FINDING, CREATING, AND FOLLOWING FOOTPRINTS: 

THE INTEGRATION OF INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE IN PALAU COMMUNITY 

COLLEGE 

 
By  

Joy Renee Hannibal 

 

Higher, Adult, and Lifelong Education – Doctor of Philosophy 

2020  

 

A DISSERTATION 

Submitted to 

Michigan State University  

in partial fulfillment of the requirements 

for the degree of  

 

 

 

 

 

ABSTRACT 

FINDING, CREATING, AND FOLLOWING FOOTPRINTS: 

THE INTEGRATION OF INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE IN PALAU COMMUNITY 

COLLEGE 

 
By  
 

Joy Renee Hannibal 

 

 

Little research exists on the specific ways that Indigenous ways of being, knowing and 

doing are integrated in institutions of higher education across Micronesia. This research study 

illuminates through case study the position of Palauan Knowledge within Palau Community 

College. An Indigenous methodology set within a broader Indigenous research paradigm 

(Wilson, 2008) is utilized to align with Palauan values of respect (omenguul) and responsibility 

(ngerachel). Through interviews (chelededuch) with nine collaborators, in addition to fieldnotes, 

observations, and archival documents, this study aimed to answer the following research 

questions: How is Indigenous Knowledge incorporated within Palau Community College (PCC)? 

Secondly, how do stories from Indigenous teachers and Indigenous learning environments 

inform PCC?   

Findings from this study reveal experiences of separation from Palauan Knowledge and 

the actions some collaborators took to preserve Palauan Knowledge. Collaborators’ narratives 

highlight several instances where Palauan knowledge is honored within the college through 

visual and oral representations as well as with academic and community programming. 

Continuity of Palauan Knowledge through ongoing opportunities to sustain practices in and 

outside of the college is explored in the final reflections of collaborators who continue to 

challenge perspectives that Indigenous Knowledge is in the past. Ultimately, this study lays a 

foundation for the argument that Palauan Knowledge is demonstrated as resilient, dynamic and 

 

adaptive to the needs of community. Recommendations concerning the elevation of Indigenous 

Knowledge at Palau Community College and other institutions of higher education that reside on 

Indigenous land are offered. 

 

 

Copyright by 
JOY RENEE HANNIBAL 
2020 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

This dissertation is dedicated to my mom, Hasinta Sibetang Renguul Hannibal. 

 

 
 

v 

 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  

While navigating through this dissertation journey, I have been overwhelmed by an 

outpouring of love and support from so many people. The journey was not without challenges, 

but God blessed me with people who comforted, encouraged and guided me in the narration of 

this dissertation story.  

First and foremost, I give God all the glory and the honor for this dissertation. My faith 

certainly steered me through impossible situations as well as deepened through victories, small 

and great. There were so many difficult seasons that I encountered, and it was through praise, 

prayer, and fellowship that I am able to present this story of love. 

To my love and partner in life, Dr. Terry Flennaugh, I could not have done this without 

you. Thank you for the long talks, the space you provided me, and the endless words of 

encouragement that lifted my spirits and inspired me to persist. You have developed a 

relationship with Palau through conversations with my family, especially in your special 

relationship with my mom. You have experienced Palau and learned alongside my family and 

other Palauans. Your insight into the drafts of my dissertation were invaluable, but even more it 

truly showed your connection to Palau. For my son, Elijah, this dissertation was written for you 

to know who you are. Follow the footprints. I love you so much. Mom and Dad, you provided 

the atmosphere for me to believe in myself. Dad you are an unwavering pillar of support 

affirming me through every step of this dissertation and in my life.  Mom, in life and in spirit 

your stories continue to light my path and elevate me to new heights. Your legacy is throughout 

this dissertation. Mamang Klei, from gathering on your porch to listen to family legends to your 

instruction in cooking and taro cultivation, you opened the doors for this dissertation to be a 

vi 

reality. To my brother, David Jr. and sister, Melanie, you each continue mom’s legacy in the 

stories you tell and retell about her, about our family, and about Palau. We have so many 

beautiful memories of our individual and collective time in Palau. These stories over the years 

have breathed life into this dissertation in ways that helped me create this work of love.  

To my aunts, Ado, Mary, Marysees and Kayla, you showered me with love and lessons. 

You took me to harvest and plant taro, hunt for food in low tide, showed me how to weave 

baskets, and helped me learn the Palauan language. To my uncle RR and Hermas, thank you for 

your leadership and example. You made sure that I had everything I needed to get around Palau, 

transportation, food and connections. Nicole, Merraoch, Kubari, and Sydney, I was able to see 

Palauan Knowledge and Palau Community College through your eyes. We shared and have so 

many stories of us together in Palau, walking and sitting along the beach, exploring streams and 

waterfalls, and strolling along our ancestors’ stone paths. To those from the generations that 

follow me, my nieces and nephew, Isaiah, Aaliyah, Saraiah, and Naveah and my young cousins, 

Tadong, Ephraim, Manasseh, Rihanna, and Lula  as well as to those generations that are to come, 

may you be guided by the knowledge and wisdom of your ancestors displayed in this 

dissertation. Be rooted in their footsteps and create new legacies. 

Dr. Erin Kahunawai Wright, Dr. Nicole Reyes, Dr. Jenna Sablan and Natasha Saelua, 

thank you for holding me down and continually centering Oceania. You all have profoundly 

impacted my work as a Pacific Islander scholar and I am inspired by your commitment to our PI 

community. Dr. Erin Kahunawai Wright, thank you for including me virtually in your course. It 

allowed me the space to delve into conversations about Oceania and higher education that I 

would have never gotten within my own program. I love you all and cannot wait for our future 

collaborations. 

vii 

I am also so thankful for the many scholars who have contributed to this study and to my 

own academic and professional development. First and foremost, I want to thank the best advisor 

and chair that I could have ever imagined. Dr. Riyad Shahjahan you have been supportive and 

patient through the trials and the triumphs of this dissertation process. Each step of the way you 

consistently validated me and helped me to truly embrace my research topic. I am forever 

appreciative of the many hours you poured in reading and listening to my stories. I left each and 

every meeting with you energized by your affirmations and inspired to continue to fight and tell 

this story of Palau. I look forward to continuing to be engaged with each other’s scholarship and 

lives. Thank you again, I am forever grateful to you. Dr. Dylan Miner, I have benefited from 

your example: from the responsibility and respect that you live out in the Indigenous community 

to the powerful messages within your own scholarship. Thank you for pointing me towards new 

realms of Indigenous scholarship and challenging me to continue to voice those stories that 

elevate Oceania. Dr. Leslie Gonzales, I am grateful for your affirmations and advice in the 

development of my methodology. You always directed me towards introspection, pushing me to 

recognize the power in the stories I tell in this dissertation. I am deeply honored as you truly 

nourish my spirit with your presence and through your words. Dr. Marilyn Amey from the start 

you cared about my development as you connected me with community college research and 

scholars. I am thankful for the many times that you have sent me with messages of support and 

kindness, they helped me to feel a sense of belonging as well as embraced my identity as a 

scholar. Dr. Patricia Marin, you provided the space within your classes that allowed me to sort 

through and articulate areas of scholarship in Oceania. Dr. Dorinda Carter-Andrews your class is 

where I deeply reflected on my own identity and you gave me the space to unapologetically 

assert my positionality. At the same time, you also poured into me to help my mental, personal 

viii 

and spiritual development. Thank you, Drs. Carter-Andrews and Marin, for your advice and 

support as members of my guidance committee. Dr. Christa Porter, my sister scholar, your 

messages to me were always on time. You gave me a chance to serve on your research team and 

I was blessed to witness your leadership and am forever indebted to you for demystifying the 

journal publication process to have my first ever co-authored publication. Dr. Qiana Green, I 

could not have reached this milestone without you leading by example, checking in on me and 

sharing your wisdom. There truly are not enough words to adequately capture how you 

supported me throughout this process. Above all you pointed me toward caring for myself in this 

journey and that advice is priceless. Dr. Yeukai Mlambo and Sapna Naik, I am blessed to have 

entered this PhD journey with you both. When I struggled you were there to rescue and 

encourage me. When I had successes, you both knew the best way to recognize and celebrate the 

accomplishments. Thank you for the many adventures we have shared, for giving me a shoulder 

to lean on and for providing advice. To the best writing partner, Charles Jackson, you are an 

incredible scholar and a very dear friend. Through writing in person to writing virtually, we have 

supported each other through the grueling steps of this dissertation journey. Thank you for being 

consistent, reserving rooms and Starbucks tables, reminding me of deadlines and opportunities 

and sharing in my journey from proposal to defense. 

Lastly, to my chosen kin and colleagues thank you for supporting me through this 

journey. You gave me the space and consistently showed up in multiple ways. I am appreciative 

of the many messages of support, the getaways to refresh, and for the times you listened to my 

struggles and rejoiced in my accomplishments. Above all thank you for believing me.   

 

 

 

ix 

 

TABLE OF CONTENTS 

LIST OF TABLES ....................................................................................................................... xiii 
 
LIST OF FIGURES ..................................................................................................................... xiv 
 
CHAPTER 1: RELATIONSHIP BUILDING ................................................................................ 1 
The Introduction of a New Place of Learning .................................................................... 2 
Call to Collective Action .................................................................................................... 3 
Research Questions ............................................................................................................. 4 
Pacific Islands ..................................................................................................................... 4 
Background of Oceania........................................................................................... 5 
Freely Associated States in Micronesia .............................................................................. 8 
Higher Education in Palau .................................................................................................. 9 
Pilot study ......................................................................................................................... 11 
Methodology ..................................................................................................................... 12 
Dissertation Overview ...................................................................................................... 13 

 
CHAPTER 2: INTERCONNECTING AND DISTINCT: STORIES OF INDIGENEITY ......... 15 
Higher Education: A New Passageway for Indigenous Knowledge ................................ 16 
Reclaiming the Higher Education Passageway..................................................... 18 
Hazards: Evidence of Tension .............................................................................. 20 
Indigenous Post-secondary Institutions: Protectors of Indigenous Knowledge ............... 22 
The Story of Higher Education Research in the Pacific Islands ....................................... 25 
Formal Education and Indigenous (Oceania) Knowledge in Polynesia ............... 25 
Indigenous Knowledge in the K-12 system ............................................... 27 
Indigenous Knowledge and Higher Education in Palau .......................... 29 
Summary of Chapter ......................................................................................................... 30 

 
CHAPTER 3: CENTERING PALAU AND ALL RELATIONS................................................. 32 
Deluill: The Foundation of Indigenous Ontology and Epistemology ............................... 33 
Indigenous Epistemology as the Guiding Framework ...................................................... 34 
Defining Epistemology and its Relationships ....................................................... 34 
Indigenous Epistemology...................................................................................... 35 
Experience................................................................................................. 36 
Language................................................................................................... 36 
The Subconscious ...................................................................................... 37 
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 37 

 
CHAPTER 4: FOOTPRINTS ....................................................................................................... 39 
Indigenous Methodology .................................................................................................. 40 
Indigenous Axiology ......................................................................................................... 42 
Omenguul (Respect) ............................................................................................. 42 
Ngerachel (Responsibility for Duties) .................................................................. 43 
Ulekerreu ma Klechubechub (Care, Love and Compassion) ................................ 44 

x 

Methods............................................................................................................................. 44 
Collaborators ......................................................................................................... 45 
Cheldecheduch (Interview) ................................................................................... 46 
Meeting Location .................................................................................................. 48 
Field Notes and Observations ............................................................................... 48 
Archival Documents ............................................................................................. 49 
Research Protocol Considerations .................................................................................... 49 
Co-constructing the Main Story ........................................................................................ 50 
Transcription ......................................................................................................... 50 
Storytelling ............................................................................................................ 50 

 
CHAPTER 5: BACKGROUND: PALAU COMMUNITY COLLEGE AND 
COLLABORATORS .................................................................................................................... 54 
Palau Community College ................................................................................................ 54 
Japanese Administration: Mokko Totei Yoseijo................................................... 56 
American Administration: Micronesian Occupational Center (MOC) ............................. 58 
Independent Nation: Palau Community College .............................................................. 61 
Funding ................................................................................................................. 62 
Academic Programs .............................................................................................. 63 
Other Programs ..................................................................................................... 64 
Summary of Palau Community College Section .............................................................. 65 
Profiles of Collaborators ................................................................................................... 66 
Julita ...................................................................................................................... 67 
Sholeh ................................................................................................................... 68 
Grace ..................................................................................................................... 69 
Hermana ................................................................................................................ 70 
Elicita .................................................................................................................... 71 
Patrick ................................................................................................................... 72 
Thomas .................................................................................................................. 72 
Mat ........................................................................................................................ 73 
Dalton .................................................................................................................... 74 
Collective Overview of the Collaborators ........................................................................ 74 
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 76 

 
CHAPTER 6: TAKING STEPS TOWARD REMEMBERING .................................................. 78 
Stories of Separation ......................................................................................................... 80 
Content .................................................................................................................. 80 
Language................................................................................................... 82 
Context .................................................................................................................. 85 
Values ................................................................................................................... 89 
Resisting, Reconnecting and Reclaiming ......................................................................... 93 
Language Survival ................................................................................................ 93 
Land Survival ........................................................................................................ 95 
Cultural Survival ................................................................................................... 97 
Summary of the Section .................................................................................................... 99 

 

xi 

CHAPTER 7: RE-CENTERING AND HONORING PALAUAN KNOWLEDGE IN PALAU 
COMMUNITY COLLEGE ........................................................................................................ 101 
Representation................................................................................................................. 102 
Re-centering Palauan Knowledge through Physical Structures.......................... 105 
Centering Palauan Knowledge to Disrupt Notions of Western Superiority ....... 107 
Academic and Community Programming ...................................................................... 111 
Palauan Studies Program .................................................................................... 111 
Elders as Guest Lectures ........................................................................ 113 
Non-credit Course ............................................................................................... 115 
Summer Youth Program ..................................................................................... 115 
Research and Extension Activities...................................................................... 117 
Summary ......................................................................................................................... 119 

 
CHAPTER 8: CONTINUITY..................................................................................................... 121 
Re-righting Misunderstandings of Palauan Knowledge ................................................. 123 
Non-formal Spaces of Learning ...................................................................................... 127 
Leadership ........................................................................................................... 127 
Experiential Learning.......................................................................................... 129 
Elders .................................................................................................................. 131 
Sacred Knowledge .............................................................................................. 132 
Palau Community College: A Formal Place of Learning ............................................... 133 
Academic Programs ............................................................................................ 134 
Co-curricular Opportunities ................................................................................ 135 
Community Engagement .................................................................................... 136 
Summary ......................................................................................................................... 138 

 
CHAPTER 9: CONNECTIONS (CONCLUSION).................................................................... 140 
Drawing My Conclusions ............................................................................................... 141 
Connecting back to Indigenous Scholars ........................................................................ 143 
Guiding Questions .............................................................................................. 143 
Collaborators ................................................................................................................... 146 
Settler, Indigenous and Palauan Knowledges ................................................................. 148 
My Relationship to Palauan Knowledge......................................................................... 152 

 
APPENDICES ............................................................................................................................ 157 
APPENDIX A: Glossary of Terms ................................................................................. 158 
APPENDIX B: Participant Solicitation .......................................................................... 159 
APPENDIX C: Participant Consent Form for Study ...................................................... 160 
APPENDIX D: Participant Information Sheet ............................................................... 162 
APPENDIX F: Interview Protocol.................................................................................. 163 
APPENDIX G: Palau Community College Programs .................................................... 164 
APPENDIX H: List of University Transfer Articulation Agreements ........................... 165 
APPENDIX I: Renaming of Palau Community College Buildings................................ 166 
APPENDIX J: Visual Representations of Palauan Knowledge (Buildings) .................. 167 
APPENDIX K: Taro Sketch ........................................................................................... 168 

 
REFERENCES ........................................................................................................................... 169 

xii 

LIST OF TABLES 

 
Table 1. Palau Community College Certificate Programs ......................................................... 164 
 
Table 2. Palau Community College Accredited Degree Programs ............................................ 164 
 
Table 3. Palauan Names for Palau Community College Buildings ........................................... 166 

 
 
 

 

xiii 

 

LIST OF FIGURES 

Figure 1. The Pacific Islands: Melanesia, Micronesia and Polynesia ............................................ 7 
 
Figure 2. Indigenous Research Paradigm Model ......................................................................... 44 
 
Figure 3. Map of Palau: Family Origins1 ..................................................................................... 77 
 
Figure 4. Picture of Palau Landscape (Babeldaob) .................................................................... 103 
 
Figure 5. Mural of Indigenous Places of Learning at Palau Community College ..................... 107 
 
Figure 6. Stone Monoliths, Ngarchelong, Babeldaob ................................................................ 121 
 
Figure 7. Terroi el Beluu (Adapted)........................................................................................... 126 
 
Figure 8. Palauan Legend of the Breadfruit Tree, Ngiwal, Babeldaob ...................................... 137 
 
Figure 9. Rooted in Palauan Knowledge ................................................................................... 140 
 
Figure 10. Palauan Stone Paths, Ngaraard, Babeldaob. ............................................................. 142 
 
Figure 11. Pillar Showing Palauan Symbol ............................................................................... 167 
 
Figure 12. PCC Building Wall Mural of Traditional Palau ....................................................... 167 
 
Figure 13. PCC Building Mural of Palauan Warriors ................................................................ 167 
 
Figure 14. Taro Sketch ............................................................................................................... 168 

 

xiv 

 

 

CHAPTER 1: RELATIONSHIP BUILDING 

I entered this study through the blessings of conversations with family members, Elders, 

Palauan youth, and Indigenous scholars, as well as stories that have come before me in Palauan 

legends, chants and songs and within the stories found in Indigenous research. My commitment 

in “rerighting and rewriting” the stories of Oceania began when I obtained my Palauan passport 

in 2010, solidifying my Palauan citizenship (Smith, 2012, p. 29). I always recognized my 

Palauan heritage without needing to complete the non-traditional practice of applying for a 

Palauan passport. What was most important for me in this journey to obtain my passport, were 

the words imparted to me by the rubak (Elder male) who I met in the government office. A 

reminder of the obligation of name and place was connected to his words as he let me know that 

I had the responsibility to my beluu (village) to do something good, to do something for Palau. I 

came to Palau Community College wanting to do research about transfer programs and 

admission as this was a previous area of study in my master’s program.  

My focus changed with my pilot study when I engaged in conversations with the 

community college president about Indigenous Knowledge in navigating the ocean, cultivating 

the land and building structures from natural materials. Thereafter, I stepped into the stories of 

Indigenous Knowledge broadly and Palauan Knowledge specifically, a journey that has 

connected me more to my home, Palau. In keeping with the assertion by the rubak, I focused on 

ensuring that my study was respectful of Palauan (Indigenous) knowledge and ways of knowing, 

being and doing. Much of the research on the islands and people in Oceania has been exoticized 

and devalued. Meyer (2008) expanded on respectful outcomes of research saying: “knowledge 

that does not heal, bring together, challenge, surprise, encourage or expand our awareness is not 

part of the consciousness this world needs now” (p. 221). To understand my rerighting and 

1 
 

rewriting process, I start with this introductory chapter which includes, necessary context about 

the island of Palau and its history to encourage a relationship between readers and the ideas, 

stories and research questions of my study.     

The Introduction of a New Place of Learning 

Formal instruction through structured time, foreign language and written word is 

something that was exported by Western societies to the Pacific Islands (Epstein, 1987; 

Soaladaob, 2010; Thaman, 2003). Consequently, institutions of higher education were 

established in ways of knowing that dismissed if not replaced Indigenous Pacific knowledge and 

ways of being and doing. Furthermore, knowledge from Western settlers engendered 

unquestioned legitimacy and dominance over knowledge systems indigenous to the Pacific. The 

story of formal schooling is similar to that found in literature of Indigenous people from the 

United States, New Zealand, Canada and Australia (Cole, 2001; Smith, 2012). Like these larger 

nation-states, smaller island nations have higher education institutions that predominantly serve 

those indigenous to the land. However, researchers have largely neglected institutions in these 

smaller nations, mainly those in the United States-affiliated Pacific (former territories) such as 

the Republic of Palau. While similarities exist between Indigenous people from the larger nation-

states and the U.S. affiliated Pacific, there exists unique geo-political, colonial and historical 

characteristics of the former territories (Wright & Balutski, 2013) that warrant deeper 

examination of higher education in the Oceania.  

In the years under territorial authority, the United States retained the responsibility of 

stabilizing Palau and other Micronesian islands in the region after World War II (Epstein, 1987). 

The ultimate goal was to allow the islands to one day be self-sufficient nations, should they 

choose sovereignty. It is important to note that Palau’s sole higher education institution is Palau 

2 

Community College, the site of this study. Palau obtained political sovereignty in 1994 and soon 

after became Indigenous controlled as leadership transitioned from the United States to Palau 

(Epstein, 1987). As an institution that was not created for or by Indigenous people of the Pacific, 

my study makes space for Indigenous voices (Mihesuah & Wilson, 2004) at Palau Community 

College to illuminate ways in which Indigenous Knowledge Systems are integrated into the 

college. The next sections provide further context for my study: highlighting a call to collective 

action, my research questions, and additional background regarding the histories of the islands.  

Call to Collective Action 

Literature that addresses the Pacific is mainly focused on higher education institutions in 

larger, well-known islands such as Hawaii and New Zealand (Boyd et al., 2012; Collins & 

Mueller, 2016; Pio, Tipuna et al., 2014; Theodore, 2015). Little research of higher education 

institutions in the U.S. affiliated Pacific (Republic of Palau, Federated States of Micronesia, and 

the Republic of Marshall Islands) exists and much of what is known comes from governmental 

agency reports, master’s theses and dissertations (Administration, n.d.; Epstein, 1987; Heine, 

2002; Rechebei, 2003; Soaladaob, 2010; Uriarte, 2010). A focus then, on islands such as Palau 

can further complicate our understandings of the manifestations of higher education in societies 

where Western and Indigenous Knowledge systems are interacting. The tension of Western 

education on Indigenous people of the Pacific and a call for culturally relevant practices is a 

body of research growing in number (Thaman, 2003).  

 

Still missing, is the next part of the story that illuminates resistance to the colonial 

educational system in the newly independent nation-states. Reiterating the words of Wiradjuri 

scholar, Wendy Brady (1997): “my ancestors had in place, systems of education…which 

sustained them” (p. 421). It is therefore important to illustrate the way in which Palau 

3 

Community College challenges a status quo that has historically misrepresented, mistreated and 

devalued Belauan people and their ways of knowing, being and doing. Cree scholar, Neal 

Mcleod (2001) says it best, asserting that “every time a story is told, every time one word of an 

Indigenous language is spoken, we are resisting the deconstruction of our collective memory” (p. 

31). 

Research Questions 

My study identified the ways in which Palau Community College incorporates Palauan 

Knowledge in addition to the knowledge of other Indigenous people of the Pacific. Altogether, 

this research sought to deepen our understanding of indigenization efforts by looking at a context 

that has a different relationship and history with higher education as compared to studies of other 

institutions whose Indigenous administration and students are in the majority (Gaviria, 2012; 

Hunt-Jinnouchi, 2010; Heavyrunner, 2009; Minnabarriet, 2012). Assiniboine scholar, Sweeney 

Windchief and Hopi scholar, Darold H. Joseph (2015) in the following quote, captured the 

essence of the study’s purpose and its ultimate outcome:  

We celebrate not those who are claimed by the educational space, but rather those who 

choose to claim educational space as their own and use it to contribute back into their 

own communities (p. 268).  

Hence, the story of this dissertation was guided by the following research questions: How 

is Indigenous Knowledge incorporated within Palau Community College (PCC)? Secondly, how 

do stories from Indigenous teachers and Indigenous learning environments inform PCC? 

Pacific Islands 

The previous sections set the stage with an introduction to the research study, a call to 

collective action and the research questions. Before moving forward, I provide a brief overview 

4 

of the history of the Republic of Palau, as a country within a region (i.e. Micronesia) whose 

history is misunderstood and misrepresented, if not obscure to many. My aim was to provide 

context in order to engage readers in all elements of this study. Pio et al. (2014) pointed to the 

need for contextualization, citing that “world views are embedded in specific contexts and cannot 

be understood in isolation from their social, political and economic legacy” (p. 678). This section 

is in line with the Indigenous epistemological framework and my methodological approach. 

Locating my study in terms of the setting, Oceania, and the topic, higher education, 

acknowledged relationships and therefore supported the central value of relationality in 

Indigenous (Oceania) cultures.   

Background of Oceania 

Oceania is vast, Oceania is hospitable and generous, Oceania is humanity rising from the 

depths of brine and regions of fire deeper still, Oceania is us (Hau’ofa, 1994, p. 160). 

Hau’ofa (1994) in this opening quote and in his insistence to see Oceania as a “sea of 

islands” gives deference to the “totality of relationships,” connecting Indigenous peoples of the 

Pacific to our ancestors who were the original explorers in the region (p. 6). These relationships 

reflect not only a relationship to land but also to the sea and includes various exchange 

communities amongst the islands that developed by generations and generations of seafarers 

(Cholmay, 2013; Hau’ofa, 1994). It was later that “continental men, Europeans and Americans” 

drew lines and boundaries that “confined ocean peoples to tiny spaces” (Hau’ofa, 1994, p. 7), re-

naming and labeling the region. Oceania was grouped and classified within the “northwest 

European imagin[ed]” categories of Melanesia, Micronesia and Polynesia (Spikard, 2002, p. 43). 

To clarify and unmask, the terms Pacific Islands, Melanesia, Micronesia, and Polynesia as well 

as even some of the individual island names represents the destructive legacy of settler 

5 

colonialism in the renaming of Indigenous lands.  Papua New Guinea and Vanuatu in Melanesia, 

Guam and Palau in Micronesia, and Tonga and Hawaii in Polynesia represent some of the Pacific 

islands grouped within these overarching terms. Spikard (2002) provides a good orientation of 

the location of the Pacific Islands: Melanesia includes the discrete societies located in islands 

such as the Solomon Islands and Vanuatu. To the North of these islands are the many islands of 

Micronesia, separated by wide oceans that are more homogenous in culture as compared to 

Melanesia. The more familiar of the island groups, Polynesia, includes the islands of Hawaii in 

the North and New Zealand in the South, and then Tuvalu in the West and Easter Island in the 

East (see Figure 1).  

Kanaka ʻŌiwi Hawaiʻi (Native Hawaiian) scholars, Erin Kahunawaika’ala Wright and 

Brandi Jean Nālani Balutski (2014) assert that the development over time of each of the Pacific 

Island groups derived from very unique socio-historical contexts that function within distinct 

sociopolitical conditions.  For instance, lands of Indigenous people in Aotearoa (New Zealand) 

and Hawaii remain overrun by Western settlers. Specific to this study, the Micronesian region to 

which Palau is located in, has the “dubious distinction of having had more colonising powers 

imposing their will than any other colony in the world” (dé Ishtar, 1994, p. 4).  This context then 

produces varying narratives of schooling. Soaladaob (2010) provides a brief history of schooling 

in Palau. The introduction of (Western) schooling began with Germany even though Spain was 

first there, Spaniards were focused on spreading Catholicism. After Germany, Japan instituted an 

expansive primary school system with some opportunity for advanced study based on 

examination. After WWII, the United States extended primary school and added secondary and 

advanced post-secondary education (vocational/technical). 

 

6 

Figure 1. The Pacific Islands: Melanesia, Micronesia and Polynesia 

To tell the story of Palau is also to acknowledge the colonial footprints within Oceania. 

The masking of Pacific Islander culture began with the invasion of a defenseless region by 

colonial powers (Wright & Balutski, 2013). The impacts of that time period continue to this day 

through lingering institutions and continued economic dependency. Colonization in the Pacific, 

dates back over 400 years ago with the early colonizers of England, Germany, and Spain. The 

focus, as with most of the European discovery and expansion campaign, was for economic 

prosperity as well as evangelism through missionaries (Pobustsky et al., 2005). The standard 

view and discussion of slavery is almost always based in the African slave trade. Most people are 

unaware of the enslavement of Oceania people. Blackbirding, in the 19th and 20th century, was a 

practice that involved deception and kidnapping of Indigenous people in the Pacific (i.e. Tonga, 

Tuvalu, and Vanuatu) to labor on plantations in South America (Wright and Balutski, 2013). 

Additional impacts included the decimation of populations due to foreign diseases, the 

7 

illegitimate removal of Indigenous peoples from their lands including the use of land for nuclear 

testing (i.e. Marshall Islands), and the subjugation of traditional ruling systems.  

Due to wars, particularly World War II and military interests, imperialism increased. The 

islands most affected during these wars include those within the strategic locations of Micronesia 

– Guahan (Guam), Belau (Palau), Wa’ab (Yap), Pohnpei, Chuuk, Kosrae, Marshall Islands and 

Northern Mariana Islands (including Saipan, Ronin, and Tinian). These islands experienced 

initial occupation by Japan, who established formal schooling to the islands, forcing children to 

attend the schools to learn Japanese.  At the conclusion of World War II, the islands transitioned 

to the United States as a “colonial war prize” (Pobustsky et al., 2005, p. 61). Most of the islands 

became Trust Territories of the Pacific Islands (TTPI) under the authority of the United States 

and over time have entered into varying degrees of sovereignty from territory to independent 

nations. My study specifically focused on an island that is a former Trust Territory of the Pacific 

Islands deemed by the United States Citizenship and Immigration Services (2019) department as 

having “special relationship with the United States,” the Republic of Palau. 

Freely Associated States in Micronesia 

The islands in Micronesia represent a geographically, ethnically and culturally diverse 

group of islands with varying political statuses: independent, commonwealth, unincorporated 

territory of the United States and constitutional government in free association with the U.S. 

(Heine, 2002, p. 2). As mentioned in the previous section, my study focused on an island in the 

latter group, the Freely Associated States (Campbell, 2010), or former TTPI, that have signed a 

Compact Agreement of Free Association (CoFA) with the United States. The Federated States of 

Micronesia and the Republic of the Marshall Islands jointly signed an agreement in 1986 and the 

Republic of Palau signed a separate CoFA in 1994 (Epstein, 1987; Pobutsky et al., 2005). 

8 

Through the compact each independent island nation has an arrangement with the U.S. for 

economic, political and strategic provisions (Heine, 2002) in exchange for the U.S. to have 

access to land and water for military uses. The compact in Palau yielded different results because 

of the grass root campaign of mechas (Elder women). The women filed a lawsuit against the 

government to protect the Belauan constitution that upheld rights to land, respect for freedom 

and the preservation of traditional heritage. Zohl dé Ishtar (1994) quotes Belauan Gabriela 

Ngirmang, who was at the time the highest-ranking woman in East Koror, Palau: “Land has 

names here…land is the most valuable thing we have. It is our identity. Without it we are lost” 

(p.47).  Ngirmang and other Belauan women, experienced violence and threats as they firmly 

stood to “ban all nuclear and any other toxic substances, [a] global first” for any nation and an 

ultimatum which has never been repeated (dé Ishtar, 1994, p. 44). 

Higher Education in Palau 

School knowledge systems, however, were informed by a much more comprehensive 

system of knowledge which linked universities, scholarly societies, and imperial views of 

culture. Although colonial universities saw themselves as being part of an international 

community and inheritors of a legacy of western knowledge, they were also part of the 

historical processes of imperialism (Smith, 2012, p. 68). 

While land was saved through the efforts of Belauan women, settler administrators and 

specifically the American administrations introduced and developed institutions that continue to 

this day. Maori (Ngati Awa and Ngati Porou) scholar Linda Tuhiwai Smith in quote above 

highlights on such lingering colonial footprint, the post-secondary institution. Higher education 

in Palau was created, modeled, and supported by various departments and agencies of the United 

States government. The CoFA alliance included infrastructure and fiscal support for Palau’s 

9 

higher education system. One source of funding comes from the U.S. Department of Agriculture 

that provides funding for the Micronesian Land Grant (2019) program. The program is 

administered by the College of Micronesia-FSM, the U.S. Congress-designated land-

grant institution, and funds are allocated across the three Micronesian colleges that are 

partners/collaborators: Palau Community College, College of Micronesia-FSM, and College of 

the Marshall Islands (Administration, n.d.). Palau Community College and the other CoFA 

nations are designated Minority Serving Institution (MSI), specifically Asian American and 

Native American Pacific Islander-Serving Institutions (AANAPISIs). MSIs aim to assist 

historically underrepresented students in matriculating to and graduating from institutions of 

higher education (Clifton & Gasman, 2015). Of the seven categories of MSIs, AANAPISI is the 

newest. The others include Hispanic Serving Institutions (HSIs), Historically Black Colleges and 

Universities (HBCUs), and Tribal Colleges and Universities (TCUs). AANAPISI was authorized 

first through the College Cost Reduction and Access Act in 2007 and later was authorized 

through the Higher Education Opportunity Act in 2008 (United States Department of Education, 

2020).  

