer: In the period from 1935 to 1965. approximately 75 per- cent of the people who have come to the city from the countryside have settled in the colonias surrounding the old core of the city. The density of population in the old sectors of the city has increased some. but the practice of turning old. substantial single- family residences into run-down apartment houses. that is common in the Unified States. has not been very sig- nificant in Morelia. Morelia's spatial expansion has. therefore. minimized some of the problems inherent with rapid population growth by pre- venting a "slumization"3 of the center of the city. but at 1Estimated by the writer. 65 2Interview'with Jaime O. Sandoval. Morelia. August 21. 19 Q 3The writer proposes the adoption of a new collective term slumization for all the forces and processes responsible for creating Blighted areas in urban places. Those Operating within an older established portion of a city could be called inner-slumization. while those creating slums around the mar- gin o a city might be called peripheral slumization. -118- the same time the rapid and extensive spatial expansion has created its own problems. Much of the new sections of the city lacks paved streets. public lighting. suitable housing. and adequate water and drainage facilities. because of the in- ability of the city to cOpe with the financial demands of such undertakings. Plans are being formulated to provide these ba- sic necessities. and some progress is being made. but the con- tinuance of growth encumbers the entire process. Expansion of Morelia from 1958 to 1965 can be deter- mined from Figure 8 which is a composite map of the spatial growth of the city from 1798 to 1965.1 Although expansion in the last seven years has occurred in.all peripheral areas of the city. that of major significance has taken place at its eastern and western extremities. These latter develop- ments have been associated primarily with the building of homes for the upper-income class and represent a decided break with the traditional desire of such persons to live near the center of the city. Improved transportation facil- ities have considerably influenced this new trend in expan- sion. In summary. Morelia began.as a compact settlement. following guidelines handed down by Spanish authorities. and remained such a settlement throughout most of its history. Only in recent decades has a trend away from this condition 1Information on the expansion of Morelia from 1958 to 1965 was obtained by the writer in the summer of 1965 during the land-use phase of this study. -119- noo— w-U )to Gnu—In! Oh w<~ ”mp-5m -128- The Highways The present highway network of Michoacan consists of approximately 615 miles of asphalted roadways and an addi- tional 735 miles that are hard-surfaced and usable all year.1 These latter roads are primarily graveled and compare favor- ably with the farm-to-market graveled roads found in the Mid- west of the United States. Although they are continuously passable. traffic on them moves at a much slower pace than on the paved highways. The state still has over 1.000 miles of dirt roads that are passable only in dry weather. Thus. during the rainy season (May to October) many communities are virtually isolated to motor-vehicle traffic. This is most true of the southern part of the state. although censi- derable areas even within the more densely populated and pro- ductive central and northern regions are likewise affected. Several communities within 30 to 40 miles of Morelia are isolated from the city for days following heavy rainstorms. These include Indaparapeo. Querendaro. Chucandiro. Huani- queo. Acuitzio. Villa Madero and Tzitzio. The government of Michoacan. in association with the federal government. has recently undertaken a bold new road- building program aimed at providing year-around service for those communities now served only by dry-weather roads. Routes presently being improved and work planned for the next 1Information obtained from the Departamento de Tran- sito. Gobierno del Estado de Michoacan. Morelia. in the sum- mer of 1965. -129- few years will more than double the existing mileage of as- phalted roads. and will add considerably to the hard-surfaced total. In some instances. new. more direct roads are being built to permit faster travel. One such is under construc- tion between Morelia and Uruapan. via Patzcuaro. When it is completed. the distance and driving time between these two cities will be cut by one-third. Morelia has maintained. and strengthened. its position as the major focal point of Michoacan with the establishment of the improved highway network. The practice of primarily following old roadways and trails as the routes for the new asphalted and graveled roads has retained much of the former transportation pattern. Surface configuration was. of course. largely responsible for fixing the early pattern and has been of great significance in maintaining it. Morelia's function as the gateway for the movement of goods and people from cen- tral and southern Michoacan to the pgjip of southern Guana- juato. to the dry states in the north. and eastward to Mex- ico City has received a new stimulus as a result of the high- way improvements. With completion of the projected network of all-weather roads to the Balsas Lowland and the isolated Pacific coastal area of the state. as well as a more direct route to the Pacific port of Manzanillo. Morelia should experience increased transportational activity and an expan- sion of the processing and distributional functions it per- forms. -130- Vehicle Registration Road improvements have provided the stimulus for a huge expansion of motor traffic in Michoacan. Vehicle re- gistrations during various years for the state and for More- lia attest to this increase (Table 14). In 1935. prior to Table l4.dVehicles registered in Michoacan in 1935. 1940. 1950 and 1960. and in Morelia in 1960 and 1964 Type State of Michoacana Moreliab Vehicle 1935 1940 1950 1960 1960 1964 Automobiles 926 1.794 3.369 6.332 2.222 2.913 Trucks 466 1.579 3.333 8.757 1.556 1.933 Buses 198 514 550 1.152 411 433 Motorcycles 14 58 70 302 116 240 Totals 1,604 3.945 7.372 17.043 4.305 5.219 aSources: Figures for 1935. 1940 and 1950 from Anuario estadistico. various years: Figures for 1960 from the Compendio estadistico. 1961. _ bSource: Figures supplied by Jesus de la Mora y Alvarez. Jefe de la Seccion Transportes. Departamento de Transito del Estado de Michoacan. Morelia. in the summer of 1965 construction of the first paved highway in the state. there were only 1.604 units registered. but in 1940. just two years after the highway's completion. the number had increased to 3.945 or by 146 percent. With the extension of all-weather roads throughout the state during the next two decades. motor vehicle registration reached 17.043 in 1960. Morelia's -131- registration alone that year was greater than the state total in 1940. It is interesting to note that by 1950 there were more trucks than.automobiles in the state. and that by 1960 the dominance of trucks was even greater. The growing impor- tance of this vehicle and of buses as means of transportation in Michoacan is clearly indicated by the statistics shown in Table 14. Although vehicle registration figures for Morelia could not be obtained for earlier years. those for 1960 in- dicate that the city possessed a significant percentage of all vehicles in the state at that time. Included were 32.4 percent of Michoacan's automobiles. 17.8 percent of its trucks. 35.7 percent of its buses and 38.4 percent of its motorcycles. The bus registration figure. which is somewhat higher than would be expected. includes not only buses used for urban service within the city. but also some of those Operating between Morelia and other cities. Traffic Flow The relative importance of the various types of ve- hicles entering and leaving Morelia. and of Morelia's exter- nal relations with neighboring regions. can be at least par- tially determined by an analysis of traffic movements. Data available are limited. but the results of a traffic survey completed in November. 1964 have been obtained and appear in Table 15. Although the figures obviously are not com- pletely reliable. they do provide the framework in which -132- some general conclusions can be made and are used here for lack of better information. Table 15.-Average daily arrivals and departures of automobiles. bpses and trucks. Morelia. November. 1964 Morelia Entry Point Vehi 1 c es Total East West North Automobiles Arrivals 524 17 184 165 Departures 515 17 180 161 Buses Arrivals 205 44 75 86 Departures 193 44 66 83 Trucks Arrivals 494 147 180 167 Departures 492 150 169 173 All Vehicles 7 Arrivals 1.223 366 439 418 Departures 1.200 368 415 417 Total Arrivals and Departures 2.423 734 854 835 *Source: Data furnished by Francisco Amaya de la Pena. Junta de Planeacion y Urbanizacion del Estado de Michoacan. Morelia. in the summer of 1965. Above figures calculated by the writer from the data obtained. During November. 1964 the daily flow of automobiles. buses and trucks entering and leaving the city was 2.423 ve- hicles. The number of automobiles (1.039) exceeded that of either buses (398) or trucks (986). as would normally be expected. It is significant. however. that the combined total of buses and trucks (1.384) was considerably greater than that of automobiles alone. When the facts of Morelia's railroad traffic are remembered. the large number of trucks -133- rather decflecny indicates the dominance of that vehicle as a cargo carrier. Then. too. the size of the daily movement of automobiles and buses in and out of the city indicates a large number of persons being carried. If. arbitrarily. the number of passengers per automobile is placed at three. and that of buses at 35 (a conservative figure). it is found that 3.111 persons entered or departed Morelia daily by auto- mobile in November. 1964. while some 13.930 others arrived or left by bus. Either total is many times the number of travelers using the railroad each day. The origin or destination of most of the motor ve- hicles can be broadly determined by examining the traffic data for each of the city's three main points of entry which are oriented to the major directions of flow (Table 15 and Fig. 2). Vehicles passing the north entry point can be associated primarily with north-central Michoacan and the adjoining pgjpp of southern Guanajuato. Those utilizing the east portal can be credited to eastern and southeastern Michoacan. although a substantial number are part of the flow between Morelia and Mexico City. as well as of cross-country traffic between Mexico City and Guadalajara. Although part of the traffic passing through the western gateway was also of the latter character. it is believed that most of it was between Morelia and points in western and southwestern Mich- oacan (Pl. V. Fig. 4). Thus. the heavy total traffic through the north and west entry points of Morelia in November. 1964 no doubt reflected the close relationships that exist be- tween the city and the heavily populated £5419 to the north ~134- and the major pOpulation concentrations in western Michoacan. although it in part resulted from traffic between these two regions. The more sparsely populated and less productive eastern.and southeastern regions of the state. on the other hand. supported a smaller movement through the eastern point- of-entry. even though the volume was considerably influenced by Mexico City and other pOpulation clusters farther east. The flow of automobiles. as would be expected. was greater in east-west directions than to the north. A con- siderable portion of the former represented movement between Mexico City and Guadalajara: most of the latter involved shorter distances and reflected a regional flow between Mor- elia and southern Guanajuato. If the cross-country portion of the east-west traffic could be separated from that of a regional character. a much more meaningful comparison could be made. Bus and truck movements emphasize the importance of Morelia's relationships with the ppjip and western Michoacan even more than does either the total motor-vehicle traffic or that of automobiles alone. Approximately twice as many buses operated to the north than to the east. despite the influence of Mexico City. The figure was also substantially greater than that for the route west. Although some of the buses were involved in cross-country movements. most of them used Morelia as a terminal. Bus movements will be discussed in more detail later. The greatest volume of truck traffic passed through the western entry point. and only a slightly smaller amount -135- through the northern one. The larger size of the movement of freight to and from these directions emphasizes Morelia's strong economic ties with western Michoacan and with the pp: 112. The number of trucks using the eastern entrance was considerably smaller. but was still substantial. in large measure because of the influence of Mexico City. as was the case of automobile traffic. The Buses Since buses perform such a vital function in the ex- ternal relations of Morelia. a more detailed discussion of the daily service is in order. Information was Obtained pri- marily by interview with bus-line officials. ticket agents and drivers. However. the Junta de Planeacion y Urbanizacion del Estado de Michoacan initially provided a list of the lines and a map of the terminal facilities in Morelia. Buses serving Morelia are of two general types--first- class and second-class. The first-class vehicles for the most part compare very favorably with the large Greyhound buses used in the United States. although equipment offered varies considerably from bus to bus. They primarily operate inter-regionally over long distances on.a reserved-seat basis and utilize only the major paved highways of the country. Schedules are maintained and modern terminal facilities are provided in Morelia and other major centers along their routes. Second-class buses are similar to the typical school bus found in the United States. They usually Operate over -136- shorter distances than the first-class vehicles. and utilize all kinds of roads. Their service is basically intra-regional. although exceptions to this rule occur. The second-class bus connects smaller places with Morelia. and also fulfills a farm-to-market function. acting as a conveyor of both people and their goods. Terminal facilities are provided in some in- stances. but many second-class bus-lines are merely assigned a specific parking space (point-of—termination) on a street within the city. A small ticket and/or freight Office is pro- vided nearby in such cases. but other facilities such as res- taurants. restrooms. waiting rooms. etc.. are absent. Some of these conveniences. however. are provided by individual business establishments in the vicinity. Morelia is served by sixty-one bus-lines. of which seventeen.are first-class and forty-four second-class. These Operate to and from eight major terminals and twenty-two ter- minal points located around the edge of the Central gnsiness District (gpp) in groupings that are oriented to the direc- tion of traffic flow (see Inset. Fig. 9). Some buses are through. entering one side of the city and leaving another. but most come in to and leave by the same route. Routes traveled avoid the congested heart of the city so as to elim- inate as much traffic in that area as possible. Of the eight major terminals. two handle first-class buses exclusively. four only second-class vehicles. and two both classes (Pl. VI. Figs. 1 and 2). Each major terminal is used by two or more lines. but each of the twenty-two terminal points serves only a single second-class line (Pl. VI. Figs. 3 and 4). A -137- meal-Sum» 07cm: 32... man “.0 ...m... < 30”. 