Beyond the framework and funding of education in Micronesia, education policies and 

practices are in need of further inquiry—especially in terms of whose knowledges are at the 

margins and devalued. Kanaka ʻŌiwi Hawaiʻi Scholar, Maenette Benham (2006) insists that 

schooling for native people has always been a contested space, one that is full of “conflict, 

struggle, and negotiation over content, context, value, instructional strategies, and measures of 

accountability” (p. 26). While Indigenous languages are recognized as national languages, within 

the educational systems in Palau, the English language supersedes native languages in use and 

legitimacy. English is the language of instruction in Palau, following the global trend of English 

10 

as the lingua franca and its influence as the language of economic success (Benham, 2006; 

Underwood, 1984). Native language and culture have therefore been targets for subjugation and 

decimation. Thaman (2003) asserts that Pacific Islander scholars and literature (and thus 

Indigenous Knowledge) have and continue to be silenced, devalued and ridiculed. This 

discussion of the history of Palau with reference to colonization gives further credence to the 

purpose of this study, reflecting a need to center the narratives of Indigenous Pacific Islander 

voices to understand how Indigenous Knowledges are integrated into Palau Community College. 

Pilot study 

Prior to data collection and three years before I would write my dissertation proposal, I 

conducted a pilot study that eventually revealed the topic of my research study. By this time, I 

had written several papers for several classes and conferences about Palau Community College 

regarding transfer admissions and its unique relationship with the United States. My initial goal 

was to better understand the college’s transfer program through transfer rates, resources and 

services or the transfer experience through the lens of students. Even with this specific focus, I 

had very broad questions that allowed me to gather general stories about Palau Community 

College. For my pilot study, I talked with the president of the college, the librarian, some 

students in the tourism classes and an alumna of Palau Community College. My conversation 

with Patrick Tellei, the president of Palau, lasted almost two hours and that is when I was 

introduced to the Non-Instrumental Navigational Course taught by a master navigator from 

island of Satawal in the Wa’ab (Yap) island group. The course intrigued me because it was 

unlike other community college courses as class materials included the sun, moon, stars and 

clouds. Regarding my research topic, Patrick’s advised me to “Go to the taro fields.” It is the 

same guidance given by Kanaka ʻŌiwi Hawaiʻi (Native Hawaiian) scholar, Haunani-Kay Trask. 

11 

She wrote in her book, From a native daughter: Colonialism and sovereignty in Hawaii: “To 

know my history, I had to put away my books and return to the land. I had to plant taro in the 

earth before I could understand the inseparable bond between people and aina (land)” (Trask, 

1993, p. 118). The navigational course, the message from Tellei, and the words of Trask helped 

to steer me towards wanting to learn more about Indigenous Knowledge, and specifically 

Palauan Knowledge. I spent the next summers after the pilot study learning through experience 

and through story to further articulate the aim of my study.  

Methodology 

All the stories from my pilot and thereafter have inspired and guided me, but one story 

from my mother stands out.  On many a hot and humid day, my mother, sister and I would walk 

to the beach in Palau to catch a cool breeze for relief. One day as we walked from the beach back 

towards our family land in Ngesang, Ngaraard, my mother reminisced about one of her 

childhood friends, who had recently passed away. My mother remembered the last time we were 

all together in Palau when her friend mentioned to her: “Sint (my mom) you know our footprints 

are all over here.” My mom then pointed to where her friend’s house used to be, now, satiated by 

fallen coconuts and an abundance of banana trees, grass, and other wild plants. I can take myself 

to that place again, amongst my mother’s, her friends’, and our ancestors’ footprints. I appreciate 

the ability to connect with as well as take care of this land where my footprints too are embedded 

in Palau’s story.   

I employed the metaphor of footprints throughout my dissertation. I immediately felt 

connected to this story. Later that same year when my mom passed away, the words of this story 

“our footprints are all over here” became my new reality as I earnestly looked for my mother’s 

footprints. It was even more significant to me when two weeks after my mom’s passing, I had 

12 

my first child. My mom has walked before and alongside of me through the many steps within 

this doctoral program and especially this dissertation. She listened to me when I told her that I 

would pursue yet another degree and then I told her my objective would be to focus my study 

within Palau. She was excited when I told her my plans for a pilot study and that I wanted her to 

travel with me (I never went to Palau without my mother there). My mom offered me insights 

when I told her that my research study revolved around Palauan Knowledge. See, her footprints 

are all over this dissertation.  

Dissertation Overview 

The main story of this dissertation asserts that Indigenous Knowledge is not a fixed 

notion in the world. It challenges perspectives that Indigenous Knowledge is in the past and 

therefore has nothing to contribute to the ongoing process of knowledge production. The study 

focuses on examining Palau Community College and provides a story that demonstrates the 

resiliency of Palauan Knowledge. In Chapter 2, I situate my study within the conversation of the 

possibilities of Indigenous Knowledge within the academy. It goes through examining the 

notions of Western superiority that have marginalized and subjugated Indigenous Knowledges. I, 

then describe my epistemological framework, in Chapter 3, to espouse my approach within this 

study. It is grounded in the stories passed down to me from my family and ancestors. In Chapter 

4, I espouse an Indigenous methodology that includes how I reflected and co-constructed this 

dissertation story alongside collaborators who shared their personal narratives and reflections 

about Palauan Knowledge.    

Chapters 5 through 8, convey the many stories from collaborators that help to answer my 

research questions about Palauan Knowledge, Palau Community College, Indigenous places of 

learning and Indigenous teachers. Chapter 5 provides background information about the site of 

13 

this study, Palau Community College and brief descriptions of the collaborators within the study. 

Chapter 6 dives deeper into the personal narratives of collaborators to illuminate ways in which 

they were separated from knowledge. The chapter also includes a discussion on how some 

collaborators used the experiences of separation to work within various efforts to protect and 

preserve Palauan Knowledge. Following this discussion, Chapter 7, then focuses on the topic of 

incorporating Palauan Knowledge in Palau Community College. Chapter 8 brings the 

conversation to a broader context to examine how continuity can be envisioned both in and 

outside of Palau Community College (PCC). The chapter also provides some recommendations 

and ideas for future possibilities to honor Palauan Knowledge in the PCC. The final chapter 

(Chapter 9) reflects on the connections that are made throughout the dissertation and between the 

chapters of the study. It captures the main stories, new considerations, and what this dissertation 

journey has meant for me.  

 

 

14 

CHAPTER 2: INTERCONNECTING AND DISTINCT: STORIES OF INDIGENEITY 

I grew up with stories. My mother is a storyteller. One day sitting on the beach in Belau, 

looking out towards the ocean my mother told me a story about death, wisdom, and intuition. We 

sat watching the waves come in and my mother began to talk about the passageway in the reef. It 

was a man-made path that the U.S. military created by dynamite. What they did not know is that 

the obstruction to the reef created a dangerous and deadly pathway, one that would capsize a 

boat and drown its passengers. My mom talked about many who lost their lives – foreign 

teachers and naïve youth. She also spoke of my grandfather, a fisherman, who knew the waters 

intimately, and through this connection could make it through that same passageway safely. She 

said my papa would say that it was a matter of waiting for the first wave after the calm, then 

counting each wave thereafter until number seven. Then on that seventh wave, the ocean granted 

you safe entry. Anything outside of the ocean’s permission was perilous. The story is one of 

many that taught me how knowledgeable rubaks (Elder men in Palau) were of the ocean, the 

personal connection and relationship they have with changing currents (human-influenced or 

natural) as well as a reminder of the power and agency of the waters.  

 

I enter this story of education in Belau, knowing it was a forced passageway for 

Indigenous people in the Pacific, one that has changed not only the flow of knowledge but also 

what type of knowledge is transmitted within the islands of Belau. My study seeks to illuminate 

the way in which Indigenous Knowledges and ways of knowing are incorporated within a higher 

education system that has historically as well as currently maintains Indigenous Knowledge (IK) 

at the margin. The formal higher educational system is still a new passageway for knowledge 

transmission and production in Palau. Much like the story that opens up this chapter, Indigenous 

15 

people of Oceania observed the new educational passageway and over time have adapted to it in 

ways where they center Indigenous ways of being, knowing and doing.  

In this chapter, I begin with a discussion on Indigenous Knowledge (IK) in higher 

education, the new passageway, to help frame the study by illuminating insights, impacts, 

influences and possibilities of IK in the academy. The next section specifically focuses on 

Indigenous post-secondary institutions, providing important context of institutions created with a 

mission and vision to preserve, value and teach in ways that respect Indigenous Knowledges. 

Lastly, the literature review tells the story of higher education in Oceania to connect Pacific 

peoples to the larger conversation amongst Indigenous peoples and therefore to Indigenous 

Knowledge.  

Higher Education: A New Passageway for Indigenous Knowledge 

Much of the literature on Indigenous Knowledge in higher education calls attention to its 

devaluation as well as the lack of legitimacy it receives (Battiste, 2008; Brayboy & Maughan, 

2009; Erwin & Muzzin, 2015; Schofield et al., 2011; Smith, 2012; Teaiwa, 2006; Thaman, 

2003). At the heart of these discussions is the fact that Indigenous identity has been subjugated 

by the educational systems brought by White-settler culture that privilege Western knowledge 

systems (Gonzalez & Colangelo, 2010; Semali & Kincheloe, 2011; Teaiwa, 2006). Amidst the 

“predominantly Euro-Western defined and ascribed structures, academic disciplines, policies, 

and practices” it has been a challenge in the academy “to create meaningful spaces for 

Indigenous peoples” (Pidgeon, 2016, p.77). Choctaw scholar, Devon Abbott Mihesuah and 

Dakota scholar, Waziyatawin Angela Cavender Wilson (2004) assert that:  

“By purposely ignoring Indigenous voices, publishing repetitive monographs that offer 

little to tribes, hiring unqualified faculty, graduating unprepared students, and devaluing 

16 

Indigenous programs and concerns on campus, many scholars and universities are still 

supporting, promoting, and acting upon many of the same colonial ideologies” (p. 31).  

Gonzalez and Congalelo (2010) specifically call out these colonial ideologies, arguing that not 

much has changed from previous perceptions of Indigenous peoples as savages, instead “these 

settler nations have essentially changed only the means and not the substance of how they treat 

Indigenous peoples, particularly with regards to higher education” (p. 6). Moreover, this colonial 

legacy continues to create tensions for Indigenous Knowledge in the academy due to the 

expectations of agencies and organizations overseeing institutional evaluation and accreditations 

through mainstream standards (Cole, 2011). “The academy is the privileged center of meaning… 

making dominated by imperial nation-states; as such, its primary history is one that has served 

colonialist cultural interests, both directly and covertly” (Justice, 2004, p. 101). 

The question that many scholars have debated in regards to the inclusion of local, 

Indigenous Knowledge is what place, if any, is there for Indigenous Knowledge in higher 

education (Barnhardt, 1991; Battiste & Henderson, 2009; Hunt-Jinnouchi, 2011; Justice, 2004; 

Mihesuah & Wilson, 2004; Pidgeon, 2008, 2016). Cherokee scholar, Daniel Justice (2004) 

asserts that within higher education “we cannot underestimate the trauma and violence of the loss 

of [Indigenous] Mother tongues, but we can work to ensure that those cultural understandings 

continue into the future” (p. 106). Justice (2004) encourages and reminds Indigenous people that 

the academy is as much our inheritance as our connection to the land and further asserts that 

Indigenous peoples have a right and entitlement to be a part of the meaning making of this world. 

With these words, I assert that the inclusion of and the re-righting of Indigenous Knowledge 

through research that acknowledges Indigenous values of relationship, respect and reciprocity 

17 

(Kirkness & Barnhardt, 1991; Kovach, 2010; Wilson, 2001, 2008) is a restorative and necessary 

research agenda.  

A way to resist the subjugation of Indigenous Knowledges is looking to indigenize the 

academy through what Corntassel (2012) describes as everyday resurgence of practices helping 

towards the regeneration of Indigenous Knowledge. Indigenization is described by Pidgeon 

(2016) as “a movement centering Indigenous Knowledges and ways of being within the 

academy, in essence transforming institutional initiatives, such as policy, curricular and co-

curricular programs, and practices to support Indigenous success and empowerment” (p. 77).  In 

the process of indigenization, it is important to note that Indigenous scholars caution that not all 

aspects of IK may be appropriate to share according to Indigenous practice (Smith, 1999; Wright 

& Baluski, 2016). The next section covers six studies in Predominantly White Institutions (PWI) 

to highlight what literature exists on the important conversation of indigenizing the academy. 

The first two studies based in the U.S., focus on reclaiming higher education to demonstrate the 

important influence and impact of IK on Indigenous identity and student success. The final four 

studies help to widen the discussion of the legitimacy of Indigenous Knowledge in higher 

education by engaging other higher education stakeholders as well as looking at non-US 

contexts.  

Reclaiming the Higher Education Passageway 

            “The act of claiming higher education as Indigenous space: American Indian/Alaska 

Native examples,” told by Assiniboine scholar Sweeney Windchief and Hopi scholar, Darold H. 

Joseph (2015) and the “Indigenous Knowledges and the Story of the Bean,” imparted by Lumbee 

scholar Bryan Brayboy and scholar Emma Maughan (2009) offer the stories of Indigenous 

students who are reclaiming the higher education passageway through Indigenous ways of 

18 

knowing, being and doing. Windchief and Joseph (2015) analyzed videos from Indigenous 

video-sharing websites and valuations of Indigenous offices and programs. These videos and 

reports highlighted instances of survival when Indigenous students took ownership of their 

educational spaces through ceremony and tradition. The power of the students’ examples led to 

the authors’ recommendation that students engage in a “conscious act of seeking” Indigenous 

ways of knowing, being and doing while simultaneously participating in post-secondary 

education (Windchief & Joseph, 2015, p. 279). On the other hand, Brayboy and Maughan’s 

(2009) scholarly essay is a story that provides examples of how Indigenous Knowledge informs 

the work of Indigenous pre-service teachers at a PWI in the United States. Though this article 

does not espouse a methodology, it mirrors a participatory research orientation, with 

observations and interactions between researcher and teacher participants. The article asserts that 

by centering IKs within curriculum, “predominantly non-Indigenous educational spaces might 

come to value IKs as both worthy and useful” (p. 5).  

These two articles offer important insight regarding positive impacts of reclaiming higher 

education by integrating Indigenous Knowledge. The articles leave room for further research 

within different contexts as well as through different sources and methods. First, the stories from 

Brayboy and Maughan (2009) and Windchief and Joseph (2015) exist within institutions where 

Indigenous people are in the minority (PWI) in the institution, opening up questions for the how 

Indigenous Knowledge lives within Indigenous Post-secondary Institutions such as Palau 

Community College, an Indigenous-controlled institution in Oceania. Secondly, these studies 

focused on students. Additional inquiry is needed to understand how other higher education 

stakeholders (Elders, community members, administrators, faculty and/or staff) incorporate IK 

within the academy. Lastly, with IK at the center, the indigenization of the research process is 

19 

also important. Windchief and Joseph’s (2015) study focused on storytelling by gathering and 

analyzing data of Indigenous student voice resisting in online spaces, while Brayboy and 

Maughan (2009) present their findings in a narrative on how IK informs Indigenous teachers’ 

classroom lessons. With oral tradition at the core of many Indigenous cultures, storytelling data 

and methodology are then congruent with an Indigenous paradigm. In other words, these articles 

“honour orality as means of transmitting knowledge and uphold the relational which is necessary 

to maintain a collectivist tradition” (Kovach, 2010, p. 42). My study seeks to expand the research 

and include these considerations.      

 Hazards: Evidence of Tension 

Just like the danger that is present for boats and passengers that go through the man-made 

passageway in my opening story, there are hazards for IK as it navigates through the higher 

education pathway. The review of literature that discusses these dangers and provides important 

background information for my study. The articles within this section share the commonality of 

being set within a PWI, but also differ from the previous articles in that they are from contexts 

outside of the United States (i.e., Australia, Canada, and South Africa). 

The main thread throughout the articles in this section revolved around the inclusion of 

Indigenous Knowledge as it relates to curriculum. Hart et al. (2012) cited tensions for pre-service 

teachers within Australian mainstream institutions, critiquing that IK reflected more of a 

“learning about” approach rather than “learning from” (p. 717). A powerful conclusion by the 

authors is that inadequate inclusion of IK creates a competition for its validity in the academy 

and also creates a void in opportunity for Indigenous students to reflect on IK in accordance to 

their professionalism as future leaders. Unlike Hart et al.’s (2012) study, Botha’s (2007) 

analyzed questionnaires completed by faculty regarding the intensifying call for South African 

20 

higher education institutions to Africanise (indigenize) their curriculum. Problematic statements 

like “what will happen to our present standards of living” and suggestions that IK be haphazardly 

included in optional modules or in visits to experience another’s culture led to the research 

themes: “fear of Africanising” and “add-on to the curriculum” (Botha, 2007, p. 212). 

Additionally, the integration of Indigenous Knowledges in institutions are impacted by 

limited resources, leading to missed opportunities like bringing in Elders or hiring Aboriginal 

faculty members (Hart et al., 2012; Pidgeon, 2008). Furthermore, Erwin and Muzzin’s (2015) 

study offer additional voices of concern regarding the absence of IK in higher education with 

particular attention to the “absence of the spiritual dimension which is the heart and soul of IK” 

(p. 60). Their study with Aboriginal students, staff and community members in a Canadian 

community college advocated for “welcoming the spiritual dimension beyond Aboriginal centers 

into curricula and in the spirit of the college” (p. 60). 

The findings in these studies reveal the need to engage in additional research to center 

Indigenous Knowledges as a means to acknowledge the influence of IK, to support Indigenous 

identity and to challenge supremacy notions of Western Knowledges. Hart et al., (2012), Pidgeon 

(2008), and Erwin and Muzzin (2015) each provide contextual information shedding light on the 

historical and current status of Indigenous Knowledge and formal education developed by 

Western settlers. However, each of the studies’ context is unique and therefore lead to different 

realities for the inclusion of IK. Pidgeon (2008), in her recommendation, calls for additional 

research in universities across Canada and internationally, to illuminate the complexities 

involved in Indigenous higher education. My study seeks to further the research regarding IK 

within a context that has a very different colonial history as compared to Australia (Hart et al., 

2012), South Africa (Botha, 2007) and Canada (Erwin & Muzzin, 2015; Pidgeon, 2008). As 

21 

mentioned in the first chapter of this dissertation, Micronesia has the distinction of having the 

most colonizers of any colony in the world (dé Ishtar, 1994). Altogether, the colonial history and 

nation-nation relationship result in distinctive influences on Indigenous Knowledge and Palau’s 

higher education system and therefore warrant further research. The next section is more 

representative of Palau Community College in terms of its institutional type with literature on 

Indigenous Post-secondary institutions as protectors of Indigenous Knowledge.  

Indigenous Post-secondary Institutions: Protectors of Indigenous Knowledge 

The discussions that arise from the previous section regarding Indigenous Knowledge 

focused on Predominantly White Institutions, whereas this section reviews the literature on 

Indigenous post-secondary institutions. In his book, Uncommon Schools, Wade Cole (2011) 

describes post-secondary institutions as sharing a common “commitment to serving indigenous 

students and preserving Indigenous cultures” (p. 119). The literature on Indigenous post-

secondary institutions covered in this section is critical to the discussion of Indigenous 

Knowledge as it provides a unique perspective within a space where Indigenous people are the 

majority across student body, administration, faculty and staff. 

Together, St’uxwtews and Nlaka’pamux scholar, Verna Billy Minnabarriet’s (2012) and 

Iñupiaq scholar Pearl Kiyawn Brower’s (2016) studies, based in the westernmost providence of 

Canada and Alaska respectively, provided insights on Indigenous leadership as a way to 

actualize educational sovereignty. Brower (2016) entered her research study with the 

understanding that Indigenous Knowledge is living, due in part to the participation of the 

Indigenous community, especially Elders, within the Tribal (Indigenous) Colleges. She further 

asserted that Indigenous holders of knowledge should be seen as teachers and not assistants. For 

Indigenous post-secondary colleges, Indigenous Knowledge was seen as a guiding force for 

22 

institutional leadership with IK approaches as instrumental in “helping students understand the 

cultural, academic, and social strength that they receive [and] help[ing] them realize their self-

determining nature” (Minnabarriet, 2012, p. 111).  

Gaviria’s (2012) study on the sole post-secondary institution located in the most northern 

region of Canada, Nunavut Arctic College also demonstrated the important role of Indigenous 

leadership. The study adds to literature by examining the impact of globalized economic ventures 

on Indigenous Knowledge and ways of knowing, being and doing. Within this resource-rich 

(mineral, gas and oil) environment, “Nunavat face[s] tensions [in] development, decolonization 

and survival” and therefore contends with how to meet seemingly conflicting objectives (p.122). 

In line with other scholars (Agarwal, 1995; Barnhardt & Kawagley, 1998; Nakata, Byrn, Nakata, 

& Gardiner, 2005) Gaviria (2012) insists that Indigenous Knowledge (Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit) 

does not only encompass knowledge from the past, but IK is also contemporary and changing, 

thus contradicting the view that Indigenous people are stuck in the past. This evolving presence 

is demonstrated by the intentional actions of Nunavat college administrators who address current 

global pressures utilizing the Inuit knowledge that values resourcefulness and seeks solutions 

through “creativity, adaptability and flexibility” (p.120).  

The discussion of leadership is encompassed by a larger conversation about power. 

Indigenous post-secondary institutions operate as Aboriginal or Indigenous controlled, however 

they still have to contend with a society that is dominated by Western knowledge and a higher 

education institution steeped in Western standards (Gaviria, 2012). Hunt-Jinnouchi’s (2011) 

study explored barriers for students who transfer between Aboriginal-controlled colleges and 

Public Post-secondary colleges in Canada. The study involved community consistent with an 

Indigenous epistemological framework and methodological approach, as in my study. The article 

23 

recounted the statement of an Elder who insisted that Aboriginal controlled institutions were not 

stepping stones to public post-secondary institutions, but rather “sacred places of 

learning…designed to resist mainstream pedagogy in order to retain cultural practice and 

understanding and to revitalize language and traditional practice” (Hunt-Jinnouchi, 2011, p. 

293). The study was an affirmation of the importance of building self-identity and knowledge in 

your own culture. It was also an assertion that “Indigenous Knowledge and practice is equally 

valid” (p. 295).  

All in all, these studies cover institutions recognized as Indigenous by law or by 

governmental agency in large nation-states (Canada and the United States) that continue colonial 

efforts. Palau Community College, on the other hand, was developed by American settlers to 

train Palauans and other Micronesians in Western vocations (Epstein, 1987). So unlike 

Indigenous post-secondary institutions, Palau Community College was not recognized as an 

Indigenous institution for Belauans and their knowledge but was an effort to encourage Western 

economic interests and values. Even as we learn from these Indigenous post-secondary 

institutions, as mentioned before, institutions in the Pacific have rarely been the focus of 

research. Research about Palau Community College can respond to Minnabarriet’s (2012) call 

for the stories of Indigenous post-secondary institutions to be told, such that the story specifically 

includes the way in which the institution is shaped by Indigenous Knowledge. Lastly, in line 

with a responsibility to the community the research on Palau Community College can inform the 

institution on how they can better meet the needs of the institution’s Indigenous objectives such 

as what happened with Nunavit’s assessment. The next section moves to Oceania to provide 

context broadly covering the various islands in the region and then specifically reviewing 

literature in Palau. The discussion seeks to demonstrate Indigenous Knowledge in the region.  

24 

The Story of Higher Education Research in the Pacific Islands 

Like other Indigenous peoples in the world, formal education was exported by Western 

societies to Oceania. Western settlers established and maintained institutions of higher education 

predicated with assumptions that their knowledges were superior over local, Indigenous 

Knowledge (Heine, 2012). This section helps to provide the story of higher education in the 

Oceania focusing on the larger nation-states of New Zealand and the United States (Hawaii), 

where most of the literature on Indigenous Knowledge in higher education exists.  The 

subsequent section highlights the limited research within the region of Micronesia, where the 

Republic of Palau and its sole institution, Palau Community College exists.  

Formal Education and Indigenous (Oceania) Knowledge in Polynesia  

The image of Indigenous peoples of the Pacific and their knowledge systems exist mostly 

amongst the islands of Polynesia. As mentioned in the previous section on Indigenous post-

secondary institutions, much of the research regarding Indigenous institutions are within the 

United States, Australia, Canada and New Zealand (Cole, 2011). This section reviews higher 

education literature within two of the aforementioned countries, New Zealand and the United 

States, concerning the Indigenous peoples of Pacific, Maori and Native Hawaiians respectively.  

The studies by Pio et al. (2014), and Mueller and Collins (2016) each looked at ways that 

universities could better integrate Indigenous values and knowledge. Pio et al. (2014) reviewed 

how universities in New Zealand “re-imagine[d] policies and practices drawing from the 

complex richness of indigenous world view” (p. 676). On the other hand, Collins and Mueller 

(2016) focused on how university agents in Hawaii interacted with the Indigenous Knowledge 

and ways of being of Native Hawaiian taro farmers. My study is an extension of this work, one 

that honors the indigeneity of the land by legitimizing and incorporating Indigenous Knowledge 

25 

throughout the higher education institution. In return, it allows for reciprocity and respect for 

Indigenous peoples who have been marginalized from contributing to knowledge production in 

the university. Pio et al. (2014) reflected on positive narratives of Indigenous people in the 

academy and their study contributing to enlarging the space for indigenous worldviews in the 

university. Collins and Mueller (2016) highlight the sacred relationship between community 

members (taro farmers) and land, in an effort to impress upon the university to recognize 

Indigenous epistemologies, further indigenizing the university’s land grant mission.  

Studies in New Zealand and Hawaii also focus on the impact of the inclusion of 

Indigenous Knowledge on student success. Kepa and Manu’atu (2011) studied the way that New 

Zealand tertiary institutions marginalized Indigenous and Oceania migrant peoples (i.e. Tongans, 

Samoans). Conflicts arose between Western and Indigenous worldviews. For example, 

mainstream pedagogy in New Zealand is entrenched in “assumptions of individualism and 

competition” while, the language and tradition of Oceania peoples express values of collectivity 

and connectivity (p. 619). Indigenous scholars (Hart, 2010; Smith, 2012; Thaman, 2003) do not 

posit that Indigenous Knowledge is all encompassing. Boyd et al. (2011) discussed culturally 

responsive programs that make room for many knowledge systems recommending that the 

university’s curriculum have both “indigenous and western knowledge of nutrition, exercise and 

health promotion” (p. 27). The underlying premise is the need to center Indigenous Knowledge 

as a consequence of centuries of suppression (Pidgeon, 2016; Windchief & Joseph, 2015).   

Formal Education and Indigenous Knowledge in Micronesia  

While New Zealand and Hawaii in the United States are representatives of Oceania, there 

are still so many other Indigenous people in the Pacific to add to this conversation. This 

dissertation addresses this gap, by including voices from the Micronesian islands and specifically 

26 

from Palau. The way of knowing, being and doing in Palau was consistently impacted through 

hundreds of years of colonization. When sovereignty was finally in their sights, the “huge flow 

of American aid, became so ‘unreal’ as to inhibit even the limited indigenously-based and 

sustainable development, that might have taken place” (Epstein, 1997, p. 145). Only in the mid 

1990’s did Palau gain Indigenous control over their educational institutions (K-12 and higher 

education) and thereafter conversations concerning the inclusion of Palauan culture and ways of 

knowing in education intensified. The limited research that is emerging from the U.S. affiliated 

Pacific tells a story of resistance to the dominance of Western ways of knowing in the Pacific 

and an assertion to include Indigenous Knowledge systems (Cholmay, 2013; Soaladoab, 2010; 

Uriarte, 2010). These studies essentially establish the debate surrounding knowledge systems and 

imagines what (re)centering Indigenous Knowledge would look like in K-12 and higher 

education institutions (Uriarte, 2010). 

Indigenous Knowledge in the K-12 system 

            Much of the conversations about Indigenous Knowledge in education is at the primary 

and secondary levels of education in Micronesia. O’Neill and Spenneman (2008) provide some 

context for the marginalization of Indigenous Knowledge in education, asserting that continued 

dependence and accreditation by Western educational organizations essentially result in heavily 

Western-oriented curriculum. Their study specifically examined K-12 education in Micronesia 

where curriculum was U.S.-centered at the expense of more culturally, geographically and 

nationally relevant material. While their critique is aligned with researching IK in education, 

their context is different in that they studied primary and secondary schools. Conversely, my 

study turns from a primary focus on barriers and instead to the centering of stories reflecting the 

inclusion of Indigenous Knowledge in Palau Community College.  

27 

Belauan scholar, Kiblas Soaladaob (2010), showed the impact of Western education on 

Palauan society particularly through the lives of Palauan youth. She interviewed nine Palauan 

ngeasek (youth) and seven ulsemuul (Elders) to gain an understanding of the conflicts between 

Western and Indigenous ways of knowing. Her research found that both ulsemuul and ngeasek 

valued their traditions and culture; however, they acknowledged that living with both Palauan 

and Western ideologies present, makes it harder to maintain traditional practices. She further 

emphasized that a lack of interrogating conflicts amongst different ways of knowing minimized 

the opportunity to combat its negative impacts. Soaladoab’s (2010) study also focused on 

understanding if Palauan youth value Palauan Knowledge and whether the interaction of Western 

and Palauan ways of knowing contributed to an identity crisis. A participant described Palauan 

Knowledge as being “intangible heritage,” where you must know who you are and your [family] 

beginnings. Even more, the participant discussed that Palauan Knowledge must be practiced (do 

knowledge) and lived, not something idly kept in a museum. My study adds to the inquiries from 

this study, seeking to learn more about how Palau Community College resists the dominant 

notion of a typical community college. 

These two studies display the growing narrative showcasing how Indigenous Knowledge 

lives in practice (Pidgeon, 2016) within formal education systems. The inclusion of these studies 

while relevant, still point to a lack of literature of Indigenous Knowledge within the higher 

education context in Palau. My study seeks to address this gap by looking at how Indigenous 

Knowledge is incorporated in Palau Community College. The next section discusses a master’s 

thesis that opens up this discussion within Palauan higher education.  

28 

Indigenous Knowledge and Higher Education in Palau 

Belauan scholar, Edelene O. Uriarte (2010), argued for the need to have an academic 

program dedicated to the teachings of Palauan tradition at Palau Community College. Her study 

included interviews of students and Elders who asserted that Palauan culture and ways of 

knowing must be the center and rationale for all curriculum. Uriarte (2010) insisted that the first 

step in creating a Palauan Studies Program was to have “our (Palauan) culture, our way of 

knowing and how we see the world around us as the center and key rationale for all course 

instruction in the curricula” (p. 5). She eventually concluded that the development of a Palauan 

Studies Program was a necessary step towards the decolonization of Palau Community College. 

Since the publishing of this master’s thesis, Palau Community College has established a Palauan 

Studies Program. Even so, there is so much more pertaining to Indigenous Knowledge to 

examine within Palau Community College. As seen in other studies, Indigenous or Aboriginal 

centers and programs can be an overemphasized and overtaxed space for the recognition of 

indigeneity of the institution (Erwin & Muzzin, 2015; Windchief & Joseph, 2015), so there is a 

need to identify Indigenous Knowledges and examine the incorporation of those knowledges in 

other areas within the college. Additionally, my study differs from Uriarte’s (2010) and other 

research studies in that I also engage as a learner within Indigenous learning environments, such 

as taro fields, to listen, observe, learn and talk with Elders and other teachers. This engagement 

allows me to honor the Indigenous epistemological framework of the study by centering 

Indigenous Knowledge in Indigenous spaces of learning. In the end opportunities to engage 

Indigenous teachers and learning environments help to recognize the “depth of Indigenous 

Knowledge rooted in the long inhabitation of a particular place, offer[ing] lessons that can 

29 

benefit everyone, from educator to scientist, as we search for a more satisfying and sustainable 

way to live on this planet” (Barnhardt & Kawagley, 2005, p. 24-25). 

Summary of Chapter 

            The interaction of Western and Indigenous ways creates what Lather (2006) denotes as a 

hybrid practice. It is a weaving in and out of Pacific Islander way of life, history of colonization, 

aspirations and socio-economic needs, with that of Western ways of knowing, forms of 

education, economics and global politics (Lather, 2006). Furthermore, Lather (2006), writes 

about the importance of research in not only giving voice to the voiceless but preventing the 

dying “of people, of culture, of eco-systems” (p. 44). Research can help to tease out the tensions 

and arguments regarding the level of authenticity of Indigenous Knowledge in an Indigenous 

community college. It would also be faulty to not acknowledge the influence of Indigenous 

Knowledge on the Western curriculum that is being taught within these colleges. 

            What was illuminated in this section still does not help in understanding the Palauan 

context since most of the research has been done in large nation-states that are not 

geographically isolated. Therefore, my study provides a unique perspective of how indigeneity is 

reflected in a context where little has been written. Furthermore, existing research focuses on 

indigenizing institutions that are either predominantly White in student demographics and/or 

surrounded by a mostly non-Indigenous context. Similarities exist in that Western ideology 

looms regardless of location and institution due to lingering influences of colonization in 

additional to globalization. Nevertheless, even when we map on what we know about Indigenous 

post-secondary institutions to Palau Community College, there is still room to conceptualize and 

learn about how Indigenous Knowledge is integrated, in a higher education context with 

30 

Indigenous student and staff in majority, in a country whose population also reflects this 

majority. 