5029*? mum m chamam n02 m_. U eeeee » m-~_mm mam >.=om ma co oedema: use: pods» .momzb mwmao lean ooscoaa oammoaoxz CH psaoa Amadeus» lusooom oops» one .mocaoa chfisnop wwmao mu“ one man wmsHOIocooom mmdaoncsooom was nausea :909 you .AHOp Icoov HandsAOp esp Owhma oseulw .wam .Hddaahep man mmmaoupmhau meom£ mHme Io>om ma on oowoaoz no 3ofi>tle .wfim lacs have» mafi>aho monoahh MBpom meaoao: cw ocsaa ommMOSm Axmzmav launch aflooufiwaoa w-oaampozune .mem mozoofixoz momaopuom oxenum .mfia -152- .safioho: CH masmhoaooo mosh» .oaaopoz CH aacmeofimmn powwo>hom Hocofium2hochtlm .mdm madn080psm mCHQIpHSOCOmIIH .mHm HHH> m9aw owed moamanpmsesH “sebaw osomv sasosN macaw Osomv cameoOpdN nopmvm o moaooaaws moaamom OhmsoepaN caspasosa Asobaw omHsde AhHao esophav eHoEmN masocN use odnd esosv ecosao sooaomoz Hopmobhsm H-usshopsH ousnospaN caspasoss fisoefim owaoeam Asmaoupasmsomv seesaw: sasomN use OHH< Osomv voesdo oeuudeo saaoaoz so mean .pmdn sodomy: caspaseea Anoanasmumhaadzv onossN sasosw onssouumm oacposm oassospHN mOOHOHos geomozoaz co maaadz sswcuwasa< Ohssosqu usaaasoah eseeam sq assess: campaoooe owaseam osaa “moasMIpoaohbesov snoasN sacomN ems Oahd ossposm edemao tandem saaonoz on monouoz usassnb onspssosp ownsenm AonomV shoaeN easosN one odmo caeoomm ecosao sooaonoz uaupoaOpsd sdaonos seasoned: ma whoasoo Heepo one: pmoaspsom uncompsom poem apaoz adsmnoaooa no sodusoon Amado any moa< uOHsm mo psopnm descapoohao enema .sdaouo: .enanoaovss usmdo Mom .mHeHsoe haemanoms Hsnapflmoanwm use Mosh» seas measmwadmuea mo pmepwo Hmsoauooudu ozal.ma canoe -15“- ary or to Moroleon just beyond it. Dealers in cities such as Celaya. Salamanca and Irapuato restrict Morelia's market farther to the north. Eastward. each sales area reaches to Ciudad Hidalgo and in some cases all the way to Zitacuaro at the state's eastern edge. Further penetration is blocked by competitors in Toluca and Mexico City. The sparsely populated southeast (represented by Hue- tamo in the table) is within the sales area of five dealers and probably is served by the remaining three also. although confirming information was not supplied by them. Morelia's retail command of this area is due in large part to the trans‘ portation pattern. since the only all-weather roads leading out of it join Michoacan's main east-west highway just east of the city. All eight dealers place the western margin of their territories at Zacapu. and concede that dealers in Zamora. Uruapan.and other cities supply the market beyond that limit. Southwest of Morelia their sales extend only to Ario (Ario de Rosales) and Tacambaro--a situation created by the road accessibility. as in the case of Huetamo. ' Thus. on the basis of the information supplied by these eight dealers. the retail sales area of Morelia can be broadly delimited as the eastern half of Michoacan. or that portion of the state lying east of the longitudinal line passing through Zacapu. The primary factors respon- sible for this are (1) the influence of the state boundary. (2) the situation of competing retail centers in Michoacan and neighboring states. and (3) the orientation of the road -155- network which causes Morelia to have centrality so far as accessibility is concerned. The Wholesale Distribution Area Wholesaling dominates Morelia's intra-state commer- cial relations. At least thirty-seven distributors supply retailers. or other distributors throughout the state with a wide variety of goods. In addition. most local manufacturers. and a large number of retail establishments. perform whole- sale functions in addition to their basic activity. The re- sult is a complex set of relationships between Morelia and the remainder of the state. Analysis of Morelia's wholesale trade areas is rela- tively easy compared to those of retail businesses. since many of the bigger dealers possess franchises covering all or a large part of the state. Morelia's position as the cap- ital. largest city and transportational hub of Michoacan def- initely enhances the Operation of such franchises from here and should assure the city's continued supremacy as a.whole- saling center. Illustrating particularly well the holding of a state- wide type of franchise are two companies handling completely different kinds of products. namely Nestle. S.A. (foods) and Petroleos Mexicanos (petroleum products). The Nestle company. with its main office and warehouses in Toluca. established the Morelia distributorship in 1955 to disseminate its pro- 1 ducts throughout Michoacan. Trucks from.the Morelia ware- lInterview with s. Pastran. manager of Nestle. S.A.. Morelia. August 6. 1965. -156- house not only transport merchandise to retailers in the vicinity. but to subdistributors in other major cities who in turn supply retailers in their areas. All Nestle products marketed in the state must be obtained through the Morelia dealership. The local branch of Petroleos Mexicanos (PEMEX). the government-owned Oil monOpoly. was established in Morelia just prior to World War II (following the expropriation of the foreign oil interests) to distribute gasoline. diesel fuels and 0118 (P1. VIII. F18. 3). Products are transported to this facility by pipeline from a refinery at Salamanca in Guanajuato and by truck or train from refineries in the Mex- ico City area. Retailers in Morelia and the immediate vicin- ity are serviced by small trucks directly from the plant. Larger trucks carry bulk products to agents in Zacapu. Patz- cuaro. Uruapan. Apatzingan. Zamora. and Zitacuaro. who then 1 In the distribute to retailers in their respective areas. case of both Petroleos Mexicanos and Nestle. the state bound- ary limits the sales area. and excludes competition from agents selling the same products in neighboring states. Examples of franchises covering a large part of the state are those held by the Morelia branch of Nacional de Drogas. S.A.. and by the Agencia de Carta Blanca. S.A.. drug and beer distribution firms. respectively. Nacional de Dro- gas is a subsidiary of McKesson-Robinson company of the united States. It was established in Morelia in 1957 and 0 1Interview with Huberto Mercado M.. sales Officer for Petroleos Mexicanos. Morelia. July 23. 1965. -157- supplies medicines and cosmetics to the city and vicinity. and westward in Mi'choacan.1 The eastern part of the state. from Ciudad Hidalgo eastward. is in the territory of the dis- tributor in Toluca. Trucks from the Morelia warehouse trans- port merchandise directly to retailers and consumers in the western part of the state. thus eliminating subdistributors. The territory of the Agencia de Carta Blanca. S.A.. established in 1948. is almost identical to that of Nacional de Drogas. but the method of distribution is somewhat diff- erent. Beer comes to Morelia by truck from the Cuauhtemoc Brewery in Monterrey. Direct deliveries are then made to retailers in the immediate vicinity. while larger shipments are transported to subagents in Patzcuaro. Zacapu. Uruapan 2 The eastern and Sahuayo for wholesaling in their areas. part of the state is supplied from Toluca. as in the case of Nacional de Drogas. Many local manufacturers perform distributional func- tions in addition to their primary activity. In fact. a majority of supervisory personnel interviewed stated that wholesaling comprised an important segment of company busi- ness. Since most manufacturing plants in Morelia produce goods for consumption in other states. as well as in Mich- oacan. only those directly engaged in intra-state distribu- tion.are considered here. Topmost among manufacturers whose production is des- tined solely for the Michoacan market are the five bottlers 1Interview with Juan Zamarron. manager of Nacional de Drogas. S.A.. Morelia. August 4. 1965. -158- of carbOnated beverages.1 When.asked to delimit their plant's distribution area. each of the plant managers outlined a diff- erent one. This emphasizes the complexity of Morelia's whole- sale functions. Only one bottler-oPepsi-Cola--supplies the entire state with its product. The Morelia plant. the third largest of the parent company's sixty Mexican installations. directly handles distribution to retailers in the eastern half of the state. using a fleet of over 200 trucks (P1. VIII. Fig. 4). Retailers in the northwestern and south- western parts of Michoacan.are serviced from warehouses lo- cated in.Zamora and Apatzingan. respectively. Large trucks stock these warehouses from Morelia. Approximately 56.000 outlets throughout the state are served either directly or indirectly making this the most extensive distributional activity in Morelia.2 The second largest territory is that of the Jarritos plant. Distribution to retail dealers in Morelia and vi- cinity is handled directly by the plant. while twenty-five agents supply sales places in the rest of the state with the exception of the La Piedad and Zitacuaro areas. Those two peripheral sections. one in the northwest and the other in the east (Fig. 1). receive Jarritos from bottlers in Leon lBebidas Purificadas de Michoacan. S.A.. (Pepsi-Cola): Embotelladora Jarritos de Michoacan. S.A.. (Jarritos): Embo- telladora de Morelia. S.A.. (Coca-Cola): Embotelladora Valle de Guayangareo. S.A.. (Grapette): Embotelladora Peri-Soda. S.A.. (Peri-Soda). - zlnterview with Gustavo Michel Lopez. manager of Be- bidas Purificadas de Michoacan. S.A.. Morelia. July 23. 1965. -159- and Mexico City. respectively.1 The Coca-Cola plant in Morelia claims all of the state as its distributional area. except the northwest quarter (west of Zacapu and north of Uruapan) which is supplied from Zamora. Three plants in neighboring Guanajuato. at Irapuato. Celaya and Leon. limit sales in that direction. Again. delivery to retailers in Morelia and vicinity is handled directly by the factory. while some 37-40 subdistributors supply those in the out-lying areas.2 Morelia's two remaining bottlers. Grapette and Peri- Soda. operate on.a much smaller scale. and handle all phases of production and distribution. The extent of Grapette's sales area was placed at an.approximate radius of 100 kilo- meters from the city.3 while that of Peri-Soda was given as "Morelia and the surrounding municipios."u In summary. the wholesaling influence of Morelia ex- tends into all parts of the state. but varies considerably from one type of product to another. Thus. precise delimi- tation of g_wholesale trade area for Morelia is impossible. although it can be concluded that the city is. and should remain. the major center of this activity in Michoacan. 1Interviewwith Salvador Sanchez Ramirez. manager of Embotelladora Jarritos de Michoacan. S.A.. Morelia. July 23. 1965. zInterview with Manuel Castaneda H.. nanager of Embo- telladora de Morelia. S.A.. Morelia. July 26. 19 5. 3Interviewwith Pablo Villanueva. manager of Embotella- dora Valle de Guayangareo. S.A.. Morelia. July 26. 1965. “Interview'with Jesus Perea. manager of Embotelladora Peri-Soda. S.A.. Morelia. July 23. 1965. -l60- Collection.and Epocessipg of Raw Materials The third of Morelia's intra-state commercial functions is the collection and processing of agricultural and forest raw materials. Since most of the resulting products are des- tined for out-of-state markets. discussion of their distribu- tion will be reserved for a later section of this chapter. However. the actual assemblying and processing of these mater- ials constitute primarily intra-state activities. and. for that reason. are included here. The diversity of physical environments in Michoacan is responsible for the wide variety of agricultural and forest materials available to Morelia. The city's processing rela- tions with the hot lands to the south are dominantly oriented to the manufacture of edible oils from the cottonseed. sesame- seed and OOpra produced in.abundance there. Three vegetable Oil plants Operate primarily with raw materials obtained from the districts of HuetamorApatzingan. and the coastal area near Playa Azul (see Fig. l). Tron Hermanos y Cia.. S.A.. a manufacturer of fats. oils. and animal feeds established in 1936. depends entirely on the Huetamo area for its supply of sesameseed and on Apatzingan for cottonseed. Some 5.000-6.000 tons of sesame- seed are trucked to this Morelia plant annually. while about one-half that amount Of cottonseed comes by truck or train. Fats. oils and feeds produced are marketed throughout Mich- oacan. but the bulk of production moves out-Of-state.1 1Interview'with Manuel Perez Montana. accountant for Tron Hermanos y Cia.. S.A.. Morelia. August 9. 1965. ~161e One of Morelia's oldest and largest manufacturers. Negociacion Industrial "Santa Lucia." S.A.. produces vege- table fats and Oils from sesameseed and cottonseed Obtained in the same two districts listed above. as well as from soy- beans and safflowerseed brought in from elsewhere (Pl. IX. Fig. 1). The milling of rice grown near.Apatzingan is an additional intra-state activity. Raw materials from Huetamo are transported by truck. while those from.Apatzingan come by truck and also by railroad.1 The manufacture of coconut oil from cOpra produced in the coastal area around Playa Azul represents one of the city's newest industries and was made possible by the com- pletion of a graveled road to Playa Azul in the mid-1950's. The absence of bridges over a number of stream channels hams pers vehicular movements during periods of heavy rainfall. but. despite this Obstacle. over 2.000 tons of cOpra are trucked to Morelia each year. Oleaginosos de Morelia. S.A.. utilizes the copra in the production of coconut oil which is sold primarily to soap manufacturers in Toluca. Mexico City and Monterrey.2 A good example of Morelia's processing functions in connection with the fertile farmlands of northern Michoacan is the operation of Congeladora Morelia. S.A. This company. organized in 1952. packs strawberries for export to the 1Interviewwith Felipe Torres Fuente. manager of Nego- ciacion Industrial "Santa Lucia." S.A.. Morelia. August 10. 1955. 2Interviewwith Jose Diaz. manager of Oleaginosos de .meododuoomcfi one .seaonoz c; a wemrm coarse no pehspommscoa ..<.m .ooa moccaa mcdaafislhsoaw 02» no hmmhmfi w- utda mr mdoaeazv wmfimumeocHlld .wdm ..<.w .Cmosonoaz mammfihsmulm .mAi . 9- ,6 .... .mHHo use mush canouowo> .pcrfla mnemmoooaa passe m ..<.m .HOCanmz mo pohspomhscma ..<.m ;.meosb meson; osocmomaem a shoooaomcooclm .wda amamumzocH sodomaoomozlla .mam XH n9—< 1 . ‘V e- «- 1 1. V , I, A. 7.)": “Jim; F. '\’» {TM “ s ‘ x ”/‘h . ' « .c v -7 (o, ..‘- ‘7.'FED DIST r' f . tr ~~1 ~1 1‘ , a \1 . ‘ x , A» A 1 .fl u A 1 ,1 1A,- -1 1* ,1 A 1 W 1 ,1 = I ‘ , Iwouusul ennui fish“ ‘1 [A "mean - 1 1 ,, (COFFIII CIA. MAIINIIA do Looms C15 19 Figure 10 -169- MANUFACTURED PRODUCTS MARKETS RAXV MAIFB'AE ' 7 1 7 \1 :i CHEMICALS I‘V 'rM—ORELIA (K ‘ ‘ 1965 1 1 . MORELIA , 2:- 1 \ ...~ '1‘ a - 1 | 1 MARKETS 1 ext-1:. A: , o 1‘ ‘ ‘ SOURCES OF ‘ ' aw _ a” MAEMAm 1 “F '- "if: iii-3'- ’ " 1 TRANSPORTATION ......n... .....Mg . 3.3. :1" . . ‘ 1 ' a: mute '-::::g:g:~ A ‘4 ...