 

31 

CHAPTER 3: CENTERING PALAU AND ALL RELATIONS 

Family histories are especially important to Indigenous culture, and that of Indigenous 

people of the Pacific. I am the daughter of David William Hannibal and Hasinta Renguul 

Sibetang Hannibal. The Indigenous land to which my father comes from is unknown. My 

grandfather, Lawrence Hannibal’s stories traces us to Philadelphia where he grew up, to South 

Carolina and then to Jamaica. My grandmother, Katherine Jackson Hannibal’s stories trace only 

to Kansas. These histories are incomplete without a connection to the original land of my family 

as a result of slavery. On my mother’s side, my grandfather Renguul Rekewis is from 

Ngarechelong and my grandmother, Klei Sibetang Renguul, from Ngaraard. In Palau, we trace 

our lineage through women. My lineage traces from Ngesang within the hamlet of Elab on the 

despedal (east coast) of Babeldaob which is the largest island within the island nation of Belau 

(Palau). 

It is my family history on my mother’s side that I know the most. Sitting with my 

mamang (grandmother) or hearing stories from my mom about my mamang reminds me of the 

vast amount of the knowledge she holds regarding our family lineage and its connection to land 

and water. Women in Palau have a deep relationship with land through taro cultivation and clan 

and family land ownership. My mamang retells Palauan legends that describe how we came to be 

in Ngaraard as well as the relationships we have to people in other villages. She became a 

titleholder in a village in Ngiwal, travelling from our home in Ngaraard to Ngiwal with the 

knowledge passed down through oral history regarding her place as the ranking mechas (Elder 

women) and therefore, the successor titleholder. Such knowledge is important to the Indigenous 

historical preservation of family, village, and/or clan land. Additionally, the knowledge she holds 

settles issues and disputes about land. For example, she once travelled to the Bureau of Land and 

32 

Survey (an office not needed before colonization) in Koror, to correct an illegitimate claim 

regarding land boundaries. On another occasion, she expressed her displeasure in an 

unauthorized cellular tower on our family land, immediately ordering its removal and insisting 

the repair and return of the land to its original state. Through these stories, my mamang imparts 

knowledge passed on from generation to generation of family genealogy and connected to that 

are lessons for respectful use and treatment of land.  

Deluill: The Foundation of Indigenous Ontology and Epistemology 

I started this chapter with a brief description of my family lineage and with the lessons 

about relationship from my grandmother. Before moving to epistemology, Meyer (2001) 

describes Indigenous ontology as answering the questions of who you are, who are your people, 

and where are you from. It is with this definition of ontology that Meyer (2001) asserts that a 

better understanding of epistemology results from knowing who is talking. At the core of an 

Indigenous ontology and epistemology is relationships. Relationality involves relationship with 

others, with relatives alive and past, with ideas, with the environment/land, and with the cosmos 

(Meyer, 2001; Wilson, 2008). Belauan scholar, Kiblas Soaladaob’s (2010) study on Indigenous 

Knowledge with regards to Palauan youth espoused three dimensions of relationships, first the 

act of building relationships started at the home, secondly these relationships were widened to 

and cultivated in community and lastly relationships are developed consistently over one’s entire 

life. Meyer (2001) identifies relationship as an epistemological category, further describing 

relationship and knowledge as the notion of self through other. In particular, he explains that 

relationship to land and water are different based on one’s history, genealogy, culture, context 

and experience.  

33 

Indigenous Epistemology as the Guiding Framework 

Arriving at this point in articulating the epistemological framework for this study 

involved connecting to my family history as explained in the story above. Patrick, Palau 

Community College’s president told me, that it is important to know who you are so that you can 

make connections with others and their stories. When I listen to my mamang’s stories, they go in 

a circle, weaving the past, present, and future, all-important to understanding and respecting the 

significance and impact of such knowledge. Much like my time engaging with family and 

stories, how I came to espouse an Indigenous epistemological framework involved going in 

circles, getting lost, opening up and listening. It involved reading the work of Indigenous 

scholars espouse Indigenous epistemology.  Epistemology is a Western research concept. Both 

Cree/Saulteaux scholar, Margaret Kovach (2005) and Kanaka ʻŌiwi Hawaiʻi scholar Manulani 

Alui Meyer (2001) discuss the conflicts involved in the language of research. Kovach (2005) 

describes research language as having the ability to silence those at the margins. Furthermore, 

she explains that in an effort to achieve Western legitimacy the pressure is to absorb the 

dominant research language or else have your work be disregarded in the academy. It is here 

where Meyer (2001) rationalizes using Western concepts because it is part of the discourse of 

power in the university to deconstruct and arrive at a consensus of questioning the meaning of 

words. As with Kovach, Meyer and other scholars, I utilize Western research concepts imagined 

and explained through an Indigenous lens. The next section involves defining epistemology and 

then a discussion on what is Indigenous epistemology. 

Defining Epistemology and its Relationships  

 

It is important to listen to Indigenous scholars make sense of epistemology. It is clear 

from their discussion that inherent in their interpretations is an Indigenous perspective. Cree 

34 

scholar, Shawn Wilson (2008) defines epistemology as “the study of the nature of thinking or 

knowing [involving] the theory of how we come to have knowledge or how we know that we 

know something” (p. 33). Kovach (2010) adds that epistemology is knowledge nested within 

social relations of knowledge production.  According to Wilson (2008), epistemology builds 

upon specific ontologies and Meyer (2001) similarly shares this view, insisting that epistemology 

and ontology are inseparable. Kovach (2005) explains that an Indigenous epistemology assesses 

research from one’s own personal/cultural knowledge and includes asking critical and 

challenging questions.  I will define and discuss Indigenous epistemology connecting elements 

described by Indigenous scholars to my own personal cultural knowledge, Palauan epistemology.  

Indigenous Epistemology 

An Indigenous epistemology is an important framework because it supports the central 

topic of this study, Indigenous Knowledge in the academy. Soloman islands scholar David 

Gegeo (2001) insists that Native Pacific Islander students and scholars use “native 

epistemologies to construct and theorize knowledge” (p. 57).  He describes Indigenous 

epistemology as a “cultural groups’ ways of thinking and of creating, reformulating, and 

theorizing about knowledge via traditional discourses and media of communication, anchoring 

the truth of the discourse in culture” (p. 58). Cree scholar, Michael Anthony Hart (2010) explains 

Indigenous epistemology as “a fluid way of knowing derived from teachings transmitted from 

generation to generation by storytelling, where each story is alive with the nuances of the 

storyteller” (p.8). Hart (2010) further discusses Indigenous epistemology as a subjectively based 

process including dreaming, visioning, meditation and prayer. Indigenous epistemology helps me 

in identifying, understanding, honoring and appreciating Indigenous Knowledge. The purpose of 

this chapter is to help readers understand my approach to the research study including how 

35 

Indigenous epistemology has influenced every aspect of the study including the construction and 

embodiment of the introduction, literature review, research questions, methodology, data 

chapters, and conclusion. Through the writings of Indigenous scholars such as Hart (2010), 

Meyer (2008) and Wilson (2008), I describe Indigenous epistemology, how we come to know, 

through three common ways of knowing espoused by Indigenous scholars:  1) experience; 2) 

language; and 3) the subconscious (Hart, 2010; Meyer, 2001; Wilson, 2008).   

Experience 

 

Indigenous people have acquired much of their knowledge in direct experience with the 

natural environment (Argawal, 1995; Kawagley & Barnhardt, 1998). Indigenous schooling for 

Belauans, existed in the home and taro fields for girls and women and in the ocean and bai 

(meetinghouse) for men and boys (The Palauan Historical Society, 1997). Learning also 

happened through ceremony, in direct participation or through observation. It included ngasech 

(first birth ceremony) and cheldecheduch (settling of estate after a death).  Experience is 

foundational to this study. Out of respect and responsibility, I will incorporate traditional 

learning spaces to center indigeneity for myself and also as a place to listen, get lost, and learn.  

Language  

 

“Not merely a passageway to knowledge, language is a form of knowing by itself; a 

people’s way of thinking and feeling is revealed through its music.” (Trask, 1993, p. 114). 

Indigenous epistemology materializes from traditional languages. My mom’s cousin, when 

discussing Palauan culture, explained to me that it was hard to teach without language.  In fact, 

Kovach (2005) emphasizes that “language is a central system of how cultures code, create, and 

transmit meaning” (p. 52). She asserts its centrality when she writes: “the stronghold of 

language, writing and worldview in generating truth creates difficulties for Indigenous peoples 

36 

whose traditional philosophies are held deep within constructs that are neither written nor 

consistent with patterns of dominant language” (p. 26). Absolon and Willett (2005) believe that 

cultural worldviews are embedded in language and charge that Indigenous researchers continue 

to re-name research even if those reading misunderstand due to the absence or inability to 

accurately translate words or the lack of an epistemological framework to understand the 

meaning of words. My study seeks to elevate Indigenous language, anticipating and encouraging 

the use of Palauan language. I also endeavor to utilize more stories, chants, and reference words 

within my study to indigenize the final written product.   

The Subconscious 

 

 Indigenous epistemology involves the subconscious: dreams and visions. Indigenous 

epistemology appreciates that which can be gained beyond the five senses which includes the 

subconscious – dreams (Wilson, 2003). It is a method consistent with the theme of relationship 

that which connects you to an extra-intellectual space or provides “answers from above” 

(Wilson, 2003, p. 111). Hart (2010) asserted that the spiritual and physical realm play an 

important role in connecting humans to “the perpetuation of nature processes in the world [that] 

must be sanctioned through ceremony and ritual” (p. 7). My study will respect the spiritual 

relationship of Indigenous people to ancestors, land, water and sacred rituals including personal 

journaling (field notes) about spiritual experiences and attentiveness to the spiritual realm in 

conversation.    

Conclusion 

 

For Indigenous cultures, genealogy matters. The stories in Palau vary depending on the 

village that you come from. At every point, I will locate myself as well as endeavor to locate the 

storytellers’ positionality, which will respect a co-creating approach of the study. A focus on how 

37 

one  identifies  (village,  island,  educator,  Elder,  title-holder,  etc.)  will  be  both  forefront  and 

background as I listen to the storyteller, connect and develop a relationship with the storyteller, as 

well as analyze and present their story. Indigenizing within the academy also means indigenizing 

research. It is my intention, to honor an Indigenous approach throughout this study. I do so by an 

awareness, responsibility and respect of all relationships, continually engaging in story while being 

reflexive of my subjective insights as a storyteller. It also means recognizing a fundamental way 

of learning from experience with land; paying close attention to language and its meaning and 

embracing the insights that come from the subconscious of others in addition my own spiritual 

experiences.  

 

 

38 

CHAPTER 4: FOOTPRINTS 

Name and place (beluu) are salient markers of identity for Palauans. Chelbulel a blai ma 

beluu was an important discipline for young people of traditional Palau. It is with an 

understanding of who you are and most importantly, who you represent that provides guidance 

for how you conduct yourself in respectful and acceptable ways.  An old Palauan saying advises:  

A belkul a tekoi er Belau el kmo, omtebedang el merael e ke mo dechor ra tmuil, e 

mesang a blim ma omtebedang ra beluu e ke mo ra klemedaol e mesang a beluam. A 

chomorael el mo ra ngii di el ker, e ke mertii kederaol. [Translated it says:] When leaving 

home, go and stand at the edge of the yard and take a good look at your house. When 

leaving town, go to the klemedaol (landing and departure dock) and take a good look at 

your beluu (village). Anywhere you go, hide your kederaol (shore) (Palau Society of 

Historians, 1997).  

My Belauan family names, Renguul (grandfather) and Sibetang (grandmother) are tied to 

a place – Ngarecholong and Ngaraard, respectively.  When there is mention of my mamang 

(grandmother), Klei Sibetang Renguul, there is an instant acknowledgement of respect and 

honor, from her title, wisdom, age, and reputation. It is something as chediil (children); we 

observe and therefore know we are to strive to continue to bring honor to our blai (house) and 

beluu (village/place). It is with this understanding of my responsibility to bring honor to whom 

and where I come from that an Indigenous research paradigm is fitting. The next section 

espouses an Indigenous methodology, connecting it to Indigenous epistemology to illuminate an 

approach that is respectful of Indigenous Knowledge and ways of knowing, being and doing 

setting up a later conversation of methods. Before methods, I discuss Indigenous axiology to help 

39 

focus the research along Indigenous values. Indigenous methodology and axiology then help to 

select and influence the final sections: 1) methods and 2) research protocol descriptions. 

Indigenous Methodology 

An Indigenous approach to methodology continues with relationships at its core as 

described in the previous chapter describing Indigenous ontology and epistemology. An 

Indigenous methodology is specifically concerned with relational understanding and 

accountability (Kovach, 2010; Wilson, 2008). Relational accountability compels researchers to 

ask the question: “Am I fulfilling my role as a researcher” rather than “answering questions of 

validity or reliability or making judgments of better or worse” (Wilson, 2001, p. 177).  The 

Palauan saying at the opening of this chapter contains the message of responsibility. I am 

honored knowing that the research I conducted was possible because of the honor already 

established by all my relations. Lastly, Indigenous methodology’s presence challenges the status 

quo that has historically misrepresented, mistreated and devalued Indigenous people and their 

ways of knowing and being. Mcleod (2001) says it best asserting that “[e]very time a story is 

told, every time one word of an Indigenous language is spoken, we are resisting the 

deconstruction of our collective memory” (p. 31). 

Elder Shawn Wilson (2003) in his book, Research is Ceremony, provides a story of the 

development of an Indigenous paradigm co-constructed through personal experience and 

storytelling with other Indigenous scholars. He asserts that an Indigenous paradigm is different 

from dominant paradigms in that its fundamental belief stresses that knowledge is relational, a 

collective process, that cannot be owned by an individual. Furthermore, he emphasizes that an 

Indigenous paradigm incorporates an Indigenous ontology, epistemology, methodology, and 

axiology, removing it from incongruent research tools found in dominant frameworks. In terms 

40 

of the researcher and reader relationship, Wilson (2003) insists that the storyteller (researcher) 

must impart their story, their life and experience, so that listeners understand where the 

storyteller is coming from, thereby making the “absorption of the knowledge that much easier” 

(p. 32). My story is weaved throughout this study. 

Wilson (2008) writes that an “Indigenous methodology must be a process that adheres to 

relational accountability [with] respect, reciprocity, and responsibility [as] key features” (p.77). 

Furthermore, Wilson (2008) asserts, “the knowledge that the researcher interprets must be 

respectful of and help to build the relationships that have been established through the process of 

finding the information” (p. 77). The research methodology of this dissertation will follow the 

story that was presented in the introduction chapter of this dissertation. The metaphor of 

footprints resonated so much with me when I jotted it down within my dissertation notebook. It 

was our first day in Palau and I did not have a single interview scheduled. My mom, sister and I 

strolled from the sandy beach to the unpaved dirt road and then over a small bridge. My mother 

stopped as we made it to the other side and began to speak, reminiscing about her friend who had 

passed away less than 3 months earlier. My mom looked out into a space full of freely growing 

vegetation and fallen leaves, sheaths, and coconuts. Looking out at this place, she mentioned 

where her friend’s house had been. She told my sister and I that the previous summer that we 

were there, her friend mentioned to her “Sint (my mom) you know our footprints are all over 

here.”  

The methodology guided by this metaphor orients me to face the past in order to take the 

narrative forward (Andreotti et al., 2017). I am retracing footprints in order to see the changes 

that have happened along the way. The remainder of this dissertation takes you through a journey 

of understanding how Palau knowledge is incorporated into Palau Community College. It is a 

41 

journey where I walk alongside collaborators individually as they bring me through the paths that 

they have taken. The story then invites the collaborators take a walk together. Each chapter is 

another step that we, collaborators, myself and all of our relations take together to understand the 

past that then brings us into the present. I recognize that many people have walked this path and I 

tried my best to illuminate their footprints and identify steps of possibility. 

Indigenous Axiology  

 

Along this circular journey to understand Indigenous methodology, it is also important to 

include a discussion on Indigenous axiology.  Axiology is concerned with the values and ethics 

guiding the search for knowledge (Wilson, 2008). Therefore, returning to the definition of 

epistemology, how we come to know, in Indigenous Knowledge is impacted by axiology 

questions such as what is ethical in the pursuit of the knowledge as well as what the knowledge 

will be used for. As mentioned before, Indigenous axiology must maintain relational 

accountability, meaning “that the methodology must be based in a community context (be 

relational) and has to demonstrate respect, reciprocity, and responsibility (be accountable as it is 

put into action)” (Wilson, 2008, p. 99). The following values are some of the principles of the 

traditional education system in Palau as described by the Palauan Society of Historians (1997).  

These values are shared amongst various Indigenous peoples and through the practice of 

relational accountability will be discussed within the context of Palau. Indigenous scholars also 

discuss the values in scholarly research. They include 1) Omenguul (respect) 2) Ngerachel 

(responsibility); and 3) Klechubechub (care and compassion).  

Omenguul (Respect) 

 

Omenguul was implanted and developed in the hearts of young Palauans in traditional 

times. Parents first taught this in the home and then children would honor their parents through 

42 

enacting respect with extended family members and with others within the village (Palauan 

Society of Historians, 1997). The popular Micronesian story of two brothers, Rongolap and 

Rongechik, reflect the importance of obedience and respect.  Specifically, the story instructs us 

to have respect for one’s father, teacher, environment and fellow human beings and “of course 

great love and respect for the canoe” (Cholmay, 2013, p. 68). Linda Smith, a Maori scholar, 

writes that “the term respect is consistently used by Indigenous peoples to underscore the 

significance of our relationships and humanity” (p.125). Respect within this study necessitates 

relationship building with the ideas and people involved in the study and identification of and 

guidance from Elders and Indigenous scholars. It also means respecting research as Cholmay 

(2013) does, beginning her collection of her data with giving thanks and asking permission to 

share sacred knowledge and culture. 

Ngerachel (Responsibility for Duties) 

 

In Palauan culture, one’s responsibilities were given at home and learned through 

observation and then experience. This included working within the taro patches or going fishing 

(Palauan Society of Historians, 1997). Cree scholar, Shawn Wilson (2008), describes 

methodology as a way of gaining more knowledge. He further insists that research within 

Indigenous communities must approach research with an interest to build relationship with an 

ultimate goal of providing results that are useful for the community. Indigenous scholars 

highlight a commitment to community and an understanding that in this relationship there are 

responsibilities on both sides. Wilson (2001) further probes researchers to ponder, “[w]hat are 

my obligations in this relationship” (p. 177).    

43 

Ulekerreu ma Klechubechub (Care, Love and Compassion) 

 

Receiving visitors and treating others with compassion was instilled in Palauan youth. 

Within research this would reflect relational accountability and recognition that we must have 

compassion for all life.  Klechubechub can be explained as the “belief that as we receive from 

others, we must also offer to others” (Hart, 2010). Compassion upholds the value of reciprocity, 

where giving back to the community is always at the forefront of the research.   

Figure 2. Indigenous Research Paradigm Model 

INDIGENOUS 
ONTOLOGY 

INDIGENOUS 
AXIOLOGY 

INDIGENOUS 
EPISTEMOLOGY 
Experience, Language, 

Subconscious 

INDIGENOUS 
METHODOLOGY 
Relational Understanding & 
Accountability (Wilson, 2008) 

 

METHODS 

 

Methods 

The methods section focuses on how I gathered individual stories and information for this 

study. The following discussion provides information about collaborators, cheldecheduch 

(interviews), meeting location, field notes and observations, and archival documents. 

44 

Subsequently, there will be a discussion of research protocol. The section concludes with 

discussion on data analysis.  

Collaborators 

 

Within this dissertation, I will refer to the Palauans who shared their stories with me for 

this dissertation as collaborators. Throughout this dissertation journey, the term participant was 

not a word that I felt fit the relationship that I developed with Palauans in this study. I tried to 

avoid using the term as much as I could, using ‘individual’ or ‘Palauan’ instead. I later attended a 

conference where the term collaborator was utilized to describe the individuals who Indigenous 

scholar, Nizhoni Chow-Garcia (2019) interviewed for her study. The term collaborator best 

honors the contributions of the Palauans who shared their personal stories and also imparted 

information to me in a way that also acknowledged my responsibility as a Palauan to honor 

Palauan Knowledge.  

I arrived in Palau to conduct my study without a scheduled interview. I had made 

attempts to contact individuals and was unable to set anything up. I traveled to Palau by way of 

Michigan, California, Hawaii, and Guam. On this long journey to Palau I made up my mind to 

spend as much time at Palau Community College as I could. I also talked more in depth with my 

family about the goals of my study. On the second day of our visit, my aunt who is an 

elementary school teacher, informed me that the 8th grade class was touring Palau Community 

College that day. I immediately got my dissertation materials together and traveled with my 

sister to the college. The school bus left ahead of us, so I joined my cousin and his class midway 

through their tour. The tour encompassed visiting most of the programs within the buildings they 

were housed. Some of the programs included nursing, criminal justice, construction, and 

information technology. While on the tour, I spoke with some of the instructors and college 

45 

students mentioning my study. The career fair was the last part of the tour and this is where I met 

many of the collaborators.  

In total, I engaged with nine Belauans and each of the collaborators had different 

relationships to the college. Their roles in relation to the college included community members 

active in college related programs/activities, administrators, faculty/instructors, staff, students, 

and alumni. Several of the collaborators had more than one connection to Palau Community 

College. In the next chapter, I provide a brief discussion of the nine Palauans. While not 

mentioned in the collaborator section in the next chapter, my family and friends are also 

contributors in co-constructing this story about Palauan Knowledge and Palau Community 

College. It is through their stories that Palauan Knowledge was first passed on to me and so it 

naturally flows into and throughout this dissertation. As mentioned, in my methodology story 

within Chapter 1, my family’s footprints are all over Palau. Their footprints are evoked through 

storytelling, revealed in the subconscious, learned through instruction and observation and done 

in relationship with land. With the latter, land is also a collaborator and out of respect and 

responsibility, I made sure to also bring in my experiences in traditional learning spaces to center 

Palauan indigeneity for myself and also to listen, get lost and learn.  So, through these 

relationships with 1) Palau Community College collaborators, 2) family and friends 3) and land I 

was able to share this story of Indigenous Knowledge in Palau and specifically within Palau 

Community College.  

Cheldecheduch (Interview) 

The method of collecting stories of Indigenous Knowledge respects the oral tradition of 

storytelling that historically and still currently carries Indigenous Knowledge from generation to 

generation. In Indigenous cultures, storytelling is a teaching tool and therefore stories told in 

46 

research are teaching tools as well (Iseke, 2013).  Mcleod (2001) describes the colonization and 

exploitation of Indigenous people, separated them physically, mentally, and spiritually from 

home. It is through storytelling that Indigenous people can experience “coming home” (p. 21). 

Home represents Indigenous tradition, language, culture, and land. Furthermore, “to come home 

through stories is to anchor [Indigenous people] in the world” as well as preserve the dignity of 

an Indigenous person (p. 33).  

The storytelling method is known by different names across Indigenous cultures as well 

as is a method touted by Western frameworks. For Belau and this research study, my primary 

method of data collection is cheldecheduch. Traditionally, cheldecheduch is a practice where an 

estate is settled after an individual has passed. It is generally translated to mean speech, 

discussion, discourse, or a meeting and is a time when elders pass on oral histories to younger 

members of their family (Soaladaob, 2010). The use of cheldecheduch allows for relational 

accountability to people and setting. Soaladaob (2010) presents cheldecheduch as a discourse 

methodology that can represent different levels, both formal and informal conversation. As I 

mentioned, family and land are sources of information for this dissertation. I therefore met in 

Indigenous places of learning to learn from them. This included the home, the beaches, stone 

paths, and the mesei (taro patch). I was in taro fields with my relatives and adhered to my place 

as the younger woman, listening, observing and taking direction (experiencing). Indigenous 

scholars mention that out of respect for Elders sometimes you may not enter with a set of 

questions nor use recording device if not permitted (Wilson, 2003). I intend to seek consent prior 

to any recordings. 

 

  

47 

Meeting Location  

Locations for interviews were chosen by the collaborator. Some collaborators chose to 

meet in the library and others were able to meet in their office or conference room on Palau 

Community College’s campus. In line with traditional and contemporary Palauan practice, 

monetary gifts were given to collaborators as a symbol of thanks. The next section details 

information of the settings that collaborators have experience in, that are also potential meetings 

locations.  

  

Field Notes and Observations  

The method of field notes was important for my study because they put me in 

relationship with all aspects of the research. Field notes provided reflection before, during and 

after engaging with collaborators. They were helpful in gathering initial impressions (tastes, 

smells, sounds, look and feel of the environment), keeping particular focus on the key topics for 

the study, and capturing observational notes where what is important to the collaborators 

overshadows the personal reactions of the researcher (Emerson et al., 1995). I had my notebook 

with me but limited the note taking out of the respect garnered from deep listening and 

observation. The field notes served to honor the relationship to both environment and people 

such that: (1) an understanding of the location of the meeting helped me to illuminate the proper 

cultural protocol attached to the location where the interview took place and (2) an understanding 

of how the social status of the collaborator in relation to me influenced the interaction. I also 

include notes from ceremonies, rituals and cultural practices that I took part in as well as 

journaling visions and dreams that I had or that others shared with me.    

48 

Archival Documents  

Archival data reflect existing records I was able to be selective of what to examine and 

include in the data analysis (McBurney & White, 2004). It provided me with both historical and 

contemporary insights about Palau Community College. Much of the documents I received from 

my visit to the Micronesian-Pacific Collection in PCC’s library. I was given the small booklet 

with the Palauan Constitution. Also, I was able get some pictures of newsletters, articles and 

book chapters (story of Lee Boo). I also received pamphlets from Belau Museum form one of the 

collaborators, Sholeh. One of the pamphlets addressed Palauan pregnancy and birth practices: 

omesurech (hot bath after first birth), omengat (steaming with medicinal plants), mo-tuobed (or 

Ngasech is the celebration of arrival of first child). Other pamphlets covered omenged (fishing), 

and building bai (traditional meeting house). I also purchased the book, Many Voices, One 

Dream: From Mokko to Palau Community College by Floyd Takeuchi as well as the book of 

poetry, The Palauan Perspectives by Hermana Ramarui. Thomas another collaborator provided 

me with several books published by the Cooperative Research and Extension office. 

Research Protocol Considerations 

At the beginning of cheldecheduch, the anonymity of participants may not be culturally 

appropriate (Wilson, 2003; Thomas, 2005). Naming attaches the authentic self to one’s own 

personal story. Names are important because they denote honor, convey ranking, hold purpose, 

and connect individuals to ancestors. The separation of this is connected to the historical legacy 

of colonizers imposing and stripping the identity of Indigenous people and thus breaking 

relational ties. On the other hand, I also understand the position in which anonymity might be 

requested, such that to protect the names and families from readers of these stories who may 

misconstrue what is said. Therefore, I recognize that it is not my place to decide on whether 

49 

pseudonyms will be used, but rather I gave participants a choice and allow that choice to be 

changed anytime during and after the cheldecheduch and research process. 

Co-constructing the Main Story 

In analysis, relational accountability to human, spirit and inanimate beings must be 

carefully communicated. Wilson (2003) in his comments on data analysis poses the following 

question: what relationships help hold the ideas together? Furthermore, he insists that the 

analysis must be focused on synthesis rather than the deconstruction of ideas. The ultimate goal, 

then was to build relationships that provide useful results for the community. Through the data 

collection process, in other words, “the process of ‘coming home’ through stories could be 

thought of as the experience of discerning the liminal space between [Indigenous] culture and the 

mainstream society” (Mcleod, 2001, p. 20).  

Transcription 

The interviews were renamed, filed and organized to ease the transcription process. I 

transcribed the data without any transcription service as I was wary of any misinterpretations due 

to accents and lack of knowledge of Palauan language. For recordings where Palauan was 

spoken, I sought the assistance of a Palauan student to ensure that I had the right translation. This 

helped with my limited knowledge of Palauan language, grammar and spelling, thereby assisting 

with accuracy and enhancing the research process.  

Storytelling  

During this process of storytelling, I was attentive to those key concepts and values 

espoused in Indigenous ontology, epistemology, methodology and axiology. Shawn Wilson 

(2003) insists on a synthesis rather than the deconstruction of ideas in the analysis process. 

50 

Wilson’s (2008) quote often came to mind throughout my own as well as the storytelling of 

others within the writing of this dissertation. The quote reads: 

While I may be the one who is the storyteller…the knowledge that I present does not belong 

to me or even to the amalgamation of us friends who participated in the research…the 

knowledge is part of the relationships between us and cannot be owned (p.121). 

I have already defined this dissertation as engaging the footprints of many from the past, present 

and eventual future. It is therefore a collective story I narrate that is both about and is, itself, 

Palauan Knowledge.  

With relational accountability in mind, I listened to recordings to illuminate stories that 

honored relationships to Palauan Knowledge, the main topic of this study. I entered in 

conversations with other Indigenous scholars and especially those from Oceania. These scholars 

pushed me to see the research with an Indigenous lens and specifically in alignment with Palauan 

ways of knowing, being and doing. I found myself longing to be present with the collaborators 

again as I read through transcriptions. To come close to this, I on many occasions returned to the 

recordings and to simply listen. I did not write during the listening session, but instead was 

focused on the tone and on the words. I reviewed my field notes on the location of the interview 

and listened to the sounds in the background as I visualized the location where the interview took 

place. During this time, it helped to close my eyes so that I could remove some of the noise from 

my current position to better visualize both collaborator and place.  

In the midst of reviewing collaborator narratives, stories arose from within my learning 

and experience. These personal stories were steppingstones guiding me along the journey of 

writing this dissertation. The stories derived from the experiences that I was simultaneously 

having in Indigenous places of learning. These stories were observations of the land as I took 

51 

walks around my home, hiked up and down ancient stone paths, strolled on the beach to watch 

the sunrise and explored Palau Community College. The stories anchored me in my relationship 

with collaborators and my relationship to this dissertation.  

I took all the data (recordings, field notes, and archived data) and created visual 

representations (pictures and diagrams) to help me make sense of the many stories from 

collaborators. I drew circles and spirals that represented the non-linear process I found in the 

stories of collaborators as well as with my own process. This drawing included the words: re-

centering, unlearning, negotiating, remembering, reconnecting, and listening. I created another 

visual representation that captured the story of the mesei (taro patch) based on my conversations, 

observations and time with my mamang (grandmother) and aunts. The sketch included taro, 

proverb, Palauan chants and legends (see Appendix I). An important visual for me was that of 

the map of Palau that illustrated a snapshot of Palauan lineage of each of the collaborators and I 

included myself. I mapped the collaborators based on the state within Palau where their parents 

were from. Palau Community College and Palau’s capital were also indicated on the map. The 

map also showed all the states within the island of Babeldaob which held many of the stories 

about Palauan Knowledge. It aligns with relational accountability and helped me to think about 

the connections that collaborators had with each other, any relationship to me as well as any 

association with the location of the community college or to the island of Babeldaob.  

As I walked alongside each of the collaborators, their stories revealed both similar and 

divergent paths. These paths at times connected to footprints from Indigenous scholars in my 

review of literature and then also added some new and interesting insights. I also followed some 

paths that are yet to be told because they are not meant for this dissertation story. Still other paths 

were sacred such that a written account would not be in proper relationship to either hold or pass 

52 

on the story. Scholars caution that not all Indigenous Knowledge can be shared (Smith, 1999; 

Wright & Balutski, 2016) and so some I guard as knowledge specifically for my family and 

others I do not make widely accessible so that narratives are not misappropriated or 

misinterpreted.  

 

Lastly, dreams and visions were both sources of knowledge and sources of support in 

interpreting the narratives of collaborators. During this process I was attentive to the dreams and 

visions that I could remember and wrote them down in my notebook. I often talked to my mother 

about these dreams and she would often provide Palauan interpretations to the dream or aspects 

of the dream. After her passing, I still talked to her this time in expectations that she would 

respond later in a memory or dream. In order to focus I also turned to meditation in order to give 

over control to gain understandings from recordings, drawings, and my written streams of 

consciousness. 

 

 

53 

CHAPTER 5: BACKGROUND: PALAU COMMUNITY COLLEGE AND 

COLLABORATORS 

In my many visits to Palau, I passed by Palau Community College (PCC) on my way to 

visit my family or to run errands for my mamang in Koror. I barely noticed the college and 

therefore did not know its story. Ten years later, I have spent a considerable amount of time 

learning about Palau Community College, through conversations, research and observation. My 

understanding of the way in which Palau Community College integrated Palauan Knowledge 

could not have been possible without the stories of the past. This chapter takes you on a journey 

that reveals the colonial footprints held within the history of Palau Community College. The 

story traces its beginnings with the Japanese administration to the American administration and 

then to today, as an institution in the sovereign country of Palau. Along the way to becoming a 

community college, PCC subsisted through a violent and destructive war and its name was 

changed five times. Following the historical account of Palau Community College, are brief 

profiles of the collaborators revealing their connections to the PCC (student, faculty, staff, 

alumni, and/or community member), how we met and how collaborators define Palauan 

Knowledge. I challenge readers to picture Palauan Knowledge – language, land, people, water, 

genealogy – while listening to the stories within this chapter. The hope is that this introduction 

will provide the footing necessary to walk in better relationship and understanding of the ideas 

presented in subsequent chapters.  