-... BY RAILROAD ale: ---, ,:__ ‘ '''' - BY TRUCK ,rr .Av INCOMING ‘ OUTGOING ) Figure 11 -170- ufacturing activities illustrated in Figures 10 and 11 dis- closes much of the nature of Morelia's inter-state and for- eign commerce. Food-Related Manufacturipg Canned fruits. flour. edible oils. coffee and carbon- ated beverages are the leading manufactured foods produced in Morelia. With the exception of the beverages. plants proces- sing these items depend upon markets outside of Michoacan for the sale of at least part of their output. The bottling plants do. however. secure some raw materials elsewhere and thus are engaged in inter-state commerce. Four Of the five bottlers receive some ingredients from the Federal District (Distrito Federal). while one (Pepsi-Cola) relies on.a united States source. Sugar. a major raw material. is supplied to all five bottlers from the Tamazula area of neighboring Ja- lisco (see Fig. 1) under government regulation.1 Canned gpuits.--Two of the largest factories in Mor- elia specialize in the canning and freezing of fruit grown in Michoacan and several other states. The previously mentioned Congeladora Morelia. S.A.. processes only strawberries from the Zamora area of western Michoacan. and sells them exclu- sively in the United States during the winter and spring seasons. All shipments are made in refrigerated railroad 1The Mexican Government exerts rigid control over the production and consumption of sugar. Manufacturers in More- lia must buy their sugar through a governmental agency which regulates the amount allotted and designates the source of supply. -171- cars via Laredo and Nogales. Distribution is made throughout the United States with the heaviest sales in the states of the northeast and the Pacific coast region. The Congeladora y Empacadora Nacional. S.A.. also pro- cesses strawberries. as well as a variety of other fruits (Pl. IX. Fig. 2). The strawberries come not only from.Zamora. but from Irapuato in the ggjig of Guanajuato. Other fruits handled are mangoes. pineapples and date-plums from Veracruz. pineapples and tamarinds from Oaxaca. and apples from Durango. All of these fruits are transported by truck to Morelia. but the canned and frozen products are shipped to markets through- out lexico almost exclusively by railroad.1 Wheat Flour.--The milling of wheat. one of the city's oldest industries. involves the inter-state movement of both raw materials and the finished product. Both of the city's mills utilize wheat grown within the state and also wheat produced in the northwest Pacific coastal states. Shipments from the latter area come by railroad. while trucks handle consignments from nearby farmlands. The larger of the two mills. Harinera Michoacan. S.A.. sells its flour in Michoacan and in other states of central Hexico. particularly Jalisco. Colima. Nayarit and San Luis Potosi (Pl. 1):. Fig. 3).2 while the smaller plant produces for Morelia and neighboring muni- cipios. llnterview with Arturo Pastor. mnager of Congeladora y Empacadora Nacional. S.A.. Horelia. August 17. 1965. 2Interview‘w’ith Miguel Cortez Gomez. employee of Hari— nera Michoacan. S.A.. Morelia. August 12. 1965. -172- Edible Oils.--The procurement of raw materials and the manufacture of edible oils are primarily intra-state activi- ties as previously indicated. However. marketing of the fin- ished products is within the realm of inter-state commerce. Cottonseed and sesameseed oils are trucked to consumers throughout central Mexico and moved northward by truck and train to Zacatecas. San Luis Potosi and Tamaulipas. The less abundant coconut oil. manufactured by Oleaginosos de Morelia. S.A.. goes by truck to manufacturers in Toluca. Mexico City and Monterrey to serve as a raw material in the soap-making process. Coffee.--One of the most unusual manufacturing indus- tries of Morelia is Industrial Trinidad. S.A.. which is en- gaged in the production of sugared and plain-roasted coffee. The raw coffee is supplied by growers in Veracruz. Oaxaca and Chiapas. Sugar is secured under government allotment from the Tamazula area of neighboring Jalisco. Sales are mostly to wholesalers in Michoacan and Guanajuato. but they are also considerable to distributors in Queretaro. San Luis Potosi and Jalisco. Trucks provide the transportation in all phases of procurement and distribution.1 Manufacturing of Non-Food Products A variety of non-food products are manufactured in Morelia from raw materials originating in Michoacan and else- where. Three plants process forest products and an equal 1Interview with Salvador Lopez M.. owner and manager of Industrial Trinidad. S.A.. Morelia. August 2. 1965. -173- number specialize in the manufacture of chemicals. Two estab- lishments make roofing materials. while scales. matches and candles are the products of three individual firms.' Distri- bution of these items is highly diversified. but there is a strong orientation to markets in adjoining states and states to the north and northwest (Fig. ll). Forest Products.--The forest-oriented industries de- pend almost entirely upon.raw materials sources within Mich- oacan and have. therefore. been discussed in relation to intra-state commerce. Sales of the finished goods. however. are consummated largely outside of the state. The bulk of the production of El Pino. S.A.. consisting of turpentine and resin. is sold to customers in other countries. Nearly all of the turpentine is shipped by railroad to El Paso. Texas for further processing and distribution to markets in the United States. The resin is transported by rail to the ports of Tampico and Manzanillo for shipment to countries in western EurOpe and the Orient. respectively. Some of the lumber and boxes. the two major products of La Compania Industrial Maderera "E1 Carmen." S.A.. and Comer- cial Maderera. S.A.. are marketed in Michoacan. but most of the output enters inter-state commerce. Customers in the vir- tually forest-less farmlands of southern Guanajuato purchase well over one-half of the total output of each company. The larger company. ”El Carmen.” also markets goods in the Paci- fic coastal states and as far eastward as Mexico City. Rail- roads handle the long-distance hauls. but give way to trucks on the shorter ones. -17u- Chemicals.--Morelia's chemical plants manufacture a number of products based on nearby sources of vegetal carbon and on ingredients assembled from other states. The major markets are in central Mexico. although some sales are made to customers in the Pacific coastal states and northward as far as Monterrey in Muevo Leon. Industrias Quimicas de Mex- ico. S.A.. a producer of carbon sulfide and insecticides. has the most extensive sales area (Pl. IX. Fig. h). Carbon sul- fide is sold primarily to customers in the mining and syn- thetics industries of central Mexico and Monterrey. Insecti- cides are distributed throughout the central states and es- pecially in the irrigated districts of the Pacific coast. Production is based on locally-made vegetal carbon.and on sulfur obtained from the large deposits of Veracruz. Rail- roads provide for the transport of sulfur and for supplying distant customers. Trucks handle the short hauls.1 Mex-Clareol. S.A.. established in Morelia shortly after the expropriation of foreign oil prOperties in 1938. prepares compounds used in the clarification of petroleum pro- ducts and in the manufacture of insecticides. Carbon is ob- tained in Michoacan and other raw materials come from Hidalgo (state). The nature of the materials from Hidalgo was not specified. Although Petroleos Mexicanos (PEMEX) is the major customer. a considerable portion of the output reaches other buyers in central Mexico and Nuevo Leon. Trucks provide all 1Interview with Jose Lino Cortez. manager of Indus- trias Quimicas de Mexico. S.A.. Morelia. August 6. 1965. -175- transportation to and from the plant.1 The smallest of the chemical plants. Refina Sintetica. S.A.. manufactures a general line of chemicals based on lo- cally-supplied raw materials. The bulk of production is sold to manufacturers in the Federal District. Trucks provide all transportation. as in the case of Mex-Clareol.2 Roofing Materials.--Two plants. whose operations are almost identical. are engaged in the manufacture of oil- treated pasteboard roofing materials. Cartonera de Morelia. S.A.. the larger plant. is the biggest manufacturer of paste- board roofing in Mexico. Raw materials include waste paper obtained in Morelia and from the Federal District. and oil procured from refineries in nearby Salamanca. Guanajuato and Atzcapotzalco. D.F. The finished product is marketed primar- ily to low-income customers in Michoacan and neighboring states. but a significant proportion of sales is made in Na- yarit. Sinaloa and-Sonora.3 Cartonera Duratecho. S.A.. gets its materials from similar sources. but. due to its smaller output. sells only to customers in Michoacan and the sur- rounding states.“ 1Interview with an employee (name not given) of Mex- Clareol. S.A.. Morelia. August 6. 1965. 2Interview with Manuel Revuelta M.. Refine Sintetica. S.A.. Morelia. August 6. 1965. 3Interview’with Norberto Canals. owner and manager of Cartonera de Morelia. S.A.. Morelia. July 29. 1965. “Interview with Fernando Voirol. manager of Cartonera Duratecho. S.A.. Morelia. July 29. 1965. -176- Scales.--Industria "OMEN." S.A.. manufacturer of metal scales. is the only large fabricator of metal goods in More- lia. The plant was established in 1935 to produce two to four small scales per day for the local market. but has since been expanded. Now it has a daily output of from 125 to 150 units and encompasses all of Mexico within its sales area. Raw ma- terials are assembled from a number of distant sources. Iron ingots come by rail from Monterrey and Saltillo. Coking coal is also received by rail from Monclova. Coahuila. Copper and tin used in the plant's bronze-making division are purchased from fabricators in Mexico City. while small. pro-fabricated parts and cardboard shipping cartons come from both the Fed- eral District and Guadalajara. Although all basic materials must be transported considerable distances. Morelia's market- oriented location within heavily populated central Mexico has been the factor primarily responsible for plant expansion during the past decade.1 Matches.--Compania Cerillera Moreliana. S.A.. is one of nineteen match-manufacturing plants in Mexico. Phosphorus. the major raw material. is imported from Nest Germany and Sweden via Veracruz. from where it is transferred overland in specially-constructed trucks. The other raw material. Kraft Paper. is produced in nearby Atenquique. Jalisco. Matches are marketed only in Michoacan. Colima. Nayarit and Sinaloa under 1Interview with Samuel 0. Johnson. manager of Indus- tria "OMEN." S.A.. Morelia. August 12. 1965. -i77- government regulation.1 Candles.--Lux Perpetua de Occidente. S.A.. established in l9#9 to manufacture candles for the Michoacan.market. has expanded its production work-force to 100 employees and now supplies candles to buyers as far north as Sinaloa and Sonora. Paraffin. the basic raw material. reaches the plant by rail- road tank-car from PEMEX refineries in Salamanca. Ciudad Mante. Tampico and the Federal District. Trucks transport the fin- ished product to both the distant and nearby markets.2 1Interview with Alfredo Chavez Tomeli. assistant man- ager of Compania Cerillera Moreliana. S.A.. Morelia. August 18. 1965. The Mexican Government rigidly controls the pro- duction.and distribution of matches. It. therefore. deter- mines the exact sales area for each plant. 2Interview with Salvador Tena Mendoza. manager of Lux Perpetua de Occidente. S.A.. Morelia. August 18. 1965. CHAPTER VI LAND USE IN MORELIA To successfully complete an inventory of any city with 100,000 persons is quite an undertaking. but is consi- derably more difficult if the city is a foreign one. Diff- erences in building construction and placement create obvious problems. while the dissimilarity in functional relationships . within buildings. and within neighborhoods. add to the over- all difficulty of accurate classification for mapping land use. The contiguity of buildings in Morelia presented a major problem since only the street-facing wall of each building could be seen and this often did not reveal the true nature of the activity inside. Inaccessibility of the in- terior of city blocks. especially in the densely built-up sectors. usually made necessary classification of land use on a frontage basis only and obviously detracted from the overall validity of the survey in such areas. Building usages could have been more accurately determined if suffi- cient time had been available and if permission for access could have been obtained from individual prOperty owners. However. because of the time-limitation factor. little attempt was made to gain access into such places. A complete -173- -179- survey of all blocks and buildings in Morelia would require at least a year of intensive work. The age of many buildings. particularly those in the older parts of the city. also created classification problems. since in many cases the present use represents a drastic change from the original one. In other words. the appearance of a building could not always be relied on to indicate the function it was performing. The conversion of former upper- class residences into business and/or manufacturing estab- lishments. and the use of confiscated church properties for libraries. hospitals and governmental offices are examples of utilization changes which make mapping of land use difficult when based only on what can be seen from the street. The multiplicity of functions within some buildings also presented a classification problem. Not infrequently residences also serve as places of business or as manufactur- ing plants. In zones of contiguous buildings only the func- tion fronting on the street was observable except when by chance a view of the interior was obtained. This situation had undoubtedly led to an underenumeration of most land use types. particularly residences and small manufacturing estab- lishments. However. allowing for this obvious discrepancy. the writer feelsthat the data collected and presented in the following pages do depict land use in Morelia as reliably as possible under the circumstances. The classification of residential buildings into upper. middle and lower quality was particularly difficult. The comp mon practice of allowing the exterior of buildings to deter- -180- iorate or remain in ill-repair. while maintaining the inter- iors. led to problems of accurate classification. First im- pressions many times had to be modified upon closer scrutiny of the properties. Then. too. the scarcity of windows in many cases denied even a cursory examination of building in- teriors. and further complicated the entire process. In a number of instances buildings‘with solid walls facing the street. or with detached walls surrounding them. offered no good clues to their use. Impromptu interviews with passersby. or with peOple residing in the vicinity. of- ten were necessary in order to categorize them. The validity of this procedure is obviously questionable. but it was used for lack of a better one. Considering the problems indicated above. it is ob- vious that the surveying of a Latin American city. particu- larly one with over 100,000 inhabitants. can only approximate reality. John M. Hall. in his study of Tepic. summed up the situation very adequately when he wrote: It soon becomes evident that urban land use mapping in a Latin.American city is much less reliable than in cities of the United States. if Tepic is at all typical of the former. This is particularly true if reliance is principally on observation with only a minimum of interviewing.. The result is a gross un- derenumeration of the business and home-industry functions of the city. However. such a survey is not without its value. in that the results may be more complete than are available from.any other single source. official records included. short of a house to house census.1‘ The writer concurs with this statement concerning another Mexican city. Many of the problems experienced by Dr. Ball lJohn M. Hall. o2. cit.. pp. 65-66. -181- were almost identical to those encountered in Morelia. The Fractional Code Mapping System As mentioned in the Introduction. a fractional code system was devised in the field to expedite the land use sur- vey. As each new type of land use was encountered. a code letter and number were assigned which became the symbol for that particular use in.all subsequent occurrences. A selec- tion of symbols used in this study is. shown in Table 17 be- low. Table 17.