Palau Community College 

 

Palau Community College’s journey reflects the political and economic transformation 

over time in Palau as well as within the Pacific region. Schooling is part of the colonial legacy 

from settler nations that came to Palau: Germany, Japan, and the United States. Most of the 

54 

background provided in this chapter will focus on Japan and the United States who had the most 

far-reaching influence on learning in Palau.  The following section serves to provide background 

for the development of Palau’s only post-secondary institution, Palau Community College.  

Education was a byproduct of the “World Powers” campaign to occupy islands in 

Oceania.  The primary aim was to obtain authority over Palau (and other Micronesia islands) for 

militaristic leverage (Richard, 1957). Schooling, then, became a tool used to assimilate Palauans 

to the values and ideals of the World Power. In order to understand how Palau Community 

College came into existence, it is important to include the development of formal schooling on 

the island. There is no community college without the establishment of education systems for 

children. These schools would serve a significant role in suppressing Palauan Knowledge. As 

mentioned, militarization is the impetus for foreign presence in the islands and it is the military 

who also initiated schooling during both the Japanese and American period of rule. Since Palau 

was a “prize” of battle, it is the military who first established order in the transition following 

war (Pobutsky et al., 2005). The impacts of military development and warfare have resulted in 

significant loss of indigenous education and knowledge. What follows next is not only a 

historical account but a story about the violence experienced by Palauan people and land as well 

as the damage done to the relationship between Palauan land and people. The story of Palau 

Community College follows a timeline of post-war development leading to the development of 

advanced education. In this chapter, I discuss the origins of Palau Community College following 

World War I, starting with the Japanese Administration’s school: Mokko Tote Yoseijo. At the 

end of World War II, Mokko transitions to the Micronesian Occupational Center under the 

American Administration. This section concludes with a discussion of Palau Community College 

following Palau’s move towards independence.  

55 

Japanese Administration: Mokko Totei Yoseijo 

The origin of Palau Community College is traced to the period of time (1914-1940s) 

when Palau was one of several Micronesian islands in Japan’s League of Nations South Pacific 

Mandate (Genz, et al., 2016). Japan saw the Pacific Islands, including Palau as a strategic 

economic and military position and therefore after World War I took over the islands from 

Germany. A transformation in learning and instruction began to take shape with the founding of 

the first school by the Japanese military in 1915 (Mita, 2009). Maki Mita (2009) provides a 

historical account of Palau under Japanese rule through the stories of Palauan elders whose lives 

as children were greatly impacted by forced attendance in Japanese schools. The Japanese 

military created the first schools and in 1918, schooling was transitioned to civilian 

administration with a honka (basic course) and hoshuka (advanced course) curriculum structure 

for students, ages eight to twelve. By 1918 there were five schools across the islands of Palau: 

Koror, Melekeok, Peleliu, Anguar, and Ngaraard. Later in 1922, the League of Nations became 

governed by Nanyo-cho and thereafter a clear division of schooling in Palau was established. 

Palauan students who spoke Japanese as a second language, attended schools named kogakko 

that utilized honka/hoshuka curriculum. On the other hand, Japanese children in Palau attended 

schools called kokumingakko. These schools aimed to make moral, health and living 

improvements. Mita (2009) asserts that outside of the Japanese stated purposes of schooling, it 

was clear from assemblies, curriculum and the presence of Japanese educators that the unspoken 

aim was to force obedience to Japan and its emperor.  

 Palauan children were forced to attend school or else their parents would be punished 

and jailed for not complying (Mita, 2009). Furthermore, those students not living in Koror, who 

were the few selected to attend advanced courses in Kogakko Koror would be further 

56 

disconnected from their families having to travel by boat as well as live in dormitories. 

Additionally, students were instructed in the Japanese language while many schools also 

prohibited Palauan from being spoken. Mechas Veronica Remeriang Kazuma recounted in 

Mita’s (2009) study that her Japanese teacher would assign a Palauan student called Kangotoban 

(language watcher). This student would police peers during class and recess, reporting the names 

of students who spoke Palauan to teachers so that they would be disciplined. Stories from those 

who lived under Japanese administration revealed a goal of assimilation to Japanese ways of 

knowing, being and doing through instruction in Japanese geography, mathematics, and history 

(Mita, 2009). Additionally, Palauan students were expected to honor Japanese authority instead 

of Palauan leadership with daily assembly recitations of “We are the children of the emperor, we 

will be splendid Japanese” (Mita, 2009, p. 22). 

Once a primary and secondary schooling system was in place, Japan looked to continue 

education for a very elite group of students. The school would be located in the bustling center of 

Palau: the city of Koror. Here, they opened a carpentry apprenticeship trade school called Mokko 

Totei Yoseijo for 15 students, selected from the different Micronesian islands in the Japanese 

Mandate (Mita, 2009). Carpentry was the initial course, and then administration added 

mechanics and civil engineering. The apprenticeship introduced new ways of knowing, being 

and doing through Japanese skills, tools, and measurements (Mita, 2009). When Japan joined the 

Axis Alliance in World War II, Mokko students were enlisted to support the Japanese military. 

They served in various roles, utilizing the skills they honed during their Mokko training and were 

assets due to their knowledge of the Palauan landscape.  

The influences of Mokko Totei Yoseijo are ever present in Palauan society and within 

Palau Community College. The skill of carving continues through Palauan storyboards and 

57 

Japanese buildings can be found across the many islands of Palau. I mention these two colonial 

legacies because they connect to key aspects of my dissertation story. Storyboard carvings are 

popular art pieces in Palau with the artform reclaimed to keep alive and carve Palauan legends, 

traditionally passed down in the oral tradition or painted on a bai (traditional meeting house). 

Another interesting fact is what I learned while walking with Patrick around the campus.  He 

informed me that the college’s administration building served as a Japanese hospital during 

World War II and close by this building is a sealed entrance to a hidden tunnel system that 

secretly transported wounded Japanese soldiers from the ocean. The buildings on PCC’s campus 

and the tunnels beneath it represent the lingering footprints of colonial rule. To summarize, 

colonial narratives from the Japanese administration provide insight into how Palauan 

Knowledge was impacted by land theft and institutional assimilation. Strict requirements for 

schooling suppressed any presence of Palauan Knowledge and buildings were constructed on 

land taken to serve military/empire needs and settler places of learning. 

American Administration: Micronesian Occupational Center (MOC) 

Following the Allies victory in World War II in 1945, Palau once again was under 

military rule with the United States Navy providing interim governance over the islands. Palau 

along with the other Micronesian islands formerly under the Japanese Mandate (Guam, Mariana 

Islands, Wa’ab/Yap, Pohnepei, Chuuk, Kosrae, and the Marshall Islands) were assigned by the 

United Nations to the United States. The distinct islands were identified as six districts and called 

the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (TTPI).  An early initiative of the U.S. Naval 

government included establishing a system for elementary education, and a plan to encourage 

Palauans to pursue higher education (Tellei, 2005). In 1951 management of the islands was 

passed from the navy onto the U.S. Department of Interior (Richard, 1957).  While under 

58 

territorial control, the United States was charged with promoting social, political and economic 

advancement in the territories.  

 Amidst the major island groups, the United States set up stations or occupational centers 

that had either a technical and or career focused mission (Uriarte, 2010; Rechebei, 2003). At the 

same time, there was also an uptick in funding for education initiatives by the Kennedy 

administration that sent American teachers to Micronesia through Peace Corp programming. In 

terms of the occupational centers, while Micronesians worked within administration many of the 

department heads and teachers were expatriates. As a result, the Japanese apprenticeship school, 

Mokko Totei Yoseijo, was reopened and renamed Palau Intermediate School with carpentry, 

boatbuilding, and a homemaking curriculum. Seven years later the school transformed into Palau 

Vocational School (1955-1968). In 1969, there was yet another transition when the vocational 

school became a two-year vocational/technical institution and was renamed Micronesian 

Occupational Center. A couple years later in 1972, the occupational center began the process to 

obtain full accreditation by the Accrediting Commissions for Community College and Junior 

Colleges (ACCJC) of Western Association of Schools and Colleges (WASC) and received 

approval five years later in 1977 (Uriarte, 2010). Still, more changes, re-organization and 

renaming were to come. 

On March 29, 1977, Trust Territory Public Law No. 7-29, amended later by Public Law 

7-130, created the College of Micronesia as a public corporation under its own Board of 

Regents. The law, which took effect October 1, 1977, joined into a single post-secondary 

educational system the Micronesian Occupational Center and the Community College of 

Micronesia (which included the CCM-affiliated School of Nursing). In May 1978, 

Micronesian Occupational Center officially became Micronesian Occupational College, a 

59 

distinct and complementary part of the College of Micronesia. (Palau Community 

College, 2015, p. 11).  

Micronesian Occupational College in Palau was a satellite site of the Community College of 

Micronesia that served the six Micronesian island districts in the Trust territory. The Community 

College of Micronesia received considerable support from various U.S. departments (Education, 

Interior, etc.) including funding from the Department of Agriculture that followed a designation 

as a 1980 Land Grant institution (Micronesia Land Grant, 2019).  

In the 1970s, the trust territory would start the process of voting on the status of their 

relationship with the United States (Tellei, 2005). Palau decided to pursue their own constitution 

and therefore a separate Compact of Free Association with the United States in 1994. The signed 

compacts produced yet another transition for Micronesian Occupational College. The centers and 

stations across the former Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands that formerly made up the 

Community College of Micronesia developed into three separate community colleges. Even 

though there are three distinct colleges, a treaty unified them under a public corporation known 

as the College of Micronesia (Lerner & Drier, 1990). This treaty allowed the community colleges 

to retain their U.S. Land Grant Status with funds going to the public corporation that would then 

disperse funds to the three different institutions.  

It is during the United States administration that interdependence becomes the byproduct 

of the “advancements” made to supposedly assist Palau and other islands in recovering after their 

land and bodies were used and sacrificed for foreign wars. Interdependence exists because Palau 

has a valuable asset that the U.S. needed: a vast ocean to flex their military might. 

Interdependence crept in through Western K-12 and post-secondary systems. It was bolstered by 

the approval of U.S. accrediting body and enticed by renewable funding opportunities. This 

60 

interdependence illuminates lasting constraints on how Palauan Knowledge may show up in the 

institution. The next discussion moves to a new era with an independent Palau and yet another 

name change for its only higher education institution.  

Independent Nation: Palau Community College 

In 1993, Micronesian Occupational College became an independent college with its own 

board and was renamed Palau Community College. It is located in the downtown city of Koror in 

the Republic of Palau. The college enrollment in 2015 was 627 students of which 99% of the 

students are from the Pacific Islands with 76% from Palau and 23% from other Micronesian 

islands (Palau Community College, 2018). The college’s website provides the following mission 

statement and education philosophy:   

Palau Community College is an accessible public educational institution helping to meet 

the technical, academic, cultural, social, and economic needs of students and 

communities by promoting learning opportunities and developing personal excellence. 

PCC’s mission is to educate and enable students to cope with changing societies, and to 

prepare those interested to enter the workforce or to pursue higher education beyond 

PCC. (Palau Community College, 2015, p.12).  

The language of instruction in the college is English. Palauan is spoken in some of the 

Palauan Studies courses. All in all, the CoFA agreement asserts an emphasis for advancing 

quality in the education systems of the island. Palau Community College is therefore accredited 

by a U.S. agency (ACCJC WASC). This accreditation is important for transferability of courses 

in articulation agreements with colleges and universities in the United States, as well as an 

eligibility requirement for U.S. grant applications and Federal Financial Aid. 

61 

A rarity of community college campuses, Palau Community College has on-campus 

student housing. The facilities at Palau Community College serve faculty, staff and students 

affiliated with the college in addition to national purposes. The track and field is actually the 

Palau’s National Track utilized for nation-wide sporting events and practices. Government 

departments have offices on campus grounds including Palau Language Commission. The Tan 

Siu Lin Library is the largest in the country and is open to everyone in Palau (Palau Community 

College, n.d.). It includes the Micronesian-Pacific Collection that carries special materials from 

all over Micronesia. The collection was established in 1994 and consists of books, journals, 

maps, audio/visual and digital items, newspapers and government reports and documents 

(Micronesia Pacific Collection, n.d.).  

Funding 

According to Palau Community College’s audit report (2018), it receives an appropriated 

budget ($2.4 million) approved by Olbiil Era Kelulau (Palau National Congress) and the 

College’s Board of Trustees. The college also receives revenue through tuition and fees as well 

as obtains funding from U.S. departmental grants. A majority of the operating revenue comes 

from U.S. department grants ($3.2 million). PCC received funding in 2018 from the University 

of Hawaii John A. Burns School of Medicine through a collaborative project grant funded by the 

Health Resources and Services Administration (HRSA) within the U.S. Department of Health 

and Human Services (HHS). Additionally, from the 2018 audit report, PCC received grant 

dollars from US. Department of Interior for joint training of Palauan government and PCC 

employees and monies from the U.S. Department of Agriculture for Maintenance Assistance 

Program (MAP) funding for PCC Food and Agriculture Science program. Specifically, through 

the Department of Education, Palau Community receives grants from the following programs: 

62 

Asian American Native American Pacific Islander Serving Institution (AANAPISI), Talent 

Search, and Upward Bound. The college previously received funding through the department’s 

College Access Challenge Grant Program (U.S. Department of Education, 2019; Palau 

Community College, 2018). It is also important to note that for eligible Palauan citizens as a part 

of the Palau’s COFA agreement, federal financial aid is available through the U.S. Department 

of Education programs: Pell grant, Supplemental Educational Opportunity Grant Program 

(SEOG) and Work Study. Those citizens of the Republic of Marshall Islands and Federated 

States of Micronesia also receive U.S. federal financial aid, however their CoFA agreement only 

provides student funding through the Pell grant program. 

Lastly, the College established an endowment fund in 1998 that is entrusted to the 

college’s Board of Trustees. The fund is in place to support future stability and programming in 

the college. It currently has $5.1 million, with a goal to use interests from the fund for college 

programming and objectives, once it reaches $10 million. The fund has received donations from 

Palauan and foreign companies as well as any individual working in Palau can sign up to have a 

set amount of money deducted from their paychecks. The college also holds different fundraising 

events throughout the year (Palau Community College, 2018). 

Academic Programs 

The community college has 21 accredited degree programs across three schools: 1) 

School of Arts & Sciences, 2) School of Business, and 3) School of Technical Education. 

Students can receive an Associate of Arts Degree (AS), Associate of Applied Science Degree 

(AAS), Associate of Science Degree (AS), and Associate of Technical Studies Degree (ATS) in 

various programs (see Appendix G). The main programs of study include education and tourism. 

63 

The campus has articulation agreements with 15 colleges in the United States and three 

universities in Japan (see Appendix H). 

In collaboration with San Diego State University’s Center for Pacific Studies, a 

bachelor’s and master’s degree is offered. Other institutions are housed or provide services on 

the campus including Penn Foster Career School, National Occupational Competency Testing 

Institute, and Pacific Islands University.  

Other Programs 

As previously mentioned while under American administration, the College of 

Micronesia served as a public corporation amongst the Micronesian Trust Territory islands 

(Guam, Mariana Islands, Marshall Islands, Yap, Chuuk, Kosrae, Pohnpei, and Palau). The public 

corporation continues to be recognized as having U.S. Land Grant status through the CoFA 

agreements, resulting in stream of funding for agriculture research in Micronesia. The College of 

Micronesia exists within the U.S. Land grant system as the only consortium of colleges. The 

Cooperative Research and Extension (CRE) is PCC’s office that administers the land grant 

activities. It has four divisions: 1) Agriculture, 2) Family & Consumer Education, 3) Natural 

Resources & Environmental Education Division, and 4) Enriched Food and Nutrition Education 

Program. CRE has three initiatives: Research (Agriculture Experiment Station), Extension (CRE) 

and Residential Instruction (Palau Community College, 2015) 

Palau Community College also offers Adult School allowing people to obtain a high 

school diploma. Those attending Adult School can chose from two tracks: 1) Vocational and 2) 

College Preparation. The college also offers non-credit courses including a non-instrumental 

navigational course.  

64 

Summary of Palau Community College Section 

The stories provided within this section offers context for the development of Palau 

Community College. It is layered by a legacy of colonization and imperialism where Palau and 

other Micronesian islands were viewed as colonial prizes of war (Pobutsky et al., 2005). Through 

World War I and II, Palau was propelled into a global battle for superiority between World 

Powers. Their land and livelihood was sacrificed and reduced as sites of military training, staging 

and combat. When war tensions lessened stabilization of the islands resulted in the introduction 

of settler ways of being, knowing and doing. Education systems were established to create a 

foundation of settler knowledges through primary and secondary education with the creation of 

advanced education through apprenticeship, vocational/technical school and then community 

college.  

Schooling was a means to build a World Power’s dominance, exporting their values and 

worldviews. The exchange was not reciprocal. Japanese rule involved a forceful removal of 

Palauan youth to schools where students were conditioned into strict obedience to Japanese 

leadership and where Palauan language was marginalized and forbidden. School and other 

official Japanese buildings were constructed disrupting the ways of knowing connected to 

relationships between land, water and people. I included the details of the Japanese 

administration because the youth forced into schooling are the parents and the grandparents of 

the collaborators within this study. My grandfather is one of these people, who spoke Japanese 

and was trained to be a builder. His generation is one who was impacted on a large scale by 

foreign schooling. Their ability to keep Palauan Knowledge alive amidst intentional silencing 

lays the foundation for resisting, reconnecting and reclaiming Palauan Knowledge within Palau 

Community College and all over the island of Palau.  

65 

The time under American authority established the current American style system of 

education on the island. Through an influx of money, expatriates and knowledge, Palau 

Community College transitioned from an intermediate school, then vocational/technical school, 

later to occupational center, then occupational college and finally to community college. Along 

these transitions, additional imperatives were advanced to provide valuable exposure to 

American culture, society and government as well as measuring citizens of the territories 

according to U.S. standards of success (Smith, 1969; U.S. Department of Interior, 1978). The 

history of Japanese and American influence as well as a continued relationship through 

American accreditation and funding allows us to better understand the site under discussion 

within this study. What follows next is background information for the Palauan collaborators 

who shared narratives about Palauan Knowledge, Palau Community College and Palau.  

Profiles of Collaborators 

I had the honor to speak with Palauans who are connected to the Palau Community 

College in different and overlapping roles including student, community member, instructor, 

alumni, and administrator. The aim of this section is to provide some introductory information 

about the collaborators.  The collaborators were born between 1950 and 1990, a time when a 

U.S.-influenced K-12 system served as a main source of American influence. Each one of them 

attended primary school in Palau. It is their secondary and higher education stories that are 

divergent.  I provide some insight within their descriptions of how each of the collaborators 

defined Palauan Knowledge. After the individual introductions, I reflect on the collaborators 

collectively. 

66 

Julita  

I first met Julita in the Belochel building (PCC’s cafeteria) during a college fair where 

she was tabling for the Palauan Studies program. She described her role at PCC as a community 

liaison or consultant who is invited to speak in the Palauan Studies courses. Before her 

conversation with me, Julita revealed her continuing work with Palauan Knowledge as she told 

me she had just finished a meeting with an archaeologist who is in Palau for a project to study 

Palauan terraces. Julita informed me that the project seeks to gather the stories surrounding the 

history and purpose of the terraces. 

A search to find connections is respected and valued, so as Julita and I walked towards 

the conference room for the interview, Julita engaged me in conversations about our family 

connections. Interweaved in conversations about Palauan Knowledge, Julita reminded and 

encouraged me to attend a kemeldiil (funeral) of our family member.  She went on to tell me that 

I would see Palauan Knowledge lived out through the ceremony.  

Of all of the collaborators, Julita went the furthest away from Palau for secondary 

education and spoke of this experience saying:  

I was an exchange student…There is one girl now since passed away and myself were the 

first American field service students from Palau. And in fact, from Micronesia, so there is 

two of us from Palau, two from Yap, and two from Saipan that is the current CNMI 

(Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands). I actually spent my senior year in high 

school in Ojai, CA. So, I grew up, I graduated and I spent four years in the local Catholic 

Midland High School and then I finished my senior year there.  

After spending time on the mainland, Julita made her way closer to Palau and attended the 

University of Hawaii at Manoa for both her bachelor’s and master’s degrees. Upon completion 

67 

of her degrees, she returned to Palau. Julita described herself as a student of Palauan Knowledge 

and of her own culture. She spoke of Palauan Knowledge as the terminology that you learn 

through relationships to land and to people. She characterized herself as a strong proponent for 

speaking the Palauan language and regarded genealogy as vital to Palauan traditions.  

Sholeh 

At the same college fair, I met the next collaborator, Sholeh, after Julita encouraged me 

to go to her table. She was outreaching to prospective students about the many resources at her 

job with Belau National Museum. Sholeh is an alumna of Palau Community College and 

currently works as the Herbarium Assistant, preserving Palauan Knowledge associated with plant 

life. She informed me that she was asked by administrators at Palau Community College to share 

information about what is available to learn at the museum as well any career opportunities. On 

her table, Sholeh had information of a new exhibit that incorporated Palauan Knowledge within 

the museum. She explained that the museum’s permanent exhibits bring visitors through foreign 

administrations: German, Spanish, Japanese, and American. Like Julita, Sholeh has worked with 

several projects to document Palauan Knowledge through interviews with elders.  

Sholeh and I are not related but we are similar in age and also have a Palauan mother and 

an American father. She explained that her mom demonstrated and passed on to her a love for 

plants and I instantly thought about my mother who has always shared a love of plants through 

gardening and visits to countless gardens. This was a reminder about how Palauan women are 

deeply connected to land.   

Education in Palau was more developed when Sholeh grew up with both public and 

private K-12 schools. She explained the different school cultures from her experience at a private 

Catholic school education at Midzenty (K-8) in contrast to that of her transition to Palau’s only 

68 

public secondary school, Palau High School. After high school graduation, Sholeh went on to 

study and graduate with a degree in marine biology from Palau Community College.  

Sholeh defined Palauan Knowledge as the legends that your family tell you that instill the 

lessons about how you interact and behave in Palauan society. She added that your relatives also 

pass on Palauan Knowledge connected to the environment and culture.  

Grace  

In order to collect my thoughts, I would sometimes go to the library where I would meet 

Grace. She is an alumna of Palau Community College and has worked there for over 20 years. 

When she graduated from PCC, her first job was as a librarian assistant organizing catalogue 

material. In, 2010, she moved to her current position still in PCC’s Tan Siu Lin library, 

specifically in the Micronesia-Pacific Collection. Her responsibilities include managing and 

collecting historical and current materials, articles, writings, and other artifacts that connect to 

Micronesia generally, with special emphasis on Palau.  

Grace is someone who I met during my pilot study and during that time she gave me an 

in-depth tour of the Micronesia-Pacific collection. I spent many hours going through the 

collection of dissertations and books. It was nice to talk to her and learn from someone who has a 

lot of knowledge about the institution. When I returned, she introduced me to even more material 

which I utilized as sources (archived documents) for this study.  

Grace’s educational experience was solely in Palau including attending Palau Community 

College where she received an Associate of Science degree in library science, a program she 

mentioned no longer exists. Palauan Knowledge for Grace was represented by Palauan customs, 

that is knowledge connected to kemeldiil (funeral) and first birth ceremony.  

69 

Hermana 

Hermana was the third person I met at the career fair. She is a guest lecturer in the 

Palauan Studies program and is involved in its summer programming for children. Hermana is a 

natural storyteller who has written a book of poems about imperialism and sovereignty in Palau 

entitled The Palauan Perspectives (1984). I instantly was drawn into Hermana’s storytelling as 

she had so many unique perspectives from her time in Guam and the arrogancy and ignorance 

she experienced from Americans’ perceptions of Palau’s “dependence” on the United States. She 

fought their unquestioned assertions and elevated Palauan way of being, knowing and doing 

within her poetry. At the end our conversation, she enthusiastically invited my sister and I to join 

the Palauan Studies course that she was lecturing in later that day. My sister and I attended, 

listened, laughed, and learned so much from her stories as well as from the collective group of 

students and instructors in the class. It was another day that I had no knowledge of how it would 

turn out, but it was very much a Palauan day spent in stories and in building additional and 

deeper relationships.  

Like Sholeh, Hermana attended a Catholic primary school in Palau, but to obtain her high 

school diploma Hermana had to go abroad like Julita though not as far just to the nearby island 

of Guam. After graduating from high school, she returned to Palau to work for a year at Palau 

elementary school and then attended Washington State University. The cold and long distance 

from Palau wore on her and she soon transferred to and received her bachelor’s degree from the 

University of Guam.  

Hermana spoke about Palauan Knowledge as those things that are important like history, 

and values like caring for elders and people as well as the expertise held by elders. She also 

70 

focused on the importance of learning Palauan language because she said it is the way you learn 

your culture.   

Elicita 

Elicita is the final collaborator that I met in the college’s cafeteria during the prospective 

student fair. She is the coordinator and instructor in the Palauan Studies program at Palau 

Community College and formerly was an English instructor at the college. Elicita described her 

current role as bringing people together to identify content for the different courses that made of 

the academic program. Some of the collaborators mentioned in this section (Julita, Mat, and 

Hermana) are community members that she invites to share stories in the Palauan Studies 

courses.  

It was truly an honor to meet Elicita and hear first-hand some pivotal stories of Palauan 

resistance. I could never have imagined that I would engage with a mechas (Elder woman) from 

the ethnographer accounts (dé Ishtar, 1994) I had read about in my review of literature at the 

beginning of my dissertation journey. I definitely reveled in her depictions of the Palauan 

matriarchal resolve to protect Palauan land, so evidently displaying the power of ancestral 

knowledge and Palauan women’s relationship to land.  

When describing Palauan Knowledge, Elicita focused on the knowledge that is connected 

to what is expected and required in Palauan society. She goes on to talk about learning traditional 

concepts like the chief system in Palau as well as the knowledge that supports a relationship and 

good stewardship of land. Palauan Knowledge she insists comes from an understanding of 

Palauan values of respect and responsibility.  

71 

Patrick 

Years prior to my study, I spoke to my mother about a potential study at Palau 

Community College. My mother then talked with my mamang (grandmother) who encouraged 

me to go and speak with my relative, Patrick, the community college president. My grandmother 

and mother accompanied me to the college to set meet with him. I was able to schedule a time to 

converse and spent almost two hours listening to stories about the college and about Palau. He is 

the one who encouraged me to think about my study in the context of my familial lineage and the 

village that my family is from. I am sure that my previous interest in transfer admissions would 

have gleaned interesting conversations but the time I took to reflect on his guidance, the stories 

he told and the knowledge he sent me to find has turned out to be so invaluable. Alongside and 

within this study is my own re-centering and remembering of Palauan Knowledge.  

Patrick is an alumnus of Micronesian Occupational College (former name of Palau 

Community College) and the current President of Palau Community College. He received a 

bachelor’s and master’s degree from the University of Hawaii at Manoa and a doctorate from the 

University of San Diego.  

According to Patrick, so many things are encompassed within the term, Palauan 

Knowledge. He describes it as the knowledge you get through your lifetime especially within 

your upbringing. It includes genealogy, customs (both mother’s and father’s side), knowledge 

about plants, and resources, and about techniques connected to fishing, taro cultivation and 

building.   

Thomas 

 

After talking to Patrick about additional collaborators for my study, he immediately 

connected me with Thomas because of the work he does in the mesei (taro patch). Thomas is the 

72 

Vice President of the Cooperative Research and Extension (CRE) at Palau Community College. 

He described his role as working with the community to demonstrate and train in food and 

nutrition education. He also promotes environmental conservation and technical advancements in 

agriculture production. 

Thomas was described by another collaborator, Dalton, as someone who really is 

knowledgeable about Palauan ways and passes that knowledge on to others. I certainly can agree 

with that sentiment because in my short time with Thomas I learned a lot. He was genuinely 

interested in sharing as much information with me not only for my study but for me. Thomas 

gifted me all of the CRE publications that he had, from taro cultivation to medicinal plants. He 

also encouraged me to have my family contact him if they wanted help with supplies and 

assistance in growing a garden. At the end of our conversation, he asked me about learning 

Palauan language, and we talked about how his wife could teach me.  

Thomas received his bachelor’s degree from US International University and a master’s 

degree from San Diego State University. Thomas talked about Palauan Knowledge that 

concerned values of respect and Palauan custom and practice. He also discusses Palauan 

Knowledge that is connected to the work that he does now including the skills and techniques 

connected to taro cultivation and medicinal plants.  

Mat 

Grace introduced me to Mat while I was taking a break to write in the library. Mat is a 

former instructor and administrator at Palau High School. Mat attended elementary in Ngeschar 

and then went to Koror to go to intermediate school (7 - 9th grade). He later attended the 

centralized high school for all of the Trust Territories that was first located in Chuuk and then in 

Pohnpei. Thereafter Mat started teaching at Palau High School and in 1972, he was recruited to 

73 

Hawaii to develop a Palauan language and grammar book with a linguist at the University of 

Hawaii. These books are currently being used in the elementary school and my sister and I have 

copies of the book to aid us in learning the Palauan language.  

Mat later returned to Hawaii and received a master’s in linguistics and became Vice 

Principal of Palau High School and worked in Ministry of Education. He also worked for PCC 

when it was Micronesian Occupational College and later coordinating PCC’s Federal Title II 

program. Mat defined Palauan Knowledge as inclusive of Palauan customs and language. He 

emphasized that it is also about the “knowledge of being Palauan” through knowing your clan 

and your status in society.  

Dalton  

I met Dalton when I attended Hermana’s guest lecture in the Palauan Studies course. He 

was a student within the course, and he agreed right away to talk to me. The interview was 

conducted on the second floor of the Cooperative Research and Extension (CRE) office where he 

worked as a farmer/research assistant. His direct supervisor is Thomas, one of the collaborators 

for this study. Dalton’s main role for CRE is to teach community members about local food and 

eating healthy. Dalton is an alumnus of Palau Community College and he also continues to take 

classes at PCC specifically in the Palauan Studies Program: 1) Palauan History and 2) Palauan 

Grammar. Dalton described Palauan Knowledge as pertaining to Palauan culture and tradition. 

Furthermore, he mentioned that Palauan Knowledge involves techniques through taro and other 

cultivation as well as through the building of the bai (men’s meeting house).   

Collective Overview of the Collaborators 

I was so honored to have the collaborators share their narratives about Palauan 

Knowledge with me. The brief descriptions above give you a glimpse of the collaborators: how 

74 

we met, about their schooling experiences, connections that I have with them and how they 

conceptualize Palauan Knowledge. I was fortunate to have made connections in years prior 

through visits to the college to drop off and pick up my cousins for class and during my pilot 

study. Each collaborator connected me to or told me about other people who I should talk to for 

my study. I ended up meeting with some and others I was unable to meet because of my short 

stay and their availability. As I reflected on the profiles of the collaborators, generational 

differences are evident. A majority of the collaborators were young adults while Palau was 

striving for independence and with no secondary school many of the collaborators attended high 

schools abroad and also attended college abroad. They were away from Palauan land and 

community and this impacted their engagement with Palauan Knowledge. Those born in the 80s 

and 90s were able to attend both high school and college and stay in Palau, but they were also 

impacted by globalization particularly through increased mass and social media that brought 

other cultures and knowledges through technology.   

In addition to these descriptions, I created a map that provided a visual of where 

collaborators’ mothers and fathers are from. There are no collaborators with family from Airai, 

Aimeliik, Anguar, Hatohobei, Kayangel, Ngatpang, Peleliu, and Sonsorol. For background, the 

island of Palau includes over 300 islands. Amongst 10 of these islands, there are 16 states. 

Starting in the far south and moving north are the states: Hatohobei and Sonsorol, who are 

located within the islands of Tobi and Sonsorol respectively. Next is Anguar and Peleliu whose 

state and island names are the same. Palau Community College (represented on the map) is 

located in Koror, the most populous state stretching across three islands: Oreor, Ngerekebesang 

and Malakal. Koror state is connected by bridge to the largest island in Palau, Babeldaob, which 

has 10 states. On the western side of Babeldaob, starting in the south are the following states: 

75 

Airai, Ngchesar, Melekeok, and Ngiwal. On the eastern side of the island starting in the south are 

Aimeliik, Ngatpang, Ngaremlengui, and Ngardmau. At the north end of Babeldaob is Ngaraard 

and Ngarchelong, two states that have both an eastern and western shoreline. Finally, the 

northernmost state is Kayangel whose island name is also Kayangel. The capital of Palau 

(formerly in Koror) is located in Melekeok state on the island of Babeldaob. Most of the 

collaborators’ parents (Dalton, Grace, Hermana, Julita, Mat, Patrick, Sholeh, Thomas and me) 

were from states in Babeldaob, aside from Grace and Elicita’s mothers who are from Koror.  