-Selected land use symbols from the frac- tional code system utilized in the functional survey of Morelia. 1965* Land Use Category Symbols Apartamentos (Apartment Buildings) A-l Abarrotes (Grocery Stores) A-3 .Abogados (Lawyers) A-6 Armerias (Gunshops) A-13 Bancos (Banks) B-l Cines (Motion Picture Theaters) C-2 Carnicerias (Meat Markets) C-b Deportes (Sporting Goods Stores) D-l Dentistas (Dentists) D-3 En Construccion (Bldgs. in Construction) E-l Farmacias (Pharmacies or Drugstores) F-l Gobierno (Governmental Buildings) G-l Hoteles (Hotels) H-l Iglesias (Churches and Church PrOperty) I-l Residencies (Residences) R-8 Upper-Class Residences R-8u Middle-Class Residences R-Bm Lower-Class Residences R-81 Vacante (Vacant Buildings) V-l Vacante (Vacant Lands) V-2 4'rDevised by the writer in the field. Morelia. 1965. -182- The capital letter portion of the symbol in each case corresponds to the first letter of the Spanish term for the type of land use recorded. The number following the letter represents the sequence in which each different use of the land using that letter was encountered. In the field it was soon found that the corresponding-letter system was easier to use than.a system of symbols previously designed. And. too. the use of sequential numbers permitted an unlimited number of categories under each capital letter. In the case of residences additional information con- cerning quality of residence was indicated by the use of lo- wer case letters 3. m and l for upper. middle and lower class. respectively. Thus. R-B was the symbol for a residence. while R-8u indicated an upper-class residence. The number of floors in all buildings was plotted directly on the field map by the tiering method and. therefore. was not included in the symbolization. The relative spatial extent of all buildings. so far as could be determined. was also plotted directly on the field maps. . The construction of the land use maps appearing in this chapter was simplified considerably by employment of this symbol system and the sketching of floors and building sizes on page-size field maps. Of course. the segregation of single categories in the construction of the distribuv tional maps was somewhat time-consuming. but a high degree of accuracy was possible due to use of the fractional code system in the field. Recording of the data in this manner will also make possible comparative studies of Morelia which ~183- are planned by the writer for the future. Residential Land Use in Morelia Residential use occupies an.averwhelming prOportion of all developed land in Morelia. Of some 20.355 structures surveyed. 17.0n6. or 83.7 percent. were used primarily for residential purposes.1 These were divided into three general classes--upper. middle and lower--for the purposes of this study. Categorization was based quite arbitrarily on cri- teria developed in the field and reflects building quality and overall condition rather than the economic status of the inhabitants. Table 18 summarizes the results of the residen- tial field survey. while Figures 12-16 inclusive present data collected during the field count. and information received from the Junta de Planeacion y Urbanizacion del Estado de Michoacan. As can be seen in Table 18. almost 70 percent of all residences in Morelia are lower-class. while upper- and middle-class dwellings comprise 13.3 and l7.h percent of the total. respectively. The writer feels that the 69.3 percent figure for the lower-class dwellings is substantially accu- rate. while the upper- and middle-class percentages might fluctuate slightly with re-evaluation of the criteria used. ¥All data relating to land use in Morelia were col- lected by the writer during the land use survey except where specifically noted otherwise. The Junta de Planeacion y Ur- banizacion del Estado de Michoacan in Morelia furnished most of the data not collected in the field count. -181}- Table 18.-Number*of residences by class in Morelia. 1965 Class of Residences Percent R°°1d°n°° Total c131) NON can of - Total Upper-Class 2.271 130 2.l#l 13.3 Middle-Class 2.967 #1 2.926 17.h Lower-Class 11.808 12 11.796 69.3 Morelia Total 17.0h6 183 16.863 lO0.0 .Source: Fieldwork in Morelia by the writer. 1965. In any event the line separating upper- and middle-class residences is certainly more arbitrary than that between the middle- and lower-class dwellings. Upper-Class Residences Upper-class residences are found scattered through- out the city. but the major concentrations occur near the central plaza. along Avenida Francisco I. Madero (the Mex- ico City-Guadalajara highway). and in the southeastern quarter of the city (Fig. 12). Recently. a significant number have also been constructed in a suburb on the Loma de Santa Maria de la Asuncion at the southern outskirts of the city. For most of history the rich people of Morelia considered a site along.Avenida Madero. and on or near the central plaza. as absolutely essential to prestige. As a result. most of the elegant old residences are found near . the heart of the city (El Centro). In the past twenty-five years. however. many upper-class structures have been built NH vhfiwdm n0.— aqU -185- 3:: ...... 33s.. I TIIJ nu02u03u. OZ . _ 313-330.. D $15.33.! a 315-52.: I moo— muat. 3:23;: <_._m~_0<< ma oasmam no: :u 7 ..IJ 3 .o moo}. ..o 25,2431...) s 1.93.24... n. :2. :33! a: 85:: 252:; 4:; 3 $3.: mo , :3: S :23: .3353: Sea 2:25: | 343 sum .33 a: :23: 23:1; :2: :92; 3:3): .uzlcom 5:22;: 2:): um: :23 5:; g :3. 8 253.323 Immq: E: .32. 9:; mo :2 cm: 432528 2:5 2. a: .19.: a: xuom .3 3522sz Immiu pm— mqu==u 3 .3231;qu E: 55:: -186- 3.02.. ...:_-.. 20._=m2un -189- ma chewam 225:3: U as - o. §§ 3 - an I 8 ago I \L , ”n+‘vwflrfiuw F31 ‘ I MR \..\ . $51.... . s \\\\x.. «Ks: .. .. .\s .a. . \kafi. §$S . sews a... "M! a: E , I \ a. It; xUOdm IUHCD .ommmz Hedoaoaaoo o» oouao>moo mmcfiaaosn mwcaounoaas hoaaomllm .mam .maaohoz cumpmsmsusom 2H amps amapsooamea mmmaoluoaa: 3m2nim .mdm 1-.-.-1711 .apdo on» go Mousse or» uses woo: thonsmao: mmmHoaaeaas naoula .wfia x mafia , .uhma exp :0 mudu 00“ .poahumfiv mmmcflmni -xoz on econ fiscfisfiao .o-Hoeoz smooroco: assocoo or» do cocoa messes Hmsossm cosy an mmcfiflaozc mwmaolnmsoqals .wfim Inongmdo: mmmaouhozoa vacuum .mfim I. I‘ll" !. .cota. ‘ I; J.“ u i. a silaol‘ - 2 o, a. .eHHohoz :aoummmxusow CH pmuozaumcoo mapcoooa wCa .mfiaohoz ceeumMocusom rd uoafisn usoauhmdm mmcaolhoaaollw .mam menopause mmmHOIHoaa: 3mZIIH .mfim . .i. if val}.-. Hx m9fica exp go umossuar: more assocooamoa mmsflonofiee-xuum .sam .auao on» no anosafihoa choummmspaou or» so -197- Adobe or mud-brick construction is the rule. with an occa- sional use of rock or tile. The keeping of animals and poul- try (dogs. hogs. burros. chickens. etc.) is prevalent--a prac- tice which indicates that many of these people are recent arrivals from rural areas. Although the density of houses and population in these lower-class peripheral areas is much less than in those in the old core of the city (Figs. 1# and 15). actual living- space per person remains relatively little because of the small size of buildings. Unoccupied lots or fields usually are given over to the cultivation of corn or vegetables. or to the keeping of livestock and poultry. The prevalence of poultry and animal pens in these areas constitutes a serious health menace to all of the inhabitants of Morelia. Middle-Class Residences The middle-class residences of Morelia are located primarily in the old core of the city and form the transi- tion zone between the ring of large upper-class residences near the central plaza and the peripheral band of small. crowded. lower-class dwellings bordering the old city and extending into newer occupied areas beyond (Fig. 12). In- dividual middle-class homes can be found in.all neighbor- hoods. but their numbers are small compared to those of other classes. Most of the peOple occupying the homes in the transitional zone are office workers. small businessmen. school teachers and semi-professional persons who work in the central business district. Their income levels do not ~198- permit ownership or renting of large dwellings in the central business district. but do make possible occupancy of smaller homes adjacent to it. A new middle-class area has develOped recently at the city's western edge. This possibly indicates that. as in the case of upper-class living. a trend away from the center is beginning. However. the availability of middle- income jobs in the adjacent manufacturing plants is probably the main reason for this development. As John Ball has pointed out in Tepic. middle-class homes are the most difficult to recognize. since they assume some of the characteristics of both the other two residential 1 In Morelia middle-class residences generally are types. much smaller than upper-class ones. but are distinguished from the lower-class structures more in terms of construction quality and overall condition than by size (Pl. XII. Figs. 3 and 4). Glassed windows. ornamental grillwork and well-kept exteriors are noticeable characteristics that serve to diff- erentiate them from their lower-class counterparts. Middle- class homes also possess individual water service. sewage facilities. electricity and. not infrequently. a television antenna on the roof (P1. XII. Fig. h). Then. too. the overall condition of middle-class neighborhoods. with their clean. paved streets. better street lighting facilities and gener- ally neat appearance. contrasts sharply with that of the lower-class sections. The paucity of garage or parking facil- ities. however. forms a basic criterion for distinguishing lJohn n. Ball. op. cit.. p. 75. -199- middle- from upper-income residences. In summary. although relatively distinct residential neighborhoods exist in Morelia. residences of each class can .be found throughout the city. Quality of building construc- tion diminishes toward the periphery with the new upper-class areas constituting the major exceptions. Densities of resi- dences and population.are light in the heart of the city. and on the periphery. but reach a maximum in the lower-class areas immediately around the middle-class transition zone. New buildings. most of which are residences. are being raised in all parts of Morelia. but the heaviest concentration of these is in the emerging upper-class area on the city's southeastern edge (Fig. 16). Business Land in Morelia The use of land for business purposes in Morelia is widespread and occupies a significant percentage of the city's built-up area. In a total of 20.355 buildings examined. no fewer than 2.hl3. or 11.9 percent. were found to contain some type of business activity. For the city as a whole. h.273 businesses were listed (Table 19). This total includes 1.366 businesses in the four major public markets. 333 mo- bile street vendors and 165 merchants operating semi-perma- nent street stalls. As Mary Megee has written concerning 1 Monterrey. and John M. Ball has concurred with respect to 1Mary Megee. op, cit.. p. #7. Table 19.-Number and type of business establishments in Morelia. 1965a Type of Business Total CBD NON-CBO Grocery stores 655 20 635 Auto-truck repairs/parts/etc. 135 O 135 Restaurants 117 36 81 Medical Doctors 103 32 71 Meat markets 82 16 66 Clothing stores 77 68* 9 Refreshment stands (permanent) 7O 2 68 Drugstores 68 32 36 Lawyers 67 30 37 Barbershops 65 13 52 Bars (cantinas) 8 10 #8 Electrical appliance repairs 9 12 37 Shoe stores an 39* 5 Beauty shops #2 9 33 Furniture/office equipment sales 38 26* 12 Wholesale distributors (misc.) 3? 3 3“ Farm outlets (milk. eggs. etc.) 35 7 28 Drygoods and yarn sales 33 15 18 Miscellaneous offices 27 ll 16 Motorcycle-bicycle sales/repairs 2“ h 20 Hotels 23 13* 10 Fuel oil-kerosene sales 23 1 22 Shoe repair shops 23 2 21 Parking lots/garages 23 0 23 Candy stores 21 10 11 Dentists 21 10 11 Paint stores 20 6 1h Posadas (inns) 18 5 l3 Billiard parlors 18 5 13 Recreation centers 17 l 16 Fruit stores 17 h 13 Stationers/paper stores 17 9* 8 Gift shops 16 11* 5 Photo studios/film sales 16 5 11 Construction materials and offices 16 0 16 Electrical appliance sales 1“ 8* 6 Casas de huespedes (inns) 13 3 10 Hardware stores 12 5 7 Architects and engineers 12 8* h Food distributors (miscellaneous) ll 1 10 Gasoline stations 11 l 10 Milk/ice cream stores 10 2 8 ‘Watch shops 10 7* 3 Auto/truck sales 10 1 9 Banks 9 6* 3 Public baths 9 O 9 Jewelers 9 9* 0 Eat stores 9 7* 2 .201- Table 19.-Continued Type of Business Total CBD NON-CBD Sporting goods stores 8 6* 2 Bookstores 8 7* 1 Motels 7 1 6 Cement sales 7 2 5 Theaters (motion-picture) 6 u* 2 Gun shops 6 #* 2 Insurance company offices 6 3* 3 Charcoal-firewood sales 6 O 6 Native crafts sales 6 6* O Bazaars (used items) 6 1 3 Liquor stores 6 2 Musical instruments-records sales 6 5* 1 Morticians/funeral sales 6 5* 1 Radio stations 6 5* 1 Political party offices # 2* 2 Glass sales # 0 h Farm machinery-equipment sales # 0 4 Supermarkets h l 3 Opticians 4 2* 2 Loan company offices 3 3* 0 Medical-dental supplies 3 2* 1 Bottled gas sales 3 2* 1 Beer distributors. 3 O 3 Tile (mosaico) sales 3 O 3 Lumberyards 3 O 3 General mechanics 3 0 3 Public toilets 3 3* 0 Furniture/office equipment repairs 2 O 2 Furriers 2 1* 1 Plumbers 2 0 2 Publicity offices 2 0 2 Miscellaneous others 13 h 9 Street vendors (mobile) 333b - - Street stalls (semi-permanent) 165 91* 74 Public markets (miscellaneous) 1.366b 992* 37“ Totals n.273 1.679 2.261 Percent of totalc 100.0 39.3 52.9 aFieldwork by the writer. bEstimates of the Oficina federal de hacienda. Depart- amentos de ingresos mercantiles y de comercio e industria del gobierno del estado. Tesoreria Municipal. Morelia. 