Summary 

The chapter provided context for Palau Community College, the site of this dissertation 

study as well as for the Palauan collaborators who shared their narratives about Palauan 

Knowledge. Palau Community College and the collaborators are represented on the map 

described in this chapter and weaved into both of description sections is a storied history of 

foreign development and settler schooling.  As mentioned in my aim for this study, I wanted to 

bring in voices from diverse perspectives within Palau Community College. My study included 

collaborators who were faculty, staff, students, alumni and community members and many of 

them had multiple roles within the college. In subsequent chapters, collaborators also reveal their 

involvement in maintaining, preserving and centering Palauan Knowledge outside of the college. 

The following chapters build onto the stories presented in this chapter and aim to answer how 

Palauan Knowledge is incorporated into Palau Community College. Secondly and equally 

important is responding to the question on how Indigenous teachers and Indigenous places of 

learning inform Palau Community College.  

 

76 

 

 

Figure 3. Map of Palau: Family Origins1                     

*Thomas 

**Sholeh 

 

 

Babeldaob 

Island 

*Thomas 

 

*Grace (mom) 
*Elicita (mom) 

**Me 

Dalton 
Julita  
Patrick 
*Elicita (dad) 

 
Palau’s 
capital 

Hermana 
Mat 
*Grace (dad) 
 

Palau 

Community 

College 

The map shows where collaborator mother and father are 
from. 

 The * identifies collaborators who have parents who 

are from different states. 

 The ** identifies the collaborator who have a non-

Palauan parent. (This is also true for me) 

 If no asterisk is present then the collaborators mother 

and father are from the same state.  

 

Additional  locations  identified  in  the  map  include  Palau 
Community  College  in  Koror  and  the  capital  of Palau  in 
Melekeok. The map also highlights the island of Babeldaob 
that is referenced several times within this dissertation.  
 

 

1 Reprinted and edited from “Map of Palau” by d-maps, 2019. Copyright (2009) by d-maps. Reprinted with 
permission. 

 77 

  

 

 

CHAPTER 6: TAKING STEPS TOWARD REMEMBERING 

The initial research question for this study sought to answer the question: How is 

Indigenous Knowledge incorporated into Palau Community College? In this chapter, my own 

process to re-center Palauan ways of knowing, being and doing allowed me to open up so I could 

think and see differently. After conversations with collaborators, I understood that the story does 

not start with the institution itself nor with identifying and discussing ways in which Indigenous 

Knowledge appears in the institution. Instead the collaborators in this study, helped me to see 

and think about their personal experiences of separation from, and reconnecting with Palauan 

Knowledge. Collaborators’ stories are a part of and make up a larger story including the impacts, 

changes, and resurgence of Palauan Knowledge in Palau. I suggest a need to examine these 

stories in order to illuminate the relationship between Palauan Knowledge and Palauan 

people.  Collaborators’ personal journeys of contending with the duality of living with settler 

knowledges and Palauan Knowledge provided important context for what they would later do in 

honoring Palauan Knowledge at Palau Community College.   

In the previous chapter a brief history of Palau Community College (PCC) included 

stories of foreign influence and settler colonialism that disrupted, separated, and changed this 

relationship. The stories told in the PCC background chapter provided some insight into the 

colonial impacts of what de Ishtar (1994) described as Micronesia having the most colonizers of 

any colony in the world. Though other settlers came to Palau before, Japan and the United States 

had a wide-reaching imperialistic plan that included instilling settler ways of knowing through 

their given educational philosophies and systems. Japanese and American influence came up in 

most collaborator conversations with the United States having the prevailing influence due to 

significant and continued interdependence. Most of the conversation in this chapter involves 

78 

American influence though there is some mention of Japanese influence as there remains a 

lingering colonial legacy from their time of rule. 

As I acknowledge the impacts of colonization in Palau, I also want to bring to the 

foreground here and throughout this chapter descriptions of Palauan Knowledge. 

All collaborators definitively referred to Palauan Knowledge as something passed down amongst 

family members. One way that knowledge was disseminated is through storytelling. Oral history 

is at the core of Palauan Knowledge and through remembering by storytellers, it is alive.  Sholeh 

described remembering Palauan Knowledge saying that it “starts with the family. It is the 

responsibility of the parents and other family members to teach children the way as well.” 

Thomas reiterated this idea and adds on its purpose, saying, “The knowledge of Palau is from 

your own family, you get skills from your family...it is a type of apprenticeship.”   

What emerged from my conversations with collaborators, I suggest is a storyline that 

collectively speaks about separation from Palauan Knowledge. What followed for some 

collaborators was an effort to reconnect and protect Palauan Knowledge. It became evident to me 

that dissonance arose as collaborators reflected on their own engagement in Western education 

and culture. The result created an urgency to reclaim broken, lost, and displaced relationships 

with Palauan Knowledge. This personal journey of reflections served as motivation discussed in 

the next chapter, for the ways that collaborators would incorporate Palauan Knowledge in Palau 

Community College. In this chapter, I walk alongside collaborators to learn the stories from their 

past. These narratives illuminate a separation from Palauan Knowledge through changes in 

content, contexts and values. What follows after, are the various steps collaborators have taken to 

remember Palauan Knowledge. Through resisting, reclaiming and reconnection collaborators are 

fighting for the preservation of Palauan Knowledge as a means of survival.  

79 

Stories of Separation 

Collaborators spoke about their concerns with the continuance of Palauan Knowledge in 

Palau. These concerns intertwined with collaborators individual experiences of Western 

knowledge. It is with this realization that I return to my review of literature by Indigenous 

scholars and specifically to Kanaka ʻŌiwi Hawaiʻi Scholar, Maenette Benham’s (2006) 

depiction of schooling for native people. Benham described it as a contested space replete with 

“conflict, struggle, and negotiation over content, context, value, instructional strategies, and 

measures of accountability” (p. 26). The collaborators, similarly, became a living embodiment of 

contested space, navigating the unknown waters of a Western culture and system of education. 

What follows is a discussion of the “conflict[s], struggle[s] and negotiation[s]” experienced by 

collaborators based on settler-colonial “content, context [and] values” that separated them from 

learning and living with Palauan Knowledge.   

Content  

In this section, I focus on collaborators’ memories about Palauan Knowledge content and 

their narratives of separation from it. These stories reveal separation as a result of the 

marginalization and suppression of Palauan Knowledge and in its place the introduction and 

requirement to master new content advanced by settler nations. Making meaningful space for 

Indigenous peoples that centers Indigenous Knowledge (Pidgeon, 2016) is central to my study. 

At its origin, settler views of Palau lacked any consideration of Palauan Knowledge as valid 

content to be included in society and specifically in the curriculum they developed and taught in 

schools. I define content as subjects or topics of learning associated with Palauan Knowledge. 

For reference, collaborators’ individual definitions of Palauan Knowledge were included in the 

previous chapter. These definitions appear throughout the chapter. While there were differences 

80 

and similarities, these definitions are helpful in understanding collaborators’ reflections in this 

chapter and the chapters thereafter.  

Collaborators’ stories were full of knowledge passed on from elders and family members 

onto the next generation. They discussed the content of learning, pre-contact, as being grounded 

in relationships to family, clan members, village, and land.  Furthermore, these relationships 

encompassed content about genealogy, cultivation techniques, fishing skills, and Palauan 

legends/chants, all taught through storytelling and learning by doing. When I think about skills in 

particular, I remember the immense knowledge and wisdom of my grandpa and grandmother 

who were skilled in oceanography to navigate and fish and geography for taro cultivation and 

food gathering. This knowledge, I also found in my aunts, uncles, and mother.  

When I visited Koror, Patrick, the president of Palau Community College, commented 

about how I was fortunate to spend my days with family in Ngaraard as it was known as Honto. 

The word, honto, is a Japanese word that referenced the island of Babeldaob, a more rural part of 

Palau. In his view I was fortunate due to the fact that Honto is a place “where people live more 

like in the old days.” My time in Honto with my family involves less time, if any, with 

electronics and more time walking, swimming, telling stories, as well as living life in 

relationship with Palauan land to grow and gather (and not purchase) taro, bananas, coconut, 

crab, fish and other seafood. When I am home with my family in Ngaraard I am more engaged 

and aware of the cosmos: the sun, stars and moon. In comparison to my home in the states, they 

are more visible and brighter with little if any light noise from cars, row by row houses, and large 

residential and commercial buildings. It is also easier to see the association of the cosmos to the 

things on our earth, low and high tides, crab migration patterns, and taro cultivation. So, I think 

about my time gathering these stories for this dissertation to include the time I spend with my 

81 

family including my mamang (grandmother). She has no formal degrees; however, she knows 

more than any degree could provide through a life lived in expertise of knowing, being and doing 

with Palauan land, culture, genealogy and so much more. She teaches us through oral stories, 

through observation, and redirecting us. 

As I think about the knowledge that my mamang embodies, I am drawn back to what 

Patrick told me about how different life is in Koror. It is different because this was the epicenter 

for Japanese and later American development. Collaborators’ stories revealed conflicts, struggles 

and negotiations experienced in education systems set up by Japanese and American 

administrations. Schooling became a place that required less if any Palauan Knowledge to be 

passed on. The knowledge with, and of, one’s relations were dismissed instead to be redirected 

and sometimes forced into learning the new settler content.  

Language 

The predominant conversation about content revolved around language. Kanaka ʻŌiwi 

Hawaiʻi  Scholar, Trask (1993) asserts “Not merely a passageway to knowledge, language is a 

form of knowing by itself; a people’s way of thinking and feeling is revealed through its music” 

(p. 114). As mentioned before, when Palau was under Japanese rule, Palauan language was 

forbidden and punished if spoken in schools. Ultimately, Palauan language was displaced. A 

return to the Palauan language in schooling was not realized when the United States “liberated” 

Palau from the Japanese. Instead a continued shift away from Palauan language continued with 

an American perspective of what social, political and economic advancements were needed to re-

develop a war-torn Palau. In these improvements, English permeated through educational and 

political systems, drawing time away from learning Palauan language.  

82 

Competence in the English language became a hallmark of American plans for Palauan 

advancement. Hermana, an elder and guest speaker in the Palauan Studies Program, reflected on 

her own experience with the pervasiveness of English in primary school curriculum saying: “We 

did not teach, we did not learn about Palauan, whatsoever. It was not the thing to do. You just 

have to learn the English language, the English text, with the little English we knew.” In 

reflecting on this statement, I connect Hermana’s words with Tongan scholar, Kona Helu 

Thaman (2003) asserting that “formal educational institutions…have not regarded Oceanic 

cultural knowledge, skills, and values as worthy of inclusion.” Mat, a former faculty member of 

PCC and a guest speaker in the Palauan Studies Program, described English as the main 

“medium” used by the United States to ease their responsibility of managing the multilingual 

islands of Micronesia. The United States did not show an appreciation for the knowledges and 

languages of the islands nor was there a reciprocal relationship for the exchange of knowledge. 

Instead as Hermana commented English dominated the content of instruction. The time, energy 

and struggle for English proficiency created a hierarchy of languages, displacing Palauan 

language and therefore the knowledge embedded within and from Palauan language.  

A separation from Palauan language is compounded by the realization that two 

successive generations faced two different imperialistic attacks on Palauan Knowledge. Apart 

from the settler institutions (schools, democratic government, capitalist economy) that facilitated 

the separation, Palauan village, clan and home environments now include a generation torn apart 

by war and also forced to learn Japanese with their children and grandchildren, the next 

generations, whose lives are greatly impacted by American ways including the English language. 

The collaborators within this dissertation make up the children and grandchildren of those who 

grew up in the transition under American rule.  Distance was created between the different 

83 

generations of a family. School age children left their Palauan homes to foreign schools 

assimilating them into a Japanese or American way of life, all while their parents, aunts, uncles, 

and grandparents, the traditional teachers, were left in the dark to adapt to a way of being, 

knowing and doing that would change without their “students.” Dalton, an alumnus and 

farmer/research assistant for PCC’s Cooperative Research and Extension office, demonstrated 

this distancing describing his (younger) generation as being capable of counting to 10 at most in 

Palauan and relying instead on English terms for numbers and mixing English numbers and other 

terms in conversations when speaking Palauan. In comparison he lauded his work supervisor, 

Thomas, a rubak (Palauan male elder) and also a collaborator in this study, as someone who is 

not only knowledgeable of Palauan terms for numbers, but Dalton was also inspired that his 

supervisor uses the Palauan numbers, regularly and with ease.  

Palauan language is something to be learned through repetition and within an engagement 

with land and Palauan traditional practices. Julita captures the importance of learning Palauan 

language and provided further insight to support why the separation discussed in the previous 

chapter is compelling. She speaks about Palauan language saying:   

…if we do not speak [Palauan] then people are not exposed to it and they think there is 

no terminology for particular things, when actually there are. That is why it is important, 

a good example for you is your mother has a Palauan father and a Palauan mother, so in 

English a mother’s brother and the father's brother is uncle in Western [culture], right? 

But in Palauan culture…they have different names and designations because they’re 

loaded with meaning, it connects to your land, your culture, your tradition, and your title. 

So, your maternal uncle when you speak in English you cannot [express a difference], 

your maternal uncle is different from your paternal uncle in Palauan. Uncle for the 

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maternal uncle is okdemelel and paternal uncle is obekul. We are a matrilineal society. 

Right now, there is young people always using the word aunty or uncle as respect 

but…they are not equal they have different meaning to you as a person in terms of land 

and authority and clan affiliation and things like that. 

Julita in the above statement emphasizes Palauan responsibilities that are represented by whether 

a given family member is on the maternal or paternal side of one’s family. A separation of 

knowledge is then important to acknowledge, as language is not only a way to pass on 

knowledge but it is “knowledge by itself” (Trask, 1993, p. 114). It is also not only tied to 

relationships between people but also with land. The next section will touch on Palauan 

relationship and knowledge of land through a discussion of context. 

Context  

Content was not the only thing that changed as a result of settler interests, context, the 

place where learning occurred was replaced. A different location and time for learning was 

established and this played a significant role in separating Palauans from Palauan Knowledge. 

Traditional learning in Palau was done in relationship. Knowledge was gained in listening and 

observing the land as well as engaging in land practices and care. Julita, a guest speaker in the 

Palauan Studies Program, emphatically asserted that Palauans had their own education and that 

they had a knowledge that through oral tradition was passed down generation after generation. In 

a melancholy voice, she also indicated that this way of knowing “does not happen in the same 

way” in Palau. The knowledge still exists, it is the introduction of new colonial spaces for 

learning that have marginalized Palauan Knowledge as well as limited the time spent in 

traditional places of learning.  

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Urbanization in Palau has impacted land within Palau with significant transformations in 

the city of Koror, where Palau Community College is located. As I stayed and learned with 

family in honto (rural Palau), I began to contend with my own observations of the displacement 

of Indigenous places of learning. Hermana spoke about the losses experienced through 

colonization and war saying: “A lot of people lost their land especially in Koror…and I am 

staying here [in Koror where] you have no place for a taro patch and to grow your own vegetable 

and fruit, so you have to buy taro and tapioca.” She reveals here that the Indigenous context of 

learning in Koror is limited due to lands seized for empire building (Japan), then utilized for war 

times (Japan) and then through a new administration, a return to empire building (United States). 

Before colonial influences, Palauans maintained a reciprocal relationship through subsistence 

living with land, nurturing and protecting it as they received nurturing back. Hermana described 

a new relationship with land, grounded in settler values that now commodifies it for profit. 

Palauan Knowledge is taught in a context that involves land: birds, plants, wind, sun, moon, fish 

and other relationships to sea, land, and sky. Within this context abound lessons of healing, 

survival, responsibility, and reciprocity. All of this is misplaced and fittingly captured by Sefa 

Dei (2011): “Educating the whole child is impossible if s/he is understood as divorced from a 

particular socio-cultural (and we might add environmental) context” (p.9). 

The location where teaching happens provides insight about the learning that is taking 

place as well as reflects the culture of the decision makers and educators. Through my 

discussions with collaborators about Palauan Knowledge, each spoke about Palauan Indigenous 

spaces of learning including such places as the mesei (taro patch), the ocean and clubs. Mat 

discussed the traditional purpose of men’s and women’s club as being a “source of 

knowledge...when they go to certain men’s clubs with different ages, they work together and 

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learn skills. Women [have] the same thing.” Mat emphasized that these spaces were non-existent 

when he grew up and instead his main focus was to attend (American-styled) school and when 

time provided, he would learn some Palauan Knowledge from his parents and also from books 

written by anthropologists.   

Primary schools were established within all Micronesian islands under U.S. authority 

(1940s-1980s), however secondary schools were scattered across the different islands. High 

schools, because there were few meant that they were selective and comprised students from 

different Micronesian island cultures with varying practices and languages. Palau acquired a high 

school later than the other Micronesian islands, therefore some students left Palau to further their 

studies. Mat and Hermana attended high school in Micronesian islands, Pohnpei and Guam 

respectively, while Julita traveled to California, in the U.S. mainland as an exchange student. 

Julita and Hermana described these new environments as a challenge in their learning. The 

American idea that education held the keys towards advancement was a motivating factor for 

Julita, who recounted her goal as an elementary student to excel in school in order to attend a 

prestigious male-only Jesuit high school in a nearby island in Micronesia. While she did not end 

up there, she started to get emotional when speaking about her time abroad saying: “It was once I 

was outside of Palau, is when I really started to appreciate what I had.” She goes on to describe 

being in the United States during their difficult moments where people were fighting to be heard 

and for protection (i.e. movements including women’s and civil rights). At this time, she saw a 

similar need to get back to Palau, to protect and fight to safeguard Palau from the changes that 

have and were happening.  The foreign environment also shaped Hermana, who experienced 

challenges in Guam (U.S. territory). Hermana found herself surrounded by fluent English 

speakers and explained her experience as “hard [and] for about three months we went to class 

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and we really have problems.” She also described feeling insecure and therefore did not speak 

out of fear that others would laugh at her. Another major factor that further distanced both Julita 

and Hermana was that they lived with American families. Palauan scholar, Kiblas Soaladaob 

(2010) insisted that Palauan Knowledge must be lived and practiced with families. For Mat, 

Julita, Hermana and other Palauans, the living situation through exchange programs and 

boarding schools further reinforced a separation from Palauan home life and therefore Palauan 

Knowledge.  

Context also involves a negotiation of the new demands on time. Sholeh, an alumna of 

PCC working for the Belau National Museum, spoke about the limitations of school and work on 

her own upbringing and that of her children. She longingly smiled as she discussed the 

knowledge and compassion her mother has about plants and remembered playing and helping in 

the taro patch when she was young. Sholeh though described these times as occurring in 

weekend visits with her aunties rather than what previously was a more consistent and daily 

practice. For her kids, Sholeh said: “I wish we lived in the village so we can go and explore and 

like see the wonderful environment that Palau has to offer, so they can learn.” Colonial forms of 

work and school have consumed time and energy in competition with the time previously spent 

in traditional places of gathering and learning.  

In reflection of collaborators’ narratives, changing Palauan’s physical location of learning 

was a clear act of separating Indigenous people from their relationship with land, an important 

source of knowledge. Collaborators’ narratives also revealed conflicts and struggles from the 

change. It altered familial, clan and village relationships as schooling involved hours in the day 

away from families and for some years of separation when they left to attend school abroad.  

 

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Values 

The changes in content and context mentioned in the previous sections are indicative of 

the values held by Japanese and American administrations. I argue that three main institutions: 

the military, government (constitutional monarchy for Japan and democracy for the United 

States), and compulsory education perpetuated these settler values. The latter, compulsory 

education, is the institution most familiar and salient to collaborators and therefore most 

discussed within this chapter. The context of a day followed the practices of the foreign ruling 

nation and thereby aligned with their values for how time was spent and what were the 

designated places of learning. The content of instruction within schools also espoused the values 

of the ruling society.  

Genz et al. (2016) insisted that the ultimate aim of settler nations of the Pacific Islands 

was based in global imperial narratives, with many seeking to establish themselves as empire 

builders in Oceania. A strict allegiance to the emperor was valued highly by the Japanese and a 

daily pledge of loyalty to the emperor was a required mantra of every Palauan student while 

under Japanese rule (Mita, 2009). Mat described the strict obedience demanded by Japanese as 

dramatically changing Palauan way of life: “They required everyone to speak Japanese. Palauan 

language was not the norm. Some traditions were eliminated, and men’s club was destroyed.” 

Then with the United States, Soaladaob’s (2010) study identified values of individualism and the 

pursuit of the American dream articulated in rigid pathways of learning in elementary and 

secondary education systems within Palau. The result meant Palauan Knowledge was 

disregarded for Japanese and later American ways of knowing, being and doing.  

As discussed in the introduction of this study, the “languages and traditions of Oceania 

peoples express values of collectivity and connectivity” (Kepa and Manu’atu, 2011, p. 619).  For 

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Palau specifically, connectivity involved relationships to family, clan, village and land and 

collectivity was showcased in cooperative groups within Palauan practices (taro cultivation, 

fishing, building of the bai-meeting house) and traditions (omesurech-hot bath ceremony and 

kemediil-funeral). Specifically, for youth, Sholeh talked about American principles embedded in 

schooling and mass media negatively impacting their ability to participate in collective practices 

in the taro patch, fishing or bai building. Additionally Hermana described the American focus on 

the nuclear family as influential in Palauan society saying “it seems that your focus is on your 

immediate family and you do not have time to see your [other] relatives because you have to pay 

attention to your kids, which is really good. But it is not what we were before, in a way there are 

some strengths, but before the community helped [with raising] children.” 

All participants discussed respect as a core value within Palauan society. Sholeh pointed 

to traditional storytelling to highlight the long-standing value of respect in relationship: “just 

reading the stories and legends, there was always a deep respect for community members.” 

Thomas emphasized that “respect is the foundation of all Palauan way of life, custom and 

practice”. He adds further that: “without [respect] there is discrepancy and Palauan way of life is 

all over the place because respect holds everything intact…[it] hold[s] the complex system 

together.”  

Specifically, Hermana, Elicita and Julita spoke about respect for ancestors and elders who 

pass on knowledge and expertise gained through years of engaging in Palauan customs, 

traditions, and daily activities. Hermana described the respect due to elders as making sure to 

care for them and to deeply listen to their stories and guidance. She provided a description of 

melengmes, the Palauan word encompassing respect, saying, “melengmes means, really more 

like respect and care and valu[ing] what is being discussed…and also [value] people. If I do that 

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to you, melengmes, I give you my best, my respect.” Collaborators’ stories revealed that the 

respect of elders has been altered leading to a separation from Palauan Knowledge. Less time is 

spent in community with elders and instead driven by the value systems of the United States. 

Thomas discussed the conflict saying:  

When it is Palauan way of life, then there is a lot of respect and restrictions in expressing 

your beliefs freely. It seems the elders are right, and the children are not. I don’t believe 

they should be on the same playing field, but I believe [Palauans] are able to play both 

roles. 

Thomas and Hermana both described freedom of speech as being highly valued within 

classrooms in the U.S. whereas Palauan culture values deep and respectful listening to elders and 

other teachers within the learning process.  American values of individuality and competition 

within Palauan society have challenged Palauan values. As people are striving for earnings (US 

dollars) and achieve degrees and credentials, the knowledge previously shared by elders is 

undervalued and marginalized. In speaking about Indigenous and Western epistemology, Leanne 

Simpson (2014) highlights the type of contrast that fits this discussion. She asserts her own 

Nishnaabe epistemology as “lack[ing] overt coercion and authority, values so normalized within 

western mainstream pedagogy that they are rarely critiqued” (p.7).  

Responsibility is another important value in Palauan society, one that is ascribed to you 

through your relationships. Collaborators highlight a separation from Palauan Knowledge due to 

a change in responsibilities that were once ascribed to the clan and family structure. Patrick 

spoke of Palauan Knowledge and responsibility. “Knowing the knowledge base and each 

person’s mother’s side and the father’s side requires that you need to know your place in the 

family, that clan and that clan's role in the community.” Responsibility is then tied to your 

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lineage and the knowledge of your role according to the roles and responsibilities of your family 

and the clan of your family. He goes on to speak about how Western life has separated youth in 

particular from these responsibilities including children who cannot swim and therefore cannot 

go fishing or that less than a handful of traditional meeting houses (bai) exist, therefore a widely 

known traditional responsibility is now obscurely known. Mat focused on what a separation from 

clan responsibility meant in terms of Palauan identity insisting that “real knowledge is missing: 

the knowledge of themselves as being a member of their clan, before [Palauans] understood who 

they were in Palauan society.” This separation makes it difficult to interact in Palauan customs as 

they often come with specific roles based on your role in the family.  

Elicita, the coordinator of the Palauan Studies Program, addresses how Palau’s traditional 

governance was impacted by the inclusion of the American political system. She revealed that 

“although we have a chiefly system, how do we balance this the concept of democracy as well as 

the traditional concept…to me the traditional values of [Palauan] chiefly system is like 

democratic.” While Elicita finds similarities, Dalton provided challenges to both systems 

existing in Palau, saying, “We cannot run our government without money, that is when we lost 

some traditional ways, only now people [are] start[ing] to learn. It seems that people are trying to 

preserve it now.” The American administration introduced a capitalist economy and therefore the 

dollar currency. Dalton and Hermana insisted that money now blurs the roles as expected 

contributions towards customs is more focused on the dollar instead of on Palauan money beads, 

land, toluk (women’s money dish), and food (taro). I suggest that collaborators’ varying 

comments illuminate the complexities of changing responsibilities that come with settler 

institutions espousing new values.  

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In the end, throughout my conversations, collaborators emphasized how Palauan values 

lay the foundation for Palauan Knowledge to exist and evolve, especially in contact with other 

knowledge systems. It is in this reflection that collaborators start to recognize the need to protect 

Palauan Knowledge.  

Resisting, Reconnecting and Reclaiming 

Amidst the stories of conflict, struggle and negotiation of settler-colonial content, 

context, and values, are narratives of resisting, reconnecting, and reclaiming Palauan Knowledge. 

The discussion thus far has covered the ways in which Palauan collaborators recognized in their 

own lives, as well as through observation in and about Palau, that they identified a separation 

from Palauan Knowledge. In this section; I suggest that the stories of separation served as 

motivation to center Palauan Knowledge and resulted in actions towards the survival of Palauan 

Knowledge. Collaborators stories revealed three aspects of Palauan Knowledge to be protected: 

language, land and culture.  

Language Survival  

Language is a way to transfer knowledge through words and at the same time language, 

itself, is knowledge. The Palauan language has experienced decades of suppression and silencing 

at the expense of settler objectives and languages. Palauan language thrived through an oral 

tradition embedded in relationships to all living beings past and present. The survival of Palauan 

language necessitates centering it for Palauan youth. I felt a sense of urgency and hope for the 

survival of Palauan language in Hermana’s words when she shared: “but now I am kind of 

getting worried about it because these kids just like to speak English, so they are not really good 

in English and not good in Palauan. So, we are embracing them to [learn Palauan] first and they 

can actually do both.” While she recognizes that English is a part of Palau, she also asserts two 

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points: that Palauan language is central in instruction first and that it is taught in depth so there is 

mastery in one’s indigenous language.  

The Palauan legislature along with other Micronesian islands lobbied the United States 

out of concern because of the loss of language. Palau specifically also called for the inclusion of 

curriculum with major emphasis on Palauan culture taught by Palauan teachers (Emesiochl, 

1977). Mat was a part of this effort through the Bilingual project team (1970-1971) that focused 

on strengthening Palauan language and requiring the study of Palauan culture in the early 

primary school years. Hermana expressed her earnestness in joining this project after returning 

from her high school experience abroad. Again, Palauan Knowledge was embedded in an oral 

tradition also communicated through rock/bai paintings, pottery, and wood/stone carvings.  Mat 

revealed that for his generation, Palauan was first written based on how people spoke it. The 

bilingual project focused on developing a standardized Palauan language so there would be one 

standard for spelling and pronouncing Palauan words. 

In efforts to protect the Palauan language, Mat described standardization as something 

met with struggle, negotiation, and conflict. Kovach (2005) asserted that “the stronghold of 

language, writing and worldview in generating “truth” creates difficulties for Indigenous peoples 

whose traditional philosophies are held deep within constructs that are neither written nor 

consistent with patterns of dominant language” (p. 26). It was clear the process to standardize 

was messy. In order to safeguard Palauan language in schools there needed to be compromise 

over spelling and pronunciation. Standardization meant fitting Palauan concepts and terminology 

into a rigid standard. Mat expressed that those from the older generation who learned to write 

how they spoke were resistant to the standardized spelling and grammar books that were being 

created. Differences arose as the bilingual project was underway. The team working on the 

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language project made note of the different words that depended on where in Palau you lived. 

Additionally, there were different ways that people pronounced words. The differences are 

plausible especially with the geography of Palau and how some states are separated by vast 

landscapes or ocean waters (refer to Figure 4). Mat described these regional and village 

differences. “The student from Babeldaob when they come to Koror have a different spelling 

from Anguar…Ngaraard they have a little sort of k sound for some words that others do not.” 

These nuances and distinctions are not found in the products of this standardization process: 

Palauan grammar books and dictionary. Nevertheless, this was an attempt to resist the loss of the 

mother tongue.  

Land Survival 

Land is a significant source of Palauan Knowledge, deepened through a committed 

relationship of reciprocity and compassion. Patrick explained that to be in and learn from the 

land is the most authentic way to gain Palauan Knowledge. He emphasized that there is much to 

learn from connection to land, even encouraging me to go back to my grandmother and aunts to 

be and learn from them in the taro patch.  Ceremonies, nourishment, healing, and life depend on 

the survival of land.  

Women have a deep connection to fields, trees, and plants through taro and garden 

cultivation. For most traditional land, titles are ascribed to women and with that comes a 

responsibility to protect it. Elicita insists that the preservation of Palauan Knowledge is tied to 

the preservation of land. It is this inherent responsibility of women that Elicita joined her mother 

and other women to thwart the demands of the United States as Palau moved towards 

independence. The fight by Palauan women for a nuclear-free constitution was waged for 15 

years (1979-1994). I was and still am incredibly fortunate to have Elicita share these stories:   

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I was one of them, those who were against the militarization and nuclearization of Palau, 

I was one who was really resisting…we were making sure that the message was being 

sent, this is too small to have a nuclear submarine, this is too small an island to have a 

military base, this is too small to have 32 acres, to have Babeldaob to be the sort of a 

burial for the nuclear stuff…NO! This is too small an island for those things…I believe 

that the message was clear, we had enough of the Marshall Islands, and [from that] we 

learned the lesson that Palau wants to be nuclear-free. But what does that mean in the 

world, given the geography and what does that mean, it is just a few people who want to 

say that we want to be nuclear free, can we have that as a member of the UN, can we 

have that as a small island in the world. But I think the message is being heard and 

hopefully it is the people of today it is us that are going to make that change, if we are not 

careful if we do not know our history that will leave us to make a decision that is 

detrimental to our lives and our children, especially the children, because we are older 

and we want the children to have a sustainable lifestyle and sustainable future and that is 

what our mothers and our grandparents want[ed]. 

Elicita and other mechas (elder women) did not want the devastating violence and destruction 

that comes with militarization and nuclearization, two things that had already devastated the 

Marshall Islands (nuclear tests on the Bikini Atoll in the 40s and 60s). Her words above also 

illuminate a consciousness that their self-determination had propelled them into world view. The 

spotlight on Palau would highlight a contrast in values. For the United States access to Palauan 

land and its surrounding waters was for strategic defense in the region, while for Palau, the 

women were asserting Palauan values of respect and responsibility of land. Elicita’s mother, 

Gabriela Ngiramang forged the effort towards the world’s first nuclear-free constitution and 

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defended the effort utilizing the women’s organization that she led: “Otil a Belaud” meaning 

anchor of our land (dé Ishtar, 1994; Selman project, 2019). In this constitution the women 

included a clause that required a 75% vote before nuclear weapons could come to Palau. As 

mentioned, the resistance lasted 15 years and during this time 11 separate votes were held, and 

each time the clause was approved (Selman project, 2019). Elicita described how taro patches 

were used to educate women about the vote. Resistance then was centered in an Indigenous place 

of learning, the taro patch, reconnecting to a space where Palauan Knowledge is shared 

generation after generation. Grounded in Indigenous leadership (Palauan matriarchy), Palauan 

Knowledge was protected through mesei (taro field) activism. 

A motivation to preserve Palauan Knowledge comes from the responsibility to protect the 

land and to leave land that generations to come can learn from. It is appropriate that resistance to 

pressures took place within the taro patch. A Palauan proverb is “A mesei a delal a telid’ 

meaning the taro field is the mother of life. Elicita and other Palauan women were protectors of 

Palauan land: the ocean, stonepaths, mangroves, hills and beaches.    

Cultural Survival  

Palau has a distinct culture with language, customs, values, social structure and history. 