1963; °Mobile street vendors comprise 7.8 percent of total. ‘One-half or more of establishments in this business are located in the Central Business District. .202- Tepic.1 "One of the first things that strikes the observer about business in Monterrey Ear Tepic] is that there is so much of it." This statement applies equally well to Morelia. Vir- tually every built-up block. with the possible exception of the newly developed residential areas. contains business es- tablishments of some type. These range in size from small neighborhood refreshment stands and grocery stores. usually operated by the prOprietor and his family. to large clothing or furniture stores. employing many people. in the central business district. Compared to cities of equal size in the United States. businesses in Morelia are far more numerous. but operate on.a much smaller scale. Even the larger stores in the heart of Morelia do not compare with stores found in the regional marketing centers of the United States. either in terms of total employment or variety of merchandise offered. The general-merchandise department store. which is so typical of cities in the United States. is absent in Mor- elia. Of course. if each of the large public markets is con- sidered as a single general-merchandise establishment. this would not be a true statement. However. these markets are made up of many merchants acting quite independently of each other. and should not be considered as one enterprise. Throughout Morelia's history. proximity to the central plaza and the cathedral has been the most advantageous loca- tion for business activity and it still remains an important 1John M. Ball. on, cit.. p. 9“. -203- factor (Fig. 17). In recent decades. however. the growing magnitude of business. and the introduction of many new types of enterprise. have brought about significant changes in the distributional pattern. Developments in transportation and related industries have been particularly instrumental in the increasing decentralization of business activities. Nump erous establishments concerned with the sale and servicing of transportation equipment have been located on the major arter- ial streets away from the congested. high-rent central area. particularly along the truck and bus routes in.and out of the city. At the same time the creation of bus terminal dis- tricts around the old business core has resulted in the growth there of retail and service businesses catering to the passen- gers. Although businesses are found in all parts of the city. five fairly well-defined districts appear in Figure 17. Fore- most among these is the old commercial core (the central bus- iness district or GED) in the heart of the city. Some 39.3 percent of all business establishments are found here (Table 19): the proportion of Morelia's business volume would be much higher because this is the location of most of the city's largest business establishments. The central business dis- trict will be discussed in more detail later. South of the CBD there is a grouping of businesses along Avenida Cardenas. largely in response to the growing population of the area (Figs. 14 and 15). Mercado Indepen- dencia. which is located here. is the smallest of the city's four major public markets and consists of temporary struc- hH ohgam na— nso «glut. ses:- 3-2 © 3:- !- asz I n :5: 3... U .-. flHHu o- - o- E a - 8 I .26 32 on I n00— xoonm Ea mummmzaam & <_ ._ m «02 -2 01+- -205- tures built in the eastern half of a small park (parque). However. a large number of permanent businesses occupy street frontage around the park and along Avenida Cardenas and ad- joining streets. The permanent businesses. along with those in Mercado Independencia. make this Morelia's second largest business district. Establishments are small and cater to lowb income inhabitants in the south part of the city. as well as to farm people (campesinos) who enter the city on the second- class buses with terminals near the market (P1. VI. Fig. 3). North of the CBD on.Avenida Morelos (the highway to Guanajuato). a third business district has developed (P1. XIII. Fig. 1) in conjunction with the numerous bus terminals located there (Fig. 9). and also to serve the nearby dense population concentrations (Figs. 1h and 15). The sale of vehicular accessories and the servicing of motor vehicles are activities of particular importance. East of this district. and northeast of the CBD. is another business district which has evolved in connection with the large Mercado de la Revolucion (Pl. XIII. Figs. 2. 3 and a). This market not only provides a wide variety of items for the daily consumption of nearby residents. but also functions as the major retail and wholesale fruit mar- ket for all Morelia and points in northern Michoacan.and Guanajuato as well. Westward from the CEO is found the fifth sizeable con- centration of businesses. Its functions are quite similar to those performed in the Avenida Morelos district on the north. The numerous bus terminals (Fig. 9) provide a large market . .wzanaasc corpse use was :ofiosao>om ea or coconut on» o» psoosncs mo peso pmsw scaposhpmcoo moons sodo ueohpm one so mHHspm pasumuis .wE Isao>om ca so couches aozlum .wam - ,o no 4 . .essoawxosn paw-a pro as undo on» go hopsoo one no 302m denounces mo nausea .poaaumflo was: oncogenes sodosao>om ed on oceans: eHo Iamsn assusoo one 90 canon moaoaoz so“: on» wcamso: wsdoaasn saszulw .wam lop< so uedhpmuo mmosamsmlla .mdm HHHX ma< so masseuse wcaonHIIH .wfim lhd> Houom meIn90l9 mquhm GOO; n00— <_._m~_0<< -214- neighborhood grocery stores of the United States (P1. XIV. Fig. b). The small grocery stores carry a limited line of goods and cater primarily to lowbincome families. They are found in greatest numbers in areas of densest population (com- pare Figs. 12 and 15 with Fig. 19). The four supermarkets exhibit a wider variety of goods and are patronized almost entirely by upper-income inhabitants. Two of these stores are located on the edge of the CBD in the central upper- class residential area. The other two serve upper-class dwel- lers in the city's southeastern section. Meat sales in Morelia are almost entirely from 82 small specialized meat markets (carnicerias) and the four supermarkets (Fig. 20). Most fresh meat is consumed within twenty-four hours after slaughter: by government law unre- frigerated meat mug; be sold within forty-eight hours. Since most people feel that frozen meat is not as good as fresh- killed meat. refrigeration facilities are largely limited to the four supermarkets which handle meats brought in from other states. Eighteen of Morelia's meat markets are adja- cent to the two public markets in the CBD. while the remain- ing 66 are distributed throughout the city. Restaurants and bars (cantinas) are strongly oriented to the major public markets. transportational routes. and bus terminal districts. while permanent refreshment stands oper- ate more as a neighborhood activity (Fig. 20). The business concentration north along Avenida Morelos and that associated with the Mercado Independencia have particularly large nump bers of restaurants and cantinas. Just west of the Mercado -215- mals-hm ...ZwinwEwu 0 mg m £334.59. 1 mummmZmnm nub-Jug 000". cm shaman 6 2.5.50 21$. s <<DZ0 5925st . i i r 2.21: . / 02335015321: \ 00-” ll % -230- mm ohfiwdm ¢m><¢ozm - 255.732 .. 232:: . mamaéwkmz O ‘d v 32 m3 mumx<<<.m¢3.:2¢:m . m1..._<.:m O mumphauézohm Q 232203.20... 4 waOIm 5:75.220 0 5.5.5 3.2.3- .2223 g _ 34! ll ...-2 I — m¢m210 4 mmOIm «O.:<._. a meIm 5.573 e w<_xm4.:._.¢0._. a moo— thmEIme/‘hmm 02.thU muouaudssspmmmuum .wdm manwflfldpuo» Hmofiaap x me._._m¢m>_ZD £22.23 a 20.525on 2. e 3:955 35% . $1255 woe: 0 3.8120 m5 . mZmE<0meZ§ 4 30018 >x<<§¢m e oZ< WmIUmDIU mgOOIUm -2b2- such training to all children. including those from lower- class homes. Students who successfully complete the six years of primary school are eligible to attend one of the city's nine high schools (secundarias). These. with few exceptions. are located in the eastern half of the city in the upper-class neighborhoods (Pl..XVI. Fig. 1). That most students are. for one reason or another. unable to attend secondary school is shown by a comparison of enrollments at primary and secondary levels (Table 22). The latter. is only 1“ percent as large as the former. indicating that still today only a small pro- portion of the chidren get more than a sixth grade education. Those who finish high school. and intend to go on to the university. are eligible for an additional two years of preparatory study in one of the five preparatorias. In 1965 only 431 students attended the preparatorias. Other schools in Morelia include four normal or teach- er-training institutions and eight special schools. Among the latter are a music conservatory. a school of fine arts. two schools for adult education (not including a cultural institute). and four commercial schools offering studies in art. business_and crafts. The major educational institution of Morelia. of cour- se. is the state university. It has an enrollment of approx- imately 5.500. The main campus is located at the northwest edge of the central business district (Fig. 18). There are three branches--two in the eastern part of the downtown area and one in the southeastern part of the city (Fig. 29). The .11 lu‘l‘ -‘IIII .flsnoom oasmmm How ocsoaxo: ouzpapmcH one an consumao ma use uaasn ms: pH .saao use: c“ Hauaamo: ummwusfi oxeula .wfim -2u3- .Hoosom masecooom s was Ahmadha s womzos Lounge on» 0» bonosppd mcduaasn < .saaohoz cu mosohsno umoUHo can we oco .oasasvsdo ow cahssucamnlm .wam .ucsonwohom on» Ca AsaocumHav smmma HHssm .ouocsx mcfico>< pmwz so :ofip Ioshpmsoo noon: nonsso 3w21|m .wfim .330 he pmsonusom pas“ sous asapCocdmoh mmsfio Inoaa: ad ad Uupdooa .mucouaum assocoo new use ahsaaua 2909 you Hoonom s .Aaou Iuoov odaousaas> OpSpHpmcHuIH .wda H>x me00 a 33n3$ oz.) ..Szazz-goe I 02¢.— a ..o 3:23.“: F J [<2 mm: 023 & #033523 11. 1 on shaman no: :0 , an N x N .1.. (37, 9439mm... WW1 / 1 ..i . \a ....... 11/ 1&1. . H. . i i , . Jfi Furl. .. 1 1 1 V 1 . .... .1sammmwmmuwaa . am» noo— £53 <_._m~_0<< \ .11 -2u9- carried out from offices in the municipal building (Palacio Municipal) located on the west side of the central business district (Fig. 18). The basic exceptions to this are the police and fire departments which occupy structures just east of Mercado Valladolid. The municipal government supervises. in addition to the police and fire departments. the local magistrates. a civil registrations office. operation of the four public markets. the collection and dissemination of lo. cal taxes. the maintenance of municipal buildings. parks. plazas. and the city cemetery. and the operation of the water and sewage department. A number of warehouses and storage areas are in use throughout the city. Morelia's schools. howb ever. are under the supervision and support of state and fed- eral authorities. a situation quite unlike that in the United States. The state government (Gobierno del Estado) conducts most of its business in the state capitol. The state educa- tion building and the judicial building (Palacio de Justicia) are situated in the central business district (Fig. 18). How- ever. a number of other state-owned or connected properties are in various other parts of the city. These include the governor's residence. offices of the traffic commission and 1 the forestry commission. the facilities of the state univer-. sity. a new state penitentiary east of the city. many storage buildings and sites. and the previously discussed state and federally-operated schools and hospitals. Federal operations in Morelia are even more numerous than those of the state and possibly exert a greater economic -250- 1 impact on the community. Twelve major secretariats (depart- ments) of the national government maintain staffs in the city which provide a variety of services to the entire state.2 Many of the offices are located in the federal building (post- office) and at other locations in the central business dis- trict (Fig. 18). although numerous properties are used in other parts of the city. One of the largest federal operations in Morelia is that of the Secretariat of Water Resources (Secretaria de Recursos Hidraulicos). This agency regulates water supplies and is currently engaged in a huge project to expand the state's acreage of irrigated lands. The Secretariat of Health and Assistance also encompasses an extensive program which includes direct and subsidized medical care. a malaria con- trol department. and an agency to combat hoof-and-mouth di- sease (aftosa) in cattle. Two other secretariats. those of public education and communications and transportation. ~should be mentioned. The first provides funds for the staf- fing of schools and the building of new ones. while the second operates the postal and national telegraph services. and assists the state in building and maintaining its roads xAlthough Mexico constitutionally is a federal repub- lic. the degree of control exerted on local communities and states by the central government is enormous if Morelia and Michoacan are representative of the nationwide pattern. 2These twelve secretariats are: agriculture and livestock. communications and transportation. public educa- tion. governmental. property and public credit. industry and commerce. public works. water resources. health.and assis- tance. national property. labor. and national defense. .251- and highways. In total. federal regulation and financing reach into almost every sector of the state's economy. Since most of these activities are conducted from offices and agenp cies located in.Morelia. the impact on Morelia and the city's functional influence on the remainder of Michoacan.are of great significance. Public Utilities Public utilities in Morelia consist of a city-owned and operated water system. a municipally-commissioned elec- tric company (Cia. Electrics de Morelia. S.A.). a telegraph office serving both a federal and a state system. and a tele- phone company (Telefonos de Mexico. S.A.) commissioned by the federal government. The city possesses no underground gas system. but bottled gas is furnished by commercial dealers to those who can afford it. water is generally available throughout the city although direct service to individual residences in lower-class peripheral areas is rare. Public faucets supply such neighborhoods. Electricity has a simi- lar distributional pattern. with many out-lying dwellings lacking service (P1. XI. Fig. 4 and P1. XII. Fig. l). Morelia's water system is modern.and relatively effi; cient. The present filtration plant (P1. XVII. Fig. l) was completed in 1952 and was designed to accommodate an eventual population of 135.000 inhabitants. It is located on the Loma de Santa Maria de la Asuncion. water comes to the plant by gravitational flow from Presa Cointzio (Pl. III. Fig. 3). After filtration. it reaches the city mains in.a similar man- -ll1 1! .. .‘ I t i, ll"? Ill-I. ' . . It'll {iv} I .Hmufiamos mampfiflfie a momso: .Uzsohmxosp one CH posuosan omfim ncfivaflsm .maaoho: Ca menopause assocoo spma .mmohwopa :3 was when; urea; whom assuflafix umam on» do nauseamm Ion o>fimcopxm .ofiacaoz :aoummo as spam F... 1.5.33?» 203263553): .mE 535 a £393: clessmnum .o .. . as 5 22 . .mHHmpoz .uozoa HooaApooHo m.auao 0:» mo :psow pmsq :0fi0c3m< ma on «and: macaw mona>oaa sods: ..<.m .saHOMOS so «can» or maoq 0:» co ucpaOOH pcmaa yeast Hoaao nocam sacsaaoo ho COausumnswllm .mHm laud: on» go madcaasn Casznlfl .wam HH>X META; ll . l.llllll|l..(l|llllilliil1lll(l|llli(|l(llll .l .253- ner. The gravitational distribution of water obviates the necessity for expensive pumping and makes the entire opera- tion.a very economical one.1 The availability of water in large quantities and at very cheap rates constitutes one of the city's major assets for future development. Electrical energy is supplied to Morelia by Compania Electrica de Morelia. S.A.. which purchases its power from the federal electricity commission (Comision Federal de Elec- tricidad. S.A.). Power is generated by three hydroelectric 2 and is transmitted to plants located just south of Uruapan. the company's Morelia substation by high voltage lines (Pl. XVII. Fig. 2).3 Service generally is good. although power failures did occur on several occasions during the summer of 1965. Like water. the availability of large quantities of hydroelectricity is an important locational asset of Morelia. With the completion of projects now planned for construction in Michoacan during the next few years. Morelia's position 1Interview with Francisco Barbosa. chief engineer for the municipal water plant. Morelia. July 22. 1965. The plant . was built in cooperation with the state government and the Secretariat of water Resources. Cost of water to customers is the equivalent of n.57 cents (U.S.) per 1.000 gallons. zPlanta Zumpimito. Planta Cupatitzio and Planta Co- bano. Installed capacity of the three plants is 96.300 kilo- watts. _ 3Interview with Emilio Diaz Carreon. general superin- tendent of Division Centro Occidente. Comision Federal de Electricidad. S.A.. Morelia. August 13. 