Identity within Palauan culture is important. One’s identity is found in your relationship to a 

community: your family, then clan, then village, and country. The separation from Palauan 

content, context and values have altered Palauan identity. Furthermore, Julita explained knowing 

who you are is also about knowing the geography of Palau, the land. She went on to say that 

Palauan “genealogy connects us to place and [the] rootedness in a place.” Patrick places the 

importance of protecting Palauan culture as a responsibility to the next generation and that the 

passing on of Palauan customs, values, language and history links us to “Palauanism.” 

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Cultural survival emphasizes the need to understand that Indigenous Knowledge is not set 

in the past, but instead is changing and contemporary (Gaviria, 2012). As previously discussed in 

this chapter, Palauan daily life involved in Indigenous places of learning and with Indigenous 

teachers was replaced by settler developments (i.e. Formal schooling). Despite these changes 

Palauan Knowledge continues to exist.  For instance, Elicita acknowledged this point in the 

different ruling systems in Palau, a matrilineal/chief system with that of the democratic system 

implemented by the United States. She affirmed that the democratic governance has a place now 

in Palauan society but if Palauans are asked to protect Ibedul, the High Chief of Koror/Oreor, 

then certainly they will protect him because the chief is a part of their identity. Clan structure and 

responsibility still remains. 

Cultural survival involves the protection of Palauan identity. Julita expressed her 

motivation for asserting a Palauan identity and her pride in its resurgence when she said: We 

cannot be America, we cannot be Japanese, we are Palauan, we need to keep the good stuff that 

keeps us growing and nurturing and I think that is coming back.” The, “we” in her statement is 

indicative of the collective culture of Palau. Julita described a shared goal of cultural survival 

through her involvement in the Palau Conservation Society. Julita recalled that a few Palauans 

“came together to form an organization…and [established] the Palau Conservation Society and 

the rest is history. PCS focused on protection and conservation way back then and now it’s 

exploding in Palau and the world.” She has continued to work within spaces to document 

Palauan Knowledge. As mentioned in chapter five, before my scheduled time to speak with her, 

Julita was meeting about a project to learn more about the traditional Palauan terraces in 

Babeldaob whose existence is little known. It is this sustained commitment along with her 

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knowledge and experience that she is a valuable voice for Palauan Knowledge within and outside 

of Palau Community College.  

Summary of the Section 

Even though Palauans are in the majority in Palau, the discussion within this chapter 

shows that Western ways are clearly evident in the political, educational, and economic 

landscape in Palau and therefore over time have impacted Palauan Knowledge. Education 

systems did not embark on relationship building but instead impacted the relationships that 

Palauans had with their own histories, practices, community and identity. Wright & Balutski 

(2013) asserted that for island nations in the Pacific, there exists unique geo-political, colonial 

and historical characteristics of the former territories. When added together, settler colonial 

content, context and values, resulted in a formidable separation from Palauan Knowledge. 

At the University of Hawaii, Hermana was studying English and expressed through 

poetry the liminal existence of Palau as a U.S. territory striving for self-determination and 

sovereignty. She described her process of writing poems saying: 

So, poetry [became] kind of like, a little a bit of protest, but then at the same time 

compromise, accepting, and understanding it. And then pleading for friendship and [a 

closer] relationship, all because we have no choice…because [Palau has] become 

interdependent. [We] did not have anything to give, actually well we do, but we get so 

much with money [from the U.S.].  

Her thoughts provide a good metaphor for the ideas presented in this chapter. It mirrors the 

complicated and complex realities of having to reconcile settler and Palauan content, context, 

and values.    

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The discussion in this chapter provides additional insight into the backgrounds of the 

collaborators and of Palau to better understand the stories presented throughout this dissertation 

and especially within subsequent chapters. For several of the collaborators their efforts to 

safeguard Palauan Knowledge came before their work at Palau Community College. The next 

chapter goes beyond the motivations expressed in this chapter to illustrate collaborators 

understanding of how Palauan Knowledge is incorporated into Palau Community College.  

 

 

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CHAPTER 7: RE-CENTERING AND HONORING PALAUAN KNOWLEDGE IN 

PALAU COMMUNITY COLLEGE  

Originally, I entered this study inspired by the stories from my pilot study that uncovered 

footprints of Palauan Knowledge. I wanted to learn more about how such knowledge manifests 

within Palau Community College. I settled with a research question that would interrogate how 

Palau Community College integrated Palauan Knowledge. It became clear to me from my 

conversations with collaborators that I needed to begin with the circumstances that lay the 

foundation for the inclusion of Palauan Knowledge. This was accomplished in the previous 

chapter that revealed a common storyline of personal experiences that revealed personal accounts 

of the history of colonization that separated collaborators (and our ancestors) from Palauan 

Knowledge. The focus of this chapter continues along the lines of how Chapter 6 ended, 

regarding the motivation to preserve Palauan Knowledge. To understand how Palauan 

Knowledge is honored in Palau Community College was to hear about the individual and 

collective experiences of collaborators.   

For a community college whose beginnings encompassed settler goals and outcomes, it is 

Palauan people who are finding ways to incorporate Palauan Knowledge in the college. Elicita, 

the coordinator of the Palauan Studies Program, spoke about the importance of a collective effort 

in Palau Community College in honoring Palauan Knowledge:  

It is a collective movement of people, collective effort to make things work…so not one 

is left behind...somehow the integrity of preservation of knowledge is important because 

if we want to live in this island ecosystem we have to make wise decision. 

Here Elicita highlights, responsibility and collectivity, two Palauan values cited in the previous 

chapter. Palauan identity is dependent on the wise choices that come from a responsibility to 

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preserve Palauan Knowledge. Elicita’s words are clear “a collective movement of people,” 

moving not individually but collectively for your village, your clan, and for Palau. As she talks 

about the collective, I cannot help but think about her story from the previous chapter of women 

in the taro patch fighting for a nuclear free constitution. It is her mother who lead that movement 

alongside other women who were against the nuclear compact and stood up to protect Palauan 

people and land, despite an assassination, threats and intimidation. So, as I reflected on Elicita’s 

statement about responsibility and collectivity, I know that it comes from a genuine compassion 

for Palau and Palauan Knowledge that has been modelled for her and conversely a role that she 

has stepped into.  

The major question of this chapter focuses on what Elicita identifies as a “very collective, 

very community orientated” effort by Palauans to honor Palauan Knowledge in the community 

college. Colonial legacies discussed in the previous chapter are still evident in the stories of this 

chapter because a relationship with other knowledges continues. Even though settler institutions 

marginalized Palauan Knowledge, within this American style institution, it is present and 

centered by Palauans.  I also found that collaborators’ stories used settler ways of knowing like 

research, written word, linguistics, and poetry to preserve and thereby re-center Palauan 

Knowledge at Palau Community College. The following discussions highlights the ways that 

collaborators and other Palauans have honored Palauan Knowledge through visual 

representations and within academic and community programs.  

Representation 

Traveling from Ngaraard, Babeldaob, where my grandmother and family live to Koror 

where the community college is located is about an hour drive. I am always pleasantly 

overwhelmed by the fertile land replete with contrasting landscapes and a diversity of vegetation. 

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The drive to Koror involves downhill paths that provide views of the expansive coral reef barrier 

surrounding the island as well as views of the clear, blue, green waters that disappear into the 

dark blue ocean depths. I pass by spaces that I have walked, hiked and run through and yet as we 

pass by there is so much more that I have not encountered. There are fertile mangrove forests and 

jungles, distant red terraces, and village stone paths. I have particular landmarks: trees and hills  

Figure 4. Picture of Palau’s Landscape (Babeldaob) 

that I am familiar with and look to them to indicate my particular position and time within the 

journey. Some days we stop the car alongside the road to take in the beauty, and I hear the 

buzzing of insects and the breeze rustling through the trees. There is an occasional bird or frog 

that crosses our path, the latter especially after rainfall.  As we leave the more rural island of 

Babeldaob and approach urban Koror, more people and cars fill the streets. We cross the 

Japanese Friendship Bridge connecting Babeldaob to Koror and enter a place, with high-rise 

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hotels, cement and asphalt paved roads, apartment complexes, houses, stores, cafes, and 

government buildings. The distance along with the high cost of gasoline, often meant that time in 

Koror would involve a flurry of activities: visiting other relatives and friends in Koror as well as 

helping my grandmother with errands and business matters.  

I imagine that Koror had similar fertile lands compared to the descriptions from my 

journey in the opening of this section. Koror is home to highest clan within the entire island of 

Palau. Kupferman (2013) wrote an article about the impact of Western schooling in Micronesia 

where he discussed Koror’s clan, particularly that of Chief Ibedul and his second son Lee Boo. 

The author described a plaque by Lee Boo’s descendants that recognized him as the first 

ambassador and scholar of Palau. Within the community college’s Micronesian Collection, 

Grace shared with me 18th century books with the journal entries of Captain Wilson, detailing 

the interaction between his crew and the High chief of Koror. Ibedul provided assistance in 

repairing Captain Wilson’s ship and when they departed, Lee Boo, Ibedul’s second son, joined 

the crew and travelled to England. Not too long after, Lee Boo fell ill, died and was buried in 

England. Lee Boo is recognized as the first Palauan student who had pursued Western schooling.  

The following discussion now centuries from Lee Boo’s time in England, moves to 

recognizing Palauans who are re-centering Palauan Knowledge in the American-style 

community college. My description earlier of the contrasting Palauan landscape was to 

emphasize the physical impacts of colonization on the natural landscape of Koror. As I 

mentioned, I can only imagine from what I know in other parts of the island and what I still see 

existing as to what Koror looked like before urban development. The following discussion 

begins with collaborators’ stories about re-centering Palauan Knowledge within the physical 

structures of Palau Community College. The section ends with examples from Patrick’s 

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interactions with his community college colleagues from the United States. These conversations 

are examples of centering Palauan Knowledge in order to disrupt notions of Western superiority.   

Re-centering Palauan Knowledge through Physical Structures 

The time I spent in Palau Community College illuminated the many colonial footprints of 

the settlers who came to Palau. These footprint stories provided context for the interaction of 

different ways of knowing, being and doing within Palau broadly, but specifically for my 

dissertation story about Palau Community College. The colonial history is physically represented 

in the building footprints left by Japan and the United States. Some of the buildings in Palau 

Community College were constructed under Japanese and American administrations while others 

were constructed by vocational students or through the assistance of U.S. military to meet the 

growing needs of students coming from Palau and other Micronesian island territories (Takeuchi, 

2011). The Administration building is at the front of the school, clearly visible from Palau’s 

Main Street and houses the President’s office, board room, business office and Dean of students. 

Initially, it served as a hospital for the Japanese during World War II.   

While talking about the ways in which Palauan Knowledge appeared within the 

institution, Julita, a guest speaker in the Palauan Studies Program, credited Patrick, the 

community college president, for renaming the college’s buildings. She mentioned: “when you 

ask what are the names of [the] building[s], well before there was a time when they were A-B-C, 

but now they are Palauan names for trees or are fish.” In renaming these buildings, Patrick re-

centered Palauan Knowledge in the college by removing the American letters on each of the 

buildings. When Julita pointed this out, I realized that I missed this aspect in my many visits to 

the college. I then turned to the college’s registration book given to me so I could review the 

campus map.  

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The renaming of the buildings is especially meaningful in re-centering Palauan 

Knowledge in Koror and at the college. I return to the description of my journey from a natural 

and fertile space abundant in plants and animal life in Babeldaob to this urban environment 

marked by development into and resourced by the land of Koror. It counters the colonial 

transformations to Koror’s landscape from Japanese and American times to reclaim and honor 

Palauan’s relationship to land and therefore uphold Palauan Knowledge. At the surface it seems 

like a simple action however so much knowledge is embodied in the names of these buildings. 

Still more relationships and stories are connected to Palauan legends, common Palauan words, 

medicinal knowledge, and traditional ceremonies and practices (see APPENDIX I). Palauan 

names that link to land is healing and my engagement with these names has brought up Palauan 

Knowledge that I knew and still more that I need to learn. I realize that taking a deep dive into 

the terms means that I am coming into my own reconciliation of Palauan Knowledge, learning 

Palauan words and discovering its connections to oral histories.  

Honoring Palauan Knowledge is not only reflected in the names of the building but in 

other elements of the college. Positioned at the end of a courtyard and in front of PCC’s 

bookstore is the Mesekiu bai. While not elaborately adorned like the elite bai er a klobak (the 

seat of the council of high chiefs), the Mesekiu bai is reminscent of the tetib bai or the bai el 

beluu that served as common spaces for men and women to gather, sit and eat (Tellei, 2014). The 

bai contains stories such as the legend of Uab and symbols representing udoud (Palauan money 

beads) or demonstrating cheldechduch (communication). Still more stories and symbols appear 

throughout the college honoring the traditional practice of painting the stories in bais. It is 

another way to reclaim the Palauan Knowledge of these buildings. The images appear on 

building walls, air conditioning units, pillars and stairways. They feature Palauan legends, 

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symbols, culture and land. As I walked around the college, I made note of these visual 

representations of traditional places of learning: bais, the ocean, homes, and stone paths. The 

value of collectivity is exemplified through scenes of men and women together, men in a canoe 

in the ocean, warriors in a battle scene at sea, fish and turtles in the ocean. (See Figure 5 below 

and APPENDIX J)  

Figure 5. Mural of Indigenous Places of Learning at Palau Community College 

Centering Palauan Knowledge to Disrupt Notions of Western Superiority  

Representation is not only illuminated within pictures, but Palauan knowledge is 

maintained through oral representations. Whenever I meet with Patrick, I find myself learning 

through the many stories he tells about Palau and also about his interactions with higher 

education professionals not from Palau. With the latter, he described encounters that I experience 

when discussing Palau with those who are unfamiliar with it. I often have to explain Palau so that 

people can both learn and find relationship, first explaining where Palau is, why Palau matters in 

discussions of global relations, and then connecting its histories to a relationship with the United 

States, Japan and other world powers. As we discussed Palauan Knowledge within Palau 

Community College, Patrick brings up a 10-minute talk he gave on a conference call with other 

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administrators in the United States, meeting to review the higher education accreditation process. 

Patrick described his call to action:  

I started by saying for some of you, you are so concerned about what you are doing with 

your accreditation. There are a lot more issues in this island called planet earth that we 

are in together. So, I do not know how many of you who are commissioners, have 

thought of our very existence on our planet. So, I am asking you to get out of your 

comfort zone in San Diego City College, Mesa Community College. I was on a zoom 

conference, so I was looking at them. How many of you drove an SUV to the meeting 

this morning and, do you know that your SUV is contributing to some of these island 

countries and the level rise in the climate…that we will have to relocate from these 

islands? So now you can tell they are saying, why is he raising the concept of climate 

change. Because you are responsible for that and if it is not in your consciousness, it must 

be in your conscious. You are listening to someone in your community, and some of the 

islands are actually going to disappear. These islands will be missing as a result of your 

inaction. You are so insular in your thinking. You are concerned about this teaching and 

the cost of this and that. There is more happening. If people are displaced it is our 

problem. The standards are not addressing this, your standards are hollow.  

Here Patrick is asserting something that we do not pay too much attention to and that is the 

influence of Indigenous Knowledges within Western spaces. Patrick communicated to higher 

education officials the Palauan values, respect and responsibility to take care of land and people, 

one that must take in consideration global calculations beyond what people in the West may be 

aware of, see or know.  He reiterated and urged for the higher education community of which he 

asserts he is a part of, to think about their environmental impact now and into the future. Patrick 

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is engaging Palauan Knowledge in a space where Indigenous worldviews and knowledge are 

unfamiliar and marginalized. Conservation is the universal term and one that is a popular 

movement, but a mutual and nurturing relationship with land has existed for a long time in 

Indigenous communities. It is a value that was referred to by several of the collaborators.  

Additionally, the accreditation process remains dominated by Western ways of knowing, 

being and doing. It is a seemingly subtle actor, but here Patrick focused on their environmental 

footprint that has an impact globally and specifically for nations like Palau. Another example 

where Patrick challenges the Western accreditation body is when he takes issue with how Palau 

Community College and other Micronesian island colleges are scrutinized for their student’s 

English proficiency. He defends the colleges and its students saying: 

The College of Micronesia-FSM, Marshall Islands and PCC, we play a role none of you 

play as a land grant institution and the national college, the buck stops with us. So, when 

you come to us and say this is something you can do and something you cannot do and 

then tell us our [English] language department is not good. I said the students studying 

here are proficient in one or two languages [other than English], they are just not doing 

well in English…[You have to] realize that these students are two steps ahead of you 

because they know another language and culture. For some of [the accreditation team] 

they are hearing this for the first time.  

What Hermana said in the previous chapter about the pervasiveness of English in her K-12 

experience continues to this day. As mentioned in the literature review, the population 

demographics of Palau and Palau Community College reflect a Palauan majority. This study 

sought to understand what similarities or differences exist in comparison to Indigenous 

institutions or Indigenous students in predominantly White spaces. As revealed in this 

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conversation with an accreditation team, even though Palauans are in the majority within the 

college and in the surrounding community, the superiority of Western knowledge still lingers 

through the accreditation process and the people involved in carrying it out.  

Re-claiming Western spaces and conversations is also something that Patrick emphasized 

with guests to Palau Community College. He told me another story about a visiting faculty 

member who was assisting with the development of a course at Palau Community College. 

Patrick explained:  

The first [course plan] he submitted; I took him to the map in the front. I showed it to him 

and said what is in the center of the map? And he was looking and was like wow why is 

the U.S. way over on that side. Because U.S. is not the center of the universe, this is our 

map and so the U.S. is not in the center. But you know [Americans] are so used to when 

you put the map on the wall, U.S. is on the center. The professor, he was wondering why 

this center of nothingness. [The Pacific Islands] may be considered the center of 

nothingness to you but it is a home to 6.3 million people, of which 4 million who live in 

Papua New Guinea and the rest [of the islands are] scattered. If you cannot put yourself at 

that level to understand that, it will be tough to graph it. 

Patrick established expectations with the professor in the creation of the course, asserting the 

Pacific and specifically Palau, is at the center of Palau Community College and therefore must 

also be centered in the development of courses and programs. The conversation resists the power 

dynamics that consistently upholds Western ways of knowing where “othered ways of knowing 

are disavowed displaced, negated, engulfed” (Andreotti, Stein, Ahenakew, & Hunt, 2015). In this 

example, Patrick is honoring Palauan Knowledge by centering Palau within knowledge 

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production (creation of a new course). As in the challenge to the accreditation team, Patrick is 

contesting a US-centric mindset to affirm Palau Community College’s Palauan identity.  

Academic and Community Programming 

Visual and oral representations of Palauan knowledge covered in the previous section 

continue through the programmatic ways that Palauans are honoring Palauan Knowledge in the 

community college. It is aligned with comments by collaborators of the responsibility to your 

family, your clan and Palau. As I thought about the programs at Palau Community College, I was 

reminded of the words of Julita’s principal at her eighth grade graduation that she shared with 

me: “pulling your raft and you are out to the reef but now you are out in the open ocean and [you 

have to] work hard and come back to serve your country, your village.” My reflections on my 

experiences at Palau Community College leads me to see the college going through a continual 

process of what Julita’s principal described as coming back. It is a return to intentionally center 

Palauan Knowledge and along the way acknowledging and contending with footprints, both 

Palauan and settler. Even with changing times, Palauan Knowledge is evolving. This section 

looks at ways in which re-centering is happening within 1) the Palauan Studies Program, 2) a n 

non-credit course 3) a summer youth program, and 4) through research and extension activities.  

Palauan Studies Program    

 A significant footprint within Palau Community College’s academic programs came 

with the development of a Palauan Studies Program. According to Patrick, the annual (Palauan) 

Women’s conference drafted a resolution for Palau’s government to include Palauan Knowledge 

within systems of education. Elicita discussed program development as “sort of something they 

have been trying to get off the ground that had passed for many years ago.” Elicita gives credit to 

PCC’s President for his leadership in being a role model for collective action in protecting 

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Palauan Knowledge by supporting the Palauan Studies Program. As mentioned previously, 

Elicita had already contended with conflicts between American and Palauan views on Palauan 

sovereignty. As a part of oppositional efforts, Elicita’s role was to canvass between taro patches, 

educating women and assisting them in filing affidavits for a lawsuit to thwart US efforts to store 

nuclear waste and use Palauan land for military training. She spoke of this effort as grounding 

her views in creating and teaching within the Palauan Studies Program:  

And it is important…to have the Palauan Knowledge, especially here at the college. I 

continue because I believe in academia and action. I learned that from the women that we 

worked with, to be reflective of your actions and actively stand to educate the young 

people of this knowledge.  

Elicita emphasized the need for Palauan Knowledge to have a place in Palau Community 

College. She expanded on this conversation to point to the lessons she learned from the women’s 

movement that helped her in shaping the Palauan Studies Program. From the taro patches used to 

fight against nuclear storage in Palau to the ways Palau Community College can integrate 

Palauan Knowledge, Elicita is providing examples from her past and her present regarding the 

dynamic nature of Palauan Knowledge. It is this resiliency that provides hope for future 

collaborations between Palauan Knowledge, Indigenous places of learning and the academy.  

Though Elicita was not present at the inception of the Palauan Studies Program, she 

acknowledged the need to include elders (rubaks and mechas) who would enrich the program 

with varying and similar insights on Palauan history, customs, language and practice. In 

developing the program, she explained: “I came to PCC in late 2013, then one of my assignments 

was to make classes for the [Palauan Studies] program. I talked about [the curriculum] with some 

ladies here and then to several other people.” Additionally, she insisted that it was also important 

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to bring people to speak in the Palauan Studies courses. I was fortunate to be introduced to some 

of the elders who speak in the Palauan Studies Program: Hermana, Julita, and Mat (collaborators 

in this study). As Elicita mentioned later, the elders represent different pieces of the puzzle 

illuminating unique footprint stories of Palauan Knowledge that emerge from their personal 

experiences and family lineage. The knowledge shared in the Palauan Studies Program comprise 

the re-righting and resistance necessary to center and preserve Palauan ways of knowing, being 

and doing.  

Elders as Guest Lectures 

As guest lecturers in the Palauan Studies Program, Hermana, Julita and Mat provide 

stories that showcase how Palauan Knowledge has evolved. When Julita visits the course, she 

teaches students about respectful ways to interview elders as well as discusses the role of 

Palauan women in Palauan society. She is able to share a lot of knowledge from her work in co-

founding the Palauan Conservation Society as well as the knowledge she has of taro cultivation. 

Students within the Palauan Studies courses engage with another elder, Hermana, through her 

published collection of poetry. I was able to sit in on her class lecture as she invited both me and 

my sister after her interview. We talked about how her poems were reminiscent of Palauan 

chants carrying information and lessons. In her class she explained her poetry and motivations 

for what she wrote. “I have…American friends that kind of tell me that we live under tax 

money…and I respond to them…I feel like I was invaded…because we were victims of war 

and…a lot of colonialism we did not have our freedom. We were like being imposed on and 

things were imposed on us.” Hermana is passing on the history of separation and passing on 

knowledge from a Palauan view of the impacts of colonization. Her poems resist a romanticized 

view of settler advancements and illuminated what Andreotti et al. (2015) describe as a 

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recognition of “epistemological dominances” (p. 24). Hermana also teaches within the advanced 

Palauan grammar course from her contributions in writing the Palauan Cultural Profile 

Curriculum and the Palauan Orthography used in Palauan K-12 schools. Mat, like Hermana, 

comes to the class to talk about the development of a standardized Palauan language.  

Elicita not only centers Palauan Knowledge through elevating the voices of elders who 

speak in her classes, but she is also engages students in the same storytelling with the mechas 

and rubaks (elder woman and man) in their lives. She assigns a project much like what Julita has 

done in community-based preservation efforts to discover the hidden footprints of Palauan 

Knowledge: history, lineage, and lessons. Grace also mentioned the significance of Elicita’s 

interview assignment. As mentioned in the background chapter, Grace works in the Micronesia-

Pacific Collection of Palau Community College’s library. She spoke about this storytelling 

assignment saying: “I ask for all the student papers and they fill out a consent form for us to keep 

them here...It is important to keep these Palauan stories.” Grace recognized that there is a lack of 

documented stories written from a Palauan perspective and honors Palauan Knowledge through 

her efforts to store these stories. She also regularly scours depositories for undergraduate papers, 

theses, dissertations and artifacts produced by Palauans to add to the Micronesia-Pacific 

Collection. It is here in the library’s special collection that I gathered many of the archived 

documents for this study. One such document is Palau Community College’s Mesekiu’s News, 

the college weekly newsletter. The central story for the week was “Collaborative learning: 

Tourism & Hospitality and Palauan Studies” was the central story of the week. The partnership 

between the two academic programs is an example how Palauan Knowledge can help inform 

non-Indigenous courses. The two courses that came together was the Palauan History & Culture 

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and Tour-Guiding & Travel Planning. The classes traveled to Ulong Island and learned about its 

history and heritage (Fritz, 2014, p.1).    

Non-credit Course 

During my pilot study, Patrick informed me about a non-instrumental navigation course 

(wayfaring) that was offered as a non-credit course at PCC. The instructor, Sesario Sewralur, is 

from the outer island of Yap and his father Mau Pialung helped bring the knowledge of 

wayfaring to the Native Hawaiians. While the knowledge of wayfaring is important to Oceanic 

cultures, my conversation with Julita revealed more about the impact of having such a course at 

Palau Community College. She mentioned that having Sesario in Palau has opened up 

knowledge about place names. She said:  

Before we never heard about that name, only some people in Koror around the area knew 

the name of the dock, so the fact that [Palau Community College] is reviving those place 

names, mean that we may learn more information like about practices and migration as 

the college talks to more people. 

The navigation course is an example of Palau Community College’s commitment to other 

Indigenous Oceanic knowledges as well. The relationship to Yap is a close one, as the people of 

Yap often sailed to Palau to get stone to make their money. I am also connected to Yap, my 

mother lived there for some time and my aunt (mother’s sister) is married to a man from Yap. 

All in all, the wayfaring course and the knowledge shared and gleaned is an example of how 

Indigenous Knowledge from other cultures can assist in reviving Palauan Knowledge.  

Summer Youth Program 

The function of a community college is to be responsive to the local community. This is a 

characteristic that aligns with the collective nature of Palauan society. Patrick spoke about his 

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personal commitment to take youth in his family to learn Palauan history, knowledge and skills. 

He did this on the weekend because their weekdays are busy with video gaming, school and 

television. Patrick also explained how the college is trying to also outreach to youth about 

Palauan Knowledge. In partnership with Koror State Government Division of Cultural Affairs 

and Workforce Innovation and Opportunity, Palau Community College provides this program to 

“promote cultural appreciation in young Palauans by providing hands-on experiences” (Palau 

Community College, 2013, p. 1). Hermana is also involved in the program as one of the youth 

instructors and expanded on the types of experiences offered to students. These experiences 

include cultural practices such as basket weaving, making fish traps, and learning Palauan 

chants. Hermana talked about the importance of learning and embodying the origin story of 

Palau (uchelel Belau) and how many of Palau’s customs come from the main central character, 

Uab. Hermana elaborates how she instructs the youth about the story narrating:  

Uab (a giant figure) fell so the population [of Palau] that was growing very fast would 

have a place to live. [After the islands were established with the body of Uab.], then came 

immigration,…educating people and then… omes, meaning like you transform, he 

became a woman and started going around educating people [on how to do] the taro 

patch all around the villages of Palau and then she went to the east coast and she did the 

ritual for the birth.   

Each body part of Uab relates to a different part of the island and that body part relays certain 

qualities to the people from that region. An example is Ngarechlong which represent part of 

Uab’s head and so people from this state are said to be intelligent. The story also transitions into 

other Palauan legends and customs: birth ritual and cultivation of taro. The reason why Uab fell 

was as a result of his greed. As he grew from baby into man, he was eating too much despite 

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limited food, so believing they would starve, villagers killed Uab. The story today is used to 

reflect efforts to support conservation efforts in Palau and worldwide (Public Broadcast Station, 

2013). Simpson (2014) discusses indigenous stories “as a theoretical anchor whose meaning 

transforms over time and space within individual and collective Nishnaabeg consciousness.” 

Likewise, legends in Palau take on slightly different meanings across the different villages within 

Palau and across different storytellers. In the end they hold a significant meaning. Simpson 

(2014) goes on to say that:  

Theory is generated and regenerated continually through embodied practice and within 

each family, community, and generation of people. Theory is not just educational pursuit, 

it is intimate and personal, with individuals themselves holding the responsibilities for 

finding and generating meaning within their own lives.  

Hermana and the other instructors through the summer youth program are helping in the 

regeneration of Palauan legends and therefore Palauan Knowledge through the Youth Summer 

Programs.   

Research and Extension Activities  

The Cooperative Research and Extension (CRE) office of the college is a space where 

Palauan Knowledge of land is being honored. CRE helps to preserve taro knowledge and 

reconnects Palauans to the cultivation of land to promote the consumption of local foods. Julita 

spoke about CRE saying: “the college has extension programs in Ngremlengui (Babeldaob), so 

there is work in agriculture and [in] the mesei (taro fields) …[and] that is reviving Palauan 

Knowledge and practices.” Thomas who runs CRE talked of the importance of taro saying:  

There is never enough taro; it is used for funeral…and first birth [ceremonies]…What we 

have been doing is work[ing] with the community in terms of supporting the food 

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security problem due to climate change and issues with water resources (drought and salt 

water mixing).You cannot be eating all rice and no taro for [customs], that is not 

culturally acceptable. 

Additionally, Thomas talked about concerns with food security due to a shipping strike and 

weeks without imported goods. Thomas’ focus is to re-center Palauan Knowledge through a 

return to subsistence living and cultural survival through a renewed relationship to land. 

Research coming out of the center seeks to document the knowledge of skilled mechas 

(elders/women) in the taro fields. One of the projects sought to understand women’s choice of 

fertilizer as they were not eager to use the commercial fertilizer that CRE offered. Thomas 

explained:  

We went around interviewing all the women…to know what kind of tree or grass they 

used to fertilize the taro patches…they use trees most of the time and some banana 

leaves… the [researcher’s] results were very encouraging. [Their results showed that] 

traditional knowledge is still there and still very useful… [The women were] growing 

really good corm (meat of the taro plant). [The corm] was big, it was very starchy. 

Palauan women shy away from commercial fertilizer [because] they don’t like it…they 

say that the corm is not good when it is used.  

Even with a seemingly easier approach of using commercial fertilizer, Palauan women through 

years of expertise passed down through family knew their way of fertilizing was best even if it 

meant that they were taking the more labor-intensive route. The Cooperative Research and 

Extension office is doing similar projects that bring together Palauan Knowledge with other 

scientific knowledges. In the end, Thomas affirms that the center respects the knowledge of 

women and seeks to document what they are willing to share such as the Palauan names for the 

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different varieties of taro (Del Rosario, Esguerra, & Taro, 2015). At the end of our conversation, 

Thomas walked me out to where CRE’s publications were kept and gifted me several books. 

These books are filled with Palauan Knowledge, old and new, covered information about taro 

cultivation, Palauan names for local varieties of taro, taro recipes, the processing of banana and 

medicinal plants. The information within these books leveraged knowledge from other cultures 

including other Pacific Islands to introduce new techniques, skills and products. The results from 

these developments provide an example for how Palauan Knowledge can work with other 

knowledges in order to evolve and meet the changing needs of the community.  

Summary 

The main takeaway from this chapter is that it answers the central research question of 

this study: How is Indigenous Knowledge incorporated within Palau Community College 

(PCC)? The chapter revealed that Palauan Knowledge was being centered through the reclaiming 

of building footprints. Some of PCC’s buildings trace back to Japanese administrations (former 

hospital) and others to the American administration. In the tradition of decorations on bai 

(traditional meeting house), stone, and caves, these colonial buildings were reinvisioned to center 

Palauan Knowledge. The buildings were renamed from the (American) alphabet to Palauan 

names for trees and fish. On the walls, columns, stairways, and air conditioning units, there are 

murals showing Palauan values, legends, and symbols. These images paint a picture much 

different than the views at the founding of the institution, one that appreciates and centers 

Palauan Knowledge.  

In the courtyard of the college, is the Mesekiu bai much like the community-level bais in 

traditional times that are meant for feasts, planning, meetings, and to welcome guest. In the same 

fashion, the bai has tables for people to gather, sit, and eat. Palauan Knowledge is incorporated 

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by Palauan elders who share stories, legends, genealogy, and terminology with college students 

in the Palauan Studies Programs as well as to youth in a summer camp. The land grant office 

protected Palauan Knowledge through research, documentation, the promotion of subsistence 

living (educating and providing materials to cultivate or process Palauan staple foods like 

banana, taro, coconut, fish, etc.). Palauan Knowledge is honored through conversations with 

colleagues in the states that center Indigenous perspectives and values (skills of multilingual 

islanders and good stewardship of land to limit climate change). 

What was presented in this chapter reflects a collective effort of people within and 

outside of the college to re-center and protect Palauan Knowledge. The next chapter looks to add 

to this chapter by discussing considerations and suggestions for the continuity of Palauan 

Knowledge in Palau Community College. 