1965. The west cen- tral division. with its main office in Morelia. supplies 3.5b0.830 people in four states—-Michoacan. Guanajuato. Co- lima and Guanajuato. -25#- will be greatly enhanced.1 Telegraph service in Morelia is operated jointly by federal and state agencies from.a central office in the post- office building. The older federal network provides service to other major Mexican cities and to the larger towns in Mich- oacan. while the state system unites the smaller communities of the state to Morelia. Telephone service is provided exclusively by Telefonos de Mexico. S.A. The Morelia office supervises operations in the city and most of the state with the exception of eastern border areas which are in the Toluca district. There are 2.500 telephones in the city. these being about equally di- vided between residential and non-residential users.2 Cal- culations indicate that some 7.3 Percent of all residences and #2.8 percent of non-residential establishments have tale- 3 phone service. Parks. Plazas and Recreational Areas In Morelia. as in most other cities of Spanish back- ground. plots of land were set aside by early town planners 1Planta Hydroelectrica del Infiernillo, located in the Tierra Caliente south of Morelia. when completed will have an installed capacity of 600.000 kilowatts. and will be the largest plant in Mexico. 2Interview with J. Modesto Esquivel S.. manager of the Merelia branch.Te1efonos de Mexico. 3 .A.. Morelia. July 7. 1965- 3Included are 2.#09 business establishments (other than street vendors. street stalls and merchants in public markets). 361 manufacturing plants. 100 schools. 32 church properties and 16 hospitals. There are 17. 0 #6 residences in the city. -255- and their successors as sites for social. recreational. and marketing activities. These were referred to either as parks (parques) or plazas. depending upon their functional orienta- tion. Parks. some of which were referred to as gardens (€357 ding). were ornamental wooded grounds containing flowers. fountains. benches and walkways. and were intended for lei- surely social and recreational usage. Plazas. on the other hand. were designed primarily as large public squares or open-air market-places and were. therefore. less ornamental. The original parks. for the most part. still.exist in Morelia. but their functions and physical conditions have changed significantly. Most have suffered in more recent times from lack of maintenance. and are in.a deteriorating condition. Very few flowers now grow and the once-flowing fountains are dry. Because of these conditions. public usage is minimal. Some efforts are being made. however. to restore these parks to their original beauty (P1. XVII. Fig. 3). One large park--Bosque Cuauhtemoc (Fig. 7)--in the eastern part of the city retains much of its earlier charm. but is being threatened by the construction of public buildings on its grounds. The largest park in the city is Parque Juarez lo- cated between the Rio Chiquito and the loma to the south. Originally a forest preserve. it is now being developed as a recreational area by the state forestry commission. Its natural beauty and accessibility should result in substanp tial use by the local citizenry and visitors as well. Morelia's plazas have also undergone alterations. Two in the central business district were completely eliminated .255- when Mercados Hidalgo and valladolid were constructed on their sites. The central plaza (plaza central or plaza prin- cipal) has largely escaped change of its physical appearance. however. and retains much of its former social importance.. Although its earlier market-place function has been discon- tinued by governmental decree. its position as the social center of Morelia remains unchallenged. Large numbers of people crowd the plaza's walkways and benches daily. parti- cularly during the early evening hours. On Sundays the throngs gather to converse. carry on romances. and enjoy the concerts regularly presented by local bands. During festi- vals and celebrations. both religious and otherwise. the cen- tral plaza becomes the focus of activities. as has been the situation for four centuries. One physical aspect of the central plaza is somewhat unique and deserves special com- ment. In most Mexican cities. as well as in other cities designed by the Spaniards. the main church or cathedral fa- ces the central plaza. In Morelia the cathedral fronts-on Avenida Madero and is actually situated in the plaza (P1. IV). No satisfactory explanation for this deviation from the usual pattern could be found. Recreational areas and facilities. other than parks and plazas. are utilized primarily for sporting events. Bull-fighting. the traditional sport in countries of Spanish background. is held in.a modern bull-ring (Plaza de Toros) near the city's western edge (P1. V. Fig. fl). Two soccer (futbol) stadiums accommodate large crowds of enthusiastic supporters attending inter-city contests. while almost every .257- vacant area serves as a playing field for young aspirants. Baseball. which is becoming increasingly popular. also is played in vacant areas. since no modern facility is as yet available. Several tennis courts can be found in association with the schools and private organizations. but courts cpen to the general public are lacking. ' A large public sports area is being constructed by the state on the eastern edge of the city. when completed. it will contain a 25.0009seat soccer (futbol) stadium. a base. ball stadium capable of seating 6.500. numerous tennis and outdoor basketball courts. a gymnasium.and auditorium. and a social club. The completion of this elaborate sports park will alleviate many shortages in recreational facilities that now exist. However. the writer feels that the huge sum of money being spent could be better invested in more worth- while public works. Included among needed projects are (1) cheap housing for low-income residents. (2) paved streets. sidewalks. and street lighting in peripheral lower-class neighborhoods. (3) water and electricity for all residences. and (4) drainage facilities and flood control in lowblying sections of the city. Military Installations The amount of land used for military purposes in Morelia is small. However. money spent by the several hun- dred army personnel stationed here. as well as payments made in the local community for goods and services. undoubtedly represents important sources of income for the city's civil- .253- ian population. The military installations include large barracks. a hospital. a housing complex for married person- nel. and the administrative headquarters for the 21st Mili- tary Zone of Mexico (Pl. XVII. Fig. it). The major function of the Morelia post is to preserve order within the 21st Zone. which is one of 33 such divisions in Mexico.1 Activi- ties in support of this mission comprise an additional reg- ional influence emanating from Morelia. 1Edwin Lieuwen. A ms and Politics in Latin America (Rev. ed.: New York: Frederick I. fiaeger. Inc.. 1963). p. 1190 CHAPTER VII SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS Morelia ;§_a city on the threshold of great change. Manufacturing and tourism. the two major catalysts respon- sible for the progressive growth of many other Mexican ci- ties. have been slow to "invade" Morelia. but are beginning to do so on.an increasing scale. Much of the city's present ”charm" and ”old world" atmosphere will be lost as material progress is made. but the economic well-being of its citizens will be improved. Modernization. which began in 1938 with completion of the asphalted highway from Mexico City. has reached a high level of acceleration during the past decade. New residential areas. modern businesses. large-scale manufacturing plants. hospitals and numerous public schools have been. and are be- ing. built. During the summer of 1965 the total volume of buildings and.other facilities under construction was enorn mous (Fig. 16). No less than 225 buildings were being erected and most of these were high-quality residential structures. Other projects. both public and private. however. were also significant. Under construction were a new railroad station. an airfield. a meat-packing plant. four large churches and an Olympic-sized sports area. Plans for the next few years in- clude many similar projects as well as a new railroad line. a -259- -260- large centralized bus terminal. various street improvements and a general "face-lifting" for the older buildings of the city. Then. too. several additions to existing manufacturing plants are projected. and one new plant-ofor making Kraft Pa- per-~is now under construction. In the recent past Morelia has lagged behind many other cities of Mexico in the rapidity of change. but a tremendous acceleration of the process is ex- pected in the coming years. The maturation of Morelia from its founding in l5fll to the present time has been greatly influenced by a number of physical and cultural factors oriented to the local area and to outside regions. The selection of a site for the city by Viceroy Antonio de Mendoza was originally swayed by the fer- tile volcanic soils. adequate water supply. gentle slopes and mild temperatures of the valley. The decision in turn resul- ted from the Spanish desire for cattle-grazing and wheat- producing lands. And. too. the earlier avoidance of valley lands by the Tarascans. who preferred the forested lepes of nearby mountains. created an expanse of unpopulated land al- most ideal fcr these economic pursuits. About a decade after the city's founding and the initiation of cattle and wheat encomiendas. the great demands for meat. bread and wood pro- ducts in the mining developments to the north opened a large. new market for Morelia's products. The resulting increase in commercial activity brought about a sizeable expansion in the city's population and influence. As a direct consequence. Morelia (Valladolid) was made the provincial capital in 1575 and the seat of the bishOpric in 1579--two of the most impor- .261- tant events in the city's “00-year history. Throughout the remainder of the colonial period. growb ing population concentrations in and near Mexico City and Guadalajara enhanced Morelia's location as a midway service point between them. Expanding demands. particularly in Mex- ico City and other big eastern cities. created large markets for the agricultural and wood products of Michoacan. and Mor- elia became the processing and shipping center supplying them. Increased production in western and southern Michoacan.an- hanced Morelia's function as an assembly and distribution point for outgoing raw materials and returning manufactured goods from the east. Although non-agricultural and non-forest manufacturing were somewhat limited by restrictions imposed from Spain. the markets for Morelia's products brought great prosperity to the city. Many of the elaborate structures in evidence today were built during this period. and stand as ample evidence of a highly vigorous past economy. Starting with the war for Independence in 1810. More- lia underwent a half-century or more of strife that resulted in little material progress and even one period of population decline. Because of its strategic location in central Mex- ico. the city suffered tremendously during periods of fight- ing. The general chaos restricted economic activities and discouraged development. Even the few industries that were initiated failed to prosper for lack of raw materials or from market losses due to poor roads and disturbed conditions. The rise of Porfirio Diaz to power in 1876 marked the beginning of a new era (La Porfiriata) for Mexico and Morelia. -2 62- Internal peace and a general atmosphere conducive to economic expansion were established. Efforts were made almost immed- iately to improve the national transportation system. .A rail-- road reached Morelia in.1883--a date which signifies the be- ginning of modern transportation service for the city. The telegraph and telephones also were installed. By the 1890's Morelia was connected to most other large Mexican.cities by these means. Internal improvements. including an electrical street-lighting system and a public water system. were in- augurated. The external functions of Morelia--politica1. ecclesiastical. and commercial--increased due to pOpulation expansion in the areas served and to improved transportation facilities. The railroad made possible the rapid transfer of Morelia's traditional products to cities in the east. and also provided a more efficient means for supplying it with manufactured goods on the return trips. Despite the city's economic advancement during the period. however. the vast ma- jority of the pOpulation failed to enjoy the fruits of pro- gressa-a situation which was widespread throughout the nation and led to the downfall of the Diaz regime. In 1910 Mexico was thrown into a civil war (The Revo- lution) which lasted for a decade. Morelia again became a victim of military contests due largely to its strategic lo- cation. Economic progress halted: many activities actually ceased to function. The result was an inevitable decline in population. With the final overthrow of Diaz and the in- stallation of constitutional government under the 1917 Cons- titution. Mexico began a period of relative tranquillity -253- which. with a few exceptions. has lasted to the present time. During the 1920's many previously postponed internal improvements were made in the city. Streets were paved. a sewage system was installed and the existing water system was improved. .A number of manufacturing plants were opened. In addition to those producing the traditional wheat-flour and wood products. one was established for the processing of vegetable oils. a new line in the city's industrial output. By 1930 the population had almost reached its pro-revolution figure. During the 1930's several more manufacturing plants began operations. including the first metal products fabrica- tor and a large producer of resin and turpentine. The latter was established to produce primarily for foreign markets and was the first such plant in the city. Population growth be- tween 1930 and 1940 was rather small. however. indicating that economic progress had been slow during these years. The arrival of the paved highway from Mexico City in 1938 was the major event of the decade and can be used to mark the begin- ning of modern change. Although Merelia's isolation was partially broken in 1883 with completion of the railroad from Mexico City. the expanding network of highways has become the "great emanci. pator." Growing numbers of trucks. cars and buses have given the city's population internal mobility and external connec- tions undreamed of a few decades ago. Out-lying areas. which previously had been days or even weeks in travel time from Morelia. are now accessible in a matter of hours. Because of -26h- this. retail and wholesale market areas. as well as sources of raw material supply. have been greatly expanded and diver- sified. Graveled ”feeder" roads have further amplified access- ibility. In response to these transportational improvements and the urban economic advances made as a result of them. a growing migration of rural people to Morelia has taken place. During the-l9#0's the city's population increase (18.911 per- sons) was greater than during any previous decade in history. Wholesale and retail functions expanded. new types of busi- ness came into