 

 

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CHAPTER 8: CONTINUITY 

  

I took a break from dissertation writing and closed my eyes to envision how I could better 

focus on this chapter. At this point I had written a very rough draft of the chapter but was 

struggling with its overall story. As I closed my eyes, my thoughts took me to back to Palau to a 

couple years prior to the start of my doctoral program. I was in Ngarchelong, the state that my 

grandfather is from, and a place that is just north of Ngaraard where my grandmother is from. 

My mother, cousins, and friends trekked down a steep hill accommodated by steps to make it 

easier to get down. At the bottom of our journey was a vast expanse of land with large stone 

monoliths scattered around. It was here with my mother where my vision first started. My 

memory went directly to my mother telling me how the large slabs of rock and engraved stones 

were the remnants of the original bai (meeting house) of Palau.  

Figure 6. Stone Monoliths, Ngarchelong, Babeldaob 

Still, other scenes connected to Palauan legends came to me. I saw myself walking along the 

stone path in Ngaraard with my mother, sister and cousins. The stone path has leads to the legend 

of a lake that for a time held the power to make people young forever. Then there were two more 

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visions connected to Palauan stories, they were the last ones that my mother shared with me 

before she passed away. My sister and I sat in the car listening to my mom and her best friend 

direct me in driving to Ngiwal, where we have familial connections. They described it as a place 

with two legends, the first, a legend of the strong man and the other of the breadfruit tree. The 

latter legend about the breadfruit tree connects to conversations later that I will discuss. While 

laughing my mom and her best friend described the common thing to say about people from 

Ngiwal, “7 eat 9” meaning that they eat seven meals and nine soups at each meal. Their “giant’ 

stature is at the heart of the legend of the strong man, it is this and good warrior skills that people 

from Peleliu (southern island in Palau) sought out the strong man to assist them in battle. The 

stories were not just something I listened to, even more our footprints joined those who have 

been here before in this place where the legends originated. There are stories throughout this 

dissertation, and they are stories of the past, for the present, and to last into the future. These 

stories are footprints from my mother and all her relations, some who have also passed on. The 

stories and their re-telling are how Palauan Knowledge continues.  

I return to writing this chapter with a better vision of the story that will be told. It is a 

story that builds on and faces back to the previous chapters in this dissertation. Collaborators’ 

narratives in Chapter 6 revealed the impacts of the forceful centering of settler worldviews, 

knowledges and places of learning over time in Palau. Though collaborators presented their 

individual stories and views, collectively their narratives illustrated a journey towards healing as 

Palauan Knowledge was reclaimed and re-centered. Chapter seven extends this conversation of 

healing the relationship between Palauans and Palauan Knowledge. The chapter demonstrated 

how Palauans honored Palauan Knowledge within the community college. Each chapter 

provided example after example of the ability for Palauan Knowledge to persist and it is this 

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point that is the crux of this chapter: the broader discussions of continuity in Palau including 

what needs to be done within and outside of Palau Community College.  In this chapter, I begin 

by re-righting misunderstandings of Palauan Knowledge that promote efforts towards the 

continuity of Palauan Knowledge. I follow this discussion addressing the two spaces that can 

support continuity. The first is the non-formal places of learning that are outside of Palau 

Community College and involve community-based learning. The second and final section of this 

chapter involves formal places of learning that happen within the organizational structure of 

Palau Community College.  

Re-righting Misunderstandings of Palauan Knowledge 

To incorporate Palauan Knowledge in Palau Community College is to understand that 

Palauan Knowledge evolves. Scholars describe Indigenous Knowledge as dynamic, complex, 

and constantly modifying to the changing needs of the community (Andreotti et al., 2017; 

Argawal, 1995; Barnhardt & Kawagley, 1998; Pidgeon, 2016). A long-standing fallacy 

perpetuated by settlers to disempower Indigenous peoples lay in relegating Indigenous 

Knowledge to the past and therefore demeaning it as unchanging and stagnant (Argwal, 1995; 

Battiste & Henderson, 2009; Hao’fa, 1994). To be clear, the past, itself, is not to be dismissed 

either. Comments by collaborators: Thomas, Patrick and Elicita confirm Andreotti et al.’s (2017) 

assertion that the past provides important knowledge and insight to live in the present. The 

authors support their claim with the example of Maori people who move toward the future with 

their bodies facing the past and with their ancestors facing them. Altogether, there are two 

premises that come from collaborators: 1) Palauan Knowledge is embedded in a relationship 

with the past and 2) Palauan Knowledge evolves and changes to fit the environment and needs of 

the community. These assertions can be found in the following collaborator statements.  

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Thomas, who manages Palau Community College’s land grant projects and research 

ventures, reiterated the resiliency of Palauan Knowledge to continue to exist by being grounded 

in the past and also evolving in the present. He stated that:    

The basic foundation is still the same. Palauan Knowledge throughout the many centuries 

and influences have evolved throughout so much. If [Palauans] from the 1800s arrive 

today they would see that the basic principles, values, and the knowledge of Palau is still 

here even though time has changed to suit the living conditions that we are in today. 

Thomas defined later in our discussion that the basic foundation of Palauan Knowledge is that of 

respect and specifically respecting your community, Palauan customs and practices. Continuity 

then is the ability to be in an appropriate relationship with the conditions of the present, while 

also having a connection and deep respect shaped by the past. Elicita, the program coordinator 

and instructor in the Palauan Studies Program, also affirmed Palauan Knowledge’s relationship 

to the past saying, “I think we need as people of today, we need to consistently see what 

happened in the past [as] we start engaging in decision-making because [the past] is important 

otherwise we will perish.” Elicita, like Thomas also spoke about the value of respect connected 

to the continuity of Palauan Knowledge:  

I think to me that is very important in ways that [Palauan Knowledge] would continue… 

Although the changes are there, [you can] acknowledge [those] changes, but then not 

make the change be the driving force...We have a responsibility to the next generation to 

continue the importance of respect, of taking care of each other’s human dignity, and 

good stewardship of the island itself, of the environment and people. 

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While reiterating the importance of respect, Elicita draws attention to the future. In order for the 

next generation to live as Palauans, the current generation must abide by the knowledge that their 

ancestors have passed down. This knowledge is found in respecting all relations.  

On the other hand, Patrick, the community college’s president, spoke specifically to the 

fact that the past is a place we cannot fully return to. He insisted that “we are all changed too…I 

just wanted to make sure when we paint [the past], we paint it in a way that [takes into context 

that] different colors were used because the sun rose on a different location and was shining in a 

different place.” He explained through this metaphor and through our overall conversation that 

there is a need to maintain things from the past but we must also acknowledge that with changing 

circumstances, there are skills, information and practices that no longer are needed or are 

appropriate for the time.  

In the midst of all the changes that have occurred in Palau, the Palauan symbol Terroi el 

Beluu directs Palauans to continuity. I found the symbol in a chapter of a book that is to be used 

in Palauan Studies Program. The chapter was authored by Patrick and in it he described the 

symbol as having: 

A circular figurine with two human heads, two legs and two arms. One of these figurines 

is encircled by besebasech, a continuous triangular pattern. This has come to symbolize 

continuity, each triangle representing a different season for planting, harvesting, etc. and 

showing how the members of the community need to cooperate and work in unison.  

I adapted the symbol to represent the dynamic nature of Palauan Knowledge that includes the 

past, present and future. The past is important, so it is emboldened, and the body parts within the 

picture face the past. Palauan Knowledge is not linear therefore the past, present and future flow 

into each other through the various lines in the middle circle.   

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Figure 7. Terroi el Beluu (Adapted) 

 

One other thing to consider about the past comes from Andreotti et al. (2017) who argue 

“since the future woven in the present is informed by the teachings of the past, any consideration 

of possible futurities needs a careful examination of the repeated patterns of our shared past, that 

is, the shared pasts of Indigenous and non-Indigenous Peoples (p.8).” While continuity relies on 

the centering of Palauan Knowledge, I agree with scholars that a pure knowledge does not exist 

(Kincheloe & Steinberg, 2008). Indigenous and non-Indigenous Knowledges who have come 

into contact, cannot be disentangled from each other. These relationships have been established 

over years of contact through migration and colonization and they continue to interface through a 

world ever more connected through technology, partnerships/collaborations and media. At issue 

argued throughout my study, is the unbalanced and dismissive nature propagated by perceptions 

of Western knowledge superiority. Institutions have perpetuated these ideals; therefore, it is 

imperative to disrupt this message by centering Palauan Knowledge.  

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Non-formal Spaces of Learning 

Even when posing a question about what else the college can do to incorporate Palauan 

Knowledge, collaborators responded by pointing to spaces external to the community college as 

being important for its continuity. These spaces align with the idea that Indigenous Knowledge is 

“interfaced with place” by way of the close relationship that Indigenous people have with nature 

(Andreotti et al., 2017, p.3). Non-formal places of learning include Indigenous teachers and 

places of learning as sources of knowledge. This connects to the second, and no less important, 

research question of my study, regarding how Indigenous teachers and places of learning inform 

Palau Community College? I also define non-formal places of learning as contemporary spaces 

created by Palauans external to the college. This would include organizations (non-profits) and 

democratic committees and representatives. In considering the continuity of Palauan Knowledge, 

the following discussion focuses on collaborators comments on leadership, experiential learning, 

elders and sacred knowledge. These components are necessary in maintaining Palauan 

Knowledge.  

Leadership 

As discussed in Chapter 7, community-oriented leadership is important within Palauan 

society. Leadership supports the continuity of Palauan Knowledge. Elicita spoke about Palau’s 

traditional chief system of ruling saying: “Chiefs have the responsibility over everybody, it's 

really in Palauan Knowledge. The chiefs are in charge of taking care of the vulnerable in the 

community and if they get in trouble, [the chiefs] are in charge of getting them out of 

trouble.” She continued with another example of leadership that looks to continuity saying:  

Our Palauan Knowledge is about good stewardship because when you go to the ocean 

you do not take everything there; we just take what we need. And one thing that really 

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happened and I am so happy about it, [is] the marine sanctuary, the concept of bul, 

like when there is lack of food, then [a chief] would have a bul so that the environment 

will be given a chance to rejuvenate and to flourish. 

Here, Elicita described the two types of non-formal places of learning that I defined at the 

opening of this section 1) Indigenous teachers and places of learning and 2) contemporary spaces 

outside of the college. The first, Indigenous teachers and places of learning is captured by her 

statement that chiefs have the power to declare a bul over Indigenous places of learning 

including places like the ocean and land. Mat and Patrick described, bul, as an action done in 

order to protect endangered sea life, plants and animals. What is different within Elicita’s 

statement is who declared the bul. This declaration of a “marine sanctuary” by the President of 

the Republic of Palau, connects to the dynamic nature of Palauan Knowledge in that the call to 

action came from a place that was not  Indigenous, the office of the President (democratic 

government) in the spirit of bul (Palauan Knowledge). This is in line with Thomas’ earlier 

assertation that the basic foundation of respect is still intact. 

Dalton, the youngest collaborator who works for CRE, provided a specific example of 

how chiefs and their roles have evolved saying: 

My dad is from Melekeok and he is the second ranking chief in our hamlet and one of his 

duties is that he gathers a small organization. We call it men’s club because it is only for 

men...I am part of the club. We pay our own dues monthly, two dollars for membership 

and then we tend to go out and do projects. This club is an example of the [traditional] 

men's club before. 

Dalton further explained that the purpose of the club was to meet particular needs of each of the 

families in the village. Projects within the men’s club include fixing structures within the village, 

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such as the houses of families; maintaining the bai (traditional chief meeting house) in 

Melekeok; and restoring the village stone path. This aligns with Elicita’s comment that the chief 

is responsible for the people in his village. Palauan Knowledge is therefore still existing albeit 

with some changes that meet the way of life in Palau such as paying monthly dues. 

Experiential Learning 

The above characterization of men’s club segways into the next discussion on the 

important role of experiential learning in the continuity of Palauan Knowledge. Julita, a guest 

lecturer in the Palauan Studies Program, emphasized the need for experiential learning:  

I think in learning about Palau and your culture, so much is related to doing and I think if 

people do not work in the taro patch you do not learn…the finer terms [involved in the 

cultivation of] taro fields. Maybe you learn the big general terms but the specifics, you 

can lose that…There is continuation with the cultivation of taro, and it is the same way 

with the building of the bai (traditional meeting house).  

Julita pointed out how fundamental learning by doing is for the continuity of Palauan 

Knowledge. Here the main idea is that there are deeper levels of knowledge, namely specific 

Palauan terms, that cannot be obtained in contexts other than Indigenous places of learning. 

Julita talks more about terms to say that “taro has many names and girls learn about the different 

taro varieties.” I am in awe of the knowledge that women carry to know the many varieties of 

taro and that this knowledge certainly comes with from an intimate relationship with taro. It is 

one that is connected to many skills including knowing “certain techniques to prevent disease in 

taro,” boundaries of land to plant and to maintain, adjusting to weather conditions including dry 

seasons, and utilizing the right leaves to create good mulch and covering to ward off weeds. 

Additionally, women in a small village would come together to work cooperatively in each 

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other's taro fields. Julita said the co-op was called mengerakl where “we come help you and the 

next day we go to someone else. So, in the taro field there were ways of helping each other” 

I return to the Palauan tradition of men’s club from the previous section to expand on this 

discussion about experiential learning. The sites involved in the building of a bai are Indigenous 

places of learning. Patrick, who is also from Melekeok like Dalton, spoke with pride about what 

he and others have been able to accomplish with young men. Patrick states:  

When we were young, we did not have this opportunity…[and] there was only one [bai]. 

Unless we built one for us, then our children would not have this knowledge. And now 

there are several that have been worked on. [The young men] are now experts and this is 

good for the next two generations. 

Patrick continued by saying that anybody interested in the bai could join and learn by experience 

in the many tasks of the bai, from learning terminology to the “knowledge of things like the 

harvest and choosing nipa leaves used for the thatching of the bai roof.”  

Similar to the responsibility of maintaining the collective village space of a bai, Dalton 

spoke about how the men’s club also maintains the village stone path. He explained:  

Now our role is not only in the village but to go to the part around the village [where the] 

rocks protect…waves from entering. What we do is we go and maintain them...We gather 

as much historical material from that area to build that stone path to keep it traditional. 

Altogether the message that emerged from Julita, Dalton and Patrick, was that Palauan 

Knowledge relies on learning through experience. At the same time, Palauan Knowledge within 

these Indigenous spaces of learning have also changed so that it can continue to exist. Dalton’s 

addressed this point in his conversation about men’s club affirming that “today is different, the 

practice is the same, but some of our roles have changed.”  

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Elders 

Another consideration in the continuity of Palauan Knowledge was brought up in the 

concern for Palauan elders and the knowledge they carry. Hermana, a lecturer in the Palauan 

Studies Program and PCC’s summer youth program, spoke about the possible loss of knowledge 

urging the community to recognize that “it is going to be difficult because a lot of people will 

soon pass away who know all about [Palauan land and genealogy]. As you can see Palau now is 

like almost a very young community because very few elderly are still alive.” Dalton, a student 

also addressed the topic of elders when thinking about continuity:  

My experience especially in Babeldaob my grandmother lives in Babeldaob, most old 

people are in Babeldaob. They speak Palauan [terms that] I do not know...and use it in 

everyday life. Since they’re there (in Babeldaob), they are the only ones there using it. 

But us in Koror do not hear that every day, if only we can move there, and work there, 

then we can hear it and practice it, that is the difference between us and them.  

His words acknowledge the expertise localized in elders and further concedes that to obtain the 

knowledge from elders is to live in daily contact with them. He reiterates an earlier discussion by 

Patrick about the distinctiveness between rural Palau (Babeldaob) and urban Palau (Koror). 

Babeldaob is a place that allows you to be more connected to land and to people away from the 

distractions of a populated and crowded place. The difference is visible for Dalton, because his 

family is from Babeldaob and since he works in Koror, he is able to see this contrast.  Herein lies 

a challenge to continuity and that is the varying obligations presented to Palauan youth. Dalton 

explained it:  

As for our traditional culture only fewer of us are experts in our traditional way and those 

few are old people and they remind us every day that we should do this, and we should 

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not do this because this is a foreign culture. But as for us a young generation it is 

different for us because we learn it in school the way we grow up we learn these foreign 

things, so it is hard for us to practice [Palauan Knowledge] in everyday life. 

Sacred Knowledge 

Lastly, the collaborators also insisted that the continuity of knowledge must also be 

respectful of sacred knowledge.  There are boundaries to sharing certain aspects of Palauan 

Knowledge established before foreign contact. Hermana provides an example saying, “some 

families are known for their skills with medicine…they teach their children and we commoners 

(Palauans) are not supposed to know what they know.” Julita and Sholeh also talk about this 

through their work experiences in Palauan community-based organizations, Palauan 

Conservation Society and Belau National Museum respectively. Reflecting on her interviews 

with elders to document and preserve Palauan Knowledge, Sholeh, an alumna of Palau 

Community College, affirmed that “knowledge is also secret…[and that] a lot of clans have their 

own knowledge and we do not want to pressure them like we have to get this…no it was 

whatever [they] want[ed] to share.” Similarly, Julita added her personal feelings and 

understandings revealing:  

In retrospect…it was hard to talk to people to get this knowledge which don’t belong to 

us…because you know some things, I do not have the right to know and that is respected 

in Palau… The point is who is asking and who wants to know…The [non-Palauan] 

researchers [in the past] when they came, they affiliated with a family. 

The latter part of this quote referred to prior chapters and the importance of understanding what 

relationships might exist between people, may it be through family, clan or village lineage. It is 

imperative to state one’s name and even more importantly your family’s name. Additionally, 

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Julita expressed discomfort while interviewing to document Palauan Knowledge, which is not 

the way that stories were passed on traditionally. However, she continued because she did not 

want the general story that the elder could share, lost. It revealed a need to reconcile the benefits 

of collecting and protecting Palauan Knowledge with new ways of communication and storage. 

Though this is not to dismiss the oral tradition, Julita insisted “we want to encourage [Palauans] 

to tell stories to your children, to keep those stories in the community.”  

Palau Community College: A Formal Place of Learning 

The discussion in the previous section provided important considerations for 

incorporating Palauan Knowledge in Palau Community College. The focus of this section is on 

Palau Community College as a formal place of learning and how it can further incorporate 

Palauan Knowledge in the college. As with the prior section on non-formal places of learning, 

leadership is also important in supporting the continuity of Palauan Knowledge at PCC. 

Referencing Patrick’s leadership, Elicita insisted that PCC “is fortunate [to] have a leader...who 

has knowledge of what it means to be active in community life and in our small island.” It is with 

his community-oriented leadership that she believes Palau Community College is positioned well 

to support efforts to continue to center and therefore include Palauan Knowledge. Centering 

Indigenous Knowledge in the academy according to Pidgeon (2016) is not captured by one 

strategy or policy change but a continual process whereby a postsecondary institution establishes 

“respectful relationships through relevant policies, programs and services.”  With this in mind, 

the following discussion addresses collaborators’ suggestions on what else can be done across 

Palau Community College in the areas of: 1) academic programs 2) co-curricular opportunities 

and 3) community engagement.  

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Academic Programs 

Palauan Studies Program holds a pivotal place in the centering and maintenance of 

Palauan Knowledge at Palau Community College. Julita characterized it as supplemental to the 

learning that is done with Indigenous teachers in Indigenous places of learning. At the same 

time, she also commented that the program “still needs a lot of work” with an emphasis on the 

development of options that can be taken by current students and can attract new students. Julita 

suggested that “for PCC, if it's possible to have basic Palauan courses for Palauan and non-

Palauan students at PCC, so they can have some basic knowledge.” Julita then began to list off 

possible topics that PCC students could take as a part of the requirement. These include Palauan 

genealogy and history; Palauan place names and terminology of the land; basic geography in 

Palau; and Palauan legends such as the creation story. Grace, an alumna of PCC and librarian 

assistant, made a similar statement suggesting that the college should look into making Palauan 

language [a course] requirement for [Palauan PCC] students and warned that if we do not really 

do it then [Palauan language] may be gone.” She explained that although she is Palauan there are 

some words that she does not know and before she was able to go to her parents but they are no 

longer here, so if Palau Community College had a language requirement then Palauan students 

would be stronger in their language. Hermana also suggested that PCC focus on Palauan 

language to collectively come together as an institution to “[up]hold Palauan language like it is 

important. She wants to repair its place in the generations coming up because as mentioned by 

Dalton, there are so many foreign influences in their schooling that separates them from the 

knowledge of their elders. Patrick added another point and that was to open up courses in an 

online format. The target student would be a reverse transfer student that would encourage 

participation by Palauans away from the island.  

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Co-curricular Opportunities 

Patrick and Sholeh briefly spoke about co-curricular opportunities in response to how 

Palau Community College could support the continuity of Palauan Knowledge. I define co-

curricular opportunities as experiences that the college offers to students that are outside of their 

academic courses. While Patrick reiterated his belief in learning Palauan Knowledge in the 

home, first, as central to the continuity of Palauan Knowledge he also said that PCC can 

“certainly come up with a club and also try to encourage participation in communities. But that is 

something I come from, a community where young women and young men’s groups are very 

strong.” The discussion of mens’ club in particular was elaborated on earlier in this chapter with 

comments by Patrick and Dalton in the non-formal places of learning section. Even though a 

strong presence exists in Melekeok, effort by Palau Community College could increase 

participation.  

Additionally, Sholeh recognized that more should be done to connect Palau Community 

College students with Belau National Museum and thereby to Palauan Knowledge. She 

envisioned an opportunity where PCC students could work and learn alongside employees of the 

museum on existing projects or they could have a specific field or project in mind that they could 

propose to the museum to see how that might fit within the museum. Particularly for projects, 

Sholeh elaborated on a one project as an example of an experience that they could provide 

students. 

We got a grant to focus on the two [villages we identified] because they have the oldest 

Palauan Knowledge such as having Modekengei (Palauan religion) and a lot of the 

history connected to legends and great warriors. The villages have an old channel 

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important [in travelling] to the reef and also still have nice stone paths. So, we decided to 

interview elders over a course of months, no actually a couple of years. 

The opportunity reiterates the point Dalton made as these two villages are found in Babeldaob, 

the place where you can find elders and people living in close connection to land and traditional 

practices. As discussed, earlier elders are aging, and they are a valuable source of knowledge. 

Palau Community College could benefit from a partnership with Belau Museum to either create a 

co-curricular opportunity (internship) or to connect Belau Museum to the Palauan Studies 

Program.  

Community Engagement  

The community college plays an important role as the sole institution of higher education 

in Palau and a valuable aspect of the college in its engagement in the community. As mentioned 

in the previous chapter, Palau Community College offers a summer youth program as well as 

reaches out into the community through their Cooperative Research and Extension (CRE) office. 

Palau Community College’s (n.d.) CRE office “generate[s], develop[s] and disseminate[s] 

practical and sustainable technologies and knowledge in agriculture, aquaculture, environment, 

food and human sciences to benefit the people of the Republic of Palau and the surrounding 

regions.” Thomas shared with me a potential project involved with bringing additional breadfruit 

trees to Palau, possibly importing that plants from Hawaii. He explained that there has been a 

reduction in breadfruit as a result of the changing context in Palau by way of destruction caused 

by typhoons as well as people removing the trees when they build their homes. More broadly, 

increasing the number of breadfruit trees is tied to the growing need to become self-sustainable 

especially as food security issues linger amidst what Thomas describes as “conflicts [in the 

region connected to] North Korea that could interrupt the ships bringing food to Palau.”   

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The breadfruit plant called meduu is a common staple food and construction material 

within Oceania. The breadfruit tree is also connected to a Palauan legend of neglect and greed. I 

learned about the breadfruit story from my mom while conducting this study and it was one of  

Figure 8. Palauan Legend of the Breadfruit Tree, Ngiwal, Babeldaob 

the last stories she shared before her passing. The legend was about a poor old woman who 

lived in Ngiwal. After a day of catching fish, men from a nearby village would pass by her house 

without sharing any of their catch. She was left to only eat the fruit from the breadfruit tree until 

her son came home one day. Saddened that nobody had shared fish with her, he cut a branch of 

the breadfruit tree, first water came out and then fish. Thereafter the woman would just cut a branch 

when she needed fish. The villagers were envious of her, cut down the tree, and took fish for 

themselves. However, the water continued to flow out of the tree and soon drowned the villagers 

Their village is underwater to this day.  

The breadfruit tree has significance in Palauan society as displayed through this story. A 

focus on bringing back the breadfruit tree and encouraging its cultivation and consumption is 

137 

continuity of Palauan Knowledge. The breadfruit tree is honored within Palauan legend and the 

lesson from this story connects to the goals of CRE’s and this project. What we learn from the 

legend is to take care of each other as nobody cared for the poor old woman, whose son was 

away. And secondly is to take care of the land, to literally not cut down the breadfruit tree. 

An additional resource for the community comes from Elicita’s reflection on Palauan 

Knowledge that has been and would be gathered within Palau Community College as well as 

outside of the college. Elicita posed that the “challenge would be [for] there [to be] one place 

where we can have all of this, an archive...While some might say [in] the Arts and Cultures, or 

Koror State government...I think [Palau Community College] can serve as the repository…this 

would be the place where you go and look up Palauan Knowledge.” She also added speaking 

directly to me that with this repository “PCC would be an appropriate place, so we need you to 

come back.” She like Patrick emphasized “reaching out to outside of Palau, to the Palauan 

diaspora.” Elicita mentioned this so that people of Palauan descent outside of Palau would 

engage with Palaun knowledge. Also, she said that this might encourage people to come to work 

in Palau Community College to continue the work of honoring Palauan Knowledge. She feels a 

sense of urgency as she is getting older and said “I am retiring or actually I am already retired 

and came back to do this Palauan Studies Program because it was important to bring together 

like minded people to work together and to ensure the continuity of Palauan Knowledge and 

practice.”  

Summary 

In discussing futurity, Andreotti et al. (2015) state that “Māori people walk backward 

toward the future with their bodies facing the past and with their ancestors facing them” (p. 3). 

Collaborator narratives within this chapter support this same orientation. The chapter first looked 

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to non-formal spaces for learning and found ways that Palauan Knowledge is being passed on to 

the next generation. A Palauan chant captures this: “We are in transition, we are transiting this 

earth and we do not own what is here, the land, the trees, and the forest. We need to ensure its 

continuity.” The chant speaks to our temporary status on earth and directs us to focus beyond our 

own lives to make sure land and therefore Palauan Knowledge continues to exist. Palauan chants 

are filled with the knowledge from the past that hold true lessons for the present. While there is 

grounding in the past, the chapter asserts that Palauan Knowledge is not static, but that it is 

constantly modifying and changing.  

Palau Community College is a formal place of learning that was not created by Palauans. 

The institution has transitioned with Palauan leadership as Palau also achieved independence 

from the United States. It should then, not come as a surprise that collaborators first addressed 

continuity that is happening outside of Palau Community College. Continuity is supported by 

Palauan community-oriented leadership, learning by doing, and learning from elders. The 

chapter then focuses on what is next, drawing ideas from additional efforts to incorporate 

Palauan Knowledge at Palau Community College. The conversation includes recommendation 

and ideas of including Indigenous Knowledge through policy and changes involving Palauan 

Studies program, co-curricular opportunities such as internships, (men’s club and partnership 

with Belau National Museum) and potential community engagement opportunities through the 

Cooperative Research and Extension office. In the end, I think that Elicita’s words to encourage 

Palauans to continue on this journey provides a good closing to the chapter: “And nothing is 

perfect but at least there is a consistency of continuity of what is important so that we can go on 

to call ourselves Palauan.” 

 

 

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CHAPTER 9: CONNECTIONS (CONCLUSION) 

Figure 9. Rooted in Palauan Knowledge 

 

In the last chapter of this dissertation I wanted to focus on connections. Before I wrote 

this chapter, I drew a picture to reflect and guide me through its completion. In it, I linked the 

key aspects discussed throughout the dissertation. I begin by elaborating on the overall meaning 

of the drawing by discussing the various images within it. Next, I return to the footprints of the 

scholars whose review of literature informed this study. The section will also include a 

discussion about the collaborators and then another about Settler, Palauan and Other Indigenous 

Knowledges. I end with reflections on my relationship with Palauan Knowledge. 

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Drawing My Conclusions 

Reflecting over the story of this dissertation and all the stories within it led me to think 

about being rooted. The drawing is inspired from those who have imparted, instilled, and 

demonstrated Palauan Knowledge to me. I am rooted in a legacy of women in the mesei, men 

who know the sea, and lineage stories. Some of which I had before the study and others came 

while working on this dissertation. And so, the words, the stories, the knowledge that is shared 

are in connection to my family, mother, mamang, grandpa, uncles, aunts, cousins, and ancestors 

as well as all of my mother’s friends who also shared their knowledge with me. This dissertation 

is rooted in the knowledge shared by collaborators: Dalton, Elicita, Grace, Hermana, Julita, Mat, 

Patrick, Sholeh and Thomas, whose knowledge is connected to others: their ancestors, elders, 

family, and friends. I was not an objective researcher gathering data to write my thoughts, I was 

someone who listened and learned, and I was guided and inspired by the collaborators because 

their words connected to our shared identity as Palauans.  

The Palauan proverb “A mesei a delal a telid” (The taro patch is mother of our life), 

entails that taro is at the origin of Palau, that it is the root. Taro also represents growth. It is the 

“staple root plant” for Palau and its embedded in Palauan identity, customs, and practices. Taro 

is in the middle of the drawing just as this dissertation asserts that Palauan Knowledge is 

centered. The images within the drawing emerge from my reflections about the data chapters. 

Within the drawing are roots connecting to the words - respect, responsibility and collectivity 

discussed in chapters 6-8. These are Palauan values at the foundation of Palauan Knowledge, and 

they appear in the Indigenous places of learning where they are taught, observed and enacted. 

These places represented in the drawing are the bai (meeting house), mesei (taro patch), and 

daob (ocean). The dugong, turtle, fish, shark, and stingray are fundamental animals included in 

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the sketch of the ocean. Connecting these places are ancient stone paths that I walk each and 

every time I am at home in Palau. Walking on these stones, I am stepping with and alongside the 

footprints of those who came before me, who carried these stones to create miles of connective 

passageways within and around our village. The cosmos, displayed by the moon and the sun, 

embody knowledge of the tides, migration, weather, fishing, and wayfaring.  

Figure 10. Palauan Stone Paths, Ngaraard, Babeldaob. 

The next part of the story stemming from the roots reflects the continuity of Palauan 

Knowledge. On the right side of the drawing, “terroi el beluu” is the symbol for continuity that is 

traditionally painted on the bai. I adapted this symbol (see description in Chapter 8) by adding 

the words – past, present and future. In order for Palauan Knowledge to continue, it requires a 

focus throughout Palau: facing and rooted in the past, communicated and exhibited in the 

present, and doing all of this so that Palauan Knowledge continues to exist (future). The words 

around the figure connect to “terroi el beluu” and appear in the titles of the chapters 6-8: 

remember, honor, and continuity. On the other side of the drawing is an acknowledgement of the 

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influence of settler knowledges. Palauan Knowledge has persisted despite the impacts of 

colonization where new knowledge from other countries (i.e. Japan, U.S.) endeavored to 

marginalize and invalidate Palauan Knowledge. The flags represent both the colonial footprints 

that continue to impact Palauan Knowledge such as Japanese and English words mixed within 

Palauan language, K-12 and post-secondary schools, and the democratic government. The stalks 

of the taro plant capture the present-day places of learning for Palauan Knowledge. This does not 

represent all of the places but some that were discussed within this dissertation. The places 

written on the stalks include Palau Community College, mesei, bai, and the ocean. Referring 

back to my assertion that the continuity of Palauan Knowledge needs to be a “focus throughout 

Palau” the stalks then include both formal (PCC) and Indigenous places of learning.  

Connecting back to Indigenous Scholars 

My research study connected with footsteps from previous research by scholars as well as 

illuminated stories that step into new understandings for Indigenous Knowledge. The path taken 

was guided by the following research questions: How is Indigenous Knowledge incorporated 

within Palau Community College and secondly, how do stories from Indigenous teachers and 

Indigenous learning environments inform PCC? Indigenous Knowledge was at the center of the 

discussions within the review of literature. This section will first review what was gleaned for 

each of the research questions 

Guiding Questions  

While I knew from my pilot study that I would find Palauan Knowledge in the Palauan 

Studies Program, I only had a surface level understanding of the program and that left me with so 

much more to uncover. Elicita, the coordinator of the Palauan Studies Program, defined the 

approach in developing Palauan Studies as “academia and action.” It is the embodiment of 

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Palauan Knowledge displayed in the lives of Elicita, and the elders, Hermana, Mat, and Julita 

that modeled “action” within courses. Their stories of action, revealed in Chapter 6, came before 

they even worked or lectured within Palau Community College. They shared these stories with 

students and thereby modeled Palauan Knowledge in action. Elicita’s story to students 

demonstrated action through mesei activism where Indigenous places of learning, taro patches 

were used to educate women and garner support for a vote to protect Palau from foreign nuclear 

interests. Language revitalization was a collective effort by Mat and Hermana (and others) to 

standardize Palauan language, so it could be centered across the many miles of islands impacted 

by previous English and Japanese language mandates. Students were able to discuss the many 

benefits and challenges to this standardization. Julita shared genealogy stories from her 

involvement in community-based projects to gather countless narratives from elders that even 

uncovered some unknown familial relationships to Julita. These stories are Palauan Knowledge 

and in Chapter 7, these narratives are then shared with and integrated in assignments for students 

to learn from, to enact in their own lives and to pass on (oral tradition).  

The Palauan Studies Program falls within Indigenous/Aboriginal centers and programs 

that scholars encourage institutions to look beyond as they are often overtaxed and 

overemphasized in the recognition of the indigeneity of an institution (Erwin & Muzzin, 2015; 

Windchief & Joseph, 2015). Still other ways that Palauan Knowledge is incorporated in the 

college came through developing relationships amongst the collaborators and with the college. 

Chapter 5 helped to provide context of the college’s colonial legacy with Japanese and American 

physical and intellectual infrastructure. The colonial footprints in Chapter 5 were then juxtaposed 

against the representations of Palauan Knowledge in Chapters 6 and 7. Collaborators discussed 

renaming buildings to Palauan terms for trees and fish, an act of reclaiming land. Patrick, the 

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community college president, utilized storytelling to challenge U.S. accreditation colleagues to 

see their global responsibility in stewarding land as well as employed a map with Palau at the 

center to disrupt U.S. notions of supremacy with visiting faculty to PCC. Generations of 

knowledge about the cultivation of taro was researched and documented by Thomas and 

colleagues in the Cooperative Research and Extension office. The answer to the first research 

question then is that Palauan Knowledge is being honored within the college through the actions 

of Palauans who have an understanding of the knowledge that has been passed down and are able 

to apply that knowledge appropriately through instruction and knowledge production within the 

college.  

The second research question explores how Indigenous teachers and places of learning 

inform PCC. In Chapter 6, a discussion of separation from Palauan Knowledge experienced by 

collaborators provides a short description of the roles of Palauan elders and Palauan places of 

learning (taro, women’s and men’s club, etc.). Their mention in this chapter was to provide 

background so that a better connection could be made for what was being lost as a result of 

Japanese and later American schools and instructors. I insist that this background helps to 

understand the complicated nature of reconciling Palauan Knowledge to the settler institutions 

that remain. This last comment leads into the topic of the continuity of Palauan Knowledge 

within Palau Community College that is taken up in Chapter 8.  

What I learned from my conversation is that to talk about what else could be done at 

Palau Community College required a broader conversation of Palau and specifically within 

Indigenous places of learning. From Chapter 5, we learn that all of the collaborators have at least 

one parent from the island of Babeldaob. This island is also discussed by Dalton and Patrick as a 

place where people still live traditionally. It is the largest of all the islands in Palau that include a 

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wide variety of untouched terrain that in the past drew the interest of the U.S. military for war 

exercises. Babeldaob is home to one of the research sites for the Cooperative Research & 

Extension office (Ngaremlengui state) and it is also the site of resurgence of knowledge of 

building a bai (Melekeok state) described by Dalton and Patrick. The lesson gained from the 

discussion on Indigenous places of learning and teachers within Babeldaob, points to this island 

as integral for the continuity of Palauan Knowledge. I also recognize that the voices of people 

from Palauan islands far from the urban center of Koror including Kayangel, Sonsorol, and 

Hatohobei were not represented. Future research could focus on Palau Community College 

stakeholders from these islands and/or interviews with community members on these islands.  

Lastly, collaborators emphasized experiential learning and a sustained relationship with land as 

vital in maintaining important practices and skills while also finding ways to innovate and adapt 

to the changing environment.  

Collaborators 

As I look over the collaborator profiles and stories, it is clear that their diverse identities 

and experiences provided a richness of information. Collaborators varied in roles, age, and 

access to Indigenous places of learning. Much of the literature covered institutions in larger 

nation-states and also focused on individual populations of students, faculty, staff, elders and 

administrators or a mixture of these roles (Botha, 2007; Brayboy & Maughan, 2009; Hart et al, 

2012; Minnabarriet, 2012; Pidgeon, 2008; Windchief & Joseph, 2015). What was different with 

my study is that collaborators came from all of the roles listed with an additional role of alumni. 

Furthermore, previous research did not illuminate any collaborators who had multiple roles. 

Dalton is an alum, current student (lifelong learner), and employee of Palau Community College 

and Patrick is an alumnus of Micronesian Occupation Center (previous name of PCC) and the 

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current president of the college. I suggest responsibility is in part why Patrick and Dalton are 

connected to PCC across various roles. Dalton works within the Cooperative Research and 

Extension office and spoke highly about his supervisor Thomas, who he admires as an expert in 

Palauan Knowledge. Dalton wanted to learn more about Palau and enrolled in Palauan Studies 

courses. Patrick, on the other hand, is obligated by lineage, a responsibility of his clan to take 

care of people. This role is done with several projects to build and maintain traditional meeting 

houses (bais). It is not only a responsibility to keep the practice alive but to provide a space for 

young men to learn. Patrick likens his coming into leadership at PCC as aligned with his role as a 

builder. Through his leadership he has incorporated Palauan Knowledge through the renaming 

and painting of colonial buildings to center Palauan terminology and stories.  

Palauan Knowledge reveals more of itself through a deepening relationship over time and 

experience in traditional practices and places. An important consideration for the Palauan context 

in particular were the collaborator’s access to Indigenous places of learning. Dalton and Patrick 

discussed extensively, their experiences in Palauan places of learning, bai and men’s club due to 

leadership and community action to keep Palauan Knowledge alive. Elicita in her full time 

position, spoke about retirement as a time to get back to the land while Sholeh was challenged by 

her work hours and the responsibilities of her kids education and upbringing that has kept her 

from traveling to Babeldaob to spend time with family and land. While not in Indigenous places 

of learning, I would argue that both Sholeh and Elicita are engaging in Palauan Knowledge in 

ways that demonstrate its dynamic nature and supports its continuity. Sholeh is preserving stories 

about traditional villages and Palauan plants in her job at Belau National Museum. Elicita shares 

Palauan history in her classes, invites elders to class to share knowledge and leads the Palauan 

Studies Programs.  

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Settler, Indigenous and Palauan Knowledges 

 

Wright & Balutski (2016) insisted that there exists unique geo-political, colonial, and 

historical characteristics for former U.S. territories in the Pacific. Palau’s colonial history 

involved multiple colonizers (Spain, Germany, Japan, and the United States) and it is important 

to acknowledge these different eras in Palauan history. Chapter 5 and 6 showed the development 

and requirement of schooling for Palauans by Japanese and American administrations. Each 

world power had similar aims: to export their ways of being, knowing and doing. Schooling in 

particular was something that had a cumulative effect on successive Palauan generations, each 

forced to assimilate to two different settler knowledge systems. The end result was a fractured 

family, where the (current) elder generation has lingering colonial impacts from demands to 

assimilate to Japanese language, values and institutions. Their descendants have also experienced 

similar imperialistic efforts but with the English language and American values and institutions. 

Other research studies do not discuss such impacts by multiple colonizers.  

Palau’s unique colonial relationship with the United States reveals that though it is 

predominantly Indigenous with Indigenous leadership, that it still has similar experiences of 

Western notions of superiority. I argue that the American administration has had a long-lasting 

influence. Collaborator’s schooling experience demonstrated that this colonial history discussed 

in Chapter 5 still has lingering impacts that separate Palauans from Palauan Knowledge. While 

under American Administration, Julita, Mat and Hermana experienced Western schools through 

secondary and post-secondary schooling abroad. Though decades later and now under Palauan 

rule, Sholeh and Dalton still discussed American influences through schooling, media and work. 

Their schooling, though in different places, abroad and in Palau, still yielded separation from 

Palauan Knowledge. All in all, even though Palau and the community college are majority 

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Indigenous, U.S. institutions that were developed and subsist, still have a presence. Another 

example is PCC’s funding from different U.S. departments (Agriculture, Education and Interior) 

as well as their accreditation by a U.S. accrediting body. Each relationship (U.S. department and 

accrediting body) comes with guidelines steeped in American values, content and context that 

PCC must conform to in order to receive and maintain funding.  

Despite the previous discussion of the presence of settler knowledge through legacy and 

neocolonial relationships, Palau has been able to center Indigenous Knowledge. In my pilot 

study, I was very interested in the non-Instrumental navigational course at PCC. It was a course 

that was taught by Sesario who is from the neighboring island Yap. The course for me 

complicated what an academic course looks like. I remember Patrick telling me that it was a 

course without books, binders or papers, and while pointing to his head and to his heart, he 

asserted that pedagogical tools would come from an embodiment with land, spirit and cosmos. I 

later learned within this study from Julita that the knowledge from the non-instrumental 

navigational course uncovered Palauan Knowledge of traditional place names for docks. I 

believe that this is a powerful outcome from a collective of Indigenous people coming together 

to share knowledge and maintain Indigenous Knowledge. I reflected on this as mirroring my 

experience through this dissertation journey. I am so fortunate to have many Indigenous scholars 

help me conceptualize and carry out this study. From the Indigenous scholars in the literature to 

talking story with Native Hawaiian, Samoan, Tongan, Maori and Chamorro scholars. I have so 

many stories of being challenged and supported, but I will only tell one now. As I was starting to 

transcribe the interviews with collaborators, I was able to have a conversation with Onondaga, 

Turtle clan scholar Stephanie Waterman about my preliminary notes. I spoke to her about PCC’s 

Cooperative Research and Extension office and how they were focused on solving issues related 

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to food security. Once I finished talking, Dr. Waterman looked at me and softly responded that 

the story I shared with her was not about food security but what the college and the Palauan 

collaborators were doing was better described as food sovereignty. I agreed, sovereignty indeed 

was a better way to showcase the agency of Palauan Knowledge that Thomas and others 

asserted. Educating Palauans about cultivating staple foods is advancing self-sufficiency and 

nutrition as opposed to a dependency on shipping imports of processed foods. It is a return to a 

knowledge of and a relationship with land.   

As Patrick mentioned, the college is the nation’s sole higher education institution and so 

there is immense pressure on it to deliver academic and vocational opportunities for Palau. 

Chapter 6 discusses the differing value systems between settler and Palauan culture experienced 

by collaborators. I would argue that a key takeaway from my study for higher education leaders 

is to seriously consider whose values are being elevated and maintained through institutional 

policies and practices as well as identify whose values are being marginalized. Higher education 

leaders can also look to the depictions of leadership within my study as an example of how to 

elevate and sustain Indigenous Knowledges. Patrick’s stories within this dissertation should 

compel others to listen and reach towards reciprocal relationships with community leaders who 

are grounded in Indigenous ways of being, knowing and doing. Even more, Patrick took 

advantage of time spent with colleagues across the world within the higher education community 

to challenge leaders to center the Indigenous Knowledges that the academy has relegated to be 

inferior, invalid and stuck in the past. Patrick shows other leaders how to unearth the colonial 

histories as well as reclaim spaces within the college to remind us all of the Indigenous stories 

and land that many institutions have ignored and have benefited from. 

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Elicita, another leader within Palau Community College asserts that higher education 

should take a stance towards activism within the academy that “re-right[s] and re-write[s]” 

(Smith, 2012) the stories suppressed and marginalized by colonialism and imperialism. Her 

message is reflected in hers and other collaborators’ effort to go beyond words and take action to 

center Palauan values, histories and identity. The same actions are needed to center those stories 

from Indigenous people and lands that institutions around the world are built upon. It is in this 

recognition that we may be able to move towards meaningful efforts to see that Indigenous 

Knowledge has always been present and is necessary in the process of knowledge production.  

Lastly, PCC does not neatly fit within the mold of a community college. It instead, offers 

a vision for how these institutions should embody the essence of “community” within its name. 

What I found through my study were people who worked or attended Palau Community College 

that were also active members in the community – women’s organizations, mesei, bai, Palau 

Conservation Society and men’s club. It is from their relationships in and outside of the college 

that allowed for so many community efforts and collaborations to be shared and taught with 

Palau Community College. At the foundation of the community-oriented mindset was a 

responsibility to uplift Palauan history and values, and this is showcased in many ways 

throughout the college. PCC elevates Indigenous Knowledge by setting aside space, the 

Micronesia-Pacific Collection, within its library, to preserve Palauan and other Indigenous 

Knowledges within Oceania. Also, through the Cooperative Research and Extension office 

education and resources are brought to the community to recognize the value in the traditional 

practices of our ancestors (i.e. land cultivation and fishing). CRE also elevates and preserves 

Indigenous knowledge that continues to be passed on and generated as well as utilized in new 

innovations within Palauan traditional places of learning. 

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In my study, I also found that contributions are not only from the community college 

outward, but that the community is also involved in directing the college. The Palauan Studies 

Program was birthed through the recommendation of a women’s group that wanted Palauan 

Knowledge to be included in all sectors of education within Palau. Community elders are 

instrumental in the teaching of the Palauan Studies courses, sharing their knowledge through 

guest lectures. Community members from community-based organizations and Palauan state 

offices joined with Palau Community College to put on a summer camp to teach youth Palauan 

stories, traditions and skills. All in all, Palauan Knowledge is held intact through the 

responsibility carried out by Palauans internal and external to the college to hold onto and pass 

on the knowledge of our ancestors. The responsibility is one that stewards that knowledge and 

holds vessels of that knowledge, elders and land, in high esteem in ways that Palauan Knowledge 

will continue to exist for generations to come. 

My Relationship to Palauan Knowledge 

 

I have definitely grown in my knowledge about Palau through the many people 

mentioned earlier in this chapter. The process has also been a collective one as I am encouraged 

that this journey more closely connected my mom, dad, sister and brother to Palauan Knowledge. 

My mamang shared Palauan stories, showed us how to cook Palauan dishes and demonstrated 

how to make a plate out of a fallen sheath from the betelnut tree. I accompanied my aunt to the 

taro patch and another aunt in clearing land to develop a garden. I learned how to weave a basket 

the Yapese way (my uncle is from Yap). After venturing in the ocean at night, my uncle retuned 

with fish enough for our family and still more to be given to others in the village. I observed how 

to make coconut oil and went crab hunting after a full moon. I walked with my aunt far-off into 

the ocean during low tide, learning how to search for, retrieve, and prepare sea urchin for our 

152 

dinner. There is nothing that can emulate the knowledge that is learned from being present in 

Palau and interfacing with the land.  

This dissertation story also included pain and healing. Pain in the stories of violence and 

separation from what my ancestors/family experienced because of imperial pursuits. Palau was 

caught in a war that was not their own. As I read the stories and visited the places where battles 

took place, I was sad to see land littered with rusted tanks, buildings and weapons. It was also 

tough to read the stories of the fear of planes dropping bombs and Palauans (my ancestors) 

running to avoid them (Mita, 2009).  

 

I had many personal challenges that came up during this journey. I made a decision to 

slow down and at times step away from writing the dissertation. I had already been in a journey 

fighting with my mom’s health at the beginning of my doctoral program and then as I travelled 

to Palau to carry out this study, I was doing so after we received news my mom would be 

fighting cancer a second time. Traveling to Palau for my dissertation study would be the last time 

my mom was in Palau as she would pass away later that year. Writing a dissertation that has my 

mom’s footprints all over it has been met with moments of laughter, tears, pain and healing. My 

mom has come to me in visions and dreams to help me connect and process the narratives 

surrounding this dissertation. There is so much more that I can say about my mom, but I will 

leave that to stories for my son, and for my nieces and nephew.  

There is one possibility that stood out to me when I reflected on the stories from 

collaborators and it was about Palauan language. This is a topic that is important to me because I 

am not fluent in Palauan. Before I started this dissertation, my goal was to learn how to speak 

Palauan well. I received grammar books from my aunt and then purchased a dictionary and a 

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conversational Palauan book. My mom also helped as well. With work and school, it was more 

difficult to stay committed to my goal.  

Mat discussed the process for standardization as a way to create a unified way to spell 

and pronounce Palauan words. When he said this, I thought about one of my many summer visits 

in Palau. I remember my cousin telling me that my mom spoke Palauan differently. At the time I 

thought it might be a result of living in the United States, away from Palau, and this still may 

hold some truth. However, my dream connected the conversation I had with my cousin and my 

conversation with Mat about standardizing Palauan language. Standardization happened well 

after my mother graduated from high school and it was implemented when my cousins attended 

elementary school. So, my mom learned Palauan at a time when as the collaborators said you 

spelled Palauan how you speak it and pronounced it within the dialect of the area you lived. At 

this time there also was no road that connected all of the states so there was less interaction 

between people across Palau. Kovach (2005) described Indigenous languages as fluid, non-linear 

and relation as opposed to has rigid rules of standardization.  

The Palau Language Commission has office space in Palau Community College and this 

provides an opportunity for a connection to be made between Palauan Studies and the 

commission. After talking with Mat, there is so much that can be taught within Palauan history 

and language based on the regional differences in the Palauan language as well as the (non-

official) languages of Tobi and Sonsorolese, from the farthest southwest islands of Palau. I also 

suggest picking up from the original standardization process to assert multiple standards of the 

Palauan language that will recognize the distinctive pronunciations, spelling and words.  

As I look back on this journey, I must highlight the strength of Palauan women that 

served as motivation for me to start, persist and finish this dissertation story. While women’s 

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club was not explicitly discussed in narratives by women collaborators, the spirit of women’s 

clubs are all over this dissertation. One such example is the narrative of resistance shared by 

Elicita where women worked together to assert their right for self-determination in the 

stewardship of land, a long-held responsibility of Palauan women. I was so deeply honored to 

speak with Elicita, one of the women involved what I call mesei activism. Julita shared so many 

stories to protect Palauan Knowledge from co-founding Palau Conservation Society to 

participating in and co-authoring a chapter about taro. Much of my drawing (see Appendix J) is 

from her stories about taro. She repeated to me several times during the interview that she felt so 

strongly about taro because of all the lessons that it teaches. She described the information-

sharing amongst women in the village, the cooperative work (mengerakl) to distribute labor 

across a group of women, and the skills necessary to develop and maintain adequate flowing 

water systems as well as adapt to disease and drought. I now have a better appreciation of mesei 

and for my grandmother who worked tirelessly into your 70s within our family’s taro patch. My 

mamang and my mother were at the beginning of this journey, connecting me to family members 

at Palau Community College to initiate my study. Both my mother and grandmother poured story 

after story into my sister and I along this dissertation journey. Their guidance and the women 

within this dissertation study have served as my own women’s club.  

I know that whatever is next I am indefinitely to be rooted in the past, in the values of 

Palau, and in a connection to land. This research is in the past. I leave it for others to see the 

footprints within this story and take steps towards the new paths that research within Palau and 

with Palauan Knowledge may lead. My journey with Palauan Knowledge is going to take a 

different path. I was at my parents’ home, the month that marked a year from my mother’s 

passing. I was fortunate to spend time there to heal and to work on my dissertation. As I packed 

155 

to leave, my sister gave me some left-over sunflower seeds that were my mom’s. She wanted my 

brother and I to plant it in our home. As I think of closing this dissertation, I see this as a 

reminder for me to get back to the land wherever I am because that is Palauan Knowledge. 

Planting these seeds is to honor of our mother and the knowledge she has passed on to us about 

cultivating land. I have been connected to a computer, paper, notebooks, pens long enough and 

look forward to getting back to the ocean, lake, or river.  

 

 

156 

 
 

 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 

APPENDICES 

 

 

157 

 

Belau 

Bai 
Compact of Free 
Association 
(CoFA) 
 

Freely Associated 
States 
 

Indigenous 

APPENDIX A: 

Glossary of Terms 

The indigenous name of the Republic of Palau. Palau is most commonly 
used, however the letter “P” does not appear in its alphabet. For this 
study Palau and Belau will be used interchangeably. 
Palauan word for traditional meeting house.  
An agreement between the U.S. and Palau that provides Palauan citizens 
with legal provisions such as the ability to immigrate freely to, take 
residence, accept employment in and attend school in the United States. 
The agreement also provides millions of dollars for Palau’s 
infrastructure, alternative energy, health care, education, etc. The monies 
are in exchange for full authority by the U.S. over security and defense 
matters. The acceptance of aid generally means that U.S. occupation 
continues to exist as the U.S. maintains military control over native lands 
and seas. (Wright & Baluski, 2013). 
Collectively, the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), the Republic of 
the Marshall Islands (RMI) and the Republic of Palau (ROP) are 
sometimes referred to as “Freely Associated States, due to their 
respective Compacts of Free Association with the United States (USCIS, 
2017). 
The following is articulated by Tongan scholar, Konai Helu Thaman 
(2003):  

“Although  the  United  Nations  definition  of  “indigenous”  clearly 
leaves out most of the indigenous peoples of Oceania (because most 
are  not  minorities  in  their  own  lands),  I  do  include  them  in  my 
consideration  of  “indigenous”  for  two  reasons.  First,  with  the 
exception  of  the  ‘Atenisi  Institute  in  Tonga,  formal  educational 
institutions, particularly those of higher education, have not regarded 
Oceanic cultural knowledge, skills, and values as worthy of inclusion 
in  academic  study.  Second,  the  expansion  of  the  global  market 
economy  is  actually  destroying  rather  than  promoting  Oceanic 
economic and social development.”  

Mechas 
Mesei 
Rubak 

Palauan word for elder female  
Palauan word for taro patch.  
Palauan word for elder male 

 

 

158 

 

APPENDIX B: 

Participant Solicitation 

Greetings, 
My name is Joy Hannibal and I am graduate student in the Higher Adult Lifelong Education 
(HALE) program. I am reaching out to invite you to participate in a research study to understand 
how Indigenous Knowledge is incorporated within Palau Community College. Your 
participation in this study will help me to better understand how Indigenous knowledge (Palauan 
knowledge) is integrated within various aspects of the college including curriculum, policy, and 
practice. The research will also seek for ideas and approaches for further opportunities to 
incorporate Indigenous knowledge in the institution.  
Participation will include one individual interview. Interviews will be in person and will 
accommodate your schedule. My goal is to conduct interviews between March 12-22, 2018. If 
you are willing to participate, please send me an email at hanniba2@msu.edu with all of the days 
and times that you are available for a one-hour interview as well as the location you would like 
to meet (Palau Community College or other space you determine).  
 
I appreciate your willingness to consider participating in this research study. Please do not 
hesitate to contact me with any questions.  
 
I look forward to meeting with you in person. 
 
Sincerely, 
Joy Hannibal 
Doctoral Candidate 
Department of Educational Administration 
Higher Adult, and Lifelong Education 
Michigan State University 
 

 

 

 

159 

 

APPENDIX C: 

Participant Consent Form for Study 

Dear Participant: 
This research study is intended to explore Indigenous knowledge generally in Palau and 
specifically within Palau Community College. Your participation in this study will help me to 
deepen our understanding on how Indigenous Knowledge lives in practice in Palau Community 
College. The information will help to center Indigenous/Palauan knowledge as integral to Palau 
as well as to the world as a legitimate source of knowledge. I hope that through this research 
there also might be conversations regarding additional or expanded efforts to integrate 
Indigenous knowledge within Palau Community College.  
This serves as an invitation to participate in an interview lasting around 60-minutes. Before the 
interview I am requesting participants to complete a Participant Information Sheet where you 
will provide general background information. During the interview there are some questions to 
start the storytelling and subsequent questions may be asked based on how the story unfolds. The 
subsequent review of the story, field notes, and archival data (interview data) will be done by Joy 
Hannibal under the supervision of Dr. Riyad Shahjahan.  Those who agree to participate will be 
assigned pseudonyms and all identifying information will be removed from transcripts before 
analysis. In appreciation for your time, you will receive a $25 card at the conclusion of the 
interview.  
You may decide not to participate at all as your participation is completely voluntary. However, 
if you are under the age of 18, you cannot participate in this study. There are no foreseeable 
risks associated with participation in this study. Additionally you may leave at any time, without 
consequence.  You may decide not to participate at all or not answer some or all of the questions. 
The interview will be audio/video recorded. If you do not want your voice recorded, you may 
choose to have me take notes without recording and/or I can listen to your story and record my 
notes after we are finished. If you agree that I may record (written, voice, and/or video recorded), 
you can request that I turn off the recorder at any time.  
I agree to allow audiotaping/videotaping of the interview. 

 Yes 

 

 No  

Initials____________ 

The recording will be stored in a secure location until three years after the study is completed. 
After this date the recording will be erased. Additionally, the information sheet requesting you to 
fill in your name, email, pseudonym and answer some supplementary questions will be 
maintained by the researchers in a secure location, until three years after the end of the study 
when it will be destroyed. The information sheet will be kept in a separate location than the voice 
recording. Your identity will remain confidential and I will use a pseudonym of your choice 
during transcription, analysis, and reporting. Due to the fact that these are in-person interviews, I 

160 

am unable to provide anonymity to participants. However, your confidentiality will be protected 
to the maximum extent allowable by law.  
It is possible that you may not feel comfortable with some discussion topics. You have the right 
to say no to participate in the research. You can stop at any time after it has already started. 
There will be no consequences if you stop and you will not be criticized.  You will not lose any 
benefits that you normally receive. 
 
Please indicate on the information form if you would like a copy of the findings of this study. If 
you have questions, concerns, or complaints, or think the research has hurt you, you may contact 
the researcher: Joy Hannibal, hanniba2@msu.edu, or my faculty sponsor, Dr. Riyad Shahjahan, 
Professor in Teacher Education, 428 Erickson Hall, Michigan State University, by phone: 011-1- 
517-355-4539, or email: shahjaha@msu.edu. 
This research has been reviewed and approved by an Institutional Review Board. If you have 
questions or concerns about your role and rights as a research participant, would like to obtain 
information or offer input, or would like to register a complaint about this study, You may talk 
the Michigan State University's Human Research Protection Program at 011-1-517-355-2180, 
Fax 011-1-517-432-4503, or e-mail irb@ora.msu.edu or regular mail at: Human Research 
Protection Program, Michigan States University, 4000 Collins Rd, Suite 136, Lansing, MI 
48910, East Lansing, MI 48824. 
 

Your signature documents your permission to take part in this research. 
 
 

Signature of subject 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
 

Printed name of subject 

Signature of witness to consent process 

Printed name of person witnessing consent process 

 

 

 

 

 

 

161 

Date 

Date 

 

APPENDIX D: 

Participant Information Sheet 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
 

Instructions: Please provide a response for each of the following questions. All information on 
this form are considered confidential, and the form itself will be stored in a secure location. 
Participant Name: 
 
 
 
    Phone:______________________________________________ 
Email:  
Date of Birth: _____________________    Birth Location: ____________________________    
Gender ______________     Title:_________________________________________________ 
What state/hamlet are you from: 
     Mother:__________________________                  Father: __________________________ 
Affiliation to Palau Community College (Circle all that apply) 
Faculty       Staff       Student      Alumni     Public official    No affiliation    Other:__________ 

 

_____No 

 
Would you like a copy of the research findings?   Yes 
 
Select a name that will be used in the research so that you cannot be identified by readers 
(Pseudonym): 
 
 
 
Comments:  
_____________________________________________________________________________________

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

_____________________________________________________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________________________ 

 

 

162 

 

APPENDIX F: 

Interview Protocol 

RESEARCH QUESTIONS 
How is Indigenous Knowledge incorporated within Palau Community College (PCC)?  

a.  How do stories from Indigenous teachers and Indigenous learning environments 

inform PCC?  

b.  What are future opportunities to include Indigenous knowledge within Palau 

Community College? Note: This question is a new question discussed in proposal 
defense.  

 
INTRODUCTION:  
Thank you for participating in this study. Our interview conversation will be video/audio 
recorded today. If you do not wish to be video or audio recorded then I will continue the 
interview without any recording. My faculty sponsor and I will be the only people with the 
information from this interview, but if you become uncomfortable and want to end the interview 
at any time please inform me immediately and we will end the interview. Also you may choose 
not to answer particular questions and I will move on to the next question. Please review and 
sign the consent form if you give me permission to record and/or interview you. Please also fill 
out the participant information sheet. The information sheet and the recording will be kept in 
separate and secure locations.  
 
You have been invited to talk with me today because of your experience or involvement with 
Palau Community College and or Indigenous/Palauan Knowledge. The interview is scheduled to 
last no longer than an hour, though if time permits and you are willing we can talk more than one 
hour. I have some questions that can initiate conversation, but I am also open to you telling 
stories. Again you may choose not to answer a question as well as choose to end the interview at 
any time.   
 
QUESTIONS 
(The questions are not in any particular order. Questions will depend on the relationship of the 
researcher to the source of the stories (Elder?) as well as if the storyteller initiates conversation)  

•  What do you consider as Indigenous Palauan knowledge?  
•  What are personal stories and memories that you can share regarding your experiences 

with Indigenous/Palauan knowledge in and outside of Palau Community College? 

•  What are additional opportunities for Palau Community to incorporate 

Indigenous/Palauan Knowledge?  

•  What are some challenges with integrating Indigenous knowledge in Palau community 

•  Would you like to make any closing comments? 
•  Are there topics that you believe are important for me to know that we have not yet 

college?  

discussed? 

 

163 

APPENDIX G: 

 

Palau Community College Programs 

Table 1. Palau Community College Certificate Programs 

 
Table 2. Palau Community College Accredited Degree Programs  

School 

School of Arts & 

Sciences 

School of 
Technical 
Education 

School 

School of Arts & 

Sciences 

School of 
Business 

School of 
Technical 
Education 

Certificate Programs 
General Agriculture 

Horticulture 

Law Enforcement 

Automotive Air Conditioning 
Automotive Engine Serving 

Automotive Under Chassis Serving 

Carpentry 

Commercial/Industrial Wiring 

Motor/Motor Control 

Consumer Electronics Technology 

Industrial Control Technology 

Accredited Degree Programs 

Agricultural Science 

Community & Public Health 

Criminal Justice 

Education 

Environmental/Marine Science 

Liberal Arts Program 

Library and Information Services 

Nursing 

Palauan Studies 

Business Accounting 

Business Administration 
Information Technology 
Office Administration 
School of Business 

Tourism and Hospitality Program 
Air Conditioning and Refrigeration 
Automotive Mechanics Technology 

Construction Technology 
Electrical Technology 

General Electronics Technology 

Science, Technology, Engineering, Mathematics (STEM) Disciplines 

Small Engine and Outboard Marine Technology 

164 

APPENDIX H: 

List of University Transfer Articulation Agreements 

 

UNITED STATES  

1.  Brigham Young University-Hawaii 

2.  Chaminade University of Honolulu 

3.  Eastern Oregon University 

4.  Grand Valley State University 

5.  Hawaii Pacific University 

6.  National University 

7.  Occidental College 

8.  Pacific Islands University 

9.  San Diego State University 

10. University of Guam 

11. University of Hawaii-Hilo 

12. University of Hawaii-West Oahu 

13. Western Oregon University 

14. Western Governors University 

JAPAN 

15. Japan Aviation Academy 

16. University of the Ryukyus 

17. Waseda University 

 

 

165 

APPENDIX I: 

 

Renaming of Palau Community College Buildings 

Table 3. Palauan Names for Palau Community College Buildings  

Palauan Name 
for Building 

Baderirt 
Belochel 

Biib 

Btaches 
Dadait 
Demul 
Dort 
Esuch 
Ewatel 
Kedam 
Keskas 
Ksid 
Laib 
Meluis 

Miich 

Olik 
Rriu 
Sebus 
Smuuch 

Tan Siu Lin 

Library 
Tekrar 
Tekuu 
Temekai 
Tutau 
Ukall 
Urur 

Translation (Palauan traditional uses/Palauan legends) 

Tree with medicinal uses [medicinal uses] 
Micronesian imperial pigeon 
Palau fruit dove 
Alexandrian laurel tree [wood used for canoes] 
Tropical mangrove 
Dolphin 
Ironwood tree 
Marine fish; bigeye trevally 
Palauan Proper Name 
Great frigate bird 
Marine fish; wahoo 
Flower [often used for decoration] 
Nicobar pigeon 
Broadbill swordfish; blue marlin 
Tropical almond tree [Tibetibekmiich name of legendary girl who 
always wanted to gather tropical almonds and who introduced use of 
fire to her fellow villagers] 
Palau fruit bat 
Mangrove trumpet tree 
Cardinal fish; pale snapper 
Scorpion fish  
Named after a donor [fish that hardly moves in the water;; smuuch a 
rengul (person) calm or placid] 
sail fish; Indopacific sailfish 
yellowfin tuna 
grouper fish Serranidae 
surgeon fish [appears in the morning; ungil e tutau is good morning] 
A tree [good for lumber; An ukal tree won’t become a titimel tree -> a 
child will resemble its father; human nature will not change] 
Mangrove tree 

 

 

166 

APPENDIX J: 

 

Visual Representations of Palauan Knowledge (Buildings) 

Figure 11. Pillar Showing Palauan Symbol   

 
Figure 12. PCC Building Wall Mural of Traditional Palau 

 
Figure 13. PCC Building Mural of Palauan Warriors 

167 

 

Figure 14. Taro Sketch 

APPENDIX K: 

Taro Sketch 

 

 

 

168 

 
‘ 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 

REFERENCES 

 

169 

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