existence and eight additional manufacturing plants were established--some representing completely new lines of fabrication. The trend begun in the 19h0's continued through the 1950's at an accelerated pace. The population increase (37.583 persons) was almost twice that of the l9k0's. Bus? iness growth was significant. The addition of another eight new manufacturing plants. however. fell short of the number needed to provide jobs for the swelling population. In- creasing unemployment developed. becoming one of the major problems to be solved. Internal improvements also went for- ward at a rapid pace. but at one which did not keep stride with population growth because financing of public projects is costly and funds were limited. At the same time. those portions of the city in the most dire need of improvement were being occupied by recently-arrived rural people who con- tributed little to the local treasury. . Since 1960. the trends established in the previous decade have continued. Although four new manufacturing -255- plants have cpened. and retail and wholesale functions have, expanded and have become more diversified. the high rate of population growth. involving primarily low-income inhabitants. continues to present the city with its major immediate prob- lem and compounds many other older ones. Even without fu- ture in-migration. a considerable period of time and large sums of money would be required to materially better today's conditions. But movement from the countryside to the city is continuing. The population increase of over 50.000 persons in the last 15 years has in itself created a large. new local mar- ket. however. while considerable improvements in mass public transportation have been responsible for a growing mobility of buyers and producers from.an expanding hinterland. The rapidly increasing numbers of cars. trucks and buses moving in and out of the city give ample evidence that Morelia has finally become a part of the modern era. Morelia's major functions in 1965 remain essentially the same as those performed in the past. The basic differ- ences lie more in terms of magnitude of operations and ex- tent of influence than in functional change. Morelia is still the political capital of Michoacan. but now serves a state growing rapidly in both economic endeavor and popula- tion. The city continues to serve as a major religious cen- 23;. but now it is the seat of an archbishopric rather than the smaller bishopric of the past. Its higher education func- pppp. which began.with the relocation of the Colegio de San Nicolas in 1580. currently entails the operations of a large -266- state university with extensive influence over a wide area. The early way-station function. fostered by the cityfs midway position with respect to Mexico City and Guadalajara. has ex- panded in response to the growing traffic between the two lar- _ ger cities. Similarly. increasing cross-traffic between southern.and western Michoacan.and the prosperous lands in Guanajuato to the north. has added to Morelia's historic function.as a collection.and distribution point for this trade. Manufacturipg activities have become more varied. although still strongly oriented to the processing of agricultural and forest products. Market areas and sources of raw materials. however. have expanded due to improved transportation.and general economic progress. Retail and wholesale businesses have grown for the same reasons and because of population growth. Although the morphology of Morelia has undergone some fundamental changes in recent decades. the city still retains much of its original pattern of land use and relationships of one part to another. The rectangular-grid street system established by the Spaniards during the colonial period re- mains largely unaltered except for deviations in newly-estab- lished peripheral colonias. Compactness of settlement. which was so important in earlier times. is no longer a necessity. Transportational improvements and rising middle- and upper-. class incomes are resulting in.a centripetal movement away from the congested heart of the city. The once fashionable residential locations on or adjacent to the central plaza and business district are increasingly being replaced by -267- those in high-class residential areas which are developing on the outskirts. particularly to the east and south. Sub- urbanization has not been significant in the past. but it certainly is an important trend of the present. The mapping of land use in Morelia was an arduous task. The size of the city and the small amount of time available presented the basic difficulty. but building construction characteristics and the complexity of functional relation- ships within individual buildings and neighborhoods added to the problem. The contiguity of buildings. particularly in the old parts of the city. prevented access to the interior of blocks and usually required that land use classification be completed on a frontage basis only. This undoubtedly has led to an underenumeration of some usages. Then. too. many buildings with solid walls facing the street offered no clues as to their internal functions. Similarly. the age and out- side appearance of many structures initially led to miscon- ceptions as to internal use and condition. especially since present utilization quite often is considerably different from the past. The multiplicity of functions performed with- in scme buildings was also troublesome. The common practice of maintaining business or manufacturing activities in con- junction with residences led to difficulties in determining primary functions. However. allowing for these pitfalls. the writer feels that his survey depicts land utilization in Mor- elia more accurately than.any accomplished before. and that results of a longer. more thorough inventory probably would differ very little from those presented here. -268- Residential land in Morelia can be divided into three classes--upper. middle and lower--based primarily upon the quality and condition of the residential structures. Old up- per-class homes are located in and around the central plaza and business district. while several new upper-class neighbor- hoods have recently developed in peripheral areas. Middle- class dwellings are restricted almost exclusively to the zone surrounding the old upper-class area in the heart of the city. Lower-class dwellings dominate in the next zone outward to the boundaries of the old city and in most of the new areas of growth beyond. The city's poorest neighborhoods. those occupied by recent rural migrants. are on the lower lands on the south and west and the rocky heights on the northeast mar- gins of the city. These slums constitute one of Morelia's major urban problems. Business establishments. particularly those of a re- tail nature. are widely dispersed and generally operate on a very small scale. although exceptions do occur. Almost #0 percent of the total. however. are found in the central bus- iness district. while there are four other sizeable concen- trations nearby. Two of the secondary districts have grown up largely in response to bus terminal activity. and the other two have developed in conjunction with large public markets. The central district contains almost every kind of business found in the city. including two public markets and the largest retail establishments. Proximity to the cen- tral plaza still remains a major locational asset. although it is not as significant as in the past. -269- Grocery stores are the most numerous businesses in Morelia. Since they serve neighborhood areas. they are found in all parts of the city. Meat markets have a similar dis- tribution. Other food-related establishments are oriented to the public markets and bus terminals. Transportation-related businesses have'different locational patterns. Lodging facil- ities are situated primarily in and around the CBD or in the bus terminal districts. Establishments engaged in the re- tailing of automobiles and trucks have locations on Avenida Madero and the main east-west highway. Vehicular repair sere vices are concentrated on west Madero and north Morelos. Gasoline stations occupy advantageous sites at the city's three entry points and on major arterial routes. Stores retailing electrical appliances and furniture are mostly located in the central business district. Estab- lishments servicing and repairing these items are in middle- and lower-class areas. Wearing apparel shops (clothes. hats. shoes. etc.) are also heavily concentrated in the CBD. while drygoods stores and shoe repair shops are more widely scat- tered through the adjoining middle- and lower-class neighbor- hoods. Gift shOps. jewelers. bookstores. stationers. banks. loan companies. theaters. sporting goods stores and gunshops are other businesses largely in the CBD. Construction mater- ials sales. recreational businesses and fuel retailers occupy widely scattered sites. Drugstores operate both in the CBD and in neighborhood locations. Professional service offices are heavily concentrated in the old core of the city. and frequently function in con- .270- nection with residences. Personal service establishments are strongly oriented to the public markets and the CBD. although neighborhood locations are also numerous. Wholesale distri- butors occupy sites in various parts of the city. but are scarce in the CBD. Businesses engaged in wholesaling as a secondary activity (manufacturing plants and retail stores) follow a similar locational pattern. Although manufacturing is a significant urban function in Morelia. production is relatively small in comparison to that of a number of other Mexican cities. Efforts now under- way. however. should improve the situation. A large Kraft- Paper plant is being built and plans are being formulated to attract additional forest and agricultural oriented indus- tries. Present establishments range in size from small in- dividually-operated ones. such as tailor shops and tortill- erias. to the large fruit-processing plants employing hun- dreds of workers. The small plants fabricate products to satisfy local demands and are wide distributed. Many operate in association with residences. Tortillerias are the most numerous. Their location in the densely-populated. lower- class areas indicates the importance of corn in the daily diet of low-income people. Larger. but less numerous. bakery shops are more widely distributed. and supply wheat-flour products to people in all income brackets. Morelia's largest factories. on the other hand. occupy peripheral locations and produce mainly for outside markets. Included are the fruit canneries. bottlers of carbonated beverages. wheat-milling plants and the manufacturers of chemicals. resin and turpenp .271- tine. matches. candles. wood products. vegetable oils and roofing materials. Land used for public and quasi-public purposes in Morelia comprises a significant prOportion of the city's total built-up area. Various governmental agencies either operate or regulate all schools. churches. hospitals. and public utilities. in addition to the parks and plazas. pub- lic recreational areas and military installations. The deb gree of control exercised by these governmental organiza- tions greatly exceeds that found in cities of the United States and has resulted. in large part. from the provisions of the 1917 Constitution. Morelia's school system. financed largely by state and federal funds and controlled by the state. is a fairly good one. but faces staggering problems in caring for ever larger enrollments due to the rapid growth of population. Schools at the primary level have received the maximum attention in recent years and are scattered in all sections of the city. Schools at higher levels are less numerous and are concentrated in the city's old core area. Primary edu- cation is now available to all. regardless of financial sta- tus. but the high schools. trade schools and preparatory inp stitutions are attended by only a small proportion of all students completing the lower grades. .A much smaller number still enter the state university which is located in.Morelia. Technically. churches are property of the federal government. but they still cperate as private institutions. Activities associated with organized religion contribute -272- significantly to the local economy. Then. too. the historic importance of Morelia's many old churches serves as an out- standing attraction to tourists and travelers. Morelia's hospitals provide a variety of general and specialized services. There are sixteen at the present time. serving people of the local area and from throughout Michoacan. Five relatively large hospitals have recently been built with state and federal funds. These modern institutions provide medical care to many people who formerly were without it. The hospitals. along with the large number of medical doctors practicing here. have established Morelia as the leading med- ical center in the state. Governmental agencies operate on the local. state and federal levels. Local government exercises jurisdiction over the city and the municipio simultaneously. Offices are lo- cated in the city hall (Palacio Municipal). situated a block west of the central plaza. and at a number of other places in the city. State government occupies quarters in the state capitol. Besides numerous commissions and lesser agencies. the state maintains such institutions as the university. a new penitentiary. and many storage buildings. It also sup- ports the local school system. Federal operations are ex- tensive and are carried out by local representatives of twelve national secretariats. Many of these perform functions for the entire state and. therefore. help to extend Morelia's re- gional influence. Public utilities include a water system which is mun- icipally owned and operated. an electric company commissioned .273- to provide power and a telephone company organized by the fed- eral government. and a telegraph system jointly operated by state and federal authorities. Morelia's water system is modern and rates are extremely low due to the complete gravi- tational flow of water from reservoir to consumer. The abun» dance of cheap water is a major locational asset for the attraction of new industry. The city's electricity supply originates at hydroelectric sources near Uruapan and is re- layed overland by high-voltage transmission lines. Projects under construction in southern Michoacan will soon increase the supply available and will provide additional stimulus to Morelia's progress. Since electricity is sold throughout Mexico at the same regulated rates. its abundance and not its cost is a prime location factor. Morelia's current in- ternal telephone system is limited. but plans call for the extension of service to many additional people in the near future. External service is adequate to meet the present-day volume of communications with other cities and regions both in Mexico and abroad. Morelia has numerous parks and plazas. Most of these were set aside by the early Spanish towneplanners as sites for social. recreational and marketing activities. Many parks are now in a deteriorated condition. Two plazas were eliminated earlier in the century by the construction of pub- lic markets on their sites. The central plaza and other smaller ones have lost much of their marketing activities due to governmental decree. The central plaza. however. retains its importance as the social center of Morelia. -27n- Recreational facilities in Morelia include a bull-ring. two soccer stadiums and numerous vacant lots and fields used by young sports enthusiasts. .An extensive modern sports comp plex is being constructed east of the city. In the opinion of the writer. however. the large sum of money required for its completion could be spent in far more beneficial ways. Use to finance alleviation of chronic housing. electricity. water and drainage shortages in lower-class neighborhoods are examples of some of these. Prospect I The future of Morelia seems to be a promising one. al- though many current problems remain to be solved. The most severe are chronic unemployment and underemployment--short- comings typical of urban areas throughout Latin America. Creation of additional manufacturing jobs seems to offer the best solution. Morelia's access to relatively cheap and abundant water and electricity sources and to the raw mater- ials furnished by productive tributary farm and forest re- gions should encourage the location here of many new proces- sing industries. The city's location in the populated heart of Mexico midway between the country's two largest urban con- centrations is also a decided factor in favor of increased manufactural activities. The attraction of growing numbers of tourists also offers a means toward improved economic conditions. The city's location again is a favorable factor. while its wealth of historical sites and the unexcelled beauty of the surround- 5‘ -275- ing country are valuable assets. Additional service facili. ties will be needed. and when developed. will provide many jobs. Accessibility to out-lying regions must also be im- proved. Governmental road-building programs now underway or being negotiated are a step in the right direction. but must be expanded. Internal conditions also pose acute problems. Improve- ments in housing. utilities and streets. particularly in the peripheral lower-class residential areas. represent the most pressing internal needs. Achieving these advances without a doubt will be the most challenging task for the immediate future. Public housing projects and slum clearance programs should be initiated at once. if the flood of inpmigration from rural areas is not to cause a worsening of living con- ditions. Money used for projects such as the large sports complex should be diverted to these uses. Efforts to regulate in-migration and control natural population increase through education.and other means also are needed. A continuing growth rate comparable to that of the past 25 years obviously will complicate efforts made for improving the social and economic well-being of Morelia's peOple. 3 Despite the city's tremendous problems. it should continue to grow and prosper. The progressive legislation resulting from The Revolution and the Constitution of 1917 forms the framework in which much progress has been. and is being. made. Continued enlightened leadership on all govern- mental levels should permit rising standards of living for the mjority of Morelia's citizens and supporting improve- ment of the urban facilities. APPENDIX.A PART I NOTES ON THE FIGURES Figure 1. The Situation of Morelia. Base Map: Go- bierno del Estado de Michoacan. Consejo de Planeacion y Fo- mento Economico del Estado. Carta General del Estado de Mich- oacan. 1963. Fractional sca e no given. Figure 2. The Site of Morelia. Base Map: Departa- mento Cartografico Militar. Secretaria de la Defensa Nacional. Morelia Quadrapgplo. 1959. Sheet No. th-s (2). Scale. 13100.000. Figure 3. Climatic Data. Morelia. 1951-1958. Clima- tic chart drawn by the writer. Source of Data: Gabriel Or- tiz Santos. "Agua potable para la ciudad de Morelia. Michoa- can. 1960." ngenieria Hidraulica en Mexico. enero-febrero- mrzo. 1960. pp. 77-7 0 Figure 4. Map of Morelia. 179h. This map was repro- duced from a reproduction in the University of Texas Library. Austin. Texas. The original map is preserved in the Museo Michoacano. Morelia. Figure 5. Spatial Growth of Morelia. 1798-1958. Base Map: Ayuntamiento de Morelia. Plano de la Ciudad de Morelia. 1963-196“. Ultima Edicion. Scale. 1:10.000. Al- though this was the original base map used. a number of cor- rections were made during the field-mapping to bring it up- to-date for final use. Source of Data: Junta de Planeacion y Urbanizacion del Estado de Michoacan. Original source of earlier data not available. Figure 6. Map of Morelia. 1869. This map was re- produced from an original cOpy preserved in the Rare Map Collection at the University of Texas Library. Austin. Texas. Figure 71 Pictorial Map of Morelia. 193a. This map was reproduced from the original map appearing in Justino Fernandez. MoreliaI su situacionI historiaI caracteristicas. monumentos nomenclaturas con un lano ictorio de la ciu- dad (Mexico: Talleres de Impresion de Estampillas y Valores. 1356). -277- -2 78- Figure 8. Spatial Growth of Morelia. 1798-1965. Base Map: Same as for Figure 5. Source of Data: Junta de Planeacion y Urbanizacion del Estado de Michoacan (for 1798 to 1958) and fieldwork (for 1958 to 1965). Figure 9. Daily Bus Service. Morelia. 1965. Base Maps: Michoacan - Same as base map for Figure 1. City of Morelia - Same as base map for Figure 5. Source of Data: Fieldwork and the Junta de Planeacion y Urbanizacion del Estado de Michoacan. Figures 10 and 11. Manufactured Products. Markets and Raw Materials. Morelia. 1965. Base Map: Map in Tomas Zepeda. La Re ublica Mexicana Geo fia Atlas (Mexico: Editorial Progreso. S.A.. l9 1 . Source of Data: Inter- views with company officials in Morelia. 1965. Figure 12. Residential Types. Morelia. 1965. Base Map: Same as for Figure 5. Source of Data: Fieldwork. Figure 13. Quality of Building Construction. Morelia. 1965. Base Map: Same as for Figure 5. Source of Data: Junta de Planeacion y Urbanizacion del Estado de Michoacan. Figures 1“ through 17 and 19 through 30. Base Map: Same as for Figure 5. Sources of Data: Fieldwork. Figure 18. The Central Business District. Morelia. 1965. Base Map: Blue-printed copy of an untitled and un- dated street map of Morelia obtained from the Junta de Plan- eacion y Urbanizacion del Estado de Michoacan. Source of Data: Fieldwork. PART II NOTES ON THE PLATES PLATE I. Areal view of Morelia (Frontispiece). Source: Cia. Mexicans Aerofoto. S.A.. Mexico City. Photo- graph taken in April. 1960. PLATES II and III. Source: Photographs taken by the writer. PLATE IV. .Areal view of central portion of Morelia. Source: Cia. Mexicans Aerofoto. S.A.. Mexico City. Photo- graph taken in 1932. PLATE V'and all subsequent plates. Source: Photo- graphs taken by the writer. .APPENDIX B PROCEDURAL SUGGESTIONS In keeping with one of the three basic aims of this paper--to establish methods. techniques. meaningful goals. and other guidelines for comparable study of other Latin American cities--. the following annotated list of procedur- al suggestions is offered to urban geographers and others who undertake similar studies in the future: (A) PRELIMINARY PREPARATION (1) (2) (3) (M A re-fieldwork visit to the cit . This permits Efie worEer 50 (a) ascertain Efie city's basic prob- lems and assets: (b) investigate the available local bibliographical sources: (c) secure prelim- inary materials such as maps. books. statistical data. etc.: (d) make useful personal contacts and acquaintances: and (e) tentatively decide on the overall advisability of the project and the pros- pects for its successful completion. An inventory and review of available library mater- 2213 on t e an ject and related su jects. This allows the worker to a assess the amount of re- search already done on the project city: (b) become aware of pertinent studies completed on other ci- ties: (c) determine the types of information that will have to be obtained by personal contact and inquiry in the field. Study of the city's historical backgpound. Know- le ge of the city's maturation an. sequent occu- pance is absolutely essential to the understanding of its current internal structure and external functional relationships. This knowledge is also particularly helpful in the initial stages of the fieldwork as it makes possible an early and more expeditious assimilation of facts and relation- ships. Studz of the city's geogggphical hinterland. A thorough knowledge of the city's hinterland ob- viously is essential for analyzing regional rela- tionships. It has other practical values also. During numerous interviews concerning trade areas. .279- -280- for example. the writer found that his rather ex- tensive knowledge of Morelia's hinterland (a) im- pressed interviewees and brought about better rapport with them: (b) facilitated the phrasing of complex questions involving various aspects of location: (c) resulted in the collection of more information than would otherwise have been possi- ble. (5) Draftipg of field base maps. The preparation of field base maps prior to going into the study area is a time-saving procedure and can be accomplished in a variety of ways. In this study the following recommended procedures were followed: (a) a recent street map of Morelia was divided into four sec- tors: (b) each sector for convenience was further subdivided into units of from 10 to 25 blocks each (units located in the crowded heart of the city contained fewer blocks): (c) each unit was then drawn in pencil on a sheet of standard-size bond paper: and (d) the units were systematically ar- ranged in.a loose-leaf book with a clipboard at- tached. The notebook-clipboard arrangement later allowed easy reference to. and storage of. com- pleted maps. while the maps attached to the clip- board were easily handled during the fieldwork. The drafting in pencil made corrections in the field simple. (B) FIELDWORK PROCEDURAL SUGGESTIONS (l) I itiate a eneral field reconnaissance earl . The first week or two of the fieldwork sfiould be used in becoming acquainted with the gross fea- tures and patterns of the city. Visits to public buildings. parks. plazas. public markets. local libraries and various types of residential neigh- borhoods reveal the general mood of the city. (2) Compile a tentative interview list. This should be started concurrently with the field reconnais- sance and expanded during the early stages of the land use survey. (3) Pre re uestionnaires rior to all interviews. - In indIvIduaIIzed questIonnaIre sEeet sHould Be prepared in advance for each type of interview. Once the interview has begun. time usually is limited. A well thought out list of questions permits the gathering of a maximum of informa- tion and minimizes the overlooking of basic kinds of information desired. Expansion of ques- tioning also is expedited by the prior prepara- tion of questions. An attempt should be made to (it) -281- follow the prepared questionnaire as closely as possible. although this procedure will. of course. depend largely upon the cooperation of the inter- viewee. Maintain an.arderly typed card file of interview pppormation. This allows for quick field refer- ence to materials previously obtained and also enhances the actual writing of the paper later on. Each card should contain. in addition to the in- formation obtained. such bibliographical data as name of interviewee. the institution or company name (where applicable). the interviewee's offi- cial position and the date of the interview. (5) Devise sypbolization in the field for the land use survey. While ideas rom surveys comp ete e se- (6) (7) where can be incorporated. the land use symbols should be developed in the project city. Various methods can be used. For the one used in this study. see Chapter VI. Visit the surroundi area b various conve noes. Short trips to surrounding villages. towns and ru- ral areas by bus. car truck. etc.. enable the wor- ker to gain an appreciation of regional assets and liabilities. A ride in.a crowded second-class bus can be quite an experience as well as an enlighten- ing bit of field research. An airplane flight over the city and its hinterland obviously will be help- ful. Study local daily newspapers regplarly. The daily reviewing of local newspapers reveals many basic problems of the community and often gives accounts of programs being devised or implemented to solve thBMc APPENDIX C DAILY BUS ARRIVALS AND DEPARTURES BY TERMINAL. CLASS OF SERVICE. AND CITY ENTRY POINTS USED. WITH PLACES OF ORIGIN OR DESTINATION AND INTERMEDIATE STOPS. MORELIA. 1965a Term Bus Routes Buses Class Entry Point No ‘ Places of Origin or of Utilized ' Destination and Inter- Arr. Dep. Service mediate Stops E. W. N. 1 Mexico City. Toluca. Zita- cuaro. Ciudad Hidalgo 5 5 2nd 10 San Luis Potosi via Leon 5 5 2nd 10 Salamanca . Irapuato . Leon ll} 14 2nd 2 8 Aguascalientes via Leon 3 3 2nd 6 Queretaro via Celaya 9 9 2nd 18 Celaya 17 17 2nd 34 Guanajuato l 1 2nd 2 2 Irapuato. Leon 2 2 lst # Guanajuato l 1 let 2 Celaya 2 2 lst h Various cities in the Ba- jio and northern Michoa- c c canb 2 5 2 5 2nd 50 3 Acambaro 2 2 2nd h Querendaro. Zinapecuaro. Acambaro l 1 2nd 2 Querendaro. Zinapecuaro. Ucareo . Maravatio l 1 2nd 2 Ciudad Hidalgo. Balneario A tz imba 1+ 1+ 2nd 8 A Cuitzeo. Santa Ana Maya 2 2 2nd h -282- -283- Term Bus Routes Buses Class Entry Point No ' Places of Origin or .Arr De of Utilized ' Destination and Inter- ° p‘ Service mediate Stops E. W. N. 5 Puruandiro 2 2 2nd A 6 Tarimbaro. La Press 2 2 2nd A 7 Tarimbaro. Las Canoas 1 1 2nd 2 8 Villa Morelos. Puruandiro 2 2 2nd 1: 9 San.Agustin. Copandaro 2 2 2nd A 10 Cuitzeo. Moroleon 2 2 2nd A Cuitzeo. Huandacareo 2 2 2nd A 11 La Piedad 2 2 2nd A 12 Temazcal. Tequicheo. Huetamo 5 5 2nd 10 13 Mexico City. Toluca. Zita: cuaro. Ciudad Hidalgo 3 3 lst 6 Guadalajara. Mazatlan. N04 7 gales. Tijuana. Ensenada 3 3 lst 6 Apatzingan 2 let A Zamora. Sahuayo. Colima. Manzanillo l 1 let 2 Patzcuaro l l lst 2 Salamanca. Irapuato 1 1 lst 2 1A Mexico City. Toluca A A let 7. 8 Guadalajara. Mazatlan. No- gales. Mexicali. Tijuana A A lst 8 Colima. Manzanillo l 1 2nd 2 Guadalajara l 1 2nd 2 Oruapan 2 2 2nd A Mexico City. Toluca A A 2nd 8 -2 81}- Term Bus Routes Buses Class Entry Point No ' Places of Origin or of Utilized ' Destination.and Inter- Arr. Dep. Service mediate Stops E. W. N. 15 Zamora. Sahuayo. Colima. Manzanillo 3 3 2nd 6 16 Mexico City A A lst 8 Salamanca. Leon. San Juan de los Lagos 2 2 lst A Zamora. Jiquilpan. Gua- dalajara A A lst 8 Jiquilpan. Colima. Man- zanillo 2 2 lst A Patzcuaro. Tacambaro 2 2 lst A Zacapu. Carapan. Uruapan 3 3 lst 6 l7 Capula A A 2nd 8 18 San Nicolas Obispo 3 3 2nd 6 19 Tazicuaro (Tacicuaro) 2 2 2nd A 20 San Miguel Tecacho 2 2 2nd A 21 Cerritos. Cuto. Huani- queo A A 2nd 8 22 Tenencia Morelos. Bal- neario Cointzio 10 10 2nd 20 23 Villa Madero 3 3 2nd 6 2A Coeneo. Quiroga 2nd 8 25 Lagunillas. Huiramba. Patzcuaro. Tingambato. Uruapan. Los Reyes 2 2 2nd Zacapu 2 2 2nd A Patzcuaro. Apatzingan. Coalcoman. Tepalcatepec 1 1 2nd 2 -235- Term Bus Routes Buses Class Entry Point No ' Places of Origin or of Utilized ' Destination and Inter- Arr. Dep. Service mediate Stops E. W. N. Playa Azul. Melchor Ocampo l 1 2nd 2 26 Atapaneo 3 3 2nd 6 27 Francisco I. Madero 2 2 2nd A 28 Charo 3 3 2nd 6 29 San Lucas 3 3 2nd 6 3O Charo 2 2 2nd A Totals 212 212 8A 13A 206 aSources: Interviews with bus drivers and bus-line offi- cials. and the Junta de Planeacion y Urbanizacion del Estado de Michoacan. b cEstimated by the writer. Actual cities could not be obtained. BIBLIOGRAPHY Alexander. John W. "The Basic-Nonbasic Concept of Urban Economic Functions.” Economic Geography. XXX (July. 195A). pp. 2u6-261. Amaya T.. Jesus. Cedulas Reales de 1532 y 1602 relativas a la fundacion de Valladolid ho Morelia. Morelia: I er a exicana e i ro. ex co. 56. Ball. John M. "The Urban Geography of Tepic. Nayarit. 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